AN Historical Relation Of the Island CEYLON, IN THE EAST-INDIES:

 TOGETHER, With an ACCOUNT of the Detaining in Captivity the AUTHOR and divers other Englishmen now Living there, and of the AUTHOR'S Miraculous ESCAPE. 

 Illustrated with Figures, and a Map of the ISLAND. 

 By ROBERT KNOX, a Captive there near Twenty Years. 

 LONDON, Printed by Richard Chiswell, Printer to the ROYAL SOCIETY, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-yard, 1681. 

At the Court of Committees for the East-India Company the 10th ofAugust, 1681. 

We Esteem Captain Knox a Man of Truth and Integrity, and that hisRelations and Accounts of the Island of Ceylon (which some of us havelately Perused in Manuscripts) are worthy of Credit, and thereforeencouraged him to make the same Publick. 

Robert Blackbourne, Secretary. By Order of the said Court. 

August 8. 1681. 

Mr. Chiswell, I Perused Capt. Knox's Description of the Isle of Ceylon, which seemsto be Written with great Truth and Integrity; and the Subject beingnew, containing an Account of a People and Countrey little knownto us; I conceive it may give great Satisfaction to the Curious, and may be well worth your Publishing. 

Chr. Wren. 

TO THE

Right Worshipful

The GOVERNOR, the DEPUTY GOVERNOR, and Four and Twenty Committees ofthe Honorable the EAST-INDIA Company, Viz. 

 Sir Josiah Child Baronet, Governor. Thomas Papilion Esq; Deputy. 

 The Right Honorable George Earl of Berkley, Sir Joseph Ashe Baronet, Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet, Mr. Christopher Boone, Mr. Thomas Canham, Colonel John Clerke, Mr. John Cudworth, John Dubois Esquire, Sir James Edwards Knight, and Alderman, Richard Hutchinson Esquire, Mr. Joseph Herne, Mr. William Hedges, Sir John Lawrence Knight, and Alderman, Mr. Nathaniel Letton, Sir John Moore Knight, and Alderman, Samuel Moyer Esquire, Mr. John Morden, Mr. John Paige, Edward Rudge Esquire, Mr. Jeremy Sambrooke, Mr. William Sedgwick, Robert Thomson Esquire, Samuel Thomson Esquire, James Ward Esquire. 

Right Worshipful, What I formerly Presented you in Writing, having in pursuance of yourCommands now somewhat dressd by the help of the Printer and Graver, I a second time humbly tender to you. 'Tis I confess at best too meana Return for your great Kindness to me. Yet I hope you will not denyit a favourable Acceptance, since 'tis the whole Return I made fromthe Indies after Twenty years stay there; having brought home nothingelse but

(who is also wholly at your Service and Command)

London 1st. Of August, 1681. 

ROBERT KNOX. 

THE PREFACE. 

How much of the present Knowledge of the Parts of the World is owingto late Discoveries, may be judged by comparing the Modern with theAncient's Accounts thereof; though possibly many such Histories mayhave been written in former Ages, yet few have scaped the Injury ofTime, so as to be handed safe to us. 'Twas many Ages possibly beforeWriting was known, then known to a few, and made use of by fewer, and fewest employed it to this purpose. Add to this, that such aswere written, remain'd for the most part Imprison'd in the Cells ofsome Library or Study, accessible to a small number of Mankind, andregarded by a less, which after perished with the Place or the Decayof their own Substance. This we may judge from the loss of those manyWritings mentioned by Pliny and other of the Ancients. And we had yetfound fewer, if the Art of Printing, first Invented about 240 yearssince, had not secured most that lasted to that time. Since which, that Loss has been repaired by a vast number of new Accessions, whichbesides the Satisfaction they have given to Curious and InquisitiveMen by increasing their Knowledge, have excited many more to thelike Attempts, not only of Making but of Publishing also theirDiscoveries. But I am not ignorant still; that as Discoveries havebeen this way preserved, so many others nave been lost, to the greatDetriment of the Publick. It were very desirable therefore that theCauses of these and other Defects being known, some Remedies mightbe found to prevent the like Losses for the future. The principalCauses I conceive may be these;

First, The want of sufficient Instructions (to Seamen and Travellers, )to shew them what is pertinent and considerable, to be observ'd intheir Voyages and Abodes, and how to make their Observations and keepRegisters or Accounts of them. 

Next, The want of some Publick Incouragement for such as shall performsuch Instructions. 

Thirdly, The want of fit Persons both to Promote and Disperse suchInstructions to Persons fitted to engage, and careful to CollectReturns; and Compose them into Histories; by examining the Personsmore at large upon those and other Particulars. And by separating whatis pertinent from what is not so, and to be Rejected; who should havealso wherewith to gratifie every one according to his Performances. 

Fourthly, The want of some easie Way to have all such Printed: Firstsingly, and afterwards divers of them together. It having been foundthat many small Tracts are lost after Printing, as well as manythat are never Printed; upon which account we are much oblig'd toMr. Haclute and Mr. Purchas, for preserving many such in their Works. 

Fifthly, The want of taking care to Collect all such Relations ofVoyages and Accounts of Countries as have been Published in otherLanguages; and Translating them either into English, or (which will beof more general use) into Latin, the learned Language of Europe. Therebeing many such in other Countries hardly ever heard of in England. 

The Difficulties of removing which Defects is not so great but thatit might easily fall even within the compass of a private Abilityto remove, if at least Publick Authority Would but Countenance theDesign, how much less then would it be if the same would afford alsosome moderate Encouragement and Reward?

The Royal Society of London for Improving Natural Knowledge, hasnot been wanting in preparing and dispersing Instructions to thisend, and is ready still to promote it, if the Publick would allowa Recompence to the Undertakers. The desirableness and facility ofthis Undertaking may, I hope, in a short time produce the Expedientsalso. In the Interim all means should be used, to try what may beobtain'd from the Generosity of such as have had the Opportunitiesof knowing Foreign Countries. 

There are but few who, though they know much, can yet be persuadedthey know any thing worth Communicating, and because the things arecommon and well known to them, are apt to think them so to the rest ofMankind; This Prejudice has done much mischief in this particular aswell as in many other, and must be first remov'd. There are othersthat are conscious enough of their own Knowledge, and yet eitherfor want of Ability to write well, or of use to Compose, or of timeto Study and Digest, or out of Modesty and fear to be in Print, orbecause they think they know not enough to make a Volume, or for notbeing prompted to, or earnestly solicited for it, neglect to do it;others delay to do it so long till they have forgotten what theyintended. Such as these Importunity would prevail upon to disclosetheir knowledge, if fitting Persons were found to Discourse and askthem Questions, and to Compile the Answers into a History. Of thiskind was lately produc'd in High Dutch a History of Greenland, byDr. Fogelius of Hamborough, from the Information of Frederick Martin, who had made several Voyages to that Place, in the doing of which, he made use of the Instruction given by the Royal Society. 

'Tis much to be wondred that we should to this Day want a goodHistory of most of our West-Indian Plantations. Ligon has done wellfor the Barbadoes, and somewhat has been done for the Summer Islands, Virginia, &c. But how far are all these short even of the knowledgeof these and other Places of the West-Indies, which may be obtain'dfrom divers knowing Planters now Residing in London? And how easiewere it to obtain what is Defective from some Ingenious Persons nowResident upon the Places, if some way were found to gratifie themfor their Performances? However till such be found, 'tis to be hopedthat the kind Acceptance only the Publick shall give to this presentWork, may excite several other Ingenuous, and knowing Men to followthis Generous Example of Captain Knox who though he could bring awaynothing almost upon his Back or in his Purse, did yet Transport thewhole Kingdom of Cande Uda in his Head, and by Writing and Publishingthis his Knowledge, has freely given it to his Countrey, and to YouReader in, particular. 

'Twas not I confess without the earnest Solicitations and Endeavoursof my self, and some others of his Friends obtain'd from him, butthis uneasiness of parting with it was not for want of Generosity andFreedom enough in Communicating whatever he knew or had observed, butfrom that usual Prejudice of Modesty, and too mean an Opinion of hisown Knowledge and Abilities of doing any thing should be worthy theview of the Publick. And had he found leisure to Compose it, he couldhave filled a much greater Volume with useful and pertinent, as wellas unusual and strange Observations. He could have inrich't it with amore particular Description of many of their curious Plants, Fruits, Birds, Fishes, Insects, Minerals, Stones; and told you many more of theMedicinal and other uses of them in Trades and Manufactures. He couldhave given you a compleat Dictionary of their Language, understandingand speaking it as well as his Mother Tongue. But his Occasions wouldnot permit him to do more at present. Yet the Civil Usage this hisFirst-born meets with among his Countreymen, may 'tis hoped obligehim to gratifie them with further Discoveries and Observations inhis future Travels. 

To conclude, He has in this History given you a tast of hisObservations. In which most Readers, though of very differing Gusts, may find somewhat very pleasant to their Pallat. The Statesman, Divine, Physitian, Lawyet, Merchant, Mechanick, Husbandman, may selectsomething for their Entertainment. The Philosopher and Historian muchmore. I believe at least all that love Truth will be pleas'd; for fromthat little Conversation I had with him I conceive him to be no waysprejudiced of byassed by Interest, affection, or hatred, fear or hopes, or the vain-glory of telling Strange Things, so as to make him swarvefrom the truth of Matter of Fact: And for his opportunity of beinginformed, any one may satisfie himself when he understands his almost20 years Abode and Converse among them. His Skill in the Language andCustoms of the People, his way of Employment in Travelling and Tradingover all Parts of the Kingdom; add to this his Breeding till 19 yearsof Age under his Father a Captain for the East-India Company, and hisown Natural and acquired parts; but above all his good Reputation, which may be judged from the Employment That Worshipful Company havenow freely bestowed upon him, having made him Commander of the TarquinMerchant, and intruded him to undertake a Voyage to Tarquin. 

Read therefore the Book it self, and you will find your self takenCaptive indeed, but used more kindly by the Author, than he himselfwas by the Natives. 

After a general view of the Sea Coasts, he will lead you into theCountry by the Watches, through the Thorney Gates, then Conductyou round upon the Mountains that Encompass and Fortifie the wholeKingdom, and by the way carry you to the top of Hommalet or Adam'sPeak; from those he will descend with you, and shew you their chiefCities and Towns, and pass through them into the Countrey, and thereacquaint you with their Husbandry, then entertain you with the Fruits, Flowers, Herbs, Roots, Plants and Trees, and by the way shelter youfrom Sun and Rain, with a Fan made of the Talipat-Leaf. Then shew youtheir Beasts, Birds, Fish, Serpents, Insects; and last of all, theirCommodities. From hence he will carry you to Court, and shew you theKing in the several Estates of his Life; and acquaint you with hisway of Governing, Revenues, Treasures, Officers, Governors, MilitaryStrength, Wars: and by the way entertain you with an account of thelate Rebellion against him. After which he will bring you acquaintedwith the Inhabitants themselves, whence you may know their differentHumours, Ranks and Qualities. Then you may visit their Temples suchas they are, and see the Foppery of their Priests Religious Opinionsand Practices both in their Worship and Festivals, and afterwardsgo home to their Houses and be acquainted with their Conversationand Entertainment, see their Housewifery, Furniture, Finery, andunderstand how they Breed and Dispose of their Children in Marriage;and in what Employments and Recreations they pass their time. Thenyou may acquaint your self with their Language, Learning, Laws, and if you please with their Magick & Jugling. And last of all withtheir Diseases, Sickness, Death, and manner of Burial. After whichhe will give you a full account of the Reason of his own Going to, and Detainment in the Island of Ceylon, and Kingdom of Conde-Uda. Andof all his various Conditions, and the Accidents that befel him thereduring Nineteen years and an halfs abode among them. And by what waysand means at last he made his Escape and Returned safe into Englandin September last, 1680. 

Aug. 1. 1681. 

Robert Hooke. 

To the Right Worshipful Sir William Thomson Knight, Governor, ThomasPapillon Esquire; Deputy, and the 24 Committees of the HonorableEAST-INDIA Company hereunder Specified, Viz. 

 The Right Honorable George Earl of Berkley, The Right Honorable James Lord Chandois. Sir Matthew Andrews Knight, Sir John Bancks Baronet, Sir Samuel Barnardiston Baronet, Mr. Christopher Boone, John Bathurst Esquire, Sir Josia Child Baronet, Mr. Thomas Canham, Collonel John Clerk, Sir James Edwards Knight, Mr. Joseph Herne, Richard Hutchinson Esquire, James Hublon Esquire, Sir John Lethieullier Knight, Mr. Nathaniel Petton, Sir John Moor Knight, Samuel Moyer Esquire, Mr. John Morden, Mr. John Paige, Edward Rudge Esquire, Daniel Sheldon Esquire, Mr. Jeremy Sambrook, Robert Thomson Esquire. 

Right Worshipful, Since my return home to my Native Countrey of England, after a long andDisconsolate Captivity, my Friends and Acquaintance in our Conversetogether have been Inquisitive into the State of that Land in whichI was Captivated; whose Curiosity I indeavour to satisfie. But myRelations and Accounts of Things in those Parts were so strangeand uncouth, and so different from those in these Western Nations, and withal my Discourses seeming so Delightful and Acceptable untothem, they very frequently called upon me to write what I knew ofthat Island of Ceilon, and to digest it into a Discourse, and makeit more Publick; unto which motion I was not much unwilling, partlythat I might comply with the Desires and Councels of my Friends, and chiefly that I might Publish and Declare the great Mercy of Godto me, and Commemorate before all Men my singular Deliverance out ofthat Strange and Pagan Land, which as often as I think of or mention, I cannot but admire and adore the goodness of God towards me, therebeing in it so many notable Footsteps of his signal Providence. 

I had then by me several Papers, which during my Voyage homeward fromBantam at leisure times I writ concerning the King and the Countrey, and concerning the English there, and of my Escape; which Papers Iforthwith set my self to Peruse and draw into a Method, and to addwhat more might occur to my Thoughts of those Matters, which at lengthI have finished, contriving what I had to relate under four Heads. Thefirst concerning the Countrey and Products of it. The second concerningthe King and his Government. The third concerning the Inhabitants, and their Religion and Customs, and the last concerning our Surprize, Detainment and Escape; In all which I take leave to Declare, That Ihave writ nothing but either what I am assured of by my own personalKnowledge to be true, and wherein I have born a great and a sad share, or what I have received from the Inhabitants themselves of such thingsas are commonly known to be true among them. The Book, being thusperfected, it required no long Meditation unto whom to present it, itcould be to none but your selves (my Honoured Masters) by whose Wisdomand Success the East-Indian Parts of the World are now near as wellknown, as the Countries next adjacent to us. So that by your means, not only the Wealth, but the Knowledge of those Indies is brought hometo us. Unto your Favour and Patronage therefore (Right Worshipful)I humbly presume to recommend these Papers and the Author of them, who rejoyceth at this opportunity to acknowledge the Favours youhave already conferred on him, and to profess that next unto God, on you depend his Future Hopes and Expectations; being

Right Worshipful, Your most obliged and most humble and devoted Servant to be Commanded, Robert Knox. 

Lond. 18th. March, 1680/81. 

The CONTENTS. 

PART I. 

CHAP. I. 

A General Description of the Island. 

 The Inland Parts of it hitherto unknown. The chief Places on the Sea-Coasts. The Names of the Provinces and Counties of the Inland Country. Which are divided from each other by Woods. The Countrey Hilly, but inriched with Rivers. The great River Mavelagonga described. Woody. Where most Populous and Healthful. The nature of the Vallies. The great Hill, Adams Peaky, described. The natural Strength of this Kingdom. The difference of the Seasons in this Country. What Parts have most Rain. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning the chief Cities and Towns of this Island. 

 The most Eminent Cities are Five. Viz. Cande, Nellemby, Alloutneur. The Country of Bintan described. Badoulf. The Province of Ouvah. Digligy, the place of the King's Residence. Gauluda. Many ruines of Cities. Anarodgburro. The nature of the Northern Parts. The Port of Portaloon Affords Salt. Leawava Affords Salt in abundance, Described. Their Towns how built. Many ly in ruins and forsaken. And upon what occasion. 

CHAP III. 

Of their Corn, with their manner of Husbandry. 

 The Products and Commodities of the Country. Corn of divers sorts. Rice. Growes in water. Their ingenuity in watering their Corn-lands. Why they do not always sow the best kind of Rice? They sow at different times, but reap together. Their artificial Pooles, Alligators harbor in them. They sow Corn on the mud. A sort of Rice that growes without water. The Seasons of Seed-time and Harvest. A particular description of their Husbandry. Their Plow. The convenience of these Plowes. Their First plowing. Their Banks, and use of them. Their Second plowing. How they prepare their Seed-Corn. And their Land after it is plowed. Their manner of Sowing. How they manure & order Young Corn. Their manner of reaping. They tread out their Corn with Cattel. The Ceremonies they use when the Corn is to be trodden. How they unhusk their Rice. Other sorts of Corn among them. Coracan, Tanna, Moung, Omb. 

CHAP. IV. 

Of their Fruits and Trees. 

 Great Variety of Fruits and delicious. The best Fruits where ever they grow reserved for the Kings use. Betel-Nuts, The Trees, The Fruit, The Leaves, The Skins, and their use. The Wood. The Profit the Fruit yields. Jacks, another choyce Fruit. Jambo another. Other Fruits found in the Woods. Fruits common with other Parts of India. The Tallipot; the rare use of the Leaf. The Pith good to eat. The Kettule. Yields a delicious juice. The Skin bears strings as strong as Wyer. The Wood; its Nature and Use. The Cinnamon Tree. The Bark, The Wood, The Leaf, The Fruit. The Orula. The Fruit good for Physic and Dying. Water made of it will brighten rusty Iron, and serve instead of Ink. The Dounekaia. The Capita. Rattans. Their Fruit. Canes. The Betel tree. The Bo-gauhah or God-Tree. 

CHAP. V. 

Of their Plants, Herbs, Flowers. 

 Roots for Food, The manner of their growing. Boyling Herbs, Fruits for Sawce. European Herbs and Plants among them. Herbs for Medicine. Their Flowers, A Flower that serves instead of a Dyal, called Sindric-mal. Picha-mais, Hop-inals. 

CHAP. VI. 

Of their Beasts Tame and Wild. Insects. 

 What Beasts the Country produceth. Deer no bigger than Hares. Other Creatures rare in their kind. The way how a wild Deer was catched for the King. Of their Elephants. The way of catching Elephants. Their understanding. Their Nature. The dammage they do. Serve the King for executing his Malefactors. Their Disease. The Sport they make. Ants of divers sorts. How one sort of them, called Coddias, came to sting so terribly. These Ants very mischievous. The curious Buildings of the Vaeos, another kind of them. The manner of their death. Bees of several kinds. Some build on Trees like Birds. The people eat the Bees, as well as their Honey. Leaches, that ly in the grass, and creep on Travaylers Legs. The Remedies they use against them. Apes and Monkeys of divers kinds. How they catch Wild Beasts. How they take the Wild Boar. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, and Commodities. 

 Their Birds. Such as will be taught to speak. Such as are beautiful for Colour. A strange Bird. Water-Fowls resembling Ducks and Swans. Peacocks. The King keeps Fowl. Their Fish, How they catch them in Ponds, And how in Rivers. Fish kept and fed for the King's Pleasure. Serpents. The Pimberah of a prodigious bigness. The Polonga. The Noya. The Fable of the Noya ana Polonga. The Carowala. Gerendo. Hickanella. Democulo, a great Spider. Kobbera-guson, a Creature like an Aligator. Tolla-guion. The people eat Rats. Precoius Stones, Minerals, and other Commodities. The People discouraged from Industry by the Tyranny they are under. 

PART II. 

CHAP. I. 

Of the present King of Cande. 

 The Government of this Island. The King's Lineage. His Person, Meen and Habit. His Queen and Children. His Palace; Situation and Description of it: Strong Guards about his Court. Negro's Watch next his Person. Spies sent out a Nights. His Attendants. Handsome Women belong to his Kitchin. His Women. And the Privileges of the Towns, where they live. His State, when he walks in his Palace, or goes abroad. His reception of Ambassadors. His delight in them. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning the Kings Manner, Vices, Recreation, Religion. 

 Spare in his Diet. After what manner he eats. Chast himself, and requires his Attendants to be so. He committed Incest, but such as was allowable. His Pride. How the People address to the King. They give him Divine Worship. Pleased with high Titles. An instance or two of the King's haughty Stomach. He slights the defection of one of his best Generals. He scorns to receive his own Revenues. The Dutch serve their ends upon his Pride by flattering him. The People give the way to the Kings foul Cloths. His natural Abilities, and deceitful temper. His wife saying concerning Run-awayes. He is naturally Cruel. The Dogs follow Prisoners to Execution. The Kings Prisoners; their Misery. He punisheth whole Generations for the sake of one. The sad condition of young Gentlemen that wait on his Person. His Pleasure-houses. Pastimes abroad. His Diversions at home. His Religion. He stands affected to the Christian Religion. 

CHAP. III. 

Of the King's Tyrannical Reign. 

 His Government Tyrannical. His Policy. He farms out his Countrey for Service. His Policy to secure himself against Assassinations and Rebellions. Another Point of his Policy. Another which is to find his People work to do. A Vast work undertaken and finished by the King, viz. Bringing Water divers Miles thro Rocks, Mountains and Valleys unto his Palace. The turning this Water did great injury to the People. But he little regards his Peoples Good. By craft at once both pleaseth and punisheth his People. In what Labours he employs his People, He Poisons his only Son. The extraordinary Lamentation at the Death of his Sister. His Craft and Cruelty shewn at once. 

CHAP. IV. 

Of his Revenues and Treasure. 

 The King's Rents brought three times in a year. The first is accompanied with a great Festival. How the Nobles bring their Gifts, or Duties. Inferior Persons present their New-years Gifts. What Taxes and Rents the People pay. The accidental incoms of the Crown. The Profits that accrue to the King from Corn-Lands. Custom of Goods Imported formerly paid. His Treasuries. He has many Elephants. Great Treasures thrown into the River formerly. The Treasure he most valueth. 

CHAP. V. 

Of the King's great Officers, and the Governors of the Provinces. 

 The two Greatest Officers in the Land. The next Great Officers. None can put to Death but the King. Theso Dissauvas are Durante bene placito. Whom the King makes Dissauvas. And their Profits and Honours. Other benefits belonging to other Officers. They must always reside at Court. The Officers under them, viz. The Cour-lividani. The Cong-conna. The Courli-atchila. The Liannah. The Undia. The Monannuh. Some Towns exempt from the Dissauvas Officers. Other Officers yet. These Places obtained by Bribes. But remain only during pleasure. Country Courts. They may appeal. Appeals to the King. How the Great Officers Travel upon Public Business. Their Titles and signs of State. The misery that succeeds their Honour. The foolish ambition of the Men and Women of this Country. 

CHAP. VI. 

Of the King's Strength and Wars. 

 The King's Military affairs. The natural strength of his Countrey. Watches and Thorn-gates. None to pass from the King's City without Pasports. His Soldiery. All men of Arms wait at Court. The Soldiers have Lands allotted them insted of Pay. To prevent the Soldiers from Plotting. The manner of sending them out on Expeditions. Requires all the Captains singly to send him intelligence of their affairs. When the War is finished they may not return without order. The condition of the Common Soldiers. He conceals his purpose when he sends out his Army. Great Exploits done, and but little Courage. They work chiefly by Stratagems. They understand the manner of Christian Armies. Seldom hazard a Battel. If they prove unsuccessful, how he punishes them. 

CHAP. VII. 

A Relation of the Rebellion made against the King. 

 A Comet ushereth in the Rebellion. The Intent of the Conspirators. How the Rebellion began. The King flyes. They pursue him faintly. They go to the Prince and Proclaim him King. The carriage of the Prince. Upon the Prince's flight, the Rebels scatter and run. A great Man declares for the King. For the space of eight or ten days nothing but Killing one another to approve themselves good Subjects. The King Poysons his Son to prevent a Rebellion hereafter. His ingratitude. Another Comet, but without any bad Effects following it. 

PART III. 

CHAP. I. 

Concerning the Inhabitants of this Island. 

 The several Inhabitants of the Island. The Original of the Chingulays. Wild Men. Who pay an acknowledgement to the King. How they bespeak Arrows to be made them. They rob the Carriers. Hourly wild Men Trade with the People. Once made to serve the King in his War. Their Habit and Religion. A skirmish about their Bounds. Curious in their Arrows. How they preserve their Flesh. How they take Elephants. The Dowries they give. Their disposition. The Inhabitants of the Mountains differ from those of the Low-Lands. Their good opinion of Virtue, tho they practice it not. Superstitions. How they Travel. A brief character of them. The Women, their habit and nature. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning their different Honours, Ranks, and Qualities. 

 How they distinguish themselves according to their Qualities. They never Marry beneath their rank. In case a Man lyes with a Woman of inferior rank. Their Noble men. How distinguished from others. The distinction by Caps. Of the Hondrews or Noble men two forts. An Honour like Unto Knighthood. Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters, and Painters. The Privilege and state of the Smiths. Craftsmen. Barbers. Potters. Washers. Jaggory-makers. The Poddah, Weavors, Basket-makers. Mat-makers. The lower ranks may not assume the habit or names of the higher. Slaves. Beggers. The reason the Beggers became so base and mean a People. They live well. Their Contest with the Weavors about dead Cows. Incest common among them. A Punishment, to deliver Noble women to these Beggers. Some of these Beggars keep Cattel and shoot Deer. Refuse Meat dressed in a Barbar's house, and why. 

CHAP. III. 

Of their Religion, Gods, Temples, Priests. 

 Their Religion is Idolatry. They worship Gods and Devils. And the God, that saves Souls. The Sun and Moon they seem to repute Deities. Some of their Temples of exquisite work. The form of their Temples. The shape of their Idols. They worship not the Idol, but whom it represents. The Revenues of the Temples, and the Honours thereof. They are dedicated to Gods. Private Chappels. The Priests. The first Order of them. The habit of these Priests. Their Privileges. What they are Prohibited. When any are religiously disposed, these Priests sent for in great Ceremony. None ever used violence towards them before this present King. The Second Order of Priests. The third Order. How they dedicate a Red Cock to the Devil. Their Oracle. 

CHAP. IV. 

Concerning their Worship and Festivals. 

 The chief dayes of Worship. How they know what God or Devil hath made them sick; The Gods of their Fortunes, viz the Planets. What Worship they give Devils. Who eat the Sacrifices. Their Gods are local. The Subjection of this People to the Devil. Sometimes the Devil possesseth them. The Devils voice often heard. Their Sacrifice to the chief Devil. Their Festivals. Festivals to the honour of the Gods that govern this World. The Great Festival in June, with the manner of the Solemnity. The Feast in November. The Festival in honour of the God of the Soul. The high honour they have for this God. 

CHAP. V. 

Concerning their Religious Doctrines, Opinions and Practices. 

 As to their Religion they are very indifferent. If their Gods answer not their Desires, they curse them. They undervalue and revile their Gods. A Fellow gives out himself for a Prophet. His Success. The King fends for one of his Priests. Flyes to Columbo. Pretends himself to be a former Kings Son. Flyes from the Dutch. The King catches and quarters him. The Peoples high opinion still of this new God. Their Doctrines and Opinion. The highest points of their Devotion. Their Charity. The Privilege of the Moorish Beggars. Respect Christians, and why. 

CHAP. VI. 

Concerning their Houses, Diet, Housewifery, Salutation, Apparel. 

 Their Houses mean. No Chimneys. The Houses of the better sort. Their Furniture. How they eat. How the great Men eat. Discouraged from nourishing Cattel. Cleanly in dressing their meat; Their manner of drinking and eating. Their manner of washing before and after meals. None must speak while the Rice is put into the Pot. Sawce made of Lemmon juice. Their sweet meats. A kind of Puddings. The Womens Housewifry. How they entertain Strangers, And Kindred. When they Visit. Their manner of Salutation. The Nobles in their best Apparel. The fashion of their hair. The Women dressed in their Bravery. How they dress their heads. They commonly borrow their fine Cloths. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whoredome, Marriages, Children. 

 Their Bed, and how they sleep a Nights. They rise often in the Night. Children taught to sing at going to bed. Young People ly at one anothers Houses. Nothing so common as Whoredome. They are guilty of the thing, but love not the Name. The man may kill whom he finds in bed with his Wife. The Womens craft to compass and conceal their Debauchery. They do treat their Friends with the use of their Wives or Daughters. The Mother for a small reward prostitutes her Daughter. Marriages. No Wooing The Bridegroom goes to the Brides house. How the bridegroom carries home his Bride. A Ceremony of Marriage. Man and Wife may part at pleasure. Men and Women change till they can please themselves. Women sometimes have two Husbands. Women unclean. Privileges of Men above Women. Privileges of Women. They often destroy New-born Infants, But seldom a First-born. Their Names. They are ambitious of high Titles. 

CHAP. VIII. 

Of their Employments and Recreations. 

 Their Trade. Work, not discreditable to the best Gentleman. How they geld their Cattle. How they make Glew. Their Manufactures. How they make Iron. How they make Butter. Shops in the City. Prices of Commodities. Or their Measures. Their Weights. Measures bigger than the Statute punishable; but less, not: And why. Of their Coin. Of their Play. A Play or a Sacrifice: For the filthiness of it forbid by the King. A cunning Stratagem of an Officer. Tricks and Feats of Activity. At leisure times they meet and discourse of Newes. Drunkenness abhorred. Their eating Betel-Leaves. How they make Lime. 

CHAP. IX. 

Of their Lawes and Language. 

 Their Lawes. Lands descend. In case Corn receives dammage by a Neighbours Cattel. The loss of letting out Land to Till. The great Consideration for Corn borrowed. A Debt becomes double in two years. If the Debtor pay not his Debt, he is lyable to be a Slave for it. Divers other Lawes and Customes. For deciding Controversies. Swearing in the Temples, The manner of swearing in hot Oyl. How they exact. Fines. Of their Language. Titles given to Women according to their qualities. Titles given to Men. No difference between a Country-man and a Courtier for Language. Their Speech and manner of Address is courtly and becoming. Their Language in their Address to the King. Words of form and Civility. Full of Words and Complement. By whom they swear. Their way of railing and scurrility. Proverbs. Something of their Grammar. A Specimen of their Words. Their Numbering. 

CHAP. X. 

Concerning their Learning, Astronomy and Art Magick. 

 Of their Learning. Their Books and Arts. How they learn to write. How they make and write a Book. The Priests write Books of Bonna. The Kings Warrants how wrapped up. They write upon two sorts of Leaves. Their Skill in Astronomy. Their Almanacks. They pretend to know future things by the Stars. Their Ćra. Their Years, Months, Weeks, Days, Hours. How they measure their Time. Their Magic. The Plenty of a Country destroyed by Magic. Their Charm to find out a Thief. The way to dissolve this Charm. Inscriptions upon Rocks. 

