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 Anti-Slavery Opinions

 BEFORE THE YEAR 1800

 READ BEFORE THE CINCINNATI LITERARY CLUB, NOVEMBER 16, 1872

 BY WILLIAM FREDERICK POOLE

 Librarian of the Public Library of Cincinnati

 TO WHICH IS APPENDED A FAC SIMILE REPRINT OF DR. GEORGE BUCHANAN'S ORATION ON THE MORAL AND POLITICAL EVIL OF SLAVERY, DELIVERED AT A PUBLIC MEETING OF THE MARYLAND SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, BALTIMORE, JULY 4, 1791

 CINCINNATI ROBERT CLARKE & CO. 1873

ANTI-SLAVERY OPINIONS

Before 1800. 

I purpose this evening to call the attention of the Club to the stateof anti-slavery opinions in this country just prior to the year 1800. In this examination I shall make use of a very rare pamphlet in thelibrary of General Washington, which seems to have escaped the noticeof writers on this subject; and shall preface my remarks on the maintopic of discussion with a brief description of the Washingtoncollection. 

In the library of the Boston Athenĉum, the visitor sees, as he enters, a somewhat elaborately-constructed book-case, with glass front, filledwith old books. This is the library of George Washington, which cameinto possession of the Athenĉum in 1849. It was purchased that yearfrom the heirs of Judge Bushrod Washington--the favorite nephew towhom the General left all his books and manuscripts--by Mr. HenryStevens, of London, with the intention of placing it in the BritishMuseum. Before the books were shipped, they were bought by Mr. GeorgeLivermore and a few other literary and public-spirited gentlemenof Boston, and presented to the Athenĉum. Mr. Livermore, asdiscretionary executor of the estate of Thomas Dowse, the "literaryleather-dresser" of Cambridge, added to the gift one thousand dollars, for the purpose of printing a description and catalogue of thecollection, which has not yet been done. 

The collection numbers about twelve hundred titles, of which fourhundred and fifty are bound volumes, and seven hundred and fifty arepamphlets and unbound serials. Some books of the original library ofGeneral Washington still remain at Mt. Vernon, and are, or were a fewyears since, shown to visitors, with other curiosities. 

Separated from association with their former illustrious owner, thebound volumes, which are mostly English books, present but fewattractions. Among them are a few treatises on the art of war andmilitary tactics, which evidently were never much read. These wereimported after his unfortunate expedition with Braddock's army, andbefore the revolutionary war. There are books on horse and cattlediseases; on domestic medicine; on farming, and on religioustopics--such works as we might expect to find on the shelves of aintelligent Virginia planter. It is evident that their owner was nostudent or specialist. Many of the books were sent to him as presents, with complimentary inscriptions by the donors. The bindings are all intheir original condition, and generally of the most commondescription. The few exceptions were presentation copies. Col. DavidHumphreys, Washington's aid-de-camp during the revolutionary war, presents his "Miscellaneous Works, " printed in 1790, bound, regardlessof expense, by some Philadelphia binder, in full red morocco, gilt andgoffered edges, and with covers and fly-leaves lined with figuredsatin. As the book was for a very distinguished man, the patrioticbinder has stamped on the covers and back every device he had in hisshop. Nearly all the volumes have the bold autograph of "Go. Washington, " upon their title pages, and the well-known book-plate, with his name, armorial bearings, and motto, _Exitus acta probat_, [1]on the inside of the covers. 

There are persons at the present day who have very positive opinionson the subject of prose fiction, believing that great characters likeJonathan Edwards and George Washington never read such naughty bookswhen they were young. Let us see. Here is the "Adventures of PeregrinePickle; in which are included the Memoirs of a Lady of Quality, " byTobias Smollett, in three volumes. On the title page of the firstvolume is the autograph of George Washington, written in the crampedhand of a boy of fourteen. The work shows more evidence of having beenattentively read, even to the end of the third volume, than any in thelibrary. Here is the "Life and Opinions of John Buncle, " a book whichit is better that boarding-school misses should not read. YetWashington read it, and enjoyed the fun; for it is one of the fewbooks he speaks of in his correspondence as having read and enjoyed. The present generation of readers are not familiar with John Buncle. Of the book and its author, Hazlitt says "John Buncle is the EnglishRabelais. The soul of Francis Rabelais passed into Thomas Amory, theauthor of John Buncle. Both were physicians, and enemies of muchgravity. Their great business was to enjoy life. Rabelais indulges hisspirit of sensuality in wine, in dried neats' tongues, in Bolognasausages, in Botorgas. John Buncle shows the same symptoms ofinordinate satisfaction in bread and butter. While Rabelais roaredwith Friar John and the monks, John Buncle gossiped with the ladies. "

It is the good fortune of the youth of our age that they are servedwith fun in more refined and discreet methods; yet there is amelancholy satisfaction in finding in the life of a great historicalcharacter like Washington, who was the embodiment of dignity andpropriety, that he could, at some period of his existence, unbend andenjoy a book like John Buncle. He becomes, thereby, more human; andthe distance between him and ordinary mortals seems to diminish. 

Thomas Comber's "Discourses on the Common Prayer, " has threeautographs of his father, Augustine Washington, one of his mother, Mary Washington, and one of his own, written when nine years of age. The fly-leaves he had used as a practice book for writing his father'sand mother's names and his own, and for constructing monograms of thefamily names. [2]

The pamphlets in the collection have intrinsically more value than thelarger works. They were nearly all contemporaneous, and were sent toWashington by their authors, with inscriptions upon the title pagesin their authors' handwriting, of the most profound respect andesteem. Some of these pamphlets are now exceedingly rare. In a boundvolume lettered "Tracts on Slavery, " and containing several papers, all of radical anti-slavery tendencies, [3] is the one to which I wishespecially to call your attention. It is so rare that, having shownthis copy for fifteen years to persons especially interested in thissubject, and having made the most diligent inquiry, I have never heardof another, till within a few days since, when I learn from my friend, Mr. George H. Moore, the librarian of the New York Historical Society, that there is a copy in that society's library. Its title is: "AnOration upon the Moral and Political Evil of Slavery. Delivered at aPublic Meeting of the Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition ofSlavery and the Relief of Free Negroes and others unlawfully held inBondage, Baltimore, July 4, 1791. By George Buchanan, M. D. , Member ofthe American Philosophical Society. Baltimore: Printed by PhilipEdwards, M, DCC, XCIII. " Twenty pages, octavo. 

A Fourth-of-July oration in Baltimore, on the moral and politicalevils of slavery, only four years after the adoption of theConstitution, is an incident worthy of historical recognition, and aplace in anti-slavery literature. The following extracts will give anidea of its style and range of thought:

 "God hath created mankind after His own image, and granted them liberty and independence; and if varieties may be found in their structure and color, these are only to be attributed to the nature of their diet and habits, as also to the soil and the climate they may inhabit, and serve as flimsy pretexts for enslaving them. 

 "What, will you not consider that the Africans are men? That they have human souls to be saved? That they are born free and independent? A violation of these prerogatives is an infringement upon the laws of God. 

 "Possessed of Christian sentiments, they fail not to exercise them when opportunity offers. Things pleasing rejoice them, and melancholy circumstances pall their appetites for amusements. They brook no insults, and are equally prone to forgiveness, as to resentments. They have gratitude also, and will even expose their lives to wipe off the obligation of past favors; nor do they want any of the refinements of taste, so much the boast of those who call themselves Christians. 

 "The talent for music, both vocal and instrumental, appears natural to them; neither is their genius for literature to be despised. Many instances are recorded of men of eminence among them. Witness Ignatius Sancho, whose letters are admired by all men of taste. Phillis Wheatley, who distinguished herself as a poetess; the Physician of New Orleans; the Virginia Calculator; Banneker, the Maryland Astronomer, and many others, whom it would be needless to mention. These are sufficient to show, that the Africans whom you despise, whom you inhumanly treat as brutes, and whom you unlawfully subject to slavery, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves. 

 "This you may think a bold assertion; but it is not made without reflection, nor independent of the testimony of many who have taken pains in their education. Because you see few, in comparison to their number, who make any exertion of ability at all, you are ready to enjoy the common opinion that they are an inferior set of beings, and destined to the cruelties and hardships you impose upon them. 

 "But be cautious how long you hold such sentiments; the time may come when you will be obliged to abandon them. Consider the pitiable situation of these most distressed beings, deprived of their liberty and reduced to slavery. Consider also that they toil not for themselves from the rising of the sun to its going down, and you will readily conceive the cause of their inaction. What time or what incitement has a slave to become wise? There is no great art in hilling corn, or in running a furrow; and to do this they know they are doomed, whether they seek into the mysteries of science or remain ignorant as they are. 

 "To deprive a man of his liberty has a tendency to rob his soul of every spring to virtuous actions; and were slaves to become fiends, the wonder could not be great. 'Nothing more assimulates a man to a beast, ' says the learned Montesquieu, 'than being among freemen, himself a slave; for slavery clogs the mind, perverts the moral faculty, and reduces the conduct of man to the standard of brutes. ' What right have you to expect greater things of these poor mortals? You would not blame a brute for committing ravages upon his prey; nor ought you to censure a slave for making attempts to regain his liberty, even at the risk of life itself. 

 "Such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it destroys every human principle, vitiates the mind, instills ideas of unlawful cruelties, and subverts the springs of government. 

 "What a distressing scene is here before us? America, I start at your situation! These direful effects of slavery demand your most serious attention. What! shall a people who flew to arms with the valor of Roman citizens when encroachments were made upon their liberties by the invasion of foreign powers, now basely descend to cherish the seed and propagate the growth of the evil which they boldly sought to eradicate? To the eternal infamy of our country this will be handed down to posterity, written in the blood of African innocence. If your forefathers have been degenerate enough to introduce slavery into your country to contaminate the minds of her citizens, you ought to have the virtue of extirpating it. 

 "In the first struggles for American freedom, in the enthusiastic ardor of attaining liberty and independence, one of the most noble sentiments that ever adorned the human breast was loudly proclaimed in all her councils. Deeply penetrated with the sense of equality, they held it as a fixed principle, 'that all men are by nature, and of right ought to be, free; that they were created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Nevertheless, _when_ the blessings of peace were showered upon them; _when_ they had obtained these rights which they had so boldly contended for, _then_ they became apostates to their principles, and riveted the fetters of slavery upon the unfortunate African. 

 "Deceitful men! Who could have suggested that American patriotism would at this day countenance a conduct so inconsistent; that while America boasts of being a land of freedom, and an asylum for the oppressed of Europe, she should at the same time foster an abominable nursery of slaves to check the shoots of her growing liberty? Deaf to the clamors of criticism, she feels no remorse, and blindly pursues the object of her destruction; she encourages the propagation of vice, and suffers her youth to be reared in the habits of cruelty. Not even the sobs and groans of injured innocence which reek from every state can excite her pity, nor human misery bend her heart to sympathy. Cruel and oppressive she wantonly abuses the rights of man, and willingly sacrifices her liberty upon the altar of slavery. 

 "What an opportunity is here given for triumph among her enemies! Will they not exclaim that, upon this very day, while the Americans celebrate the anniversary of freedom and independence, abject slavery exists in all her states but one? [Note--Massachusetts. ] How degenerately base to merit the rebuke! Fellow countrymen, let the heart of humanity awake and direct your councils. Combine to drive the fiend monster from your territories. 

 "Your laborers are slaves, and they have no incentive to be industrious; they are clothed and victualed, whether lazy or hard-working; and, from the calculations that have been made, one freeman is worth two slaves in the field, which make it in many instances cheaper to have hirelings; for they are incited to industry by hopes of reputation and future employment, and are careful of their apparel and their implements of husbandry, where they must provide them for themselves; whereas the others have little or no temptation to attend to any of these circumstances. 

 "Fellow countrymen, let the hand of persecution be no longer raised against you; act virtuously; 'do unto all men as you would that they should do unto you, ' and exterminate the pest of slavery from the land. "

The orator then goes on to hold up the horrors of an insurrection. Hereminds his hearers that in many parts of the South the number ofslaves exceeds that of the whites. He reminds them that these slavesare naturally born free and have a right to freedom; that they willnot forever sweat under the yoke of slavery. "Heaven, " he says, "willnot overlook such enormities. She is bound to punish impenitentsinners, and her wrath is to be dreaded by all. What, then, if thefire of liberty shall be kindled among them? What if some enthusiastin their cause shall beat to arms and call them to the standard offreedom? Led on by the hopes of freedom and animated by the inspiringvoice of their leaders, they would soon find that 'a day, an hour ofvirtuous liberty was worth a whole eternity of bondage. '

"Hark! methinks I hear the work begun; the blacks have sought forallies and have found them in the wilderness, and have called therusty savages to their assistance, and are preparing to take revengeupon their haughty masters. "

To this threatening passage the orator has appended a note, in whichhe says: "This was thrown out as a conjecture of what possibly mighthappen; and the insurrections of San Domingo tend to prove this dangerto be more considerable than has generally been supposed, andsufficient to alarm the inhabitants of these states. "

The contingency, which he thought might possibly happen, did actuallyoccur thirty-nine years later, when an insurrection broke out, August, 1830, in Southampton county, Virginia, under the lead of Nat Turner, afanatical negro preacher, in which sixty-one white men, women, andchildren were murdered before it was suppressed. 

He recommends immediate emancipation; and if this can not be done, "then, " he says, "let the children be liberated at a certain age, andin less than half a century the plague will be totally rooted out fromamong you; thousands of good citizens will be added to your number, and gratitude will induce them to become your friends. "

This remarkable oration suggests some interesting questions ofhistorical inquiry. How far do these opinions represent the currentsentiments of that time on the subject of slavery? It will be seenthat they are of the most radical type. I am not aware that WendellPhillips or Wm. Lloyd Garrison ever claimed that the negro race wasequal in its capacity for improvement to the white race. While itsrhetoric was more chaste, they certainly never denounced the system inmore vigorous and condemnatory terms. 

Forty-four years later (October 21, 1835), Mr. Garrison was waitedupon, in open day, by a mob of most respectable citizens, whileattending a meeting of the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, draggedthrough the streets of Boston with a rope around his body, and lockedup in jail by the Mayor of that sedate city to protect him from hisassailants. On the 4th of July, 1834, a meeting of the AmericanAnti-Slavery Society was broken up in New York, and the house of LewisTappan was sacked by mob violence. A month later, in the city ofPhiladelphia a mob against anti-slavery and colored men raged forthree days and nights. On the 28th of July, 1836, a committee ofthirteen citizens of Cincinnati, appointed by a public meeting, ofwhom Jacob Burnet, late United States Senator and Judge of the SupremeCourt of Ohio, was chairman, waited upon Mr. James G. Birney and othermembers of the executive committee of the Ohio Anti-Slavery Society, under whose direction the "Philanthropist, " an anti-slaverynewspaper, was printed here, and informed them that unless theydesisted from its publication the meeting would not be responsible forthe consequences. Judge Burnet stated that the mob would consist offive thousand persons, and that two-thirds of the property holders ofthe city would join it. The committee gave Mr. Birney and his friendstill the next day to consider the question, when they decided to makeno terms with the rioters and to abide the consequences. That nightthe office was sacked, and the press of the "Philanthropist" wasthrown into the Ohio river. 

But here was an oration delivered in the city of Baltimore in the year1791, advancing the most extreme opinions, and it created not a rippleon the surface of Southern society. 

That the opinions of the oration did not offend those to whom it wasaddressed, the official action of the Society, which is printed on thethird page, attests. It is as follows:

 "At a special meeting of the 'Maryland Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery and the Relief of Free Negroes and others Unlawfully held in Bondage, ' held at Baltimore, July 4, 1791, unanimously

 "_Resolved_, That the president present the thanks of the Society to Dr. George Buchanan, for the excellent oration by him delivered this day, and, at the same time, request a copy thereof in the name and for the use of the Society. 

 "Signed--Samuel Sterett, President; Alex. McKim, Vice-President; Joseph Townsend, Secretary. "

The oration has this dedication:

 "To the Honorable Thomas Jefferson, Esq. , Secretary of State, whose patriotism since the American Revolution has been uniformly marked by a sincere, steady, and active attachment to the interest of his country, and whose literary abilities have distinguished him amongst the first of statesmen and philosophers--this oration is respectfully inscribed, as an humble testimony of the highest regard and esteem, by the Author. "

The author was evidently a straight Democrat. 

