[This text uses UTF-8 (Unicode) file encoding. If the apostrophes andquotation marks in this paragraph appear as garbage, make sure yourtext reader’s “character set” or “file encoding” is set to Unicode(UTF-8). You may also need to change the default font. As a lastresort, use the Latin-1 version of the file instead. 

The text is based on the 1865 EETS edition of Thynne’s _Animadversions_. Two purely typographic features have been adopted from the 1876 ChaucerSociety re-edition of the same MS. Passages printed in brackets in 1865have been changed to 1876’s parentheses; conversely, letters and wholewords supplied by the editor are shown in brackets, reserving italicsfor expanded abbreviations. A few apparent errors were corrected fromthe 1876 text. Some other differences between the two editions arenoted at the end of the e-text. 

Italicized letters within a word are shown in {braces}. Other italicsare shown conventionally with _lines_. Superscripts are shown withcarets ^. 

The Sidenotes have been duplicated at the beginning of the text to actas a table of contents. ]

 Animaduersions

 uppon

 Chaucer’s Workes. 

 [Sidenotes: The author is vexed that Master Speight did not consult him on his new edition of Chaucer. Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, and justifies him as editor. His father’s collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity. The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evil lives of churchmen. William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII. , who promiseth to countenance him. The promise broken through the power of Wolsey. The most part of Colin Clout written at William Thynne’s house at Erith. Chaucer’s works like to be destroyed by parliament. Reasons why the Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s. How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. Was dispersed abroad. He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer’s family. Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man. Chaucer his arms injustly undervalued. Philippa of Henault came not over with Prince Edward. Bartholomew de Burgersh sent for Philippa of Henault. The conjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of no valydytye. Master Speight misquoteth Gower. Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower to Chaucer. Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) of Stittenham. Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not for poetry. The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament of honour. The knighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye. Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat a Franciscan Fryer but? The lawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III. Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nor doth Thynne. The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, and legytymated by the Pope and the Parliament. Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of the Burgershes. Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace. Jane of Navarre maryed to Henry IV. , in the 5th year of his reign. The de la Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, but William was not the first that did so. The clergy offended that the temporal men were found as wise as themselves. A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant. Alice, the wife of Richard Neville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute. He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history of printing. The Romante of the Rose began by Guillm̄ de Loris, and finished by John de la Meune. Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of the Duchess. John of Gaunt, his incontinency. Doubteth master Speight’s ability in the exposition of old words, but commendeth his diligence and knowledge. Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war. A besant is a besant, and not a duckett. Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing even metaphorically. Orfrayes not Goldsmith’s work, but frysed cloth of gold, a manufacture peculiar to the English. Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water. Resager is ratsbane or arsenic. Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to mean superstitious and hypocritical women from their nature. Citrinatione or perfect digestion. Forage is old and hard provision made for horses and cattle in winter, or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it may mean grass. Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron. The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer or eglantine. Nowell meaneth more than Christmas. Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble in common. Sendale, a sylke stuffe. The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engine to cast stones. Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon. Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not of antiquitye. Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so. Of the Vernacle. Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, and giveth reasons. Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that of Heros, and giveth reasons. Of florins and their name from the Florentines. Sterling money taketh its name from the Esterlings. King John of France, his ransom of three millions of florens. Of the oken garland of Emelye. Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction. The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or he would not have known Emelye. Straught, a better word than haughte. Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction. Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction. It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that he coughed at the window. Surrye or Russye, indifferent which. Cambuscan is Caius canne. “That may not saye naye, ” better than “there may no wighte say naye. ” Theophraste, not Paraphraste. The wife of Bath’s Prologue taken from the author of Policraticon. Country, not Couentry. Maketh, not waketh. Hugh of Lincoln. “Where the sunne is in his ascensione, ” a good reading. Kenelm slain by Queen Drida. Master Speight mistaketh his almanack. The degrees of the signe are misreckoned, not the signe itself. Mereturicke is a corruption of Merecenrycke, or the kingdom of Mercia. Pilloures of silver borne before Cardinalls. Liketh best the old reading of “change of many manner of meates. ” And also the old reading of “myters” more than one or two for the sake of the meter. The lordes sonne of Windsore is in the French Romant of the rose, but is there spelled Guindesores. Master Thynne knoweth not clearly why the Baron should be called of Windsor. The ordeal was not tryall by fier only, but also by water, nor for chastity only, but for many other matters. The fyery ordeal was by going on hote shares and cultors, not going through the fyre. The mother of Edward confessor passed over nine burnynge shares. The ordeal taken away by the court of Rome, and after by Henry III. The stork bewrayeth not adultery but wreaketh the adultery of his owne mate. The plowman’s tale is wrong placed. Chaucer’s proper works should be distinguished from those adulterat and not his. There were three editions of Chaucer before William Thynne dedicated his to Henry VIII. The first editions being very corrupt, William Thynne augmented and corrected them. Master Speight hath omytted many auctors vouched by Chaucer. It should be Harlottes, and not Haroldes. The king of Ribalds or Harlottes, an officer of great accompt in times past. Johannes Tyllius maketh mention of a Rex Ribaldorum. Also Vincentius Luparius maketh him an honourable officer. The Rex Ribaldorum was like unto our Marshall. The Marshalls duties and his powers over Harlotts and lost men. Master Thynne being a herold liketh not that false semblance should be thought one. Hate was a Moueresse or stirrer of debate, not a minoresse. Molinet calleth Hate a Ducteress, or leader. ]

 +Chaucer. +

 ANIMADUERSIONS

 uppon the Annotacions and correct{i}ons of some imperfect{i}ons of impress{i}ones of Chaucer’s workes (sett downe before tyme and nowe) reprinted in the yere of our lorde 1598

 Sett downe by FRANCIS THYNNE. 

 “Sortee pur bien ou ne sortee rien. ”

 Now Newly Edited from the MS. In the Bridgewater Library

 by

 G. H. KINGSLEY, M. D. , F. L. S. 

 LONDON: Published for the Early English Text Society, by N. Trübner & Co. , 60, Paternoster Row. 

 MDCCCLXV. 

 John Childs and Son, Printers. 

PREFACE. 

Although only the grandson of the first of his name, the author of thefollowing interesting specimen of 16th-century criticism came of afamily of great antiquity, of so great an antiquity, indeed, as topreclude our tracing it back to its origin. This family was originallyknown as the “De Botfelds, ” but in the 15th century one branch adoptedthe more humble name of “Thynne, ” or “of the Inne. ” Why the latter namewas first assumed has never been satisfactorily explained. It can hardlybe supposed that “John de la Inne de Botfelde, ” as he signed himself, kept a veritable hostelry and sold ale and provender to the travellersbetween Ludlow and Shrewsbury, and most probably the term Inn was usedin the sense which has given us “Lincoln’s Inn, ” “Gray’s Inn, ” or“Furnivall’s Inn, ” merely meaning a place of residence of the higherclass, though in this case inverted, the Inn giving its name to itsowner. 

However obtained, the name has been borne by the most successful branchof the De Botfelds down to the present Marquess of Bath, who nowrepresents it. Much interesting matter connected with the family wascollected by a late descendant of the older branch, Beriah Botfeld, andpublished by him in his “Stemmata Botvilliana. ”

The first “John of the Inn” married one Jane Bowdler, by whom he had ason Ralph, who married Anne Hygons, and their son William became clerkof the kitchen, and according to some, master of the household to HenryVIII. He married in the first place a lady who, however she may haveadvanced her husband’s prospects at court, behaved in a manner whichmust have considerably marred his satisfaction at her success. Those whowish to study the matrimonial sorrows of “Thynnus Aulicus, ” as he callshim, may consult Erasmus in his Epistolæ, lib. Xv. Epist. Xiv. 

His second marriage to Anne Bond, daughter of William Bond, clerk ofgreen cloth and master of the household to Henry VIII. , was morefortunate, and by her he had daughters and one son, our Francis Thynne. 

Though his son gives him no higher position in the court of Henry VIII. Than the apparently humble one of clerk of the kitchen, he is careful tolet us know that the post was in reality no mean one, and that “therewere those of good worship both at court and country” who had at onetime been well pleased to be his father’s clerks. That he was a man ofsuperior mind there is no question, and we have a pleasant hint in thefollowing tract of his intimacy with his king, and of their mutualfondness for literature. To William Thynne, indeed, all who read theEnglish language are deeply indebted, for to his industry and love forhis author we owe much of what we now possess of Chaucer. Anothercurious bit of literary gossip to be gleaned from this tract is thatWilliam Thynne was a patron and supporter of John Skelton, who was aninmate of his house at Erith, whilst composing that most masterly bit ofbitter truth, his “Colin Clout, ” a satire perhaps unsurpassed in ourlanguage. 

William Thynne rests beside his second wife, in the church ofAllhallows, Barking, near the Tower of London, where there are twohandsome brasses to their memory. That of William Thynne represents himin full armour with a tremendous dudgeon dagger and broadsword, mostwarlike guize for a clerk of the kitchen and editor of Chaucer. Thedress of his wife is quite refreshing in its graceful comeliness inthese days of revived “farthingales and hoops. ” These brasses wererestored by the late Marquess of Bath. Would that the same good feelingfor things old had prevented the owners of the “church property” fromcasing the old tower with a hideous warehouse. 

The Sir John Thynne mentioned in the “Animadversions” was most probablya cousin of Francis. He married the daughter of Sir Thomas Gresham, thebuilder of the Royal Exchange, part of whose wealth was devoted by hisson-in-law to the building of the beautiful family seat of Long Leat, in Wiltshire, in which work he was doubtless aided indirectly by theReformation, for, says the old couplet, “Portman, Horner, Popham, and Thynne, When the monks went out they came in. ”

Francis Thynne was born in Kent, probably at his father’s house atErith, about 1550. He was educated at Tunbridge school under learnedMaster Proctor, thence to Magdalen College, Oxford, and then, as themanner was, to the Inns of Court, where he lay at Lincoln’s Inn for awhile. Some men are born antiquarians as others are born poets, and wemay be pretty certain that it was at Thynne’s own desire that his courtinfluence was used to procure him the post of “Blanch Lyon pursuivant, ”a position which would enable him to pursue studies, the results ofwhich, however valuable in themselves, but seldom prove capable of beingconverted into the vulgar necessities of food and raiment. Poor JohnStowe, with his license to beg, as the reward of the labour of his life, is a terrible proof of how utterly unmarketable a valuable commodity maybecome. 

Leading a calm and quiet life in the pleasant villages of Poplar andClerkenwell, in “sweet and studious idleness, ” as he himself calls it, the old herald was enabled to accumulate rich stores of matter, much ofwhich has come down to us, principally in manuscript, scattered throughvarious great libraries, which prove him to have deserved Camden’sestimate of him as “an antiquary of great judgment and diligence. ” Itwould seem that he had entertained the idea of following in his father’sfootsteps, and of becoming an editor of Chaucer, and that he had evenmade some collections towards that end. The appearance of Speight’sedition probably prevented this idea being carried out, and the evidentsoreness exhibited in this little tract very probably arose from afeeling that his friend had rather unfairly stolen a march upon him. However the wound was not deep, and Speight made use of Thynne’scorrections, and Thynne assisted Speight, in new editions, with allfriendship and sympathy. [1] I suspect him of dabbling in alchemy andthe occult sciences. He shows himself well acquainted with the termspeculiar to those mysteries, and hints that Chaucer only “enveyed”against the “sophisticall abuse, ” not the honest use of the Arcana. Moreover in the British Museum (MS.  add. 11, 388) there is a volumecontaining much curious matter collected by him on these subjects, andnot only collected but illustrated by him with most gorgeous colours andwondrous drawing, worthy of the blazonry of a Lancaster Herald. Thecostumes however are carefully correct, and give us useful hints as tothe fashion of the raiment of our ancestors. From the peculiar piety andearnestness (most important elements in the search for the philosopher’sstone), of the small “signs” and prayers appended to these papers, itis, I think, clear, that he was working in all good faith and belief. Possibly the following lines, which seem to have been his favouritemotto, may have been inspired by the disappointment and dyspepsiaproduced by his smoky studies and their ill success, “My strange and froward fate Shall turn her whele anew To better or to payre my fate, Which envy dothe pursue. ”

 [Footnote 1: “To the readers. After this booke was last printed, I understand that M.  Francis Thynn had a purpose, as indeed he hath when the time shall serve, to set out Chaucer with a coment in our tongue, as the Italians have Petrarke and others in their language. Whereupon I purposed not to meddle any further in this work, although some promise made to the contrarie, but to referre all to him; being a gentleman for that purpose inferior to none, both in regard to his own skill, as also of those helps left to him by his father. Yet notwithstanding, Chaucer now being printed againe I was willing not only to helpe some imperfections, but also to add some things whereunto he did not only persuade me, but most kindly lent me his helpe and direction. By this means most of his old words are restored: proverbes and sentences marked: such Notes as were collected, drawne into better order and the text by olde copies corrected. ” Speight’s Chaucer, 1602. ]

On the 22nd of April, 1602, he was with great ceremony advanced to thehonour of Lancaster Herald. He never surrendered his patent, and as hissuccessor entered on that post in November, 1608, he is supposed to havedied about that date, though some postpone his death till 1611. Hemarried Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas de la Rivers ofBransbe, but left no issue. 

There are many points of interest to be picked out of the followinghonest and straightforward bit of criticism, if we examine it closely:and, firstly, as to its author? Is there not something verycharacteristic in its general tone, something dimly sketching a shadowyoutline of a kindly, fussy, busy, querulous old man, much given to tinyminutiæ, a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable in collecting“contributions” to minor history; one jealous of all appearance ofslight to his office, even to being moved to wrath with Master Speightfor printing “Harolds” instead of “Harlotts, ” and letting him know howmightily a “Harold” like himself would be offended at being holden ofthe condition of so base a thing as False Semblance? Perhaps the more sofrom a half-consciousness that the glory of the office was declining, and that if the smallest opening were given, a ribald wit might createterrible havock amongst his darling idols. How delicately he snubsMaster Speight for not calling on him at Clerkenwell Green (How wouldSpeight have travelled the distance in 1598? It was a long uphill walkfor an antiquarian, and the fields by no means safe from long-staffsixpenny strikers); and how modestly he hints that he would have derivedno “disparagement” from so doing; showing all the devotion to littlematters of etiquette of an amiable but irritable old gentleman of ourown day. 

But mark this old gentleman’s description of his father’s collection ofChaucer’s MS. ! Had ever a Bibliophile a more delightful commission thanthat one of William Thynne’s, empowering him to rout and to rummageamongst all the monasteries and libraries of England in search of theprecious fragments? And had ever a Bibliophile a greater reward for hispleasant toils? “Fully furnished with a multitude of books, emongstwhich one coppye of some part of his works subscribed in various places‘Examinatur Chaucer’!” Where is this invaluable MS. Now? It is worth thetracing, if it be possible, even to its intermediate history. Was it oneof those stolen from Francis Thynne’s house at Poplar by thatbibliomaniacal burglar? or was it one of those which in a fit ofgenerosity, worthy of those heroic times, he gave to Stephen Batemann, that most fortunate parson of Newington? Is this commission to beregarded as some slight proof that the spoliation of the monasteries wasnot carried on with the reckless Vandalism usually attributed to thereformers?

We learn from this tract that William Thynne left no less thantwenty-five copies of Chaucerian MS. To his son, doubtless but a smalltything of the entire number extant, showing that there were men amongstthe monks who could enjoy wit and humour even when directed againstthemselves, and that there must have been some considerable liberalityif not laxness of rule amongst the orders of the day. It would, I fancy, be difficult to find amongst the monkeries of our own time (exceptpossibly those belonging to that very cheery order the Capuchines) anabbot inclined to permit his monks to read, much less to copy, soheretical a work as the Canterbury Tales, however freely he winked atthe introduction of French nouvellettes. 

But though some may have enjoyed Chaucer in all good faith, there wereothers who saw how trenchant were the blows he dealt against thechurchmen of his time, and what deadly mischief to their pre-eminencelurked under his seeming _bonhommie_. Wolsey thought it worth his whileto exert his influence against him so strongly as to oblige WilliamThynne to alter his plan of publication, though backed by the promisedprotection of Henry VIII. And the curious action of the Parliamentnoticed in the tract (p.  7) was doubtless owing to the sameinfluence:[2] an assumption of the right of censure by the Parliamentwhich seems to have gone near to deprive us of Chaucer altogether. TheParliament men were right in regarding the works of Chaucer as merefables, but they forgot that fables have “morals, ” and that these moralswere directed to the decision of the great question of whether the“spiritual” or the “temporal” man was to rule the world, a questionunhappily not quite settled even in our own time. 

 [Footnote 2: Urry, in his Ed. Of Chaucer, says that the Canterbury Tales were exempt from the prohibition of the Act of 34 Henry VIII. “For the advancement of true religion. ” I find no notice of this in the Act in the “Statutes at large, ” 1763. He also refers to Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, which is also merely negative on the subject. ]

The notice of that other sturdy reformer, John Skelton (p.  7) is alsovery interesting, and gives us a hint of the existence of a “protesting”feeling in the Court of Henry VIII. Before there was any reason forattributing it to mere private or political motives. From the way inwhich it is mentioned here, I suspect that the more general satire“Colin Clout” preceded the more directly personal one of “Why come yenat to court?” which lashes Wolsey himself with a heartily outspokenvirulence which would hardly have been tolerated by him when in thezenith of his power. It was not improbably written whilst its author wassafe in sanctuary under Bishop Islip. William Thynne, court favouritethough he was, could never have kept Skelton’s head on his shouldersafter so terrible a provocation. 

Wherever he may be placed, John Skelton stands alone amongst satirists, there is no one like him: possibly from a feeling that he was writing onthe winning side, and sure of sympathy and protection, he scorns to hidehis pearls under a dunghill like Rabelais, and utters fearlessly andopenly what he has to say. Even in our own time, “Though his rime be ragged Tattered and iagged Rudely rain-beaten Rusty and moth-eaten _If ye talke well therewyth Yt hath in it some pith_. ”

Thynne’s note on the family of Gower (p. 14) is of value as agreeingwith later theories, which deny that Gower the poet was of the Gowers ofStittenham, the ancestors of the present houses of Sutherland andEllesmere. The question is not, however, finally decided, and we havereason to believe that all the Gowers of Great Britain are descendedfrom the same family of Guers still flourishing in Brittany. Earlycoat-armours are not much to be depended on, and Thynne as a Herald maylean a little too much towards them. The question is, however, in goodhands, and I hope that before long some fresh light may be thrownupon it. 