CHAP. XI. 

Of their Sickness, Death and Burial. 

 The Diseases this Countrey is subject to. Every one a Physician to himself. To Purge: To Vomit. To heal Sores. To heal an Impostume. For an hurt in the Eye. To cure the Itch. The Candle for Lying-in Women. Goraca, a Fruit. Excellent at the Cure of Poyson. They easily heal the biting of Serpents by Herbs, And Charms. But not good at healing inward Distempers. They both bury and burn their Dead. They send for a Priest to pray for the Soul of the Departed. How they mourn for the Dead. The nature of the Women. How they bury. How they burn. How they bury those that dy of the Small Pox. 

PART IV. 

CHAP. I. 

Of the reason of our going to Ceylon, and Detainment there. 

 The subject of this Fourth Part. The occasion of their coming to Ceylon. They were not jealous of the People being very Courteous. A Message pretended to the Captain from the King. The beginning of their Suspition. The Captain seized and seven more. The Long-boat men seized. The General's craft to get the Ship as well as the Men. The Captains Order to them on board the Ship. The Captains second Message to his Ship. The Ships Company refuse to bring up the Ship. The Captain orders the Ship to depart. The Lading of Cloath remained untouched. The probable reason of our Surprize. The number of those that were left on the Island. The Dissauva departs. 

CHAP. II. 

How we were carried up in the Country, and disposed of there, and ofthe Sickness, Sorrow and Death of the Captain. 

 They intend to attempt an Escape, but are prevented. Their Condition commiserated by the People. They are distributed into divers Towns. An Order comes from the King to bring them up into the Country. How they were treated on the way in the Woods. And in the Towns among the Inhabitants. They are brought near Cande, and there separated. The Captain and his Son and two more quartered together. Parted: How they fared: The Captain and his Son placed in Coos-swat. Monies scarce with them. But they had good Provisions without it. The Town where they were sickly. How they passed their time. Both fall Sick. Deep grief, seizes the Captain. Their Sickness continues. Their Boys' Disobedience adds to their trouble. His excessive Sorrow. His Discourse and Charge to his Son before his Death. His Death, and Burial. The Place where he lies. Upon the Captain's Death a Message sent from Court to his Son. 

CHAP. III. 

How I lived after my Father's Death, And of the Condition of the restof the English: and how it fared with them. And of our Interview. 

 His chief Imployment is Reading: He looseth his Ague: How he met with an English Bible in that Country: Struck into a great Passion at the first sight of the Book: He casts with himself how to get it: Where the rest of the English were bestowed: Kept from one another a good while, but after permitted to see each other: No manner of Work laid upon them: They begin to pluck up their hearts: What course they took for Cloths: Their Fare: What Employment they afterwards followed: How the English domineered: What Satisfaction one of them received from a Potter. A scuffle between the English and Natives. The Author after a year sees his Countreymen. Their Conference and Entertainment. He consults with his Countreymen concerning a future livelihood. The difficulty he met with in having his Rice brought him undressed. He reasons with the People about his Allowance. Builds him an House. Follows Business and thrives. Some attempted running away, and were catched. Little encouragement for those that bring back Run-awayes. 

CHAP. IV. 

Concerning some other Englishmen detained in that Countrey. 

 The Persia Merchant-men Captives before them. Plundred by the Natives. Brought up to the King. They hoped to have their liberty, but were mistaken. A ridiculous action of these Men. They had a mind to Beef and how they got it. A passage of their Courage. Two of this Company taken into Court. The One out of favour. His End. The other out of Favour. And his lamentable Death. The King sends special Order concerning their good Usage. Mr. Vassal's prudence upon his Receit of Letters. The King bids him read his Letters. The King pleased to hear of Englands Victory over Holland. Private discourse between the King and Vassal. 

CHAP. V. 

Concerning the means that were used for our Deliverance. And whathappened to us in the Rebellion. And how we were setled afterwards. 

 Means made to the King for their Liberty, Upon which they all meet at the City. Word sent them from the Court, that they had their Liberty. All in general refuse the Kings Service. Commanded still to wait at the Palace. During which a Rebellion breaks out. They are in the midst of it, and in great danger. The Rebels take the English with them, designing to engage them on their side: But they resolve neither to meddle nor make. The day being turned, they fear the King; but he justifies them. They are driven to beg in the High-wayes. Sent into New Quarters, and their Pensions settled again. Fall to Trading and have more freedom than before. 

CHAP. VI. 

A Continuation of the Author's particular Condition after theRebellion. 

 At his new Quarters builds him another House. The People counsel him to Marry, which he seems to listen to. Here he lived two years. A Fort built near him by the Dutch; but afterwards taken by the King. He and three more removed out of that Countrey; and settled in a dismal place. A Comfortable Message brought hither from the King concerning them. Placed there to punish the People tor a Crime. Weary of this Place. By a piece of craft he gets down to his old Quarters. Began the world anew the third time. Plots to remove himself. Is encouraged to buy a piece of Land. The situation and condition of it. Buys it. Builds an House on it. Leaves Laggendenny. Settled at his new Purchase with three more living with him. Their freedom and Trade. His Family reduced to two. 

CHAP. VII. 

A return to the rest of the English, with some further accounts ofthem. And some further Discourse of the Authors course of Life. 

 They confer together about the lawfulness of marrying with the Native women. He resolves upon a single life. What Employments they follow. The respect and credit they live in. A Chingulay punished for beating an English man. An English man preferred at Court. Some English serve the King in his Wars. Who now live miserably. He returns to speak of himself. Plots and consults about an Escape. A description of his House. He takes up a new Trade and thrives on it. His Allowance paid him out of the Kings Store-Houses. 

CHAP. VIII. 

How the Author had like to have been received into the Kings Service, and what Means he used to avoid it. He meditates and attempts anEscape but is often prevented. 

 He voluntarily forgoes his Pension. Summoned before the King. Informed that he is to be preferred at Court: But is resolved to refuse it. The answer he makes to the Great Man: Who sends him to another Great Officer: Stayts in that City expecting his Doom. Goes home, but is sent for again. Having escaped the Court-Service, falls to his former course of life: His Pedling forwarded his Escape. The most probable course to take was Northwards. He and his Companion get three days Journey Northwards; But return back again: Often attempt to fly this way, but still hindred. In those Parts is bad water, but they had an Antidote against it. They still improve in the knowledg of the Way. He meets with his Black Boy in these Parts, Who was to guide him to the Dutch: But disappointed. An extraordinary drought for three or four years together. 

CHAP. IX. 

How the Author began his Escape, and got onward on his way about anhundred miles. 

 Their Last and Successful attempt. The Way they went. They design for Anarodgburro: Turn out of the way to avoyd the King's Officers: Forced to pass thro a Governours Yard. The Method they used to prevent his Suspition of them. Their danger by reason of the Wayes they were to pass. They still remain at the Governors to prevent suspition. An Accident that now created them great fear: But got fairly rid of it. Get away plausibly from the Governor. In their way, they meet with a River, which they found for their purpose. They come safely to Anarodgburro: This Place described. The People stand amazed at them. They are examined by the Governor of the Place. Provide things necessary for their Flight. They find it not safe to proceed further this way. Resolve to go back to the River they lately passed. 

CHAP. X. 

The Authors Progress in his Flight from Anarodgburro into the Woods, unto their arrival in the Malabars Country. 

 They depart back again towards the River, but first take their leave of the Governor here. They begin their Flight; Come to the River along which they resolve to go; Which they Travel along by till it grew dark. Now they fit themselves for their Journey. Meeting with an Elephant they took up for the second Night. The next morning they fall in among Towns before they are aware. The fright they are in lest they should be seen. Hide themselves in a hollow Tree. They get safely over this danger. In that Evening they Dress Meat and lay them down to sleep. The next morning they fear wild Men, which these Woods abound with. And they meet with many of their Tents. Very near once falling upon these People. What kind of Travelling they had. Some account of this River. Ruins. The Woods hereabouts. How they secured themselves anights against wild Beasts. They pass the River, that divides the King's Countrey from the Malabars. After four or five days Travel, they come among Inhabitants. But do what they can to avoid them. As yet undiscovered. 

CHAP. XI. 

Being in the Malabar Territories how they encountred two Men, andwhat passed between them. And of their getting safe unto the DutchFort. And their Reception there; and at the Island Manaar, untiltheir Embarking for Columbo. 

 They meet with two Malabars. To whom they relate their Condition. Who are courteous to them. But loath to Conduct them to the Hollander. In danger of Elephants. They overtake another Man, who tells them they were in the Dutch Dominions. They arrive at Arrepa Fort. The Author Travelled a Nights in these Woods without fear, and slept securely. Entertained very kindly by the Dutch. Sent to Manaar, Received there by the Captain of the Castle, Who intended they should Sail the next day to Jafnipatan to the Governor. They meet here with a Scotch and Irish Man. The People Flock to see them. They are ordered a longer stay. They Embark for Columbo. 

CHAP XII. 

Their Arrival at Columbo, and Entertainment there. Their Departurethence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam; Whence they set Sailfor England. 

 They are wondered at at Columbo, ordered to appear before the Governor. Treated by English there. They come into the Governor's presence. His State. Matters the Governor enquired of; Who desires him to go with him to Batavia. Cloths them, And sends them Money, and a Chirurgeon. The Author writes a Letter hence to the English he left behind him. The former Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by the Governor's Order. They Embark for Batavia. Their friendly Reception by the Governor there; Who furnishes them with Cloths and Money; And offers them passage in their Ships home. Come home from Bantam in the Cćsar. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Concerning some other Nations, and chiefly Europeans, that now livein this Island; Portugueze, Dutch. 

 Malabars that Inhabit here. Their Territories. Their Prince. That People how governed. Their Commodities and Trade. Portugueze: Their Power and Interest in this Island formerly. The great Wars between the King and them forced him to send in for the Hollander. The King invites the Portugueze to live in his Countrey. Their Privileges. Their Generals. Constantine Sa. Who loses a Victory and Stabs himself. Lewis Tissera served as he intended to serve the King. Simon Careé, of a cruel Mind. Gaspar Figazi. Splits Men in the middle. His Policy. Gives the King a great Overthrow, loseth Columbo, and taken Prisoner. The Dutch. The occasion of their coming in. The King their implacable Enemy, and why. The Damage the King does them. The means they use to obtain Peace with him. How he took Bibligom Fort from them. Several of their Embassadors detained by the King. The first Embassador there detained since the Author's Remembrance. His Preferment, and Death. The next Ambassador dying there, his Body is sent down to Columbo in great State. The third Ambassador. Gets away by his Resolution. The fourth was of a milder Nature. The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present. The number or Dutch there. They follow their Vice of Drinking. The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch, and why. 

CHAP. XIV. 

Concerning the French. With some Enquiries what should make theKing detain white men, as he does. And how the Christian Religion ismaintained among the Christians there. 

 The French come hither with a Fleet. To whom the King sends Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort. The French Ambassador offends the King. He refuseth to wait longer for Audience. Which more dipleaseth him. Clapt in Chains. The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador. The King useth means to reconcile them to their Ambassador. The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with the Condition of these men. An Inquiry into the reason of this King's detaining Europeans. The Kings gentleness towards his White Soldiers. They watch at his Magazine. How craftily the King corrected their negligence. The Kings inclinations are towards White men. The Colour of White honoured in this Land. Their privilege above the Natives. The King loves to send for and talk with them. How they maintain Christianity among them. In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen. An old Roman Catholick Priest used to eat of their Sacrifices. The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church. 

ERRATA. 

Besides divers Mispointings, and other Literal Mistakes of smallermoment, these are to be amended. 

Page 1. Line 16. After Parts, strike out the Comma, p. 3. L. 25. ForOudi pallet read Oudi pollat, p. 7. L. 31, after they dele that, p. 12. L. 43. For Ponudecarse read Ponudecars, p. 13. After rowlingdele it, p. 22. L. 38. For Out-yards read Ortyards, p. 25. L. 6. Fortarrish read tartish, p. 27. L. 10. For sometimes read some, p. 29. L. 33. For Rodgerari read Rodgerah, p. 33. L. 15, 25, 29. ForRadga in those three lines, read Raja. , p. 35. L. 12. For a readat, Ibid. L. 51. For being none read none being, p. 39. L. 1. Delea, p. 47. L. 36. For Gurpungi read Oulpangi, Ibid. L. 43 forDackini read Dackim, p. 50. L. 16. For Roterauts read Roterauls, Ibid. L. 17. After these read are, Ibid. L. 24. After them read to, p. 51. L. 2. After them a Semicolon, Ibid. Marg. L. 3. For othersread these, Ibid. L. 18. For their read theirs, Ibid. L. 19. Deleand Ibid. L. 49. For Courti-Atchila read Courli-atchila, p. 58. L. 30. After were read or were, p. 62. Marg. L. 1. For By readPay, Ibid. L. 18 after shooting add him; Ibid. Marg. L. 14. For oneread once, p. 69. L. 28. After lace dele the Comma, Ibid. L. 30. ForKirinerahs read Kinnerahs, p. 71. L. 3. After places add and, p. 73. 14. Dele they say, Ibid. L. 42. For ward read reward, p. 74. L. 5. Dele the Semicolon after Vehar, and place it afteralso, Ibid. L. 27. For hands read heads, p. 76. L. 23. For Godread Gods, Ibid. L. 36. After know a Period, p. 80. L. 3. For himread them, p. 87. L. 27. After Hens a Semicolon, p. 88. L. 35. Forstream read steam, p. 89. L. 7. For a read the, p. 101. L. 28. ForHusband read Husbandman, p. 102. L. 23. After considerable a Comma, p. 103. Marg. L. 4. For benefit read manner, p. 105, l. 26. For soread To, p. 109. L. 1. Read Heawoy com-coraund, To fight, as much asto say, To act the Soldier, p. 110. L. 29. After go add their Journey, p. 111. L. 9. For Friday read Iridah, p. 112. L. 52. After templeadd in, p. 118. L. 41. After and add his, p. 128. L. 51. Dele no, p. 132. L. 38. Dele the Comma after Holstein, p. 134. L. 47. For Crockread crook, p. 138. L. 37. For ny read any, Ibid. , l. 47. After theyread had, p. 148. L. 52. For go read got, p. 151. L. 6. For here readhave, p. 154. L. 27. For favors read feavors, p. 155. L. 4. Dele thefirst [it] Ibid. L. 18. For he read we, p. 161. L. 43. For Diabacread Diabat. P. 168. L. 4. After before add us, Ibid. L. 7. Aftercomparing add it, p. 176. L. 22. For the read great, p. 179. L. 21. Forbe read beg, Ibid. L. 34. Dele what they keep, And instead of Candeuda thro-out the Book, read Conde uda. 

 AN Historical Relation OF ZEILON, (Aliŕs Ceylon, ) AN Island in the EAST-INDIES. 

PART I

CHAP. I. 

A general Description of the Island. 

How this Island lyes with respect unto me Neighbouring Countries, I shall not speak at all, that being to be seen in our ordinarySea-Cards, which describe those Parts; and but little concerningthe Maritime parts of it, now under the Jurisdiction of the Dutch:my design being to relate such things onely that are new and unknownunto these Europćan Nations. It is the Inland Countrey therefore Ichiefly intend to write of which is yet an hidden Land even to theDutch themselves that inhabit upon the Island. For I have seen amongthem a fair large Map of this Place, the best I believe extant, yetvery faulty: the ordinary Maps in use among us are much more so; I haveprocured a new one to be drawn, with as much truth and exactness as Icould, and his Judgment will not be deemed altogether inconsiderable, who had for Twenty Years Travelled about the Iland, and knew almostevery step of those Parts, especially, that most want describing. 

I begin with the Sea-Coasts. Of all which the Hollander is Master:On the North end the chief places are Jafnipatan, and the Iland ofManaur. On the East side Trenkimalay, and Batticalow. To the Southis the City of Point de Galle. On the West the City of Columbo, so called from a Tree the Natives call Ambo, (which bears theMango-fruit) growing in that place; but this never bare fruit, but onely leaves, which in their Language is Cola> and thence theycalled the Tree Colambo: which the Christians in honour of Columbusturned to Columbo. It is the chief City on the Sea-coasts where thechief Governour hath his residence. On this side also is Negumba, andColpentine. All these already mentioned are strong fortified places:There are besides many other smaller Forts and Fortifications. Allwhich, with considerable Territories, to wit, all round borderingupon the Sea-coasts, belong to the Dutch Nation. 

[A general division of the Inland Countrey. ] I proceed to theInland-Country, being that that is now under the King of Cande. Itis convenient that we first understand, that this land is dividedinto greater or less shares or parts. The greater divisions giveme leave to call Provinces, and the less Counties, as resemblingours in England, tho not altogether so big. On the North parts lyesthe Province of Nourecalava, consisting of five lesser Divisions orCounties; the Province also of Hotcourly (signifying seven Counties:)it contains seven Counties. On the Eastward is Mautaly, containingthree Counties. There are also lying on that side Tammanquod, Bintana, Vellas, Paunoa, these are single Counties. Ouvah also containingthree Counties. In this Province are Two and thirty of the KingsCaptains dwelling with their Soldiers. In the Midland within thosealready mentioned lye Wallaponahoy (it signifies Fifty holes orvales which describe the nature of it, being nothing but Hills andValleys, ) Poncipot, (signifying five hundred Souldiers. ) Goddaponahoy, (signifying fifty pieces of dry Land;) Hevoihattay (signifying sixtySouldiers, ) Cote-mul, Horsepot (four hundred Souldiers. ) Tunponahoy(three fifties. ) Oudanour (it signifies the Upper City, ) where Ilived last and had Land. Tattanour (the Lower City) in which standsthe Royal and chief City, Cande. These two Counties I last named, have the pre-eminence of all the rest in the Land. They are mostpopulous, and fruitful. The Inhabitants thereof are the chief andprincipal men: insomuch that it is a usual saying among them, thatif they want a King, they may take any man, of either of these twoCounties, from the Plow, and wash the dirt off him, and he by reasonof his quality and descent is fit to be a King. And they have thispeculiar Priviledge, That none may be their Governour, but oneborn in their own Country. These ly to the Westward that follow, Oudipollat, Dolusbaug, Hotteracourly, containing four Counties;Portaloon, Tuncourly, containing three Counties; Cuttiar. Which last, together with Batticalaw, and a part of Tuncourly, the Hollander tookfrom the King during my being there. There are about ten or twelvemore un-named, next bordering on the Coasts, which are under theHollander. All these Provinces and Counties, excepting six, Tammanquod, Vellas, Paunoa, Hotteracourly, Hotcourly, and Neurecalava, ly uponHills fruitful and dwell watered: and therefore they are called inone word Conde Uda, which signifies, On top of the Hills, and theKing is styled, the King of Conde Uda. 

[Each County divided by Woods. ] All these Counties are divided eachfrom other by great Woods. Which none may fell, being preserved forFortifications. In most of them there are Watches kept constantly, but in troublesome times in all. 

[The Country Hilly, but enriched with Rivers. ] The Land is full ofHills, but exceedingly well watered, there being many pure and clearRivers running through them. Which falling down about their Landsis a very great benefit for the Countrey in respect of their Rice, their chief Sustenance. These Rivers are generally very rocky, and soun-navigable. In them are great quantities of Fish, and the greaterfor want of Skill in the People to catch them. [The great River, Mavelagonga described. ] The main River of all is called Mavelagonga;Which proceeds out of the Mountain called Adams Peak (of whichafterwards:) it runs thro the whole Land Northward, and falls into theSea at Trenkimalay. It may be an Arrows flight over in bredth, but notNavigable by reason of the many Rocks and great falls in it: Towardsthe Sea it is full of Aligators, but on the Mountains none at all. 

It is so deep, that unless it be mighty dry weather, a man cannot wadeover it, unless towards the head of it. They use little Canoues to passover it: but there are no Bridges built over it, being so broad, andthe Stream in time of Rains (which in this Countrey are very great)runs so high, that they cannot make them, neither if they could, would it be permitted; for the King careth not to make his Countreyeasie to travel, but desires to keep it intricate. This River runswithin a mile or less of the City of Cande. In some places of it, full of Rocks, in others clear for three or four miles. 

There is another good large River running through Catemul, and fallsinto that before mentioned. There are divers others brave Rivers thatwater the Countrey, tho none Navigable for the cause above said. 

[Woody. ] The Land is generally covered with Woods, excepting theKingdome of Ovuah, and the Counties of Oudipallet, and Dolusbaug, which are naturally somewhat clear of them. 

[Where most populous and healthful. ] It is most populous about themiddle, least near about by the Sea; how it is with those Parts underthe Hollander, I know not. The Northern parts are somewhat sickly byreason of bad water, the rest very healthful. 

[The nature of the Valleys. ] The Valleys between their Hills are manyof them quagmires, and most of them full of brave Springs of purewater: Which watery Valleys are the best sort of Land for their Corn, as requiring much moisture, as shall be told in its place. 

[The great Hill Adams Peak, described. ] On the South side of CondeUda is an Hill, supposed to be the highest on this Island, calledin the Chingulay Language, Hamalell; but by the Portuguez and theEuropćan Nations, Adams Peak. It is sharp like a Sugar-loaf, and onthe Top a flat Stone with the print of a foot like a mans on it, butfar bigger, being about two foot long. The people of this Land countit meritorious to go and worship this impression; and generally abouttheir New Year, which is in March, they, Men, Women and Children, go up this vast and high Mountain to worship. The manner of which Ishall write hereafter, when I come to describe their Religion. Outof this Mountain arise many fine Rivers, which run thro the Land, some to the Westward, some to the Southward, and the main River, viz. Mavelagonga before mentioned, to the Northward. 

[The natural Strength of this Kingdom] This Kingdom of Conde Uda isstrongly fortified by Nature. For which way soever you enter intoit, you must ascend vast and high mountains, and descend little ornothing. The wayes are many, but are many, but very narrow, so that butone can go abreast. The Hills are covered with Wood and great Rocks, so that 'tis scarce possible to get up any where, but onely in thepaths, in all which there are gates made of Thorns; the one at thebottom, the other at the top of the Hills, and two or three men alwaysset to watch, who are to examine all that come and go, and see whatthey carry, that Letters may not be conveyed, nor Prisoners or otherSlaves run away. These Watches, in case of opposition, are to callout to the Towns near, who are to assist them. They oftentimes haveno Arms, for they are the people of the next Towns: but their Weaponsto stop people are to charge them in the Kings Name; which disobeyed, is so Severely punished; that none dare resist. These Watches are butas Sentinels to give notice; for in case of War and Danger the Kingsends Commanders and Souldiers to ly here. But of this enough. Thesethings being more proper to be related, when we come to discourse ofthe Policy and Strength of the Kingdom. 

[The difference of the Seasons in this Country. ] The one part ofthis Island differs very much from the other, both in respect of theSeasons and the Soyl. For when the Westwardly Winds blow, then itrains on the West side of the Island: and that is the season for themto till their grounds. And at the same time on the East side is veryfair and dry weather, and the time of their Harvest. On the contrary, when the East Winds blow, it is Tilling time for those that inhabitthe East Parts, and Harvest to those on the West. So that Harvest ishere in one part or other all the Year long. These Rains and this dryweather do part themselves about the middle of the Land; as oftentimesI have seen, being on the one side of a Mountain called Cauragas hirg, rainy and wet weather, and as soon as I came on the other, dry, andso exceeding hot, that I could scarcely walk on the ground, being, as the manner there is, barefoot. 

[What parts have most Rain. ] It rains far more in the High-Lands ofConde Uda, then in the Low-Lands beneath the Hills. The North End ofthis Island is much subject to dry weather. I have known it for fiveor six Years together so dry, (having no Rains, and there is no othermeans of water but that; being but three Springs of running water, that I know, or ever heard of) that they could not plow nor sow, and scarcely could dig Wells deep enough to get water to drink, andwhen they got it, its tast was brackish. At which time in other Partsthere wanted not Rain; Whither the Northern People were forced to cometo buy food. Let thus much suffice to have spoken of the Countreys, Soyl and Nature of this Island in general. I will proceed to speakof the Cities and Towns of it, together with some other RemarkableMatters there-unto belonging. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning the Chief Cities and Towns of this Island. 

[The most Eminent Cities are Five. ] In this Island are several Places, where, they say, formerly stood Cities; and still retain the Name, tho little or nothing of Building be now to be seen. But yet thereare Five Cities now standing, which are the most Eminent, and wherethe King hath Palaces and Goods; yet even these, all of them, exceptthat wherein his Person is, are ruined and fallen to decay. 

[Candy. ] The First is the City of Candy, so generally called by theChristians, probably from Conde, which in the Chingulays Languagesignifies Hills, for among them it is situated, but by the Inhabitantscalled Hingodagul-neure, as much as to say, the City of the Chingulaypeople, and Mauneur, signifying the Chief or Royal City. This isthe Chief or Metropolitical City of the whole Island. It is placedin the midst of the Island in Tattanour, bravely situate for allconveniences, excellently well watered. The Kings Palace stands onthe East corner of the City, as is customary in this Land for theKings Palaces to stand. This City is three-square like a Triangle:but no artificial strength about it, unless on the South side, whichis the easiest and openest way to it, they have long since cast upa Bank of Earth cross the Valley from one Hill to the other; whichnevertheless is not so steep but that a man may easily go over it anywhere. It may be some twenty foot in height. In every Way to come tothis City about two or three miles off from it are thorn-Gates andWatches to examine all that go and come: It is environed round withHills. The great River coming down from Adams Peak runs within lessthan a mile of it on the West side. It has oftentimes been burnt bythe Portuguez in their former Invasions of this Island, together withthe Kings Palace and the Temples. Insomuch that the King has beenfain to pay them a Tribute of three Elephants per annum. The Kingleft this City about Twenty Years ago, and never since has come atit. So that it is now quite gone to decay. 

[Nellemby] A second City is Nellemby-neur, lying in Oudipollat, Southof Cande, some Twelve miles distance. Unto this the King retired, and here kept his Court, when he forsook Candy. 

[Allout-neur] Thirdly, The City Allout-neur on the North East ofCande. Here this King was born, here also he keeps great store of Cornand Salt, &c. Against time of War or Trouble. [The Country of Bintandescribed. ] This is Situate in the Countrey of Bintan, which Land, I have never been at, but have taken a view of from the top of aMountain, it seems to be smooth Land, and not much hilly; the greatRiver runneth through the midst of it. It is all over covered withmighty Woods and abundance of Deer. But much subject to dry Weatherand Sickness. In these Woods is a fort of Wild People Inhabiting, whom we shall speak of in their place. 

[Badoula. ] Fourthly, Badoula Eastward from Cande some two dayesJourney, the second City in this Land. The Portugals in time ofWar burnt it down to the ground. The Palace here is quite ruined;the Pagodas onely remain in good repair. 

[The Province of Ouvah. ] This City stands in the Kingdom or Provinceof Ouvah, which is a Countrey well watered, the Land not smooth, neither the Hills very high, wood very scarce, but what they plantabout their Houses. But great plenty of Cattle, their Land void ofwood being the more apt for grazing. If these Cattle be carried toany other Parts in this Island they will commonly dye, the reasonwhereof no man can tell, onely they conjecture it is occasioned by akind of small Tree or Shrub, that grows in all Countreys but in Ouvah, the Touch or Scent of which may be Poyson to the Ouvah Cattel; thoughit is not so to other. The Tree hath a pretty Physical smell like anApothecaries Shop, but no sort of Cattle will eat it. In this Cuontrygrows the best Tobacco that is on this Land. Rice is more plenty herethen most other things. 

[Digligy, the place of the Kings constant Residence. ] The fifthCity Digligy-neur towards the East of Cande, lying in the Country ofHevahatt. Where the King ever since he was routed from Nellemby inthe Rebellion Anno 1664. Hath held his Court. The scituation of thisplace is very Rocky and Mountainous, the Lands Barren; So that hardlya worse place could be found out in the whole Island. Yet the Kingchose it, partly because it lyes about the middle of his Kingdom, butchiefly for his safety; having the great Mountain [Gauluda. ] Gauludabehind his Palace, unto which he fled for Safety in the Rebellion, being not only high, but on the top of it lye three Towns, and CornFields, whence he may have necessary supplies: and it is so fencedwith steep Cliffs, Rocks and Woods, that a few men here will be ableto defend themselves against a great Army. 

[Many Ruins of Cities. ] There are besides these already mentioned, several other ruinous places that do still retain the name of Cities, where Kings have Reigned, tho now little Foot steps remaining ofthem. At the North end of this Kings Dominions is one of these RuinousCities, called [Anurodgburro. ] Anurodgburro where they say NinetyKings have Reigned, the Spirits of whom they hold now to be Saintsin Glory, having merited it by making Pagoda's and Stone Pillarsand Images to the honour of their Gods, whereof there are many yetremaining: which the Chingulayes count very meritorious to worship, and the next way to Heaven. Near by is a River, by which we came whenwe made our escape: all along which is abundance of hewed stones, some long for Pillars, some broad for paving. Over this River therehave been three Stone Bridges built upon Stone Pillars, but now arefallen down; and the Countrey all desolate without Inhabitants. Atthis City of Anurodgburro is a Watch kept, beyond which are no morepeople that yield obedience to the King of Candy. This place is aboveNinety miles to the Northward of the City of Candy. [The nature ofthe Northern Parts. ] In these Northern Parts there are no Hills, nor but two or three Springs of running water, so that their Cornripeneth with the help of Rain. 

[The Port of Portaloon: It affords Salt. ] There is a Port in theCountrey of Portaloon lying on the West side of this Island, whencepart of the Kings Countrey is supplyed with Salt and Fish: where theyhave some small Trade with the Dutch, who have a Fort upon the Point, to prevent Boats from coming: But the Eastern Parts being too far, andHilly, to drive Cattel thither for Salt, Gods Providence hath providedthem a place on the East side nearer them, which in their Language theycall [Leawava affords Salt in abundance. ] Leawava. Where the EastwardlyWinds blowing, the Sea beats in, and in Westwardly Winds (being thenfair weather there) it becomes Salt, and that in such abundance, thatthey have as much as they please to fetch. [Described. ] This Place ofLeawava is so contrived by the Providence of the Almighty Creator, that neither the Portuguez nor Dutch in all the time of their Warscould ever prevent this People from having the benefit of this Salt, which is the principal thing that they esteem in time of Trouble orWar; and most of them do keep by them a store of Salt against suchtimes. It is, as I have heard, environed with Hills on the Land side, and by Sea not convenient for Ships to ride; and very sickly, whichthey do impute to the power of a great God, who dwelleth near by in aTown they call Cotteragom, standing in the Road, to whom all that goto fetch Salt both small and great must give an Offering. The Nameand Power of this God striketh such terror into the Chingulayes, that those who otherwise are Enemies to this King, and have servedboth Portuguez and Dutch against him, yet would never assist eitherto make Invasions this way. 