Seven years ago I copied this oration with the intention of reprintingit, with a brief historical introduction, supposing I could readilyfind the few facts I needed. But in this I was disappointed. Who wasDr. George Buchanan? That he was a member of the AmericanPhilosophical Society at Philadelphia was apparent on the title page;but that was all I could learn of him from books or inquiry. I thenwrote to a historical friend in Baltimore to make inquiry for methere, and I received letters from the author's son, McKean Buchanan, senior paymaster in the United Stares navy, since deceased, and fromtwo grandsons, Mr. George B. Coale and Dr. Wm. Edw. Coale, givingfull particulars, which I will condense:

Dr. George Buchanan was born on an estate, five miles from Baltimore, September 19, 1763, and for many years was a practicing physician inBaltimore. He was a son of Andrew Buchanan, who was also born inMaryland, and was General in the Continental troops of Maryland duringthe Revolution, and was one of the Commissioners who located the cityof Baltimore. Dr. George Buchanan studied medicine and took a degreeat Philadelphia. He then went to Europe and studied medicine atEdinburgh, and later at Paris, taking degrees at both places. Returning to Baltimore, he married Letitia, daughter of the Hon. Thomas McKean, an eminent jurist, who was a member of the ContinentalCongress, one of the Signers the Declaration of Independence, and wasGovernor of Pennsylvania from 1799 to 1806. In 1806, Dr. Buchananremoved to Philadelphia, and died the next year of yellow fever, inthe discharge of his official duties as Lazaretto physician. Hiseldest son was Paymaster McKean Buchanan, before mentioned. Hisyoungest son was Franklin Buchanan, captain in the United States navytill he resigned, April 19, 1861, and went into the so-calledConfederate navy. He was, with the rank of Admiral, in command of theiron-clad "Merrimac, " and was wounded in the conflict of that vesselwith the monitor "Ericsson, " at Hampton Roads, March 9, 1862, and waslater captured by Admiral Farragut in Mobile harbor. 

"My brother, " writes one of the grandsons, "told me that the last timehe saw Henry Clay, Mr. Clay took his hand in both of his and said, with great emphasis: 'It is to your grandfather that I owe my presentposition with regard to slavery. It was he who first pointed out to methe curse it entailed on the white man, and the manifold evils itbrings with it. '"

In determining how far the sentiments contained in this oration werethe current opinions of the time, it became necessary for me to knowsomething definite of the "Maryland Society for the Abolition ofSlavery, " of the Virginia, the Pennsylvania, and other societies, which existed at that time. This information I could not obtain fromanti-slavery books, or from the most prominent abolitionists whom Iconsulted. The matter seemed to have been forgotten, and it was thecommon idea that there was nothing worth remembering of theanti-slavery movement before 1830, when Mr. Garrison and his radicalfriends came upon the stage in Boston. For the want of the facts Ineeded, I laid aside the idea of reproducing the tract. The subjectwas brought again to mind by hearing the excellent paper, by Mr. S. E. Wright, our secretary, on the anti-slavery labors of Benjamin Lundy, which he read to this Club, a few months ago. The labors of Mr. Lundybegan in 1816, and ended with his death in 1839. Quite recently Ihave obtained much of the information I needed. 

Among the unknown facts to which I could get no clue at the time Ihave mentioned, were the names of the "Virginia Calculator" and the"Physician of New Orleans, " whom Dr. Buchanan mentions with PhillisWheatley, Ignatius Sancho, and Banneker, the Maryland astronomer, asbeing negroes who were distinguished for their literary andmathematical acquirements. Mr. Phillips had never heard of them, andhe took the trouble to make inquiries among his anti-slavery friends, but without success. 

A year or more after I had abandoned my little project, in lookingover the files of the Columbian Centinal, printed in Boston, for 1790, I found under the date of December 29th, in the column of deaths, thefollowing:

 "DIED--Negro Tom, the famous African calculator, aged 80 years. He was the property of Mrs. Elizabeth Cox, of Alexandria. Tom was a very black man. He was brought to this country at the age of fourteen, and was sold as a slave with many of his unfortunate countrymen. This man was a prodigy. Though he could neither read nor write, he had perfectly acquired the use of enumeration. He could give the number of months, days, weeks, hours, and seconds, for any period of time that a person chose to mention, allowing in his calculations for all the leap years that happened in the time. He would give the number of poles, yards, feet, inches, and barley-corns in a given distance--say, the diameter of the earth's orbit--and in every calculation he would produce the true answer in less time than ninety-nine out of a hundred men would take with their pens. And what was, perhaps, more extraordinary, though interrupted in the progress of his calculations, and engaged in discourse upon any other subject, his operations were not thereby in the least deranged; he would go on where he left off, and could give any and all of the stages through which the calculation had passed. 

 "Thus died Negro Tom, this untaught arithmetician, this untutored scholar. Had his opportunities of improvement been equal to those of thousands of his fellow-men, neither the Royal Society of London, the Academy of Science at Paris, nor even a Newton himself need have been ashamed to acknowledge him a brother in science. "

This obituary was doubtless extracted from a Southern newspaper. Afact once found is easily found again. I have come across the name ofthis unlettered negro prodigy many times since, with the substance ofthe facts already stated. In a letter which Dr. Benj. Rush, ofPhiladelphia, addressed to a gentleman in Manchester, England, he saysthat, hearing of the astonishing powers of Negro Tom, he, in companywith other gentlemen passing through Virginia, sent for him. Agentleman of the company asked Tom how many seconds a man of seventyyears, some odd months, weeks, and days had lived. He told the exactnumber in a minute and a half. The gentleman took a pen, and havingmade the calculation by figures, told the negro that he must bemistaken, as the number was too great. "'Top, massa, " said the negro"you hab left out de leap years. " On including the leap years in thecalculation, the number given by the negro was found to be correct. [4]

That Dr. Buchanan did not mention his name is explained by the factthat he died only six months before; and the audience, who haddoubtless read the obituary notice just recited, or a similar one, knew who was meant. Besides, he was a native African, and had no nameworth having. He was only Negro Tom. In Bishop Grégoire's work, however, he is ennobled by the by the name of Thomas Fuller, and inMr. Needles' Memoir the name of Thomas Tuller. [5]

Why Dr. Buchanan should have omitted to mention the name of "the NewOrleans physician" does not appear, unless it be that he was equallywell known. His name, I have found recently, was James Derham. Dr. Rush, in the American Museum for January, 1789, gave an account of Dr. Derham, who was then a practitioner of medicine at New Orleans, and, at the time the notice was written, was visiting in Philadelphia. Hewas twenty-six years of age, married, member of the Episcopal Church, and having a professional income of three thousand dollars a year. Hewas born in Philadelphia a slave, and was taught to read and write, and occasionally to compound medicines for his master, who was aphysician. On the death of his master he was sold to the surgeon ofthe Sixteenth British regiment, and at the close of the war was soldto Dr. Robert Dove, of New Orleans, who employed him as an assistantin his business. He manifested such capacity, and so won theconfidence and friendship of his master, that he was liberated on easyterms after two or three years' service, and entered into practice forhimself. "I have conversed with him, " says Dr. Rush, "upon most of theacute and epidemic diseases of the country where he lives. I expectedto have suggested some new medicines to him, but he suggested manymore to me. He is very modest and engaging in his manners. He speaksFrench fluently, and has some knowledge of the Spanish. "[6]

It was unfortunate that these incidents had not occurred early enoughto have come to the knowledge of Mr. Jefferson before he wrote his"Notes on Virginia. " These were precisely the kind of facts he was inquest of. He probably would have used them, and have strengthened theopinions he there expressed as to the intellectual capacity of thenegro race. 

His "Notes on Virginia" were written in 1781-2. His condemnation ofslavery in that work is most emphatic. "The whole commerce betweenmaster and slave, " he says, "is a perpetual exercise of the mostboisterous passions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this and learnto imitate it.... The parent storms, the child looks on, catches thelineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smallerslaves, gives loose to his worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, can not but be stamped by itwith odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retainhis manners and morals undepraved by such circumstances. With whatexecration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one-halfthe citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transformsthose into despots and these into enemies--destroys the morals of theone part, and the _amor patriĉ_ of the other?... Can the liberties ofa nation be thought secure when we have removed their only firmbasis--a conviction in the minds of men that these liberties are thegift of God; that they are not to be violated but with His wrath?Indeed, I tremble for my country, when I reflect that God isjust--that His justice can not sleep forever. " Pp. 270-272, ed. Lond. , 1787. 

On the practical question, "What shall be done about it?" Mr. Jefferson's mind wavered; he was in doubt. How can slavery beabolished? He proposed, in Virginia, a law, which was rejected, makingall free who were born after the passage of the act. And here again hehesitated. What will become of these people after they are free? Whatare their capacities? He had never seen an educated negro. He hadheard of Phillis Wheatley and Ignatius Sancho. He did not highlyestimate the poetry of the one, or the sentimental letters of theother. He was willing to admit, however, that a negro could writepoetry and sentimental letters. Beyond this all was in doubt. Heregarded it as highly probable that they could do nothing more. Hesays: "Comparing them by their faculties of memory, reason, andimagination, it appears to me that in memory they are equal to thewhites; in reason much inferior, as I think one could scarcely befound capable of tracing and comprehending the investigations ofEuclid"--p. 232. He doubtingly adds: "The opinion that they areinferior in the faculties of reason and imagination must be hazardedwith great diffidence. To justify a general conclusion requires manyobservations"--p. 238. The opportunity for making these observationshe had never had. 

It so happened that soon after writing this, Banneker, the Marylandnegro astronomer, who had distinguished himself in the very faculty ofmathematical reasoning which Mr. Jefferson had supposed no negropossessed, sent him his Almanac, with a letter. To the letter Mr. Jefferson replied as follows:

 "I thank you sincerely for your letter of the 19th instant, and for the Almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do to see such proofs as you exhibit, that nature has given to our black brethren talents equal to those of other colors of men, and that the appearance of a want of them is owing merely to the degraded condition of their existence, both in Africa and America. I can add with truth, that nobody wishes more ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition, both of their body and mind, to what it ought to be, as fast as the imbecility of their present existence, and other circumstances which can not be neglected, will admit. I have taken the liberty of sending your Almanac to Monsieur de Condorcet, Secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris, and member of the Philanthropic Society, because I consider it a document to which your color had a right for their justification against the doubts which have been entertained of them. I am, with great esteem, sir, your most obedient, humble servant, "THOS. JEFFERSON. "[7]

The next instances of precocious black men which must have come to hisknowledge were, doubtless, Negro Tom, in whom the mathematical facultywas strangely developed, and James Derham, the New Orleans physician. If Mr. Jefferson had rewritten his "Notes, " he would, probably, haveincluded mathematics and medicine among the special subjects whichwere peculiarly adapted to the capacities of the negro mind. 

It was not the question of the natural rights of the negro, theprejudice of color, nor of the ruinous improvidence of the system ofslavery, that controlled the decision in Mr. Jefferson's mind, as tothe methods by which the system should be terminated. On these points, he was as radical as the extremest abolitionist; but he could notsatisfy himself as to the mental capacity of the negro--whether he hadthe full complement of human capabilities, and the qualifications forequality of citizenship with the white man; for he saw thatemancipation, without expatriation, meant nothing else than giving theblack man all the rights of citizenship. The theory that the negro isa decaudalized ape, a progressing chimpanzee, is an invention of thelast forty years, and contemporaneous with the discovery that theBible sanctions slavery. He was, on the whole, inclined to the opinionthat they were an inferior race of beings, and that their residence, in a state of freedom, among white men was incompatible with thehappiness of both. He thought they had better be emancipated, and sentout of the country. He therefore took up with the colonization schemelong before the Colonization Society was founded. He did not feel sureon this point. With his practical mind, he could not see how a halfmillion of slaves could be sent out of the country, even if they werevoluntarily liberated;[8] where they should be sent to, or howunwilling masters could be compelled to liberate their slaves. While, therefore, he did not favor immediate emancipation, he was zealous forno other scheme. 

Bishop Grégoire, of Paris, felt deeply hurt at Mr. Jefferson's lowestimate of the negro's mental capacity, and wrote to him a sharpletter on the subject. Later, the Bishop sent a copy of his own bookon the Literature of Negroes. [9] Acknowledging the receipt of theBishop's book, Mr. Jefferson says:

 "Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than I do, to see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself entertained and expressed on the grade and understanding allotted to them by nature, and to find that, in this respect, they are on a par with ourselves. My doubts were the result of personal observation on the limited sphere of my own State, where the opportunities for the development of their genius were not favorable, and those of exercising it still less so. I expressed them, therefore, with great hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent, it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person and property of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions of nations, and hopeful advances are making toward their re-establishment on an equal footing with other colors of the human family. I pray you, therefore, to accept my thanks for the many instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which can not fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief. " Works, v, p. 429. 

Writing to another person a few months later, he alludes to thisletter and says: "As to Bishop Grégoire, I wrote him a very softanswer. It was impossible for a doubt to be more tenderly orhesitatingly expressed than it was in the Notes on Virginia; andnothing was, or is, further from my intentions than to enlist myselfas a champion of a fixed opinion, where I have only expressed adoubt. " Works, v, p. 476. 

Mr. Jefferson never got beyond his doubt; and Bishop Grégoire resentedhis passive position by omitting Mr. Jefferson's name from a list offourteen Americans, which included Mr. Madison, William Pinkney, Dr. Benj. Rush, Timothy Dwight, Col. Humphreys, and Joel Barlow, to whom, with other philanthropists, he dedicated his book. 

Washington, Madison, Patrick Henry, George Mason, and nearly all thepublic men of Virginia and Maryland of that period were in much thesame state of mind as Jefferson. [10] So was Henry Clay at a laterperiod. 

Mr. Jefferson, in August, 1785, wrote a letter to Dr. Richard Price, of London, author of a treatise on Liberty, in which very advancedopinions were taken on the slavery question. Concerning theprevalence of anti-slavery opinions at that period, he says:"Southward of the Chesapeake your book will find but few readersconcurring with it in sentiment on the subject of slavery. From themouth to the head of the Chesapeake, the bulk of the people willapprove its theory, and it will find a respectable minority, aminority ready to adopt it in practice; which, for weight and worth ofcharacter, preponderates against the greater number who have not thecourage to divest their families of a property which, however, keepstheir consciences unquiet. Northward of the Chesapeake you may find, here and there, an opponent to your doctrine, as you find, here andthere, a robber and murderer, but in no greater number. In that partof America there are but few slaves, and they can easily disincumberthemselves of them; and emancipation is put in such a train that in afew years there will be no slaves northward of Maryland. In Maryland Ido not find such a disposition to begin the redress of this enormityas in Virginia. These [the inhabitants of Virginia] have sucked in theprinciples of liberty, as it were, with their mothers' milk, and it isto these I look with anxiety to turn the fate of this question. Benot, therefore, discouraged. The College of William and Mary inWilliamsburg, since the remodeling of its plan, is the place whereare collected together all the young men of Virginia under preparationfor public life. There they are under the direction (most of them) ofa Mr. George Wythe [Professor of Law from 1779 to 1789], one of themost virtuous of characters, and whose sentiments on the subject ofslavery are unequivocal. I am satisfied if you could resolve toaddress an exhortation to these young men, with all the eloquence ofwhich you are master, that its influence on the future decision ofthis important question would be great, perhaps decisive. "[11] Works, i, p. 377. 

There was great progress in anti-slavery sentiment between 1785 and1791, when Maryland was fully awake, as we see from Dr. Buchanan'sOration. In proof of this progress, it may be stated that, in 1784, Mr. Jefferson drew up an ordinance for the government of the Westernterritories, in which he inserted an article prohibiting slavery inthe territories after the year 1800. On reporting the ordinance to theContinental Congress, the article prohibiting slavery was forthwithstricken out, and the report, as amended, was accepted; but theordinance itself was a dead letter. Three years later, the celebratedOrdinance of 1787, for the organization of the Northwest Territory, embracing what is now the States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, was reported by a committee consisting of EdwardCarrington of Virginia, Nathan Dane of Massachusetts, Richard HenryLee of Virginia, John Kean of South Carolina, and Melanethon Smith ofNew York, acting under the advice of Dr. Mannasseh Cutler, citizen ofMassachusetts, who was then in New York, attending the session ofCongress, for the purpose of buying land for the Ohio Company, whichmade, the next year, the first English settlement in that Territory, at Marietta. The Ordinance provided that "there shall be neitherslavery nor involuntary servitude in the said Territory. " It waspassed without debate, or the offer (except by the committee) of anamendment, by the vote of every state. A few years earlier or later, such a vote would have been impossible. [12] Just before this date, commenced the great Southern awakening on the subject of slavery, ofwhich so little is now known, and of which Dr. Buchanan's Oration isan illustration. 

There never has been a time since 1619, when the first slave ship, aDutch man-of-war, entered James river, in Virginia, when in ourcountry there were not persons protesting against the wickedness andimpolicy of the African slave trade and of the domestic slave system. Slavery was introduced into the American colonies, against the wishesof the settlers, by the avarice of British traders and with theconnivance of the British government. Just previous to the Revolution, the Colony of Massachusetts made several attempts to relieve itselfof the incubus, and the acts of the General Court were smothered orvetoed by three successive Governors, under the plea that they hadsuch instructions from England. In 1772, the Assembly of Virginiapetitioned the throne of England to stop the importation of slaves, using language as follows: "We are encouraged to look up to the throneand implore your Majesty's paternal assistance in averting a calamityof a most alarming nature. The importation of slaves into the coloniesfrom the coast of Africa hath long been considered as a trade of greatinhumanity, and under its present encouragement, we have much reasonto fear will endanger the very existence of your Majesty's dominions. Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we most humbly beseech yourMajesty to remove all restraints on your Majesty's Governors of thiscolony, which inhibit to their assisting to such laws as might checkso very pernicious a commerce. " No notice was taken of the petition bythe crown. This was the principal grievance complained of by Virginiaat the commencement of the revolutionary war. 