The old story of Chaucer’s having been fined for beating a Franciscanfriar in Fleet Street is doubted by Thynne, though hardly, I think, onsufficient grounds. Tradition (when it agrees with our own views) is notlightly to be disturbed, and remembering with what more than femininepowers of invective “spiritual” men seem to be not unfrequently endowed, and also how atrociously insolent a Franciscan friar would be likely tobe (of course from the best motives) to a man like Chaucer, who hadburnt into the very soul of monasticism with the caustic of his wit, I shall continue to believe the legend for the present. If the mediævalItalians are to be believed, the cudgelling of a friar was occasionallythought necessary even by the most faithful, and I see no reason whyhale Dan Chaucer should not have lost his temper on sufficientprovocation. Old men have hot blood sometimes, and Dickens does notoutrage probability when he makes Martin Chuzzelwit the elder, fell MrPecksniff to the ground. 

Much of the tract is taken up by corrections of etymologies, and theexplanation of obscure and obsolete words. It is a little curious thatthe word “orfrayes, ” which had gone so far out of date as to beunintelligible to Master Speight, should, thanks to the new rage forchurch and clergy decoration, have become reasonably common again. Thenote on the “Vernacle” is another bit of close and accurate antiquarianknowledge worth noting. It is most tantalizing that after all he saysabout that mysterious question of “The Lords son of Windsor, ” a questionas mysterious as that demanding why Falstalf likened Prince Henry’sfather to a “singing man” of the same place, we should be left as wiseas we were before. We have here and there, too, hints as to what we havelost from Thynne’s great storehouse of information; how valuable wouldhave been “that long and no common discourse” which he tells us he mighthave composed on that most curious form of judicial knavery, the ordeal;and possibly much more so is that of his “collections” for his editionof Chaucer! This last may, however, be still recovered by some fortunateliterary mole. 

The notice, by no means clear, but certainly not complimentary, of “thesecond editione to one inferior personne, than my father’s editionewas, ” may refer to any of the editions of Chaucer which, according toLowndes, were printed more or less from William Thynne’s edition in1542, 1546, and 1555; but from another passage hinting that Speightfollowed “a late English corrector whom I forbear to name, ” I suspectthat the “inferior personne” was poor John Stowe, and the edition tohave been that edited by him in 1561, the nearest in point of date tothat of Speight. 

The manuscript from which this tract is reprinted is, like most of thetreasures of the Bridgewater Library, wonderfully clean and in goodorder. It is entirely in the Autograph of Francis Thynne, and wasevidently written purposely for the great Lord Chancellor Egerton, and bears his arms emblazoned on the title-page. Master Speight mostprobably got _his_ copy of Animadversions in a more humble form. 

In conclusion may I remark that, as usual, the green silk ribands, originally attached to the vellum and gold cover, are closely cut away, probably for the purpose of being converted into shoe-ties, which RobertGreen informs us was the usual destination of those appended topresentation copies, hinting at the same time that they were generallythe only solid advantage gained by the dedicatee from the honour donehim. 

LIST OF THYNNE’S WORKS

1. The perfect Ambassador, treating of the Antiquity, Privileges, andBehaviour of men belonging to that Function. 12mo, 1651 & 1652. 

(This was first published in 1651 under the title “The application ofcertain histories concerning Ambassadors and their functions. ” Thetitle-page only is new. MS. Note by Bliss. British Museum, 8005--a. )

2. Annals of Scotland, in some part continued from the time in which Ra. Holinshead left, being an. 1571 unto the year 1586. London, 1586. Fol. 

3. “There are also the catalogues of the Protectors, Governors, orRegents of Scotland during the King’s minority, or the minority ofseveral kings, or their insufficiency of government. There are also thecatalogues of all Dukes of Scotland by creation or descent, of theChancellors of Scotland; Archbishops of St Andrews and divers writers ofScotland. ” _A.  a’ Wood. _

4. Catalogue of English Cardinals set down in R.  Holinshed’s Chronicleat the end of Q.  Mary. 

5. “A Discourse of Arms, ” dated “Clerkenwell Grene, 5th of Jan. , 1593. ”MS. In the College of Arms. 

6. “Catalogue of the Chancellors of England. ” MS. In the BridgewaterLibrary. 

7. “Collections for the History of England. ” MS. In Bridgewater Library. 

8. Animadversions on Speight’s Chaucer, MS. In Bridgewater Library. 

9. Several Collections of Antiquities. Notes concerning Arms, monumentalAntiquities,  &c. MS. Cotton’s Lib. Cleopatra, C.  3. P.  62. 

10. A discourse of the duty and office of a Herald of Arms, ad. 1605. MS. Bib. Ashmol. N.  835. 

11. Missellanies of the Treasury. MS. 1599. 

12. Matters concerning Heralds, and Tryal of Armes and the CourtMilitary. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 12 (printed in Hearne’s Collection of CuriousDiscourses). 

13. Names of the Earls Marshall of England, A. D. 1601. MS. Bib. Ashmol. 1374. 

14. Epitaphia. Sive monumenta Sepulchrorum Anglici et Latini quamgallice.  MS. 

“In the castrations to Hollingshed’s Chronicles are the four followingdiscourses by this Author, which were suppressed from political motives, they have been added to the late quarto Edition. ”

15. The Collection of the Earls of Leicester, compiled in 1585. 

16. The lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, written in 1586. 

17. Treatise of the Lord Cobham. (Is this the “Lives of the Lords Cobhamof Cobham, Randale and Harborough, ” British Mus. MS. Add. 12, 514. F.  56?)

18. The catalogue of the Lord Wardens of the Cinque Ports, andconstables of Dover Castle, as well in the time of King Edward surnamedthe Confessor, as since the reign of the conqueror. MS. 1585 (Was in thelibrary of More, Bishop of Eley, and now in the British Museum. MS. Add. 12, 514). 

19. Of Stirling Money. 

20. Of what antiquity shires were in England. 

21. Of the antiquity and etymology of terms and fines for administrationof justice in England. 

22. Of the antiquity of the houses of Law. 

23. Of Epitaphs. 

24. On the antiquity, &c. , of the high Steward of England. 

25. The antiquity and office of Earl Marshall. (These last seven areprinted in “Hearne’s Curious Discourses. ” 8vo, 1775. )

26. Discourse of bastards. Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 4176, fol. 139. 

27. The Plea between the advocate and the anti-advocate concerning theBath and Batchelor Knights. Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 12, 530. 

28. Annals of England. Mus. Brit. MS. Add. 926, 1017, 12, 514. 

29. The kinges book of all the border Knyghtes, Squiers, and gentlemenof this realm of England, by Francis Thynne, 1601, MS. Mus. Brit. MSS. Add. 11, 388. 

(The same volume contains much curious matter collected and illustratedby Thynne--principally bearing on the philosopher’s stone. The principalpaper is a rhyming Latin poem, “De Phenicæ sive de Lapide Philosophico, ”referred to in the tract. )

Collections out of Domus Regni Angliæ. Nomina Episcoporum in Somerset. Nomina Saxonica de Donatoribus a Regibus Eadfrido, Eadgare et Edwardo, Catalogus Episcoporum, Barton and Wells. A book of collections andcommentaries de historia et Rebus Britannicis. 

Collections out of manuscript, Historians Registers of Abbies, Legerbooks, and other antient manuscripts. 

ANIMADVERSIONS. 

+To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir ThomasEgertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master ofthe Rooles of the Chancerye. +

It was (Ryghte honorable and my verye good lorde) one anncienteand gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heigh[t]eof their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye orthe desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the montheof Januarye (consecrated to the dooble faced godd Janus one thefyrste daye whereof they made electione of their cheife officersand magystrates) presente somme gyfte unto his frende as thenoote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwenethem, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye goodeffectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome notrestinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with theRomans (as did their language and many other their usages andlawes) into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre andgouermente stretched. Passed also ouer the Oceane into the litleworlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor fromethose, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. Fforwhiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that mosteexcellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte topresente unto yo{u}r Lo{rdship} suche poore neweyeres gyfte asmy weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll willpermytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that hewhiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must foreuer after be impudente, (a grounde w{hi}che I fynde fullyveryfyed in my selfe, havinge once before outgonne the boundesof shamefastnesse in presentinge to yo{u}r Lordshippe myconfused collect{i}ons and disordered discourse of theChauncelors)[3] I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in notblusshinge to salute you agayne (in the begynnynge of this neweyere) with my petye animadvers{i}ons, uppon the annotac{i}onsand corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon thelast edit{i}one of Chaucer’s workes in the yere of oureredempt{i}one 1598; thinges (I confesse) not so answerable toyo{u}r Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe yourdesarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo notin all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectac{i}one andmy goode will, (accordinge as I wyshe they sholde), yet I dobtnot but yo{u}r lordshippe (not degeneratinge from youre formercurtesye wontinge to accompanye all youre act{i}ons) willaccepte these trifles from yo{u}r lovinge well-willer, in suchesorte, as I shall acknowledge my selfe beholdinge and endebtedto yo{u}r Lordshippe for the same. Whiche I hoope yo{u}rLordshippe will the rather doo (with pardonynge my presumptione)because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my lastebooke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance ofthis pamfelette. Wherefore yf yo{u}r Lordshippe shall receve ytcurteouslye (and so not to dischorage mee in my sweete andstudiouse idlenesse) I will hereafter consecrate to yo{u}rlykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte, answerable to the excellencye of yo{u}r iudgemente, and mete todeclare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beareand owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence Icommytte this simple treatyce. Thus (withe hartye prayercomendinge youre estate to the Almightye (who send to yo{u}r Lordshippe manye happye and helthfull yeres and to me the enlarged contynuance of youre honorable fauo{r}) I humblye take my leave. Clerkenwell grene the xx of December 1599. Yo{u}r Lordshippes wholye to dyspose, Francis Thynne. 

 [Footnote 3: “_The names and Armes of the Chancellors collected into one Catologue by ffrancis Thynn declaring the yeres of the reignes of the kinges and the yere of our Lorde in whiche they possessed that office. _” --_Folio MS. Bridgewater Library. _]

TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting. 

[Sidenote: The author is vexed that Master Speight did notconsult him on his new edition of Chaucer. ] THE INDUSTRYE ANDLOVE (MASTER SPEIGHT) whiche you haue used, and beare, uppon andto oure famous poete Geffrye Chaucer, deseruethe bothecomendat{i}one and furtherance: the one to recompense yo{u}rtrauayle, the other to accomplyshe the duetye, whiche we allbeare (or at the least yf we reuerence lernynge or regarde thehonor of oure Countrye, sholde beare) to suche a singulerornamente of oure tonge, as the woorkes of Chaucer are: Yetsince there is nothinge so fullye perfected, by anye one, whereine some imp{er}fect{i}one maye not bee founde, (for as theprouerbe is Bernardus, or as others have Alanus, non videtomnia, ) you must be contented to gyve me leave in discharge ofthe duetye and love whiche I beare to Chaucer, (whome I supposeI have as great intereste to adorne withe my smale skyll as anyeother hath, in regarde that the laborious care of my father madehym most acceptable to the worlde in correctinge and augmentingehis woorkes, ) to enter into the examinat{i}one of this neweedit{i}one, and that the rather, because you with _Horace_ hisverse “si quid novisti rectius istis, candidus imperti, ” havewilled all others to further the same, and to accepte yo{u}rlabors in good p{ar}te, whiche as I most willingly doo, someaninge but well to the worke, I ame to lett yo{u} understandemy conceyte thereof, whiche before this, yf yo{u} wolde havevouchesafed my howse, or have thoughte me worthy to have bynacqueynted with these matters, (whiche yo{u} might well havedonne without anye whatsoeuer dispargement to yo{ur}selfe, ) yousholde haue understoode before the impressione, althoughe thiswhiche I here write ys not nowe uppon selfe will or fonndconceyte to wrangle for one asses shadowe, or to seke a knott ina rushe, but in frendlye sorte to bringe truthe to lighte, a thinge whiche I wolde desire others to use towardes mee inwhatsoeuer shall fall oute of my penne. Wherefore I will hereshewe such thinges as, in mye opynione, may seme to be touched, not medlinge withe the seconde editione to one inferior personnethen my fathers editione was. 

[Sidenote: Also vexed at a side blow at his father’s edition, and justifies him as editor. ] Ffyrste in yo{ur} forespeche tothe reader, yo{u} saye “secondly the texte by written copiescorrected” by whiche worde corrected, I maye seme to gather, that yo{u} imagine greate imperfect{i}one in my fatherseditione, whiche peraduenture maye move others to saye (as someunadvisedlye have sayed) that my father had wronged Chaucer:wherefore to stoppe that gappe, I will answere, that Chaucerswoorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce, yf not thrice, andtherfore by oure carelesse (and for the most p{ar}te unlerned)printers of Englande, not so well performed as yt ought to bee:so that of necessytye bothe in matter, myter and meaninge, ytmust needes gather corrupt{i}one, passinge throughe so manyehandes, as the water dothe the further yt run{n}ethe from thepure founteyne. To enduce me and all others to iudge hisedit{i}one (whiche I thinke yo{u} neuer sawe wholye together, beinge fyrst printed but in one coolume in a page, whereof Iwill speake hereafter) was the p{er}fectest: ys the ernestdesire and love my father hadde to have Chaucers woorkesrightlye to be publy{s}hed. For the performance whereof, myfather not onlye used the helpe of that lerned and eloquentkn[i]ghte and antiquarye Sir Briane Tuke, but had also madegreate serche for copies to p{er}fecte his woorkes, as apperethein the ende of the squiers tale, in his edit{i}one printed inthe yere 1542; [Sidenote: His father’s collection of MS. Chaucers and their curiosity. ] but further had comiss{i}one toserche all the liberaries of Englande for Chaucers works, sothat oute of all the Abbies of this Realme (whiche reserved anyemonumentes thereof) he was fully furnished w{i}th multitude ofBookes. Emongst w{hic}he one coppye of some p{ar}te of hiswoorkes came to his handes subscribed in diuers places withe“examinatur Chaucer. ” By this Booke, and conferringe manye ofthe other written copies together, he deliuered his edit{i}one, fullye corrected, as the amendementes under his hande, in thefyrst printed booke that euer was of his woorkes (beinge stampedby the fyrste impress{i}one that was in Englande) will welldeclare, at what tyme he added manye thinges w{hi}che were notbefore printed, as you nowe haue donne soome, of whiche I amep{er}swaded (and that not w{i}thoute reasone) the originall camefrom mee. [Sidenote: The Pilgrime’s Tale telling forth the evillives of churchmen. ] In w{hi}che his edit{i}one, beinge printedbut w{i}th one coolume in a syde, there was the pilgrymes tale, a thinge moore odious to the Clergye, then the speche of theplowmanne; that pilgrimes tale begynnynge in this sorte;

 “In Lincolneshyre fast by a fenne, Standes a relligious howse who doth yt kenne, ” &c. 

In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against thepride, state, couetoussness, and extorc{i}one of the Bysshoppes, their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes, and other officers of the spirituall courte. The invent{i}oneand order whereof (as I have herde yt related by some nowe ofgood worshippe bothe in courte and countrye but then my fathersclerkes, ) was, that one comynge into this relligious howse, walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures ofBysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge inthat contemplatione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were, a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in alarge blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym, what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed heknewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke untoour mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt istrue, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes arefarr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a largediscourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes. 

[Sidenote: William Thynne in favour with Henry VIII. , whopromiseth to countenance him. ] This tale when kinge henrye theeighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying WilliameThynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte theByshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father, beinge in great fauore with his prince, (as manye yet lyvingecanne testyfye, ) sayed yf yo{ur} grace be not offended, I hoopeto be protected by yo{u}, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo hiswaye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, [Sidenote:The promise broken through the power of Wolsey. ] my father wascalled in quest{i}one by the Bysshoppes and heaved at bycardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostlyfor that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his CollenCloute againste the Cardinall, [Sidenote: The most part of ColinClout written at William Thynne’s house at Erith. ] the mostep{ar}te of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse atErithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinallsp{er}swadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, thatthoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger, yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of thattale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse ofthe pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne, some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale(supposed, but untrulye, to be made by olde Sir Thomas Wyat, father to hym which was executed in the firste yere of QueneMarye, and not by Chaucer, ) with muche ado p{er}mitted to passewith the reste, [Sidenote: Chaucer’s works like to be destroyedby parliament. ] in suche sorte that in one open parliamente(as I have herde St. Johne Thynne reporte, beinge then a memberof the howse, ) when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden, chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn thathis woorkes had byn counted but fables. [Sidenote: Reasons whythe Pilgrime’s Tale should be Chaucer’s. ] Whereunto yf yo{u}will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale, because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anyesuche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: forafter that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiersyeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, themonke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde, seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe, webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke, wyfe of Bathe, p{ar}soune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end ofthe plowmans prologue, There was also a Reue, and a Millere A sumpneure, and a Pardoner A manciple and my selfe there was no mo. 

All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there hadbyn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses, whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some ofthose w{hic}he tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, becausehe came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and didovertake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo, and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanonsyeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime inhis prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche Idobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and talemighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste, as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I aminduced to thinke by manye reasons. 

[Sidenote: How William Thynne’s collection of Chaucer’s MS. Wasdispersed abroad. ] But to leave this, I must saye that in thosemany written Bookes of Chaucer, w{hic}he came to my fathershands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe inwritinge of Adam Scriuener, (as yo{u} have noted) of whichewritten copies there came to me after my fathers deathe somefyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales, and some but two and some three. W{hic}he bookes beinge by me(as one nothinge dobting of this whiche is nowe donne forChaucer) partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlyestoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them toStephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to div{er}s other, whiche beinge copies unp{er}fecte and some of them corrected bymy fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to someof yo{ur} frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yfby anye suche written copies yo{u} have corrected Chaucer, yo{u}maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste, for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement, althoughe yo{u} may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father aneedlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking theyce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easelyp{er}fecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est adderequa{m} Invenire, and so to other matters. 

