Transcriber's Note The punctuation and spelling from the original text have been faithfully preserved. Only obvious typographical errors have been corrected. ANINTERESTINGJOURNALOFABNER STOCKINGOFCHATHAM, CONNECTICUT DETAILING THE DISTRESSING EVENTS OF THE EXPEDITION AGAINSTQUEBEC, UNDER THE COMMAND OF COL. ARNOLD IN THE YEAR 1775 _Published by the relatives of Abner Stocking, now deceased_ CATSKILL, N. Y. EAGLE OFFICE1810 TARRYTOWN, N. Y. REPRINTED WILLIAM ABBATT1921 BEING EXTRA NUMBER 75 OF THE MAGAZINE OF HISTORY WITH NOTES AND QUERIES EDITOR'S PREFACE We have already reprinted three journals of members of Arnold's famousexpedition to Quebec, (Dr. Senter's, Captain Topham's and PrivateMorison's) and now present a fourth, written by Private Abner Stocking, which has not before been printed since its original appearance in 1810. Mr. Codman in his most valuable book on the Expedition, justly says ofthese and similar journals: "They constitute an invariably interestingbody of historical material, which preserves unimpaired the quaintindividuality of their widely-diverse authors, and the unmistakablecolor and atmosphere of a period which must always be of particularimportance to the students of American history. " INTRODUCTION The reader cannot enter on the succeeding journal to advantage withoutfirst being acquainted with the object of the expedition, thecircumstances under which it was undertaken, and the route marked outfor the army to pursue. In the month of June 1775 Gen. Schuyler was commissioned by Congress toinvade Canada through the lakes--to take possession of Ticonderoga andCrown Point; and if practicable to proceed to St. Johns and besiege thatfortress. Should he succeed in getting possession of these posts on thelakes, the way would be open to proceed on to Montreal and from thenceto Quebec, the capital of Canada. General Washington calculating on the success of General Schuyler, andforeseeing that the whole force of Canada would be concentrated aboutMontreal, projected an expedition against Quebec, by a detachment fromhis camp before Boston, which was to march by the way of the Kennebeckriver, and passing through the dreary wilderness lying between thesettled parts of Maine and the St. Lawrence, and crossing the ruggedmountains and deep morasses which abound in that country, to penetrateinto Canada about ninety miles below Montreal. The object proposed by this hardy enterprise was to take possession ofQuebec, which all his accounts assured him was absolutely unable to holdout against any considerable force, and would probably surrender withoutfiring a gun. This arduous enterprise was committed to Col. Arnold. About a thousandmen consisting of New-England infantry, some volunteers, [1] and acompany of artillery under Captain Lamb, and three companies of riflemenwere selected for the service. Notwithstanding the utmost exertions that could possibly be made, thedetachment could not commence their march until about the middle ofSeptember 1775. Mr. Stocking, a native of Chatham, in Connecticut, was one of the littleband of patriots designed for this expedition. As he was a man capableof making judicious observations, and a good penman, he was probablyappointed to keep a regular journal of the events of each day duringthis distressing campaign. The detachment commenced their march from Cambridge, near Boston on the23rd of September, at which time and place Mr. Stocking began hisjournal. [Illustration] ANINTERESTINGJOURNALOFABNER STOCKINGOFCHATHAM, CONNECTICUT DETAILING THE DISTRESSING EVENTS OF THE EXPEDITION AGAINSTQUEBEC, UNDER THE COMMAND OF COL. ARNOLD IN THE YEAR 1775 _Published by relatives of Abner Stocking, now deceased_ JOURNAL OF ABNER STOCKING AS KEPT BY HIMSELF, DURING HIS LONG AND TEDIOUS MARCH THROUGH THE WILDERNESS TO QUEBEC, UNTIL HIS RETURN TO HIS NATIVE PLACE. All things being in readiness for our departure, we set out fromCambridge, near Boston, on the 13th Sept. At sunset, and encamped atMistick at eight o'clock at night. We were all in high spirits, intending to endure with fortitude, all the fatigues and hardships, thatwe might meet with in our march to Quebec. September 14th. This morning we began our march at 5 o'clock and atsunset encamped at Danvers, a place twenty miles distant from Mistick. The weather through the day was very sultry and hot for the season ofthe year. The country through which we passed appeared barren and butthinly inhabited. September 15th. This morning we marched very early, and encamped atnight within five miles of Newbury Port. The inhabitants who visited usin our encampment expressed many good wishes for our success in ourintended enterprise. September 16th. Zealous in the cause, and not knowing the hardships anddistresses we were to encounter, we as usual began our march veryearly. --At eight o'clock we arrived at Newbury Port where we were totarry several days and make preparations for our voyage. We were here togo on board vessels which we found lying ready to receive us, and carryus to the mouth of the Kennebeck. The mouth of the Kennebeck river isabout thirty leagues to the eastward of Newbury Port. September 17th. We are still at Newbury Port and are ordered to appearat a general review. We passed the review with much honor to ourselves. We manifested greatzeal and animation in the cause of liberty and went through with themanual exercise with much alacrity. The spectators, who were very numerous, appeared much affected. Theyprobably thought we had many hardships to encounter and many of usshould never return to our parents and families. September 18th. We this day embarked at six o'clock in the afternoon. Our fleet consisted of eleven sail, sloops and schooners. Our wholenumber of troops was 1100--11 companies of musketmen and three companiesof riflemen. We hauled off into the road and got ready to weigh anchorin the morning if the wind should be favorable. September 19th. This morning we got under way with a pleasant breeze, our drums beating, fifes playing and colours flying. Many pretty Girls stood upon the shore, I suppose weeping for thedeparture of their sweethearts. At eleven o'clock this day we left the entrance of the harbor and boreaway for Kennebeck river. In the latter part of the night, there came ona thick fog and our fleet was separated. At break of day we foundourselves in a most dangerous situation, very near a reef of rocks. Therocks indeed appeared on all sides of us, so that we feared we shouldhave been dashed to pieces on some of them. We were brought into thisdeplorable situation by means of liquor being dealt out too freely toour pilots. --Their intemperance much endangered their own lives and thelives of all the officers and