[Their Towns how Built. ] Having said thus much concerning the Citiesand other Eminent places of this Kingdom, I will now add a littleconcerning their Towns. The best are those that do belong to theirIdols, wherein stand their Dewals or Temples. They do not care tomake Streets by building their Houses together in rowes, but eachman lives by himself in his own Plantation, having an hedg it maybe and a ditch round about him to keep out Cattel. Their Towns arealways placed some distance from the High-ways, for they care not thattheir Towns should be a thorough-fair for all people, but onely forthose that have business with them. They are not very big, in somemay be Forty, in some Fifty houses, and in some above an Hundred:and in some again not above eight or ten. 

[Many lye in Ruins, and forsaken; and upon what occasion. ] And as Isaid before of their Cities, so I must of their Towns, That thereare many of them here and there lie desolate, occasioned by theirvoluntary forsaking them, which they often do, in case many of themfall sick, and two or three die soon after one another: For this theyconclude to happen from the hand of the Devil. Whereupon they allleave their Town and go to another, thinking thereby to avoid him:Thus relinquishing both their Houses and Lands too. Yet afterwards, when they think the Devil hath departed the place, some will sometimescome back and re-assume their Lands again. 

CHAP. III. 

Of their Corn, with their manner of Husbandry. 

[The Products and Commodities of the Countrey. ] Having discoursedhitherto of the Countrey, method will require that I proceed nowto the Products of it; Viz. Their Fruits, Plants, Beasts, Birds, and other Creatures, Minerals, Commodities, &c. Whereof I mustdeclare once for all, That I do not pretend to write an Exact andPerfect Treatise, my time and leisure not permitting me so to do;but only to give a Relation of some of the chief of these things, and as it were a tast of them, according as they that occur to myMemory while I am writing. I shall first begin with their Corn, as being the Staff of their Countrey. 

[Corn of divers sorts. ] They have divers sorts of Corn, tho alldifferent from ours. And here I shall first speak of their Rice, the Choice and Flower of all their Corn, and then concerning theother inferior kinds among them. 

[Rice. ] Of Rice they have several sorts, and called by several namesaccording to the different times of their ripening: However in tastlittle disagreeing from one another. Some will require seven Monthsbefore it come to maturity, called Mauvi; some six, Hauteal; otherswill ripen in five, Honorowal; others in four, Henit; and others inthree, Aulfancol: The price of all these is one and the same. Thatwhich is soonest ripe, is most savoury to the tast; but yieldeththe least increase. It may be asked then, why any other sort of Riceis sown, but that which is longest a Ripening, seeing it brings inmost Profit? In answer to this, you must know, [Grows in Water. TheirIngenuity in watering their Corn Lands. ] That all these sorts of Ricedo absolutely require Water to grow in, all the while they stand; sothat the Inhabitants take great pains in procuring and saving waterfor their Grounds, and in making Conveyances of Water from their Riversand Ponds into their Lands, which they are very ingenious in; also inlevelling their Corn Lands, which must be as smooth as a Bowling-Green, that the Water may cover all over. Neither are their steep and HillyLands uncapable of being thus overflown with Water. For the doing ofwhich they use this Art. They level these Hills into narrow Allies, some three; some eight foot wide one beneath another, according to thesteepness of the Hills, working and digging them in that fashion thatthey lye smooth and flat, like so many Stairs up the Hills one aboveanother. The Waters at the top of the Hills falling down wards arelet into these Allies, and so successively by running out of one intoanother, water all; first the higher Lands, and then the lower. Thehighest Allies having such a quantity of Water as may suffice tocover them, the rest runs over unto the next, and that having itsproportion, unto the next, and so by degrees it falls into all thesehanging parcels of Ground. These Waters last sometimes a longer, andsometimes a shorter Season. [Why they do not alwayes sow the best kindof Rice. ] Now the Rice they sow is according as they foresee theirstock of Water will last. It will sometimes last them two or three, or four or five Months, more or less; the Rice therefore they chuseto cast into the Ground, is of that sort that may answer the durationof the Water. For all their Crop would be spoilt if the Water shouldfail them before their Corn grew ripe. If they foresee their Waterwill hold out long, then they sow the best and most profitable Rice, viz. That which is longest a ripening; but if it will not, they mustbe content to sow of the worser sorts; that is, those that are soonerripe. Again, they are forced sometimes to sow this younger Rice, for the preventing the damage it might otherwise meet with, if itshould stand longer. For their Fields are all in common, which afterthey have sown, they enclose till Harvest; But as soon as the Cornfirst sown becomes ripe, when the Owner has reaped it, it is lawfulfor him to break down his Fences, and let in his Cattle for grazing;which would prove a great mischief to that Corn that required tostand a Month or two longer. Therefore if they are constrained tosow later than the rest, either through want or sloth, or some otherImpediment, yet they make use of that kind of Rice that will becomeripe, equal with that first sown. [They sow at different times, butreap together. ] And so they all observe one time of reaping to preventtheir Corn being trampled down or eaten up by the Cattle. Thus theytime their Corn to their Harvest; some sowing sooner, some later, but all reaping together, unless they be Fields that are enclosed bythemselves; and peculiar to one Man. 

[Their Artificial Pools. ] Where there are no Springs or Rivers tofurnish them with Water, as it is in the Northern Parts, where thereare but two or three Springs, they supply this defect by saving of rainWater; which they do, by casting up great Banks in convenient placesto stop and contain the Rains that fall, and so save it till they haveoccasion to let it out into their Fields: They are made rounding likea C or Half-Moon, every Town has one of these Ponds, which if theycan but get filled with Water, they count their Corn is as good asin the Barn. It was no small work to the ancient Inhabitants to makeall these Banks, of which there is a great number, being some two, some three Fathoms in height, and in length some above a Mile, someless, not all of a size. They are now grown over with great Trees, and so seem natural Hills. When they would use the Water, they cut agap in one end of the Bank, and so draw the Water by little and little, as they have occasion for the watering their Corn. These Ponds in dryweather dry up quite. If they should dig these Ponds deep, it wouldnot be so convenient for them. It would indeed contain the Water well, but would not so well nor in such Plenty empty out it self into theirGrounds. [Aligators harbor in them. ] In these Ponds are Aligators, which when the Water is dried up depart into the Woods, and down to theRivers; and in the time of Rains come up again into the Ponds. They arebut small, nor do use to catch People, nevertheless they stand in somefear of them. The Corn they sow in these Parts is of that sort thatis soonest ripe, fearing lest their Waters should fail. As the Waterdries out of these Ponds, they make use of them for Fields, treadingthe Mud with Buffeloes, and then [They sow Corn on the Mud. ] sowingRice thereon, and frequently casting up Water with Scoops on it. Ihave hitherto spoken of those Rices that require to grow in Water. 

[A sort of Rice that grows Without Water. ] There is yet another sortof Rice, which will ripen tho' it stand not alway in Water: and thissort of Corn serves for those places, where they cannot bring theirWaters to overflow; this will grow with the Rains that fall; but isnot esteemed equal with the others, and differs both in scent andtaste from that which groweth in the watery Fields. 

[The Seasons of Seed-time and Harvest] The ordinary Season of seedtime, is in the Months of July and August, and their Harvest inor about February; but for Land that is well watered, they regardno Season; the Season is all the year long. When they Till theirGrounds, or Reap their Corn, they do it by whole Towns generally, all helping each other for Attoms, as they call it; that is, thatthey may help them as much, or as many days again in their Fields, which accordingly they will do; They Plough only with a crooked pieceof Wood, something like an Elbow, which roots up the Ground, as unevenas if it were done by Hogs, and then they overflow it with water. 

[A particular description of their Husbandry. ] But if any be so curiousas to know more particularly how they order and prepare their Lands, and sow their Corn, take this account of it. But before we go to work, it will be convenient first to describe the Tools. [Their Plough. ] Tobegin therefore with their Plough. I said before it was a crooked pieceof Wood, it is but little bigger than a Man's Arm, one end whereof isto hold by, and the other to root up the Ground. In the hollow of thisPlough is a piece of Wood fastned some three or four Inches thick, equal with the bredth of the Plough; and at the end of the Plough, is fixt an Iron Plate to keep the Wood from wearing. There is a Beamlet in to that part of it that the Plough-man holds in his hand, to which they make their Buffaloes fast to drag it. 

[The convenience of these Ploughs. ] These Ploughs are proper forthis Countrey, because they are lighter, and so may be the moreeasie for turning, the Fields being short, so that they could notturn with longer, and if heavier, they would sink and be unruly inthe mud. These Ploughs bury not the grass as ours do, and there is noneed they should. For their endeavour is only to root up the Ground, and so they overflow it with Water, and this rots the Grass. 

[Their first Ploughing. ] They Plough twice before they sow. But beforethey begin the first time, they let in Water upon their Land, to makeit more soft and pliable for the Plough. After it is once Ploughed, they make up their [Their Banks, and use of them. ] Banks. For ifotherwise they should let it alone till after the second Ploughing, itwould be mere Mud, and not hard enough to use for Banking. Now theseBanks are greatly necessary, not only for Paths for the People togo upon through the Fields, who otherwise must go in the Mud, it maybe knee deep; but chiefly to keep in and contain their Water, whichby the help of these Banks they overflow their Grounds with. TheseBanks they make as smooth with the backside of their Houghs, as aBricklayer can smooth a Wall with his Trowel. For in this they arevery neat. These Banks are usually not above a Foot over. 

[Their second Ploughing. ] After the Land is thus Ploughed and theBanks finished, it is laid under water again for some time, till theygo to Ploughing the second time. Now it is exceeding muddy, so thatthe trampling of the Cattel that draws the Plough, does as much goodas the Plough; for the more muddy the better. Sometimes they use noPlough this second time, but only drive their Cattel over to makethe Ground the muddier. 

[How they prepare their Seed-Corn. ] Their Lands being thus ordered, they still keep them overflowed with Water, that the Weeds and Grassmay rot. Then they take their Corn and lay it a soak in Water a wholenight, and the next day take it out, and lay it in a heap, and coverit with green leaves, and so let it lye some five or six days to makeit grow. [And their Land after it is Ploughed. ] Then they take andwet it again, and lay it in a heap covered over with leaves as before, and so it grows and shoots out with Blades and Roots. In the mean timewhile this is thus a growing, they prepare their Ground for sowing;which is thus: They have a Board about four foot long, which they dragover their Land by a yoke of Buffaloes, not flat ways, but upon theedge of it. The use of which is, that it jumbles the Earth and Weedstogether, and also levels and makes the Grounds smooth and even, that so the Water (for the ground is all this while under water)may stand equal in all places. And wheresoever there is any littlehummock standing out of the Water, which they may easily see by theireye, with the help of this Board they break and lay even. And so itstands overflown while their Seed is growing, and become fit to sow, which usually is eight days after they lay it in soak. 

When the Seed is ready to sow, they drain out all the Water, and withlittle Boards of about a foot and a half long, fastned upon long Poles, they trim the Land over again, laying it very smooth, making smallFurrows all along, that in case Rain or other Waters should comein, it might drain away; for more Water now would endanger rottingthe Corn. [Their manner of sowing. ] And then they sow their Corn, which they do with very exact evenness, strewing it with their hands, just as we strew Salt upon Meat. 

[How they Manure and order their young Corn. ] And thus it standswithout any Water, till such time as the Corn be grown some threeor four Inches above the Ground. There were certain gaps made in theBanks to let out the water, these are now stopped to keep it in. Whichis not only to nourish the Corn, but to kill the weeds. For they keeptheir Fields as clean as a Garden without a weed. Then when the Cornis grown about a span high, the Women come and weed it, and pull it upwhere it grew too thick, and transplant it where it wants. And so itstands overflown till the Corn be ripe, when they let out the wateragain to make it dry for reaping. They never use any dung, but theirmanner of plowing and soaking of their Ground serves instead thereof. 

[Their manner of Reaping. ] At reaping they are excellent good, justafter the English manner. The whole Town, as I said before, as theyjoyn together in Tilling, so in their Harvest also; For all fall intogether in reaping one man's Field, and so to the next, until everymans Corn be down. And the Custome is, that every man, during thereaping of his Corn, finds all the rest with Victuals. The womens workis to gather up the Corn after the Reapers, and carry it all together. 

[They tread out their Corn with Cattel. ] They use not Threshing, but tread out their Corn with Cattel, which is a far quicker andeasier way. They may tread out in a day forty or fifty Bushels atleast with the help of half a dozen Cattel. 

[The Ceremonies they use when the Corn is to be trodden. ] Whenthey are to tread their Corn they choose a convenient adjoyningplace. Here they lay out a round piece Ground some twenty or fiveand twenty foot over. From which they cut away the upper Turf. Thencertain Ceremonies are used. First, they adorn this place with ashesmade into flowers and branches, and round circles. Then they takedivers strange shells, and pieces of Iron, and some sorts of Wood, and a bunch of betel Nuts, (which are reserved for such purposes)and lay all these in the very middle of the Pit, and a large stoneupon them. Then the women, whose proper work it is, bring each theirburthen of reaped Corn upon their heads, and go round in the Pit threetimes, and then fling it down. And after this without any more ado, bring in the rest of the Corn as fast as they can. For this Labour, and that of weeding, the Women have a Fee due to them, which theycall Warapol, that is as much Corn, as shall cover the Stone and theother Conjuration-Instruments at the bottom of the Pit. 

They will frequently carry away their new reaped Corn into thePit; and tread it out presently as soon as they have cut it down, to secure it from the Rains, which in some Parts are very great andoften; and Barns they have none big enough, But in other places notso much given to Rains, they will sometimes set it up in a Cock, and let it stand some months. 

[How they unhusk their Rice. ] They unshale their Rice from itsoutward husk by beating it in a Mortar, or on the Ground more often;but some of these sorts of Rice must first be boyled in the husk, otherwise in beating it will break to powder. The which Rice, as itis accounted, so I by experience have found, to be the wholsomest;This they beat again the second time to take off a Bran from it;and after that it becomes white. And thus much concerning Rice-Corn. 

[Other sorts of Corn among them. ] Besides this, tho far inferior to it, there are divers other sorts of Corn, which serve the People for foodin the absence of Rice, which will scarcely hold out with many of themabove half the Year. [Coracan. ] There is Coracan, which is a smallseed like Mustard-seed, This they grind to meal or beat in a Mortar, and so make Cakes of it, baking it upon the Coals in a potsheard, or dress it otherwise. If they which are not used to it, eat it, itwill gripe their Bellies; When they are minded to grind it, they havefor their Mill two round stones, which they turn with their handsby the help of a stick: There are several sorts of this Corn. Somewill ripen in three months, and some require four. If the Ground begood; it yields a great encrease; and grows both on the Hills andin the Plains. [Tanna. ] There is another Corn called Tanna; It ismuch eaten in the Northern Parts, in Conde Uda but little sown. Itis as small as the former, but yieldeth a far greater encrease. Fromone grain may spring up two, three, four or five stalks, accordingas the ground is, on each stalk one ear, that contains thousands ofgrains. I think it gives the greatest encrease of any one feed in theWorld. Each Husbandman sowes not above a Pottle at a Seeds-time. Itgrowes up two foot, or two foot and an half from the ground. The wayof gathering it when ripe, is, that the Women (whose office it is}go and crop off the ears with their hands, and bring them home inbaskets. They onely take off the ears of Coracan also, but they beingtough, are cut off with knives. This Tanna must be parched in a Pan, and then is beaten in a Mortar to unhusk it. It will boyl like Rice, but swell far more; the tast not bad but very dry, and accountedwholsome; the fashion flattish, the colour yellow and very lovely tothe Eye. It ripens in four months, some sorts of it in three. Thereare also divers other sorts, which grow on dry Land (as the former)and ripen with the Rain. [Moung. ] As Moung, a Corn somewhat likeVetches, growing in a Cod. [Omb. ] Omb, a small seed, boyled and eatenas Rice. It has an operation pretty strange, which is, that when it isnew it will make them that eat it like drunk, sick and spue; and thisonly when it is sown in some Grounds, for in all it will not have thiseffect: and being old, none will have it. Minere, a small seed. Boumas, we call them Garavances. Tolla, a seed used to make Oyl, with whichthey anoint themselves; and sometimes they will parch it and eat itwith Jaggory, a kind of brown Sugar. And thus much of their Corn. 

CHAP. IV. 

Of their Fruits, and Trees

[Great variety of Fruits, and delicious. ] Of Fruits here are greatplenty and variety, and far more might be if they did esteem ornourish them. Pleasant Fruits to eat ripe they care not at all to do, They look only after those that may fill the Belly, and satisfie theirhunger when their Corn is spent, or to make it go the further. Theseonely they plant, the other Fruits of Pleasure plant themselves, theseeds of the ripe Fruits shedding and falling on the ground naturallyspring up again. They have all Fruits that grow in India. Most sortsof these delicious Fruits they gather before they be ripe, and boylthem to make Carrees, to use the Portuguez word, that is somewhat toeat with and relish their Rice. [The best Fruits, where-ever theygrow, reserved for the King. ] But wheresoever there is any Fruitbetter than ordinary, the Ponudecarso, or Officers of the Countrey, will tie a string about the Tree in the Kings Name with three knotson the end thereof, and then, no man, not the Owner himself, darespresume under pain of some great punishment, if not death, to touchthem. And when they are ripe, they are wrapped in white cloth, andcarried to him who is Governour of that Countrey wherein they grow:and if they be without any defect or blemish, then being wrapped upagain in white cloth, he presents them to the King. But the owner inwhose Ground they grow is paid nothing at all for them: it is wellif he be not compelled to carry them himself into the bargain untothe King, be it never so far. These are Reasons why the People regardnot to plant more than just to keep them alive. 

[Betel-Nuts. ] But to specifie some of the chief of the Fruits inrequest among them, I begin with their Betel-Nuts, the Trees that bearthem grow only on the South and West sides of this Island. They do notgrow wild, they are only in their Towns, and there like unto Woods, without any inclosures to distinguish one mans Trees from anothers;but by marks of great Trees, Hummacks or Rocks each man knows hisown. They plant them not, but the Nuts being ripe fall down in thegrass and so grow up to [The Trees. ] Trees. They are very streightand tall, few bigger than the calf of a mans Leg. [The Fruit. ] TheNuts grow in bunches at the top, and being ripe look red and verylovely like a pleasing Fruit. When they gather them, they lay them inheaps until the shell be somewhat rotted, and then dry them in theSun, and afterwards shell them with a sharp stick one and one at atime. These trees will yield some 500, some a 1000, some 1500 Nuts, and some but three or four hundred. They bear but once in the Yeargenerally, but commonly there are green Nuts enough to eat all theYear long. [The Leaves. ] The leaves of it are somewhat like those of aCoker-Nut Tree, they are five or six foot long, and have other lesserleaves growing out of the sides of them, like the feathers on eachside of a quill. The Chingulays call the large leaves the boughs, and the leaves on the sides, the leaves. They fall off every Year, and the skin upon which they grow, with them. [The Skins, and theiruse. ] These skins grow upon the body of the Tree, and the leaves growout on them. They also clap about the buds or blossoms which bear theNuts, and as the buds swell, so this skin-cover gives way to them, tillat length it falls quite off with the great leaf on it. It is somewhatlike unto Leather, and of great use unto the Countrey People. It servesthem instead of Basons to eat their Rice in, and when they go a Journeyto tie up their Provisions: For in these skins or leaves they can tieup any liquid substance as Oyl or water, doubling it in the middle, and rowling it in the two sides, almost like a purse. For bigness theyare according to the Trees, some bigger, some less, ordinarily theyare about two foot length, and a foot and an half in breadth. In thisCountrey are no Inns to go to, and therefore their manner when theyTravel is, to carry ready dressed what provisions they can, whichthey make up in these leaves. The Trees within have onely a kind ofpith, and will split from one end to the other, the [The Wood. ] Woodis hard and very strong; they use it for Laths for their Houses, andalso for Rails for their Hedges, which are only stakes struck in theground, and rails tyed along with rattans, or other withs growing inthe Woods. [The profit the Fruit yields. ] Money is not very plentifulin this Land, but by means of these Nuts, which is a great Commodityto carry to the Coasts of Cormandel, they furnish themselves with allthings they want. The common price of Nuts, when there was a Trade, as there was when I came first on this Land, is 20000 for one Doller;but now they ly and grow, or rot on the ground under the Trees. Someof these Nuts do differ much from others in their operation, havingthis effect, that they will make people drunk and giddy-headed, and give them some stools, if they eat them green. 

[Jacks. ] There is another Fruit, which we call Jacks; the Inhabitantswhen they are young call them Polos, before they be full ripe Cose; andwhen ripe, Warracha or Vellas; But with this difference, the Warrachais hard, but the Vellas as soft as pap, both looking alike to the eyeno difference; but they are distinct Trees. These are a great help tothe People, and a great part of their Food. They grow upon a largeTree, the Fruit is as big as a good Peck loaf, the outside pricklylike an Hedg-hog, and of a greenish colour; there are in them Seedsor Kernels, or Eggs as the Chingulayes call them, which lie dispersedin the Fruit like Seeds in a Cucumber. They usually gather them beforethey be full ripe, boreing an hole in them, and feeling of the Kernel, they know if they be ripe enough for their purpose. Then being cut inpieces they boil them, and eat to save Rice and fill their Bellies;they eat them as we would do Turnips or Cabbage, and tast and smellmuch like the latter: one may suffice six or seven men. When theyare ripe they are sweet and good to eat raw. The Kernels do verymuch resemble Chesnuts both in colour and tast, and are almost asgood: the poor people will boyl them or roast them in the embers, there being usually a good heap of them lying in a corner by thefire side; and when they go a Journey, they will put them in a bagfor their Provisions by the way. One Jack may contain three pintsor two quarts of these seeds or kernels. When they cut these Jacks, there comes running out a white thick substance like tar, and willstick just like Birdlime, which the Boyes make use of to catch Birds, which they call Cola, or bloud of the Cos. Some will mix this withthe flower of Rice, and it will eat like Eggs. 

[Jombo. ] Another Fruit there is which I never saw in any other Partsof India, they call it Jombo. In tast it is like to an Apple, fullof Juice, and pleasant to the Palate, and not unwholsom to the Body, and to the Eye no Fruit more amiable, being white, and delicatelycoloured with red, as if it were painted. 

[Other fruits found in the Woods. ] Also in the wild Woods areseveral sorts of pretty Fruits, as Murros, round in shape, and asbig as a Cherry, and sweet to the tast; Dongs, nearest like to ablack Cherry. Ambelo's like to Barberries. Carolla cabella, Cabelapooke, and Polla's, these are like to little Plums, and very welltasted. Paragidde, like to our Pears, and many more such like Fruits. 

[Fruits common with other parts of India. ] Here are also, of IndianFruits, Coker-nuts; Plantins also and Banana's of divers and sundrysorts, which are distinguished by the tast as well as by the names;rare sweet Oranges and sower ones, Limes but no Lemons, such as oursare; Pautaurings, in tast all one with a Lemon, but much biggerthan a mans two fists, right Citrons, and a small sort of sweetOranges. Here are several other sorts of Lemons, and Oranges, Mangoesof several sorts, and some very good and sweet to eat. In this sortof Fruit the King much delights, and hath them brought to him fromall Parts of the Island. Pine-Apples also grow there, Sugar Canes, Water-Melons, Pomegranates, Grapes both black and white, Mirablins, Codjeu's, and several other. 

There are three other Trees that must not here be omitted; Whichtho they bear no eatable Fruit, yet the Leaves of the one, and theJuice of the other, and the Bark of the third are very renowned, and of great benefit. 

[The Tallipot; the rare Uses of the Leaf. ] The first is the Tallipot;It is as big and tall as a Ships Mast, and very streight, bearingonly Leaves: which are of great use and benefit to this People;one single Leaf being so broad and large, that it will cover somefifteen or twenty men, and keep them dry when it rains. The leaf beingdryed is very strong, and limber and most wonderfully made for mensConvenience to carry along with them; for tho this leaf be thus broadwhen it is open, yet it will fold close like a Ladies Fan, and thenit is no bigger than a mans arm. It is wonderful light, they cut theminto pieces, and carry them in their hands. The whole leaf spread isround almost like a Circle, but being cut in pieces for use are nearlike unto a Triangle: They lay them upon their heads as they travelwith the peaked end foremost, which is convenient to make their waythro the Boughs and Thickets. When the Sun is vehement hot they usethem to shade themselves from the heat. Souldiers all carry them;for besides the benefit of keeping them dry in case it rain uponthe march, these leaves make their Tents to ly under in the Night. Amarvelous Mercy which Almighty God hath bestowed upon this poor andnaked People in this Rainy Country! one of these I brought with meinto England, and you have it described in the Figure. These Leavesall grow on the top of the Tree after the manner of a Coker. It bearsno kind of Fruit until the last year of its life, and then it comesout on the top, and spreads abroad in great branches, all full firstof yellow blossoms, most lovely and beautiful to behold, but smellvery strong, and then it comes to a Fruit round and very hard, as bigas our largest Cherries, but good only for seed to set: and tho thisTree bears but once, it makes amends, bearing such great abundance, that one Tree will yield seed enough for a Countrey. If these Treesstand near any houses, the smell of the blossoms so much annoyes them, that they regarding not the seed, forthwith cut them down. This Treeis within a [The pith good to eat. ] Pith only, which is very good toeat if they cut the Tree down before it runs to seed. They beat it inMortars to Flower, and bake Cakes of it; which tast much like to whitebread. It serves them instead of Corn before their Harvest be ripe. 

[The Kettule yields a delicious juice. ] The next Tree isthe Kettule. It groweth streight, but not so tall or big as aCoker-Nut-Tree; the inside nothing but a white Pith, as the former. Ityieldeth a sort of Liquor, which they call Tellegie: it is rarelysweet and pleasing to the Pallate, and as wholsom to the Body, but no stronger than water. They take it down from the Tree twice, and from some good Trees thrice, in a day. An ordinary Tree willyield some three, some four Gallons in a day, some more and someless. The which Liquor they boyl and make a kind of brown Sugar, called Jaggory; but if they will use their skill, they can make itas white as the second best Sugar: and for any use it is but littleinferior to ordinary Sugar. The manner how they take this Liquorfrom the Tree is thus; When the Tree is come to maturity, first outof the very top there cometh out a bud, which if they let it grow, will bear a round fruit, which is the seed it yieldeth, but is onlygood to set for encrease. This bud they cut and prepare, by putting toit several sorts of things, as Salt, Pepper, Lemons, Garlick, Leaves, &c. Which keeps it at a stand, and suffers it not to ripen. So theydaily cut off a thin slice off the end, and the Liquor drops down ina Pot, which they hang to catch it. 

[The Skin bears strings as strong as wyer. ] It bears a leaf like tothat of a Betel-Nut-Tree, which is fastned to a Skin as the Betel-NutLeaves were, onely this Skin is hard and stubborn like a piece ofBoard: the Skin is all full of strings as strong as Wyer; they usethem to make Ropes withal. As long as the Tree is growing the leavesshed; but when the Tree is come to its full growth, they remain manyyears upon the Tree before they fall; and when they fall, there areno new ones come again: The top-bud, as it ripens and withers, otherbuds come out lower and lower every Year till they come to the bottomof the Boughs, and then it hath done bearing, and so may stand sevenor ten years, and then dyeth. 

[The Wood; its Nature and Use. ] The Wood of this Tree is not abovethree inches thick, mighty strong and hard to cut in two, but veryapt to split from top to bottom; a very heavy wood, they make pestlesof it to beat their Rice with; the colour black, but looks not likenatural wood, but as if it were composed of divers pieces. The buddsof this Tree, as also of the Coker, and Betel Nut-Tree, are excellentin tast, resembling Walnuts or Almonds. 

[The Cinnamon Tree. ] I proceed to the third Tree, which is theCinnamon, in their Language Corunda-gauhah. It grows wild in theWoods as other Trees, and by them no more esteemed; It is most onthe West side of the great River Mavela-gonga. It is much as plentyas Hazel in England in some places a great deal, in some little, andin some none at all. The Trees are not very great, but sizable. TheCinnamon is the [The Bark. ] Bark or Rind, when it is on the Tree itlooks whitish. They scrape it and pull it off and dry it in the Sun:they take it onely from off the smaller Trees, altho the Bark of thegreater is as sweet to the smell and as strong to the tast. The [TheWood. ] Wood has no smell, in colour white, and soft like Fir. Whichfor any use they cut down, favouring them no more than other wildTrees in the Wood. The [The Leaf. ] Leaf much resembleth the Laurelboth in colour and thickness; the difference is, whereas the Laurelhath but one strait rib throughout, whereon the green spreads it selfon each sides, the Cinnamon hath three by which the Leaf stretchesforth it self. When the young leaves come out they look purely redlike scarlet: Break or bruise them, and they will smell more likeCloves than Cinnamon. It bears a [The Fruit. ] Fruit, which is ripein September, much like an Acorn, but smaller, it neither tasts norsmells much like the Bark, but being boyled in water, it will yield anOyl swimming on the top, which when cold is as hard as tallow and aswhite; and smelleth excellently well. They use it for Oyntments forAches and Pains, and to burn in Lamps to give light in their houses:but they make no Candles of it, neither are any Candles used by anybut the King. 

Here are many sorts of Trees that bear Berries to make Oyl of, both inthe Woods and Gardens, but not eatable, but used only for their Lamps. 

There are other Trees remarkable either for their strangeness, or use, or both. Of these I shall mention a few. 

[The Orula, the Fruit good for Physick, and Dying. ] The Orula, aTree as big as an Apple-Tree, bears a Berry somewhat like an Olive, but sharper at each end, its Skin is of a reddish green colour, whichcovereth an hard stone. They make use of it for Physic in Purges; andalso to dy black colour: Which they do after this manner; They takethe fruit and beat it to pieces in Mortars, and put it thus beateninto water; and after it has been soaking a day or two, it changeththe water, that it looks like Beer. Then they dip their cloth in it, or what they mean to dy, and dry it in the Sun. And then they dip itin black mud, and so let it ly about an hour, then take it and wash itin water: and now it will appear of a pale black. Then being dry, theydip it again into the aforesaid Dy, and it becomes a very good black. 

[This water will brighten rusty Iron, and serve instead ofInk. ] Another use there is of this water. It is this: Let any rustyIron ly a whole night in it, and it will become bright; and the waterlook black like Ink, insomuch that men may write with it. These Treesgrow but in some Parts of the Land, and nothing near so plentifulas Cinnamon. The Berries the Drugsters in the City there, do sell intheir Shops. 