[Sidenote: He differeth from Master Speight on Chaucer’sfamily. ] Under the tytle of chaucers countaye, [4] yo{u} seme tomake yt probable that Richarde Chaucer vinetener of Londone, wasGeffrye Chaucers father, But I holde that no moore the{n} thatJohne Chaucer of Londone, was father to Richarde; of whicheJohne I fynde in the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. Patent. 24 deanno 30. Ed.  1. In the towre. That kinge Edwarde the firste hadherde the compleinte of Johne chaucer of London, who was beatenand hurte, to the domage of one thousand pownde (that someamountinge at this daye to thre thowsande pownde;) for whiche acomiss{i}one went forthe to enquire thereof. Wherbye yt semethethat he was of some Reconynge. But as I cannott saye that Johnewas father to Richarde, or hee to Geffroye: So yet this muche Iwill deliuer in settinge downe the antiquytye of the name ofchaucer, that his anncesters (as you well coniecture) werestrangers, as the etymon of his name (beinge frenche in Englishesynyfyinge one who shueth or hooseth a manne) dothe prove, [Sidenote: Chausier, one who hoseth or shueth a man. ] for thatdothe the Etymon of this worde chausier presente unto us, ofwhiche name I have founde (besides the former recyted Johne) onElias chauseryr lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the thirde and ofEdwarde the firste, of whome the record of pellis exitus in thereceyte of the Exchequier in the firste yere of Edwarde yefirste hathe thus noted: “Edwardus dei gra{tia} &c. Liberate dethesauro Nostro Elie chauseryr decem solidos super arreragiatriu{m} obuloru{m} diurnoru{m} quos ad vita{m} sua{m} perlitteras domini. H.  Regis patris nostri, percepit adscaccar{iu}m nostru{m}. Datu{m} per manu{m} Walleri Mertoncancellarii nostri apud West {minsteriu}m 24 Julii anno regninostri primo. ” with whiche carractres ys Geffry Chausyer writtenin the Recordes in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde and Richardethe seconde. So that yt was a name of office or occupat{i}one, whiche after came to be the surname of a famelye, as did Smythe, Baker, Porter, Bruer, Skynner, Cooke, Butler, and suche lyke, and that yt was a name of office apperethe in the recordes ofthe towre, where yt is named Le Chaucer, beinge more anncientethen anye other of those recordes; for in Dorso clause of10: H. 3 ys this: Reginaldus mirifir^s et alicia uxor eiusattornaveru{n}t Radulfu{m} le Chausier contra Joh{ann}em Lefurber et matildem uxorem eius de uno messuagio in London. Thischaucer lyvinge also in the time of kinge John. And thus thismuche for the Antiquytye and synificat{i}one of Chaucer, w{hic}he I canne prove in the tyme of Edward the 4 to signyfyealso, in oure Englishe tonge, bootes or highe shoes to the calfeof the legge: for thus hathe the Antique recordes of Domus RegniAnglie, ca. 53 for the messengers of the kinges howse to doo thekings comanndementes: that they shalbe allowed for their Chausesyerely iiij^s viij^d: But what shall wee stande uppon theAntiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbeyeaffirmeth hym to come in with the Conquerer. [Sidenote: Chaucerhis arms injustly undervalued. ] Under the title of Chaucerscountrye, yow sett downe that some Heraldes are of opyny-o{n}ethat he did not discende of any great howse; whiche they gatherby his armes. This ys a slender coniecture, for as honorablehowses and of as greate Antiquytye haue borne as meane armes asChaucer, and yet Chaucers armes are not so meane eyther forcoolo{r}, chardge or partic{i}one as some will make them. And where yo{u} saye, yt semethe lykelye, Chaucers skill inGeometrye considered, that he tooke the groundes and reasonsof his armes oute of seuen twentye and eight and twentyeproposit{i}ones of Euclide’s first booke, that ys no inferencethat his armes were newe or fyrst assumed by hym oute ofGeometricall proportions, because he was skyllfull in Geometrye:for so yo{u} maye saye of all the auncient armes of Englandw{hic}he consyste not of anymalls or vegitalls. For all otherarmes whiche are not Anymalls and vegitalls, as Cheuerons, pales, Bendes, Checkes, and suche lyke, stande uppongeometricall proport{i}one{s}. And therfore howe greate so euertheir skyll bee, which attribute that choyce of armes to Chaucer[they] had no moore skyle in armes then they needed. 

 [Footnote 4: _Error for family?_]

[Sidenote: Philippa of Henault came not over with PrinceEdward. ] In the same title also, yo{u} sett downe QueneIsabell,  &c. And her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe mariedwyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are twounperfect{i}ons. The first whereof ys, that his wyfe came outeof Henalte w{it}h the prince, but that is not soo, for theprince maryed her not before he came into England, since theprince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to herbefore his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and mooreafter that contracte, (betwene the erle of henalt and hismother, ) about the latter ende of the seconde yere of hisreigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of thatmariage beinge donne at Yorke. Besides she came not ouer withQuene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for herafterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle, yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in myhandes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall, because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her intoHenalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and shecame to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, w{hic}he wasaboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne, wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. And for prooffe of thetyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowedtherefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge inmaster warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe dayeof februarye [Sidenote: Bartholomew de Burgersh sent forPhilippa of Henault. ] “Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso adpartes Douor ad obuiandu{m} filiæ comitis Hannoniæ consortiipsius Regis &c. ” but this recorde followinge is most pleyne, shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke theiryourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where theypresented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande, and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge theforthe of marche one w{hic}he daye yt is thus entred in therecords of pellis exitus, Michaell.  2. Ed.  3. “Rogero couentry&c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntiu{m} domini Regis adpartes Hannoniæ pro matrimonio inter dominu{m} Regem et filiamcomitis Hannoniæ contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proximepreterito, quo die reessit de Notingha{m} ipso domino Regeibidem existente, arripiendo iter suu{m} predictu{m}, versuspartes predictas, usqu{e} vicesimu{m} tertiu{m} diem Januariiproxime sequente{m}, quo die rediit ad ipsu{m} Regem predictu{m}apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua filiæ comitis Hannoniæ predictæutroqu{e} die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diemiij. ^li vj. ^s viij. ^d pro expensis suis. ” Thus muche therecorde, whiche confirmethe that w{hi}che I go aboute to prove, that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that hewas not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only byagremente betwene the erle and his mother. [Sidenote: Theconjecture that Chaucer’s ancestors were merchants, of novalydytye. ] Next yo{u} seme to implye by a coniecturallargumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be m{e}rcha{n}ts, for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of themarchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes. This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For them{a}rchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them(as I haue bin enformed) vntill longe after the deathe ofChaucers parentes, w{hi}che was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwardethe thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme ofHenrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not butwilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte thestaplers had then armes, yt ys no argume{n}te that chaucersauncesters were merchantes because those armes were in thewyndowes, as you shall well p{er}ceave, yf yo{u} drawe yt into asyllogisme, and therefore yo{u} did well to conclude, that ytwas not materiall whether they were merchants or noo. 

[Sidenote: Master Speight misquoteth Gower. ] In the title ofChaucer’s educat{i}one, yo{u} saye that Gower in his bookeentituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet, and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in w{hi}cheBooke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthyepoet, (althoughe I confesse he well deserueth that name, andthat the same may be gathered oute of Gower comendynge hym, )nether doth he after a sorte (for any thinge I canne yet see)make hym iudge of his workes, (whereof I wolde be glad to beenformed, ) since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus inthat booke of confessio Amantis:

 And grete well Chaucer when ye mete, As my disciple and my poet: for in the flowere of his youthe, In sondrye wise, as he well couthe, of dytyes and of songes glade the whiche for my sake he made, the laude fulfilled is ouer all: wherefore to hym in especiall aboue all others I am most holde; for thy nowe in his dayes olde, thow shalt hym tell this message, that he vppon his latter age sett an ende of all his werke, as he whiche is myne owne clerke do make his _testament of Love_, as thow hast done thy shrift ab[o]ue, so that my Courte yt may recorde, &c. 

[Sidenote: Chaucer submitteth his works to Gower, not Gower toChaucer. ] These be all the verses w{hi}che I knowe or yet cannefynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, wherehe nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethehis workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer dothsubmytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playnewoordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus:

 O Morall Gower, this booke I directe To the, and the philosophicall stroode, To vouchesafe where nede is to correcte Of your benignityes and zeales good. 

But this error had in you byn p{ar}doned, yf you had not sett ytdowne as your owne, but warranted with the auctorytye of Bale inScriptoribus Anglie, from whence yo{u} haue swallowed yt. [Sidenote: Gower the poet was not of the Gowers (or Gores) ofStittenham. ] Then in a marginall note of this title yo{u} sayeagayne oute of Bale, that Gower was a Yorkshire manne; but youare not to be touched therfore, because you discharge yo{ur}selfe in vouching yo{ur} auctor. Wherfore Bale hath muchemistaken yt, as he hath donne infynyte thinges in that Booke descriptoribus Anglie, beinge for the most parte the collect{i}onsof Lelande. For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gowerbeinge argent one a cheuerone azure, three leopardes heddes or, do prove that he came of a contrarye howse to the Gowers ofStytenham in Yorkeshyre, who bare barrulye of argent and gules acrosse patye florye sable. Whiche difference of armes semethe adifference of famelyes, vnlesse yo{u} canne prove that, beingeof one howse, they altered their armes vppone some iusteoccas{i}one, as that soome of the howse maryinge one heyre didleave his owne armes and bare the armes of his moother; as wasaccustoomed in tymes paste. But this differe{n}ce of Cootes forthis cause, or anye other, (that I colde yet euer lerne, ) shallyou not fynde in this famelye of Gower: and therefore seuerallhowses from the fyrst originall. Then the marginall note goethfurther out of Bale, that Gower had one his hedde a garlande ofivye and rooses, the one the ornamente of a knyghte, the otherof a poet. [Sidenote: Gower’s chaplette for knighthood not forpoetry. ] But Bale ys mystaken, for yt ys not a garlande, vnlestyou will metaphoricallye call euerye cyrcle of the hedde agarlande as Crownes are sometymes called garlandes, from whencethey had their originall, nether ys yt of Ivye, as any mannewhiche seethe yt may well iudge, and therefore not there settfor anye suche intente as an ensigne of his poetrye, but yssymplye a chapplett of Roses, suche as the knyghtes in olde tymevsed ether of golde, or other embroderye, made after thefasshone of Roses, one of the peculier ornamentes of a knighte, as well as his coller of SSS, his guilte swoorde, and spurres. [Sidenote: The chaplette of roses a peculiar ornament ofhonour. ] W{hi}che chaplett or cyrcle of Rooses was as wellattributed to knights, the lowest degree of honor, as to thehygher degrees of Duke, Erle,  &c. Beinge knyghtes, for so I haueseene Johne of Gaunte pictured in his chaplett of Rooses; andkinge Edwarde the thirde gaue his chaplett to Eustace Rybamonte, only the difference was, that as they were of lower degree, sohad the[y] fewer Rooses placed on their chaplett or cyrcle ofgolde, one ornament deduced frome the Dukes crowne whiche hadthee rooses vppon the toppe of the cyrcle, when the knighte hadthem onlye vppon the cyrcle or garlande ytselfe. Of whiche dukescrowne to be adorned with little rooses, [Sidenote: Theknighting of Erle Mortone of Normandye. ] Mathewe Paris, speakinge of the creatinge of Johne erle Mortone, duke ofNormandye, in the yere of Christe 1199, dothe saye, Interimcomes Johannes Rothomagu{m} veniens in octavis pasche gladioducatus Normaniæ cinctus est, in matrice ecclesia, perministeriu{m} Waltheri Rothomage{n}sis Archie{pisco}pi, vbiArchiepiscopus memoratus ante maius altare in capite eius posuitcirculu{m} aureu{m} habente{m} in su{m}mitate per gyru{m}rosulas aureas artificialiter fabricatas, whiche chaplett ofRooses came in the ende to be a bande aboute oure cappes, settewith golde Buttons, as may be supposed. --In the same title yo{u}saye, yt semethe that these lerned menne were of the InnerTemple; [Sidenote: Chaucer being a grave man unlikely to beat aFranciscan Fryer but?] for that, manye yeres since, masterBuckley did see a recorde in the same howse, where GeffryeChaucer was fined two shillinges for beatinge a FranciscaneFryer in flete-streate. This is a hard collect[i]one to proveGower of the Inner Temple, althoughe he studyed the lawe. Forthus yo{u} frame yo{ur} argumente. Mr Buckley founde a recordein the Temple, that Chaucer was fyned for beatinge the fryer;ergo, Gower and Chaucer were of the Temple. But for myne owneparte, yf I wolde stande vppon termes for matter of Antiquytyeand ransacke the originall of the lawiers fyrst settlinge in theTemple, I dobte whether Chaucer were of the temple or noe, vnless yt were towardes his latter tyme, for he was an oldemanne, as appereth by Gower in Confessione Amantis in the xviyere of R.  2: when Gower wroote that Booke. [Sidenote: Thelawyers not in the temple till the latter part of Edward III. ]And yt is most certeyne to be gathered by cyrcumstances ofRecordes, that the lawyers were not in the temple vntilltowardes the latter parte of the reygne of kinge Edwarde thethirde; at w{hi}che tyme Chaucer was a grave manne, holden ingreate credyt, and employed in embassye, so that me thinkethe hesholde not be of that howse; and yet, yf he then were, I sholdeiudge yt strange that he sholde violate the rules of peace andgravytye yn those yeares. But I will passe over all thosematters scito pede, and leave euerye manne to his owneiudgemente therein for this tyme. 

[Sidenote: Speight knoweth not the name of Chaucer’s wife, nordoth Thynne. ] IN THE TITLE OF Chawcer’s mariage yo{u} saye, yo{u} cannotte fynde the name of the Gentlewomanne whome hemaryed. Trulye, yf I did followe the conceyte of others, I sholde suppose her name was Elizabethe, a waytinge womanne ofQuene philippe, wyfe to Edwarde the thirde & daughter toWilli{a}m erle of Henalte. But I favor not their oppynyone, for, althoughe I fynde a recorde of the pellis exitus, in the tyme ofEdwarde the thirde, of a yerely stypende to Elizabethe Chawcer, domicellæ reginæ Philippæ, wh{ic}he domicella dothe signyfye oneof her waytinge gentlewomen: yet I cannott for this tyme thinkethis was his wyfe, but rather his sister or kinswomanne, whoafter the deathe of her mystresse Quene philippe did forsake theworlde, and became a nonne at Seinte Heleins in london, accordinge as yo{u} haue touched one of that profess{i}one inprimo of kinge Richarde the seconde. 

[Sidenote: The children of John of Gaunt born pre-nupt, andlegytymated by the Pope and the Parliament. ] In the Latynestemme of Chawcer you saye, speakinge of Katherine Swyneforde, Que postea nupta Johanni Gandauensi tertij Edwardi Regis filio, Lancastriæ duci, illi procreavit filios tres et vnica{m}filia{m}. Wherbye we may inferre that Johne of Gaunte had thesechildrene by her after the mariage. Whiche is not soo for he hadall his children by her longe before that mariage, so that theybeinge all illegitimate were enforced afterwarde vppon thatmaryage to be legytymated by the poope; & also by acte ofParliamente, aboute the two & twentythe of kinge Richarde theseconde; so that yo{u} cannott saye, que postea nupta procreavitLancastriæ duci tres filios, etc. 

[Sidenote: Chaucer’s children and their advauncement and of theBurgershes. ] In the title of Chawcers children and theiradvauncemente, in a marginall noote yo{u} vouche master Campdenethat Barthelmewe Burgershe, knyghte of the Garter, was he fromwhome the Burgershes, whose daughter & heyre was maryed toThomas Chawcer, did descende. But that is also one error. Forthis Barthelmewe was of a collaterall lyne to that S^r JohneBurgershe the father of Mawde wyfe to Thomas Chawcer; andtherefore coulde not that S^r Johne Burghershe be descended ofthis Barthelmewe Burgershe, though hee were of that howse. [Sidenote: Serlo de Burgo uncle and not brother to Eustace. ]Then, in that title, yo{u} vouche oute of Mr. Campdene thatSerlo de Burgo brother to Eustachius de Vescye builteKnaresborowe Castle. But that ys not right for this Serlo beingecalled Serlo de Burgo siue de Pembroke was brother to Johnefather to Eustace Vescye, as haue the recordes of the towre, andso vncle and not brother to Eustace. [Sidenote: Jane of Navarremaryed to Henry IV. , in the 5th year of his reign. ] for oneother marginall noote in that tytle, yo{u} saye, that Jane ofNavarre was maryed to Henrye the forthe in the fourthe yere ofhis reygne, wherein you followe a late englishe cronicler whomeI forbeare to name. [5] But Walsingha{m} bothe in his historye ofHenry the fourthe, & in his ypodigma, sayethe that she wasmaryed the 26 of Januarye in the yere of Christe 1403, whichewas in the fyfte yere of the kinge, yf you begynne the yere ofoure lorde at the annu{n}tiat{i}one of the Virgine, as we nowedoo; but this is no matter of great momente. [Sidenote: The dela Pools gained advancement by lending the King money, butWilliam was not the first that did so. ] ffourthlye in that titleyo{u} seme to attribute the advancemente of the Pooles toWilliame de la poole, merchante of Hull, that lente the kinge agreate masse of moneye. But this Williame was not the fyrsteadvancer of that howse because his father Richarde at Poolebeinge a cheife gouernor in hull, and serving the kingsnecessytye with money, was made pincerna Regis, one office ofgreat accompte; by the same gyvinge the fyrste advancemente tothe succedynge famelye. Whereof the Record to prove Ric. De laPoole pincerna Regis is founde in the pryvye seales of theeleventhe yere of kinge Edwarde the thirde, in master wardouresoffice, the lorde treasurers clerke. Where yt is in this manner:Edwardus dei gratia rex Angliæ et dux Acquitaniæ,  &c. Supplicavit nobis dilectus noster Richardus de la Poole Pincernanoster, vt quum ipse de expensis officii Pincernariæ ac omnibusaliis officiu{m} illud tangentibus, ad dictu{m} Scaccariu{m} afesto sancti michaelis anno regni nostri decimo, vsque ad ide{m}festu{m} proxime sequens plenarie computaverit, et 2090^li:13^s: et 11^d et vnus obulus sibi per computu{m} illud de clarodebeatur: volumus ei solutione{m} inde, seu aliàssatisfactione{m} sibi fieri competentem: Nos eius supplicationiin hac parte, prout iustu{m} est, an{n}uentes, vobis mandamus, etc. Datu{m} apud Westmonasteriu{m} 14 Decembris, anno regninostri vndecimo. To whose sonne this Williame de la Poole theolder, and to his sonne Michaell de la Poole (who was afterChauncelor) and to his heyres, the kinge graunted fowre hundredmarkes by yere out of the custome of Hull, as apperethe in therecord of pellis exitus of 46 Ed. 3. The same Michaell de laPoole recevinge the arrerages of that Annuytye. For thus yt isentred in Michaelmas terme one the first of December of thatyere: Michaeli de la poole filio et heredi Will{iel}mi de lapoole senioris per Tallia{m} levata{m} isto die continentemiij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d ob. Eidem michaeli liberat per compotumsuum factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator virtute cuiusdam brevisde magno sigillo, Thesaurario et Baronibus Scaccarii directumpro huius compoto faciendo, de quoda{m} annuo certo iiij^c marc. Per annu{m} quas dominus rex Willielmo de la Poole senioridefuncto, et michaeli filio suo et heredibus suis de corpore suoexeuntibus, de Custumia in portis ville de kingeston super Hullper litteras suas patentes concess: percipendu{m} qua{m}diuvij^c xxxv^li xviij^s i^d ob. Eidem Michaeli per compotu{m}predictu{m} sic debitu{m}, etc. D{omi}n{u}s Rex mandat vt eisatisfactionem vel assignationem competentem (in locis vbi eiceleriter satisfieri poterit) fieret et haberet, per breve demagno sigillo inter mandata de termino Paschæ anno quadragesimotercio, etc. So that Richarde, Michaell de la Poolesgrandfather, (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull, ) was thefyrste that gaue advancemente to that howse: although Williame, father to this michaell, were of lyke estate and a knyghte. Nether canne I fynde (nor ys yt lyke) that michaell de la poolewas a marchante, (havinge two such welthy marchantes to hisancestors before hym, ) notwithstandinge that Walsingha{m}[Sidenote: The clergy offended that the temporal men were foundas wise as themselves. ] (moore offended than reasone, as all theClergye were against temporall menne who were nowe become chiefofficers of the realme; and the spyrituall menne, till thenpossessinge those offices, displaced, w{hic}he bredd greateSorseye in the Church menne againste them); sayethe thatmichaell de la poole fuerit à pueritia magis mercimoniis (vtpoteMercator Mercatoris filius) quam militia occupatus. [Sidenote:A merchant by Attorney is no true merchant. ] And yet yt may beethat he mighte have some factors in merchandise, and deale byhis attorneyes as many noble menne and great persons have donne, whereuppon Walsingham (who wroote longe after) might seme tocall hym merchante by reasone of others mens dealinge for hym, althoughe in troothe he was neuer merchante in respecte of hisowne persone, (for whiche they are properly called merchantes, )as may be supposed. [Sidenote: Alice, the wife of RichardNeville, was daughter of Thomas Montacute. ] ffyftlye in the sametitle yo{u} saye, that Alice, wyfe of Williame de la poole dukeof Suffolke, had a daughter, by her seconde husbande thomasmontague erle of Sarisberye, named, after her mother, Alice, maryed to Richarde Neville sonne to Raphe Neuill erle ofWestmerlande, by whome he had issue Richarde, Johne, and George. But this is nothinge so. For this Alice, the wyfe of RichardeNeville, (erle of Sarisbery in the righte of the same Alice, )was daughter of Thomas Montacute erle of Salisburye and of Alicehis wyfe, daughter of Thomas Hollande erle of Kente; and not ofAlice daughter to Thomas Chawcer and widdowe to William de laPoole duke of Suffolke. 