soldiers on board; but through theblessing of God we all arrived safe in Kennebeck river. September 20. This day was very pleasant, and with a gentle breeze wesailed and rowed 30 miles up the Kennebeck river. By the evening tide wefloated within 6 miles of Fort Western, where we were obliged to leaveour sloops and take to our batteaus. September 21. This day we arrived at Fort Western, where we tarrieduntil the 25th in order to make farther preparation for our voyage upthe river, and our march through the wilderness. While remaining in this place I was called to witness a scene which tome was awful and very affecting; the more so I presume as it was thefirst of the kind I ever beheld. A civil, well behaved and much belovedyoung man, belonging to Captain Williams' company, was shot. He livedbut about twelve hours, and died in great horror and agony of mind atthe thought of going into eternity and appearing before his God andjudge. He was from the north parish of New-London and had a wife andfour or five children. The supposed murderer was James McCormick. The circumstances of hisbeing out all night, and his guilty looks and actions, were prettyconvincing proof against him. He was tryed by a Court-Martial andsentenced to be hanged until dead, his gallows erected, and all thingsprepared for his execution. Our Chaplain conversed with him respectinghis crime, the awful punishment he was soon to suffer, and the moreawful and never ending punishment that would await him in the eternalworld if he did not repent and believe in Christ. He would not confesshimself guilty of intentionally murdering the young man; but that heintended to have killed his captain, with whom he had the night before aviolent quarrel. He was brought to the gallows, a prayer made, and thetime for his execution almost arrived, when Colonel Arnold thought bestto reprieve him and send him to General Washington. I have beeninformed, that he died in gaol before the day of his execution arrived. September 25th. Early this morning, we embarked on board our batteausand proceeded on our way. We labored hard through the day and foundourselves at night but about 7 miles from the place of our departure. The current began to be swift. We encamped at night by the edge of acornfield and fared very sumptuously. September 26th. This day we started very early and made our encampmentat evening 4 miles below Fort Halifax. We began to experience greatdifficulty from the increasing rapidity of the current, and the waterbecoming shoal. September 27th. This day we carried our batteaus and baggage roundTiconnick falls. The land carriage was only about 40 rods. Afterlaunching in again and getting our provisions and baggage on board, wepushed against the stream on our way about three miles. September 28th. This day we proceeded 8 miles but with great difficulty. The stream was in some places very rapid and shoal, and in others sodeep that those who dragged the boats were obliged to nearly swim. Weencountered these hardships and fatigues with great courage andperseverance from the zeal we felt in the cause. When night came on, wetand fatigued as we were, we had to encamp on the cold ground. It was atthis time that we inclined to think of the comfortable accommodations wehad left at home. September 29th. This day we arrived to the second carrying place, calledSkowhegan falls. Though this was only 60 rods over, it occasioned muchdelay and great fatigue. We had to ascend a ragged rock, near on 100feet in height and almost perpendicular. Though it seemed as though wecould hardly ascend it without any burden, we succeeded in dragging ourbatteaus and baggage up it. September 30th. After getting over the carrying place, we found thewater more still. We proceeded 5 miles and at sundown encamped in a mostdelightful wood, where I thought I could have spent some time agreeablyin solitude, in contemplating the works of nature. The forest wasstripped of its verdure, but still appeared to me beautiful. I thoughtthat though we were in a thick wilderness, uninhabited by human beings, yet we were as much in the immediate presence of our divine protector, as when in the crowded city. October 1st. This day we proceeded with unusual perseverance, but as thewater was exceedingly rapid, we could advance but slowly. It was but asmall part of the way that any thing could be done by rowing, orsetting. While one took the batteau by the bow, another kept hold of thestern to keep her from upsetting, or filling with water. Thus ourfatigues seemed daily to encrease. But what we most dreaded was thefrost and cold from which we began to suffer considerably. October 2d. This day we carried over Norridgewock falls, one mile and aquarter. At night we encamped at a place formerly inhabited by thenatives and afterwards by the French and Indians; the former had erecteda mass house for their devotions, but had deserted it at the time theNew England forces made great slaughter among them in the French war. Afew inhabitants were now living here, who rendered us some assistance. The temple of worship contained some curiosities, such as crosses &c. Wetook up our lodgings here for the night and were much pleased with ouraccommodations. The place had the appearance of once having been theresidence of a considerable number of inhabitants. October 3d. Having had some better refreshment than usual, we pushed onour way with increased resolution. We had now taken leave of the lastinhabitants. The remainder of our route was to be through a tracklesswilderness. We now entered a doleful barren woods; the timber mostlypine and hemlock--some thick patches of spruce and fir, and some grovesof sugar-maple. One of the riflemen of Captain Hendricks' company this day killed ayoung Moose, which weighed about 200 lbs. October 4th. This day with much exertion we got forward 8 miles, toTentucket, or Hell-gate falls, which are of astonishing height, andexhibit an awful appearance. At the foot of the falls we found finefishing for salmon trout. The land carriage here was but about 40 rodsbut very difficult to effect. October 5th. This day we pushed up the river about eight miles. Thestream decreased very fast and we were again much troubled with shoalwater. October 6th. This day we advanced about 7 miles. Our difficultiesencreased, but our fortitude and patriotism did not fail us. We feltdetermined to do something for the freedom and welfare of our countrybefore we returned. October 7th. This day we reached the head of Kennebeck river. Here was acarrying place of three and a half miles through a wilderness withoutany tract to guide us. October 8th. We this day were detained by a storm, from which we had butvery little to shelter us as