The limits allowed me forbid my giving even a sketch of legislativeaction, of the opinions of great men, of the labors of Samuel Sewall, George Keith, Samuel Hopkins, William Burling, Ralph Sandiford, Anthony Benezet, Benjamin Lay, John Woolman, and others, and of theliterature of the subject, from the beginning of the irrepressibleconflict in 1619 down to the period we are considering. [13]

The revolutionary war, and the questions which then arose, turned thethoughts of men, as never before, to the injustice and impolicy ofslavery. At the first general Congress of the colonies, held atPhiladelphia in 1774, Mr. Jefferson presented an exposition of rights, in which he says: "The abolition of slavery is the greatest object ofdesire in these colonies, when it was unhappily introduced in theirinfant state. " Among the "articles of association" adopted by thatCongress, October 20, 1774, was this: "That we will neither import, nor purchase any slave imported, after the first day of December next, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufacturesto those who are concerned in the slave trade. "

The first anti-slavery society, in this or any other country, wasformed April 14, 1775, at the Sun Tavern, on Second street, inPhiladelphia. The original members of this society were mostly, andperhaps all of them, Friends or Quakers. This religious society had, for any years earnestly protested against slavery. As early as 1696the yearly meeting had cautioned its members against encouraging thebringing in of any more negroes. In 1743, and, again in 1755, theannual query was made, whether their members were clear of importingor buying slaves. In 1758, those who disobeyed the advice of theyearly meeting were placed under discipline; and in 1776, those whocontinued to hold slaves over the lawful age, were disowned. [14]

The first anti-slavery society took the name of "The Society for theRelief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage. "[15] The societymet four times in 1775, and on account of the war no meeting occurredagain until February, 1784. I was so fortunate to find among somepamphlets, presented to our Public Library a short time since, anoriginal copy of the "Rules and Regulations" of this society, printedin 1784, which I have here. [16] Regular meetings were held tillApril, 1787, when the constitution was revised and made to include the"Abolition of Slavery" as well as the "Relief of Free Negroes" and Dr. Benjamin Franklin was chosen president, and Benjamin Rush, secretary, both signers of the Declaration of Independence. [17]

The society entered with zeal upon its mission, circulating itsdocuments, and opening a correspondence with eminent men in the UnitedStates and in Europe. [18]

The New York "Society for Promoting the Manumission of Slaves" wasorganized January 25, 1785, and John Jay was the first president. Onbeing appointed Chief Justice of the United States, he resigned, andAlexander Hamilton was appointed to his place. This society circulatedgratuitously Dr. Samuel Hopkins's Dialogue on Slavery, and Address toSlaveholders, and other documents. In 1787, the Society offered agold medal for the best discourse, at the public commencement ofColumbia College, on the injustice and cruelty of the slave-trade, andthe fatal effects of slavery. The London Society was organized July17, 1787; the Paris Society in February, 1788;[19] and the DelawareSociety the same year. [20] The Maryland Society was formed September8, 1789, [21] and the same year the Rhode Island Society was organizedin the house of Dr. Hopkins, at Newport. In 1790, the ConnecticutSociety was formed, of which Dr. Ezra Stiles, President of YaleCollege, and Judge Simeon Baldwin, were the president and secretary. The Virginia Society was formed in 1791; and the New Jersey Society in1792. 

The principal officers of these societies were not fanatics; they weremost eminent men in the land--judges of the courts, members of theConstitutional Convention and of the Continental and United StatesCongress. 

It is to be observed that there was no anti-slavery society inMassachusetts, which enjoys the reputation of originating all theradicalism of the land. [22] Slavery had come to an end there, aboutthe year 1780; but when, or how, nobody is able to say definitely. Some even say that it was abolished there in 1776, by the Declarationof Independence declaring that "all men are created equal. " Othersclaim that, substantially the same clause, "all men are born free andequal, " incorporated into the declaration of rights in the StateConstitution of 1780, abolished slavery. There was no action of theState Legislature on the subject, and no proclamation by the governor;yet it was as well settled in 1783, that there was no slavery inMassachusetts, as it is to-day. This came about by a decision of theSupreme Court that there was no slavery in the State, it beingincompatible with the declaration of rights. "How, or by what actparticularly, " says Chief Justice Shaw, "slavery was abolished inMassachusetts, whether by the adoption of the opinion in Somerset'scase as a declaration and modification of the common law, or by theDeclaration of Independence, or by the constitution of 1780, it is notnow very easy to determine; it is rather a matter of curiosity thanutility, it being agreed on all hands that, if not abolished before, it was by the declaration of rights. " 18 Pickering, 209. [23]

Mr. Sumner asserted, in a speech in the Senate, June 28, 1854, that"in all her annals, no person was ever born a slave on the soil ofMassachusetts. " Mr. Palfrey, in his History of New England, [24]says: "In fact, no person was ever born into legal slavery inMassachusetts;" and Prof. Emory Washburn, in his Lecture, January 22, 1869, on "Slavery as it once prevailed in Massachusetts, "[25] says:"Nor does the fact that they were held as slaves, where the questionas to their being such was never raised, militate with the positionalready stated--that no child was ever born into _lawful_ bondage inMassachusetts, from the year 1641 to the present hour. "

These statements, in substance the same, seem like a technicalevasion. Thousands were born into actual slavery--whether it werelegal or not was poor consolation to the slave--lived as slaves, weresold as slaves, and died as slaves in Massachusetts. They never knewthey were freemen. The number of slaves in Massachusetts in 1776 was5, 249, about half of whom were owned in Boston, which had then apopulation of 17, 500. The proportion of slaves to the whole populationof Boston in 1776, was six times as great as the number of coloredpersons in Cincinnati to-day is to the whole population, and ten timesas great as the present proportion of colored persons in Boston. [26]

The same declaration, that "all men are created equally free andindependent, " is found in the constitutions of New Hampshire andVirginia; but it did not in these states receive the sameconstruction as in Massachusetts. In New Hampshire it was construed tomean that all persons _born_ after 1784--the date of the adoption ofthe Constitution--were equally free and independent. In other words, it brought about gradual emancipation. In Virginia, it was simply aglittering generality--it had no legal meaning. [27]

In addition to the State Societies already named, there were severallocal societies in Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. All theabolition societies in the country were in correspondence and actedtogether. At the suggestion of the New York Society, a convention ofdelegates was called for the purpose of deliberating on the means ofattaining their common object, and of uniting in a memorial toCongress. Delegates from ten of these societies, including theVirginia, Maryland, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, and Rhode Island State Societies, and two local societieson the eastern shore of Maryland, met on the first day of January, 1794, at the Select Council Chamber in Philadelphia, [28] and drew up ajoint memorial to Congress, asking for a law making the use of vesselsand men in the slave trade a penal offense. Such a law was passed byCongress without debate. [29] These societies held annual conventionsfor many years. The convention recommended that such meetings ofdelegates be annually convened; that annual or periodical discoursesor orations be delivered in public on slavery and the means of itsabolition, in order that, "by the frequent application of the force ofreason and the persuasive power of eloquence, slaveholders and theirabettors may be awakened to a sense of their injustice, and bestartled with horror at the enormity of their conduct. "

The convention also adopted an address "To the citizens of the UnitedStates, " which was drawn up by Dr. Benjamin Rush. [30]

Similar societies were formed in London and Paris, with whom thesesocieties were in constant correspondence. Pennsylvania passed an actof gradual emancipation in 1780, and Rhode Island and Connecticut in1784. A similar act, making all children born thereafter free, did notpass the Legislature of New York till 1799. In the meantime thesesocieties were pouring in their memorials to State Legislatures andCongress, holding meetings, distributing documents, and rousing publicsentiment to the enormities of the slave system. 

The Connecticut petitioners say: "From a sober conviction of theunrighteousness of slavery, your petitioners have long beheld withgrief our fellow-men doomed to perpetual bondage in a country whichboasts of her freedom. Your petitioners are fully of opinion that calmreflection will at last convince the world that the whole system ofAmerican slavery is unjust in its nature, impolitic in its principles, and in its consequences ruinous to the industry and enterprise of thecitizens of these states. "

The Virginia Society, petitioning Congress, says: "Your memorialists, fully aware that righteousness exalteth a nation, and that slavery isnot only an odious degradation, but an outrageous violation of one ofthe most essential rights of human nature, and utterly repugnant tothe precepts of the gospel, which breathes 'peace on earth and goodwill to men, ' lament that a practice so inconsistent with true policyand the inalienable rights of men should subsist in so enlightened anage, and among a people professing that all mankind are, by nature, equally entitled to freedom. "

The Pennsylvania Society memorialized Congress thus: "The memorialrespectfully showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an association was formed several years since in this state, by anumber of her citizens of various religious denominations, forpromoting the abolition of slavery, and for the relief of thoseunlawfully held in bondage. A just and acute conception of the trueprinciples of liberty, as it spread through the land, producedaccessories to their numbers, many friends to their cause, and alegislative co-operation with their views, which, by the blessing ofDivine Providence, have been successfully directed to the relievingfrom bondage a large number of their fellow-creatures of the Africanrace. They have also the satisfaction to observe that in consequenceof that spirit of philanthropy and genuine liberty, which is generallydiffusing its beneficial influence, similar institutions are formingat home and abroad. 

"That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike objectsof his care and equally designed for the enjoyment of happiness, theChristian religion teaches us to believe, and the political creed ofAmericans fully coincides with the position. 

"Your memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to thedistresses arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable dutyto present the subject to your notice. They have observed with realsatisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested inyou for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of libertyto the people of the United States;' and as they conceive that theseblessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction ofcolor to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in thepleasing expectation that nothing which can be done for the relief ofthe unhappy objects of their care will be either omitted or delayed. "

"From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the portion, andis still the birthright of all men, and influenced by the strong tiesof humanity and the principles of their institution, your memorialistsconceive themselves bound to use all justifiable endeavors to loosenthe bands of slavery, and promote a general enjoyment of the blessingsof freedom. Under these impressions they earnestly entreat yourserious attention to the subject of slavery; that you will be pleasedto countenance the restoration to liberty of those unhappy men, who, alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded into perpetual bondage;and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding freemen, are groaningin servile subjection; that you will devise means for removing thisinconsistency from the character of the American people; and that youwill step to the very verge of the power vested in you fordiscouraging every species of traffic in the persons of ourfellow-men, " Annals of Congress, i, p. 1239. 

This memorial was drawn up and signed by "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _President_, Feb. 3, 1790. " It was the last public act of that eminentman. He died on the 17th day of the April following. It will beobserved that the memorial strikes at slavery itself, on the groundthat the institution is unjust, and a national disgrace. It was sounderstood in Congress, and ruffled the equanimity of therepresentatives of South Carolina and Georgia. Mr. Jackson, ofGeorgia, distinguished himself in the debate by an elaborate defenseof the institution. He was especially annoyed that Dr. Franklin's nameshould be attached to the memorial, "a man, " he said, "who ought tohave known the constitution better. "[31]

Dr. Franklin, though confined to his chamber, and suffering under amost painful disease, could not allow the occasion to pass withoutindulging his humor at the expense of Mr. Jackson. He wrote to theeditor of the _Federal Gazette_, March 23, 1790, as follows: "Reading, last night, in your excellent paper, the speech of Mr. Jackson, inCongress, against their meddling with the affair of slavery, orattempting to mend the condition of the slaves, it put me in mind of asimilar one made about one hundred years since by Sidi MehemetIbrahim, a member of the Divan of Algiers, which may be seen inMartin's Account of his Consulship, anno 1687. It was against grantingthe petition of a sect called _Erika_, or Purists, who prayed for theabolition of piracy and slavery as being unjust. Mr. Jackson does notquote it; perhaps he has not seen it. If, therefore, some of itsreasonings are to be found in his eloquent speech, it may only showthat men's interests and intellects operate, and are operated on, with surprising similarity, in all countries and climates, wheneverthey are under similar circumstances. The African's speech, astranslated, is as follows. " He then goes on to make an ingeniousparody of Mr. Jackson's speech, making this African Mussulman give thesame religious, and other reasons, for not releasing the whiteChristian slaves, whom they had captured by piracy, that Mr. Jacksonhad made for not releasing African slaves. [32] There were inquiries inthe libraries for "Martin's Account of his Consulship, " but it wasnever found. The paper may be read in the second volume of Franklin'sWorks, Sparks' edition, p. 518. None of Dr. Franklin's writings aremore felicitous than this _jeu d' esprit_; and it was written onlytwenty-four days before his death. 

In the midst of this period, when anti-slavery opinions were sogenerally held by leading statesmen, the Constitution of the UnitedStates was formed. It is due to the framers of that instrument tostate that the entire delegations from the Northern and Middle States, and a majority of those from Virginia, Maryland, and Delaware wereinspired to a greater or less extent with these sentiments, and wouldhave supported any practical measures that would, in a reasonabletime, have put an end to slavery. South Carolina and Georgiapositively refused to come into the Union unless the clause, denyingto Congress the power to prohibit the importation of slaves prior to1808, was inserted. The Northern States were not so strenuous inopposition to this clause as Virginia and Maryland. [33] State afterstate was abolishing the institution; anti-slavery opinions werebecoming universal; and it was generally supposed at the North thatslavery would soon die out. The financial and business interests ofthe country were prostrated. Union at any cost must be had. The words_slave_ and _slavery_ were carefully avoided in the draft, and thebest terms possible were made for South Carolina and Georgia. TheConstitution, as finally adopted, suited nobody; and by the narrowestmargins it escaped being rejected in all the States. The vote in theMassachusetts Convention was 187 yeas to 168 nays; and in the VirginiaConvention, 89 yeas to 78 nays. 

From this examination of the subject, we see that the popular idea, that the political anti-slavery agitation was forced upon the South bythe North, and especially by Massachusetts, is not a correct one. Inthe second period of excited controversy, from 1820 to 1830, theSouth again took the lead. In 1827, there were one hundred and thirtyabolition societies in the United States. Of these one hundred and sixwere in the slaveholding States, and only four in New England and NewYork. Of these societies eight were in Virginia, eleven in Maryland, two in Delaware, two in the District of Columbia, eight in Kentucky, twenty-five in Tennessee, with a membership of one thousand, and fiftyin North Carolina, with a membership of three thousand persons. [34]Many of these societies were the result of the personal labors ofBenjamin Lundy. 

The Southampton insurrection of 1830, and indications of insurrectionin North Carolina the same year, swept away these societies and theirvisible results. The fifteen years from 1830 to 1845 were the darkestperiod the American slave ever saw. It was the reign of violence andmob law at the North. This was the second great reaction. The firstcommenced with the invention of the cotton-gin, by Eli Whitney, in1793, and continued till the question of the admission of Missouricame up in 1820. The third reaction was a failure; it commenced in1861, and resulted in the overthrow of the institution. 

In the year 1791, the date that Dr. Buchanan delivered his oration atBaltimore, the College of William and Mary, in Virginia, conferredupon Granville Sharp, the great abolition agitator of England, thedegree of LL. D. Granville Sharp had no other reputation than hisanti-slavery record. This slender straw shows significantly thecurrent of public opinion in Virginia at that time. If Granville Sharphad come over some years later to visit the President and Fellows ofthe College which had conferred upon him so distinguished a honor, itmight have been at the risk of personal liberty, if not of life. 

Colleges are naturally conservative, both from principle and frompolicy. Harvard College has never conferred upon Wm. Lloyd Garrisonthe least of its academic honors. Wendell Phillips, its own alumnus, the most eloquent of its living orators, and having in his veins astrain of the best blood of Boston, has always been snubbed at theliterary and festive gatherings of the College. Southern gentlemen, however, agitators of the divine and biblical origin of slavery, haveever found a welcome on those occasions, for which latter courtesy theCollege should be honored. 

If the visitor who records his name in the register of theMassachusetts Historical Society, will turn to the first leaf, he willfind standing at the head the autograph of Jefferson Davis. Whetherthis position of honor was assigned by intention, or occurredaccidentally, I can not state. But there it is, and if you forget tolook for yourself, it will probably be shown to you by the attendant. 

Mr. Davis, with his family, visited Boston in 1858, and was receivedwith marked attention by all. During this visit he was introduced, andfrequently came to the Athenĉum, where I made his acquaintance. Amongother objects of interest in the institution, I showed himWashington's library and this oration of Dr. Buchanan. Nothing sofixed his attention as this; he read it and expressed himself amazed. He had heard that such sentiments were expressed at the South, but hadnever seen them. 

I am conscious that while I have taxed your patience, I have given butan imperfect presentation of the subject. If this endeavor shall serveto incite members of the Club to investigate the subject forthemselves, my object will have been attained. 