 [Footnote 5: Stowe. ]

[Sidenote: He correcteth Master Speight his dates and history ofprinting. ] IN THE LATTER END of the title of Chawcers deatheyo{u} saye, that printinge was brought oute of Germanye in theyere 1471 being the 37. H. 6. Into Englande, beinge fyrst foundeat Magunce by one Johne Cuthembergus, and broughte to Roome byConradus one Almayne. But the yere of Christe 1471 was not the37. H. 6. But the eleuenthe of kinge Edward the fourthe; and, assome have yt, was not fyrste founde at Magonce or mentz but atStrasborowe, and perfected at Mago{n}ce. David Chytreus in hishistorye sayethe, yt was fyrst founde in anno 1440, and broughtto Rome by Henricus Han[6] a Germane in the yere 1470; whereofAntonius Campanus framed this excellente epigrame:

 Anser Tarpeii custos Jovis, vnde, quòd alis Constreperis, Gallus decidit; vltor adest Vlricus Gallus, ne quem poscantur in vsum, Edocuit pennis, nil opus esse tuis. 

 [Footnote 6: “Hahn, ”--German, a cock. “Cognomine Latino _Gallus_, ” Maittaire _Ann. Typ. _ i.  52. ]

But others do suppose that yt was invented at Argenterote, as dothe Mathewe Parker in the lyfe of Thomas BourchierArchbyshoppe of Canterburye; whiche for the incertentye thereofI leave at this tyme to farther examinat{i}one, not havinge nowepresente leysure therefore. 

[Sidenote: The Romante of the Rose began by Guillm̄ de Loris, and finished by John de la Meune. ] IN THE TITLE OF THE augmenteto euerye tale and booke you write, that the Romante of theRoose was made in frenche by Johne Clopinell alias Johne Moone;when in truthe the booke was not made by hym alone: for yt wasbegonne by Guillame de Loris, and fynished fourtye yeres afterthe death of Loris, by Johne de Meune alias Johne Clopinell, asapperethe by Molinet, the frenche author of the moralytye vpponthe Romante of the Roose, ca. 50. Fo. 57. And may further apperealso in the frenche Romante of the Roose in verse, w{hic}hChaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted, not havingetranslated halfe the frenche Romante, but ended aboute themiddle thereof. Againste whiche Booke Gersone compiled oneother, intituled La reprobat{i}o{ne} de la Romante del Roose; asaffirmethe the sayed Molinett, in the 107 chapter of the sayedmoralizatione, where he excusethe Clopinell and reprouetheGersone for that Booke, because Gersone soughte no furthermeanynge than what was conteyned in the outewarde letter, thisClopinell begynnynge the Romante of the Rose, in these verses ofChaucer:

 Alas my wane hoope nay, pardyee; for I will neuer dispayred bee: yf happe me fayle, then am I vngratious and vnworthy, &c. 

[Sidenote: Why the dream of Chaucer cannot be the book of theDuchess. ] Secondlye, under that title yo{u} saye, the woorke, before this last edit{i}one of Chaucer, termed the Dreame ofChaucer, is mystermed, and that yt is the Booke of the Duches, or the Deathe of Blanche. Wherein you bee greatlye mysledde inmy conceyte, for yt cannott bee the Booke of the Duches or ofthe Deathe of Blanche, because Johne of Gaunt was then but fowreand twentye yere olde when the same was made, as apperethe bythat tretyse in these verses:

 Then founde I syttinge euen vprighte A wonder well faringe knighte, By the manner me thought so, Of good mokell, and right yonge thereto, Of the age of twentye fowre yere, Vppon his bearde but little heare. 

Then yf he were but fowre and twentye yeres of age, being born, as hath Walsingha{m}, in the yere of Christ 1339 the 13. Ofkinge Edwarde the thirde; and that he was maryed to Blanche thefourtene calendes of June 1359, the 33 of Ed: the thirde; he wasat this mariage but twentye yeres of age; who within fower yeresafter sholde make his lamentac{i}on for Blanche the duchessewhich must be then dedde. But the duchesse Blanche dyed of thepestilence in the yere of xxe 1368, as hath Anonimus MS, or1369, as hath Walsinghame w{hi}che by the first accompte was the{ix. } and by the last the {x. } yere after the mariage, and sixeor at the least five yeres after this lamentatione of Johne ofGaunte made in the fowre and twentye yere of his age. Wherforthis cannott be the boke of the Duches because he colde notlamente her deathe before she was deade. And yf you replye thatyt pleinlye apperethe the same treatyce to be mente of theduches Blaunche, whiche signyfyethe whyte, by which name heoften termethe his ladye there lamented, but especially in theseverses, Her throte, as I haue memoyre, semed as a round towre of yuoire, of good gretnesse and not to greate, and fayre white she hete, that was my ladies name righte; she was thereto fayre and brighte, she had not her name wronge, right fayre sholders and body longe, &c. 

I will answere, that there is no necessitye that yt must be ofBlanche the Duchesse because he sayeth her name was white; sincethere ys a famelye of that denominatione, and some female ofthat lyne myghte be both white in name, and fayre and white inp{er}sonne; and so had not her name wronge or in veyne, asChaucer sayeth. Or yt mighte be some other louer of his calledBlanche, [Sidenote: John of Gaunt, his incontinency. ] since hehad many paramou{r}s in his youthe, and was not verye contynentein his age. Wherefore, to conclude, yt apperethe as before, thatyt coulde not be mente of the Duchesse Blanche his wyfe, whichedyed long after that compleinte. For whiche cause that Dreame ofChaucer in mye opynyone may well (naye rather of righte sholde)contynewe his former title of The Dreame of Chaucer. For that, wh{ic}he you will haue the Dreame of Chaucer, is his Temple ofGlasse; as I haue seene the title thereof noted, and the thingeyt selfe confirmethe. 

[Sidenote: Doubteth master Speight’s ability in the expositionof old words, but commendeth his diligence and knowledge. ] INTHE EXPOSITIONE of the olde wordes, as yo{u} shewe greatediligence and knowledge, so yet in my opynione, unlesse a mannebe a good saxoniste, french, and Italyane linguiste, (fromwhence Chaucer hathe borowed manye woordes, ) he cannott wellexpounde the same to oure nowe vnderstandinges, and therefore(thoughe I will not presume of much knowledge in these tounges)yt semeth yet to mee, that in your expositione, soome woordesare not so fullye and rightlye explaned as they mighte bee, althoughe peradventure yo{u} haue framed them to make sence. Wherefore I haue collected these fewe (from many others leftefor moore leysure) whiche seme to mee not to be fully explanedin their proper nature, thoughe peradventure yo{u} will seme toexcuse them by a metaphoricall gloose. 

[Sidenote: Aketon or Slevelesse jacket of plate for the war. ]Aketon or Haketone you expounde a jackett w{i}thoute sleves, without any further addit{i}one, that beinge an indiffynytespeache, and therefore may be entended a comone garmente daylyevsed, suche as we call a jerken or jackett withoute sleues:But _haketon_ is a slevelesse jackett of plate for the warre, couered withe anye other stuffe; at this day also called ajackett of plate, suche aketon Walter Stapletone, Bishoppe ofExcester and Custos or Wardene of Londone, had vppon hymsecretlye, when he was apprehended and behedded in the twentyethyere of Edwarde the seconde. 

[Sidenote: A besant is a besant, and not a duckett. ] Besante youexpounde a duckett, But a duckett ys farre from a besante, bothefor the tyme of the invent{i}one, and for the forme; and as Isuppose for the valewe, not withstandinge that Hollybande in hisfrenche-Englishe dictionarye make yt of the valewe of a duckett, whiche duckett is for the most part eyther venetiane orspanyshe, when the Besante ys mere Grekishe; a coyne well knowenand vsed in Englande (and yet not therefore one auncient coyneof Englande, as Hollybande sayethe yt was of france, ) emongstthe Saxons before, and the Normans after the Conqueste; theforme whereof I will at other tyme describe, onlye nowe settingedowne, that this besante (beinge the frenche name, and inarmorye rightlye accordinge to his nature, for a plate ofgolde, ) was called in Latine Byzant{i}um, obteyninge that namebecause yt was the coyne of Constantinople sometyme calledBizant{i}um; and because you shall not thinke this anyfic{ti}one of myne owne, I will warrante the same with Williameof Malmesberye in the fourthe booke De Regibus, who hathe thesewordes: Constantinopolis prim{u}m Bizantiu{m} dicta forma{m}antiqui vocabuli preferu{n}t imperatorii nu{m}mi Bizantiu{m}dicta; where one other coppye for nummi Bizantiu{m} hathBizantini nu{m}mi, and the frenche hath yt besante or Bezantine, makinge yt an olde coyne of france, (when he sholde haue sayedone olde coyne in France and not of France, ) of the valewe of aduckette. 

[Sidenote: Fermentacione is fermentacione, and not dawbing evenmetaphorically. ] Fermentac{i}o{n}e yo{u} expounde Dawbinge, whiche cannott anye way be metaphoricallye so vsed in Chaucer, althoughe yt sholde be improperlye or harsely applied. Forfermentac{i}one ys a peculier terme of Alchymye, deduced fromthe bakers fermente or levyne. And therefore the Chimicallphilosophers defyne the fermente to bee anima, the sowle orlyfe, of the philosophers stoone. Whereunto agreethe ClauigerBincing, one chimicall author, sayinge, ante viuificatio{ne}m idest fermentac{i}o{ne}m, w{hi}che is before tinctinge, or gyvingetincture or cooler; that beinge as muche to saye as gyvingesowle or lyfe to the philosophers stoone, wherby that mayfermente or cooler or gyue lyfe to all other metaline bodyes. 

[Sidenote: Orfrayes not Goldsmith’s work, but frysed cloth ofgold, a manufacture peculiar to the English. ] Orfrayes yo{u}expounde Goldsmythes worke, w{hi}che ys as nere to goldsmytheswoorke as clothe of golde, for this worde orefrayes, beingecompounded of the frenche worde (or) and (frays, or fryse, ) theEnglishe is that w{hi}che to this daye (beinge now made all ofone stuffe or substance) is called frised or perled cloothe ofgold; in Latyne, in tymes past, termed aurifrisium oraurifrixori{u}m. A thinge well knowen to the Saxons in Englandebefore, as to the Normans after, the Conqueste, and therforefullye to satisfye you thereof, I will produce twooauctorauctors of the weavinge and vse thereof before theconquest and since, wherin you shall pleynely see what yt was, and in what acco{m}pt yt was holden, beinge a worke peculier tothe Englishe. The lieger booke of Elye, speakinge of Ediswethadaughter to Brightnothus, aldermanne, erle or duke, ofnorthumberlande before the Conquest sayethe; cui traditaCoveneia, locus monasterio vicinus, vbi aurifrixorie et texturæsecretiùs cu{m} puellis vacabat; and a little after, TunicaRubra purpura per gyrum et ab humeris aurifri vndiq{ue}circumdatu{m}. Then, after the conquest, mathew Paris speakethethereof aboute ornamentes to be sente to the Poope. But becauseI haue not my mathewe Paris here, I will vouche one whose namehathe muche affinytye with hym, and that is Mathewe ParkerArchbyshoppe of Canterburye, who, in the Lyfe of BonifaciusArchbishoppe of that see, hathe these wordes. “A^o. Domini 1246, Romæ multi Anglicani aderant Clerici, qui capis vt aiu{n}tchorealibus, et infulis, ornamentisq{ue} ecclesiasticis, exAnglice tunc more gentis, ex lana tenuissima et auro artificiosèintexto fabricatis, vterentur. Huius modi ornamentoru{m} aspectuet concupiscentia provocatus Papa, rogavit cuiusmodi essent. Responsu{m} est, aurifrisia appellari, quia et eminens ex pannoet lana qua{m} Angli fryse appellant, simul contexta sunt. Cuisubridens et dulcedine captus Papa, Vere, inquit, ” (for theseare the woordes of Mathewe Paris whiche lyved at that tyme, )“Hortus noster delitiaru{m} est Anglia, verus puteus estinexhaustus, et vbi multa abundant, de multis multa sumerelicet. Itaq{ue}, concupiscentia illectus oculorum, litterassuas Bullatas sacras misit ad Cistercienses in Anglia Abbates, quoru{m} orationibus se devotè commendabat, vt ipsi hecaurifrisia speciosissima ad suum ornandu{m} choru{m}compararent. Hoc Londoniensibus placuit, quia ea tum venaliahabebant, tantiq{ue} quanti placuit vendiderunt. ” In whichediscourse you not onlye see that orefryes was a weued clothe ofgolde and not goldsmythe worke, and that Englande had before andsince the conqueste the arte to compose suche kynde of delicateCloothe of golde as Europe had not the lyke; for yf yt hadd, the poope wolde haue made suche prouis{i}one thereof in otherplaces, and not from Englande. And because you shall not thinkethat yt was onlye vsed of the Clergye, you shall fynde in arecord of the Towre that yt was also one ornamente of the kingsgarmente, since the Conqueste, for, in Rotulo Patentiu{m} 6. Joh{ann}is in Dorso (in whiche the kinge comaunded the templersto deliuer suche jewells, garmentes, and ornamentes as they hadof the kings in kepinge, ) are these wordes: “Dalmaticam de eodemsamitto vrlatani de orfreyes et cu{m} lapidibus. ” Whiche is tosaye, the kings Dalmaticall garmente of the same samitte (spokenof before, whiche was crymsone, ) vrled or bordrede (suche as wenowe calle garded) withe orfreyes. 

[Sidenote: Oundye and Crispe meaneth wavy like water. ] fforthlyeOundye and Crispe is by you expounded slyked and curled, whichesence althoughe yt may beare after some sorte; yet the proprytyeof the true sence of oundye (beinge an especiall termeappropriate to the arte of Heraldye) dothe signifye wavinge ormovinge, as the water dothe; being called vndye, of Latyne vndafor water, for so her haire was oundye, that is, layed in roolesvppone and downe, lyke waves of water when they are styrred withthe winde, and not slyked or playne, etc. 

[Sidenote: Resager is ratsbane or arsenic. ] ffyftlye Youexpounde not Resager, beinge a terme of Alchymye; as yo{u} leavemanye of them vntouched. This worde sholde rather be resalgar, wherefore I will shewe yo{u} what resalgar ys in that abstrusescience, whiche Chawcer knewe full well, althoughe he enveyeagainste the sophisticall abuse thereof in the chanons YeomansTale. This Resalgar is that w{hi}che by some is calledRatesbane, a kynde of poysone named Arsenicke, which thechimicall philosophers call their venome or poysone. Whereof Icoulde produce infynyte examples; but I will gyve yo{u} onlyethese fewe for a taste. Aristotle, in Rosario Philosophoru{m}, sayethe, “nullu{m} tingens venenum generatur absq{ue} sole eteius vmbra, id est, uxore. ” whiche venome they call by all namespresentinge or signifyinge poysone, as a toode, a dragon, a Basilyske, a serpente, arsenicke, and suche lyke; and by manyeother names, as “in exercitacio{n}e ad turbam philosophorum, ”apperethe, wher aqua simplex is called venenu{m}, Argentumvivum, Cinnabar, aqua permanens, gumma, acetu{m}, urina, aquamaris, Draco, serpens, etc. And of this poysone the treatyce _dephenice_, [7] or the philosophers stoone, written in Gothysherymynge verse, dothe saye;

 Moribunda, corporis virus emanabat quod materna{m} faciem ca{n}dida{m} fœdabat. 

 [Footnote 7: A copy of this curious poem in Thynne’s hand-writing, and marvellously illustrated by him, is in the Brit. Mus. , MSS. Add. No. 11, 388. ]

[Sidenote: Begyns are nuns, though it cometh to meansuperstitious and hypocritical women from their nature. ] Begynand Bigott yo{u} expounde sup{er}sticious hypocrites, whichesence I knowe yt maye somewhat beare, because yt sauorethe ofthe disposit{i}one of those begins, or Beguines, for that ys thetrue wrytinge. But this woorde Begyn sholde in his owne naturerightlye haue ben expounded, sup{er}sticious or hipocriticallwemenne, as appereth by chaucer himselfe, w{hi}che nombrethethem emongest the wemen in the Romante of the Roose when hesayethe, But empresses, & duchesses, These queenes, & eke countesses These abbasses, & eke Bigins, These greate ladyes palasins. 

And a little after, in the same Romante, he doth write, That dame abstinence streyned Tooke one a Robe of camelyne, And ganne her gratche as a Bygin. A large cover-cherfe of Thredde She wrapped all aboute her hedde. 