we had but few tents and the trees werestripped of their leaves. October 9, 10 and 11th. These three days we were employed in carryingour batteaus, provisions and baggage over this long and difficultcarrying place. Some were employed in cutting and clearing a road, andothers in carrying. We had to go through swamps and quagmires--much ofthe way knee deep in mud and water. We here left behind everything whichwe did not deem absolutely necessary to our journey. Our pork we tookfrom the barrels and strung it on poles, leaving the barrels behind. Inthe afternoon of the 11th, we launched our boats into a pool ofconsiderable extent, crossed over it, and encamped on the west side. October 12 and 13. We carried our batteaus and baggage three quarters ofa mile to another pond, one mile over--then to a third, two milesover, --Though the water was now very cold, we caught trout in theseponds in great abundance. Between these ponds we built a block-house, and gave it the name of FortMeigs, designed for our sick, in case they should return this way. Weviewed with much anxiety winter approaching--we had some snow squallsthrough the day. October 14 and 15th. These two days we were diligently employed incarrying our batteaus, provisions, &c. To Dead river. Our hardships weregreater than on any preceding day--the land carriage was four miles; onemile of which was a sunken marsh. Four men were assigned to eachbatteau--under the weight of their loads they almost every step sunk totheir knees in mud, and were entangled in the low shrubbery. We arrivedat the bank of Dead river at 3 o'clock and proceeding one mile up saidriver by sunset, took up our encampment for the night. On our right andleft were excessively high mountains, the summits of which were coveredwith snow and ice. Could I have ascended to the top of one of thesemountains I thought I could have overlooked all creation. The landbetween the mountains appeared to be very rich and fertile--wild grasscovered the ground, four or five feet in height, and served us a goodpurpose for covering for the night. October 16th. The water now being deep and dead, we betook ourselves toour oars and rowed up 6 miles. The river is so remarkably still anddead, that it is difficult to determine which way it runs. It is on anaverage about 4 rods in width and the banks of it very steep. October 17th. After passing over a small carrying place of 16 rods werowed 16 miles up the river through still deep water; the land on eachside to appearance very good. October 18th. This day we rowed 20 miles and passed a short carryingplace. The river is very crooked and the water deep. We discovered onthe bank of the river an old Indian hut, built as we supposed forhunting. Many bones of animals lay round the hut, and there was aclearing of about one acre. October 19th. This day we passed four carrying places and advanced butfive miles. We were detained by the great rains that fell which drenchedus sorely as we had but very little to cover us. The weather grew coldand we had nothing better to screen us from the air, than hemlockboughs. October 23d. The water growing shallow and rapid we were obliged to taketo our setting poles, we pushed with them 10 miles this day. The waterdaily decreased as we approached towards the head of the stream, andland on each side of us was mountainous and barren. October 24. This day our afflictions increased, fear was added tosorrow. We found to our astonishment that our journey was much longerthan we expected; what was more alarming, our provisions were growingscant. Some of our men appeared disheartened, but the most of them, withCol. Arnold stood firm and resolute. They were ready to encounter yetgreater hardships for the good of their country. At this critical and alarming crisis a council was called to considerwhat was most prudent to be done. They determined to send backimmediately the disabled and the sick, with provisions sufficient tocarry them to the first inhabitants on the Kennebeck river. They alsodetermined to send a party forward to the nearest settlement in Canadato procure provisions and return to meet the army with all possibleexpedition. Captain Oliver Hanchet, with one subaltern and fiftyprivates set out with ten days provisions, each man taking 10 pints offlour and 5 lbs of pork. The sick, forty in number, went back. We thenpushed forward with all possible speed. We gained nine miles against thestream this day, but suffered from losses, on the account of which wefelt greatly distressed. Several of our boats were upset by the rapidityof the stream, and much of our provisions, cloathing, ammunition, andsome money were lost. October 25th. This morning we proceeded on our way very early: theweather was somewhat cold, as it snowed most of the night. The thicketsof spruce and fir were covered and exhibited a gloomy aspect. To add to our discouragements, we received intelligence that ColonelEnos who was in our rear, had returned with three companies, and takenlarge stores of provisions and ammunition. These companies hadconstantly been in the rear, and of course had experienced much lessfatigue than we had. They had their path cut and cleared by us; theyonly followed, while we led. That they therefore should be the first toturn back excited in us much manly resentment. Our bold thoughunexperienced general discovered such firmness and zeal as inspired uswith resolution. The hardships and fatigues he encountered, he accountedas nothing in comparison with the salvation of his country. October 26th. Setting out very early this day we passed on with greatresolution: we passed thro' four several ponds with outlets leading fromone to the other. The course through these ponds, I should judge wasnearly N. W. The land apparently very barren--the timber consistingchiefly of fir, spruce, hackmetack and hemlock. The ponds were large anddeep; one of them I should judge was three miles in length and one inbreadth. October 27th. This day we crossed a pond, one fourth of a mile over, andsoon came to another two miles in width. In this pond we caught plentyof trout. We had now come to the great carrying place, 4 miles and 50perches over. As we were all greatly fatigued, it was resolved to leave here most ofour batteaus, which had already been reduced from 10 to 6 to eachcompany--but 6 I think were carried from this place. We overhauled ourammunition and found most of our powder damaged and unfit for use; allof this description we destroyed on the spot. The last pond we crossed, appeared to be the head of Dead river, orrather as some suppose, the fountain from which Kennebeck river takesits first rise, that and the Dead river being one and the same. Theriver from the place where we