[The Dounekaia] The Dounekaia gauhah, a shrub, bears leaves as broadas two fingers, and six or eight foot long, on both sides of them setfull of Thorns, and a streak of Thorns runs thro the middle. Theseleaves they split to weave Matts withal. The Tree bears a bud above aspan long, tapering somewhat like a Sugar-loaf. Leaves cover this budfolding it about, like the leaves of a Cabbage. Which leaves smellrarely sweet, and look of a lovely yellow colour like gold. Thisbud blowes into divers bunches of Flowers, spreading it self openlike a Plume of Feathers, each Flower whitish, but very small. TheRoots of this shrub they use for Ropes, splitting them into Thongs, and then making them into Ropes. 

[The Capita. ] The Capita gauhah, is a shrub never bigger than amans arm. The Wood, Rind and Leaves have all a Physical smell; andthey do sometimes make use of it for Physic. The Leaf is of a brightgreen, roundish, rough, and as big as the palm of an hand. No sortof Cattel will eat it, no, not the Goats, that will sometimes brouzeupon rank poyson. There is abundance of these Trees every where, andthey grow in all Countreys, but in Ouvah. And this is supposed to bethe cause, that the Ouvah Cattle dy, when they are brought thenceto any other Country. They attribute it to the smell of this Tree, of such a venomous nature it is to Beasts. And therefore to destroytheir Fleas, or to keep their houses clear of them, they sweep themwith Brooms made of this shrub. 'Tis excellent good for firing, andwill burn when it is green. There are no other coals the Goldsmithsuse, but what are made of this wood. 

[Rattans. ] Rattans grow in great abundance upon this Island. Theyrun like Honey-suckles either upon the Ground, or up Trees, as ithappens, near Twenty fathom in length. There is a kind of a shell orskin grows over the Rattan, and encloseth it round. Which serves fora Case to cover and defend it, when tender. This Skin is so full ofprickles and thorns, that you cannot touch it. As the Rattan groweslonger and stronger, this Case growes ripe, and falls off pricklesand shell and all. 

[Its Fruit. ] It bears fruit in clusters just like bunches of Grapes, and as big. Every particular Berry is covered with a husk like aGooseberry, which is soft, yellow and scaly, like the scales ofa Fish, hansome to look upon. This husk being cracked and broken, within grows a Plum of a whitish colour: within the Plum a stone, having meat about it. The people gather and boyl them to make sourpottage to quench the thirst. 

[Canes. ] Canes grow just like Rattans, and bear a fruit like them. Thedifference onely is, that the Canes are larger. 

[The Betel Tree. ] The Tree that bears the Betel-leaf, which is so muchloved and eaten in these parts, growes like Ivy, twining about Trees, or Poles, which they stick in the ground, for it to run up by: and asthe Betel growes, the Poles grow also. The form of the Leaf is longish, the end somewhat sharp, broadest next to the stalk, of a bright green, very smooth, just like a Pepper leaf, onely different in the colour, the Pepper leaf being of a dark green. It bears a fruit just likelong Pepper, but not good for seed, for it falls off and rots uponthe ground. But when they are minded to propagate it, they plant thespriggs, which will grow. 

[The Bo-gauhah, or God Tree. ] I shall mention but one Tree moreas famous and highly set by as any of the rest, if not more, thoit bear no fruit, the benefit consisting chiefly in the Holiness ofit. This Tree they call Bo-gauhah; we, the God-tree. It is very greatand spreading, the Leaves always shake like an Asp. They have a verygreat veneration for these Trees, worshipping them; upon a Tradition, That the Buddou, a great God among them, when he was upon the Earth, did use to sit under this kind of Trees. There are many of these Trees, which they plant all the Land over, and have more care of, than of anyother. They pave round under them like a Key, sweep often under them tokeep them clean; they light Lamps, and set up their Images under them:and a stone Table is placed under some of them to lay their Sacrificeson. They set them every where in Towns and High wayes, where anyconvenient places are: they serve also for shade to Travellers. Theywill also set them in memorial of persons deceased, to wit, there, where their Bodies were burnt. It is held meritorious to plant them, which, they say, he that does, shall dy within a short while after, and go to Heaven: But the oldest men onely that are nearest deathin the course of Nature, do plant them, and none else; the youngersort desiring to live a little longer in this World before they goto the other. 

CHAP. V. 

Of their Roots, Plants, Herbs, Flowers. 

[Roots for Food. ] Some of these are for Food, and some for Medicine. Ibegin with their Roots, which with the Jacks before mentioned, being many, and generally bearing well, are a great help towardsthe sustenance of this People. These by the Chingulays by a generalname are called Alloes, by the Portugals and us Inyames. They are ofdivers and sundry sorts, some they plant, and some grow wild; thosethat grow wild in the Woods are as good, onely they are more scarceand grow deeper, and so more difficult to be plucked up. It would beto no purpose to mention their particular names; I shall onely speak alittle in general of them. They serve both for Food, and for Carrees, that is, sauce, or for a relish to their Rice. But they make manya meal of them alone to lengthen out their Rice, or for want of it:and of these there is no want to those that will take pains but toset them, and cheap enough to those that will, buy. 

[The manner of their growing. ] There are two sorts of these Alloes;some require Trees or Sticks to run up on; others require neither. Ofthe former sort, some will run up to the tops of very large Trees, andspread out very full of branches, and bear great bunches of blossoms, but no use made of them; The Leaves dy every year, but the Roots growstill, which some of them will do to a prodigious bigness within aYear or two's time, becoming as big as a mans wast. The fashion ofthem somewhat roundish, rugged and uneven, and in divers odd shapes, like a log of cleft wood: they have a very good, savoury mellow tast. 

Of those that do not run up on Trees, there are likewise sundry sorts;they bear a long stalk and a broad leaf; the fashion of these Rootsare somewhat roundish, some grow out like a mans fingers, which theycall Angul-alloes, as much as to say Finger-Roots; some are of awhite colour, some of a red. 

Those that grow in the Woods run deeper into the Earth, they run upTrees also. Some bear blossoms somewhat like Hopps, and they may beas big as a mans Arm. 

[Boyling Herbs. ] For Herbs to boyl and eat with Butter they haveexcellent good ones, and several sorts: some of them are six monthsgrowing to maturity, the stalk as high as a man can reach, and beingboyled almost as good as Asparagus. There are of this sort, some havingleaves and stalks as red as blood, some green: some the leaves green, and the stalk very white. 

[Fruits for sawce. ] They have several other sorts of Fruits whichthey dress and eat with their Rice, and tast very savoury, calledCarowela, Wattacul, Morongo, Cacorebouns, &c. The which I cannotcompare to any things that grow here in England. 

[European Herbs and Plants among them. ] They have of our English Herbsand Plants, Colworts, Carrots, Radishes, Fennel, Balsam, Spearmint, Mustard. These, excepting the two last, are not the natural productof the Land, but they are transplanted hither: By which I perceiveall other European Plants would grow there: They have also Fern, Indian Corn. Several sorts of Beans as good as these in England:right Cucumhers, Calabasses, and several sorts of Pumkins, &c. TheDutch on that Island in their Gardens have Lettice, Rosemary, Sage, and all other Herbs and Sallettings that we have in these Countreys. 

[Herbs for Medicine. ] Nor are they worse supplyed with MedicinalHerbs. The Woods are their Apothecaries Shops, where with Herbs, Leaves, and the Rinds of Trees they make all their Physic andPlaisters, with which sometimes they will do notable Cures. I will nothere enter into a larger discourse of the Medicinal Vertues of theirPlants, &c. Of which there are hundreds: onely as a Specimen thereof, and likewise of their Skill to use them; I will relate a Passage ortwo. A Neighbour of mine a Chingulay, would undertake to cure a brokenLeg or Arm by application of some Herbs that grow in the Woods, andthat with that speed, that the broken Bone after it was set shouldknit by the time one might boyl a pot of Rice and three carrees, that is about an hour and an half or two hours; and I knew a man whotold me he was thus cured. They will cure an Imposthume in the Throatwith the Rind of a Tree called Amaranga, (whereof I my self had theexperience;) by chawing it for a day or two after it is prepared, and swallowing the spittle. I was well in a day and a Night, thobefore I was exceedingly ill, and could not swallow my Victuals. 

[Their Flowers. ] Of Flowers they have great varieties, growing wild, for they plant them not. There are Roses red and white, scented likeours: several sorts of sweet smelling Flowers, which the young Menand Women gather and tie in their hairs to perfume them; they tie uptheir hair in a bunch behind, and enclose the Flowers therein. 

[A Flower that serves instead of a Dial. ] There is one Flowerdeserves to be mentioned for the rarity and use of it, they call ita Sindric-mal, there are of them some of a Murry colour, and somewhite. Its Nature is, to open about four a clock in the Evening, and so continueth open all Night until the morning, when it closethup it self till four a clock again. Some will transplant them outof the Woods into their Gardens to serve them instead of a Clock, when it is cloudy that they cannot see the Sun. 

There is another white Flower like our Jasmine, well scented, they callthem Picha-mauls, which the King hath a parcel of brought to him everymorning, wrapt in a white cloth, hanging upon a staff, and carriedby people, whose peculiar office this is. All people that meet theseflowers, out of respect to the King, for whose use they are, must turnout of the Way; and so they must for all other things that go to theKing being wrapt up in white cloth. These Officers hold Land of theKing for this service: their Office is, also to plant these Flowers, which they usually do near the Rivers where they most delight to grow:Nay, they have power to plant them in any mans Ground, and enclosethat ground when they have done it for the sole use of their Flowersto grow in: which Inclosures they will keep up for several years, until the Ground becomes so worn, that the Flowers will thrive thereno longer, and then the Owners resume their own Lands again. 

Hop-Mauls, are Flowers growing upon great Trees, which bear nothingelse, they are rarely sweet scented; this is the chief Flower theyoung people use; and is of greatest value among them. 

CHAP. VI. 

Of their Beasts, Tame and Wild, Insects. 

[What Beasts the Country produceth. ] Having spoken concerning the Treesand Plants of this Island, We will now go on to speak of the LivingCreatures on it, viz. Their Beasts, Insects, Birds, Fish, Serpents, &c. Useful or noxious. And we begin first with their Beasts. They haveCowes, Buffaloes, Hogs, Goats, Deer, Hares, Dogs, Jacols, Apes, Tygers, Bears, Elephants, and other Wild Beasts. Lions, Wolves, Horses, Asses, Sheep, they have none. [Deer no bigger than Hares. ] Deer are in greatabundance in the Woods, and of several sorts, from the largeness ofa Cow or Buffalo, to the smalness of a Hare. For here is a Creaturein this Land no bigger, but in every part rightly resembleth a Deer, It is called Meminna, of colour gray with white spots, and good meat. 

[Other Creatures rare in their kind. ] Here are also wild Buffalo's;also a sort of Beast they call Gauvera, so much resembling a Bull, that I think it one of that kind. His back stands up with a sharpridg; all his four feet white up half his Legs. I never saw but one, which was kept among the Kings Creatures. Here was a Black Tygrecatched and brought to the King, and afterwards a Deer milk white;both which he very much esteemed; there being no more either beforeor since ever heard of in that Land. 

[The way how a Wild Deer was catched. ] If any desire to know how thiswhite Deer was caught, it was thus; This Deer was observed to come onEvenings with the rest of the Herd to a great Pond to drink; the Peoplethat were ordered to catch this Deer, fenced the Pond round and plainabout it with high stakes, leaving onely one wide gap. The men afterthis done lay in ambush, each with his bundle of Stakes ready cut. Inthe Evening the Deer came with the rest of the Herd to drink accordingto their wont. As soon as they were entred within the stakes, the menin ambush fell to their work, which was to fence in the gap left, which, there being little less than a Thousand men, they soon did;and so all the Herd were easily caught; and this among the rest. 

[Of their Elephants. ] The King hath also an Elephant spotted orfreckled all the body over, which was lately caught; and tho he hathmany and very stately Elephants, and may have as many more as hepleases, yet he prefers this before them all. And since I am fallenupon discourse of the Elephant, the creature that this Countrey isfamed for above any in India, I will detain my self a little longerupon it. 

[The way of catching Elephants. ] I will first relate the manner oftaking them, and afterwards their Sagacity, with other things thatoccur to my memory concerning them. This Beast, tho he be so bigand wise, yet he is easily catched. When the King commands to catchElephants, after they have found them they like, that is such as haveTeeth, for tho there be many in the Woods, yet but few have Teeth, and they males onely: unto these they drive some She-Elephants, which they bring with them for the purpose; which when once themales have got a sight of, they will never leave, but follow themwheresoever they go; and the females are so used to it, that theywill do whatsoever either by a word or a beck their Keepers bid them;and so they delude them along thro Towns and Countreys, thro theStreets of the City, even to the very Gates of the Kings Palace;Where sometimes they seize upon them by snares, and sometimes bydriving them into a kind of Pound, they catch them. After they havebrought the Elephant which is not yet caught together with the She, into the Kings presence, if it likes him not, he commands to let himgo; if it does, he appoints him some certain place near unto the City, where they are to drive him with the Females; for without them it isnot possible to make him stay; and to keep him in that place untilthe Kings further order and pleasure is to catch him, which perhapsmay not be in two or three or four Years; All which time there aregreat men with Souldiers appointed to watch there about him: and ifhe should chance to stray a little out of his bounds set by the King, immediately they bring him back fearing the Kings displeasure, whichis no less than death it self. Here these Elephants do, and may do, great dammage to the Country, by eating up their Corn, and tramplingit with their broad feet, and throwing down their Coker-Nut Trees, and oftentimes their Houses too, and they may not resist them. Itis thought this is done by the King to punish them that ly under hisdispleasure; And if you ask what becomes of these Elephants at last;sometimes after they have thus kept watch over them two or three Years, and destroyed the Countrey in this manner, the King will send orderto carry them into the Woods, and let them go free. For he catcheththem not for any use or benefit he hath by them, but onely for hisrecreation and pastime. 

[The understanding of Elephants. Their Nature. ] As he is the greatestin body, so in understanding also. For he will do any thing thathis Keeper bids him, which is possible for a Beast not having handsto do. And as the Chingulayes report, they bear the greatest loveto their young of all irrational Creatures; for the Shees are aliketender of any ones young ones as of their own: where there are manyShe Elephants together, the young ones go and suck of any, as wellas of their Mothers; and if a young one be in distress and shouldcry out, they will all in general run to the help and aid thereof;and if they be going over a River, as here be some somewhat broad, andthe streams run very swift, they will all with their Trunks assist andhelp to convey the young ones over. They take great delight to ly andtumble in the water, and will swim excellently well. Their Teeth theynever shed. Neither will they ever breed tame ones with tame ones;but to ease themselves of the trouble to bring them meat, they willty their two fore-feet together, and put them into the Woods, wheremeeting with the wild ones, they conceive and go one Year with young. 

[The damage they do. ] It is their constant practice to shove downwith their heads great Trees, which they love to eat, when they betoo high, and they cannot otherwise reach the boughs. Wild ones willrun much faster than a man, but tame ones not. The People stand infear of them, and oftentimes are kill'd by them. They do them alsogreat dammage in their Grounds, by Night coming into their Fields andeating up their Corn and likewise their Coker-nut-Trees, &c. So thatin Towns near unto the Woods, where are plenty of them, the peopleare forced to watch their Corn all Night, and also their Outyards andPlantations; into which being once entred with eating and tramplingthey will do much harm, before they can get them out. Who oftentimeswhen by lighting of Torches, and hollowing, they will not go out, take their Bowes and go and shoot them, but not without some hazard, for sometimes the Elephant runs upon them and kills them. For fearof which they will not adventure unless there be Trees, about whichthey may dodg to defend themselves. And altho here be both Bearsand Tygers in these Woods, yet they are not so fierce, as commonlyto assault people; Travellers and Way-faring men go more in fear ofElephants than of any other Beasts. 

[Serve the King for Executing Malefactors. ] The King makes use ofthem for Executioners; they will run their Teeth through the body, andthen tear it in pieces, and throw it limb from limb. They have sharpIron with a socket with three edges, which they put on their Teeth atsuch times; for the Elephants that are kept have all the ends of theirTeeth cut to make them grow the better, and they do grow out again. 

[Their Diseases. ] At some uncertain seasons the males have an infirmitycomes on them, that they will be stark mad, so that none can rulethem. Many times it so comes to pass that they with their Keepers ontheir backs, run raging until they throw them down and kill them: butcommonly there is notice of it before, by an Oyl that will run out oftheir cheeks, which when that appears, immediately they chain them fastto great Trees by the Legs. For this infirmity they use no Medicine, neither is he sick: but the females are never subject to this. 

[The Sport they make. ] The Keepers of the Kings Elephants sometimesmake a sport with them after this manner. They will command an Elephantto take up water, which he does, and stands with it in his Trunk, tillthey command him to squirt it out at some body, which he immediatelywill do, it may be a whole paleful together, and with such a force, that a man can hardly stand against it. 

[Ants of divers sorts. ] There are Ants of several sorts, and someworthy our remark. 

First of all, there are the Coumbias, a sort of small reddish Antslike ours in England. 

Secondly, the Tale-Coumbias, as small as the former but blackish. Theseusually live in hollow Trees or rotten Wood, and will sting mostterribly. 

Thirdly, the Dimbios, great red Ants. These make their nests uponthe Boughs of great Trees, bringing the Leaves together in clusters, it may be as big as a mans head; in which they lay their Eggs andbreed. There will be oftentimes many nests of these upon one Tree, insomuch that the people are afraid to go up to gather the Fruitslest they should be stung by them. 

A fourth sort of Ants are those they call Coura-atch. They are greatand black, living in the ground. Their daily practice is to bringup dirt out of the ground, making great hollow holes in the Earth, somewhat resembling Cony-Burrows; onely these are less, and runstrait downwards for some way, and then turn away into divers pathsunder ground. In many places of the Land there are so many of theseholes, that Cattle are ready to break their Legs as they go. Thesedo not sting. 

A fifth is the Coddia. This Ant is of an excellent bright black, and as large as any of the former. They dwell always in the ground;and their usual practice is, to be travelling in great multitudes, but I do not know where they are going, nor what their business is;but they pass and repass some forwards and some backwards in greathast, seemingly as full of employment as People that pass alongthe Streets. These Ants will bite desperately, as bad as if a manwere burnt with a coal of fire. But they are of a noble nature: forthey will not begin; and you may stand by them, if you do not treadupon them nor disturb them. [How these Coddia's come to sting soterribly. ] The reason their bite is thus terribly painful is this;Formerly these Ants went to ask a Wife of the Noya, a venomous andnoble kind of Snake; and because they had such an high spirit todare to offer to be related to such a generous creature, they hadthis vertue bestowed upon them, that they should sting after thismanner. And if they had obtained a Wife of the Noya, they should havehad the priviledg to have stung full as bad as he. This is a currantFable among the Chingulays. Tho undoubtedly they chiefly regard thewisedom that is concealed under this, and the rest of their Fables. 

[These Ants a very mischievous sort. ] There is a sixth sort calledVaeos. These are more numerous than any of the former. All the wholeEarth doth swarm with them. They are of a middle size between thegreatest and the least, the hinder part white, and the head red. Theyeat and devour all that they can come at; as besides food, Cloth, Wood, Thatch of Houses and every thing excepting Iron and Stone. Sothat the people cannot set any thing upon the ground within theirhouses for them. They creep up the walls of their houses, and buildan Arch made of dirt over themselves all the way as they climb, be it never so high. And if this Arch or Vault chance to be broken, they all, how high soever they were, come back again to mend up thebreach, which being finished they proceed forwards again, eating everything they come at in their way. This Vermin does exceedingly annoythe Chingulays, insomuch that they are continually looking upon anything they value, to see if any of these Vaeos have been at it. Whichthey may easily perceive by this Case of dirt, which they cannot go upany where without building as they go. And wheresoever this is seen, no doubt the Ants are there. 

[The curious Buildings of the Vaeos. ] In places where there are nohouses, and they can eat nothing belonging to the people, they willraise great Hills like Butts, some four or five or six foot high;which are so hard and strong, that it would be work enough to digthem down with Pick-Axes. The Chingulays call these Humbosses. Withinthey are full of hollow Vaults and Arches where they dwell and breed, and their nests are much like to Honeycombs, full of eggs and youngones. These Humbosses are built with a pure refined Clay by theingenious builders. The people use this Clay to make their EarthenGods of, because it is so pure and fine. 

[The manner of their death. ] This sort of creatures as they increasein multitudes, so they dy in multitudes also. For when they come tomaturity they have wings, and in the Evening after the going downof the Sun, (never before) all those that are fledged and ripe, willissue forth in such vast numbers, that they do almost darken the Sky, flying to such an height, as they go out of sight, and so keep flyingtill they fall down dead at last upon the Earth. The Birds that tarryup late, and are not yet gone to roost, fly among them and make goodSuppers of them. 

The People in this Land never feed their Poultry. But they feed uponthese Ants, which by scraping among the leaves and dirt they can neverwant; and they delight in them above Rice or any thing else. Besidesall these Ants already mentioned, there are divers other distinctsorts of them. 

[Bees of several kinds. ] But we will proceed to a more beneficialInsect, the Bee. Of which there be three sorts. The first are theMeemasses, which are the right English Bees. They build in hollowTrees, or hollow holes in the ground, which the Vaeo's have made. Intowhich holes the men blow with their mouths, and the Bees presentlyfly out. And then they put in their hands, and pull out the Combs, which they put in Pots or Vessels, and carry away. They are not afraidof their stinging in the least, nor do they arm themselves with anycloths against them. 

[Bees that build on Trees like Birds. ] The second are the Bamburo's, larger and of a brighter colour than our English Bees. Their Honey isthin like water comparatively. They make their Combs upon limbs ofTrees, open and visible to the Eye, generally of a great height. Attime of year whole Towns, forty or fifty in company together will goout into the Woods, and gather this honey, and come home laden withit for their use. 

The third sort they call Connameia, signifying a blind Bee. They aresmall like a Fly, and black. They build in hollow Trees; and theirhoney somewhat tarrish: and they make such small quantities of it, that the people little regard it. The Boyes will sometimes cut a holeand take it out. 

[The people eat the Bees, as well as their honey. ] When they meetwith any swarms of Bees hanging on any Tree, they will hold Torchesunder to make them drop; and so catch them and carry them home. Whichthey boyl and eat, and esteem excellent food. 

[Leaches that ly in the grass, and creep on Travellers Legs. ] There isa sort of Leaches of the nature of ours, onely differing in colour andbigness. For they are of a dark reddish colour like the skin of Bacon, and as big as a Goose quill, in length some two or three inches. Atfirst, when they are young, they are no bigger than a horse hair, so that they can scarce be seen. In dry weather none of them appear, but immediately upon the fall of Rains, the Grass and Woods are fullof them. These Leaches seize upon the Legs of Travellers; who goingbarefoot according to the custom of that Land, have them hanging upontheir Legs in multitudes, which suck their blood till their bellies arefull, and then drop off. They come in such quantities, that the peoplecannot pull them off so fast as they crawl on. The blood runs pouringdown their Legs all the way they go, and 'tis no little smart neither, so that they would willingly be without them if they could, especiallythose that have sores on their Legs; for they all gather to the sore. 

[The remedies they use against them. ] Some therefore will tie a pieceof Lemon and Salt in a rag and fasten it unto a stick, and ever andanon strike it upon their Legs to make the Leaches drop off: otherswill scrape them off with a reed cut flat and sharp in the fashionof a knife. But this is so troublesom, and they come on again so fastand so numerous, that it is not worth their while: and generally theysuffer them to bite and remain on their Legs during their Journey;and they do the more patiently permit them, because it is so wholsomefor them. When they come to their Journeys end they rub all theirLegs with ashes, and so clear themselves of them at once: but stillthe blood will remain dropping a great while after. But they are mostannoyed by them when they go out to stool a-Nights, being small andof the colour of their bodies, so that they can neither see nor feelto pull them off. And these, tho they be in such quantities in someof these Countreys, yet in others there are none at all, nor everwere known to have been. But besides these, there are Water Leachesthe same with ours. 

[Apes and Monkeys of divers kind. ] Monkeys. Of which there areabundance in the Woods, and of divers sorts, some so large as ourEnglish Spaniel Dogs, of a darkish gray colour, and black faces, with great white beards round from ear to ear, which makes them shewjust like old men. There is another sort just of the same bigness, but differ in colour, being milk white both in body and face, havinggreat beards like the others; of this sort of white ones thereis not such plenty. But both these sorts do but little mischief, keeping in the Woods, eating onely leaves and buds of Trees, butwhen they are catched, they will eat any thing. This sort they callin their Language, Wanderows. There is yet another sort of Apes, of which there is great abundance, who coming with such multitudesdo a great deal of mischief to the Corn, that groweth in the Woods, so that they are fain all the day long to keep Watch to scare themout: and so soon as they are gone to fray them away at one end ofthe Field; others who wait for such an opportunity come skipping inat the other; and before they can turn, will fill both bellies andhands full, to carry away with them; and to stand all round to guardtheir Fields is more than they can do. This sort of Monkeys haveno beards, white faces, and long hair on the top of their heads, which parteth and hangeth down like a mans. These are so impudentthat they will come into their Gardens, and eat such Fruit as growsthere. They call these Rillowes. The flesh of all these sorts of Apesthey account good to eat. There are several sorts of Squirrels also, which they do eat when they can catch them. 

Before I make an end of my discourse of their Beasts, it may beworthwhile to relate the ways they use to catch them. At which theyare very crafty. 

[How they catch wild Beasts. ] For the catching of Deer or other wildBeasts, they have this ingenious device. In dark Moons when thereare drisling Rains, they go about this design. They have a basketmade with canes somewhat like unto a funnel, in which they put apotsheard with fire in it, together with a certain wood, which theyhave growing there, full of sap like pitch, and that will burn like apitch-barrel. This being kindled in the potsheard flames, and givesan exceeding light. They carry it upon their heads with the flameforemost; the basket hiding him that is under it, and those that comebehind it. In their hands they carry three or four small bells, whichthey tingle as they go, that the noyse of their steps should not beheard. Behind the man that carries the light, go men with Bowes andArrows. And so they go walking along the Plains, and by the Pond sides, where they think the Deer will come out to feed. Which when they seethe light, stand still and stare upon it, seeing onely the light, and hearing nothing but the tingling of the bells. 

The eyes of the Deer or other Cattle first appear to them glitteringlike Stars of light or Diamonds: and by their long experience theywill distinguish one Beast from another by their eyes. All Creatures, as Deer, Hares, Elephants, Bears, &c. Excepting onely wild Hogs, will stand still, wondering at this strange sight, till the peoplecome as near as they do desire, and so let fly their Arrows uponthem. And by this means they seldom go, but they catch something. Theblades of their hunting-Arrowes are at least a foot or a foot and anhalf long, and the length of the staff of their Arrowes is a Rian, that is about two cubits. 

Again, they will observe where a Deers haunt is to break over theirHedges into the Corn Grounds. There they will set a sharp pole likea Spear full against the Haunt. So that the Deer when she leaps overthrusts her self upon the point of it. 

If a Tyger chance to come into their Grounds and kill a Cow, they willtake notice of the place thro which he passed, and set a Cross-bowthere ready charged. The Tyger coming that way again touches somethingthat is fastned to the tricker of the Cross-bow, and so it dischargesupon him. 

[How they take the Wild Boar. ] The wild Hog is of all other thehardest to be caught; and 'tis dangerous to attempt the catching ofhim. For the people make valour to consist in three things, one is tofight against the Enemy, another to hunt the Elephant, and the thirdto catch Hoggs. Yet sometimes by their art they entrap them. Andthat they do after this manner. They dig an hole in the Earth ofa convenient depth, and fix divers sharp stakes in the bottom ofit. Then they cover it over lightly with Earth and Leaves, and plantthereupon roots which the Hog loves, as Potatoes or such like, whichwill grow there. And the pit remains, it may be sometimes months orhalf a year, till at last an Hog comes, and while he is rooting hisweight betrayes him and in he falls. 

Again, sometimes they will set a falling trap of an exceeding weight, and under it plant Roots and such like things, which the Hog delightsin. There are contrivances under the weeds and leaves, which when hegoes to eat by touching or treading upon something fastned to the trap, it falls down upon him. These are made so artificially, that peoplesometimes have been caught and destroyed by them. Once such a trapin my remembrance fell upon three women and killed them. Who havingbeen stealing Cotton in a Plantation, and fearing to be catched wentto creep out at a hole, where this Trap stood. 

And thus I have related some of their ways of taking wild Cattel. Theyare good also at catching Birds and Vermin; In fine, they are thecunningest people in the World for such kind of traps and gins. Andall of them they make onely by the help of their Knives with greensticks and withs that grow in the Woods. And so much of their Beasts. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of their Birds, Fish, Serpents, Commodities. 

[Their Birds. ] In the next place I will entertain you with somerelation of the other living Creatures among them. I begin with theirBirds. In that Land there are Crowes, Sparrowes, Tom-titts, Snipes, just like these in England, Wood-Pigeons also, but not great flocksof any sorts, as we have, onely of Crowes and Pigeons. I have seenthere Birds just like Woodcocks and Partridges, but they are scarce. Agreat many wild Peacocks: small green Parrots, but not very good totalk. But here is another [Such as will be taught to speak. ] Birdin their Language called Mal-cowda, which with teaching will speakexcellently well. It is black with yellow gills about the bigness ofa Black-Bird: And another sort there is of the same bigness, calledCau-cowda, yellow like gold, very beautiful to the eye, which alsomight be taught to speak. 

[Such as are beautiful for colour. ] Here are other sorts of smallBirds, not much bigger than a Sparrow, very lovely to look on, but Ithink good for nothing else: some being in colour white like Snow, andtheir tayl about one foot in length, and their heads black like jet, with a tuft like a plume of Feathers standing upright thereon. Thereare others of the same sort onely differing in colour, being reddishlike a ripe Orange, and on the head a Plume of black Feathers standingup. I suppose, one may be the Cock, and the other the Hen. 

[A strange Bird. ] Here is a sort of Bird they call Carlo, which neverlighteth on the ground, but always sets on very high Trees. He isas big as a Swan, the colour black, the Legs very short, the Headmonstrous, his Bill very long, a little rounding like a Hawks, andwhite on each side of the head, like ears: on the top of the crowngroweth out a white thing, somewhat like to the comb of a Cock;commonly they keep four or five of them together; and always arehopping from bough to bough; They are seldom silent, but continuallymake a roaring noyse, somewhat like the quacking of a Duck, thatthey may be heard at least a mile off; the reason they thus cry, the Chingulayes say, is for Rain, that they may drink. The bodies ofthese Fowls are good to eat. 

[Water-Fowls resembling Ducks and Swans. ] Here is a sort of Birdvery much resembling a Duck, but not very plentiful. And anothersort of Fowl as big as a Duck, cole black, which liveth altogetherupon Fish. It is admirable to see, how long they will remain underwater, and at what a distance they will rise again. Besides these, there are many other kinds of Birds, much larger than Swans, whichkeep about the Ponds and Marshes to catch Fish, but the people eatthem not: Nature hath endowed them with an admirable understanding, that they are not to be catched by the Allegators, tho there be manyof them in those waters. 