These wemene the Frenche call Beguynes or nonnes; being inLatyne called Bigrinæ or Biguinæ. Whose originall order, encrease, and contynuance are sett downe by mathewe Paris andMathewe Westm{inster}. But as I sayed, since I haue not mymathewe Paris at hand, I will sett you downe the wordes ofmathewe Westmynster (otherwise called “Flores Historiarum” or“Florilegus”) in this sorte. Sub eisdem diebus (w{hi}ch was inthe yere of Christe 1244, and aboute the 28 of kinge Henry thethirde, ) quidam in Almania precipuè se asserentes vitam ethabitu{m} relligionis elegisse, in utroq{ue} sexu, sed maximèin muliebri, continentia{m}, cu{i}u{s} vitæ simplicitateprofitentes, se voto priuato deo obligaru{n}t. Mulieresq{ue}, quas Bigrinas vulgaritèr vocamus, adeò multiplicatæ sunt, quòdearu{m} numerus in vna ciuitate, scilicèt Colonia, ad plus quammille asseritur ascendisse, etc. After whiche, speakinge yn theyere of Christe 1250 of the encrease of relligious orders, hesayeth, Item in Alemania et Francia mulieres, quas Biguinasnominant, etc. 

[Sidenote: Citrinatione or perfect digestion. ] Citrinationeyo{u} do not expounde, beinge a terme of Alchymye. WhicheCitrinatione is bothe a color and parte of the philosophersstoone. For, as hathe Tractatus Avicennæ (yf yt be his and notliber suppositi[ti]us, as manye of the Alchimicall woorkes arefoysted in vnder the names of the best lerned authors andphilosophers, as Plato, Aristotle, Avicen, and suche others, ) inparte of the 7 chapter. Citrinatio est que fit inter albu{m} etrubru{m}, et non dicitur coolor perfectus, whicheCitrinat{i}one, as sayethe Arnoldus de Nova Villa, li. I. Ca. 5. Nihil aliud est quàm completa digestio. For the worke of thephilosophers stoone, following the worke of nature, hathe lykecolor in the same degree. For as the vrine of manne, beingwhityshe, sheweth imp{er}fecte digestione: But when he hathewell rested, and slepte after the same, and the digestionep{er}fected: the vrine becomethe citrine, or of a depe yellowecooler: so ys yt in Alchymye. Whiche made Arnolde call thiscitrinatione perfect digestion, or the cooler provinge thephilosophers stoone broughte almoste to the heigh[t]e ofperfect{i}one. 

[Sidenote: Forage is old and hard provision made for horses andcattle in winter, ] Forage in one place you expounde meate, andin other place fodder. Boothe whiche properly cannott stande inthis place of chaucer in the reves prologue, where he sayeth, “my fodder is forage. ” for yf forrage be fodder, then is thesence of that verse, “my fodder is fodder. ” But fodder beinge agenerall name for meate gyven to Cattle in winter, and ofaffynytie withe foode applied to menne and beasts, dothe onlyesignyfye meate. And so the sence is, “my meate ys forage, ” thatis, my meate is suche harde and olde provis{i}one as ys made forhorses and Cattle in winter. For so doth this worde forragiu{m}in latyne signyfye. And so dothe Chaucer meane. For the wordnext before dothe well shewe yt, when the Reve sayeth, I ame olde, me liste not play for age, Grasse tyme is donne, my fodder is forrage. 

[Sidenote: or metaphorically, or to help out the ryme it maymean grass. ] Yet metaphorically yt may be taken for other thandrye horse meate, although improperlye; as Chaucer hathe, in SirTopas Ryme, where he makethe yt grasse for his horse, and vseththe woorde rather to make vpp the ryme than to shewe the truenature thereof; sayinge, That downe he layed hym in that place, to make his steede some solace and gyve hym good forage. 

[Sidenote: Heroner is a long-winged hawk for the heron. ] Heroneryo{u} expounde a certeyne kynde of hawke, whiche is true, for agowshawke, sparrowe hawke, tassell,  &c. Be kyndes of hawkes. Butthis heroner, is an especiall hawke (of anye of the kyndes oflonge winged hawkes) of moore accompte then other hawkes are, because the flighte of the Herone ys moore daungerous than ofother fowles, insomuch, that when she fyndeth her selfe indanger, she will lye in the ayre vppon her backe, and turne vppher bellye towardes the hawke; and so defile her enymye with herexcrementes, that eyther she will blinde the hawke, or ells withher byll or talons pierce the hawkes brest yf she offer to ceasevppon her. 

[Sidenote: The Hyppe is the berye of the sweet bryer oreglantine. ] The Hyppe is not simplye the redde berrye one theBryer, vnlest yo{u} adde this epithetone and saye, the reddeBerrye one the swete Bryer, (which is the Eglantyne, ) todistinguyshe yt from the comone Bryer or Bramble beringe theblacke Berye, for that name Bryer ys comone to them boothe; whenthe Hyppe is proper but to one, neither maye yt helpe yo{u} thatyo{u} saye the redd Berye, to distinguyshe yt from the Blacke, for the blacke berye ys also redde for a tyme, and then may becalled the redde Berye of the Bryer for that tyme. 

[Sidenote: Nowell meaneth more than Christmas. ] Nowell yo{u}expounde Christmasse, whiche ys that feaste and moore, for yt isthat tyme, whiche is properlye called the Advente together withChristmasse and Newe yeres tyde, wherefore the true etymologyeof that worde ys not Christmasse, or the twelve dayes, but yt isgodd with us, or, oure Godde, expressinge to vs the comynge ofChriste in the fleshe, whiche p{er}adventure after a sorte, bythe figure synecdoche, yo{u} may seeme to excuse, placinge therxþemas (_Christmasse_) a p{ar}te of this tyme of Nowell for allthe tyme that Nowell conteynethe. For in the same worde isconteyned sometyme xx, but for the most p{ar}te thirtye dayesbefore Christmesse, aswell as the Christmesse yt selfe, thatwoorde being deduced as hathe Will{iel}m{u}s Postellus inAlphabet. 12 Linguarum, from the hebrue worde Noell: for thus hewritethe: ‏‏ נאלnoel, sonat deus noster sive Deus nobis advenit, solitaq{ue} est hec vox cantari a plebe ante xþi ({Christi})natalitia viginti aut triginta dies quodam desiderio. 

[Sidenote: Porpherye is a peculiar marble, not marble incommon. ] Porpherye you expounde marble, w{hi}che m{ar}ble ysgenus, but porpherye is species, for as there is white and greymarble, so ys there redde marbell, whiche is this porpherye, a stone of reddish purple coolor, distincte or enterlaced withwhite veynes as yo{u} may see in the great pillars entringe intothe royall exchange or burse in Cornhill. 

[Sidenote: Sendale, a sylke stuffe. ] Sendale you expounde athynne stuffe lyke cypres. But yt was a thynne stuffe lykesarcenette, and of a rawe kynde of sylke or sarcenett, butcourser and narrower, than the sarcenett nowe ys, as my selfecanne remember. 

[Sidenote: The trepegett is not the battering-ram, but an engineto cast stones. ] Trepegett you expounde a ramme to batterwalles. But the trepegete was the same that the magonell;for Chaucer calleth yt a trepegett or magonell; wherefore thetrepegett and magonell being all one, and the magonell oneinstrumente to flynge or cast stones (as youre selfeexpounde yt) into a towne, or against a towne walles, (an enginenot muche vnlyke to the catapulte, an instrumente to cast forthedartes, stones, or arrowes, ) the trepeget must nedes also be oneinstrumente to cast stones or such lyke against a wall or into atowne, and not a Ramme to batter wales; since the Ramme was noengine to flinge anye thinge, but by mens handes to be broughteand pusshed againste the walles; a thinge farr different informe from the magonell or catapulte, as appereth by Vigetiusand Robertus Valturius de re militari. 

[Sidenote: Wiuer or Wyvern, a serpent like unto a dragon. ] Wiueryo{u} expounde not. Wherefore I will tell you, a wyuer is akynde of serpent of good Bulke, not vnlyke vnto a dragon, ofwhose kinde he is, a thinge well knowen vnto the Heroldes, vsinge the same for armes, and crestes, & supporters of manyegentle and noble menne. As the erle of Kent beareth a wiuer forhis creste and supporters, the erle of Pembroke, a wiuer vertfor his creste; the erle of Cumberlande, a wiuer geules for hissupporters. 

[Sidenote: Autenticke meaneth a thing of auctoritye, not ofantiquitye. ] Autenticke yo{u} expounde to be antiquytye. Buthowe yo{u} may seme to force and racke the worde to Chaucersmeaninge, I knowe not; but sure I ame the propersignyficat{i}one of autenticke is a thinge of auctoritye orcredit allowed by menne of auctoritye, or the originall orfyrste archetypu{m} of any thinge; whiche I muse that you didnot remember. 

[Sidenote: Abandone is not liberty though Hollyband sayeth so. ]Abandone you expounde libertye; whiche in all Italiane, Frenche, and Spanishe, signifyeth relinquere, to forsake and leave athinge; w{hi}che me thinkethe yo{u} most hardely stretche tolibertye, vnlest yo{u} will saye that, when one forsakethe athinge, he leaveth yt at libertye; whiche ys but a streynedspeche, although the frenche Hollybande, not vnderstandinge thetrue energye of our tongue, hath expounded yt libertye; whichemay be some warrante vnto you. 

VNDER THE TITLE OF YOURE Annotacions and Corrections. 

[Sidenote: Of the Vernacle. ] IN YOURE ANNOTACIONS you describe, oute of the prologues, the vernacle to be a broche or figure, wherein was sett the instruments wherewith Christe wascrucyfyed, and withall a napkyn whereine was the printe of hisface. But the vernacle did not conteyne the instrumentes of hisdeathe, but only the clothe wherein was the figure of his face;as I conceve yt with others. 

[Sidenote: Master Thynne would read Campaneus for Capaneus, andgiveth reasons. ] Fo: 1. Pa: 2. For Campaneus you wolde readeCapaneus, wherunto I cannott yelde. For althoughe Statius andother latine authors do call hym Capaneus; yet all the writersof Englande in that age call him campaneus; as Gower, inconfessione amantis, and Lidgat in the historye of Thebes takenout of Statius, and Chaucer hym selfe in many other places. Sothat yt semethe they made the pronu{n}tiatione of Campaneus tobe the dialecte of our tongue for Capaneus. Besides chaucer isin this to be p{ar}doned, in that taking his knightes tale outof the Thesayde of Bocas, written in Italiane (and of latetranslated into frenche, ) doth there, after the Italiane manner, call him campaneus; for so the Italians pronounce woordesbeginninge with cap: with the interposit{i}one of the l{ette}rem, pronouncinge yt camp: for, that w{hi}che the Latins callcapitoliu{m}, the Italians call campidoglio; and suche lyke. Wherefore since yt was vniversallye receued in that age, to callhim Campaneus: lett vs not nowe alter yt, but p{er}mytte yt tohave free passage accordinge to the pronuntiat{i}one andwrytinge of that age. Since, in deducinge woordes from onelanguage to one other, there ys often additione andsubstract{i}one of letters, or of Sillabes, before, in themiddle, and in the ende of those wordes. Whereof infynyteexamples mighte be produced, whiche I nowe shonne for brevytye. 

[Sidenote: Liketh the reading of Eros, but preferreth that ofHeros, and giveth reasons. ] Fo: 3. Pa: 2. (“Noughte comelye lyketo lovers maladye of Hereos. ”) for whiche woorde hereos youreade eros, i. Cupide, a very good and probable correct{i}one, well gathered out of Luciane. But (salua patient{i}a vestra, and reservinge to myselfe better iudgmente hereafter yf I nowemystake yt, ) I wolde, for the printed hereos of Chaucer, readheroes. Whiche two woordes onlye differ in misplacinge of theletters; a comone thinge for the printer to do, and thecorrector to overpasse. For Arcyte, in this furye of his love, did not shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, whiche the Heroes, or valiante p{er}sons, in tymes past vsed, for thoughe theyloued, yet that passione did not generallye so farre overrulethem (althoughe yt mighte in some one p{ar}ticuler personne) asthat theye lefte to contynewe the valor, and heroicke actions, whiche they before performed. For the Heroes sholde so love, asthat they sholde not forgett, what they were in place, valor, ormagnanymytye, whiche Arcite, in this pass{i}one, did not observe“lyke to lovers malady of Heroes. ” Whereof I coulde produce sixhundred examples, (as the proverbe ys, ) were yt not that Iavoyde tedious prolixytye. 

[Sidenote: Of florins and their name from the Florentines. ]Fo: 6. Pa: 2. (“Manye a florence. ”) In whiche noote yo{u} expoundea florence to be ij^s frenche, and a gelder to be the same indutche. Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens, sucheas was vsed in Chaucers tyme, w{hic}he taking his name of thewoorkemenne, beinge florentynes, (of the terrytorye of florencein Italye, ) were called Florens; [Sidenote: Sterling moneytaketh its name from the Esterlings. ] as sterlinge money tooketheir name of Esterlinges, whiche refyned and coyned the silverin the tyme of kinge Henry the seconde. For two shillingesfrenche ys not equall in valewe (as I nowe take yt) to twoshillinges Englishe: and much lesse equall to the florens inChaucers tyme, whiche was of the valewe of thre shillings, fowrepence, or halfe a noble, or, at the leaste, of two shillingestenne pence farthinge, as apperethe by recorde and historye:some of them being called florens de scuto or of the valewe ofthe shelde or frenche crowne and some of them called florensregall. Whereof yo{u} shall fynde, in the recorde of pellisexitus in the exchequer in michelmas terme 41. Ed. 3. This note. Bartholomeo de Burgershe militi in denariis sibi liberatis inparte solutionis 8000 florenoru{m} de scuto pretii petii iij^s. Iiij^d. Sibi debitis de illis 30000 florenoru{m} de scuto inquibus Rex tenebatur eidem Bartholomeo pro comite de Ventadoure, prisonario suo apud Bellu{m} de Poyters in guerra capto, et abeodem Bartholomeo ad opus Regis empt{o}, vt patet per litterasRegis patentes, quas idem Bartholomeus inde penes se habet. InDors. De summa subscripta, per bre{ve} de magno sigillo, intermandata de Term. Michaelis de anno 36 --xx^li. To the valewewhereof agreeth Hipodigma Neustriæ, pa. 127, [Sidenote: KingJohn of France, his ransom of three millions of florens. ] wheresetting downe the ransome of the frenche kinge taken at Poytersto the valewe of thre milliones of florens, he sayethe “ofw{hic}he florens duo valebant vj^s. Viij^d. ” These florens thesame Walsingha{m} in another place callethe scutes or frenchecrownes, pa. 170, sayinge: Rex quidem Franciæ pro suaredemptione soluit regi Angliæ tres milliones scutoru{m}, quoru{m} duo valent vnu{m} nobile, videlicet, sex solidos etocto denarios. Whiche scutes in lyke manner, in the tyme ofkinge Henry the sixte were of the same valewe, as apperethe inFortescues commentaries of the lawes of Englande. But as thoseflorens for the redempt{i}one of the frenche kinge, were of thevalewe of half one noble: so at the tyme of that kings reignethere were also one other sorte of florens, not of lyke valewe, but conteyned within the price of ij^s. X^d. [QR]. Calledflorene regales, as apperethe in this record, of Easter terme, of Pellis exitus before sayed, where yt is thus entred one thesixte of Julye: Guiscardo de Angles. Domino de pleyne martyne, In denariis sibi liberatis per manus Walteri Hewett militis inpretio 4000 florenoru{m} regaliu{m} pretii petii --ij^s. X^d. [QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} 7 computantur pro tribusnobilibus, eidem Guiscardo debitis. Whereby yo{u} see themeanest of these florens did exceed the valewe of ij^s. Frenche, (although you sholde equall that with ii^s. Englishe, ) as yt didalso in other countryes. For in the lowe countryes at thosedayes yt was much aboute the valewe of iij^s. Iiij^d. Beingehalfe a pistolet Italiane or Spanyshe. For so sayethe HeuteriusDelphicus, (in the Historye of Burgundye, in the lyfe ofPhilippe le hardye, ) lyving at that tyme, and sonne to thefrenche kinge taken prisoner by the Inglishe. Heuterius’ woordesbe these. Illustris viri aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m} mors adeòcomite{m} com{m}ovit, vt relicta obsidione exercitus adco{m}meatus ducendos in proxima loca distribuerit. Decemmillibus florenorum (moneta Belgica est semipistoletu{m}Italicu{m} pendens) pro Anglicani, aliorumq{ue} nobiliu{m}cadaverum redemptione solutis,  &c. 