left the Kennebeck, (so-called) to theplace where we entered the Dead river making a long crooked circuitousroute. We now appeared to be on the height of land, and to be severalhundred feet higher than when we were at Fort Western. October 28th. We this day passed the height of land. We then divided ourprovisions which we found did not exceed 4 pounds of flour and 40 ouncesof pork to a man. We were in a meadow by the side of a small stream, running N. E. Into Chaudiére lake. We sent our batteaus down this creekand a little before sunset we had the inexpressible satisfaction to meeta messenger we had sent into Canada to find out the disposition of theinhabitants and know whether we should be well received. He was thebearer of good tidings, he assured us that we should be kindly receivedand furnished with provisions--He brought some fruit to Colonel Arnold, sent him by a lady, as a token of friendship and fidelity. Our joy onthis occasion was too great to be suppressed. The whole valley was madeto ring with our exultations. Our worthy Major Meigs was exceedinglyelevated, and expressed such zeal and animation in the glorious cause ofhis country as revived the drooping spirits of all the soldiery. We werenow to leave the remainder of our batteaus--what little we had to carrywe put into our knapsacks, the whole of the detachment having now ordersto march and make the best of their way to Chaudiére river. We returnedunto the rising ground and encamped for the night. October 29th. Very early this morning, we left our encampment on therising ground and began descending towards an ocean of swamp that laybefore us. We soon entered it and found it covered with a low shrubberyof cedar and hackmetack, the roots of which were so excessivelyslippery, that we could hardly keep upon our feet. The top of the groundwas covered with a soft moss, filled with water and ice. After walking afew hours in the swamp we seemed to have lost all sense of feeling inour feet and ankles. As we were constantly slipping, we walked in greatfear of breaking our bones or dislocating our joints. But to bedisenabled from walking in this situation was sure death. We travelledall day and not being able to get through this dismal swamp, weencamped. I thought we were probably the first _human_ beings that evertook up their residence for a night in this wilderness--not _howlingwilderness_, for I believe no wild animals would inhabit it. October 30. This morning we started in great haste and soon got throughthe swamp. From the time we had been travelling in it, we judged it tobe about 7 miles in width; of its length from east to west I can give noaccount. On leaving the swamp we had to pass a river two rods over and aboutthree feet in depth. The water was excessively cold. As we had this dayto make our way through thickets, and low sunken marshes, our progresswas but slow. During the fore part of the day we steered E. N. E. But thinking we werebearing too much to the east, we changed our course to W. N. W. Whichsoon brought us in sight of a large pond or lake, which we supposedcommunicated with Chaudiére lake. We encamped about half a mile from thelake. Our march this day we supposed was about 20 miles. October 31st. This morning we began our march very early and pushed onwith all speed, for the head of Chaudiére river; at 11 o'clock we passedit. We here came up with Captain Morgan's company, which had gone beforeus. We learnt to our great sorrow, that in attempting to go down theriver in their batteaus, which they brought to this place, they werecarried down by the rapidity of the stream and dashed on rocks; thatthey had lost most of their provisions and that a waiter of CaptainMorgan was drowned. Their condition was truly deplorable--they had not when we came up withthem a mouthful of provisions of any kind, and we were not able torelieve them, as hunger stared us in the face. Some of us were entirelydestitute and others had but a morsel of bread, and we now supposedourselves 70 miles from the nearest inhabitants. Some of CaptainMorgan's company we were told had perished with the cold. November 1st. Our fatigue and anxiety were so great that we were butlittle refreshed the last night by sleep. We started however very early, hungry and wet. Knowing that our lives depended on our speedy arrival toan inhabited country, we marched very briskly all day and even untillate in the evening. We then encamped in a fine grove, but in a starvingcondition. Captain Goodrich's company had the good fortune to kill alarge black dog, that providentially came to them at that time. Theyfeasted on him heartily without either bread or salt. Our hunger was sogreat that many offered dollars for a single mouthful of bread. Suchdistress I never before felt, or witnessed. I anxiously turned mythoughts back to my native land, to a country flowing with milk andhoney. I was surprised that I had so lightly esteemed all the goodthings which I there once enjoyed. Little thought I, do we know of thevalue of the common blessings of Providence, until we are deprived ofthem. With such reflections I laid myself down on the cold, wet ground, hungry and fatigued. November 2d. When we arose this morning many of the company were so weakthat they could hardly stand on their legs. When we attempted to march, they reeled about like drunken men, having now been without provisionsfive days. As I proceeded I passed many sitting, wholly drowned insorrow, wishfully placing their eyes on every one who passed by them, hoping for some relief. Such pity-asking countenances I never beforebeheld. My heart was ready to burst and my eyes to overflow with tearswhen I witnessed distress which I could not relieve. The circumstancesof a young Dutchman, and his wife, who followed him through thisfatiguing march, particularly excited my sensibility. They appeared tobe much interested in each others welfare and unwilling to be separated, but the husband, exhausted with fatigue and hunger fell a victim to theking of terrors. His affectionate wife tarryed by him until he died, while the rest of the company proceeded on their way. Having noimplements with which she could bury him she covered him with leaves, and then took his gun and other implements and left him with a heavyheart. After travelling 20 miles she came up with us. Just at evening this day, we met cattle coming up the river, sent us forour relief. This was the most joyful sight our eyes ever beheld. TheFrench people who drove them informed us that Colonel Arnold had arrivedin their settlement two days before, with the advance party, and hadpurchased cattle as soon as possible and sent them on. A cow was immediately killed and cut open in great haste; a small