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The questionable morality of Gen. Washington's motto might suggestthat it was not originally adopted by him. The sentiment, that "theend justifies the means, " has been charged, as a reproach, upon theJesuits. It was the motto of the Northamptonshire family from whichGen. Washington descended, and was used by him, probably without athought of its Jesuitical association, or its meaning. 

[2] On one of the fly-leaves, written in a boy's hand, is "MaryWashington and George Washington. " Beneath is this memorandum: "Theabove is in General Washington's handwriting when nine years of age. [Signed, ] G. W. Parke Custis, " who was the grandson of Mrs. Washington, and the last surviver of the family. He was born in 1781, and died at the Arlington House in 1857. 

In the appraisement of General Washington's estate, after his death, this book was valued at twenty-five cents, and the Miscellaneous Worksof Col. Humphreys, at three dollars. The boy's scribbling, in the onecase, and the gorgeous binding in the other, probably determined thesevalues. In the appendix of Mr. Everett's Life of Washington, isprinted the appraisers' inventory of Washington's library. Tracts onSlavery was valued at $1. 00; Life of John Buncle, 2 vols. , $3. 00;Peregrine Pickle, 3 vols. , $1. 50; Humphrey Clinker, 25c. , Jefferson'sNotes on Virginia, $1. 50, Tom Jones, or the History of a Foundling, 3vols. , (third vol. Wanting) $1. 50; Gulliver's Travels, 2 vols. , $1. 50;Pike's Arithmetic, $2. 00. 

[3] The first of these tracts is "A Serious Address to the Rulers ofAmerica, on the Inconsistency of their Conduct respecting Slavery:forming a contest between the encroachments of England on Americanliberty, and American injustice in tolerating slavery. By a Farmer, London, " 1783. 24 pages. 8vo. The author compared, in oppositecolumns, the speeches and resolutions of the members of Congress inbehalf of their own liberty, with their conduct in continuing theslavery of others. I have never seen the name of the author of thistract. It was extensively circulated at the time, and had muchinfluence in forming the anti-slavery sentiment which later existed. Another is "An Essay on the Impolicy of the African Slave Trade. Intwo Parts. By the Rev. T. Clarkson, M. A. To which is added an Orationupon the Necessity of Establishing at Paris a Society for Promotingthe Abolition of the Trade and Slavery of the Negroes. By J. P. Brissot de Warville. Philadelphia: Printed by Francis Bailey, for 'thePennsylvania Society for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery and theRelief of Free Negroes unlawfully held in Bondage. ' 1789. " 155 pp. 8vo. 

[4] These facts may also be found in Steadman's Narrative of anExpedition to Surinam, vol. 2. P. 160; in Bishop Grégoire's "Enquiryinto the Intellectual and Moral Faculties and Literature of Negroes, "p. 153; in Edw. Needles' "Historical Memoir of the PennsylvaniaSociety for Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, " p. 32; and in Brissotde Warville's New Travels in the United States, p. 287, ed. 1792. 

[5] Mr. Needles says: "He was visited by William Hartshorn and SamuelCoates of this city (Philadelphia), and gave correct answers to alltheir questions--such as how many seconds there are in a year and ahalf. In two minutes he answered 47, 304, 000. How many seconds inseventy years, seventeen days, twelve hours. In one minute and a half, 2, 110, 500, 800. He multiplied nine figures by nine, " etc. , etc. 

[6] Accounts of these two black men were prepared by Dr. Rush, for theinformation of the London Society. 

[7] Works, iii, p. 291. 

[8] In a letter to M. De Meusnier, dated January 24, 1786, Mr. Jefferson says: "I conjecture there are six hundred and fifty thousandnegroes in the five southermost states, and not fifty thousand in therest. In most of the latter, effectual measures have been taken fortheir future emancipation. In the former nothing is done toward that. The disposition to emancipate them is strongest in Virginia. Those whodesire it, form, as yet, the minority of the whole state, but it bearsa respectable proportion to the whole, in numbers and weight ofcharacter; and it is constantly recruiting by the addition of nearlythe whole of the young men as fast as they come into public life. Iflatter myself that it will take place there at some period of timenot very distant. In Maryland and North Carolina, a very few aredisposed to emancipate. In South Carolina and Georgia, not thesmallest symptom of it; but, on the contrary, these two states andNorth Carolina continue importations of slaves. These have long beenprohibited in all the other states. " Works, ix, p. 290. 

[9] "De la Littérature des Nègres; ou Recherches aur leurs FacultèsIntellectuelles, leurs Qualités Morales et leur Littérature, Paris, 1808. " 8vo. The work was translated by D. B. Warden, Secretary of theAmerican Legation at Paris, and printed at Brooklyn, New York, in1810. 

[10] Gen. Washington, although a slaveholder, put on record throughouthis voluminous correspondence his detestation of the system ofslavery, as practiced at the South. 

M. Brissot de Warville, in connection with Gen. Lafayette and otherFrench philanthropists, early in the year 1788, formed at Paris thePhilanthropic Society of the Friends of Negroes, to co-operate withthose in America and London, in procuring the abolition of the trafficin, and the slavery of, the blacks. In furtherance of this object, M. Brissot de Warville delivered an oration in Paris, February 17, 1788, which was translated and printed by the Pennsylvania AbolitionSociety, in Philadelphia, the next year. In May of the same year, hearrived in the United States, and wrote the most impartial andinstructive book of travels in America (with the exception of M. DeTocqueville's), that has ever been made by a foreigner, of whichseveral editions in English were printed in London. His principlesbrought him into intimate relations with persons who held anti-slaverysentiments, and his work gives a very interesting epitome of theprevalence of those sentiments at that period. 

He visited General Washington at Mount Vernon, and conversed with himfreely on the subject of slavery. He states that the General had threehundred slaves distributed in log houses in different parts of hisplantation of ten thousand acres. "They were treated, " he said, "withthe greatest humanity; well fed, well clothed, and kept to moderatelabor. They bless God without ceasing for having given them so good amaster. It is a task worthy of a soul so elevated, so pure and sodisinterested, to begin the revolution in Virginia to prepare the wayfor the emancipation of the negroes. This great man declared to methat he rejoiced at what was doing in other States on the subject [ofemancipation--alluding to the recent formation of several statesocieties]; that he sincerely desired the extension of it in his ownState; but he did not dissemble that there were still many obstaclesto be overcome; that it was dangerous to strike too vigorously at aprejudice which had begun to diminish; that time, patience, andinformation would not fail to vanquish it. Almost all the Virginians, he added, believe that the liberty of the blacks can not becomegeneral. This is the reason why they do not wish to form a societywhich may give dangerous ideas to their slaves. There is anotherobstacle--the great plantations of which the state is composed, renderit necessary for men to live so dispersed that frequent meetings of asociety would be difficult. 

"I replied, that the Virginians were in an error; that evidently, sooner or later, the negroes would obtain their liberty everywhere. Itis then for the interests of your countrymen to prepare the way tosuch a revolution, by endeavoring to reconcile the restitution of therights of the blacks, with the interest of the whites. The meansnecessary to be taken to this effect can only be the work of asociety; and it is worthy the saviour of America to put himself at thehead, and to open the door of liberty to 300, 000 unhappy beings of hisown State. He told me that he desired the formation of a society, andthat he would second it; but that he did not think the momentfavorable. Doubtless more elevated views filled his soul. The destinyof America was just ready to be placed a second time in his hands. "Ed. Of 1792, pp. 290, 291. 

"The strongest objection to freeing the negroes lies in the character, the manners, and habits of the Virginians. They seem to enjoy thesweat of slaves. They are fond of hunting; they love the display ofluxury, and disdain the idea of labor. This order of things willchange when slavery shall be no more. " Id. , p. 281. 

Patrick Henry, in the Virginia Constitutional Convention, opposing theadoption of the Federal Constitution, said: "In this State there are236, 000 blacks. May Congress not say that every black man must fight?Did we not see a little of this in the last war? We were not so hardpushed as to make emancipation general; but acts of Assembly passedthat every slave who would go to the army should be free. Anotherthing will contribute to bring this event [emancipation] about. Slavery is detested. We feel its fatal effects; we deplore it with allthe pity of humanity. Have they [Congress] not power to provide forthe general defense and welfare? May they not think that these callfor the abolition of slavery? May they not pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?

"I repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every oneof my fellow-beings were emancipated. As we ought, with gratitude, toadmire that decree of Heaven which has numbered us among the free, weought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men inbondage. But is it practicable, by any human means, to liberate themwithout producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences?"Elliott's Debates, Va. , pp. 590, 591. 

George Mason, in the same convention, speaking against article 1, section 9, of the Constitution, which forbids Congress fromprohibiting the importation of slaves before the year 1808, said: "It[the importation of slaves] was one of the great causes of ourseparation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principalobject of this State, and most of the States of the Union. Theaugmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade isdiabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind: yet, by thisConstitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value aunion of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States intothe Union, unless they agree to the discontinuance of this disgracefultrade, because it brings weakness, and not strength, to the Union. "Elliott's Debates, Va. , p. 452. 

[11] Mr. Jefferson's doubts, and his timidity, as a person ofpolitical aspirations, in treating the subject of slavery in apractical manner, reduced his conduct to the verge of cowardice, ifnot of duplicity. While writing to Dr. Price in this assured tone, andurging him to exhort the young men of the College of William and Mary, on the evils of slavery, he was afraid to have these same students seewhat he had himself written on the same subject, in his "Notes onVirginia. " M. De Chastelleux had written to him, desiring to printsome extracts from the "Notes on Virginia, " in the _Journal dePhysique_. Mr. Jefferson replied, June 7, 1785, only two months beforehe wrote the above letter to Dr. Price, saying: "I am not afraid thatyou should make any extracts you please for the _Journal de Physique_, which come within their plan of publication. The strictures onslavery, and on the constitution of Virginia, are not of that kind andthey are the parts which I do not wish to have made public; at least, till I know whether their publication would do most harm or good. Itis possible that, in my own country, these strictures might produce anirritation which would indispose the people toward the two greatobjects I have in view; that is, the emancipation of their slaves, andthe settlement of their constitution on a firmer and more permanentbasis. If I learn from thence that they will not produce that effect, have printed and reserved just copies enough to be able to give one toevery young man at the College. " Works, i, p. 339. 

Writing from Paris, August 13, 1786, to George Wythe, Mr. Jeffersonsays: "Madison, no doubt, informed you why I sent only a single copyof my 'Notes' to Virginia. Being assured by him that they will not dothe harm I had apprehended; but, on the contrary, may do some good, Ipropose to send thither the copies remaining on hand, which are fewerthan I intended. " Works, ii, p. 6. Mr. Madison's communications to Mr. Jefferson on the subject are in his "Letters and other Writings, " i, pp, 202, 211. M. Brissot de Warville proposed to Mr. Jefferson tobecome a member of the Philanthropic Society of Paris. Mr. Jeffersonreplied, February 12, 1788, as follows: "I am very sensible of thehonor you propose to me, of becoming a member of the society for theabolition of the slave trade. You know that nobody wishes moreardently to see an abolition, not only of the trade, but of thecondition of slavery; and certainly nobody will be more willing toencounter every sacrifice for that object. But the influence andinformation of the friends to this proposition in France, will be farabove the need of my association. I am here as a public servant; andthose whom I serve, having never yet been able to give their voiceagainst the practice, it is decent for me to avoid too publicdemonstration of my wishes to see it abolished. Without serving thecause here, it might render me less able to serve it beyond the water. I trust you will be sensible of the prudence of those motives, therefore, which govern my conduct on this occasion and be assured ofmy wishes for the success of your undertaking. " Works, ii, p. 357. 

Compare this record with Mr. Garrison's, which he put forth in the"Liberator, " in 1831. He had been accused of using plain and harshlanguage. He says: "My country is the world, and my countrymen are allmankind. I will be as harsh as truth, and as uncompromising asjustice. I am in earnest; I will not equivocate; I will not excuse; Iwill not retreat a single inch; and _I will be heard_. "

[12] Mr. Jefferson's indecision in dealing with an institution he somuch abhorred, is seen in the anti-slavery provision of his ordinance. He would allow slavery to get a foot-hold in the western territories, and at the end of sixteen years would prohibit it. By southern votes, this clause was fortunately stricken out. Every northern state votedto retain Mr. Jefferson's fifth article of compact, and its rejection, which was regarded at the time, as a public calamity, was soon seen tobe a piece of good fortune. Timothy Pickering, writing to Rufus King, nearly a year later (March 8, 1785), says: "I should indeed haveobjected to the period proposed (1800) for the exclusion of slavery;for the admission of it for a day, or an hour, ought to have beenforbidden. It will be infinitely easier to prevent the evil at first, than to eradicate it, or check it, at any future time. To suffer thecontinuance of slaves till they can be gradually emancipated, instates already overrun with them, may be pardonable; but to introducethem into a territory where none now exist, can never be forgiven. ForGod's sake, let one more effort be made to prevent so terrible acalamity. "

Mr. King, eight days later, moved, in Congress, to attach an articleof compact to Mr. Jefferson's ordinance, in the place of the onestricken outs in substantially the words that stand in the Ordinanceof 1787: "That there shall be neither slavery nor involuntaryservitude in any of the states described in the resolve of Congress ofApril 23, 178-. " The matter was referred to a committee; but was nevertaken up and acted on. If Mr. King's resolution had passed, it wouldhave excluded slavery from Kentucky, Tennessee, and all the Westernterritories. 

[13] George Keith, a Quaker, about the year 1693, printed a pamphletin which he charged his own religious denomination, "that they shouldset their negroes at liberty, after some reasonable time of service. "Samuel Sewall, Judge of the Superior Court of Massachusetts, in 1700, printed a tract against slavery, entitled, "The Selling of Joseph, aMemorial, " which he gave to each member of the General Court, toclergymen, and to literary gentlemen with whom he was acquainted. Thistract is reprinted in Moore's "Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts, " p. 83. These were the earliest publications on slavery in this country. Dr. Franklin having mentioned Keith's pamphlet, says: "About the year1728 or 1729, I myself printed a book for Ralph Sandyford, another ofyour friends in this city, against keeping negroes in slavery; twoeditions of which he distributed gratis. And about the year 1736, Iprinted another book on the same subject for Benjamin Lay, who alsoprofessed being one of your friends, and he distributed the bookschiefly among them. " Works, x, 403. 

The earliest statute for the suppression of slavery in the coloniesmay be seen in Rhode Island Records, i, 248, under the date of May 19, 1652, which, however, was never enforced. 

The earliest legislative protest against man-stealing, is thefollowing: "The General Court, conceiving themselves bound by thefirst opportunity, to bear witness against the heinous and crying sinof man-stealing, and also to prescribe such timely redress for what ispast, and such a law for the future, as may sufficiently deter allothers belonging to us to have to do in such vile and most odiouscourses, justly abhorred of all good and just men--do order that thenegro interpreter, with others unlawfully take, be, by the firstopportunity, (at the charge of the country for present) sent to hisnative country of Guinea, and a letter with him of the indignation ofthe Court thereabouts, and justice hereof--desiring our honoredGovernor would please to put this order in execution. " November 4, 1646, Massachusetts Records, ii, p. 168. 

[14] Patrick Henry, in a letter dated January 18, 1773, to RobertPleasants, afterwards President of the Virginia Abolition Society, said: "Believe me, I shall honor the Quakers for their noble effortsto abolish slavery. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our religionto show that it is at variance with that law that warrants slavery. Iexhort you to persevere in so worthy a resolution. I believe a timewill come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish thislamentable evil. " Wm. Goodell's Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 70. 

[15] The preamble of the Constitution then adopted was as follows:"Whereas, there are in this and the neighboring states a number ofnegroes and others kept in a state of slavery, who, we apprehend, fromdifferent causes and circumstances, are justly entitled to theirfreedom by the laws and Constitution under which we live, could theirparticular cases be candidly and openly debated, and evidence to thebest advantage for them procured; but as in their situation, they, being tied by the strong cords of oppression, are rendered incapableof asserting their freedom, and many through this inability remainunjustly in bondage through life; it therefore has appeared necessarythat some aid should be extended towards such poor unhappy sufferers, wherever they may be discovered, either in this city or itsneighborhood; and, as loosing the bonds of wickedness, and setting theoppressed free, is evidently a duty incumbent on all professors ofChristianity, but more especially at a time when justice, liberty, andthe laws of the land are the general topics among most ranks andstations of men. Therefore, being desirous, as much as in us lies, tocontribute towards obtaining relief for all such as are kept thusunjustly in thralldom, we have agreed to inspect and take charge ofall the particular cases which may hereafter come to our knowledge;and that our good intentions may operate the more successfully, and beof general utility to such as stand in need of our assistance, wejudge it expedient to form ourselves into a regular society, by thename of "The Society for the Relief of Free Negroes unlawfully held inBondage. " The officers elected were John Baldwin, President; SamuelDavis, Treasurer; Thomas Harrison, Secretary. Six members were alsoappointed a Committee of Inspection, and a number of cases wereforthwith committed to their care. Edw. Needles's Historical Memoir ofthe Pennsylvania Society, p. 15. 