[Peacocks. ] The Peacocks in rainy weather are sometimes hunted andcaught by Dogs; for their Feathers being wet, they are uncapable offlying far. 

[The King keeps Fowl. ] The King hath Geese, Ducks, Turkeys, Pigeons, which he keeps tame, but none else may. Turkeys he delights not in, because they change the colour of their heads: Neither doth he killany of these to eat, nor any other creature of what sort soever, and he hath many, that he keeps tame. 

[Their Fish. ] They have no want of Fish, and those good ones too. Alllittle Rivers and Streams running thro the Valleys are full of smallFish, but the Boyes and others wanting somewhat to eat with their Rice, do continually catch them before they come to maturity: nay all theirPonds are full of them, which in dry weather drying up, the peoplecatch multitudes of them in this manner. [How they catch them inPonds. ] They have a kind of a Basket made of small Sticks, so closethat Fish cannot get thro; it is broad at bottom, and narrow at top, like a funnel, the hole big enough for a man to thrust his Arm in, wide at the mouth about two or three foot; these baskets they jobbdown, and the ends stick in the mud, which often happen upon a Fish;when they do, they feel it by the Fish beating it self against thesides. Then they put in their hands and take them out. And rieve aRattan thro their gills, and so let them drag after them. One end ofthis Rattan is stuck in the fisher's girdle, and the other knotted, that the fish should not slip off: which when it is full, he dischargeshimself of them by carrying them ashore. Nay every ditch and littleplash of water but anckle deep hath fish in it. 

The great River, Mavela-gonga, abounds exceedingly with them. Some ofthem as big as Salmons. But the people have little understanding inthe way of taking them. [How they catch Fish in the River. ] In verydry weather, they stretch a With over the River, which they hang allfull of boughs of Trees to scare the Fish. This With thus hung theydrag down with the stream, and to Leeward they place Fish-pots betweenthe Rocks, and so drive the Fish into them. Nets or other wayes theyhave few or none. 

[Fish kept and fed for the Kings Pleasure. ] At a Passage-place nearto the City of Candy, the Fish formerly have been nourished and fedby the Kings order, to keep them there for his Majesties pleasure;whither, having used to be thus provided for, notwithstanding Floodsand strong Streams, they will still resort: and are so tame, that Ihave seen them eat out of mens hands; but death it is to them thatpresume to catch them. The people passing over here, will commonlyfeed them with some of their Rice, accounting it a piece of charityso to do, and pleasure to see them eat it. In many other places alsothere are Fish thus fed and kept onely for the Kings Recreation:for he will never let any be catched for his use. 

[Serpents. The Pimberah of a prodigious bigness. ] Of Serpents, there are these sorts. The Pimberah, the body whereof is as big asa mans middle, and of a length proportionable. It is not swift, butby subtilty will catch his prey; which are Deer or other Cattel; Helyes in the path where the Deer use to pass, and as they go, he clapshold of them by a kind of peg that growes on his tayl, with whichhe strikes them. He will swallow a Roe Buck whole, horns and all;so that it happens sometimes the horns run thro his belly, and killhim. A Stag was caught by one of these Pimberahs, which siesed himby the buttock, and held him so fast, that he could not get away, but ran a few steps this way and that way. An Indian seeing theStag run thus, supposed him in a snare, and having a Gun shot him;at which he gave so strong a jerk, that it pulled the Serpents headoff while his tayl was encompassing a Tree to hold the Stag the better. 

[The Polonga. ] There is another venomous Snake called Polongo, themost venomous of all, that kills Cattel. Two sorts of them I have seen, the one green, the other of a reddish gray, full of white rings alongthe sides, and about five or fix foot long. 

[The Noya. ] Another poysonous Snake there is called Noya, of a grayishcolour, about four foot long. This will stand with half his bodyupright two or three hours together, and spread his head broad open, where there appears like as it were a pair of spectacles paintedon it. The Indians call this Noy-Rogerati, that is, a Kings-Snake, that will do no harm. But if the Polonga and the Noya meet together, they cease not fighting till one hath kill'd the other. 

[The Fable of the Noya and Polonga. ] The reason and original of thisfatal enmity between these two Serpents, is this, according to aFable among the Chingulays. These two chanced to meet in a dry Season, when water was scarce. The Polonga being almost famished for thirst, asked the Noya, where he might go to find a little water. The Noyaa little before had met with a bowl of water in which a Child layplaying. As it is usual among this people to wash their Children ina bowl of water, and there leave them to tumble and play in it. Herethe Noya quenched his thirst, but as he was drinking, the Child thatlay in the bowl, out of his innocency and play, hit him on the Headwith his hand, which the Noya made no matter of but bare patiently, knowing it was not done out of any malice: and having drunk as muchas sufficed him, went away without doing the Child any harm. 

Being minded to direct the Polonga to this bowl, but desirous withal topreserve the Child, he told him, That he knew of water, but that he wassuch a surly hasty creature, that he was fearful to let him know whereit was, lest he might do some mischief; Making him therefore promisethat he would not, he then told him, that at such a place there was abowl of water with a Child playing in it, and that probably the Childmight, as he was tumbling give him a pat on the Head, as he had doneto him before, but charged him nevertheless not to hurt the Child, Which the Polonga having promised went his way towards the water, asthe Noya had directed him. The Noya knowing his touchy disposition, went after him, fearing he might do the Child a mischief, and thatthereby he himself might be deprived of the like benefit afterwards. Itfell out as he feared. For as the Polonga drank, the Child pattedhim on the head, and he in his hasty humour bit him on the hand andkilled him. The Noya seeing this, was resolved to be revenged; and soreproaching him for his baseness, fought him so long till he killedhim, and after that devoured him. Which to this day they ever do, always fight when they meet, and the Conquerour eats the the body ofthe vanquished. Hence the Proverb among the Chingulayes, when they seetwo men irreconcileable, they compare them to the Polonga and Noya, and say, Noya Polonga waghe, like a Noya and Polonga. 

[The Carowala. ] There is the Carowala, about two foot in length verypoysonous, that lurks in the holes and thatch of houses. The Catswill seize these and kill and eat them. 

[Gerende. ] Other Snakes there are, called Gerende, whereof thereare many but not venomous. Of the former there are but a few incomparison. These last mentioned the greatest mischief they do, is todestroy young Birds and Eggs, and young Hares. Rabbets cannot be kepthere to run wild, because of these and other Vermin, such as Polecats, Ferrets, Weazels, &c. 

[Hickanella. ] Hickanella, much like a Lizzard, venomous, but seldombites unless provoked, these ly in the thatch of the houses. 

[A Great Spider. ] There is a Spider called Democulo, very long blackand hairy, speckled and glistering. Its body is as big as a mansfist with feet proportionable. These are very poysonous; and theykeep in hollow Trees and holes. Men bitten with them will not dy, but the pain will for some time put them out of their Sences. 

Cattle are often bit by some of these Snakes, and as often found deadof them, tho not eaten. Treading upon them sleeping, or the like, may be the cause of it. When the people are bitten by any of these, they are cured by Charms and Medicines, if taken and applyed in time. 

There are also a sort of Water Snakes they call Duberria; but harmless. 

Alligators may be reduced hither: there be many of them. Of which wehave said somewhat before. 

[Kobbera-guion, a creature like an Alligator. ] There is a Creaturehere called Kobbera guion, resembling an Alligator. The biggest maybe five or six foot long, speckled black and white. He lives mostupon the Land but will take the water and dive under it: hath a longblew forked tongue like a sting, which he puts forth and hisseth andgapeth, but doth not bite nor sting, tho the appearance of him wouldscare those that knew not what he was. He is not afraid of people, but will ly gaping and hissing at them in the way, and will scarcestir out of it. He will come and eat Carrion with the Dogs and Jackals, and will not be feared away by them, but if they come near to bark orsnap at him, with his tayl, which is about an Ell long like a whip, he will so slash them, that they will run away and howl. This Creatureis not eatable. 

[Tolla-guion. ] But there is the Tolla guion very like the former, which is eaten, and reckoned excellent meat. The Chingulays say itis the best sort of flesh; and for this reason, That if you eat otherflesh at the same time you eat of this, and have occasion to vomit, youwill never vomit out this tho you vomit all the other. This creatureeats not carrion, but only leaves and herbs; is less of size thanthe Kobbera guion, and blackish, lives in hollow Trees and holes inthe Humbosses: And I suppose is the same with that which in the WestIndies they call the Guiana. 

[The People eat Rats. ] This Countrey has its Vermin also. They havea sort of Rats, they call Musk-Rats, because they smell strong ofMusk. These the Inhabitants do not eat of, but of all other sort ofRats they do. 

Before I conclude my discourse of the Growth and Product of thisCountrey, it will not be improper to reduce under this head itsPrecious Stones, Minerals, and other Commodities. Of which I shallbriefly speak, and so make an end of this First Part. 

[Precious Stones. ] In this Island are several sorts of Precious Stones, which the King for his part has enough of, and so careth not to havemore discovery made. For in certain places where they are known tobe, are sharp Poles set up fixed in the ground, signifying, that noneupon pain of being stuck and impaled upon those Poles, presume so muchas to go that way; Also there are certain Rivers, out of which it isgenerally reported they do take Rubies and Saphires for the Kings use, and Cats eyes. And I have seen several pretty coloured stones, some asbig as Cherry-stones, some as Buttons, and transparent, but understoodnot what they were. Rubies and Saphires I my self have seen here. 

[Minerals and other Commodities. ] Here is Iron and Christal ingreat plenty. Salt-Petre they can make. Brimstone some say, ishere, but the King will not have it discovered. Steel they can makeof their Iron. Ebony in great abundance, with choice of tall andlarge Timber. Cardamums, Jaggory, Rack, Oyl, black Lead, Turmeric, Salt, Rice, Bettel-Nuts, Musk, Wax, Pepper, Which last grows herevery well, and might be in great plenty, if it had a Vend. And thepeculiar Commodity of the Island, Cinnamon. Wild Cattel, and wildHoney in great plenty in the Woods; it lyes in holes or hollow Trees, free for any that will take the pains to get it. Elephants Teeth, and Cotton, of which there is good plenty, growing in their ownGrounds, sufficient to make them good and strong cloth for their ownuse, and also to sell to the People of the Uplands, where Cotton isnot so plenty. All these things the Land affords, and it might doit in much greater quantity, if the People were but laborious andindustrious. But that they are not. For the Chingulays are Naturally, a people given to sloth and laziness: if they can but any ways live, they abhor to work; onely what their necessities force them to, theydo, that is, to get Food and Rayment. Yet in this I must a littlevindicate them; [The People discouraged from Industry by the Tyrannythey are under. ] For what indeed should they do with more than Food andRayment, seeing as their Estates encrease, so do their Taxes also? Andaltho the People be generally covetous, spending but little, scrapingtogether what they can, yet such is the Government they are under, that they are afraid to be known to have any thing, lest it be takenaway from them. Neither have they any encouragement for their industry, having no Vend by Traffic and Commerce for what they have got. 

PART II. 

CHAP. I. 

Of the present King of Cande. 

[The Government of this Island. ] Hitherto I have treated of theCountrey, with the Provisions and Wealth of it: Our next Discoursesshall be of the Political Government there exercised. And here Orderwill lead us to speak first of the King and Matters relating to him. 

Antiently this Countrey consisted of Nine Kingdoms, all which hadtheir several Kings; but now by the vicissitude of Times and Things, they are all reduced under one King, who is an absolute Tyrant, andRules the most arbitrarily of any King in the World. We will firstspeak of him as to his Personal Capacity, and next as to his Political. 

In his Personal Capacity, are to be considered his Birth and Parentage, his Person, his Relations, his State, his Manners, his Pleasures andRecreations, his Religion. 

[The King's Lineage. ] Radga-Singa is his Name, which signifies aLyon-King. He is not of the right Descent of the Royal-Blood. For theformer King deceased leaving his Queen a Widow, and two young Princes, which he had issue by her. She was a Christian, having been baptizedby the Portuguez, and named Dona Catharina. She afterwards married tothe Chief Priest, whom in their Language they call Tirinanxy. And byhim had this Son, the present King. The Tirinanx his Father reignedand ruled the Land during the minority of the young Princes: butbeing aged, he divided the Countrey between the three Princes by Lot, intending Conde Uda, which is the best part of the Land, for hisown Son, Radga-Singa. Which was obtained by this device. The namesof the three Kingdoms being written on three Papers, were put intoa Pot, and one was appointed, who knew the matter to take them out, and deliver them one to each, beginning with the Eldest, craftilydelivering that which had Conde Uda written in it unto Radga-Singa;and so it came to pass according to the old Kings determination. Allthese three in the beginning of their Reigns joyned together againstthe Portuguez, but soon after fell out among themselves, and thisKing in the end prevailed, and got all the Countrey. Danna PollaRodgerah the youngest, King of Mautoly, being overthrown, fled downto the Portuguez to Columba, who sent him to Goa, where he dyed. Theother named Comaure-Singa, King of Owvah, dyed in Cande. 

[His Person, Meen and Habit. ] As to the Person of the present King. Heis not tall, but very well set, nor of the clearest colour of theircomplexion, but somewhat of the blackest; great rowling Eyes, turningthem and looking every way, alwayes moving them: a brisk bold look, a great swelling Belly, and very lively in his actions and behaviour, somewhat bald, not having much hair upon his head, and that gray, alarge comely Beard, with great Whiskers; in conclusion, a very comelyman. He bears his years well, being between Seventy and Eighty yearsof age; and tho an Old man, yet appears not to be like one, neitherin countenance nor action. His Apparel is very strange and wonderful, not after his own Countrey-fashion, or any other, being made afterhis own invention. On his head he wears a Cap with four corners like aJesuits three teer high, and a Feather standing upright before, likethat in the head of a fore-horse in a Team, a long band hanging downhis back after the Portuguez fashion, his Doublet after so strangea shape, that I cannot well describe it, the body of one, and thesleeves of another colour; He wears long Breeches to his Anckles, Shoes and Stockings. He doth not always keep to one fashion, butchanges as his fancy leads him: but always when he comes abroad, his Sword hangs by his side in a belt over his shoulder: which noChingulays dare wear, only white men may: a Gold Hilt, and Scabberdmost of beaten Gold. Commonly he holdeth in his hand a small Cane, painted of divers colours, and towards the lower end set round aboutwith such stones, as he hath, and pleaseth, with a head of Gold. 

[His Queen, and Children. ] His right and lawful Queen, who was aMalabar, brought from the Coast, is still living, but hath not beenwith him, as is known, this Twenty years, remaining in the City ofCande, where he left her; She wants indeed neither maintenance norattendance, but never comes out of the Palace. Several Noble-mensDaughters hold Land for this Service, viz. To come to her Court intheir turns to wait upon her Majesty. She bare him a Prince, but whatbecame of him, shall hereafter be shewn. He had also a Daughter byHer, she came also in her Youth to a piteous and unfortunate death, as I shall relate in its place. 

[His Palace, Situation and Description of it. ] He keeps his Courtat Digligy nour, whither he fled in a Rebellion against him. HisPalace stands adjoyning to a great Hill, which was before mentioned;near unto that part of the Hill next abutting upon his Court nonedares presume to set his foot: that being for his safeguard to flyunto in time of need. The Palace is walled about with a Clay Wall, and Thatched, to prevent the Claye's being melted by the Rains, whichare great and violent: Within this Wall it is all full of houses;most of which are low and thatched; but some are two Stories high, andtyled very handsomely, with open Galleries for Air, rayled about withturned Banisters, one Ebony, and one painted, but not much Prospect, standing between two Hills. And indeed the King lives there not somuch for pleasure as security. The Palace it self hath many large andstately Gates two leaved; these Gates, with their Posts excellentlycarved; the Iron work thereunto belonging, as Bolts and Locks, allrarely engraven. The Windows inlayd with Silver Plates and Ebony. Onthe top of the houses of his Palace and Treasury, stand Earthen Potsat each corner; which are for ornament; or which is a newer fashion, something made of Earth resembling Flowers and Branches. And noHouses besides, except Temples, may have these placed upon them. Thecontrivance of his Palace is, as I may say, like Woodstock Bower, with many turnings and windings, and doors, he himself having orderedand contrived all these Buildings, and the manner of them. At all theDoors and Passages stand Watches: and they who thus give attendanceare not to pass without special Order from one place to another, but are to remain in that place or at that Gate, where the King hathappointed them. By means of these contrivances it is not easie to knowin what part or place his Person is, neither doth he care they should. 

[Strong Guards about his Court. ] He has strong Watches night andday about his Court. And they are his Grandees, who themselves inperson watch in certain places, where the King himself appoints them:and they dare not be absent from thence, without it be to go to eat, or upon such like occasions. At Night they all have their set placeswithin the Court, where they cannot one come to the speech of theother, neither dare they that are near together, or in fight one ofthe other, so much as come and sit together and talk, to pass awaythe Nights. All these great men have Souldiers under them, and theyare also to come by turns to watch the Court. But at Night as theirMasters and Commanders watch within the Walls, so they must watchwithout, in outward Courts and Guards; neither dare any of them beseen within with their Commanders. At the end of every Watch thereare a multitude of Trumpets and Drums to make a noise; which is tokeep his People waking, and for the honour of his Majesty. There arealso Elephants, which are appointed all night to stand and watch, lestthere should be any Tumult; which if there should, could presentlytrample down a multitude. 

[Next his own Person Negro's watch. ] He hath also a Guard of Cofferiesor Negro's, in whom he imposeth more confidence, then in his ownPeople. These are to watch at his Chamber door, and next his Person. 

[Spies sent out a Nights. ] At uncertain times he will send out aSpy by Night, to see what Watch is kept. Who once finding one of theGreat Men asleep, took his Cap, his Sword and other Arms, and broughtthem to the King; who afterwards restored them to the Owner again, reproving him, and bidding him take more heed for the future. TheseSpyes also are to hear and see what passes: neither is there anything said or done but he has notice of it. Formerly he used in theNights to disguise himself and walk abroad in the Streets to see allpassages, but now he will not adventure so to do. 

[His attendants. ] Most of his Attendants are Boyes, and Young Men, that are well favoured, and of good Parentage. For the supplyinghimself with these, he gives order to his Dissava's or Governors ofthe Countreys to pick and choose out Boyes, that are comely and ofgood Descent, and send them to the Court. These Boyes go bare-headedwith long hair hanging down their backs. Not that he is guilty ofSodomy nor did I ever hear the Sin so much as mentioned among them. 

[Handsom women belong to his Kitchin. ] He hath many Women belonging tohis Kitchin, choosing to have his Meat dressed by them. Several timeshe hath sent into the Countreys a Command to gather handsome youngWomen of the Chingulayes to recruit his Kitchin, with no exceptionswhether married or unmarried and those that are chosen for thatService never return back again. Once since my being on the Land, allthe Portuguez Women that were young and white were sent for to theCourt, no matter whether Maids or Wives; where some remained untilnow, and some that were not amiable in his sight were sent home;and some having purchased his displeasure were cast into a River, which is his manner of executing Women. And some sent Prisoners inthe Countrey, being none admitted to speech or fight of them. 

[His Women, and the Priviledg of the Towns where they live. ] Concubineshe keepeth not many. Some are within his Palace. And those whose Officeis about his Kitchin are reported to be so, which is not improbable, seeing he admits none but them that are young and very handsom to theimployment. Other of his women dwell in Towns near to the City. Intowhich no Stranger is permitted to go, nay it is dangerous to approachnear. These Towns have this Priviledg, that if any Slave flee from hisMaster and come hither, he is safe and free from his Masters service, but still remains a Slave there to them. 

[His State when he walks in his Palace; or goes abroad. ] Sometimes hewalketh about his Palace, where there are certain Pedestalls of Stone, whitened with Lime and laid in Oyl, so that they look purely white, made and set up in divers places, here he stands when he comes forth, that he might be above the rest of the People, and see about him. Butwhen he is minded to go abroad, though it be never so little a way, and he seldom or never goes far, Order is given some time before, for all Soldiers of his Guards which are a great many, it may beThousands, together with a Dutch and Portugal Captain with their Flagsand Soldiers, Drummers, Trumpeters, Fifers, Singers, and all belonging, as Elephants, Horses, Falkeners with their Faulkons and many others, to stand at the Gate in a readiness to attend his pleasure. And thohe means not to come forth, yet they must wait in this manner, untilhe give order, that they may depart to their houses. Commonly allthis assembly are gathered together at the Palace three or four timesbefore he comes out once. And oftentimes he comes out when none thereare aware of it, with only those that attend on his person within hisPalace. And then when it is heard, that his Majesty is come forth, they all run ready to break their necks, and place themselves at adistance to Guard his Person and wait his pleasure. Sometimes, but veryseldom, He comes forth riding upon an Horse or Elephant. But usuallyhe is brought out in a Pallenkine; which is nothing so well made asin other parts of India. The ends of the Bambou it is carried by, are largely tipped with Silver, and curiously wrought and engraven:for he hath very good workmen of that profession. 

The place where he goeth when he comes thus abroad, is to aBankqueting-house built by a Pond side, which he has made. It isnot above a Musquet shot from his Palace. Where he goeth for hisdiversion. Which I shall by and by more particularly relate. 

[His reception of Embassadors. ] Another instance of his Stateand Grandure will appear in his reception of Ambassadors. Who arereceived with great honour and show. First he sends several of hisgreat men to meet them with great Trains of Soldiers, the ways all cutbroad, and the grass pared away for many miles: Drums and Trumpets, and Pipes, and Flags going before them, Victuals and all sorts ofvarieties are daily brought to them, and continue to be so all thetime they are in the Land, and all at free-cost. For the Custom hereis, Embassadors, stay they never so long, are maintained at the KingsCost and Charges. And being in the City, have their Victuals broughtthem out from the Kings Palace, ready dressed. Presents, Goods orwhatsoever they please to bring with them, the King prepareth men tocarry. And when they are come to the House that is prepared for them, which is hung top and sides with white Callico, they are kept under aGuard, and great Commanders with Soldiers appointed to watch at theirGates, which is accounted for a great honour. But these Guards darenot permit any to come to the Speech of them, for the King carethnot that any should talk with Ambassadors, but himself, with whomhe taketh [His delight in them. ] great delight to have conference, and to see them brought before him in fine Apparrel, their Swords bytheir sides with great State and Honour, and that the Ambassadorsmay see and take notice of the greatness of his Majesty. And afterthey have been there some times, he gives them both Men and handsomyoung Maids for their Servants, to attend and also to accompany them:often causing them to be brought into his presence to see his Sportsand Pastimes, and not caring to send them away; but in a very familiarmanner entertaining discourse with them. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning the King's Manners, Vices, Recreation, Religion. 

Under the Consideration of his Manners, will fall his Temperance, his Ambition and Pride, his Policy and Dissimulation, his cruel andbloody Disposition. 

[Sparing in his Dyet. ] He is temperate both in his Diet and hisLust. Of the former, I am informed by those that have attended on hisPerson in his Palace, that though he hath all sorts of Varieties theLand affords brought to his Table, yet his chief fare is Herbs, andripe pleasant Fruits: and this but once a day. Whatsoever is broughtfor him to eat or drink is covered with a white cloath, and whoeverbrings it, hath a Mufler tyed about his mouth, lest he should breathupon the Kings Food. [After what manner he Eats. ] The Kings mannerof eating is thus. He sits upon a Stool before a small Table coveredwith a white cloath, all alone. He eats on a green Plantane-Leaf laidin a Gold Bason. There are twenty or thirty Dishes prepared for him, which are brought into his Dining-Room. And which of these Dishesthe King pleases to call for, a Nobleman appointed for that service, takes a Portion of and reaches in a Ladle to the Kings Bason. Thisperson also waits with a mufler about his mouth. 

[Chast himself, and requires his Attendants to be so. ] And as he isabstemious in his eating, so in the use of women. If he useth them'tis unknown and with great secrecy. He hath not had the Company ofhis Queen this twenty years, to wit, since he went from Candy, wherehe left her. He allowes not in his Court Whoredom or Adultery; and manytimes when he hears of the misdemeanors of some of his Nobles in regardof women, He not only Executes them, but severely punisheth the women, if known: and he hath so many Spyes, that there is but little done, which he knows not of. And often he gives Command to expel all thewomen out of the City, not one to remain. But by little and littlewhen they think his wrath is appeas'd, they do creep in again. Butno women of any Quality dare presume, and if they would, they cannot, the Watches having charge given them not to let them pass. Some havebeen taken concealed under mans Apparel, and what became of themall may judg, for they never went home again. Rebellion does notmore displease this King, then for his Nobles to have to do withwomen. Therefore when any are admitted to his Court to wait uponhim, they are not permitted to enjoy the Company of their Wives, no more then any other women. Neither hath he suffered any for nearthis twenty years to have their Wives in the City, except Slaves orinferior servants. 

[He committed incest, but such as was allowable. ] Indeed he was onceguilty of an Act, that seemed to argue him a man of most unbridledLust. For he had a Daughter that was with Child by himself: butin Childbed both dyed. But this manner of Incest is allowable inKings, if it be only to beget a right Royal Issue, which can only begotten that way. But in all other 'tis held abominable, and severelypunished. And here they have a common and usual Proverb, None canreproach the King nor the Beggar. The one being so high, that nonedare; the other so low that nothing can shame or reproach them. 

[His Pride. ] His Pride and affectation of honour is unmeasurable. Whichappears in his Peoples manner of Address to him, which he eitherCommands or allows of. [How the people Address to the King. ] Whenthey come before him they fall flat down on their Faces to the Groundat three several times, and then they sit with their legs under themupon their Knees all the time they are in his presence: And when hebids them to absent, they go backwards, untill they are out of hissight or a great distance from him. But of Christian People indeedhe requires no more then to kneel with their Hats off before him. 

[They give him divine worship. ] Nay, He takes on him all the Ceremoniesand Solemnities of Honour, which they shew unto their Gods; making hisaccount that as he is now their King, so hereafter he shall be one oftheir Gods. And the People did call him God. Formerly since my beingon that Land, he used not to come out of his Palace into the sight ofthe People but very seldom out of State and Haughtiness of Spirit;but now of later times he comes forth daily. And altho he be nearfourscore years of age, yet his greatest delight is in Honour andMajesty, being [Pleased with high Titles. ] most pleased with highand windy Titles given him. Such as Mauhawaul, a Phrase importingGreatness, but not expressible in our Language. Hondrewné Boudouind, Let your Majesty be a God. When the King speaks to them, they answerhim at every period, Oiboa, many Lives. Baula Gaut, the limb of a Dog, speaking to the King of themselves: yet now of late times since herehappened a Rebellion against him, he fears to assume to himself theTitle of God; having visibly seen and almost felt, that there is agreater power then His ruling on Earth, which set the hearts of thePeople against Him: and so hath given command to prophane that greatName no more, by ascribing it to him. 

[An instance or two of the King's haughty stomach. ] In Anno 1675, oneof the Kings greatest and most Valiant Generals, and that had beennotably successful against the Dutch, had done many pieces of goodservice for the King, expelled the Hollander out of several Forts, taking and killing many or them, this man the King was jealous of, and did resolve to take away his Head as a reward of his Valour;which he had some private Intelligence of, and so Fled, being then inCamp against the Dutch, and got to Columba with his wife and goods. Bywhich the King had an invaluable Loss. [He slights the defection of oneof his best Generals. ] Yet the King out of the height of his Stomach, seemed not in the least to be vexed thereat, neither did he regard it;as if it were beneath the quality of such a Monarch to be moved withsuch a Trifle. But sent down another General in his place; And as forthe house and estate of him that Fled, and whatsoever he left behindhim, he let it lye and rot, scorning to esteem or regard it. 

[He scorns to receive his Revenues. ] To give you an Instance or twomore of this Princes Spirit. At the time of New-year, all his Subjects, high and low, do bring him certain Presents, or rather Taxes, eachone a certain rate; which formerly he used constantly to take, but oflate years, He so abounds with all things, continually putting intohis Treasury, and but seldom taking out, and that but little, that hethinks scorn to receive these his due revenues, least his people shouldthink it were out of necessity and want. Nevertheless the Great Menstill at the New-year, bring their Presents day after day before theKing at his coming forth, hoping it will please him to accept them, but now of many years he receives them not. His mind is so haughty, that he scorns to seem to value any thing in the world. When tydingsare sometimes brought him, that the Dutch have made an Invasion intohis Countrey, although he be well able to expel them, he will not somuch as regard it. 

[The Dutch serve their ends upon his Pride by flattering him. ] TheDutch knowing his Proud Spirit make their advantage of it, byFlattering him with their Ambassadors, telling him that they are hisMajesties humble Subjects and Servants; and that it is out of theirLoyalty to him, that they build Forts, and keep Watches round abouthis Countrey, to prevent Forraign Nations and Enemies from coming. Andthat as they are thus imployed in his Majesties service, so it is forsustenance, which they want, that occasioned their coming up into hisMajesties Countrey. And thus by Flattering him, and ascribing to himHigh and Honourable Titles, which are things he greatly delights in, some times they prevail to have the Countrey (they have invaded, ) andhe to have the Honour. Yet at other times, upon better Consideration, he will not be Flattered, but falls upon them at unawares, and doesthem great damage. 

[The people give away to the King's foul cloaths. ] Such a Venerationdoes he expect from the People, that whatsoever things are carryingto him which are known by the white Cloath they are wrapt up in, all persons meeting them turn out of the way: not excepting the Kingsfoul Cloaths. For when they are carried to washing (which is daily)all even the greatest rise up, as they come by, which is known bybeing carried on an hand heaved upwards, covered with a Painted cloth. 

[His natural abilities, and deceitful temper. ] He is crafty, cautious, a great dissembler, nor doth he want wisdom. He is not passionatein his anger. For with whomsoever he be angry, he will not shew it:neither is he rash or over-hasty in any matters, but doth all thingswith deliberation, tho but with a little advise: asking Counsel of nobody but himself. He accounts it Wit and Policy to lie and dissemble, that his intents and purposes may the better be concealed; but heabhorreth and punisheth those that lie to him. 

[His wise saying concerning Runnawayes. ] Dutch Runnawayes, whereofthere are several come to him, he saith are Rogues that eitherhave robbed or killed, or else would never run away from their ownNation. And tho he receiveth them, yet esteemeth them not. 