calfbeing found in her, it was divided up and eaten without furtherceremony. I got a little piece of the flesh, which I eat raw with alittle oat meal wet with cold water, and thought I feasted sumptuously. November 3d. This day we proceeded on down the river about 20 miles, waiding several small rivers, some of which were up to our middles. Thewater was terrible cold as the ground was at this time covered with snowand ice. At evening we came in sight of a house which was the first wehad seen for the space of 31 days. Our joy was inexpressible in breaking out of that dismal wilderness inwhich we had been so long buried, and once more beholding a countryinhabited by human beings; it was like being brought from a dungeon tobehold the clear light of the sun. The French people received us with all the kindness we could wish, theytreated our sick with much tenderness, and supplied us with every thingthey could for our comfort. They seemed moved with pity for us and togreatly admire our patriotism and resolution, in encountering suchhardships for the good of our country. But they were too ignorant to puta just estimate on the value of freedom. November 4. Last night we got a plenty of good beef and potatoes, butlittle bread could be procured. It snowed most of the night and theweather was cold. After marching down the river about 10 miles, we beganto get such necessaries as we wanted; such as bread, milk, eggs, butterand most kinds of sauce. [2] To be supplied with these articles, of whichwe had been so long deprived was a great luxury. The kindness and hospitality of the inhabitants, was to us verypleasing. After having been lately our enemies, at war with us, we didnot expect to experience from them to much friendship. Had we been in New-England among people of our own nation, we shouldnot, I think, have been treated with more kindness. They readilysupplied us with whatever they had to spare, and discovered muchtenderness towards those of our company who were sick, or feeble. I lastnight lodged in a _house_, which I had not done before for 39 days. November 5. We continued our march down the river. The people continuedto be hospitable, with some few exceptions. Knowing our need of theirarticles, some of them would extort from us an extravagant price. Wechose to live mostly on bread and butter and milk, having but littlerelish for meat, and supposing it not to be healthy food after fastingso long. November 6. This day we come up with Colonel Arnold and the advancedparty at St. Mary's. At two o'clock we marched off together, andcontinued on the road until 12 o'clock at night. The roads were very badby means of the great rains and snows that had fallen--we most of theway waded half leg deep in the mud and water. Though we were veryindustrious through the day and half of the night, we marched but 17miles. November 7. We this day marched down the river about 3 miles and halteduntil night. We now had arrived before the city of Quebec, to take which by surprisewas the great object of our expedition. A Lieutenant with 20 men was sent forward to see if our way was clear. At 2 o'clock at night the advanced party reached the St. Lawrence andhalted. In the morning we perceived we were in fair view of Quebec, nothing but the river separating us. November 8. We took up our residence in houses along the south side ofthe river St. Lawrence, and remained until the 13th waiting for thesick, the halt and feeble, who had been left behind at different placesto come up. By the 13th all had arrived who were to be expected; many welearnt, to our great sorrow, had perished by the way. When a general muster was made, and all appeared who had survived theperils of the wilderness, a more pitiful and humorous spectacle wasexhibited than I had ever before seen. In our long and tedious march through the wilderness, it was not with usas with the children of Israel, _that our cloathes waxed not old_, ourswere torn in pieces by the bushes, and hung in strings--few of us hadany shoes, but moggasons made of raw skins--many of us withouthats--and beards long and visages thin and meager. I thought we muchresembled the animals which inhabit New-Spain, called the Ourang-Outang. The French appeared a little surprised at the first sight of us; and hadnot Colonel Arnold gone forward to apprise them of our approach, theymight have fled from their habitations. In coming to this place we passed several very pretty villages, ornamented with handsome churches for worship. We discovered some peopleof fashion, living in good style, but most of the inhabitants appearedignorant and to have but little ambition. November 7. This day we were very busy in preparing to cross the riverat night; we had collected a great number of Canoes, some of them madeof bark by the Indians; but most of them of large pine logs. When nightapproached, we began to cross, and made our first landing at a placecalled Wolfe's Cove. We directly ascended a steep bank and paraded onthe plains of Abraham, where we found a plenty of barracks which hadbeen erected for the use of the British troops and were then unoccupied. Several of the bark canoes in crossing upset, by which accident we lostsome muskets, and baggage, but no lives, though some of us very narrowlyescaped. --Most of the troops were over by day break; those who crossedafter were fired upon by the _Lizard_, a British frigate that lay in theriver, but received no damage. November 14. We now had in our possession the midshipman of the_Lizard_, and several other prisoners, which we had taken on the southside of the river. The frigate fired upon us in our encampment; but shewas at too great a distance to do us any injury. We this day took aprisoner near our encampment--supposed to be a spy. We let him and ourother prisoners, every day walk on parole. The weather being very cold, we quit our barracks and took up ourresidence in houses, built for the King's officers, which they evacuatedon our approach. We remained here until the 21st, during which time wereceived intelligence that there were not more than 100 regular troopsin the city--some sailors, and a few newly enlisted troops fromNewfoundland; in all not exceeding 400 under arms. This intelligence wassoon contradicted. A servant of Colonel Arnold's who had been takenprisoner and made his escape gave us a very different account: he statedthat the inhabitants and King's troops exceeded 800 under arms; ourwhole force at that time not exceeding 500, and the most of ourammunition spent. We this day lost one of our sentry, next the walls of the city. He wastreacherously decoyed and taken. This event soon rallied all ourdetachment. We marched on to that place of the plains where Wolfe foughthis