[Sidenote: Of the oken garland of Emelye. ] Fo: 7. Pa: 2. Forunseriall yo{u} will vs to reade cerriall, for cerrus[8] is akynde of tree lyke one oke, bearinge maste; and therefore byyo{ur} correct{i}one yt sholde be a garland of grene okecerriall: But for the same reasone (because cerrus ys a kynde ofoke as ys also the Ilex) I judge yt sholde not be redde cerriallbut unseriall, that ys, (yf you will nedes have this wordecerriall, ) a garlande of greene oke not cerriall, as who sholdesaye, she had a Garlande of Grene oke, but not of the okeCerriall. And therefore a garlande of oke unseriall, signifyingea garlande that was freshe and Grene, and not of dedd wannysheCoolor as the oke Cerriall in some parte ys. For the Cerrus, being the tree w{hi}che we comonly call the holme oke, (as Cooper also expoundeth the ilex to be that which wee callholme, ) produceth two kyndes; whereof the one hathe greater, andthe other lesser acornes, whose leaves beinge somewhat grene onethe one syde, and of one ouer russett and darkyshe Coolor on theother syde, were not mete for this garland of Emelye, whichesholde be freshe and Grene one everye parte, as were her youngeand grene yeres, lyke to the goddesse to whome she sacryfyced, and therefore a garlande of Grene oke unseriall, not beinge ofoke cerriall, for yf yt had byn oke serriall, yt wolde haueshewed duskyshe and as yt were of dedishe leaves, and not fresheand orient as chaucer wolde haue her garlande. And this foryo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall, in some parte: for I woldesuppose that this worde unseriall dothe not vnaptly signifyeperfectione of coolor, so that She having a Garlande of Greneoke unseriall, doth signyfye the oke to be grene and unseriall, that is, (as some do expounde this worde unseriall, ) unsered, unsinged, unwithered, of freshe coolor, lyke unto the okeQuercus whiche hath no sered nor withered cooloor in his leafes. And yt was of necessytye that Emely (sacryfysinge to Diana) musthaue a garlande of the Grene oke Quercus, because that theywhiche sacryfyced vnto Diana, otherwise called Hecate, (whichname is attribute to Diana, as natalis Comes affirmethe withstatius in his Acheleidos in his first Booke sayinge, Sic vbi virgineis Hecate lassata pharetris, being Diana adorned with her bowe and arrowes, called alsoTriuia because Luna, Diana, and Heccate, were all one, whereofVirgil speaketh, Tergemina{m}q{ue} Hecaten, tria virginis ora Dianæ, )

were adorned w{i}th a crowne of the grene oke Quercus, becausethat Heccate was wont to be crowned therewith, as hath PieriusValerianus in his 51 booke of Hieroglyphes, sayinge, Heccatequoquè Quercu coronari solita est. For although Quercus beconsecrate to Jupiter, because he gave his oracles in the samein Sylva Dodonea, and therefore called Jupiter Dodoneus; yetAntiqutye adorned and crowned Diana Heccate with the same crownealso. Wherefore I conclude, since she (Emelye) had a garlande ofGrene oke, (as Chaucer of purpose addeth that woorde Greene toexplane unseriall, whiche signyfyethe unsered, unparched, unwithered in every parte, not lyke to the oke Serriall, whoseleafe one the one syde is duskyshe as though yt were somewhatwithered, ) that the same word unseriall must stand unamended, as well (as I sayed before) by youre owne correct{i}one and thenature of the worde; as for that Diana, called Heccate, wascrowned with the oke Quercus and not with the oke cerrus. But yfyo{u} obiecte to mee that, in this place, yt must be a garlandeof oke cerriall accordinge to the woordes of Chaucer in oneother place, because that he in the flower and the leafe (newelyprinted by yo{u}) hath these woordes;

 I sie come first all in theire clokes white a companye that were for delight. Chapletts freshe of oke serriall Newly spronge and Trompetts they were all;

I denye that therefore in the Knightes Tale yt must be okeserriall. For yt may well bee, that such meane persons astrompettes might be crowned with so base one oke as the serriallys, whiche I call base in respecte of the oke Quercus (dedicateto the godd Jupiter) wherewithe Heccate was crowned, and whereofGarlands were gyven to the Romans for their nooble desarts inthe warres, as apperethe in the Quernall crowne gyven to thosewhiche had saved a cytyzen. Wherefore Chaucer dothe rightly (andof purpose with great iudgm{en}t in my conceyte) make adifference in the chaplettes of the Trompettes and the garlandsof Emelye, in that the trompetts chapletts were of oke seriallnewly spronge; and not come to perfect{i}one, whiche yet yf theyhad byn p{er}fecte wolde not haue byn soo oryente and Greene onebothe sydes as ys the oke Quercus, wherewithe he wolde haue thisEmelye crowned, as was her goddesse Heccate Diana (to whom shedyd sacryfyce) accustomed to bee. For so in tymes past (as Isayed before) the sacryfycer sholde be adorned with garlandes ofsuche thinges, as were consecrate to the goddes to whome theysacryfyced. For whiche cause also I ame not moved, thougheCaxtone in his seconde editione do call yt one oke serriall. ForI knowe (not withstandinge his fayre prologe of printing that bya true copye) there be manye imperfections in that Booke. 

 [Footnote 8: _The Quercus cerris, the mossy cupped oak?_]

[Sidenote: Eyther for euerye, an overnice correction. ] Fo: 9. Pa: 1. For euerye) yo{u} will us to reade eyther. But the senceys good, as well that they dyd ryde one euerye syde of hym, asof eyther syde of him. For they boothe colde not ryde of eueryesyde of hym, no moore then they both colde ryde of eyther sydeof him; and therefore they two ryding one euerye side of hym, canne haue noone other construct{i}one then that the one didryde of the one syde and the other one the other side, audtherefore an ouer nice correct{i}one, thoughe some coppies dowarrant yt:

[Sidenote: The intellect of Arcite had not wholly gone, or hewould not have known Emelye. ] Fo: 10. Pa: 1. For save only theintellecte, ) yo{u} wolde haue us to reade “and also theintellecte. ” But yf yo{u} well consider the woordes of Chaucer, (as I have donne in all the written copyes whiche I haue yetseene, ) his meaninge ys not that the intellecte was wholyegoonne, as yt wolde bee yf yo{u} sholde reade, “and also theintellecte” for “save only the intellecte. ” for Chaucersmeanynge ys, that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites aboutehis outewarde partes were gonne, save onlye the intellecte orvnderstandinge, w{hi}che remayned sounde and good, as apperetheafter by the followinge woordes, for when deathe approched, andthat all outwarde senses fayled, he (Arcite) yet cast eye vpponEmelye, remembringe her, thoughe the cheifest vitall sprite ofhis harte and his streng[th]e were gonne from hym. But he coldenot haue cast his eye vppon Emelye, yf his intellecte had fayledhym. Yet yf you liste to reade, “and also the intellecte, ” forsaue only the intellecte, yt may after a sorte somewhat be bornewithall, notwithstandinge that a pointe at streng[t]he islooste; and a parenthesis includynge (Save only the intellecte, without moore, ) will make the sence good in this sort as I havehere pointed yt:

 And yet moore ouer from his armes two the vital streng[t]he is lost; and all agoo (save only the intellecte without moore) that dwelleth in his hart sicke and sore gan faylen: When the hart felt death &c. 

[Sidenote: Straught, a better word than haughte. ] Fo: 10. Pa: 2. For armes straughte you wolde reade yt haughte, when straughteis moore significa{n}t (and moore answerable to Chaucers woordeswhiche followethe) than haughte ys. For he speakethe of theBredthe and spredinge of the boughes or armes or branches of thetree, whiche this woorde straughte doth signyfye, and is mooreaptlye sett downe for stretched, then this woorde haughte, whiche signyfyethe catchinge holde, or holdinge faste, or (yfyou will streyne yt againste his nature) stretching on heigh, whiche agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge. For these behis words:

 And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte; That is to sayen, the Bowes were so broode,  &c. 

[Sidenote: Visage for vassalage, an impertinent correction. ]Fo: 11. Pa: 1. For all forgotten in his vassalage, yow wolde hauevs reade, “for all forgotten is then his visage;” a thinge mereimpertinente. For the forgettinge of his visage and personage isnot materiall, nor regarded of anye to haue his face forgotten, but yt is muche materiall (and so ys Chaucers meanynge) that hisvassalage, and the good service donne in his youthe, shold beforgotten when he waxethe olde. And therefore yt must bee “hisvassalage forgotten;” as presently after Chaucer sayeth, betterfor a manne to dye when he is yonge, and his honor in price, than when he is olde, and the service of his youthe forgotten;w{hic}he I coulde dilate and prove by manye examples; but Icannott stande longe vppon euerye pointe, as well for that Iwolde not be tedious vnto yo{u}, as for that leysure serveth menot thereunto. 

[Sidenote: Leefe for lothe, a nedeless correction. ] Fo: 13. Pa: 1. For lothe yo{u} bidde vs reade leefe, which annotacioneneded not to haue byn there sett downe, because the verye woordein the texte is lefe. 

[Sidenote: It is more likely that Absolon knocked than that hecoughed at the window. ] Fo: 14. Pa: 1. For knocked yo{u} readecoughed, but, the circumstance considered, (althoughe they mayboth stande, ) yt is moore probable that he[9] knocked at her[10]windowe, than that he coughed. For although those woordes “witha semely sownde” may haue relatione to the voyce, yet they mayas well and with as much consonancye haue reference to a semelyand gentle kynde of knockinge at the windowe as to the voyce, and so his meanynge was by that sounde to wake her, whiche wolderather be by the noyse of a knocke than of a coughe. For so hedetermyned before to knocke, as apperethe in these verses, whenhe sayed, So mote I thryve, I shall at cockes crow Full priuily knocke at his windowe:

And so apperethe by the tale afterwarde that he knocked, as hedid before, although he coughed also at the latter tyme, for heknocked twyce. 

 [Footnote 9: [_Absolon. _]]

 [Footnote 10: [_The Carpenter’s wife’s. _]]

[Sidenote: Surrye or Russye, indifferent which. ] Fo: 23. Pa: 2. For Surrye you read Russye. True yt is, that some written copieshaue Russye, and some Surrye. And therefore indifferent afterthe written copies, and some auncient printed copies before myfathers editione. But yf I shall interpone my opynione, I woldemore willingly (for this tyme) receve Surrey, because yt is mostlykelye that the tartarians whiche dwelt at Sara (a place yetwell knowen, and bordering vppon the lake Mare Casp{iu}m, ) arenerer to Sorria or the countryes adioynynge called Syria, thanto Russya. For as Hato the Armeniane, in his TartarianeHistorye, sayeth, The cyttye of Sara was auncyently the famouscyttye of the countrye of Cumania; and the Tartarians obteynedthe kingdome of Syria in the yere 1240, w{hi}che must be in thetyme of the fyrst Tartariane emperor called Caius canne, [Sidenote: Cambuscan is Caius canne. ] beinge (as I suppose) hewhome Chaucer namethe Cambiuscan, for so ys the written copies, such affynytye is there betwene those two names. And, as Igather, yt was after that tyme that the Tartarians had warres inRussia. But I leave yt indifferent at this tyme, as meanyngefurther to consider of yt. 

[Sidenote: “That may not saye naye, ” better than “there may nowighte say naye. ”] Fo: 31. Pa: 2. For these woordes, “that maynot saye naye, ” yo{u} reade “there may no wighte say naye. ”bothe whiche are good, and boothe founde in written coppyes; andyet the firste will better stande, in my conceyte, because [_theking of Faerie_] there speakinge to his wyfe, he urgethe herthat she cannott denye yt; when he sayeth, my wyfe that cannottsay naye, as who sholde saye yo{u} cannot denye yt because youknowe yt; and experience teacheth yt, so that these woordes, “that cannott say naye, ” must be taken as spoken of his wyfesknowledge, and so as good or rather better than “there may nowighte saye naye, ” consideringe that these wordes “that cannottsaye naye, ” dothe signyfye, “whoe cannott saye naye, ” in suchsorte that this relatyve (that) meanynge (whoe) must hauereference to his antecedente, i. E. This worde wyfe. 

[Sidenote: Theophraste, not Paraphraste. ] Fo: 35. Pa: 2. For “Hecleped yt valerye and theophraste, ” you saye some wolde haue vsreade “Valery and his Paraphraste. ” But as yo{u} haue left yt atlibertee to the reader to iudge, so I thinke yt must nedes beTheophraste; as the author [of] Policraticon in his eighteBooke, ca. 11. [Sidenote: The wife of Bath’s Prologue taken fromthe author of Policraticon. ] (from whome Chaucer borrowethealmost worde for worde a great parte of the Wyfe of BathesProloge, ) doth vouche yt, for the author of that booke, JohannesSarisburiensis, lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the seconde, sayethe, Fertur authore Hieronimo Aureolus Theophrasti liber, denuptiis, in quo quæritur an vir sapiens ducat vxorem, etc. Andthe frenche molinet, moralizinge the Romant of the roose infrenche, and turnynge it oute of verse into proese, writeth, Ha si i’eusse creu Theophraste,  &c. Oh, yf I had belevedTheophraste, I had never maried womanne, for he doth not holdehym wise that marieth anye womanne, be she fayre, foule, poore, or riche; as he sayeth in his Booke Aureolle; whiche veryewordes chaucer doth recyte. 

[Sidenote: Country, not Couentry. ] Fo: 38. Pa: 2. For this wordeCountrye you will vs to reade Couentrye. But in my writtenecopies yt is, “in my Countrye, ” whiche I holde the truer and forthe sence as good yf not better. 

[Sidenote: Maketh, not waketh. ] Fo: 41. Pa: 1. This woordemakethe is corrected by you, who for the same do place wakethe;w{hi}che cannott well stande, for Chaucers woordes being, “thismaketh the fende, ” dothe signyfye (by a true conuers{i}one afterthe dialecte of our tonge, w{hi}che with beawtye vsethe suchetransmutac{i}one as I coulde gyve yo{u} manye pretye instances, )that the sence thereof ys, “the fende makethe this, ” for whicheChaucer vseth these wordes by Transposit{i}one, (accordinge tothe rhethoricall figure Hiperbatone) “This makethe the fende:”Whiche this? Anger: for that comethe, ys made, or occasioned, by the deuell. But yf yt sholde be wakethe, then must the sencebee, that this (whiche is the anger he speakethe of before)wakethe the fende; whiche oure offences cannot do, because hecannott be waked, in that he neyther slumbrethe nor slepethe, but alwayes watcheth and howrely seekethe occas{i}one todestroye us, lyke a roringe lyone. But yf you will nedes saye“this wakethe the fende, ” that is, by conuersione after thismanner, “the fende waketh this, ” whiche signyfyeth the fendewaketh or styrreth this in manne, yt may, after a harde andover-streyned sorte, beare some sence, whiche yet hath not thatenergye, sprite or lyfe, w{hi}che haue Chaucers woordes, “thismaketh the fende. ” Whiche woordes are in my written copies, andin all written and auncient printed copies whiche I have yetseene. 

[Sidenote: Hugh of Lincoln. ] Fo: 96. Pa: 2. Vppon these woordes, “O hughe of Lincolne sleyne also,  &c. ” You saye, that in the 29. H. 3. Eightene Jewes were broughte fro{m} Lincolne, and hangedfor crucyfyinge a childe of eight yeres olde. Whiche facte was[in] the 39. H. 3. So that yo{u} mighte verye well haue sayed, that the same childe of eighte yeres olde was the same hughe ofLincolne; of whiche name there were twoe, viz. Thys youngerSeinte Hughe, and Seinte Hughe bishoppe of Lincolne, whiche dyedin the yere 1200, long before this litle seinte hughe. And toprove [that] this childe of eighte yeres olde and that yongehughe of Lincolne were but one; I will sett downe twoauctoryties out of Mathewe Paris and Walsinghame, whereof thefyrste wryteth, that in the yere of Christe 1255, beinge the 39. Of Henrye the 3, a childe called Hughe was sleyne by the Jewesat Lyncolne, whose lamentable historye he delyvereth at large;and further, in the yere 1256, being 40. Hen. 3, he sayeth, Dimissi sunt quieti 24 Judei à Turri London, qui ibidem infamestenebantur compediti pro crucifixione sancti Hugonis Lincolniæ:All whiche Thomas Walsingham, in Hypodigma Neustriæ, confirmeth;sayinge, A^o. 1255. Puer quidam Christianus, nomine HUGO, àJudeis captus, in opprobriu{m} Christiani nominis crudelitèr estcrucifixus. 

[Sidenote: “Where the sunne is in his ascensione, ” a goodreading. ] Fo: 86. Pa: 8. (Where the sunne is in hisascensione,  &c. ) You will us to reade for the same, Ware the soone in his ascensione Ne fynde you not replete of humors hotte, For yf yt doe, &c. 

But, savinge correct{i}one, the former sence is good: for thesewoordes: Where the sonne is in his ascensione, must hauerelat{i}one to the woordes of the verse before, Ye be righte colericke of complex{i}one, and then is the sence, that she [_the fair Pertelote_] willedhym to purge, for that he was righte (that is, extremelye and inthe highest degree) collericke of complex{i}one, where (whichesignyfyeth when) the sonne is in his ascent{i}one. Wherefore hemust take heede, that he did not fynde hym repleate (at thattyme of the sonnes being in his ascent{i}one) of hoote humors, for yf he did, he sholde surelye haue one ague. And this willstand with the woordes Where the sonne is in his ascentione, taking where for when, as yt is often vsed. But yf yo{u} mislykethat gloosse, and will begyn one new sence, as yt is in somewritten copyes, and saye, Ware the sonne in his ascentione nefynde you not repleate,  &c. Yet yt cannott bee that the otherwordes, (for yf yt doo, ) canne answer the same, because thispronoune relative (yt) cannot haue relat{i}one to this worde(you) which wente before in this lyne, Ne fynde yo{u} notrepleate of humors hotte. So that yf you nowe will nedes readeware for where, yet the other parte of the followinge verse mustnedes be, “for yf you doe, ” and not “for yf yt dooe;” vnlesteyou will saye that this woorde (yt) must haue relat{i}one tothese woordes, (the sonne in his ascentione, ) whiche yt cannotthave, those woordes goinge two lynes before, and the pronowne(you) interposed betwene the same and that his correlative (yt. )Wherefore these woordes, (for yf yt doe, ) must nedes stande asthey did before, though you will correcte “Where the sonne &c. ”and saye “Ware the sonne &c. ” W{hi}che yf you will nedes haue, you must correcte the rest in this sorte:

 Ware the sonne in his ascentione that yt fynde you not repleat of humors hotte, for yf yt do, &c. 

But this correct{i}one (savinge, as I sayed, correct{i}one)semeth not so good as the former texte. 

[Sidenote: Kenelm slain by Queen Drida. ] Fol: 86. Pa: 2. Vpponthese woordes, (Lo,  in the lyfe of Kenelme we reade, ) you sayethat Kenelme was sleyne by his sister Quenda, whiche sholde beQuendrida; as Williame of Malmsberye and Ingulphus have. WhicheQuendrida dothe signyfye Quene Drida; as the author of theAntiquyties of Seint Albons and of the Abbottes thereof(supposed to be Mathewe Paris) dothe expounde yt. For thatauctor, speakinge of the wyfe of Offa the greate kinge ofMercia, (a wicked and proude womanne because she was of thestocke of Charles the greate, ) dothe saye, that she was calledDrida, and being the kings wyfe was termed Quendrida, id est, Regina Drida. 

[Sidenote: Master Speight mistaketh his almanack. ] Fo: 87. P: 1. Vppon these woordes of “Taurus was fortye degrees and one, ” yousaye that this place ys misprinted, as well in not namynge ofthe sygne, as of the misreckonynge of the degrees, that the twoand twentye of Marche the sunne is in Aries, and that but elevendegrees or thereaboutes, and hathe in all but thirtye degrees. In whiche, in semynge to correcte the former printe (whiche intruthe deseruethe amendement, but not in that order, ) you semeto mee to erre, as farre as heauen and yerthe, in mistakingeChaucers meanynge and his woordes, as well for the daye of themonthe, as for the signe. For where yo{u} suppose that Chauceremeanethe the two and twentithe daye of Marche, you mistake yt. For although yt should be the 22 of the monthe, as the printedbooke hathe; yet canne yt not be the 22 daye of Marche, but mustof necessytye be the two and twentythe of Aprille: and so thesigne Taurus trulye named. But first I must saye, the number ofthe dayes are misprinted, for where yt is twentye dayes and two, yt must be (and so are my written copies) thirtye dayes and two, whiche must be the seconde of Maye, as yo{u} shall well see bythe woordes of Chaucer, for whether yowe recken thirtye twodayes, withe the truthe, as hathe the written copye, or xxiidayes, withe the printe: yet must yo{u} begynne to recken themfrom after the last of Marche. For so dothe Chaucer, sayingeMarche was compleate, in these woordes:

 When the month in whiche the worlde began, That hight Marche, when God first made man, Was complete, and passed were also Since Marche byganne, &c. 