[Naturally cruel. ] He seems to be naturally disposed to Cruelty:For he sheds a great deal of blood, and gives no reason for it. HisCruelty appears both in the Tortures and Painful deaths he inflicts, and in the extent of his punishments, viz, upon whole Families forthe miscarriage of one in them. For when the King is displeased withany, he does not alwayes command to kill them outright, but first totorment them, which is done by cutting and pulling away their fleshby Pincers, burning them with hot Irons clapped to them to make themconfess of their Confederates; and this they do, to rid themselves oftheir Torments, confessing far more than ever they saw or knew. Aftertheir Confession, sometimes he commands to hang their two Handsabout their Necks, and to make them eat their own flesh, and theirown Mothers to eat of their own Children; and so to lead them throthe City in public view to terrifie all, unto the place of Execution, the [The Dogs follow Prisoners to execution. ] Dogs following to eatthem. For they are so accustomed to it, that they seeing a Prisonerled away, follow after. At the place of Execution, there are alwayessome sticking upon Poles, others hanging up in quarters upon Trees;besides, what lyes killed by Elephants on the ground, or by otherways. This place is alwayes in the greatest High-way, that all maysee and stand in awe. For which end this is his constant practice. 

[The Kings Prisoners; their Misery. ] Moreover, he hath a great manyPrisoners, whom he keepeth in Chains, some in the common Gaol, somecommitted to the custody of Great Men; and for what or for how longtime none dare enquire. Commonly they ly thus two, four or six years;and some have Victuals given them, and some not having it, must askleave to go out and beg with a Keeper. It is according as the Kingappoints, when they are committed. Or some of them being driven towant do get food by work, such as, sewing, making Caps, Doublets, Purses. This coming once to the Kings Ears, he said, I put them thereto torment and punish them, not to work and be well maintained; and socommanded to take away their Sizzars and Needles from them. Yet thislasted not long, for afterwards they fell to their work again. Thosethat have been long there are permitted to build little Shops onthe Street side against the Prison, and to come out in the day time, and sell their work as they make it; but in the Night time are shutup again. 

When the Streets are to be swept about the Palace, they make thePrisoners come out in their Chains, and do it. 

And after all their Imprisonment, without any examination, they arecarried forth and executed: and these not only the common sort, buteven the greatest and most nobly descended in the Land: For with whomhe is displeased, he maketh no difference. 

[He punishes whole generations for the sake of one. ] Nor is hiswrath appeased by the Execution of the Malefactor, but oftentimeshe punisheth all his Generation; it may be kills them alltogether, or gives them all away for Slaves. 

[The sad condition of young Gentlemen that wait on his Person. ] Thushe often deals with those, whose Children are his Attendants. Imentioned before, that young Men of the best Families in the Land, are sought out to wait upon the King in his Court. These after theyhave served here some small time, and have as it were but seen theCourt, and known his Customs and Manners, he requiteth them by cuttingoff their Heads, and putting them into their Bellies: other faultsnone do know. Heretofore, as it is reported, he was not so Cruel, but now none escapes, that serves in his Palace. Then he recruitshis Slain out of the Countries, by giving Orders to his Dissava'sor Governors to send him others to Court. Whither they go like an Oxto the Slaughter, but with far more heavy hearts. For both they andtheir Parents full well know what end the King's honorable Servicewill bring them to. Howbeit there is no remedy. Being thus by Ordersent unto the Court, their own Parents must provide for and maintainthem, until the King is pleased to call them to his Use which it maybe will not be in some years. Sometimes it happens, that the Boysthus brought, before the King makes use of them about his Person, are grown too big, and so escape. But those that are employed in thePalace, enjoy this favour, That all such Taxes, Customs, or otherDuties belonging to the King, which their Fathers were wont to pay, are released, until such time as they are discharged from the King'sEmployment; which is always either by Execution, or by being given tosomebody for perpetual Bondmen. During the time of the King's favour, he is never admitted to go home to Visit his Parents and Friends. TheMalekind may come to see him, but no Women are admitted, be it hisMother that bare him. And after he is killed, tho' for what no manknows, he is accounted a Rebel and Traitor against the King: and thenhis Father's House, Land and Estate is seized on for the King. Whichafter some time by giving of Fees and Gifts to the great ones, they doredeem again: And sometimes the whole Family and Generation perish, asI said before. So that after a Lad is taken into the King's Palace, hisKindred are afraid to acknowledge Alliance to him. But these mattersmay more properly be related, when we come to speak of his Tyranny. 

[His Pleasure Houses. ] Sometimes for his Pleasure, he will ride orbe carried to his Banquetting-House, which is about a Musquet-shotfrom his Palace. It stands on a little Hill; where with abundanceof pains and many Months labour, they have made a little Plain, in length not much above an Arrows flight, in breadth less. Whereat the head of a small Valley, he hath made a Bank cross to stop theWater running down. It is now become a fine Pond, and exceeding fullof Fish. At this Place the King hath several Houses built accordingto his own appointment very handsom, born up with carved Pillars andPainted, and round about Rails and Banisters turned, one Painted andone Ebony, like Balconie. Some standing high upon a Wall, being forhim to sit in, and see Sport with his Elephants, and other Beasts, as also for a Prospect abroad. Others standing over this Pond, wherehe himself sits and feedeth his Fish with boiled Rice, Fruits andSweet-meats. They are so tame that they will come and eat in his hand;but never doth he suffer any to be catch'd. This Pond is useful forhis Elephants to wash in. The Plain was made for his Horses to runupon. For often-times he commands his Grooms to get up and ride inhis Presence; and sometimes for that good Service, gives the Riderfive or ten Shillings, and it may be a piece of Cloath. Always whenhe comes forth, his Horses are brought out ready saddled before him;but he himself mounts them very seldom. All of which he had from theDutch, some sent to him for Presents, and some he hath taken in War. Hehath in all some twelve or fourteen: some of which are Persian Horses. 

[His Pastimes abroad. ] Other Pastimes and Recreations he hath (forthis is all he minds or regards. ) As to make them bring wild Elephantsout of the Woods, and catch them in his Presence. The manner howthey get them unto the City, I have mentioned already. Also when hecomes out of his Court, he Delights to look upon his Hawks, altho'he never use them for his Game; sometimes on his Dogs, and tame Deer, and Tygers, and strange kind of Birds and Beasts; of both which hehath a great many. Also he will try his Guns, and shoot at Marks, which are excellently true, and rarely inlay'd with Silver, Gold, and Ivory. For the Smiths that make them dare not present them to hishand, not having sufficiently proved them. He hath Eight or Nine smallIron Cannon, lately taken from the Dutch, which he hath mounted inField-Carriages, all rarely carved, and inlay'd with Silver and Brass, and coloured Stones, set in convenient places, and painted with Imagesand Flowers. But the Guns disgrace the Carriages. He keeps them in anHouse on the Plain. Upon some Festival times he useth them. I think, they are set there chiefly for a Memorial of his late Victories: Forhe hath many, and far better Guns of Brass that are not so regarded. 

[His Diversion at home. ] In his Palace he passeth his time with lookingupon certain Toyes and Fancies that he hath, and upon his Arms andGuns, calling in some or other of his great Men to see the same, asking them if they have a Gun will shoot further than that: and howmuch Steel such a Knife, as he will shew them, needs to have in it. Hetakes great delight in Swimming, in which he is very expert. And theCustom is, when he goes into the Water, that all his Attendance thatcan Swim must go in likewise. 

[His Religion. ] And now lastly for his Religion, you cannot expectmuch from him. Of the Religion of his Countrey he makes but a smallProfession; as perceiving that there is a greater God, than thosethat they thro long custom, have and do Worship. And therefore whenan Impostor, a Bastard Moor by Nation born in that Land; came andpublickly set up a new nameless God, as he styled him; and that hewas sent to destroy the Temples of their Gods, the King opposed itnot for a good while, as waiting to see which of these Gods wouldprevail, until he saw that he aimed to make himself King, then heallowed of him no longer: as I shall shew more at large hereafter:when I come to speak of the Religion of the Countrey. 

[How he stands affected to the Christian Religion. ] The ChristianReligion, he doth not in the least persecute, or dislike, but rather asit seems to me, esteems and honours it. As a sign of which take thispassage. When his Sister died, for whom he had a very dear Affection, there was a very grievous Mourning and Lamentation made for herthroughout the whole Nation; all Mirth and Feasting laid aside, and all possible signs of sorrow exprest: and in all probability, it was as much as their lives were worth, who should at this time doany thing, that might look like joy. This was about Christmas. TheDutch did notwithstanding adventure to keep their Christmas byFeasting. The News of this was brought to the King. And every bodyreckoned it would go hard with the Dutch for doing this. But becauseit was done at a Festival of their Religion, the King past it by, and took no notice of it. The Value also that he has for the ChristianReligion, will appear from the respect he gives the Professors of it;as will be seen afterwards. 

CHAP. III. 

Of the Kings Tyrannical Reign. 

Wee have all this while considered this King, with respect untohis Person, Temper, and Inclinations, now we will speak of him withmore immediate respect unto his Office and Government, as he is aKing. And here we will discourse of the manner of his Government, of his Treasure and Revenues, of his Great Officers, and lastly, of his Strength and Wars. 

[His Government Tyrannical. ] As to the manner of his Government, it is Tyrannical and Arbitrary in the highest degree: For he rulethAbsolute, and after his own Will and Pleasure: his own Head beinghis only Counsellor. The Land all at his Disposal, and all the Peoplefrom the highest to the lowest Slaves, or very like Slaves: both inBody and Goods wholly at his Command. Neither wants He those threeVirtues of a Tyrant, Jealousie, Dissimulation, and Cruelty. 

[His Policy. ] But because Policy is a necessary endowment of a Prince, I will first shew in an instance or two, that he is not devoid of it. 

[He Farms out His Countrey for Service. ] The Countrey being whollyHis, the King Farms out his Land, not for Money, but Service. And thePeople enjoy Portions of Land from the King, and instead of Rent, they have their several appointments, some are to serve the Kingin his Wars, some in their Trades, some serve him for Labourers, and others are as Farmers to furnish his House with the Fruits ofthe Ground; and so all things are done without Cost, and every manpaid for his pains: that is, they have Lands for it; yet all havenot watered Land enough for their needs, that is, such Land as goodRice requires to grow in; so that such are fain to sow on dry Land, and Till other mens Fields for a subsistence. These Persons are freefrom payment of Taxes; only sometimes upon extraordinary occasions, they must give an Hen or Mat or such like, to the King's use: for asmuch as they use the Wood and Water that is in his Countrey. But ifany find the Duty to be heavy, or too much for them, they may leavingtheir House and Land, be free from the King's Service, as there isa Multitude do. And in my judgment they live far more at ease, afterthey have relinquished the King's Land, than when they had it. 

Many Towns are in the King's hand, the Inhabitants whereof are to Tilland Manure a quantity of the Land according to their Ability, and layup the Corn for the King's use. These Towns the King often bestowsupon some of his Nobles for their Encouragement and Maintenance, with all the fruits and benefits that before came to the King fromthem. In each of these Towns there is a Smith to make and mend theTools of them to whom the King hath granted them, and a Potter tofit them with Earthen Ware, and a Washer to wash their Cloaths, andother men to supply what there is need of. And each one of thesehath a piece of Land for this their Service, whether it be to theKing or the Lord; but what they do for the other People they arepaid for. Thus all that have any Place or Employment under the King, are paid without any Charge to the King. 

[His Policy to Secure himself from Assassination or Rebellion. ] Hisgreat Endeavour is to Secure himself from Plots and Conspiracies ofhis People, who are sorely weary of his tyrannical Government overthem, and do often Plot to make away with him; but by his subtiltyand good fortune together, he prevents them. And for this purpose heis very Vigilant in the Night: the noise of Trumpets and Drums, whichhe appoints at every Watch, hinders both himself and all others fromsleeping. In the Night also he commonly does most of his Business, calling Embassadors before him, and reading the Letters; alsodisplacing some of his Courtiers, and promoting others, and givingSentence to execute those whom he would have to live no longer; andmany times Commands to lay hold on and carry away great and Noble men, who until that instant knew not that they were out of his favour. 

[Another point of his Policy. ] His Policy is to make his Countrey asintricate and difficult to Travel as may be, and therefore forbidsthe Woods to be felled, especially those that divide Province fromProvince, and permits no Bridges to be made over his Rivers: nor thePaths to be made wider. 

[Another, which is to find his People work to do. ] He often employshis People in vast works, and that will require years to finish, thathe may inure them to Slavery, and prevent them from Plotting, againsthim, as haply they might do if they were at better leisure. Thereforehe approves not that his People should be idle; but always findsone thing or other to be done, tho the work be to little or nopurpose. According to the quantity of the work, so he will appointthe People of one County or of two to come in: and the Governor of thesaid County or Counties to be Overseer of the Work. At such times theSoldiers must lay by their Swords, and work among the People. Theseworks are either digging down Hills, and carrying the Earth to fill upValleys; thus to enlarge his Court, which standeth between two Hills, (a more uneven and unhandsom spot of ground, he could not well havefound in all his Kingdom); or else making ways for the Water to runinto the Pond, and elsewhere for his use in his Palace. Where he hathit running thro in many places unto little Ponds made with Lime andStone, and full of Fish. 

[A vast work undertaken and finished by the King. ] To bring thisWater to his Palace, was no small deal of labour. For not having amore convenient way, they were forced to split a great Mountain intwain to bring the Water thro, and after that to make a Bank cross aValley far above a Cables length, and in height above four Fathom, with thickness proportionable to maintain it, for the Water to runover the top. Which at first being only Earth, the Water would oftenbreak down; but now both bottom and sides are paved and wrought upwith Stone. After all this, yet it was at least four or five Miles tobring this Water in a Ditch; and the ground all Hills and Valleys, sothat they were forced to turn and wind, as the Water would run. Alsowhen they met with Rocks which they could not move, as this Groundis full of them, they made great Fires with Wood upon it, until itwas soundly hot; and hereby it became so soft, that they could easilybreak it with Mawls. 

[The turning this water did great injury to the People. ] This Waterwas that which nourished that Countrey, from whence it was taken. ThePeople of which ever since have scarce been able to Till theirLand. Which extremity did compel the People of those Parts to use ameans to acquaint the King how the Countrey was destroyed thereby, and disabled from performing those Duties and Services, which theyowed unto the King; and that there was Water sufficient both for HisMajestie's Service, and also to relieve their Necessities. Which theKing took very ill from them, as if they would seem to grudge him alittle Water. And sure I am, woe be to him, that should mention thatmatter again. 

[But he little regards his Peoples good. ] So far is he from regardingthe good of his Countrey that he rather endeavours the Destructionthereof. For issue he hath none alive, and e're long, being of a greatAge Nature tells him, he must leave it. Howbeit no love lost betweenthe King and his People. Yet he daily contriveth and buildeth in hisPalace like Nebuchadnezzar, wet and dry, day and night, not showing theleast sign of Favour to his People. Who oftentimes by such needlessImployments, are Letted from the seasonable times of Ploughing andHarvest, to their great prejudice, and sometimes utter undoing. 

[The king by craft at once both pleased and punished his People. ] Afterthe Rebellion, when the People that lived at a further distance, saw that the King intended to settle himself near the Mountainto which he fled, Viz. Digligy, and not to come into the old Cityagain, it being very troublesom and tedious to bring their Rents andTaxes thither, they all jointly met together, being a great number, and sent an Address to intimate their Desires to him; which was withgreat Submission, That His Majesty would not leave them destitute ofhis Presence, which was to them as the Sun, that he would not absenthimself from them to dwell in a Mountain in a desolate Countrey;but seeing there was no further danger, and all the Rebels destroyed, that he would return to his old Palace again, vowing all Fidelity tohim. The King did not like this Message, and was somewhat afraid therebeing such a tumultuous Company met together, and so thought not fit todrive them away, or publickly to declare his displeasure at them; butwent to work like a Politician. Which was to tell them that he thankedthem for their love and affection towards him; and that he was desirousto dwell among them in such a part of their Countrey as he named: andso bad them all go to work to build him a Palace there. The Peopledeparted with some Satisfaction, and fell to work might and main:and continued at it for near two years together, felling Timber, andfetching it out of the Woods, laying Foundations, hewing Stone, tillthey were almost killed with labour. And being wrought quite tyred, they began to accuse and grumble at one another for having been theoccasion of all this toil. After they had laboured thus a long while, and were all discouraged, and the People quiet, the King sent word tothem to leave off. And now it lies unfinished, all the Timber broughtin, rots upon the place, and the building runs to ruin. 

[In what labours he employs his People. ] And this is the manner howhe employs his People; pulling down and building up again, equallingunequal grounds, making sinks under ground for the passage of waterthro' his Palace, dragging of great Trees out of the Wood to makePounds to catch Elephants in his Presence; altho' they could catchthem with far less labour, and making houses to keep them in, afterthey are taken. 

[He Poysons his only son. ] He stands not upon any Villainy to establishhimself, or strike terror into his People. This made him cut off hisonly Son, a young man of about Fifteen years. After the Rebellion theKingdom being setled in the King's hands again, and knowing that thehearts of the People disaffecting him, stood strongly bent towards thePrince, and fearing his own safety as the Prince grew to riper years, to prevent all, he poisoned him. For about a year after the rebellion, his Son was Sick, the King takes this Opportunity to dispatch him bypretending to send Physic to him to Cure him. The People hearing ofthe Death of the Prince, according to the Custom of the Land when anyof the Royal Blood is deceased, came all in general towards the Citywhere he was, with black or else very dirty Cloaths, which is theirMourning, the Men ail bare-headed, the Women with their hair looseand hanging about their Shoulders, to mourn and lament for the Deathof their young Prince. Which the King hearing of, sent this word untothem, That since it was not his fortune to live, to sit on his Throneafter him and Reign over the Land, it would be but in vain to mourn;and a great trouble and lett unto the Countrey: and their voluntarygood will was taken in as good part as the mourning it self, andso dismist the Assembly; and burned the Princes dead Body withoutCeremonies or Solemnities. 

[The extraordinary lamentation at the Death of his Sister. ] Yet theDeath of an old Sister which he had, caused no small lamentation. Itwas she that carried the Prince away in the Rebellion. Which I shallrelate by and by. Countrey after Countrey came up to mourn, givingall signs of extraordinary sadness, both in Habit and Countenance;the King himself was seen to weep bitterly. The White men also came, which the King took well. Insomuch that the Hollanders supposing theKing himself to be dead, came up to take Possession of the Countrey;but hearing the contrary and understanding their mistake returnedback again. The King and all his Countrey for more than a years timewent in mourning. And her Body was burnt with all the Honour andState that could be. Yet notwithstanding all the love and respecthe bare unto her, he did not once Visit her in all the time of herSickness. And it is now for certain reported that there is not oneof his Generation left. 

[His craft and cruelty shewn at once. ] Once to try the hearts ofhis Attendants, and to see what they would do; being in the Water aswimming, he feigned himself to be in extremity, and near Drowning, and cryed out for help; upon which two young Men more venturous andforward than the rest, immediately made way and came to his help:who taking hold of his Body brought him safe to Land. At which heseemed to be very glad. Putting on his Cloaths he went to his Palace:then he demanded to know who and which they were that had holpen himout of the Water. They, supposing by his Speech it was to give thema reward for the good Service they had so lately done him, answered, We were they. Whereupon he Commands to call such a great Man. (Forit is they whom he appoints always to see Execution done by theirSoldiers. ) To whom he gave Command, saying, Take both these, and leadthem to such a place, and cut off their Heads, who dared to presumeto lay their hands on my Person, and did not prostrate themselvesrather that I might lay my hand on them for my relief and safety. Andaccordingly they were Executed. 

CHAP. IV. 

Of his Revenues and Treasure. 

[The King's rents brought three times in the year. ] Three times in theyear they usually carry their Rents unto the King. The one is at theNew-year called Ourida cotamaul. The other is for the First fruits, Alleusal cotamaul. And the last is at a certain Sacrifice in the Monthof November to their God, called Ilmoy cotamaul. But besides these, whatsoever is wanting in the King's House at any other time, and theyhave it, they must upon the King's Order bring it. These Rents are butlittle Money, but chiefly Corn, Rice, or what grows out of the Ground. 

[The first is accompanied with a great Festival. ] To speak a littleof first time, Viz. At the beginning of the New year, when the King'sDuties are brought him. Their New year is always either the 27th, or the 28th, or the 29th of March: At this time upon a special andgood day (for which the Astrologers are consulted) the King washeshis head, which is a very great Solemnity among them. The Palace isall adorned with Tor-nes, a sort of Triumphal Arches, that make a veryfine shew. They are high Poles standing in rows before all the Gatesof the Palace, either nine or seven in a row, the middlemost beingthe highest, and so they fall lower and lower on each side. Throthe middle of them there is an arched passage which serves for aDoor. On the top of the Poles are Flags flying, and all about hungfull of painted Cloth with Images, and Figures of Men, and Beasts, and Birds, and Flowers: Fruits also are hanged up in great order andexactness. On each side of the entrance of the Arch stand PlantaneTrees, with bunches of Plantanes on them as if they were growing. 

There are also in some places single Poles of an exceeding heightstanding by, with long Penons of divers colours flying, and a Bellat the end of each, as in the Figure B. And now they say, The Palaceis adorned beyond Heaven. 

All the Army is summoned in to stand and wait at the Palace, forthe greater State. In the mean time he goes to his Washing-houses, houses built on purpose for him to wash in, called Oulpungi, hereare Baths, and Streams and Conveyances of Water, and many Servants, whose Office it is to wait upon the business of these houses. Here hewashes his head. Which when he has done, he comes forth into Publicview, where all his Militia stand in their Arms. Then the great Gunsare fired. [How the Nobles bring their Gifts, or Duties. ] Now all thegreat Men, the Nobles and the Governors of the Countrey make theirappearance before him with their Dackini, their New-years Gifts, which are due and accustomed Presents, for Persons in their Placesand Offices to give. There is a certain Rate for it. Their manner ofbringing these Gifts or rather Duties is thus, Their Servants bringthem wrapt up in white Cloth to the Court, and then they take them attheir hands, put them upon their heads, and so come in humble manner, and lay them at the King's feet. These Presents are Gold, Jewels, Plate, Arms, Knives, Cloth, each one by a rate according to the Placehe is in, and the Countrey he hath under him: And most of them are topresent a Sum of Money besides. And if they can procure any preciousStone, or Rarity, or any other thing, which they think the King willaccept, that also they bring, and glad they are to be honoured withthe favour of his acceptance. These New-years Gifts for these manyyears he thinks scorn to receive, and bids them carry them away againtill another time. Thus they come with them time after time presentingthem, which he as often refusing; at last they bring them no more. 

[Inferior Persons present their New-years Gifts. ] All sorts ofTradesmen also, and such as by their Skill can any ways get Money, at the New year are to pay into the Treasury each one a certainrate. Which now adayes he accepts not, though formerly he always did. 

[What Taxes and Rents the People pay. ] At this and the other times thethings which the People carry as their Rents and Taxes, are Wine, Oyl, Corn, Honey, Wax, Cloth, Iron, Elephants Teeth, Tobacco, Money. Theybring themselves, and wait at Court with them commonly divers Months, before they be received. The great Officers tell the King, the Peoplehave brought their Rents. The King saith, 'Tis well. But if he giveno order withal to receive the things brought (as he seldom does)there is no remedy, but there they must wait with them. And thishe doth out of State. The Rents and Duties brought at the two othertimes are after the same manner; the great Men do only bring theirsonce at the New year. 

[The accidental Incomes of the Crown. ] There are other Revenues theKing hath, which are accidental; but bring in great wealth; Thatwhensoever any man dies, that hath a stock of Cattel, immediatelyout thence must be paid a Bull and a Cow with a Calf, and a Male andFemale Buffalo, which tax they call Marral. And there are Officersappointed, whose place it is, to come and carry them away. Also atHarvest yearly there is a certain rate of Corn to be paid by everyman according to the Land they hold and enjoy. Heretofore the Kinggranted, that upon Payment of a Sum of Money, they should be clearfrom this yearly Tax of Corn so long, till the present Possessordied, and the Land descended to his Son or some body else. And thenthe Estate became liable again to the forementioned Duties. But nowof late there is no mention of any discharge by Money. [The Profitsthat accrue to the King from Corn-Lands. ] So that in time all Housesand Families in the Kingdom will be liable to the Payment of thisTax of Corn; which will bring in no small quantity of Provision tothe King. Only Soldiers that are slain in the Wars, their Lands arefree from the Payment of this Tax; but if they die naturally theyare not. The Farmers all in general, besides their measures of Corn, pay a certain Duty in Money, with their Rents. 

If they Sell or Alienate their Inheritances, the Kings accustomedDuties must not be diminished, whosoever buyeth or enjoyeththem. Neither is here any Land which doth not either pay, or do someDuty to the King. Only one case excepted, and that is, if they giveor dedicate Land to a Priest, as an Alms or Deed of Charity in God'sName. On that there is never any more Tax or Duty to be imposed, as being Sacrilegious to take ought from one that belongs to theTemple. [Custom of goods imported formerly paid. ] Formerly the Kinghad the Benefit of the trade of two Ports Cotiar and Portalone, untoeach of which used to come yearly some twenty or thirty Sail of smallVessel, which brought considerable Customs in. But now the Hollanderhas deprived him of both, suffering no Vessels to come. 

[His Treasuries. ] The King hath several Treasure-houses, in severalplaces, in Cities and Towns, where always are Guards of Soldiers towatch them both day and night. I cannot certainly declare all that iscontained in them. There are Precious Stones such as his Land affords, many, but not very much, Cloth, and what he hath got by Shipwrack, Presents, that have been sent him from other Nations, Elephants-teeth, Wax, good store of Arms, as Guns, Bowes and Arrows, Pikes, Halberds, Swords, Ammunition, store of Knives, Iron, Tallipat-Leaves, whereof onewill cover a large Tent, Bedsteads, Tables, Boxes, Mats of all sorts. Iwill not adventure to declare further the Contents of his Treasuries, lest I may be guilty of a mistake. But sure I am he hath plenty of allsuch things, as his Land affords. For he is very Provident, and Carefulto be well furnished with all things. And what he does abound with, he had rather it should lye and rot, then be imbezelled and wasted, that is, distributed among his Servants, or Slaves; of which he hathgreat store. 

[He has many Elephants. ] He hath some hundreds of Elephants, which hekeepeth tame, and could have as many more as he pleaseth; but althonot catched, yet they are all his, and at his Command when he pleaseth. 

[Great Treasure thrown into the River formerly. ] It is frequentlyreported and I suppose is true, that both he and his Predecessors, by the distress they have been driven to by the Portuguezes, havecast some store of Riches into the great River, Mavelagonga, runningby the City, in deep holes among Rocks, which is irrecoverable, and into a made Pond by the Palace in the City of Cande, orHingodegul-neur. Wherein are kept to this day two Alligators, so thatnone dare go into the water for fear of being devoured by them. Andoften times they do destroy Cows, that go to drink there. But thisPond by cutting the Bank might easily be drained. 

[The Treasure he most valueth. ] To conclude, the Land that is underhis jurisdiction, is all his, with the People, their Estates, andwhatsoever it affords, or is therein. But that which he doth chieflyvalue and esteem, are Toys and Novelties, as Hawks, Horses, Dogs, strange Birds, and Beasts, and particularly a spotted Elephant, and good Arms, of which he hath no want. 

CHAP. V. 

Of the Kings great Officers, and the Governours of the Provinces. 

[Two greatest Officers in the Land. ] There are two, who are thegreatest and highest Officers in the Land. They are called Adigars, I may term them Chief Judges; under whom is the Government of theCities, and the Countries also in the Vacancy of other Governours. AllPeople have liberty in default of Justice to appeal to these Adigars, or if their causes and differences be not decided by their Governoursaccording to their minds. 

To these there are many Officers and Sergeants belonging. All which, to be known, carry staves in their hands like to Bandyes, the crookedend uppermost, which none but they dare carry. The sight of whichstaves upon what message soever they be sent, signifies as much asthe Adigars Hand and Seal. If the Adigar be ignorant in what belongsto his place and office, these men do instruct him what and how todo. The like is in all other places which the King bestows: if theyknow not what belongs to their places, there are Inferiour Officersunder them, that do teach and direct them how to Act. 

[The next great Officers. ] Next under the Adigars, are the Dissauva's, who are Governours over Provinces and Counties of the Land. EachProvince and County has its Governour; but all Governours are notDissauva's, nor other great Officers known by other names or Titles, as Roterauts and Vidanies. But all these Generals or Chief Commanders, who have a certain number of Soldiers under them. These great menare to provide, that good orders be kept in the Countries over whichthey are placed, and that the Kings accustomed dutie be brought indue season to the Court. They have Power also to decide controversiesbetween the People of their Jurisdiction, and to punish contentiousand disorderly persons, which they do chiefly by amercing a Finefrom them, which is for their Profit for it is there own: and also bycommitting them Prison. Into which when they are once fallen, no meanswithout mony can get them out again. But be the fact never so hainous(Murther it self) they can put none to death. [None can put to deathbut the King. ] The sentence of death being pronounced only by theKing. They also are sent upon expeditions in War with their Soldiers, and give Attendance, and watch at Court in their appointed Stations. 

These Dissauva's are also to see that the Soldiers in their Countriesdo come in due season and order for that purpose. 

[These Dissauva's are durante bene placite. ] They are appointed bythe King himself, not for life, but during his good pleasure. And whenthey are dead or removed, oftentimes their places lay void, somtimesfor months, somtimes perhaps for years; during which time the Adigarrules and governs those Countries; and for his labour receiveth allsuch Incoms and Profits as are accustomed and of right do belong tothe Governour. 

[Whome the King makes Dissauva's And their Profits and Honours. ] TheKing when he advances any to be Dissauva's, or to any other greatOffice regards not their ability or sufficiency to perform the same, only they must be persons of good rank, and gentile extraction: andthey are all naturally discreet and very solid, and so the fitterfor the Kings employment. When he first promotes them, he shews themgreat testimonies of his Love and Favour, (especially to those thatare Christians, in whose service he imposeth greater confidence thanin his own people, concluding that they will make more conscienceof their ways, and be more faithful in their Office) and gives thema Sword, the hilt all carved and inlaid with Silver and Brass veryhandsomly, the Scabberd also covered with Silver, a Knife and Halberd;and lastly, a Town or Towns for their maintenance. The benefit ofwhich is, that all the Profits which before the King received fromthose Towns, now accrues unto the Kings Officer. These Towns arecomposed of all sorts of Trades and People that are necessary for hisservice to whom the King hath given them a Potter, a Smith, a Washer, And there is a piece of Land according to the ability of the Town, which the Townsmen are to Till and manure, and to lay up the Corn forhis use. Which matters I mentioned before in the third Chapter. Andbesides the Customs or Taxes that all other free Towns pay to theKing, there is a due, but smaller, to be paid to the Governour outof them. But these are not all his advantages. 

[Other Benefits belonging to other Officers. ] When there is a newGovernour made over any Countrey, it is the Custom that that wholeCountrey comes up to appear before him at the Court, for there hisResidence is. Neither may they come empty handed, but each one mustbring his Gift or Present with him. These also are expected at othertimes to be brought unto him by the people, tho they have no businesswith him, no suits or causes to be decided: even private Soldiersat their first coming tho to their due watch, must personally appearbefore their Commander, and if he have nothing else, he must Presenthim with forty leaves of green Betle, which he with his own handreceiveth, and they with both their and delivers into his, which istaken for an honour he vouchsafes them. 