battle, in sight of the city walls. Our troops were drawn up inbattle array and we gave them a challenge for a field battle, ourriflemen forming our right wing. Though much superior to us in numbersand better provided with arms and ammunition, they declined anengagement. They fired on us from the fort, and as they were in asituation in which we could not attack them, we did not choose to standmerely to be shot at: we deliberately retreated, and soon got beyondreach of their balls. From this time no special event occurred for the space of seven days. Webegan to be in a very distressed situation, as the weather wascontinually growing cold and we were almost naked, crowded together inheaps, and nearly out of provisions--add to this we were in an enemiescountry, almost destitute of ammunition, near to a force much superiorto our own and without a prospect of any reinforcements. November 21. We were informed that the citizens of Quebec in conjunctionwith the soldiery, were determined to attack us the next morning havingheard that our ammunition was very nearly expended. We judged it notprudent to hazard a battle with so little ammunition as we had on hand, our officers therefore determined on a retreat the night ensuing. About 4 o'clock in the morning we began our retreat and effected it ingood order undiscovered by the enemy. We made no stops until we arrivedat Point aux Tremples, 20 miles. Most of the soldiers were in constantmisery during their march, as they were bare footed and the groundfrozen and very uneven. We might have been tracked all the way by theblood from our shattered hoofs. In a few days after we arrived at Point aux Tremples, we were joined byGeneral Montgomery with about twelve hundred of the York forces fromMontreal. They brought with them a good supply of ammunition, clothingand provisions taken from the King's stores at that place and fromeleven sail vessels which had been captured in the lakes. GeneralMontgomery brought on likewise implements necessary for carrying on aseige against the city of Quebec. We lost no time in making everynecessary preparation for our return, and on the morning of the 5th ofDecember, took up our line of march and at evening arrived at theencampment we had precipitately left on the plains of Abraham. Before we arrived, however, Governor Carlton had entered the town andwas making every preparation for vigorous defence. The garrison nowconsisted of about fifteen hundred men of whom eight hundred werenatives, and between four and five hundred seamen. Our whole force fitfor service, was about one thousand men. General Montgomery endeavored to frighten the garrison to surrender: headdressed a letter to the governor, giving an exaggerated account of hisown strength and resources and demanded him to surrender. But Carltonwho was an experienced, wary general, was not to be frightened. Hepersisted in his determination to hold no communication with Montgomery, and fired on the flag. Our situation was such as would have disheartened any general of commonresolution. The intense cold had set in, and we were unaccustomed to thehardships of an ordinary campaign. Besides, the time of service withmost of us under Arnold was nearly out. But notwithstanding alldiscouragements, General Montgomery was determined to commence thesiege. In a few days we opened a six gun battery within about sevenhundred yards of the walls, but our artillery was too light to make abreach, and I believe the officers did not calculate on any effect fromit, --the object was to amuse the enemy and conceal our real design. Theintention of General Montgomery was to commence an assault. Before heundertook however, this hazardous and daring project, it was necessaryto have the approbation of all the officers and soldiers. Afterconferring with each officer separately on the subject and bringing allto approve of the plan, he addressed himself to the soldiers, many ofwhom appeared unwilling to attempt so daring an enterprize; especiallythose of us who belonged to Arnold's corps. We had taken some disgust toour general, as he was for maintaining more rigid discipline than wewere willing to submit to. But when he stated the great object thatwould be gained by getting possession of Quebec, and that it wouldprobably lead to peace and the acknowledgement of independence, the fireof patriotism kindled in our breasts, and we resolved to follow whereverhe should lead. The attempt to storm a place so strongly fortified, I thought was rashand imprudent, but did not think proper to make any objections, lest Ishould be considered wanting in courage. The back side of the town, nextthe country, was guarded by a wall from 25 to 40 feet in height and 20feet thick; this is called the lower town. The upper town is situatedon a rock one hundred feet above this. The ascent from the lower to theupper town is very steep and strongly fortified with pickets and gates. The front of the town bordering on the river is almost inaccessable, andstrongly fortified by nature and art. But our heroic General seemedresolved on victory or death, and no difficulties were too great for himto encounter. While he was making the necessary preparations for theassault, the garrison received intelligence of his intention from adeserter. This circumstance induced him to change the plan of hisattack, which had been, originally, to attack both the upper and lowertowns at the same time. The plan now resolved on was, to divide the armyinto four parts, and while two of them, consisting of Canadians underMajor Livingston, and a small party under Major Brown, were to distractthe attention of the garrison by making two feints against the uppertown, at St. Johns and Cape Diamond; the other two, led, the one byMontgomery in person, and the other by Arnold, were to make real attackson opposite sides of the lower town. After gaining possession of thelower town, it would yet have been extremely difficult to conquer theobstacles to be surmounted in forcing their way to the upper town; butas all the wealth of the city would then have been in their power, itwas confidently expected that the inhabitants, to secure their property, would compel the governor to capitulate. Between four and five in the morning, the signal was given; and theseveral divisions moved to the assault, under a violent storm of snow. The plan was so well concerted that from the side of the river St. Lawrence along the fortified front round to the bason, every part seemedequally threatened. --Montgomery, at the head of the New York troops, advanced along the St. Lawrence by the way of Aunce de Mére, under CapeDiamond. The first barrier to be surmounted on this side was at thePot-Ash. It was defended by