Wherebye yo{u} see, that yo{u} must begynne to recken the nomberof dayes from the tyme of marche complete; and then woulde thesigne fall out to be in Taurus. Yf yo{u} holde yo{u} to theprinte (for the 22 daye after Marche, which is the 22 daye ofAprill in which the sonne is aboute xi degrees in Taurus;) or tothe written copye of thirtye two dayes, (w{hi}che is the secondeof maye at what tyme the sonne ys also aboute some xxi degreesin Taurus;) the signe is not misreckoned or misnamed, as yo{u}suppose. Nether canne these woordes, since Marche beganne, helpeyou to recken them from the begynnynge of Marche, (as you semeto doo;) because they muste answere and be agreable to theformer wordes of Chaucer, w{hi}che sayethe M{ar}che wascomplete, and, for that we shoulde not dobte thereof, he addethealso farther, And passed were also since Marche beganne; wherethe worde beganne ys mysprinted for be gonne, that is, sincemarche be gonne, this word begonne being put for is gonne, orgonne bye, or departed. So that the genuyniell sence hereof is, When march was complete, and also were passed, since march isgonne, or gonne by, or departed. For, in many olde inglishewoordes, this syllable (be) is sett before to make yt mooresignyficante and of force, as for moone we saye bemone, forsprincled, besprincled; for dewed, bedewed,  &c. As in this casefor gonne ys sett downe begonne. But although there be nomisnaminge of the [Sidenote: The degrees of the signe aremisreckoned, not the signe itself. ] signe; yet yt is true thedegrees of the signes are misreckoned, the error whereof grewe, because the degree of the signe, is made equall with the degreeof the sonne ascended above the Horizon, beinge at that tyme xlidegrees in heighte from the Horizon. But to remedye all this, and to correcte yt accordinge as Chaucer sett yt downe in myneand other written copies; and that yt may stande w{i}th allmathematicall proport{i}one, whiche Chaucer knewe and observedthere, the print must be corrected after those written copies(whiche I yet holde for sounde till I maye disprove them) havingthese woordes:

 when that the month in whiche the worlde beganne, that hight Marche, when god first made manne, was complete, and passed were also since marche begonne thirty dayes and two: befell that Chanteclere in all his pride, his seven wives walkinge him beside, cast vp his eyen to the bright sonne, that in the signe of Taurus had yronne Twentye degrees and one and somewhat moore; And knewe by kynde and by noone other loore That yt was pryme, and crewe with blisful steven: The sunne, quoth he, is clomben vp on heaven Fortye degrees and one, and moore, ywis, &c. 

And that this shoulde be mente xxxij dayes after Marche, and theseconde of Maye, there be manye reasons, besides those thatChaucer nameth; which are, that the sonne was not farre from themiddle of his ascent{i}one, and in the signe Taurus. Ffurther, since I am now in Chantecler’s discourse, I must speake of onewoorde in the same, deservinge correct{i}one, w{hi}che I see youoverslipped; and because I thinke yo{u} knewe not what to makeof yt, (as in dede by the printinge few menne cannevnderstande yt, ) I will sett downe the correct{i}one of thesame; [Sidenote: Mereturicke is a corruption of Merecenrycke, or the kingdom of Mercia. ] being the worde Mereturicke, farrcorrupted for Mercenricke, in saxon Meþecenþÿke which is thekingdome of Mercia, for so was Kenelme the sonne, and Kenulphusthe father, both kinges of Mercia; the one reignynge 36 yeres, and the other murdred by his sister Quendrida, as ys beforenoted. And that yt is the kingdome of Mercia, the etymon of thewoorde doth teache; for þÿk in the saxon tonge signyfyethe akingdome; meþcen signyfyethe markes or boundes or marches ofCountryes. So that Mercenricke is regnu{m} Merciæ, or thekingdome of Mercia, or of the boundes so called, because almostall the other kingdoms of the saxons bounded vppon the same, andthat lykewise vppon them, since that kingdome did lye in themiddle of England, and conteyned most of the shires thereof. 

[Sidenote: Pilloures of silver borne before Cardinalls. ] Fo: 90. Pa: 2. For pilloure you will vs to reade Pellure, signifyingefurres. But althoughe the Clergye ware furres, and some of themhad their outwarde ornamentes thereof when they came to theirservice, as the Chanons had their Grey amises; yet in thisplace, to shewe the proude and stately ensignes of the Clergye, he there nameth the popes crowne, and the Cardinalls pilloures, yf I be not deceved. For euery cardinall had, for parte of hishonorable ensignes borne before hym, certein silver pillers; ashad Cardinall Wolsey, in the tyme of kinge Henrye the eighte, and Cardinall Poole, in my memory. So that pilloure in thatplace is better than pellure, because pilloures were a note ofmore pride and maiestye (againste whiche the Plowmanne dotheenveye in those woordes, ) than in the weringe of furres. 

[Sidenote: Liketh best the old reading of “change of many mannerof meates. ”] Fo: 90. Pa: 2. For these wordes, with change ofmany manner of meates, yo{u} wolde have vs reade, They eate ofmany manner of meates. Touchinge whiche, althoughe the sencestande well, yet sure Chaucer followeth this matter in manystaues together with this preposit{i}one (cu{m}, with, ) and thisconiunctione (et,  and;)--as, “With pride misledd the poore, andwith money filled manye a male,  &c. ” so he contynuethe yt stillwith that prepositione, “with change of many meates;” w{hi}cheis as good as the other, for euery one knoweth Chaucers meanyngeto be that they eate of many meates, when they haue change ofmany meates; for why sholde they haue change of meates, but forvaryetye to please the palates taste in eatynge. [Sidenote: Andalso the old reading of “myters” more than one or two for thesake of the meter. ] In the next staffe, (for myters moe then oneor two) you teache vs to reade, “myters they weare mo then oneor two;” whiche, me thinkethe, nedeth not. For the wearinge oftheir myters is included in these woordes, And myters more thenone or two. W{hi}che wordes are curteyled for the verse hiscause, that the same mighte kepe an equall proport{i}one anddecorum in the verse, whiche would be lengthened one foote orsillable moore than the other verses, yf your readinge shouldestande. But yf yo{u} saye, that in this and other thinges I amoverstreyghte laced and to obstinatlye bente to defende theformer printed editione, in that I woulde rather allowe oneimperfecte sence, and suche as must be vnderstoode, when yt ysnot fully expressed, than a playne style, I will answere withe agrounde of the lawe, quod frustra fit per plura quod fieripotest per pauciora, and quod subintelligitur non deest. Wherefore yt is nedelesse to make that playner by addit{i}one ofwoordes, when yt maye be as well conceyved in any reasonablemens vnderstandinge without such addit{i}one. But on these andsuche petit matters, I will not nowe longe insiste, (beingthings of no greate momente, ) vntill I haue further examynedmore written copyes to trye, whether wee shall reade the oldetexte or your newe correctione. 

[Sidenote: The lordes sonne of Windsore is in the French Romantof the rose, but is there spelled Guindesores. ] Fo: 122. Pa: 2. The lordes sonne of Windsore. ) Vppon these woordes you saye, this maye seme strange bothe in respecte that yt is not in thefrenche, as also for that there was no lorde Windsore at thosedayes. But yt semeth to me moore strange that these woordesshoulde seme strange to yo{u}, not to bee in the frenche, whereyo{u} shall fynde them. For thus hathe the frenche writtenRomante, as maye appere in the old frenche vsed at the tyme whenthe Romante was composed, in this sorte:

 Pris a Franchise lez alez Ne sai coment est apelles, Biaus est et genz, se il fust ores Fuiz au seign{eur} de Guindesores:

Whiche is thus englished: Next to Franchise went a youngbacheler, I knowe not howe he was called, he was fayre andgentle, as yf he had byn sonne to the lorde of Windsore. Wherein olde frenche this word fuiz (vsed here as in manye places ofthat Booke) is placed for that whiche we wryte and pronounce atthis daye for filz or fitz, in Englishe sonne. And that it ishere so mente, you shall see in the Romante of the Roose turnedinto proese, moralized, by the french Molinet, and printed atParis in the yere 1521, who hathe the same verses in thesewoordes in proese. A Franchise s’estoit prins vn ieune Bachelerde qui ne scay le nome, fors bell, en son temps filz duseigneure de Guindesore. Whiche yo{u} mighte have well seene, had you but remembered their orthographie, and that the latyne, Italiane, frenche, and spanyshe have no doble w, as the Dutche, the Englishe, and such as haue affynytye with the Dutche, sincethey vse for doble w (a letter comone to vs) these two lettersGu, as in Gulielmus, which we wryte Willielmus; in guerra, whichwe call and writte warre, in Gualterus, which we write Walter;in guardeine, which we pronounce and write wardeyne; and suchelyke; accordinge to whiche in the frenche yt is Guindesore forWindesore. [Sidenote: Master Thynne knoweth not clearly why theBaron should be called of Windsor. ] for your other coniectures, whye that Chaucer sholde inserte the loordes sonne of Windesore, they are of [{no}?] great momente, neque adhuc constat thatChaucer translated the Romante, whene Windsore Castle was inbuildinge. For then I suppose that Chaucer was but yonge;whereof I will not stande at this tyme, no moore than I willthat there was no lord Windsore in those dayes; althoughe Isuppose that sir William Windsore, being then a worthye knighteand of great auctorytye in Englande and in the partes beyond theseas under the kinge of Englande, mighte be lord Windsore, ofwhom the Frenche tooke notice, being in those partes, and bythem called seigneure de Windesore, as euery gouerno{r} wascalled seigneure emongst them. But whether he were a Baron or noin Englande, I cannott yet saye, because I haue not my booke ofSomons of Barons to parliamente in my handes at this instante. 

[Sidenote: The ordeal was not tryall by fier only, but alsoby water, nor for chastity only, but for many other matters. ]Fo: 171. Pa: 2. By ordall,  &c. Vppone whiche yo{u} write thus. “Ordalia is a tryall of chastytye, throughe the fyre, as didEmma, mother of the Confessor, or ells over hoote burnyngeculters of yrone barefotte, as did Cunegunde,  &c. ” But inthis describinge definit{i}one, you have commytted manyeimp{er}fect{i}ons. First, that ordell was a tryall by fyre, w{hi}che is but a species of the ordell; for ordaliu{m} was atryall by fyre and water: secondlye, that yt was a tryall ofChastitye whiche was but parcell thereof; for the ordale was atryall for manye other matters. [Sidenote: The fyery ordeal wasby going on hote shares and cultors, not going through the fyre. The mother of Edward confessor passed over nine burnyngeshares. ] Thirdlye, yo{u} saye yt was by goinge throughe thefyre. When the fyery ordale was onlye by goinge one hoote sharesor cultores, or by holdinge a hoote pece of yrone in the hande, and not going through the fyre. Fourthlye, that Emma, mother toEdwarde the confessor, receued this tryall by goinge through thefyre: But she passed not through the fyre as you bringe her forone example of your ordale but passed barefotte vppone nyneburnynge shares, fowr for her selfe, and fyve for AlwyneBishoppe of Winchester, with whome she was suspected withincontynencye, whiche historye you maye see at large inRanulphus Higden, in his policronicone li: 6. Ca: 23, and inother auctors; of whiche ordale I colde make a longe and nocommone discourse; of the manner of consecrating the fyre andwater, how yt was vsed emongst the saxons before, and thenormans since, the Conqueste, and of many other thingesbelonging vnto yt. But I will passe them ouer, and only deliuerto you a thinge knowen to fewe, [Sidenote: The ordeal taken awayby the court of Rome, and after by Henry III. ] how this ordalewas contynued in Englande in the tyme of kinge Johne, asappereth in Claus. 17. Johīs, m.  25, vntill yt was taken awayeby the courte of Rome; and after that, in Englande, by theauctorytye of kinge Henrye the thirde, whereof you shall fyndethis recorde in the towre Patente. 3. H. 3. Mem. 5, where ytspeakethe of iudgmente and tryall by fyer and water to beforbydden by the Churche of Roome, and that yt sholde not bevsed here in Englande; as apperethe in the woordes of thatrecord: Illis vero qui mediis criminibus vectati sunt, et quibuscompeteret iudiciu{m} ignis vel aquæ si non esset prohibitum, etde quibus si regnum nostru{m} abiurarent, nulla fieret postea, maleficiendi suspitio, regnu{m} nostru{m} abiurent &c. 

[Sidenote: The stork bewrayeth not adultery but wreaketh theadultery of his owne mate. ] Fo: 246. Pa: 1. Speaking of thestorke, you saye that Chaucers woordes “wreaker of adulterye”shoulde rather bee “bewrayer of Adulterye;” w{hi}che in truthaccordinge to one propryetye of his nature may be as you saye, but according to another propryetye of his nature, yt sholde be“the wreaker of Adulterye, ” as Chaucer hathe; for he ys agreater wreaker of the adulterye of his owne kynde and femalethan the bewrayer of the adulterye of one other kynde, and ofhis hostesse one the toppe of whose howse he harborethe. ForAristotle sayeth Bartholomeus de proprietatibus reru{m} li: 12. Cap. 8. With many other auctors, that yf the storke by anymeanes perceve that his female hath brooked spousehedde, he willno more dwell with her, but stryketh and so cruelly beateth her, that he will not surcease vntill he hathe killed her yf he maye, to wreake and revenge that adulterye. 

These and suche lyke in my conceyte are worthye to be touched inyour Annotac{i}ons, besides other matters whiche you haue nothandled; whereof (because tyme requirethe after all this tedioustreatyce to drawe to one ende) I will not now treate; but onlyespeake a little moore of fyve especiall thinges, woorthye theanimadvers{i}one, of which the fyrste ys, [Sidenote: Theplowman’s tale is wrong placed. ] that yo{u} make the Plowmanstale to go next before the persons tale, suffering the personscorrupted prologue to passe with this begynnynge, “By that theplowmanne had his tale ended, ” when all written copies, (whicheI coulde yet see, ) and my fathers editione, haue yt, “By thatthe mancyple had his tale ended. ” And because my father coldenot see by any Prologues of thee other tales, (whiche for themost parte shewe the dependancye of one Tale vppone one other, )where to place the plowmans tale, he putt yt after the personstale, whiche, by Chaucers owne woordes, was the laste tale; asapperethe by the persons prologue, where the hooste sayethe, that “euery manne had tolde his Tale before. ” So that theplowmans tale must be sett in some other place before themanciple and persons tale, and not as yt ys in the lastedit{i}one. 

[Sidenote: Chaucer’s proper works should be distinguished fromthose adulterat and not his. ] One other thinge ys, that yt wouldbe good that Chaucers proper woorkes were distinguyshed from theadulterat and suche as were not his, as the Testamente ofCressyde, the Letter of Cupide, and the ballade begynnynge“I have a ladye where so she bee, ” &c. Whiche Chaucer nevercomposed, as may sufficientlye be proved by the thingsthemselves. 

[Sidenote: There were three editions of Chaucer before WilliamThynne dedicated his to Henry VIII. ] The thirde matter ys, thatin youre epistle dedicatorye to Sir Roberte Cecille, yo{u} saye, “This Booke whene yt was first published in printe was dedicateto kinge Henrye the eighte. ” But that is not soo. For the firstededicatione to that kinge was by my father, when diverse ofChaucers woorkes had byn thrise printed before; whereof twoeditions were by Will{ia}m Caxtone, the firste printer ofEnglande, who first printed Chaucers Tales in one columne in aragged letter, and after in one colume in a better order; andthe thirde edit{i}one was printed, as farre as I remember, byWinkin de Worde or Richarde Pynson, the seconde and thirdeprinters of Englande, as I take them. [11] [Sidenote: The firsteditions being very corrupt, William Thynne augmented andcorrected them. ] Whiche three edit[i]ons beinge verye unperfecteand corrupte occasioned my father (for the love he oughte toChaucers learnynge) to seeke the augmente and correct{i}one ofChaucers Woorkes, w{hi}che he happily fynyshed; the same being, since that tyme, by often printinge much corrupted. Of thismatter I sholde have spooken first of all, because yt is thefirst imperfect{i}one of your paynfull and comendable labors:Yet because the proverb ys better late than never, I hold ytbetter to speake of yt here then not at all. 

 [Footnote 11: _Caxton_, 1475-1481-2. _Wynkyn de Word_, 1495-1498. ]

[Sidenote: Master Speight hath omytted many auctors vouched byChaucer. ] The fourthe thinge ys, that, in the catalogue of theauctors, you haue omytted many auctors vouched by chaucer; andtherefore did rightlye intitle yt, moost, and not all, of theauctors cited by Geffrye Chaucer. 