[They must always reside at Court. ] These Governours, nor any otheradmitted to Court into the Kings service, are never after to returnhome, altho they are not employed at present, and might be spared, neither are they permitted to enjoy their wives: and they are day andnight to stand guard in certain stations, where the King appoints them. 

[The Officers under them. ] Things thus standing with them, theycannot go in Person to visit and oversee their several Chargesthemselves. They have therefore several Officers under them todo it. The chief of whom is the [Courlividani. ] Courlividani. Thisperson beside his entertainment in the Countrey unto which he is sentto Govern under the Dissauva, hath a due revenue, but smaller thenthat of the Governour. His chief business is to wrack and hale allthat may be for his Master, and to see good Government, and if therebe any difference or quarrel between one or other, he takes a Finefrom both, and carrieth to the Governour, not regarding equity butthe profit of himself and him that imploys him. But he hears theircase and determines it. And if they like not his sentence, they mayremove their business unto the Governour himself, whose desire is notso much to find out the right of the cause, as that that may be mostfor his own interest and profit. And these carriages cannot reconcilethem much love among the people; but the more they are hated by thepeople for their rigorous government, the better they please theKing. For he cares not that the Countrey should affect the Great men. 

The Dissauva's by these Courlividani their Officers do oppress andsqueez the people, by laying Mulcts upon them for some Crimes orMisdemeanors, that they will find and lay to their Charge. In Finethis Officer is the Dissauva's chief Substitute, who orders andmanages all affairs incumbent upon his Master. 

[Congconna, Courti-atchila. ] Next to him is Congconna, An Overseer. Whois to oversee all things under the Courlividani. But besides him, there is a Courti-A-chila like our Cunstable, who is to put that inexecution that the Governour orders, to dispatch any thing away thatthe Land affords for the Kings use, and to send persons to Court, that are summoned. And in the discharge of this his Office, he maycall in the assistance of any man. 

[The Liannah. ] The next Officer under the Governor is the Liannah, TheWriter. Who reads Letters brought, and takes accounts of all Business, and of what is sent away to the Court: He is also to keep Registers, and to write Letters, and to take notice of things happening. 

[The Undia. ] Next to him is the Undia. A word that signifieth alump. He is a Person that gathers the King's Money: and is so styledbecause he gathereth the King's Monies together into a lump. 

[The Monnannah. ] After him is the Monnannah, The Measurer. His Placeis to go and measure the Corn that grows upon the King's Land. Orwhat other Corn belongeth to him. 

The Power of these Officers extends not all a whole County or Provinceover, but to a convenient part or division of it. To wit, so muchas they may well manage themselves. And there are several sets ofthe like Officers appointed over other Portions of the Countrey. Aswith us there are divers Hundreds or Divisions in a County. To eachof which are distinct Officers belonging. 

[Some Towns exempt from the Dissauva's Officers. ] These Officerscan exercise their Authority, throughout the whole Division overwhich they are constituted, excepting some certain Towns, that are ofexempt jurisdiction. And they are of two sorts. First, such Towns asbelong to the Idol-Temples, and the Priests, having been given andbestowed on them long ago by former Kings. And secondly, The Towns, which the King allots to his Noblemen and Servants. Over these Towns, thus given away, neither the forementioned Officers, nor the chiefMagistrate himself hath any Power. But those to whom they are givenand do belong to, do put in their own Officers, who serve to the samepurposes as the abovesaid do. 

[Other Officers yet. ] But these are not all the Officers; there areothers, whose place it is, upon the Death of any Head of a Family tofetch away the King's Marrals, Harriots as I may call them; Viz. ABull and a Cow, a Male and Female Buffalo, out of his Stock. Which isaccustomably due to the King, as I have mentioned before. And others, who in Harvest time carry away certain measures of Corn out of everyMan's Crop according to the rate of their Land. 

[These Places obtained by Bribes. ] These Inferior Officers commonlyget their Places by Bribery; Their Children do pretend a right tothem after their Father's Death, and will be preferred before others, greazing the Magistrate. 

[But remain only during pleasure. ] None of these have their Places forlife; and no longer than the Governor pleaseth. And he pretty oftenremoves them or threatens to do so upon pretence of some neglects, to get Money from them. And the People have this privilege, that uponComplaint made of any of these Officers, and request that they may bechanged and others made, They must be displaced, and others put in;but not at their Choice, but at the Choice of the Chief Magistrate, or Owner of the Town. 

[Countrey-Courts. ] For the hearing Complaints and doing Justice amongNeighbours, here are Countrey-Courts of Judicature, consisting ofthese Officers, together with the Head-Men of the Places and Towns, where the Courts are kept: and these are called Gom sabbi, as much asto say, Town-Consultations. But if any do not like, and is loath tostand by what they have determined, and think themselves wronged, they may [They may appeal. ] appeal to their Head-Governor, thatdwells at Court; but it is chargeable, for he must have a Fee. Theymay appeal also from him to the Adigars, or the Chief Justices of theKingdom. But whoso gives the greatest Bribe, he shall overcome. Forit is a common saying in this Land, That he that has Money to see theJudge, needs not fear nor care, whether his cause be right or not. Thegreatest Punishment that these Judges can inflict upon the greatestMalefactors, is but Imprisonment. From which Money will release them. 

[Appeals to the King. ] Some have adventured to Appeal to the Kingsometimes; falling down on the ground before him at his comingforth, which is the manner of their obeisance to him, to complain ofInjustice. Sometimes he will give order to the great ones to do themright, and sometimes bid them wait, until he is pleased to hear theCause, which is not suddenly: for he is very slow in all his Business:neither dare they then depart from the Court, having been bidden tostay. Where they stay till they are weary, being at Expence, so thatthe Remedy is worse than the Disease. And sometimes again when theythus fall before him, he commands to beat them and put them in Chainsfor troubling of him; and perhaps in that Condition they may lay forsome years. 

[How these great Officers Travel upon publick Business. ] The King'sgreat Officers when they go abroad into the Countries about theKing's Business, they go attended with a number of Soldiers armedboth before and behind them; their Sword if not by their side, a Boycarrieth after them, neither do they carry their Swords for theirsafety or security. For in travelling here is little or no dangerat all. But it is out of State, and to shew their greatness. TheCustom is that all their journey Victuals be prepared for them readydressed; and if their Business requires hast, then it is brought on aPole on a Man's shoulder, the Pots that hold it hanging on each end, so that nothing can be spilt out into the road; and this is got readyagainst the great Man's coming. So that they are at no charge for Diet:It is brought in at the charge of the Countrey. But however this isnot for all his Soldiers that attend him (they must bring their ownProvisions with them) but only for himself, and some of his Captains. 

[Their Titles and Signs of State. ] The greatest Title that isallowed in the City to be given to the greatest Man is Oussary, whichsignifieth Worshipful. But when they are abroad from the King, men callthem Sihattu and Dishondrew, implying, Honour and Excellency. TheseGrandees whensoever they walk abroad, their manner is in State tolean upon the arm of some Man or Boy. And the Adigar besides thispiece of State, wheresoever he goes, there is one with a great Whiplike a Coach-whip goes before him slashing it, that all People mayhave notice that the Adigar is coming. 

[The misery that succeeds their Honour. ] But there is something comesafter, that makes all the Honour and Wealth of these great Courtiersnot at all desirable: and that is, that they are so obnoxious tothe King's displeasure. Which is a thing so customary, that it is nodisgrace for a Nobleman to have been in Chains, nay and in the CommonGoal too. And the great Men are as ready when the King Commands, to lay hold on one another, as he to command them: and glad to havethe Honour to be the King's Executioners, hoping to have the Placeand Office of the Executed. When any of these are thus dispatched, commonly he cuts off or imprisoneth all the Male kind, that are nearof kin, as Sons or Brothers, fearing they should plot revenge, andseizes on all the Estate. And as for the Family, after Examinationwith Punishment to make them confess where the Estate lyes, they haveMonthly Allowance out of the same. But the Wife or Women-Kindredare now nothing at all in esteem for Honorable Ladies as they werebefore. Yet sometimes he will send for the Sons or Brothers of thesewhom he hath cut off for Traitors, and remand them out of the Prisonswhere he had committed them; and prefer them in honorable Employment. 

[The foolish ambition of the Men and Women of this Countrey. ] Itis generally reported, and I have seen it so, that those whom heprefers unto the greatest and weightiest Imployments are thosewhom he intends soon to cut off, and contrariwise those whom hedoth affect, and intends to have longer Service of, shall not beso laden with Places and Honours. Howbeit altho they know and seethis before their eyes daily, yet their hearts are so haughty andambitious, that their desires and endeavours are to ascend unto thehighest degrees of honour: tho that be but one remove from Deathand utter Destruction. And the Women's ambition is so great also, that they will put their Husbands on to seek for Preferment, urginghow dishonorable it is for them to sit at home like Women, that sothey may have respect, and be reputed for great Ladies. 

CHAP. VI. 

Of the King's Strength and Wars. 

[The King's Military Affairs. ] It remains now that I speak a littleof the King's Military Affairs. His Power consists, in the naturalStrength of his Countrey, in his Watches, and in the Craft, more thanthe Courage, of his Soldiers. 

[The natural strength of his Countrey. ] He hath no ArtificialForts or Castles, but Nature hath supplied the want of them. Forhis whole Countrey of Cande Uda, standing upon such high Hills, andthose so difficult to pass, is all an Impregnable Fort: and so ismore especially Digligy-neur his present Palace. These Places havebeen already described at large; and therefore I omit speaking anyfurther of them here. 

[Watches and Thorn-gates. ] There are constant Watches set in convenientplaces in all parts of the Countrey, and Thorn-gates: but in time ofdanger, besides the ordinary Watches, in all Towns, and in all placesand in every cross Road, exceeding thick, that 'tis not possible forany to pass unobserved. These Thorn-gates which I here mention andhave done before, are made of a sort of Thorn-bush or Thorn-tree, each stick or branch whereof thrusts out on all sides round about, sharp prickles, like Iron Nails, of three or four inches long: oneof these very Thorns I have lately seen in the Repository at GreshamCollege: These sticks or branches being as big as a good Cane, areplatted one very close to another, and so being fastned and tyed tothree or four upright spars, are made in the fashion of a Door. Thisis hung upon a Door-case some ten or twelve foot high, (so that theymay, and do ride thro upon Elephants) made of three pieces of Timberlike a Gallows, after this manner the Thorn door hanging upon thetransverse piece like a Shop window; and so they lift it up, or clapit down, as there is occasion: and tye it with a Rope to a cross Bar. 

[None to pass from the Kings City without Pasports. ] But especiallyin all Roads and Passages from the City where the King now Inhabits, are very strict Watches set: which will suffer none to pass not havinga Passport: which is the print of a Seal in clay: It is given at theCourt to them that have Licence to go thro the Watches. The Seals aredifferent, according to the Profession of the Party: as to a Soldierthe print of a man with a Pike on his Shoulder: to a Labourer, aMan with two Bags hanging on each end of a Pole upon his Shoulder, which is the manner they commonly carry their Loads. And to a whiteman, the Passport is the print of a Man with a Sword by his side, and a Hat on his head. And so many Men as there are in the Company, so many prints there must be in the Clay. There is not half theexamination for those that come into the City, as for those that goout, whom they usually search to see what they carry with them. 

[Their Soldiery. ] To speak now of their Soldiery, their Expeditionsand manner of Fight. Besides the Dissauvas, spoken of before, whoare great Generals, there are other great Captains. As those theycall Mote-Ralls; as much as to say, Scribes. Because they keep theRolls or Registers of certain Companies of Soldiers, each containing970 Men, who are under their Command. Of these Mote-Ralls, there arefour principal. But besides these, there are smaller Commanders overSoldiers; who have their Places from the King, and are not under theCommand of the former great ones. 

[All Men of Arms wait at Court. ] All these both Commanders and commonSoldiers must wait at the Court. But with this difference. The greatMen must do it continually: each one having his particular Watchappointed by the King. But the private Soldiers take their turns ofWatching. And when they go, they do carry all their Provisions for thetime of their stay with them upon their Backs. These Soldiers are notlisted, (listing Soldiers being only upon extraordinary occasions) butare by Succession the Son after the Father. [The Soldiers have Landsallotted them instead of Pay. ] For which Service they injoy certainLands and Inheritances, which is instead of Wages or Pay. This dutyif they omit or neglect they loose or forfeit their Inheritance. Orif they please to be released or discharged, they may, parting withtheir Land. And then their Commander placeth another in their room;but so long as the Land lies void, he converts the Profits to his ownproper use. And he that after takes it, gives a Bribe to the Commander, who yet notwithstanding will not permit him to hold it above two orthree years, unless he renew his Bribes. 

[To prevent the Soldiers from Plotting. ] The Soldiers of the HighLands called Cande Uda, are dispersed all over the Land; so that onescarcely knows the other, the King not suffering many Neighbours andTownsmen to be in one Company; which hath always heretofore been soordered for fear of Conspiracies. 

[The manner of sending them out on Expeditions. ] When the King sendsany of these Commanders with their Armies abroad to War or otherwise, sometimes they see not his face, but he sends out their Orders to themby a Messenger; sometimes admits them into his Presence, and givesthem their Orders with his own mouth, but nothing in Writing. And whenseveral of them are sent together upon any Design, there is not anyone appointed to be Chief Commander or General over the whole Army;but each one as being Chief over his own Men, disposeth and ordereththem according to his pleasure; the others do the like. Which sometimesbegets disagreement among themselves, and by that means their Designsare frustrated. Neither doth he like or approve, that the greatCommanders of his Soldiers should be very intimate or good Friends, lest they should conspire against him, nor will he allow them todisagree in such a degree that it be publickly known and observed. 

[The King requires all the Captains singly to send him intelligenceof their Affairs. ] And when there is any tidings to send the King, they do not send in general together by consent, but each one sendsparticularly by himself. And there common custom and practice is toinform what they can one against another, thinking thereby to obtainthe most favour and good will from the King. By this means there cannothing, be done or said, but he hath notice thereof. 

[When the War is finished they may not return without order. ] Beingin this manner sent forth, they dare not return, altho they haveperformed and finished the Business they were sent upon, until hesend a special Order and Command to recall them. 

[The Condition of the common Soldiers. ] When the Armies are sentabroad, as he doth send them very often against the Dutch, it goethvery hard with the Soldiers; who must carry their victuals and Potsto dress it in upon their Backs, besides their Arms, which are Swords, Pikes, Bows and Arrows, and good Guns. As for Tents, for their Armiesalwayes ly in the Fields, they carry Tallipat leaves, which are verylight and convenient, along with them. With these they make theirTents: Fixing sticks into the ground, and laying other pieces ofWood overthwart, after the manner of the roof of an House, and solay their leaves overall, to shoot the Rains off. Making these Tentsstronger or slighter, according to the time of their tarriance. Andhaving spent what Provisions they carried out with them, they go hometo fetch more. So that after a Month or two a great part of the Armyis always absent. 

[He conceals his purpose, when he sends out his Army. ] Whensoeverthe King sends his Armies abroad upon any Expedition, the Watchesbeyond them are all secured immediately, to prevent any from passingto carry Intelligence to the Enemy. The Soldiers themselves do notknow the Design they are sent upon, until they come there. Nonecan know his intentions or meaning by his actions. For sometimes hesends Commanders with their Soldiers to ly in certain places in theWoods until farther order, or until he send Ammunition to them. Andperhaps when they have laid there long enough, he sends for them backagain. And after this manner oftentimes he catches the Hollandersbefore they be aware, to their great prejudice and dammage. He caresnot that his great Men should be free-spirited or Valiant; if therebe any better than the rest, them to be sure suddenly he cuts off, lest they might do him any mischief. 

[Great exploits done, and but little Courage. ] In their War thereis but little valour used, altho they do accomplish many notableExploits. For all they do is by crafty Stratagems. They will nevermeet their Enemies in the Field, to give them a repulse by Battel, and force of Arms: [They work chiefly by Stratagems. ] neither is theEnemy like to meet with any opposition at their first goings out toinvade the King's Coasts, the King's Soldiers knowing the adverseForces are at first wary and vigilant, as also well provided with allNecessaries. But their usual practice is to way lay them, and stop upthe wayes before them: there being convenient places in all the Roads, which they have contrived for such purposes. And at these places theWoods are not suffered to be felled, but kept to shelter them fromthe fight of their enemies. Here they lye lurking, and plant theirGuns between the Rocks and Trees, with which they do great damage totheir Enemies before they are aware. Nor can they then suddenly rushin upon them, being so well guarded with Bushes and Rocks beforethem, thro which before their Enemies can get, they flee carryingtheir great Guns upon their Shoulders and are gone into the Woods, where it is impossible to find them, until they come them selves tomeet them after the former manner. 

Likewise they prepare against the enemies coming great bushy Trees, having them ready cut hanging only by withs which grow in the Wood;these as they march along they let fall among them with many shotand Arrows. 

Being sent upon any design they are very circumspect to keep ithidden from the Enemies knowledg; by suffering only those to pass, who may make for their Benefit and advantage; their great endeavourbeing to take their Enemies unprovided and at unawares. 

[They understand the manner of Christian Armies. ] By the long warsfirst between them and the Portugueze, and since with the Hollander, they have had such ample experience, as hath much improved themin the art of War above what they were formerly. And many of thechief Commanders and Leaders of their Armies are men which formerlyserved the Portugueze against them. By which they come to know thedisposition and discipline of Christian Armies. Insomuch as theyhave given the Dutch several overthrows, and taken Forts from them, which they had up in the Countrey. 

[They seldom hazzard a battel. ] Heretofore for bringing the head ofan Enemy, the King used to gratify them with some reward, but now thefashion is almost out of use. The ordering of their battel is withgreat security, there being very few lost in Fight. For if they benot almost sure to win the battel, they had rather not fight, thanrun any hazzard of loosing it. 

[If they prove unsuccessful, how he punishes them. ] If his men donot successfully accomplish the design he sends them upon, to be surethey shall have a lusty piece of work given them, to take revenge onthem; for not using their weapons well he will exercise them withother tools houghs and pickaxes, about his Palace. And during thetime they stay to work, they must bring their Victuals with them nothaving monies there to buy: They cannot carry for above one month, and when their Provisions are all spent, if they will have any more, they must go home and fetch them. But that is not permitted themwithout giving a Fee to the Governour or his Overseer. Neither canthey go without his leave, for besides the punishment, the Watcheswhich are in every Road from the Kings City will stop and seize them. 

CHAP. VII. 

A Relation of the Rebellion made against the King. 

[A Comet ushered in the Rebellion. ] For the Conclusion of this Part, it will not be improper to relate here a dangerous rising of thePeople against the King. It happened in the year 1664. About which timeappeared a fearful Blazing-Star. Just at the Instant of the Rebellion, the Star was right over our heads. And one thing I very much wondred, at, which was that whereas before this Rebellion, the Tail stood awaytoward the Westward from which side the Rebellion sprung, the verynight after (for I very well observed it) the Tail was turned and stoodaway toward the Eastward. And by degrees it diminished quite away. 

[The intent of the Conspirators. ] At this time, I say, the peopleof this land, having been long and sore oppressed by this Kingsunreasonable and cruel Government, had contrived a Plot againsthim. Which was to assault the Kings Court in the night, and to slayhim, and to make the Prince his Son, King. He being then some twelveor fifteen years of age, who was then with his Mother the Queen in theCity of Cande. At this time the King held his Court in a City calledNillemby. The Situation of which is far inferior to that of Cande, and as far beyond that of Digligy where he now is. Nillemby lyethsome fourteen miles southward of the City of Cande. In the place wherethis City stands it is reported by Tradition an Hare gave chase aftera Dog, upon which it was concluded that place was fortunate, and soindeed it proved to the King. It is invironed with Hills and Woods. 

[How the Rebellion began. ] The time appointed to put their designin action was the one and twentieth of December 1664. About Twelvein the night. And having gotten a select company of men, how manywell I know not, but as is supposed, not above two hundred, neitherneeded they many here, having so many Confederates in the Court;in the dead of the night they came marching into the City. The Watchwas thought to be of their confedracy: but if he were not, it was notin his power to resist them. Howbeit afterwards, whether he were not, he was executed for it. The said men, being thus in the City, hastenedand came down to the Court; and fell upon the great men, which thenlaid without the Palace upon Watch: since which by the Kings orderthey lye allways within the Palace. For they were well informed beforewho were for them and who not. Many who before were not intrusted toknow of their design, were killed and wounded; and those that could, seeing the slaughter of others, got in unto the King. Who was walledabout with a Clay-wall, thatched: that was all his strength. Yet thesepeople feared to assault him, laying still until the morning. Atwhich time the [The King Flyes. ] King made way to flee, fearing tostay in his Palace, endeavouring to get unto the mountains, and hadnot with him above fifty persons. There were horses went with him, but the wayes were so bad, that he could not ride. They were fainto drive an Elephant before him, to break the way through the Woods, that the King with his followers might pass. 

[They pursue him faintly. ] As he fled, they pursued him, but at agreat distance, fearing to approach within shot of him. For he wantednot for excellent good Fowling-pieces, which are made there. So hegot safe upon a Mountain, called Gauluda, some fifteen miles distant, where many of the Inhabitants, that were near, resorted to him. Howbeithad the people of the Rebel-party been resolute, who were the majorpart (almost all the Land;) this Hill could not have secured him, but they might have driven him from thence; there being many ways bywhich they might have ascended. There is not far from thence a highand peaked hill called Mondamounour, where there is but one way toget up, and that very steep, at the top are great stones hanging inchains to let fall when need requireth. Had he fled hither, therehad been no way to come at him. But he never will adventure to go, where he may be stopped in. 

[They go to the Prince and Proclaim him King. ] The People havingthus driven away the old King, marched away to the City of Cande, and proclaimed the Prince, King: giving out to us English who werethere, that what they had done they had not done rashly, but upon goodConsideration, and with good advice; the King by his evil Governmenthaving occasioned it, who went about to destroy both them and theirCountrey: As in keeping Ambassadours, disanulling of Trade, detainingof all people that come upon his Land, and killing of his Subjectsand their Children, and not suffering them to enjoy nor to see theirWives. And all this was contrary to reason, and as, they were informed, to the Government of other Countries. 

[The carriage of the Prince. ] The Prince being young and tender, andhaving never been out of the Palace, nor ever seen any but those thatattended on his person, as it seemed afterwards, was scared to see somany coming and bowing down to him, and telling him that he was King, and his Father was fled into the mountains. Neither did he say oract any thing as not owning the business, or else not knowing whatto say or do. This much discouraged the Rebells, to see they had nomore thanks for their pains. And so all things stood until the fiveand twentieth of December, at which time they intended to march andfall upon the old King. 

[Upon the Prices Flight, the Rebells scatter and run. ] But in theInterim, the Kings Sister Flyes away with the Prince from the Courtinto the Countrey near unto the King; which so amazed the Rebells, that the mony and cloth and plunder which they had taken, and weregoing to distribute to the Strangers to gain their good will andassistance, they scattered about and fled. Others of their Companyseeing the Business was overthrown, to make amends for their formerfact, turned and fell upon their Consorts, killing and taking Prisonersall they could. The people were now all up in arms one against another, killing whom they pleas'd, only saying they were Rebells and takingtheir goods. 

[A great man declares for the King. ] By this time a great man had drawnout his men, and stood in the Field, and there turned and publicklydeclared for the old King: and so went to catch the Rebells that werescattered abroad. Who when he understood that they were all fled, and no whole party or body left to resist him, marched into the Citykilling all that he could catch. 

[For eight or ten days nothing but killing one another to approvethemselves good Subjects. ] And so all revolted, and came back tothe King again: whilst he only lay still upon his mountain. TheKing needed not to take care to catch or execute the Rebells, forthey themselves out of their zeal to him, and to make amends forwhat was past, imprisoned and killed all they met; the Plunder beingtheir own. This continued for some eight or ten days. Which the Kinghearing of, commanded to kill no more, but that whom they took theyshould imprison, until examination passed; which was not so much tosave innocent persons from violence, as that he might have the Rebellsto torment them, and make them confess of their Confederates. For hespared none that seemed guilty: some to this day lye chained in Prison, being sequestred of all their Estates, and beg for their living. Oneof the most noted Rebells, called Ambom Wellaraul, he sent to Columbato the Dutch to execute, supposing they would invent new Torturesfor him, beyond what he knew of. But they instead of executing him, cut off his chains, and kindly entertained him, and there he stillis in the City of Columba, reserving him for some designs they mayhereafter have against the Countrey. 

[The King poysons his Son to prevent a Rebellion hereafter. ] The Kingcould but not be sensible, that it was his rigorous government thathad occasioned this Rebellion, yet amended it not in the least; but onthe contrary like to Rehoboam added yet more to the Peoples yoak. Andbeing thus safely re-instated in his Kingdom again, and observingthat the life of his Son gave encouragement to the Rebellion, resolvedto prevent it for the future by taking him away. Which upon the nextopportunity he did by Poysoning him, which I have related before. 

[His ingratitude. ] But one thing there is, that argues him guilty ofimprudence and horrible ingratitude, that most of those that went alongwith him when he fled, of whose Loyalty he had such ample experience, he hath since cut off; and that with extreme cruelty too. 

[Another Comet, but without any bad effects following it. ] In theyear 1666 in the month of February, there appeared in this Countreyanother Comet or stream in the West, the head end under the Horizon, much resembling that which was seen in England in the year 1680 inDecember. The sight of this did much daunt both King and People, having but a year or two before felt the sad event of a Blazing-Starin this Rebellion which I have now related. The King sent men uponthe highest mountains in the Land to look if they could perceive thehead of it, which they could not, being still under the Horizon. Thiscontinued visible about the space of one month, and by that timeit was so diminished, that it could not be seen. But there were noremarkable passages that ensued upon it. 

PART III. 

CHAP. I. 

Concerning the Inhabitants of this Island. 

Wee shall in this Part speak of the Inhabitants of this Countrey, with their Religion, and Customs, and other things belonging to them. 

[The several Inhabitants of this Island. ] Besides the Dutch whopossess, as I judg, about one fourth of the Island, there are Malabars, that are free Denizons and pay duty to the King for the Land theyenjoy, as the Kings natural Subjects do; there are also Moors, whoare like Strangers, and hold no Land, but live by carrying goods tothe Sea-Ports, which now are in the Hollanders hands. The Sea-Portsare inhabited by a mixt people, Malabars and Moors, and some that areblack, who profess themselves Roman Catholicks, and wear Crosses, and use Beads. Some of these are under the Hollander; and pay tolland tribute to them. 

But I am to speak only of the natural proper People of the Island, which they call Chingulays. 

[The Original of Chingulays. ] I have asked them, whence they derivethemselves, but they could not tell. They say their Land was firstinhabited by Devils, of which they have a long Fable. I have heard atradition from some Portugueze here, which was; That an antient Kingof China had a Son, who during his Fathers Reign, proved so veryharsh and cruel unto the people, that they being afraid he mightprove a Tyrant if he came to the Crown, desired the King to banishhim, and that he might never succeed. This that King, to please thepeople, granted. And so put him with certain Attendants into a ship, and turned them forth unto the Winds to seek their fortune. Thefirst shore they were cast upon, was this Island. Which they seatedthemselves on, and peopled it. But to me nothing is more improbablethan this Story. Because this people and the Chineses have no agreementnor similitude in their features nor language nor diet. It is moreprobable, they came from the Malabars, their Countrey lying next, tho they do resemble them little or nothing. I know no nation in theworld do so exactly resemble the Chingulays as the people of Europe. 

[Wild-men. ] Of these Natives there be two sorts, Wild and Tame. I willbegin with the former. For as in these Woods there are Wild Beasts soWild Men also. The Land of Bintan is all covered with mighty Woods, filled with abundance of Deer. In this Land are many of these wild men;they call them Vaddahs, dwelling near no other Inhabitants. They speakthe Chingulayes Language. They kill Deer, and dry the Flesh over thefire, and the people of the Countrey come and buy it of them. Theynever Till any ground for Corn their Food being only Flesh. Theyare very expert with their Bows. They have a little Ax, which theystick in by their sides, to cut hony out of hollow Trees. Some few, which are near Inhabitants, have commerce with other people. Theyhave no Towns nor Houses, only live by the waters under a Tree, with some boughs cut and laid round about them, to give notice whenany wild Beasts come near, which they may hear by their rustling andtrampling upon them. Many of these habitations we saw when we fledthrough the Woods, but God be praised the Vaddahs were gone. 

[By an Acknowledgment to the King. ] Some of the tamer sort of these menare in a kind of Subjection to the King. For if they can be found, thoit must be with a great search in the Woods, they will acknowledg hisOfficers, and will bring to them Elephants-Teeth, and Honey, and Wax, and Deers Flesh: but the others in lieu thereof do give them near asmuch, in Arrows, Cloth &c. Fearing lest they should otherwise appearno more. 

[How they bespeak Arrows to be made them. ] It hath been reportedto me by many people, that the wilder sort of them, when they wantArrows, will carry their load of Flesh in the night, and hang it upin a Smith's Shop, also a Leaf cut in the form they will have theirArrows made, and hang by it. Which if the Smith do make accordingto their Pattern they will requite, and bring him more Flesh: but ifhe make them not, they will do him a mischief one time or another byshooting in the night. If the Smith make the Arrows, he leaves themin the same place, where the Vaddahs hung the Flesh. 

[They violently took away Carriers goods. ] Formerly, in this KingsReign these wild men used to lye in wait, to catch Carriers people, that went down with Oxen to trade at the Sea-Ports, carrying downBetelnuts, and bringing up Cloth, and would make them to give themsuch things as they required, or else threatning to shoot them. Theyfearing their lives, and not being able to resist, were fain to givethem what they asked; or else most certainly they would have had bothlife and goods too. At which this King sent many Commanders with theirSoldiers to catch them, which at length they did: But had not some ofthemselves proved false to them, being incouraged by large promises, they could never have taken them. The chief being brought beforethe King, promising amendment, were pardoned: but sent into otherWoods with a Command not to return thither any more, neitheir to usetheir former courses. But soon after their departure, they forsookthose Woods they were put into, and came to their old haunt again, falling to their former course of Life. This the King hearing of, and how they had abused his Pardon, gave command either to bring themdead or alive. These Vaddahs knowing now there could be no hope ofPardon, would not be taken alive, but were shot by the Treachery oftheir own men. The heads of two of the chiefest were hanged on Treesby the City. And ever since they have not presumed to disturb theCountrey, nor the King them he only desiring their quiet, and not tobe against him. 