a battery in which were mounted a few piecesof artillery, about two hundred paces in front of which was ablock-house and picket. The guard placed at the block-house, beingchiefly Canadians, having given a random and harmless fire, threw awaytheir arms and fled in confusion to the barrier. Unfortunately, the difficulties of the route rendered it impossible forMontgomery instantly to avail himself of this first impression. CapeDiamond, around which he was to make his way, presents a precipice, thefoot of which is washed by the river, where enormous and rugged massesof ice had been piled on each other, so as to render the way almostimpassible. Along the scanty path leading under the projecting rocks ofthe precipice, the Americans pressed forward in a narrow file, untilthey reached the block-house and picket. Montgomery, who was himself infront, assisted with his own hands to cut down or pull up the pickets, and open a passage for his troops; but the excessive roughness anddifficulty of the way had so lengthened his line of march, that he foundit absolutely necessary to halt a few minutes, in order to collect aforce with which he might venture to proceed. Having reassembled abouttwo hundred men, whom he encouraged alike by his voice and his example, he advanced boldly and rapidly at their head, to force the barrier. Oneor two persons had now ventured to return to the battery; and, seizing aslow-match standing by one of the guns, discharged the piece, when theAmerican front was within forty paces of it. This single accidental firewas a fatal one. The General with Captains M'Pherson and Cheeseman, twovaluable young officers, near his person, the first of whom was his aid;together with his orderly sergeant and a private, were killed on thespot. The loss of their general, in whom their confidence had been sojustly placed, discouraged the troops; and Colonel Campbell on whom thecommand devolved, but who did not partake of that spirit of heroismwhich had animated their departed chief made no attempt to prosecute theenterprise. This whole division retired precipitately from the action, and left the garrison at leisure, after recovering from theconsternation into which they had been thrown, to direct their undividedforce against Arnold, in whose corps I then was. The division commanded by this officer moved in files, at the commonsignal for the attack, along the street of St. Roques, towards the Saultdes Matelots. In imitation of Montgomery, he too led the forlorn hope inperson, and was followed by Captain Lamb with his company of artillery, and a field piece mounted on a sled. Close in the rear of the artillerywas the main body, in front of which was Morgan's company of riflemencommanded by himself. At the Sault des Matelots, the enemy hadconstructed their first barrier, and had erected a battery of two twelvepounders, which it was necessary to force. The path along which thetroops were to march had been rendered so narrow by the rough cakes ofice thrown up on the side from St. Charles, and by the works erected bythe enemy on the other, that the two pieces of artillery in the batteryin front, were capable of raking with grape shot every inch of theground, whilst his whole right flank was exposed to an incessant fire ofmusketry from the walls, and from the pickets of the garrison. In this order Arnold advanced with the utmost intrepidity, along the St. Charles, against the battery. The alarm was immediately given, and thefire on his flank commenced, which, however, did not prove verydestructive. As he approached the barrier he received a musket ball inthe leg which shattered the bone, and he was carried off the field tothe hospital. Morgan rushed forward to the battery at the head of hiscompany, and received from one of the pieces, almost at its mouth, adischarge of grape shot which killed only one man. A few rifles wereimmediately fired into the embrazures, by which a British soldier waswounded in the head, and the barricade being instantly mounted with theaid of the ladders, brought by the men on their shoulders, the batterywas deserted without discharging the other gun. The captain of theguard, with the greater number of his men, fell into the hands of theAmericans, and the others made their escape. Morgan formed the troops, consisting of his own company and a few boldindividuals who had pressed forward from other parts of the division, inthe streets within the barrier; and took into custody several Englishand Canadian burghers; but his situation soon became extremely critical. He was not followed by the main body of the division; he had no guide;and was himself totally ignorant of the situation of the town. It wasyet extremely dark, and he had not the slightest knowledge of the courseto be pursued, or of the defences to be encountered. Thus circumstanced, it was thought unadvisable to advance further. The cold was intense and the storm very violent; this, together with thefatigue by the exertion we had made tended to check our ardour. We hadnow passed the first barrier; but a second we knew was before us and notfar distant. We had no pilot and the night was very dark and dismal. Wetook shelter from the fury of the storm under the sides of some of thebuildings and waited for day light to direct us. At the dawn of day wecollected in a body, seized the ladders and were proceeding to thesecond barrier, when on turning an angle in the street, we were hailedby a Captain Anderson who had just issued from the gate with a body oftroops to attack us. Captain Morgan who led our little band in thisforlorn hope, answered the British captain by a ball through his head, his soldiers drew him within the barricade and closed the gate; atremendous fire from the windows of the buildings and port holes of thewall, was directed against our little host. Thirty of our privates being killed and thirty five wounded, andsurrounded as we were on all sides without any hope of relief, we wereobliged to surrender ourselves prisoners of war. During the whole of the attack by the different corps there were elevencommissioned officers, thirty four privates, sergeants and corporals, killed; thirty five wounded, and three hundred and forty five madeprisoners. This was the melancholly issue of our long and distressingcampaign. The prisoners, of whom I was one, were confined in a largebuilding called the Regules, where we had but very little fire orprovision. Our daily ration was three ounces of pork and two, (sometimesthree) small bran biscuit, and a half a pint of the water in which ourpork was boiled. January 1st, 1776. Our condition, which we thought was almostinsupportable by such a sparing allowance of fuel and provision as wasfurnished us, was