[16] Appended to the Rules and Regulations, is the act of 1780, providing for the gradual abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania. Themembers of the Philadelphia Society were especially active inprocuring the passage of this act. Anthony Benezet held privateinterviews with every member of the government on the subject. The actpassed the assembly by a vote of 34 to 21. The minority entered aprotest against it on several grounds: First, because it would beoffensive to other states, and would weaken the bonds of union withthem; Second, while they approved of the justice and humanity ofmanumitting slaves in time of peace, this was not the proper time;Third, they did not approve of slaves becoming citizens, of theirvoting and being voted for, of intermarrying with white persons, etc. ;Fourth, because the motion to postpone to the next session of theAssembly had been overruled. 

[17] James Pemberton and Jonathan Penrose were chosen Vice-Presidents;James Starr, Treasurer; and Wm. Lewis, John D. Cox, Miers Fisher, andWm. Rawle, Counselors. Thirty-six new members were elected at thismeeting. The preamble of the new organization was as follows: "Ithaving pleased the Creator of the world to make of one flesh all thechildren of men, it becomes them to consult and promote each other'shappiness, as members of the same family, however diversified they maybe by color, situation, religion, or different states of society. Itis more especially the duty of those persons who profess to maintainfor themselves the rights of human nature, and who acknowledge theobligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in their powerto extend the blessings of freedom to every part of the human race;and in a more particular manner to such of their fellow-creatures asare entitled to freedom by the laws and constitutions of any of theUnited States, and who, notwithstanding, are detained in bondage byfraud or violence. From a full conviction of the truth and obligationof these principles; from a desire to diffuse them wherever themiseries and vices of slavery exist, and in humble confidence of thefavor and support of the Father of mankind, the subscribers haveassociated themselves, under the title of 'The Pennsylvania Societyfor promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroesunlawfully held in Bondage, and for improving the condition of theAfrican race. '" Needles's Memoir, p. 30. 

[18] The secretaries were directed to have one thousand copies of theConstitution printed, together with the names of the officers of thesociety, and the acts of the Legislature of Pennsylvania for thegradual abolition of slavery. They were also to prepare letters to besent to each of the Governors of the United States, with a copy of theConstitution and laws, and a copy of Clarkson's essay on "The Commerceand Slavery of the Africans. " They were also directed to write lettersto the Society in New York, to Thomas Clarkson and Dr. Price ofLondon, and to the Abbé Raynall, in France. Needles's Memoir, p. 30. 

Dr. Franklin drew up a "Plan for Improving the Condition of the FreeBlacks. " It embraced: First, a Committee of Inspection, who shallsuperintend the morals, general conduct, and ordinary situation of thefree negroes, and afford them advice and instruction, protection fromwrongs, and other friendly offices. Second, a Committee of Guardians, who shall place out children and young people with suitable persons, that they may, during a moderate time of apprenticeship or servitude, learn some trade, other business of subsistence. Third, a Committee ofEducation, who shall superintend the school instruction, of thechildren and youth of the free blacks. Fourth, a Committee of Employ, who shall endeavor to procure constant employment for those freenegroes who are able to work, as the want of this would occasionpoverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. The entire plan may beseen in Dr. Franklin's Works, ii, pp. 513, 514. Immediately following, in the same volume, is "An Address to the Public, " from thePennsylvania Society, also written by Dr. Franklin in aid of raisingfunds for carrying out the purposes of the society. 

M. Brissot de Warville, who visited the New York and PhiladelphiaSocieties in 1788, says: "It is certainly a misfortune that suchsocieties do not exist in Virginia and Maryland, for it is to thepersevering zeal of those of Philadelphia and New York, that we owethe progress of this [anti-slavery] revolution in America, and theformation of the Society in London. " He speaks of the impressions hereceived in attending the meetings of these societies. "What serenityin the countenances of the members! What simplicity in theirdiscourses; candor in their discussions; beneficence and energy intheir decisions! With what joy they learned that a like Society wasformed in Paris! They hastened to publish it in their gazettes, andlikewise a translation of the first discourse [his own] pronounced inthat society. These beneficent societies are at present contemplatingnew projects for the completion of their work of justice and humanity. They are endeavoring to form similar institutions in other states, andhave succeeded in the state of Delaware. The business of thesesocieties is not only to extend light and information to legislaturesand to the people at large, and to form the blacks by earlyinstruction in the duties of citizens; but they extend gratuitousprotection to them in all cases of individual oppression, and make ittheir duty to watch over the execution of the laws, which have beenobtained in their favor. Mr. Myers Fisher, one of the first lawyers ofPhiladelphia, is always ready to lend them his assistance, which hegenerally does with success, and always without reward. Thesesocieties have committees in different parts of the country to takenotice of any infractions of these laws of liberty, and to propose tothe legislature such amendments as experience may require"--pp. 291-294. 

In an appendix, written in 1791, he says: "My wishes have not beendisappointed. The progress of these societies is rapid in the UnitedStates; there is one already formed even in Virginia. " His Englishtranslator adds, that there has also one been formed in the state ofConnecticut. 

In Needles' Memoir are the names of the following persons who wereofficers, and served on committees, of the Pennsylvania Society beforethe year 1800: John Baldwin, Samuel Davis, Thomas Harrison, AnthonyBenezet, Thomas Meredith, John Todd, James Starr, Samuel Richards, James Whitehall, Wm. Lippencott, John Thomas, Benjamin Horner, JohnEvans, Lambert Wilmore, Edward Brooks, Thomas Armit, John Warner, Daniel Sidrick, Thomas Barton, Robert Evans, Benj. Miers, Robert Wood, John Eldridge, Jonathan Penrose, Wm. Lewis, Francis Baily, NorrisJones, Tench Cox, Wm. Jackson, Benj. Rush, Benj. Franklin, JamesPemberton, John D. Cox, Wm. Rawle, Miers Fisher, Temple Franklin, JohnAndrews, Richard Peters, Thomas Paine, Caleb Lownes, S. P. Griffiths, John Olden, John Todd, Jr. , John Kaighn, Wm. Rogers, Benj. Say, ThomasParker, Robert Waln, Samuel Pancoast, Thomas Savery, Robert Taggert, John Poultney, Wm. Zane, Joseph Moore, Joseph Budd, Wm. McIllhenny, Samuel Baker, Jonathan Willis, Richard Jones, Ellis Yarnall, ThomasArnott, Philip Benezet, Samuel Emlen, Jr. , Jacob Shoemaker, Jr. , Richard Wells, Bart. Wistar, R. Wells, J. McCrea, Nathan Boys, J. Proctor, Robert Patterson, Walter Franklin, Edward Farris, John Ely, Samuel M. Fox, Sallows Shewell, John Woodside, Wm. Garrum, ThomasRoss, Joseph Sharpless, Joseph Cruikshanks, G. Williams, Wm. Webb, Geo. Williams, David Thomas, Samuel Bettle, Edward Garrigues. 

[19] At the end of M. Brissot de Warville's oration at Paris, February19, 1788, on the necessity of establishing such a society, is a note, which states that, after the Paris Society had been formed, "in thespace of six weeks, ninety others, distinguished for their nobility, for their offices, and as men of letters, have made application to beadmitted into the Society. The Marquis de la Fayette is one of thefounders of this Society, and he gives it a support, so much the morelaudable, as the Society of Paris has many great difficulties toencounter, which are unknown to the societies in London and America. "

[20] M. Brissot, writing in September, 1788, speaks of the DelawareSociety as then existing. Warner Mifflin was its most enterprisingmember. M. Brissot says of him: "One of the ardent petitioners toCongress in this cause was the respectable Warner Mifflin. His zealwas rewarded with atrocious calumnies, which he always answered withmildness, forgiveness, and argument"--p. 300. A petition which Mr. Mifflin made to Congress in November, 1792, for the abolition ofslavery, was, by vote of the House, returned to him by the clerk. Annals of Congress, iii, p. 71. On March 23, 1790, the followingresolution on the subject of emancipation, after discussion incommittee of the whole House, was adopted: "That Congress have noauthority to interfere in the emancipation of slaves, or in thetreatment of them in any of the states, it remaining with the severalStates alone to provide any regulations therein which humanity andtrue policy may require. " Annals, i. P. 1523. 

[21] _Constitution of the Maryland Society for promoting the Abolitionof Slavery, and the Relief of Free Negroes and others unlawfully heldin Bondage. _

The present attention of Europe and America to slavery, seems toconstitute that crisis in the minds of men when the united endeavorsof a few may greatly influence the public opinion, and produce, fromthe transient sentiment of the times, effects, extensive, lasting, anduseful. 

The common Father of mankind created all men free and equal; and hisgreat command is, that we love our neighbor as ourselves--doing untoall men as we would they should do unto us. The human race, howevervaried in color or intellects, are all justly entitled to liberty; andit is the duty and the interest of nations and individuals, enjoyingevery blessing of freedoms to remove this dishonor of the Christiancharacter from amongst them. From the fullest impression of the truthof these principles; from an earnest wish to bear our testimonyagainst slavery in all its forms, to spread it abroad as far as thesphere of our influence may extend, and to afford our friendlyassistance to those who may be engaged in the same undertaking; and inthe humblest hope of support from that Being, who takes, as anoffering to himself, what we do for each other--

We, the subscribers, have formed ourselves into the "MARYLAND SOCIETYfor promoting the ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, and the RELIEF OF FREE NEGROESand OTHERS unlawfully held in bondage. "

THE CONSTITUTION. 

I. The officers of the Society are a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, four counselors, an electing-committee oftwelve, an acting-committee of six members. All these, except theacting-committee, shall be chosen annually by ballot, on the firstseventh-day called Saturday, in the month called January. 

II. The president, and in his absence the vice-president, shallsubscribe all the public acts of the Society. 

III. The president, and in his absence, the vice-president, shallmoreover have the power of calling a special meeting of the Societywhenever he shall judge proper, or six members require it. 

IV. The secretary shall keep fair records of the proceedings of theSociety; he shall also conduct the correspondence of the Society, witha committee of three appointed by the president; and all letters onthe business of the Society are to be addressed to him. 

V. Corresponding members shall be appointed by the electing-committee. Their duty shall be to communicate to the secretary and his assistantsany information, that may promote the purposes of this institution, which shall be transferred by him to the acting-committee. 

VI. The treasurer shall pay all orders drawn by the president, orvice-president; which orders shall be his vouchers for hisexpenditures. He shall, before he enters on his office, give a bond ofnot less than 200_l. _ for the faithful discharge of his duty. 

VII. The duty of the councilors shall be to explain the laws andconstitutions of the States, which relate to the emancipation ofslaves; and to urge their claims to freedom, when legal, before suchpersons or courts as are authorized to decide upon them. 

VIII. The electing-committee shall have sole power of admitting newmembers. Two-thirds of them shall be a quorum for this purpose; andthe concurrence of a majority of them by ballot, when met, shall benecessary for the admission of a member. No member shall be admittedwho has not been proposed at a general meeting of the Society norshall election of a member take place in less than a month after thetime of his being proposed. Foreigners, or other persons, who do notreside in this State, may be elected corresponding members of theSociety without being subject to an annual payment, and shall beadmitted to the meetings of the Society during their residence in theState. 

IX. The acting-committee shall transact the business of the Society inits recess, and report the same at each quarterly meeting. They shallhave a right, with the concurrence of the president or vice-president, to draw upon the treasurer for such sums of money as may be necessaryto carry on the business of their appointment. Four of them shall be aquorum. After their first election, at each succeeding quarterlymeeting, there shall be an election for two of their number. 

X. Every member, upon his admission, shall subscribe the Constitutionof the Society, and contribute ten shillings annually, in quarterlypayments, towards defraying its contingent expenses. If he neglect topay the same for more than six months, he shall, upon due notice beinggiven him, cease to be a member. 

XI. The Society shall meet on the first seventh-day, called Saturday, in the months called January, April, July, and October, at such timeand place as shall be agreed to by a majority of the Society. 

XII. No person, holding a slave as his property, shall be admitted amember of this Society; nevertheless, the Society may appoint personsof legal knowledge, owners of slaves, as honorary-counselors. 

XIII. When an alteration in the Constitution is thought necessary, itshall be proposed at a previous meeting, before it shall take place. All questions shall be decided, where there is a division, by amajority of votes. In those cases where the Society is equallydivided, the presiding officer shall have a casting vote. 

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY. 

_President_--PHILIP ROGERS. 

_Vice-President_--JAMES CAREY. 

_Secretary_--JOSEPH TOWNSEND. 

_Treasurer_--DAVID BROWN. 

_Counselors_--ZEBULON HOLLINGSWORTH, ARCHIBALD ROBINSON. 

_Honorary-Counselors_--SAMUEL CHASE, LUTHER MARTIN. 

_Electing-Committee_--JAMES OGLEBY, ISAAC GREIST, GEO. MATTHEWS, GEORGE PRESSTMAN, HENRY WILSON, JOHN BANKSON, ADAM FONERDEN, JAMESEICHELBERGER, WILLIAM HAWKINS, WILLIAM WILSON, THOMAS DICKSON, GER. HOPKINS. 

_Acting-Committee_--JOHN BROWN, ELISHA TYSON, JAMES M'CANNON, ELIASELLICOTT, WILLIAM TRIMBLE, GEORGE DENT. 

_September 8, 1789. _

[22] Of the one hundred and eighty-nine incorporators of the RhodeIsland Society, one hundred and seventeen were from Rhode Island, sixty-eight from Massachusetts, three from Connecticut, and one fromVermont. The Nation, Nov. 28, 1872. 

[23] St. George Tucker, an eminent jurist, and Professor of Law at theCollege of William and Mary, at Williamsburg, Virginia, January 24, 1795, addressed a letter to Dr. Jeremy Belknap, of Boston, inquiringinto the condition of the negroes in Massachusetts, and thecircumstances under which slavery had come to an end in that state. His object was to obtain facts which he could use in removingprejudice against general emancipation in Virginia. "The introductionof slavery into this country, " he says, "is at this day consideredamong its greatest misfortunes. I have cherished a hope that we may, from the example of our sister State, learn what methods are mostlikely to succeed in removing the same evils from among ourselves. With this view, I have taken the liberty to enclose a few queries, which, if your leisure will permit you to answer, you will confer onme a favor which I shall always consider as an obligation. " Hepropounded eleven queries, to which Dr. Belknap replied at length. Thecorrespondence is printed in the Massachusetts Historical Society'sselections, iv, pp. 191-211. The next year Judge Tucker printed, atPhiladelphia, his "Dissertation on Slavery, with a proposal for thegradual abolition of it in Virginia. " Dr. Belknap's replies to JudgeTucker's inquiries have much historical interest. To the fifth query, "The mode by which slavery hath been abolished?" he says: "The generalanswer is, that slavery hath been abolished here by _public opinion_, which began to be established about thirty years ago. At the beginningof our controversy with Great Britain, several persons, who before hadentertained sentiments opposed to the slavery of the blacks, did thentake occasion publicly to remonstrate against the inconsistency ofcontending for their own liberty, and, at the same time, deprivingother people of theirs. Pamphlets and newspaper essays appeared on thesubject; it often entered into the conversation of reflecting people;and many who had, without remorse, been the purchasers of slaves, condemned themselves, and retracted their former opinion. The Quakerswere zealous against slavery and the slave-trade; and by their meansthe writings of Anthony Benezet of Philadelphia, John Woolman of NewJersey, and others were spread through the country. Nathaniel Appletonand James Swan, merchants of Boston, and Dr. Benjamin Rush, ofPhiladelphia, distinguished themselves as writers on the side ofliberty. Those on the other side generally concealed their names; buttheir arguments were not suffered to rest long without an answer. Thecontroversy began about the year 1766, and was renewed at varioustimes till 1773, when it was warmly agitated, and became a subject offorensic disputation at the public commencement at Harvard College. "p. 201. 

[24] Vol. Ii, p. 30. 

[25] Lectures by Members of the Mass. Historical Society on the EarlyHistory of Massachusetts, p. 216. 

[26] Mr. George H. Moore, in his elaborate work, "Notes on the Historyof Slavery in Massachusetts, " expresses a doubt whether slaverylegally came to an end in Massachusetts at the period stated above;and perhaps not before the adoption of the fourteenth amendment to theConstitution. He says: "It would not be the least remarkable of thecircumstances connected with this strange and eventful history, thatthough _virtually_ abolished before, the actual prohibition of slaveryin Massachusetts, as well as Kentucky, should be accomplished by thevotes of South Carolina and Georgia. " p. 242. 