[Sidenote: It should be Harlottes, and not Haroldes. ] The fyftematter ys in the Romante of the Roose, fo. 144, that the wordeHaroldes in this verse, My kinge of Haroltes shalte thou bee, must, by a mathesis or transpositione of the letters, beHarlotes, and not Haroltes, and the verse thus, My kinge of Harlottes shalt thou bee

And so ys yt in the edit{i}one of Chaucer’s Works, printed inanno Domini 1542, accordinge to the frenche moralizatione ofMolinet, fo. 149. Where he is called “Roye des Ribauldez, ”[Sidenote: The king of Ribalds or Harlottes, an officer of greataccompt in times past. ] w{hi}che is, the kinge of Ribaldes orHarlottes or evill or wicked persons; one officer of greatacco{m}pte in tymes paste, and yet vsed in the courte of Francebut by one other name, in some parte beinge the office of themarshall of Englande. All whiche, because yo{u} shall not thinkeI dreame, (though yt may seme strange to the ignorant to have sogreate one officer intituled of suche base p{er}sons as to becalled kinge or gouernor of Ribauldes, ) [Sidenote: JohannesTyllius maketh mention of a Rex Ribaldorum. ] yo{u} shall hereJoh{ann}es Tyllius (in his seconde booke de rebus Gallicis vnderthe title de Prefecto pretorio Regis) confirme in these woordes:In domesticis regu{m} constitutionibus, quos proximo capitenominavimus, fit mentio Regis Ribaldorum, officii domestici, quem semper oportet stare extra Portam pretorii,  &c. And a litleafter the explanynge of their office, he addeth; “sic autemappellantur, quia iam tum homines perditi Ribaldi, et Ribaldæmulieres puellæq{ue} perditæ vocantur. Regis nomen superiori autIudici tribuitur, Quemadmodu{m} magnus Cubicularius dicitur RexMercatorum, ” &c. Where he maketh the “Regem Ribaldoru{m}” anhonorable officer for manye causes, [Sidenote: Also VincentiusLuparius maketh him an honourable officer. ] as VincentiusLuparius in his fyrste booke of the Magistrates of france dothalso, vnder the title of “Rex Ribaldoru{m} et prouostusHospitii;” makinge the Iudex pretorianus and this rex ribaldorumor provostus hospitii to seme all one, addinge further (aftermanye other honorable partes belonginge to this office) that“meretricibus aulicis hospitia assignare solebat. ” In whichepointe, bothe for orderinge and correctinge the harlottes andevill persons followinge the Courte of Englande, (whiche is theduty of the marshall, ) the frenche and wee agree. [Sidenote: TheRex Ribaldorum was like unto our Marshall. The Marshalls dutiesand his powers over Harlotts and lost men. ] Wherefor, touchingthat parte, yo{u} shall heare somewhat of the Marshalls officesett downe and founde in the Customes, whiche Thomas ofBrothertonne (sonne to kinge Edwarde the fyrste) challenged tohis office of Marshalcye; where, emongst other thinges, arethese woordes: eoru{m} (w{hi}che was of the marshalls deputyesexecutinge that he shoulde ells do hym selfe) interest virgatamà meretricibus prohibere, et deliberare, et habet, exconsuetudine mariscallus ex quâlibet meretrice com[m]uni inframetas hospitii inventa iiij^d. Primo die. Quæ, si iteru{m}inventa in Balliuâ suâ inveniatur, capiatur; et coramseneschallo inhibea{n}tur ei hospitia Regis et Reginæ etliberoru{m} suorum, ne iteru{m} ingrediatur,  &c. And soafterwarde shewethe what shall be done to those women, yf theybe founde agayne in the Kinges courte, in suche sorte, that, asby Tillius, this Rex Ribaldorum his auctorytye was over hominesperditos, mulieres puellasq{ue} perditas. And that yt was, byLupanus, to assigne to Ribaldes lodginge out of the courte, (forso modestye willeth vs to vnderstande, because they shoulde notoffende and infecte the courte with their sighte and manners, )so ys yt our Marshalls office, to banyshe those harlottes thecourte, and bestowe them in some other place, where they mightbe lesse annoyance. [Sidenote: Master Thynne being a heroldliketh not that false semblance should be thought one. ]Wherefore I conclude w{i}th the frenche, and the formeredit{i}one of Chaucer in the yere of Christe 1542, that FalseSemblance was of righte to be made kinge of Harlottes, and notof Haroldes, who wolde mightely be offended to haue them holdenof the conditions of false semblance. Nowe here be nugæ in theRomante of the Roose, I cannott (as the proverb ys) take my handfrom the table, (fyndinge go manye oversightes in the two lasteditiones, ) but must speake of one thing more, deservingcorrectione, in these woordes of the Romante, fo. 116 of thelast impress{i}one:

 Amide saw I hate stonde, That for wrathe and yre & onde Semed to be a minoresse;

[Sidenote: Hate was a Moueresse or stirrer of debate, not aminoresse. ] Where this woorde Minoresse shoulde be Moueresse, signyfyinge a mover or styrrer to debate, for these be thefrenche verses in the oldest written copye that euer was (to befounde in Englande, yf my coniecture fayle me not, ) by the ageof the frenche wordes, which are these:

 Enz euz le milieu vi hayne, qui de courouz et datayn Sembla bien estre moueresse, et courouse et teucerresse. 

Beinge thus englyshed, as of righte they oughte, accordinge tothe frenche:

 Amyde sawe I hate stonde, That of wrathe and yre & onde Semed well to be mooveresse, An angry wighte and chyderesse. 

[Sidenote: Molinet calleth Hate a Ducteress, or leader. ] Whichewoord mooveresse the learned molinet, in his moralizat{i}one ofthat Romant, dothe turne into Ducteresse, a leader or leadresse, so that they agree yt shoulde not be a minoresse, but amooveresse or leadresse of and to anger and yre; anye of whosewoordes will as well and rather better fytt the sence and verseof Chaucer, and better answere the Frenche originall andmeanynge, than the incerted woorde Minoresse. 

Thus hooping that yo{u} will accepte in good and frendlye parte, these my whatsoever conceytes vttered vnto you, (to the endeChawcers Woorkes by much conference and many iudgmentes mighteat leng[t]he obteyne their true p{er}fect{i}one and glory, as Itruste they shall, yf yt please godde to lend me tyme andleysure to reprinte, correcte, and comente the same after themanner of the Italians who have largely comented Petrarche;)I sett end to these matters; comyttinge yo{u} to god, and me toyour curtesye. 

 Clerkenwell Greene, the xvi of december 1599. Your lovinge frende, FRANCIS THYNNE. 

INDEX. 

 Abandone, p. 33. Absalom, whether he coughed or knocked, p.  42. Aketon, a sleeveless jacket of plate for the war, p.  24. Arcite, his intellect, p. 40. Authentic, a thing of authority, p. 33. 

 Bath, Wife of, her Prologue, p. 44. Begyns, superstitious women, p. 29. Besant, a coin of Bizantium, p. 25. Burgersh, Bartholomew de, sent into Henault for Philippa, p.  12. Burgo, Serlo de, built Knaresborough Castle, p.  18. 

 Cambuscan, or Caius, Cause, p. 43. Campaneus, reading of, p. 34. Chaucer, MSS. , collection made by William Thynne, p.  5. Chaucer, MSS. , dispersed by his son, p. 8. Chaucer’s parentage, p. 9. Chaucer and the Franciscan friar, p. 16. Chaucer’s marriage, p. 17. Chaucer’s coat-of-arms, p. 10. Chaucer’s children, p. 17. Chaucer, his education, p. 13. Chaucer, his skyll in Geometrye, p. 11. Chaucer, his ancestors, whether merchants of the staple or no, pp. 12,  13. Chaucer, the stemme of, p. 17. Chaucer, his children and their advancement, p.  17. Chaucer, Thomas, married to Maude, daughter of Sir John Burgersh, p.  18. Chaucer, his dream, not the book of the Duchess, pp. 22,  23. Chaucer, early editions of, p. 56. Chausier, one who hoseth or booteth a man, p.  9. Citrination, a term of Alchemy, p. 30. Colin Clout, written in William Thynne’s house at Erith, p.  7. 

 Drida, Queen, slayeth Kenelm, p. 47. 

 Fermentacione, a term of Alchemy, p. 25. Florius, concerning, p. 35. Forage, winter provision, p. 30. 

 Garland, oken of Emelye, p. 37. Gaunt, John of, his children born pre-nupt, p.  17. Gaunt, John of, his incontinency, p. 23. Gaunt, John of, his marriage, p. 23. Gower, query whether of the Gowers of Stittenham, p. 14. Gower, his greeting to Chaucer, p. 13. 

 Harlottes, King of, p. 57. Heroner, a hawk for a heron, p. 31. Hyppe, the berye of the eglantine, p. 31. 

 John of France, his ransome, p. 36. 

 Knaresborough Castle, built by Serlo de Burgo, p.  18. Kenelm, slain by Queen Drida, p. 47. 

 Leefe, for lothe, p. 42. Lincoln, Hugh of, p. 44. 

 Mortone, John, Earl of, the manner of his creation, p.  16. Merecenrycke, p. 50. 

 Navarre, Joan of, married to Henry IV. , p.  18. Neville, Richard, Earl of Salisbury, his wife, p.  21. Nowell, meaning of, p. 32. 

 Orfrayes, a sort of cloth of gold, p. 26. Ordeal, the manner of, p. 54. Oundye meaneth wavy, p. 28. 

 Philippa, of Henault, her marriage, p. 11. Pilgrime’s Tale, setting forth the evil lives of churchmen, p.  6. Plowman’s Tale, not made by Sir T. Wyat, p.  7. Porpherye, a peculiar marble, p. 32. Printing, notes on the history of, p. 21. Pillars, silver, borne before Churchmen, p.  51. Poole, William de la, Merchant of Hull, lendeth money to the King, p.  18. Poole, Richard de la, a chief governor of Hull and Pincerna Regis, p.  18. Poole, Michael de la, Chancellor, p. 19. 

 Resager, or Ratsbane, p. 28. Ribalds, king of, p. 57. Roses, chaplet of, for knighthood, not for poesy, p.  15. Rose, Romant of, notes on, p. 21. 

 Sendale, a sylke stuffe, p. 32. Staple, Merchants of the, had no arms till 10 or 11 Ed. III. , p.  13. Sterling money, p. 35. Straught, a better word than haughte, p. 41. Stork, the, wreaketh adultery, p. 55. Surrye or Russye, p. 43. 

 Temple, lawyers not in the, till the latter part of Ed. III. , p.  16. Theophraste, not Paraphraste, p. 44. Trepegett, an engine to cast stones, p. 33. Thynne, Sir John, reports that the parliament was minded to forbid Chaucer’s tales, p.  7. Thynne, William, in favour with Henry VIII. , p.  6. Thynne, William, his collection of Chaucer’s MSS. , p.  5. Thynne, William, protecteth John Skelton, p.  7. 

 Vernacle, of the, p. 34. Veseye, Eustace de, p. 18. Visage for vassalage, p. 42. 

 Walsingham, offended at temporall men being preferred to office, p.  20. Windsore, Lords son of, p. 52. Wiuer or Wivern, a serpent like unto a dragon, p.  33. Wolsey, his enmity to William Thynne, p. 7. Wolsey, his great power with the King, p.  7. Wyat, old Sir Thomas, did not make the Plowmans Tale, p.  7. 

 JOHN CHILDS AND SON, PRINTERS. 

 * * * * * * * * * * * * * *

_Errors and Inconsistencies_

Non-Roman Scripts

 In the 1865 text, thorn þ is used for Saxon “r” ꞃ: in saxon Meþecenþÿke which is the kingdome of Mercia, for so was Kenelme the sonne, and Kenulphus the father, both kinges of Mercia; the one reignynge 36 yeres, and the other murdred by his sister Quendrida, as ys before noted. And that yt is the kingdome of Mercia, the etymon of the woorde doth teache; for þÿk in the saxon tonge signyfyethe a kingdome; meþcen signyfyethe markes. 

 The 1876 text uses the Saxon letterforms: Meꞃecenꞃÿke, ꞃÿk, meꞃcen. 

_At the time of preparation (June 2009), Saxon letters had been assignedUnicode values, but font support was extremely limited. Your text readerwill probably not be able to display the character. _

 Similarly for Greek Χρ (Chi, rho): placinge ther xþemas (_Christmasse_) a p{ar}te of this tyme of Nowell . .. . Ante xþi (_Christi_) natalitia viginti aut triginta dies quodam desiderio. The 1876 text gives only the expanded (Roman script) form of words in Chr-. 

 Hebrew: for thus he writethe: נאל noel [_both editions misprint באל with bet ב for nun נ_]

Introduction

 a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable [_unchanged_] a ribald wit might create terrible havock [_unchanged_] Footnote 2 [_reference missing, supplied from 1876 edition_] Martin Chuzzelwit the elder [_unchanged_] demanding why Falstalf [_unchanged_]

List of Thynne’s Works

 18 . .. Since the reign of the conqueror. [_extraneous close quote_]

Errors corrected from 1876 edition:

 _This list includes missing letters that were silently supplied in 1865: that is, the text is right but the MS reading was wrong. It does not include misplaced italics such as “tri{u}m” for “triu{m}”. _

 the Romans in the heigh[t]e of their glorye [heighe] selfe will or fonnd conceyte [found] Chaucers woorkes haue byn sithens printed twyce [sitheus] that lerned and eloquent kn[i]ghte [knighte] as I have herde S^r Johne Thynne reporte [St. Johne] as the chanons yomane [chanous] [_all occurrences of “chanons” in this passage are printed “chanous” in 1865_] the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. Patent. [Rolulor] [_1876 edition also adds “me{m}b. ” after “patent. ”_] datu{m} per manu{m} Walteri Merton [Walleri] consorti ipsius Regis &c. ” [_close quote missing_] “Rogero couentry &c [_open quote missing_] so had the[y] fewer Rooses placed [they] euerye manne to his owne iudgemente [iudgemte] Gersone soughte no further meanynge [meanyuge] tantiq{ue} quanti placuit vendiderunt. ” [_close quote missing_] (otherwise called “Flores Historiarum” or “Florilegus”) [_printed with open parenthesis, close bracket_] almoste to the heigh[t]e of perfect{i}one [heighte] solitaq{ue} est hec vox cantari a plebe [cantaria] shewe those courses of gouer[n]mente, [gouernmente] (“Manye a florence. ”) [’ for ”] in another place callethe scutes or frenche crownes [calle the] yo{u}r e[x]posit{i}one of unseriall [exposit{i}one] tria virginis ora Dianæ, ) [_close parenthesis missing_] that all his streng[t]he and vitall Sprites [strengthe] a pointe at streng[t]he is looste [strengthe] agreethe not well with Chaucers meanynge [Chancers] Whiche facte was [in] the 39. H. 3. [_“in” not bracketed_] with change of many manner of meates, [_superfluous close bracket_] Regis nomen superiori aut Iudici tribuitur, [_superfluous close quote_] Rex Ribaldoru{m} et prouostus Hospitii [_“pro-/vuostus” at line break_] si iteru{m} inventa in Balliuâ suâ [Ballinâ] many iudgmentes mighte at leng[t]he obteyne [lengthe]

Shared anomalies:

 Thus (withe hartye prayer comendinge [both versions have extra open bracket/parenthesis] I will passe over all those matters scito pede [both versions have “scito”: error for “cito”?] The lordes sonne of Windsore. ) [both versions missing open bracket/parenthesis] by a mathesis or transpositione [shared error for “metathesis”]

Textual differences, with 1876 reading shown in brackets:

 p{ar}soune and plowmane [p{ar}sonne] Under the tytle of chaucers countaye, [4] [countrye, no footnote] H. Regis patris nostri [Henrici Regis] apud West {minsteriu}m [Westm{onasterium}] 316 In whiche are two unperfect{i}ons. [imperfect{i}ons] thus sett downe to the forthe daye of februarye [. .. In the ferthe daye . .. ] with the daye when and where they presented her [_“with de daye” with footnote “MS. Plainly de”_] apud Eboru{m} in comitatiua [Ebor{ac}u{m}] the laude fulfilled is ouer all [lande] 346 For in truth yo{u}r armes of this S^r Johne Gower [{th}e armes] an ensigne of his poetrye [one] for he was an olde manne [one] Ric. De la Poole [Ric{hard}] continentem iij^c lxx^li xviij^s 1^d [I^d (capital Eye for One)] factum ad Scaccariu{m} computator [computator{is}] iiij^c marc. [marc{as}] (a magistrate of greate welthe in Hull, ) [a marchante] Walsingham (who wroote longe after) [w{hic}he wroote] by reasone of others mens dealinge [_“othere mens dealing{es}” with footnote “MS. Others”_] and, as some have yt [and, [printinge, ] as some have yt] In the title of the augmente [argumente] w{hic}h Chaucer w{i}th muche of that matter omytted [w{i}th Chawcer, ] [_footnote “? _for_ which Chaucer englisht”_] In the expositione of the olde wordes [_Footnote: “+of+ of” with first “of” boldface_] to oure nowe vnderstandinges [vnderstandinge] beinge an indiffynyte speache [one] an olde coyne of france [one] I will produce twoo auctorauctors [twoo Auctors] written in Gothyshe rymynge verse [verses] That dame abstinence streyned [_“weyned” with footnote (MS) “streyned”_] And ganne her gratche as a Bygin. [_footnote (MS) “graithe”_] A large cover-cherfe of Thredde [cover-cheife] whiche is true, for a gowshawke [_“goshawke”, with footnote “MS. Gowshake”_] with her byll or talons [talentes] an engine not muche vnlyke to the catapulte [one engine] a Ramme to batter wales [wal[l]es] Wherein yo{u} mistake the valewe of the florens [a florens] the same Walsingha{m} in another place [in other place] within the price of ij^s. X^d. [QR] --ij^s. X^d. [QR] de quibus florenis regal{ibus} [_in both passages, 1865 has the “QR” symbol while 1876 expands to “q{uad}r{anta}”_] as were her younge and grene yeres [was] yo{u} wolde haue us to reade [haue us reade] save onlye the intellecte or vnderstandinge [his intellecte] And twenty fadome of breedth, armes straughte [breed th’armes] he[9] knocked at her[10] windowe [_1876 text ADDS “to make her the better to heare” after this phrase (skipped line in original MS?)_] are nerer to Sorria [is nerer] reference to his antecedente, i. E. This worde wyfe [_word “i. E. ” omitted_] eightene Jewes were broughte fro{m} Lincolne [_1876 text ADDS [to London] in brackets after “broughte”_] For yf yt doe, &c. [For yf yt doe, . . . ] [_the fair Pertelote_] [parenthesised in 1865 text, moved to footnote in 1876] So that yf you nowe will [yf yowe will] that hight Marche . .. The bright sonne [hight[e] . .. Bright[e]] and in the signe Taurus [signe of Taurus] than in the weringe of furres [than ys] “with change of many meates;” [with many change of meates] kepe an equall proport{i}one and decorum [one equall] But on these and suche petit matters [in these] they are of [{no}?] great momente [1865 has “no” italicized and in parentheses; 1876 omits question mark] as apperethe in the woordes [by these woordes] Aristotle sayeth Bartholomeus [sayethe &] I will not now treate; [entreate] Whiche three edit[i]ons beinge verye unperfecte [imperfecte] An angry wighte and chyderesse [One angry]

The HTML version of this e-text includes a detailed record ofdifferences between the 1865 and 1876 editions. Neither editionincludes a facsimile of the original MS, so readers will have todecide for themselves which differences reflect editorial decisionsand which ones are errors in one edition or the other. 

Basic variations:

 Typographic: Variations in punctuation and capitalization Decorative features of final letters, especially -ll printed with connecting line Font changes such as boldface instead of small capitals Prices are printed inline as ijs. And similar

 Consistent: Initial v used throughout (medial u/v is variable) “you” always printed with superscript “u” (replacing both “you” and yo{u}) “S^r” (superscript “r”) printed as “S{i}r” (italic “i”) “emongst(e)” always spelled with medial “e” as “emongest(e)”

 Common: initial J or j printed as I (always capitalized) “than” spelled “then” “could(e), would(e), should(e)” spelled “cold(e), wold(e), shold(e)” in plurals or possessives of words ending in two consonants (other than -ll-), where 1865 has simple “-s”, 1876 has -{es} “which” written “whiche”, sometimes “wh{ic}he” “your” transcribed “yo{u}r” final “-eth” spelled “-ethe”

 Occasional: “y” for “i” _The two occurrences of “it” in 1865 may be errors; 1876 has “yt”, agreeing with all other occurrences of the word. _ “i” for “e”, “aw” for “au” (“Chawcer”) several occurrences of “an” are read as “one” ampersand (&) for word “and” final “-e”, especially in “much(e), such(e)”; sometimes in “doth(e), hath(e)” and other words single “o” changed to “oo”: “moore”, “woordes” some Latin citations have final -e for -æ words ending -o{r} transcribed as -o{u}r word divisions such as “as well”, “my selfe”