rendered tenfold more distressing by sickness. --Aboutthe 10th of this month we began to be infected with the small pox, whichwe took the natural way. With this mortal disease about one ninth partof the prisoners died. While in hospital we were treated with somehumanity, but when in prison we experienced much insolence from thegarrison set over us. After we had been some time in the old Dauphin Gaol, which was built ofstone, and proof against musket and cannon balls, our fidelity was somuch relied on by most of the King's officers, that they scarce guardedus at all. They appeared to consider us as deluded by the facinatingsound of liberty and freedom, and induced to take up arms when we werenot at heart inimical to his Britanic Majesty. Considering locks andkeys as useless, they committed the sole care of the prison to one ofour sergeants, who was faithful to the trust reposed in him, until aboutthe first of April, when we formed a plan for our escape. We had now lost all hopes of the city's being taken by the Americanarms, and we resolved to regain our liberty by our own efforts, or loseour lives in the attempt. Having watched the movements of the enemy for several days, unknown tothem, we determined with a party of 60 men to rise on the Gaol guard, and disarm them, which consisted of 14 old decrepit men and young boys, (whose appointment over us we considered rather an insult, than goodeconomy in the commander:) next we were to proceed to St. John's Gate, about eight rods distant from the gaol and attack and disarm that guard, consisting chiefly of English sailors, 18 in number, from whom weexpected a pretty warm reception: should we be thus far successful, anhundred men, or more, were to proceed under the command of ColonelAshten, formerly sergeant major of Captain Lamb's train of artillery, toturn the cannon on the battery, which were kept constantly loaded, against the town, and to maintain this position at all hazards untilnotice could be given to our army, and thus be the glorious means ofobtaining the object of all our toils, the possession of Quebec. We made every preparation for breaking gaol, which we could do at amoment's warning. We had previously procured by means of some friends intown, six pistols, a sufficient quantity of powder and ball, and a goodsupply of port fire; and in addition, a number of old iron hoops withwhich we made cutlasses. Thus equipped, we intended the first stormynight to put our bold and desperate plan into execution. But we hadamong us a vile traitor[3], who discovered our plot to the barrackmaster: it was a deserter from the King's troops at Boston. Theintelligence was immediately carried to General Carlton and in a fewhours we were all put in irons. Thus we remained until our army raisedthe siege, which was on the 6th of May. During this period of our closeconfinement our sufferings were greater, and our situation more wretchedthan it had ever been before. We were most of us afflicted with thescurvy and the flux, at the same time. Towards the last of April therewas scarcely a well man among all the prisoners. We were also, all of uswithout comfortable clothing, and many of us almost entirely naked. While in this deplorable situation, General Carlton, came into the gaoland gave us the offer of returning home on parole. This was to me verypleasing and joyful intelligence; but though this was on the sixth ofJune, we were kept between hope and fear until the first of August, whenwe were assured that we should embark for New-York by the 7th. The general presented each of us with a new suit of clothes, for whichhe received our most hearty thanks, and on the 7th we went on board, andsailed for New York on the 11th. We forsook our direct course and sailednear to the west end of St. John's Island, in pursuit, as I understoodof some American pirates--from this, passed through the gut of Canso, and after being delayed some by contrary winds, we arrived at New-Yorkon the 10th of September, and joined the British fleet which lay atGeorge's Island, and Statten Island, consisting, as I was informed, of450 said--principally square rigged vessels. We tarried here from the 10th until the 22d, during which time the cityof New-York was evacuated by the American troops and taken possession ofby the English; there was also in this time a great fire, which consumednear one-third of the city. On the 22d of September we were landed within about 3 miles ofElizabethtown Point, to go where we pleased. The joy we experienced onsetting our feet once more on the shores of our native country, with theliberty of returning to our families and friends cannot be conceived byany but those who have shared misfortunes like ours. We had been morethan a year absent from our homes, seven months of which we had been inprison, and the remainder of the time had been suffering hunger, coldand fatigue. We were kindly received by our countrymen and furnished with whateverwas necessary to our comfort, that they had to bestow. Those of us whobelonged to New-England, set out for our respective homes. At King'sbridge I had the inexpressible joy of seeing my father and two of myoldest brothers, besides many of my old neighbors and acquaintance; bythem I was informed of the welfare of my relations. After spending twodays in camp with my friends, with great pleasure and satisfaction, Iset out for Chatham in Connecticut, my native place. I arrived at NewHaven the 2d of October, where I tarried until the 5th and thenproceeded on my way to Chatham and went that day as far as Durham, thenext morning which was the Sabbath, at 11 o'clock I arrived at Chathamand beheld once more my father's house and her whom the most sacred tiesof nature hath endeared to me, still in the land of the living. Never did my thanks to my Creator and preserver arise with moresincerity than at this moment. --How kind has been that Providence, whichhas preserved me through so many dangers and sufferings and returned mein health and safety to the bosom of my friends! When wandering throughthe wilderness, hungry, faint and weary, God was my support, and did notsuffer me like others to fall by the way--when sick and in prison hevisited me--when a captive he set me free! May I ever be grateful to myDivine Protector, and my future life be devoted to his service! suchwere my reflections on this joyful occasion. I repaired to the house of worship where I saw most of my acquaintanceand relations, who in the intermission flocked around me--shook meheartily by the hand and assured me of a welcome return. FINIS. [Illustration] FOOTNOTES: [1] Colonel Burr, since Vice-President of the United States, was one ofthe volunteers. [2] Garden "sass"--vegetables. [3] John Hall.