[27] Dr. Belknap says the clause "all men are born free and equal" wasinserted in the Declaration of Rights of Massachusetts "not merely asa moral and political truth, but with a particular view to establishthe liberation of the negroes on a general principle, and so it wasunderstood by the people at large; but some doubted whether it wassufficient"--p. 203. That some persons had this result in view isprobable; but contemporaneous records and acts of the citizens do notjustify the statement that "so it was understood by the people atlarge. " Dr. Belknap was living in New Hampshire at the time, and didnot come to Boston till 1786. The construction put upon the clause, bythe Supreme Court, was evidently a happy afterthought; and wasinspired by that _public opinion_ to which Dr. Belknap himself, in hisreply to Judge Tucker, ascribes the extinction of slavery. 

[28] The Pennsylvanian Society assumed all the expenses of theConvention, of entertaining the delegates, and of printing theproceedings. The delegates of the Pennsylvanian Society were WilliamRogers, Samuel P. Griffiths, Samuel Coats, William Rawle, RobertPatterson, and Benjamin Rush. The printed proceedings of thisconvention, which is in the New York Historical Society's library, Ihave not had access to. Joseph Bloomfield, of New Jersey, an officerof the Revolution, attorney-general, governor of the state from1801-12, and member of Congress from 1817-21, was president of theConvention. 

[29] The memorial was presented in both branches of Congress, January28, 1794. The record in the House was as follows: "A memorial from theseveral societies formed in different parts of the United States, forpromoting the abolition of slavery, in convention assembled atPhiladelphia, on the first instant, was presented to the House andread, praying that Congress may adopt such measures as may be the mosteffectual and expedient for the abolition of the slave-trade. Also, amemorial of the Providence Society, for abolishing the slave-trade, tothe same effect. _Ordered_, That the said memorials be referred to Mr. Trumbull [of Connecticut], Mr. Ward [of Massachusetts], Mr. Giles [ofVirginia], Mr. Talbot [of New York], and Mr. Grove [of NorthCarolina]; that they do examine the matter thereof, and report thesame, with their opinion thereupon, to the House. " Annals of Congress, iv, p. 349. 

A bill was reported in conformity to the wishes of the memorialists, passed its several stages without debate, and was approved March 22, 1794. For the bill, see Id. , p. 1426. 

[30] The address is as follows:

"_To the Citizens of the United States_:

"The Address of the Delegates from the several Societies formed indifferent parts of the United States, for promoting the Abolition ofSlavery, in convention assembled at Philadelphia, on the first day ofJanuary, 1794. 

"FRIENDS AND FELLOW-CITIZENS: United to you by the ties ofcitizenship, and partakers with you in the blessings of a freegovernment, we take the liberty of addressing you upon a subjecthighly interesting to the credit and prosperity of the United States. 

"It is the glory of our country to have originated a system ofopposition to the commerce in that part of our fellow-creatures whocompose the nations of Africa. Much has been done by the citizens ofsome of the States to abolish this disgraceful traffic, and to improvethe condition of those unhappy people whom the ignorance, or theavarice of our ancestors had bequeathed to us as slaves. But the evilstill continues, and our country is yet disgraced by laws andpractices which level the creature man with a part of the brutecreation. Many reasons concur in persuading us to abolish domesticslavery in our country. It is inconsistent with the safety of theliberties of the United States. Freedom and slavery can not long existtogether. An unlimited power over the time, labor, and posterity ofour fellow-creatures, necessarily unfits man for discharging thepublic and private duties of citizens of a republic. It isinconsistent with sound policy, in exposing the States which permitit, to all those evils which insurrections and the most resentful warhave introduced into one of the richest islands in the West Indies. Itis unfriendly to the present exertions of the inhabitants of Europe infavor of liberty. What people will advocate freedom, with a zealproportioned to its blessings, while they view the purest republic inthe world tolerating in its bosom a body of slaves? In vain has thetyranny of kings been rejected, while we permit in our country adomestic despotism which involves in its nature most of the vices andmiseries that we have endeavored to avoid. It is degrading to our rankas men in the scale of being. Let us use our reason and socialaffections for the purposes for which they were given, or cease toboast a pre-eminence over animals that are unpolluted by our crimes. 

"But higher motives to justice and humanity towards ourfellow-creatures, remain yet to be mentioned. Domestic slavery isrepugnant to the principles of Christianity. It prostrates everybenevolent and just principle of action in the human heart. It isrebellion against the authority of a common Father. It is a practicaldenial of the extent and efficacy of the death of a common Savior. Itis an usurpation of the prerogative of the Great Sovereign of theuniverse, who has solemnly claimed an exclusive property in the soulsof men. But if this view of the enormity of the evil of domesticslavery should not affect us, there is one consideration more, whichought to alarm and impress us, especially at the present juncture. Itis a violation of a Divine precept of universal justice, which has inno instance escaped with impunity. The crimes of nations, as well asindividuals, are often designated in their punishments; and weconceive it to be no forced construction of some of the calamitieswhich now distress or impend over our country, to believe that theyare the measure of the evils which we have meted to others. Theravages committed upon many of our fellow-citizens by the Indians, andthe depredations upon the liberty and commerce of others, of thecitizens of the United States by the Algerines, both unite inproclaiming to us in the most forcible language, 'to loose the bandsof wickedness, to break every yoke, to undo the heavy burthens, and tolet the oppressed go free. '

"We shall conclude this address by recommending to you:

"_First. _ To refrain immediately from that species of rapine andmurder which has improperly been softened by the name of the Africantrade. It is Indian cruelty and Algerine piracy in another form. 

"_Second. _ To form Societies in every State, for the purpose ofpromoting the abolition of the slave-trade, of domestic slavery, forthe relief of persons unlawfully held in bondage, and for theimprovement of the condition of Africans and their descendants amongstus. 

"The Societies which we represent, have beheld with triumph thesuccess of their exertions in many instances, in favor of theirAfrican brethren; and, in full reliance upon the continuance of Divinesupport and direction, they humbly hope their labors will never ceasewhile there exists a single slave in the United States. "

[31] Mr. Jackson opposed the reference of the memorial to a committee, and wished it to be thrown aside. Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, saidhe saw the disposition of the House, and feared the memorial would bereferred. He "was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, andblow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. "

Mr. Seney, of Maryland, denied that there was anythingunconstitutional in the memorial; its only object was that Congressshould exercise their constitutional authority to abate the horrors ofslavery as far as they could. 

Mr. Parker, of Virginia, said: "I hope the petition of theserespectable people will be attended to with all the readiness theimportance of its object demands; and I cannot help expressing thepleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the communityattending to matters of such momentous concern to the futureprosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my dutyas a citizen of the Union to espouse their cause. "

Mr. Page, of Virginia (governor from 1802-1805), said he was in favorof the commitment. He hoped that the designs of the respectablememorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order topreclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial. With respectto the alarm that was apprehended, he conjectured there was none; butthere might be just cause, if the memorial was _not_ taken intoconsideration. He placed himself in the case of a slave, and saidthat, on hearing that Congress had refused to listen to the decentsuggestions of a respectable part of the community, he should inferthat the general government (from which was expected great good wouldresult to every class of citizens) had shut their ears against thevoice of humanity; and he should despair of any alleviation of themiseries he and his posterity had in prospect. If anything couldinduce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this. But if he was toldthat application was made in his behalf, and that Congress was willingto hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice ofimporting his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice andhumanity, and wait for the decision patiently. He presumed that theseunfortunate people would reason in the same way. 

Mr. Madison, of Virginia, said, if there were the slightest tendencyby the commitment to break in upon the constitution, he would objectto it; but he did not see upon what ground such an event could beapprehended. He admitted that Congress was restricted by theconstitution from taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yetthere was a variety of ways by which it could countenance theabolition of slavery; and regulations might be made in relation to theintroduction of slaves into the new States, to be formed out of theWestern Territory. 

The memorial was committed by a vote of 43 yeas to 14 nays. Of theVirginia delegation, 8 voted yea and 2 nay; Maryland, 3 yea, 1 nay;Delaware and North Carolina, both delegations absent. Mr. Vining, themember for Delaware, however, spoke and voted later with the friendsof the memorialists. 

The committee reported on the 8th of March. The report was discussedin committee of the whole, and amended to read as follows:

"_First. _ That the migration or importation of such persons as any ofthe States now existing shall think proper to admit, can not beprohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808. 

"_Second. _ That Congress have no authority to interfere in theemancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, in any of theStates--it remaining with the several States alone, to provide anyregulations therein which humanity and true policy may require. 

"_Third. _ That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of theUnited States from carrying on the African trade, for the purpose ofsupplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing, by properregulations, for the humane treatment during their passage of slavesimported by the said citizens into the States admitting suchimportation. "

This was the first legislation on the subject of slavery in the newCongress, and was carried by 29 votes to 25--North Carolina, SouthCarolina, and Georgia voting unanimously in the negative. All theother States (except Rhode Island, from which no member was present)voted in the affirmative or divided. New Hampshire voted 1 yea, 1 nay;Massachusetts, 6 yeas, 3 nays; Connecticut, 2 yeas, 2 nays; New York, 5 yeas, 2 nays; New Jersey, 3 yeas; Pennsylvania, 5 yeas; Virginia, 5yeas, 6 nays; Maryland, 1 yea, 4 nays; Delaware, 1 yea. 

[32] At this period, one hundred and fifteen American citizens, captured by piracy, were held as slaves in Algiers, for whom largeransoms were demanded by the pirates. 

[33] The convention, after discussing principles, appointed a"committee of detail, " consisting of Mr. Rutledge of South Carolina, Mr. Randolph of Virginia, Mr. Wilson of Pennsylvania, Mr. Ellsworth ofConnecticut, and Mr. Gorham of Massachusetts, to reduce to the form ofa constitution the resolutions agreed upon. This committee withoutinstructions, or authority from the resolutions adopted, introduced aclause forever prohibiting the abolition of the African slave-trade. Mr. Randolph earnestly protested against this clause. He was opposedto any restriction on the power of Congress to abolish it. He "couldnever agree to the clause as it stands. He would sooner risk theConstitution. " Madison Papers, p. 1396. Mr. Ellsworth "was for leavingthe clause as it now stands. Let every State import what it pleases. The morality, the wisdom of slavery, are considerations belonging tothe States themselves. What enriches a part, enriches the whole; andthe States are the best judges of their particular interest. " Id. , p. 1389. It was moved, as a compromise, to guarantee the slave-trade fortwenty years, by postponing the restriction to 1808. This motion wasseconded by Mr. Gorham, of Massachusetts, and it passed. Mr. Madison, of Virginia, opposed it. "Twenty years, " he said, "will produce allthe mischief that can be apprehended from the liberty to importslaves. So long a term will be more dishonorable to the Americancharacter, than to say nothing about it in the Constitution. " Id. , p. 1427. Mr. Mason, of Virginia, pronounced the traffic as "infernal. "Id. , p. 1390. 

[34] Life of Benjamin Lundy, Phil. 1847, p. 218. The total membershipof the 130 societies was 6625, exclusive of twelve societies inIllinois from which no returns had been received. These statisticswere gathered by the American Anti-Slavery Convention, which was heldat Philadelphia, in 1827. 

Addenda. 

 Since the preceding pages were in type, I have seen, in the library of the New York Historical Society, the printed minutes of the first convention held by the Abolition Societies of the United States, which met at Philadelphia, January 1, 1794, and was several days in session, of which mention was made on page 59. These minutes show that my statement of the societies represented needs correction. The Rhode Island Society appears to have had no delegates present. The Virginia Society appointed delegates; but, for reasons stated below, they were not admitted. Several societies, however, were represented, of which before I had seen no mention. As the convention met in the depth of winter, and as traveling was then expensive and difficult, it is evidence of a deep interest in the subject, that so many delegations attended. 

 The convention met in the City Hall, at Philadelphia, and organized by choosing Joseph Bloomfield, of New Jersey, President; John McCrea, Secretary; and Joseph Fry, Door-keeper. 

 The following societies were represented by the delegates named:

 _Connecticut Society_--Uriah Tracy. 

 _New York Society_--Peter Jay Munroe, Moses Rogers, Thomas Franklin, Jr. , William Dunlap. 

 _New Jersey Society_--Joseph Bloomfield, William Coxe, Jr. , John Wistar, Robert Pearson, Franklin Davenport. 

 _Pennsylvania Society_--William Rogers, William Rawle, Samuel Powel Griffitts, Robert Patterson, Samuel Coates, Benjamin Rush. 

 _Washington (Pa. ) Society_--Absalom Baird. 

 _Delaware Society_--Warren Mifflin, Isaiah Rowland, Joseph Hodgson, John Pemberton. 

 _Wilmington (Del. ) Society_--Joseph Warner, Isaac H. Starr, Robert Coram. 

 _Maryland Society_--Samuel Sterett, James Winchester, Joseph Townsend, Adam Fonerdon, Jesse Hollingsworth. 

 _Chester-town (Md. ) Society_--Joseph Wilkinson, James Maslin, Abraham Ridgely. 

 A letter, directed to the convention, from Robert Pleasants, chairman of the Committee of Correspondence of the Virginia Society, was presented and read. By this letter it appeared that Samuel Pleasants and Israel Pleasants, of Philadelphia, were appointed to represent that society in the convention; and in case of their declining, or being prevented from acting, the convention were at liberty to nominate two other persons as their representatives. In the letter was inclosed "an authentic account of several vessels lately fitted out in Virginia for the African slave-trade. " The convention, after considering the proposition of the Virginia Society, adopted the following resolution:

 "_Resolved_, That as information, and an unreserved comparison of one another's sentiments, relative to the important cause in which we are severally engaged, are our principal objects; and as the persons appointed by the Virginia Society are not citizens of that State, nor members of that Society, to admit them, or, according to their proposals for us to elect others as their representatives, would be highly improper. "

 The president was directed to acknowledge the receipt of the letter, to inform the Virginia Society of the above resolution, and to thank them for the important information contained in the letter. 

 Benjamin Rush, William Dunlap, Samuel Sterett, William Rawle, and Warner Mifflin, were appointed a committee to report the objects proper for the consideration of the convention, and the best plan for carrying the same into execution. Under the direction of this committee, memorials were prepared to be sent to the legislatures of the several States which had not abolished slavery; a memorial to Congress asking for the enactment of a law making the use of vessels and men in the slave-trade a penal offense; and an address to the citizens of the United States, already printed in a note, pp. 60-63. It was also voted "to recommend to the different Abolition societies to appoint delegates to meet in convention, at Philadelphia, on the first Wednesday of January, 1795, and on the same day in every year afterward, until the great objects of their original association be accomplished. "

 I was so fortunate as to find, also, in the New York Historical Society's library, the minutes of the conventions of 1795 and 1797. The convention of 1795 met in the City Hall, at Philadelphia, January 7, and continued in session till the 14th of that month. The societies represented, and delegates, were as follows:

 _Rhode Island Society_--Theodore Foster. The credentials from the president of the society stated that George Benson was also appointed to represent the society; but he did not appear. 

 _Connecticut Society_--Jonathan Edwards, Uriah Tracy, Zephaniah Swift. 

 _New York Society_--John Murray, Jr. , William Johnson, Lawrence Embree, William Dunlap, William Walton Woolsey. 

 _New Jersey Society_--James Sloan, Franklin Davenport. Other delegates appointed, Joseph Bloomfield, William Coxe, Jr. , and John Wistar, did not appear. It was explained to the convention that the absence of Mr. Bloomfield was occasioned by sickness. 

 _Pennsylvania Society_--William Rawle, Robert Patterson, Benjamin Rush, Samuel Coates, Caspar Wistar, James Todd, Benjamin Say. 

 _Washington (Pa. ) Society_--Thomas Scott, Absalom Baird, Samuel Clark. 

 _Delaware Society_--Richard Bassett, John Ralston, Allen McLane, Caleb Boyer. 

 _Wilmington (Del. ) Society_--Cyrus Newlin, James A. Bayard, Joseph Warner, William Poole. 

 _Maryland Society_--Samuel Sterett, Adam Fonerdon, Joseph Townsend, Joseph Thornburgh, George Buchanan, John Bankson, Philip Moore. 

 _Chester-town (Md. ) Society_--Edward Scott, James Houston. 

 Dr. Benjamin Rush was elected President; Walter Franklin, Secretary; and Joseph Fry, Door-keeper. 

 Jonathan Edwards, William Dunlap, Caspar Wistar, Cyrus Newlin, Caleb Boyer, Philip Moore, and James Houston were appointed the committee on business. Memorials were prepared, and adopted by the convention, to be sent to the legislatures of South Carolina and Georgia, as both States still persisted in the importation of slaves. An address to the Abolition Societies of the United States was also adopted, the spirit of which may be inferred from the following extract:

 "When we have broken his chains, and restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished. The new-born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful impressions of moral and religious truths, which will render him capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to himself and to his country. By educating some in the higher branches, and all in the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts of religion and morality, we shall not only do away the reproach and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of Africa, in spite of the degrading influence of slavery, are in nowise inferior to the more fortunate inhabitants of Europe and America. "

 The fourth annual convention of the Abolition Societies of the United States was held in the Senate Chamber, at Philadelphia, May 3, 1797. The societies represented, and delegates, were as follows:

 _New York Society_--Willett Seaman, Thomas Eddy, Samuel L. Mitchell, William Dunlap, Elihu Hubbard Smith. 

 _New Jersey Society_--Joseph Bloomfield, Richard Hartshorne, Joseph Sloan, William Coxe, Jr. , William Carpenter. 

 _Pennsylvania Society_--Benjamin Rush, William Rawle, Samuel P. Griffitts, Casper Wistar, Samuel Coates, Robert Patterson, James Todd. 

 _Maryland Society_--Francis Johonnett, Jesse Tyson, Gerrard T. Hopkins. 

 _Choptank (Md. ) Society_--Seth Hill Evitts. 

 _Virginia Society_ (at Richmond)--Joseph Anthony. 

 _Alexandria (Va. ) Society_--George Drinker. 

 Joseph Bloomfield was elected President; Thomas P. Cope, Secretary; and Jacob Meyer, Door-keeper. 

 Communications from the New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Choptank (Md. ), Virginia, and Alexandria (Va. ) Abolition Societies were read. The minutes of the convention of 1797 are more elaborately compiled, and contain more statistics than the previous reports. Among other papers adopted by the convention, was an "Address to the Free Africans. " Besides the seven societies, which sent delegates, the eight societies following, which sent none, were reported, viz: Rhode Island, Connecticut, Washington (Pa. ), Delaware (at Dover), Wilmington (Del. ), Chester-town (Md. ), Winchester (Va. ), and Kentucky Societies. Among the memorials presented to Congress, in 1791, was one from the Caroline County (Md. ) Society. Besides the Maryland Society, at Baltimore, there appear to have been three local societies on the Eastern Shore of that State. 

 The several societies reported their membership, in 1797, as follows: New York Society, two hundred and fifty; New Jersey Society, "compiled partially;" Pennsylvania Society, five hundred and ninety-one; Maryland Society, two hundred and thirty-one; Choptank (Md. ) Society, twenty-five; Wilmington (Del. ) Society, sixty; Virginia Society, one hundred and forty-seven; Alexandria (Va. ) Society, sixty-two. From the other societies no reports of membership were received. The Choptank (Md. ) Society, formed in 1790, reported having liberated more than sixty slaves; the Wilmington (Del. ) Society, reported having liberated eighty since 1788; and the Alexandria (Va. ) Society reported having made twenty-six complaints under the law against the importation of slaves. By votes of previous conventions, the Abolition Societies were required to sustain schools for the education of Africans. The minutes for 1797 contain interesting reports from the several societies of their success in this department of benevolence. 

 Before the year 1782, it was illegal in Virginia for a master to liberate his slaves without sending them out of the State. The Assembly of Virginia then passed an act permitting the manumission of slaves. Judge Tucker of that State, in his "Dissertation on Slavery, " estimated that, from 1782 to 1791, ten thousand slaves were liberated in Virginia by their masters. 

 Of the anti-slavery literature of this period, which has not already been noticed, there is in the New York Historical Society's library, "An Oration spoken before the Connecticut Society for the Promotion of Freedom, and the Relief of Persons unlawfully held in Bondage, convened at Hartford the 8th of May, 1794. By Theodore Dwight. [35] Hartford, 1794. " 8vo, 24 pp. Also, a "Discourse delivered April 12, 1797, at the Request of the New York Society for the Promoting the Manumission of Slaves, and protecting such of them as have been or may be liberated. By Samuel Miller, A. M. New York, 1787. " 8vo, 36 pp. 

 In the Boston Athenĉum library are the following tracts:

 "A Dissuasion to Great Britain and the Colonies from the Slave Trade to Africa. By James Swan. Revised and abridged. Boston, 1773. " 8vo, 40 pp. The original edition was printed in 1772. 

 "A Forensic Dispute on the Legality of Enslaving the Africans, held at a Public Commencement in Cambridge, N. E. , July 21, 1773, by the Candidates for the Bachelors' Degrees. Boston, 1773. " 8vo, 48 pp. 

 "A Short Account of that Part of Africa inhabited by the Negroes. [By Anthony Benezet. ] Philadelphia, 1772. " 8vo, 80 pp. 

 "An Address to the British Settlements in America upon Slaveholding. Second edition. To which are added Observations on a Pamphlet entitled 'Slavery not forbidden by Scripture; or, a Defence of the West Indian Planters. ' By a Pennsylvanian [Dr. Benjamin Rush]. Philadelphia, 1773. " 8vo, pp. 28 + 54. Also, another edition issued the same year, with the title somewhat varied; the second part being termed, "A Vindication of the Address to the Inhabitants, " etc. The pamphlet entitled "Slavery not forbidden by Scripture, " etc. , was written by R. Nisbet, and is in the Library of Congress. 

 "Memorials presented to the Congress of the United States, by the different Societies instituted for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, in the States of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Mary, and Virginia. Published by the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Philadelphia. Printed by Francis Bailey, 1792. " 8vo, 31 pp. 

 This tract contains the memorials which were presented to the House of Representatives, December 8, 1791, and which were read and referred. The Rhode Island memorial is signed by David Howell, President, and dated December 28, 1790. Connecticut--by Ezra Stiles, President; Simon Baldwin, Secretary; January 7, 1791. New York--by Matthew Clarkson, Vice-President; December 14, 1790. Pennsylvania--by James Pemberton, President; John McCrea and Joseph P. Norris, Secretaries; October 3, 1791. Washington (Pa. )--by Andrew Swearingen, Vice-President. Maryland, in Baltimore--"Signed by the members generally;" but the names of no members are given. Chester-town, Maryland--by James M. Anderson, President; Daniel McCurtin, Secretary; November 19, 1791. Caroline County, Maryland--by Edward White, Vice-President; Charles Emery, Secretary; September 6, 1791. 

 Of the sixteen Abolition Societies existing in the United States during this decade, it appears that six were in States which, at the outbreak of the late rebellion, were non-slaveholding; and ten were in slaveholding States. 

FOOTNOTES:

[35] The "Dwight" to whom, with others, Bishop Grégoire inscribed his"Literature of Negroes, " was probably Theodore Dwight, and notPresident Timothy Dwight, as stated on page 31. 

 DR. GEORGE BUCHANAN'S

 ORATION ON SLAVERY, _BALTIMORE_, _July 4, 1791_. 

 AN

 ORATION

 UPON THE

 MORAL AND POLITICAL EVIL

 OF

 SLAVERY. 

 DELIVERED AT A PUBLIC MEETING

 OF THE

 MARYLAND SOCIETY

 FOR PROMOTING THE

 ABOLITION of SLAVERY, And the RELIEF of _FREE NEGROES_, and

 others unlawfully held in BONDAGE. 

 BALTIMORE, July 4th, 1791. 

 By GEORGE BUCHANAN, M. D. Member of the _American Philosophical Society_. 

 BALTIMORE: Printed by PHILIP EDWARDS. M, DCC, XCIII. 

 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

 At a special meeting of the "MARYLAND SOCIETY _for promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the Relief of free Negroes and others unlawfully held in Bondage_, " held at _Baltimore, July 4th, 1791_, --

 "UNANIMOUSLY RESOLVED

 THAT the President present the Thanks of this Society to Dr. _George Buchanan_, for the excellent ORATION, by him delivered this Day--and at the same time request a copy thereof in the Name and for the Use of the Society. "

 _Extract from the Minutes. _ JOSEPH TOWNSEND, Secretary. 

 _President_, SAMUEL STERETT, _Vice President_, ALEXr McKIM. 

 * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

 TO THE HONORABLE THOMAS JEFFERSON, Esq. SECRETARY OF STATE, WHOSE Patriotism, since the American Revolution, has been uniformlymarked, by a sincere, steady and active Attachment to the Interest ofhis Country; and whose literary Abilities have distinguished himamongst the first of Statesmen and Philosophers--

 THIS ORATION

Is respectfully inscribed, as an humble Testimony of the highestRegard and Esteem, by

 THE AUTHOR. 

ORATION

CITIZENS _and_ FELLOW-MEMBERS, SUMMONED by your voice, I appear before you with diffidence; thearduous task you have imposed upon me, would have been better executedby some one of greater abilities and information, and one more versedin public speaking. 

However, my feeble executions shall not be wanting to promote theintentions of so laudable an institution; and while I endeavour tofulfil the purport of this meeting, I shall hope not to fail inproving its utility. 

Too much cannot be offered against the unnatural custom that pervadesthe greatest part of the world, of dragging the human race to slaveryand bondage, nor of exposing the ignominy of such barbarity. 

Let an impartial view of man be taken, so far as it respects hisexistence, and in the chain of thought, the _white_, _swarthy_ and_black_, will be all linked together, and at once point out theirequality. God hath created mankind after his own image, and granted tothem liberty and independence; and if varieties may be found in theirstructure and colour, these are only to be attributed to the nature oftheir diet and habits, also of the soil and climate they may inhabit, and serve as flimsy pretexts for enslaving them. 

In the first rudiment of society, when simplicity characterised theconduct of man, slavery was unknown, every one equally enjoyed thatpeace and tranquility at home, to which he was naturally born: Butthis equality existed but for a time; as yet no laws, no governmentwas established check the ambitious, or to curb the crafty; hencereprisals were made upon the best by the strong and robust, andfinally subjected the weak and indigent to poverty and want. 

Here then arose a difference in the circumstances of men, and the poorand weak were obliged to submit themselves to the control of the richand powerful; but although the authority exercised was at first mild, and ensured to the bondsmen almost the same privileges with theirmasters, yet the idea of power soon crept in upon the mind, and atlength lenity was converted into rigidity, and the gall of servitudebecame insupportable; the oppressed, soon found that _that liberty_, which they had just given up, was an inalienable privilege of man, andsought means to regain it: this was effected, --but not until a timewhen ignorance began to decline, when improvements were made in thearts, commerce and governments, and when men could seek protectionfrom the law, or by industry could ward off the bitterness of poverty, and ensure to themselves an independence. 

Happy circumstance! To feel oneself emancipated from the chains ofslavery, must awaken every delicate sensation of the soul, andtransport the gloomy mind into a region of bliss; for what is life, without an enjoyment of those privileges which have been given to usby nature? It is a burden, which if not awed by Divine Providence, would be speedily cast off, by all who sweat under the yoke of slavishservitude, and know no alternative but an unceasing submission to thegoads of a brutal master. 

Ages have revolved since this happy condition of human affairs; andalthough mankind have been gradually verging from a state ofsimplicity to a more social refinement, yet the governments of thoseprimitive times laid open an analogy for licentiousness; and we find, by pursuing the history of man, that slavery was again introduced, andstained the annals of all the powers of Europe. 

The idea of possessing, as property, was too lucrative to be totallyeradicated; it diffused itself into Egypt and Cyprus, which became thefirst and most noted markets for the sale and purchase of slaves, andsoon became the cause of rapine and bloodshed in Greece and Rome:there it was an established custom to subject to slavery all thecaptives in time of war; and not only the Emperors, but the nobility, were in possession of thousands--to them they served as instruments ofdiversion and authority. 

To give an idea only of the amphitheatrical entertainments, sorepugnant to humanity, would make the most obdurate heart feel withkeen sensibility. For to hear with patience of voracious animalsbeing turned loose among human beings, to give sport to the rich andgreat, when upon reflection, he may be assured, that the merciless jawknew no restraint but precipitately charged upon its prey whom itleft, without remorse, either massacred or maimed. 

Such was the practice among the ancients, and to charge the modernwith like enormities, would by many be deemed criminal. 

But I fear not to accuse them--the prosecution of the presentbarbarous and iniquitous slave trade affords us too many instances ofcruelties exercised against the harmless Africans. A trade, which, after it was abolished in Europe by the general introduction ofChristianity, was again renewed about the fourteenth century by themercenary Portuguese, and now prosecuted by the Spaniards, French andBritish, in defiance of every principle of justice, humanity andreligion. 

Ye moderns, will you not blush at degenerating into ancient barbarity, and at wearing the garb of Christians, when you pursue the practicesof savages?

Hasten to reform, and put an end to this unnatural and destructivetrade--Do you not know that thousands of your fellow-mortals areannually entombed by it? and that it proves ruinous to yourgovernment? You go to Africa to purchase slaves for foreign markets, and lose the advantages of all the proper articles of commerce, whichthat country affords. You bury your seamen upon the pestiferousshores; and, shocking to humanity! make monsters of all you engage inthe traffic. 

Who are more brutal than the Captains of vessels in the slave trade?Not even the tawny savage of the American wilds, who thirsts after theblood of the Christian, and carries off his scalp the trophy ofsplendid victory!

They even countenance the practice of the ancients, in seeing a sturdymastiff tear in pieces some poor wretch of their hateful cargoes, orin viewing their wreathes and tortures, when smarting under the lashof a seasoned cat. [36]

It is time to abolish these enormities, and to stay such repeatedinsults from being offered to Divine Providence: Some dreadful cursefrom heaven may be the effect of them, and the innocent be made tosuffer for the guilty. 

What, will you not consider that the Africans are men? that they havehuman souls to be saved? that they are born free and independent? Aviolation of which prerogatives is an infringement upon the laws ofGod. 

But, are these the only crimes you are guilty of in pursuing thetrade? No--you stir up the harmless Africans to war, and stain theirfields with blood: you keep constant hostile ferment in theirterritories, in order to procure captives for your uses; some youpurchase with a few trifling articles, and waft to distant shores tobe made the instruments of grandeur, pride and luxury. 

You commit also the crime of kidnapping others, whom you forcibly dragfrom their beloved country, from the bosoms of their dearestrelatives; so leave a wife without a husband, a sister without abrother, and a helpless infant to bemoan the loss of its indulgentparent. 

Could you but see the agonizing pangs of these distressed mortals, inthe hour of their captivity, when deprived of every thing that is dearto them, it would make even the heathenish heart to melt with sorrow;like a noble Senator of old, death is their choice in preference tolingering out their lives in ignominious slavery--and often do we seethem meet it with a smile. 

The horrors of the grave intimidate not even the delicate females; toomany melancholy instances are recorded of their plunging into thedeep, and carrying with them a tender infant at their breast; even inmy own recollection, suicide has been committed in various forms bythese unhappy wretches, under the blind infatuation of revising theland of their nativity. 

Possessed of Christian sentiments, they fail not to exercise them whenan opportunity offers. Things pleasing rejoice them, and melancholycircumstances pall their appetites for amusements. --They brook noinsults, and are equally prone to forgiveness as to resentment; theyhave gratitude also, and will even expose their own lives, to wipe offthe obligation of past favours; nor do they want any of therefinements of taste, so much the boast of those who call themselvesChristians. 

The talent for music, both vocal and instrumental, appears natural tothem: Neither is their genius for literature to be despised; manyinstances are recorded of men of eminence amongst them: WitnessIgnatius Sancho, whose letters are admired by all men oftaste--Phillis Wheatley, who distinguished herself as a poetess--Thephysician of New Orleans--The Virginia calculator--Banneker, theMaryland Astronomer, and many others whom it would be needless tomention. These are sufficient to shew, that the Africans, whom youdespise, whom you inhumanly treat as brutes, and whom you unlawfullysubject to slavery, with the tyrannizing hands of Despots, are equallycapable of improvements with yourselves. 

This you may think a bold assertion, but it is not made withoutreflection, nor independent of the testimony of many, who have takenpains with their education. 

Because you few, in comparison to their number, who make any exertionsof abilities at all, you are ready to enjoy the common opinion, thatthey are inferior set of beings, and destined by nature to thecruelties and hardships you impose upon them. 

But be cautious how long you hold such sentiments; the time may come, when you will be obliged to abandon them--consider the pitiablesituation of these most distressed beings; deprived of their libertyand reduced to slavery; consider also, that they toil not forthemselves, from the rising of the Sun to its going down, and you willreadily conceive the cause of their inaction. 

What time, or what incitement has a slave to become wise? there is nogreat art in hilling corn, or in running a furrow; and to do this, they know they are doomed, whether they seek into the mysteries ofscience, or remain ignorant as they are. 

To deprive a man of his liberty, has a tendency to rob his soul ofevery spring to virtuous actions; and were slaves to become fiends, the wonder could not be great. Nothing more assimilates a man to abeast, says the learned Montesque, than being among freemen, himself aslave; for slavery clogs the mind, perverts the moral faculty, andreduces the conduct of man to the standard of brutes. 

What right then have you to expect greater things from these poormortals? You would not blame a brute for committing ravages upon hisprey, nor ought you to censure a slave, for making attempts to regainhis liberty even at the risque of life itself. 

Ye mercenary Portuguese, ye ambitious French, and ye deceitfulBritons, I again call upon you to take these things into yourconsideration; it is time, a remorse of conscience had seized uponyou; it is time, you were apprised of your danger: Behold thethousands that are annually lost to your governments, in theprosecution of an unlawful and iniquitous trade. 

View the depredations that you commit upon a nation, born equally freewith yourselves; consider the abyss of misery into which you plungeyour fellow-mortals, and reflect upon the horrid crimes you are hourlycommitting under the bright sunshine of revealed religion. --Will younot then find yourselves upon a precipice, and protected from ruin, only because you are too wicked to be lost?

What Empire, or what State can have the hope of existing, whichprosecutes a trade, that proves a sinking fund to her coffers, and toher subjects, tramples the human species under foot, with as muchindifference as the dirt, and fills the world with misery and woe?

Let not a blind hardness of opinion any longer bias your judgments, and prevent you from acting like Christians. 

View the Empires amongst the ancients; behold Egypt in the time ofSecostris, Greece in the time of Cyrus, and Rome in the reign ofAugustus; view them all, powerful as enemies, patterns of virtue andscience, bold and intrepid in war, free and independent; and now seethem sacrificed at the shrine of luxury, and dwindled intoinsignificance. When in power, they usurped the authority of God, theystretched out their arms to encompass their enemies, and bound theircaptives in iron chains of slavery. 

Vengeance was then inflicted, their spoils became the instruments ofpride, luxury and dissipation, and finally proved the cause of theirpresent downfall. 

Then look back at home; view your degeneracy from the times of Louisthe 14th and Charles the 2d, and if a universal blush don't prevail, it will argue a hardness of heart, tempered by a constant action ofwickedness upon the smooth anvil of religion. 

For such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that itdestroys every human principle, vitiates the mind, instills ideas ofunlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of government. 

What a distressing scene is here before us. America, I start at yoursituation! The idea of these direful effect of slavery demand yourmost serious attention. --What! shall a people, who flew to arms withthe valour of Roman Citizens, when encroachments were made upon theirliberties, by the invasion of foreign powers, now basely descend tocherish the seed and propagate the growth of the evil, which theyboldly sought to eradicate. To the eternal infamy of our country, thiswill be handed down to posterity, written in the blood of Africaninnocence. 

If your forefathers have been degenerate enough to introduce slaveryinto your country, to contaminate the minds of her citizens, you oughtto have the virtue of extirpating it. 

Emancipated from the shackles of despotism, you know no superior; freeand independent, you stand equally respected among your foes, andyour allies. --Renowned in history, for your valour, and for yourwisdom, your way is left open to the highest eminence of humanperfection. 

But while with pleasing hopes you may anticipate such an event, theecho of expiring freedom cannot fail to assail the ears, and piercethe heart with keen reproach. 

In the first struggles for American freedom, in the enthusiasticardour for attaining liberty and independence, one of the most noblesentiments that ever adorned the human breast, was loudly proclaimedin all her councils--

Deeply penetrated with a sense of _Equality_, they held it as a fixedprinciple, "_that all men are by nature and of right ought to be free, that they are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certaininalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty and the pursuit ofhappiness_. "

Nevertheless, _when_ the blessings of peace were showered upon them, when they had obtained these rights which they had so boldly contendedfor, _then_ they became apostates to their principles, and rivettedthe fetters of slavery upon the unfortunate Africans. 

Deceitful men! who could have suggested, that American patriotismwould at this day countenance a conduct so inconsistent; that whileAmerica boasts of being a land of freedom, and an asylum for theoppressed of Europe, she should at the same time foster an abominablenursery for slaves, to check the shoots of her growing liberty?

Deaf to the clamours of criticism, she feels no remorse, and blindlypursues the object of her destruction; she encourages the propagationof vice, and suffers her youth to be reared in the habits of cruelty. 

Not even the sobs and groans of injured innocence, which _reek_ fromevery State, can excite her pity, nor human misery bend her heart tosympathy. 

Cruel and oppressive she wantonly abuses the _Rights of Man_, andwillingly sacrifices her liberty at the altar of slavery: What anopportunity is here given for triumph among her enemies? Will they notexclaim, that upon this very day, while the Americans the anniversaryof Freedom and Independence, abject slavery exists tn all her Statesbut one. [37]

How degenerately base to merit the rebuke. Fellow-countrymen, let theheart of humanity awake and direct your counsels; reflect thatslavery gains root among you; look back upon the curses which it hasheaped upon your ancestors, and unanimously combine to drive the_fiend Monster_ from your territories; it is inconsistent with theprinciples of your government, with the education of your youth, andhighly derogatory to the true spirit of Christianity. 

In despotic governments, says Montesque, where they are already in astate of political slavery, civil slavery is more tolerable than inother governments; for there the minds of masters and servants areequally degenerate and act in unison. --But in America, this cannot bethe case; here the pure forms of Republicanism are established, andhold forth to the world the enjoyment of Freedom and Independence. 

Her citizens have thrown off the load of oppression, under which theyformerly laboured; and elated with their signal victories, have becomeoppressors in their turn. 

They have slaves, over whom they carry the iron rod of subjection, andfail not to exercise it with cruelty, hence their situations becomeinsupportable, misery inhabits their cabins, and persecution pursuesthem in the field. 

I would wish to be partial to my country, and carry a hand of lenity;it is more pleasing to celebrate than to detract, but whoever takes aview of the situation of its slaves, will find it even worse than thisdescription. 

Naked and starved, they often fall victims to the inclemencies of theweather, and inhumanly beaten; sacrifices to the turbulent tempers oftheir cruel masters. 

Unfortunate Africans! born in freedom and subjected to slavery! Howlong will you remain the spoils of despotism, and the harbinger ofhuman calamities? Cannot your distresses awaken the heart ofsensibility, and excite her pity? Cannot your unlawful treatment callforth the voice of humanity to plead your cause?

Americans! step forward; you have already diffused a spirit of Libertythroughout the world; you have set examples of heroism; and now let meintreat you to pave the way to the exercise of humanity: anopportunity is offered to raise yourselves to the first eminence amongmankind. 

Rouse then from your lethargy, and let not such torpid indifferenceprevail in your councils. --Slavery, the most implacable enemy to yourcountry, is harboured amongst you; it makes a rapid progress, andthreatens you with destruction. 

Already has it disturbed the limpid streams of liberty, it haspolluted the minds of your youth, sown the seeds of despotism, andwithout a speedy check to her ravages, will sink you into a pit ofinfamy, where you shall be robbed of all the honours you have beforeacquired. 

Let it viewed either morally or politically, and no one argument canbe adduced in its favour. 

The savage mind may perhaps be reconciled to it, but the heart of theChristian must recoil at the idea. --He sees it forbidden in Holy Writ, and his conscience dictates to him, that it is wrong. 

"_He that stealeth a man_, " says Exodus, "_and selleth him, of if hebe found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death. _"

Oh my countrymen! are there any of you who can con over this elegantpassage of Scripture, without trembling; or can you stand before thegreat Author of your existence, with an arm uplifted to subject hiscreatures to slavery, without dreading an execution of this divinethreat. 

"_The nation, to whom they shall be in bondage, will I judge, saidGod_"--and what that judgment may be, is beyond the suggestion ofmortals. We may be hurled amidst the elements of woe to expiate theguilt, for he who holdeth men in slavery liveth in sin. 

In a civilized country, where religion is tolerated in all its purity, it must be the fault of ignorance, stubborn indifference toChristianity, to rebel against divine sentiments; and consideringslavery in a political view, it must appear equally as destructive toour terrestrial happiness, as it endangers our enjoyment of heavenlybliss. 

For who is there, unless innured to savage cruelties, that hear of theinhuman punishments daily afflicted upon the unfortunate Blacks, without feeling for their situations?

Can a man who calls himself a Christian, coolly and deliberately tieup, thumb screw, torture with pincers, and beat unmercifully a poorslave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of duty? Or can any one be aneye witness to such enormities, without at the same time being deeplypersuaded of its guilt?

I fear these questions may be answered in the affirmative, but I hopeby none of this respectable audience; for such men must be monsters, not of the regular order of nature, and equally prone to murder, or toless cruelties. 

But independent of these effects, which the existence of slavery inany country has over the moral faculty of man, it is highly injuriousto its natural oeconomy; it debars the progress of agriculture, andgives origin to sloth and luxury. 

View the fertile fields of Great Britain, where the hand of freedomconducts the plowshare, then look back upon your own, and see how meanwill be the comparison. 

Your labourers are slaves, and they have no inducement, no incentiveto be industrious; they are cloathed and victualled, whether lazy orhard-working; and from the calculations that have been made, onefreeman is worth almost two slaves in the field, which makes it inmany instances cheaper to have hirelings; for they are incited toindustry by the hopes of reputation and future employment, and arecareful of their apparel and their instruments of husbandry, wherethey must provide them for themselves, whereas, the others have littleor no temptation to attend to any of these circumstances. 

But this, the prejudiced mind is scarce able to scan, the pride ofholding men as property is too flattering to yield to the dictates ofreason, and blindly pushes on man to his destruction. 

What a pity is it, that darkness should so obscure us, that Americawith all her transcending glory, should be stigmatized with theinfamous reproach of oppression, and her citizens be called Tyrants. 

Fellow-countrymen, let the hand of persecution be no longer raisedagainst you. --Act virtuously; do unto all men as you would they shoulddo unto you, and exterminate the pest of slavery from your land. 

Then will the tongues of slander be silenced, the shafts of criticismblunted, and America enter upon a new theatre of glory. 

But unless these things shall be done, unless the calamitous situationof the slaves shall at least be alleviated, what is America to expect?Can she think that the repeated insults to Divine Authority will passoff with impunity? Or can she suppose, that men, who are naturallyborn free, shall forever sweat under the yoke of ignominious slavery, without making one effort to regain their liberty?

No, my countrymen, these things are not to be expected. --Heaven willnot overlook such enormities! She is bound to punish impenitentsinners, and her wrath is to be dreaded by all! Moreover, the numberof slaves, that are harboured amongst you holds forth an alarm; inmany parts of the continent they exceed the whites, and are capable ofransacking the country. 

What then, if the fire of Liberty shall be kindled amongst them? What, if some enthusiast in their cause shall beat to arms, and call them tothe standard of freedom? Would they fly in clouds, until their numbersbecame tremendous, and threaten the country with devastation andruin?--It would not be the feeble efforts of an undisciplined people, that could quell their fury. 

Led on by the hopes of freedom, and animated by the aspiring voice oftheir leader, they would soon find, that "a day, an hour of virtuousliberty, worth a whole eternity of bondage. "

Hark! Methinks I hear the work begun, the Blacks have sought forAllies, and found them in the wilderness; they have called the rustysavages to their assistance, and are preparing to take revenge oftheir haughty masters. [38]

A revenge, which they consider as justly merited; for being no longerable to endure their unnatural and unlawful bondage, they aredetermined to seek Liberty or Death. 

Why then is there not some step to be taken to ward off the dreadfulcatastrophe?

Fellow countrymen, will you stand and see your aged parents, yourloving wives, your dutiful children butchered by the merciless hand ofthe enthusiast, when you have it in your power to prevent it?

In this enlightened period, when the Rights of Man is the topick ofpolitical controversy, and slavery is considered not only unnaturalbut unlawful, why do you not step forward and compleat the gloriouswork you have begun, and extend the merciful hand to the unfortunateBlacks? Why do you not form some wise plan to liberate them, andabolish slavery in your country?

If it should be deemed injudicious or impolitic to effect it at once, let it be done gradually; let the children for one or two generationsbe liberated at a certain age, and less than half a century will theplague be totally rooted out from amongst you--then will you begin tosee your consequence--thousands of good citizens will be added to yournumber, and your arms will become invincible: Gratitude will induce_them_ to become your friends; for the PROMISE alone of freedom to aslave ensures his loyalty; witness their conduct in the second Punicwar which the Senate of Rome carried on against Hannibal; not a mandisgraced himself, but all with an intrepidity peculiar to veteransmet their foes, fought and conquered. 

Witness also the valour of a few Blacks in South-Carolina, who underthe promise of freedom, joined the great and good Colonel JOHNLAURENS; and in a sudden surprised the British, and distinguishedthemselves as heroes. 

I remember it was said, they were foremost in the ranks, and noblycontended for their promised reward. 

At this critical juncture, when savage cruelties threatened to invadeyour peaceful territories, and murder your citizens, what greatadvantage might be derived from giving freedom to the Africans atonce. Would they not all became your Allies; would they not turn outhardy for the wilderness, to drive the blood-thirsty savage to hisden, and teach him it were better to live peaceably at home, than tocome under the scourge of such newly liberated levies. 

Americans arouse--It is time to hear the cause of the wretched sons ofAfrica, enslaved in your country; they plead not guilty to everycharge of crime, and unmeritedly endure the sufferings you impose uponthem. 

Yet, like haughty Despots, or corrupt judges, you forbid a trial. Justice however to yourselves and humanity toward your fellow mortals, loudly demand it of you, and you ought not to hesitate in obeyingtheir sacred mandates. 

A few years may be sufficient to make you repent of your unrelentingindifference, and give a stab to all your boasted honors; then mayyou, pitiable citizens, be taught wisdom, when it will be too late;then may you cry out, Abba Father, but mercy will not be found, wheremercy was refused. 

Let all the social feelings of the soul, let honour, philanthropy, pity, humanity, and justice, unite to effect their emancipation. 

For eternal will be the disgrace of keeping them much longer in theiron fetters of slavery, but immortal the honour of accomplishingtheir FREEDOM. 

 * * * * *

 _To the_ SOCIETY. 

Such were the sentiments, my friends, that first induced you to formyourselves into this Society. 

For seeing human nature debased in the most vile manner, and seeingalso that your country deeply suffered from the iniquitous custom ofholding man in slavery, you have justly concluded "that at thisparticular crisis, when Europe and America appear to pay someattention to this evil, the united endeavours of a few, might greatlyinfluence the public opinion, and produce from the transient sentimentof the times, effects, extensive, lasting and useful. "--But howevergreat have been your exertions; however much they have been guided bythe precepts of humanity and religion, your public reward has beencensure and criticism; but let not such airy weapons damp your ardourfor doing good; your _just reward_ is in Heaven, not on earth. 

Yours is the business of mercy and compassion, not of oppression. Youforcibly rescue from the hands of no man his property, but by yourexamples and precepts you promote the Abolition of Slavery, and giverelief to free Negroes, and others unlawfully held in bondage. 

You have shown an anxiety to extend a portion of that freedom toothers, which GOD in his Providence hath extended unto you, and arelease from that thraldom to which yourselves and your country wereso lately tyrannically doomed, and from which you have been butrecently delivered. You have evinced to the world your inclination toremove as much as possible the sorrows of those who have lived inundeserved bondage, and that your hearts are expanded with kindnesstoward men of all colours, conditions and nations; and if you did notinterest yourselves in their behalf, how long might their situationsremain hard and distressing. 

Numbers might passively remain for life in abject slavery from anignorance of the mode of acquiring their emancipation, notwithstandingthey may be justly entitled to their freedom by birth and by the law. 

If the hand of prosecution is now raised against you, for relievingyour fellow mortals from the distresses of unlawful slavery, andrestoring them to liberty, it is to be hoped it will not be of longduration; the principles of your institutions will be daily made moreknown, and others will begin to think as you do; they will find uponreflection, that they have no just power or authority to hold men inslavery, and seeing that your actions are charitable anddisinterested, will cordially inlist under your banners, and aid yourbenevolent exertions. 

Already have you reason to suppose, that your good examples have beeninfluential; you humbly began with a few, and you now see your numbershourly encreasing. 

It may be the effusions of a youthful fancy, solicitous ofaggrandizing your merit, but I fear not to say, that the operations ofsimilar institutions will date one of the most splendid ĉras ofAmerican greatness. 

Go on then, my friends, pursue the dictates of an unsulliedconscience, and cease not until you have finished your work--but letprudence guide you in all your undertakings, and let not anenthusiastic heat predominate over reason. Your cause is a just one, consistent with law and equity, and must finally be advocated by allmen of Humanity and Religion. 

 * * * * *

 "_For, 'tis Liberty alone which gives the flower of fleeting life its lustre and perfume, And we are weeds without it. _"

 TASK. 

FOOTNOTES:

[36] _A whip with nine tails. _

[37] Massachusetts. 

[38] This was thrown out as a conjecture of what possibly mighthappen, and the insurrections in St. Domingo tend to prove the danger, to be more considerable than has generally been supposed, andsufficient to alarm the inhabitants of these States. 

FINIS. 

[Transcriber's Notes:

 Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. 

 The transcriber noted the following issues and made changes as indicated to the text to correct obvious errors:

 1. P. 15, "tendto" --> "tend to" 2. P. 18, "partiotism" --> "patriotism" 3. P. 30, Footnote #9, "Litterature" --> "Littérature" 4. P. 33, Footnote #10, Elliot's Debates, Va. P. 452: (page number is indecipherable, possibly 452. ) 5. P. 37, Footnote #11, "contray" --> "contrary" 6. P. 40, Footnote #12, April 23, 178?, (year is indecipherable) 7. P. 41, Both "Ralph Sandiford" and "Ralph Sandyford" appear in main text and Footnote #13 8. P. 76, Both "Adam Fonerdon" and "Adam Fonerden" appear in main text and Footnote #21 9. P. 99, "terrestial" --> "terrestrial" 10. P. 18, "peceably" --> "peaceably"

 Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain as published. 

End of Transcriber's Notes]