[Hourly Vadahs trade with the people. ] About Hourly the remotest ofthe Kings Dominions there are many trade with the of them, that arepretty tame, and come and buy and sell among the people. The Kingonce having occasion of an hasty Expedition against the Dutch, theGovernour summoned them all in to go with him, which they did. [Onemade to serve the King. ] And with their Bows and Arrows did as goodservice as any of the rest but afterwards when they returned homeagain they removed farther in the Woods, and would be seen no more, for fear of being afterwards prest again to serve the King. 

[Their habit and Religion. ] They never cut their hair but tye it up ontheir Crowns in a bunch. The cloth they use, is not broad nor large, scarcely enough to cover their Buttocks. The wilder and tamer sort ofthem do observe a Religion. They have a God peculiar to themselves. Thetamer do build Temples, the wild only bring their sacrifice underTrees, and while it is offering, dance round it, both men and women. 

[A Skirmish about their bounds. ] They have their bounds in the Woodsamong themselves, and one company of them is not to shoot nor gatherhony or fruit beyond those bounds. Neer the borders stood a Jack-Tree;one Vaddah being gathering some fruit from this Tree, another Vaddahof the next division saw him, and told him he had nothing to do togather Jacks from that Tree, for that belonged to them. They fellto words and from words to blows, and one of them shot the other. Atwhich more of them met and fell to skirmishing so briskly with theirBows and Arrows, that twenty or thirty were left dead upon the spot. 

[Curious in their Arrows. ] They are so curious of their Arrowsthat no Smith can please them; The King once to gratifie them fora great Present they brought him, gave all of them of his best madeArrow-blades: which nevertheless would not please their humour. Forthey went all of them to a Rock by a River and ground them into anotherform. The Arrows they use are of a different fashion from all other, and the Chingulays will not use them. 

[Now they preserve their flesh. ] They have a peculiar way by themselvesof preserving Flesh. They cut a hollow Tree and put honey in it, and then fill it up with flesh, and stop it up with clay. Which lyesfor a reserve to eat in time of want. 

[How they take Elephants. ] It has usually been told me that theirway of catching Elephants is, that when the Elephant lyes asleep theystrike their ax into the sole of his foot, and so laming him he is intheir power to take him. But I take this for a fable, because I knowthe sole of the Elephants foot is so hard, that no ax can pierce itat a blow; and he is so wakeful that they can have no opportunity todo it. 

[The dowries they give. Their disposition. ] For portions with theirDaughters in marriage they give hunting Dogs. They are reportedto be courteous. Some of the Chingulays in discontent will leavetheir houses and friends, and go and live among them, where they arecivilly entertained. The tamer sort of them, as hath been said, willsometimes appear, and hold some kind of trade with the tame Inabitants, but the wilder called Ramba-Vaddahs never shew themselves. 

[A description of a Chingulay. ] But to come to the civilizedInhabitants, whom I am chiefly to treat of. They are a people properand very well favoured, beyond all people that I have seen in India, wearing a cloth about their Loyns, and a doublet after the Englishfashion, with little skirts buttoned at the wrists, and gathered at theshoulders like a shirt, on their heads a red Tunnis Cap, or if theyhave none, another Cap with flaps of the fashion of their Countrey, described in the next Chapter, with a handsom short hanger by theirside, and a knife sticking in their bosom on the right side. 

[Their disposition. ] They are very active and nimble in their Limbs:and very ingenious: for, except Iron-work, all other things they haveneed of, they make and do themselves: insomuch that they all buildtheir own houses. They are crafty and treacherous, not to be trustedupon any protestations: for their manner of speaking is very smoothand courteous, insomuch that they who are unacquainted with theirdispositions and manners, may easily be deceived by them. For theymake no account nor conscience of lying, neither is it any shameor disgrace to them, if they be catched in telling lyes: it is socustomary. They are very vigilant and wakeful, sufficed with verylittle sleep: very hardy both for diet and weather, very proud andself conceited. They take something after the Bramines, with whomthey scruple not both to marry and eat. In both which otherwise theyare exceeding shy and cautious. For there being many Ranks or Castsamong them, they will not match with any Inferiour to themselves;nor eat meat dressed in any house, but in those only that are of asgood a Cast or Race as themselves: and that which any one hath left, none but those that are near of kin will eat. 

They are not very malitious one towards another; and their anger dothnot last long; seldom or never any blood shed among them in theirquarrels. It is not customary to strike; and it is very rare that theygive a blow so much as to their Slaves; who may very familiarly talkand discourse with their Masters. They are very near and covetous, and will pinch their own bellies for profit; very few spend-thriftsor bad husbands are to be met with here. 

[The Inhabitants of the Mountains differ from those of theLow-Lands. ] The Natures of the Inhabitants of the Mountains andLow-lands are very different. They of the Low-lands are kind, pittiful, helpful, honest and plain, compassionating Strangers, which we found byour own experience among them. They of the Up-lands are ill-natured, false, unkind, though outwardly fair and seemingly courteous, andof more complaisant carriage, speech and better behaviour, thanthe Low-landers. 

[Their good opinion of Virtue, though they practice it not. ] Ofall Vices they are least addicted to stealing, the which they doexceedingly hate and abhor, so that there are but few Robberiescommitted among them. They do much extol and commend Chastity, Temperance, and Truth in words and actions; and confess that it isout of weakness and infirmity, that they cannot practice the same, acknowledging that the contrary Vices are to be abhorred, beingabomination both in the sight of God and Man. They do love and delightin those Men that are most Devout and Precise in their Matters. Asfor bearing Witness for Confirmation in any matters of doubt, aChristians word will be believed and credited far beyond their own:because, they think, they make more Conscience of their words. 

[Superstitious. ] They are very superstitious in making Observationsof any little Accidents, as Omens portending good to them orevil. Sneezing they reckon to import evil. So that if any chance tosneeze when he is going about his Business, he will stop, accountinghe shall have ill success if he proceeds. And none may Sneeze, Cough, nor Spit in the King's Presence, either because of the ill boding ofthose actions, or the rudeness of them or both. There is a littleCreature much like a Lizzard, which they look upon altogether as aProphet, whatsoever work or business they are going about; if he crys, they will cease for a space, reckoning that he tells them there is abad Planet rules at that instant. They take great notice in a Morningat their first going out, who first appears in their sight: and ifthey see a White Man, or a big-bellied Woman, they hold it fortunate:and to see any decrepit or deformed People, as unfortunate. 

[How they travail. ] When they travel together a great many of them, the Roads are so narrow, that but one can go abreast, and if therebe Twenty of them, there is but one Argument or Matter discoursedof among them all from the first to the last. And so they go talkingalong all together, and every one carrieth his Provisions on his backfor his whole Journey. 

[A brief Character of them. ] In short, in Carriage and Behaviour theyare very grave and stately like unto the Portugals, in understandingquick and apprehensive, in design subtil and crafty, in discoursecourteous but full of Flatteries, naturally inclined to temperanceboth in meat and drink, but not to Chastity, near and Provident intheir Families, commending good Husbandry. In their dispositionsnot passionate, neither hard to be reconciled again when angry. Intheir Promises very unfaithful, approving lying in themselves, butmisliking it in others; delighting in sloath, deferring labour tillurgent necessity constrain them, neat in apparel, nice in eating;and not given to much sleep. 

[The Women their Habit and Nature. ] As for the Women, their Habitis a Wastcoat of white Callico covering their Bodies, wrought intoflourishes with Blew and Red; their Cloath hanging longer or shorterbelow their Knees, according to their quality; a piece of Silk flungover their heads; Jewels in their Ears, Ornaments about their Necks, and Arms, and Middles. They are in their gate and behaviour very high, stately in their carriage after the Portugal manner, of whom I thinkthey have learned: yet they hold it no scorn to admit the meanest tocome to speech of them. They are very thrifty, and it is a disgraceto them to be prodigal, and their Pride & Glory to be accounted near& saving. And to praise themselves they will sometimes say, Thatscraps and parings will serve them; but that the best is for theirHusbands. The Men are not jealous of their Wives, for the greatestLadies in the Land will frequently talk and discourse with any Menthey please, altho their Husbands be in presence. And altho they beso stately, they will lay their hand to such work as is necessary tobe done in the House, notwithstanding they have Slaves and Servantsenough to do it. Let this suffice concerning the Nature and Mannersof the People in general: The ensuing Chapters will be spent in moreparticular accounts of them. And because they stand much upon theirBirth and Gentility, and much of what is afterwards to be relatedhath reference unto it: I shall first speak of the various ranks anddegrees of Men among them. 

CHAP. II. 

Concerning their different Honours, Ranks, and Qualities. 

[How they distinguish themselves according to their qualities. ] Amongthis People there are divers and sundry Casts or degrees of Quality, which is not according to their Riches or Places of Honour the Kingpromotes them to, but according to their Descent and Blood. Andwhatsoever this Honour is, be it higher or lower, it remainsHereditary from Generation to Generation. They abhor to eat ordrink, or intermarry with any of Inferior Quality to themselves. Thesigns of higher or meaner Ranks, are wearing of Doublets, or goingbare-backed without them: the length of their Cloth below their knees;their sitting on Stools, or on Blocks or Mats spread on the Ground:and in their Caps. 

[They never marry beneath their rank. ] They are especially carefulin their Marriages, not to match with any inferior Cast, but alwayseach within their own rank: Riches cannot prevail with them in theleast to marry with those by whom they must eclipse and stain theHonour of their Family: on which they set an higher price than ontheir lives. And if any of the Females should be so deluded, as tocommit folly with one beneath her self, if ever she should appear tothe sight of her Friends, they would certainly kill her, there beingno other way to wipe off the dishonour she hath done the Family, but by her own Blood. 

[In case a Man lies with a Woman of inferior rank. ] Yet for the Menit is something different; it is not accounted any shame or fault fora Man of the highest sort to lay with a Woman far inferior to himself, nay of the very lowest degree; provided he neither eats nor drinks withher, nor takes her home to his House, as a Wife. But if he should, which I never knew done, he is punished by the Magistrate, either byFine or Imprisonment, or both, and also he is utterly ecluded fromhis Family, and accounted thenceforward of the same rank and quality, that the Woman is of, whom he hath taken. If the Woman be marriedalready, with whom the Man of better rank lies, and the Husband comeand catch them together; how low soever the one be and high the other, he may kill him, and her too, if he please. 

And thus by Marrying constantly each rank within it self, the Descentand Dignity thereof is preserved for ever; and whether the Family behigh or low it never alters. But to proceed to the particular ranksand degrees of Men among them. 

[Their Noblemen. ] The highest, are their Noblemen, calledHondrews. Which I suppose comes from the word Homdrewné, a Title givento the King, signifying Majesty: these being honourable People. 'Tisout of this sort alone, that the King chooseth his great Officersand whom he imploys in his Court, and appoints for Governors overhis Countrey. Riches are not here valued, nor make any the moreHonourable. For many of the lower sorts do far exceed these Hondrewsin Estates. But it is the Birth and Parentage that inobleth. 

[How distinguished from others. ] These are distinguished from othersby their names, and the wearing of their cloth, which the Men weardown half their Legs, and the Women to their Heels: one end of whichCloth the Women fling over their Shoulders, and with the very endcarelesly cover their Breasts; whereas the other sort of Women mustgo naked from the wast upwards, and their Cloaths not hang down muchbelow their Knees: except it be for cold; for then either Women or Menmay throw their Cloth over their Backs. But then they do excuse it tothe Hondrews, when they meet them, saying, Excuse me, it is for warmth. 

[The distinction by Caps. ] They are distinguished also by their ownCountrey-Caps, which are of the fashion of Mitres: there are two flapstied up over the top of the Crown. If they be Hondrews, their Capsare all of one Colour, either White or Blew: if of inferior quality, than the Cap and the flaps on each side be of different Colours, whereof the Flaps are always Red. 

[Of the Hondrews two sorts. ] Of these Hondrews there be two sorts, the one somewhat Inferior to the other as touching Marriage; but notin other things. The greatest part of the Inhabitants of the Landare of the degree of Hondrews. 

All Christians either White or Black are accounted equal with theHondrews. The Whites are generally Honourable, only it is an abatementof their Honour that they eat Beef, and wash not after they have beenat Stool; which things are reckoned with this People an Abomination. 

[An Honour like unto Knighthood. ] Among the Noblemen may be mentionedan Honour, that the King confers, like unto Knighthood; it ceasethin the Person's death, and is not Hereditary. The King confers itby putting about their Heads a piece of Silk or Ribbond embroideredwith Gold and Silver, and bestowing a Title upon them. They arestiled Mundianna. There are not above two or three of them now inthe Realm living. 

[Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters, &c. ] Next after the degreeof Hondrews may be placed Goldsmiths, Blacksmiths, Carpenters andPainters. Who are all of one degree and quality. But the Hondrews willnot eat with them: however in Apparel there is no difference; and theyare also privileged to sit on Stools, which none of the Inferior ranksof People hereafter mentioned, may do. Heretofore they were accountedalmost equal to the Inferior sort of Hondrewes, and they would eatin these Artificers Houses, but afterwards they were degraded uponthis occasion. It chanced some Hondrews came to a Smith's Shop tohave their Tools mended, when it came to be Dinner time, the Smithleaves work, and goes in to his House to dine, leaving the Hondrewesin his Shop: who had waited there a great while to have their workdone. Now whether the Smith fearing lest their hunger might move themto be so impudent or desperate as to partake with him of his Dinner, clapt to his Door after him: Which was taken so hainously by thosehungry People in his Shop, that immediately they all went and declaredabroad what an affront the Smith had put upon them. Whereupon it wasdecreed and confirmed, that for ever after all the People of that rankshould be deposed, and deprived of the Honour of having the Hondrewesto eat in their Houses. Which Decree hath stood in force ever since. 

[The Privilege and state of the Smiths. ] Nevertheless these Smithstake much upon them, especially those who are the King's Smiths; thatis, such who live in the King's Towns, and do his work. These havethis Privilege, that each has a parcel of Towns belonging to them, whom none but they are to work for. The ordinary work they do forthem is mending their Tools, for which every Man pays to his Smith acertain Rate of Corn in Harvest time according to ancient Custom. Butif any hath work extraordinary, as making new Tools or the like, besides the aforesaid Rate of Corn, he must pay him for it. In orderto this, they come in an humble manner to the Smith with a Present, being Rice, Hens, and other sorts of Provision, or a bottle of Rack, desiring him to appoint his time, when they shall come to have theirwork done. Which when he hath appointed them, they come at the settime, and bring both Coals and Iron with them. The Smith sits verygravely upon his Stool, his Anvil before him, with his left handtowards the Forge, and a little Hammer in his Right. They themselveswho come with their work must blow the Bellows, and when the Iron isto be beaten with the great Maul, he holds it, still sitting upon hisStool, and they must hammer it themselves, he only with his littleHammer knocking it sometimes into fashion. And if it be any thing tobe filed, he makes them go themselves and grind it upon a Stone, thathis labour of fileing may be the less; and when they have done it aswell as they can, he goes over it again with his file and finishethit. That which makes these Smiths thus stately is, because the TownsPeople are compelled to go to their own Smith, and none else. And ifthey should, that Smith is liable to pay Dammages that should do workfor any in another Smith's Jurisdiction. 

[Craftsmen. ] All that are of any Craft or Profession are accountedof an inferior degree, as Elephant Catchers, and Keepers, who arereckoned equal with the Smiths, &c. Abovesaid, tho they neither eatnor marry together; and these may wear Apparel as do the Hondrews, and sit on Stools, but the Hondrews eat not with them. 

No Artificers ever change their Trade from Generation to Generation;but the Son is the same as was his Father, and the Daughter marriesonly to those of the same Craft: and her Portion is such Tools asare of use, and do belong unto the Trade: tho the Father may giveover and above what he pleaseth. 

[Barbars. ] Next are are Barbars; both the Women and Men may wearDoublets, but not sit on Stools, neither will any eat with them. 

[Potters] Potters yet more Inferior, may not wear any Doublets, northeir Cloth much below the Knee, nor sit on Stools, neither will anyeat with them. But they have this Privilege, because they make thePots, that when they are athirst being at a Hondrew's House, they maytake his Pot, which hath a Pipe to it, and pour the Water into theirmouths themselves: which none other of these inferior degrees may beadmitted to do: but they must hold their hands to their mouths andgape, and the Hondrews themselves will pour the Water in. The Potterswere at first denied this Honour, upon which they joyntly agreed tomake Pots with Pipes only for themselves, and would sell none to theHondrews that wanted; whereat being constrained, they condescended togrant them the Honour above other inferior People, that they shouldhave the favour to drink out of these Pots with spouts at their Houses. 

[Washers. ] The next are the Ruddaughs, Washers. Of these there aregreat Numbers. They wash Cloths for all People to the degree of aPotter; but for none below that degree. Their usual Posture is tocarry a Cloth on their Shoulder, both Men and Women: They use Lyein their washing, setting a Pot over the Fire holding seven or eightGallons of Water, and lay the foul Cloths on the top; and the steamof the water goes into the Cloths and scalds them. Then they takethem and carry them to a River side, and instead of rubbing them withtheir hands, slap them against the Rock, and they become very clean;nor doth this tear the Cloths at all, as they order it. 

[Jaggory-Makers. ] Another rank after these are the Hungrams, orJaggory-Makers. Tho none will eat with them, yet it is lawful tobuy and eat the Jaggory they make, (which is a kind of Sugar) butnothing else. 

[The Poddah. ] Another sort among them is the Poddah. These are of noTrade or Craft, but are Husbandmen and Soldiers, yet are inferior toall that have been named hitherto. For what reason neither I, nor, I think, themselves can tell: only thus it falls to them by Successionfrom their Predecessors, and so will ever remain. 

[Weavers. ] After these are the Weavers. Who beside their Trade, which is Weaving Cloth, are Astrologers, and tell the People goodDays and good Seasons: and at the Birth of a Child write for them anaccount of the day, time and Planet, it was born in and under. Theseaccounts they keep with great Care all their Life-time: by which theyknow their Age, and what success or evil shall befall them. 

These People also beat Drums, and play on Pipes, and dance in theTemples of their Gods, and at their Sacrifices; they eat and carryaway all such Victuals as are offered to their Idols. Both which todo and take, is accounted to belong to People of a very low degreeand quality. These also will eat dead Cows. 

[Basket-Makers. ] Next to the Weavers are the Kiddeas orBasket-Makers. Who make Fans to fan Corn, and Baskets of Canes, and Lace, Bedsteds and Stools. 

[Mat-Makers. ] Then follow the Kirinerahs. Whose Trade is to make fineMatts. These Men may not wear any thing on their Heads. The Women ofnone of these sorts ever do. Of these two last there are but few. 

[The lower ranks may not assume the Habit or Names of the higher. ] Allbelow the Couratto or Elephant-Men, may not sit on Stools, norwear Doublets, except the Barbar, nor wear the Cloth low down theirLegs. Neither may any of these ranks of People, either Man or Woman, except the Potter and the Washer, wear the end of their Cloth to covertheir Bodies, unless they be sick or cold. Neither may they presume tobe called by the Names that the Hondrews are called by; nor may they, where they are not known, change themselves by pretending or seemingto be higher than Nature hath made them: and I think they never do, but own themselves in the rank and quality wherein they were born, and demean themselves accordingly. 

All Outlandish People are esteemed above the inferior ranks. The Namesof the Hondrews always end in oppow, of others below the degree ofthe Elephant People in adgah. 

[Slaves. ] The Slaves may make another rank. For whose maintenance, their Masters allow them Land and Cattle. Which many of them do soimprove; that except in Dignity they are not far behind their Masters, only they are not permitted to have Slaves. Their Masters will notdiminish or take away ought, that by their Diligence and Industrythey have procured, but approve of it, as being Persons capable torepose trust in. And when they do buy or otherways get a new Slave, they presently provide him a Wife, and so put him forward to keepHouse, and settle, that he may not think of running away. Slaves thatare born of Hondrew Parents, retain the Honour of their degree. 

[Beggars. ] There is one sort of People more, and they are the Beggars:who for their Transgression, as hereafter shall be shewn, have byformer Kings been made so low and base, that they can be no loweror baser. And they must and do give such titles and respects to allother People, as are due from other People to Kings and Princes. 

[The Reason they became so base and mean a People. ] The Predecessorsof these People, from whom they sprang, were Dodda Vaddahs, whichsignifies Hunters: to whom it did belong to catch and bring Venisonfor the King's Table. But instead of Venison they brought Man's flesh, unknown; which the King liking so well, commanded to bring him more ofthe same sort of Venison. The king's Barbar chanced to know what fleshit was, and discovered it to him. At which the King was so inraged, that he accounted death too good for them; and to punish only thosePersons that had so offended, not a sufficient recompence for sogreat an Affront and Injury as he had sustained by them. Forthwiththerefore he established a Decree, that all both great and small, that were of that Rank or Tribe, should be expelled from dwellingamong the Inhabitants of the Land, and not be admitted to use orenjoy the benefit of any means, or ways, or callings whatsoever, to provide themselves sustinence; but that they should beg fromGeneration to Generation, from Door to Door, thro the Kingdom; and tobe looked upon and esteemed by all People to be so base and odious, as not possibly to be more. 

And they are to this day so detestable to the People, that they arenot permitted to fetch water out of their Wells; but do take theirwater out of Holes or Rivers. Neither will any touch them, lest theyshould be defiled. 

And thus they go a begging in whole Troops, both Men, Women, and Children, carrying both Pots and Pans, Hens and Chickens, andwhatsoever they have, in Baskets hanging on a Pole, at each end one, upon their Shoulders. The Women never carry any thing, but when theycome to any House to beg, they Dance and shew Tricks, while the Menbeat Drums. They will turn Brass Basons on one of their fingers, twirling it round very swift, and wonderfully strange. And they willtoss up Balls into the Air one after another to the number of Nine, and catch them as they fall, and as fast as they do catch them, stillthey toss them up again; so that there are always Seven up in theAir. Also they will take Beads of several Colours, and of one size, and put them in their mouths, and then take them one by one out oftheir mouths again each Colour by themselves. And with this Behaviour, and the high and honourable Titles which they give, as to Men, YourHonour, and Your Majesty; and to Women, Queens, Countesses; and towhite Men, White of the Royal Blood, &c. They do beg for their living;and that with so much importunity, as if they had a Patent for it fromthe King, and will not be denied; pretending that it was so ordered anddecreed, that by this very means they should be maintained, and unlessthey mean to perish with hunger they cannot accept of a denyal. ThePeople on the other hand cannot without horrible shame, lift up theirhand against them to strike or thrust them away; so rather than tobe troubled with their importunity, they will relieve them. 

[They live well. ] And thus they live, building small Hovels in remotePlaces, Highways, under Trees. And all the Land being, as it were ofNecessity, Contributers towards their maintenance, these Beggars livewithout labour, as well or better, than the other sorts of People;being free from all sorts of Service and Duties, which all other arecompelled to perform for the King. [Their Contest with the Weaversabout dead Cows. ] Of them it is only required to make Ropes of suchCow-hides, as die of themselves, to catch and tie Elephants with:By which they have another Privilege, to claim the flesh there offor themselves, from the Weavers. Who when they meet with any deadCows, use to cut them up and eat them. But if any of these Roudeahs, Beggars, see them, they will run to them and drive them away, offeringto beat them with the Poles, whereon they carry their Baskets, sayingto them, How can we perform the King's Service to make Ropes of theHide, if the Weavers hack and spoil it? telling them also, That itis beneath such honourable People as they, to eat such Unclean andPolluted flesh. By these words, and the fear the Weavers are in to betouched by that base People, than which nothing could be more infamous, they are glad to get them away as fast as they can. 

[Incest common among them. ] These Men being so low that nothing theycan do, can make them lower, it is not unusual with them to lay withtheir Daughters, or for the Son to lay with his Mother, as if therewere no Consanguinity among them. 

[A Punishment to deliver Noble Women to these Beggars. ] Many timeswhen the King cuts off Great and Noble Men, against whom he ishighly incensed, he will deliver their Daughters and Wives untothis sort of People, reckoning it, as they also account it, to befar worse Punishment than any kind of Death. This kind of Punishmentbeing accounted such horrible Cruelty, the King doth usually of hisClemency shew them some kind of Mercy, and pittying their Distress, Commands to carry them to a River side, and there to deliver theminto the hands of those, who are far worse than the Executioners ofDeath: from whom, if these Ladies please to free themselves, theyare permitted to leap into the River and be drowned; the which somesometimes will choose to do, rather than to consort with them. 

[Some of these Beggars keep Cattle and shoot Deer. ] There are someof this sort of People which dwell in remote Parts, distant from anyTowns, and keep Cattle, and sell them to the Chingulayes, also shootDeer and sell them where they fall in the Woods; for if they shouldbut touch them, none would buy them. 

[Refuse Meat dressed in a Barbar's house. ] The Barbar's Informationhaving been the occasion of all this misery upon this People, they inrevenge there of abhor to eat what is dressed in the Barbar's Houseeven to this day. 

CHAP. III. 

Of their Religion, Gods, Temples, Priests. 

To take a more particular view of the state of this Countrey, we shallfirst give some account of their Religion, as it justly requires thefirst place, and then of their other secular concerns. 

Under their Religion will come to be considered, Their Gods, theirTemples, their Priests, their Festivals, Sacrifices, and Worship, and their Doctrines and Opinions; and whatsoever other matters occur, that may concern this Subject. 

[Their Religion, their gods. ] The Religion of the Countrey isIdolatry. There are many both Gods and Devils, which they worship, known by particular Names, which they call them by. They do acknowledgeone to be the Supreme, whom they call Ossa polla maupt Dio, whichsignifieth the Creator of Heaven and Earth; and it is he also, whostill ruleth and governeth the same. This great Supreme God, they hold, sends forth other Deities to see his Will and Pleasure executed inthe World; and these are the petty and inferior gods. These they sayare the Souls of good men, who formerly lived upon the Earth. Thereare Devils also, who are the Inflicters of Sickness and Misery uponthem. And these they hold to be the Souls of evil men. 

[They worship the God that saves Souls. ] There is another great God, whom they call Buddou, unto whom the Salvation of Souls belongs. Himthey believe once to have come upon the Earth. And when he washere, that he did usually fit under a large shady Tree, calledBogahah. Which Trees ever since are accounted Holy, and under whichwith great Solemnities they do to this day celebrate the Ceremoniesof his Worship. He departed from the Earth from the top of the highestMountain on the Island, called Pico Adam: where there is an Impressionlike a foot, which, they say, is his, as hath been mentioned before. 

[The Sun and Moon they repute Deities. ] The Sun and Moon they seemto have an Opinion to be gods from the Names they sometimes callthem by. The Sun in their Language is Irri, and the Moon Handa. Towhich they will sometimes add the Title Haumi, which is a name theygive to Persons of the greatest Honour; and Dio, that signifies God:saying Irrihaumi, Irridio: Handahaumi, handa Dio. But to the Starsthey give not these Titles. 

[Some of their Temples of exquisite Work. ] The Pagoda's or Templesof their Gods are so many that I cannot number them. Many of themare of Rare and Exquisite work, built of Hewn Stone, engraven withImages and Figures; but by whom and when I could not attain to know, the Inhabitants themselves being ignorant therein. But sure I am theywere built by far more Ingenious Artificers, than the Chingulayesthat now are on the Land. For the Portugueze in their Invasions havedefaced some of them, which there is none found that hath Skill enoughto repair to this day. 

[The form of their Temples. ] The fashion of these Pagoda's aredifferent; some, to wit those that were anciently built, are ofbetter Workmanship, as was said before; but those lately erected arefar Inferior; made only with Clay and Sticks, and no Windows. Some, viz. Those belonging to the Buddou, are in the form of a Pigeon-House, foursquare, one Story high, and some two; the Room above has itsIdols as well as that below. Some of them are Tiled, and some Thatched. 

[The shape of their Idols. ] In them are Idols and Images most monstrousto behold, some of silver, some of brass and other metals: and alsopainted sticks, and Targets, and most strange kind of Arms, as Bills, Arrows, Spears and Swords. But these Arms are not in the Buddou'sTemples, he being for Peace: therefore there are in his Temples onlyImages of men cross-legged with yellow coats on like the Gonni-Priests, their hair frilled, and their hands before them like women. Andthese they say are the spirits of holy men departed. Their Templesare adorned with such things as the peoples ability and poverty canafford; accounting it the highest point of Devotion, bountifully todedicate such things unto their Gods, which in their estimation aremost precious. 

[They worship not the Idol, but whom it represents. ] As for theseImages they say they say they do not own them to be Gods themselvesbut only Figures, representing their Gods to their memories; and assuch, they give to them honour and worship. 

[The revenues of the Temples; and the honours thereof. ] Women havingtheir natural infirmities upon them may not, neither dare they presumeto come near the Temples or houses of their Gods. Nor the men, ifthey come out of houses where such women are. 

[They are dedicated to Gods. ] Unto each of these Pagodas, there aregreat Revenues of Land belonging: which have been allotted to themby former Kings, according to the State of the Kingdom: but they havemuch impaired the Revenues of the Crown, there being rather more Townsbelonging to the Church, than unto the King. These estates of theTemples are to supply a daily charge they are at; which is to preparevictuals or sacrifices to set before the Idols. They have Elephantsalso as the King has, which serve them for State. Their Temples haveall sorts of Officers belonging to them, as the Palace hath. 

Most of these Pagodas are dedicated to the name and honour of those, whom they call Dio or Gods: to whom, they say, belong the Governmenton earth, and of all things appertaining to this life. 

[Private Chappels. ] Besides these Publick Temples, many people dobuild in their yards private Chappels, which are little houses, liketo Closets, sometimes so small, that they are not above two foot inbigness, but built upon a Pillar three or four foot from the groundwherein they do place certain Image of the Buddou, that they may havehim near them, and to testifie their love and service to him. Whichthey do by lighting up candles and lamps in his house, and layingflowers every morning before him. And at some times they boyl victualsand lay it before him. And the more they perform such ceremoniousservice to him here, the more shall be their ward hereafter. 

All blessings and good success, they say, come from the hand of God, but sickness and diseases proceed from the Devil; not that of himselfhe hath such absolute power, but as servants have power, licence andauthority from their Masters, so they from God. 

[The Priests. ] But the Gods will require some to wait at their Altars;and the Temples, men to officiate in them: their Priests thereforefall under the next confederation. Of these there are three sortsaccording to the three differences of Gods among them. And theirTemples are also called by three different names. 

[The first order of them. ] The first and highest order of Priests arethe Tirinanxes. Who are the Priests of the Buddou God. Their Templesare styled Vehars. There is a religious house in the City of Digligy, where they dwell and assemble and consult together about their affairs, which being the meeting place of such holy men, they call it a Vihar;also they admit none to come into their order but persons of the mostnoble birth, and that have learning and be well bred; of such theyadmit many. But they do not presently upon their admission arriveunto the high degree of a Tirinanx. For of these there are butthree or four: and they are chose out of all the rest of the orderunto this degree; These Tirinanxes only live in the Vihar, and enjoygreat Revenues, and are as it were the Superiors of all the Priests, and are made by the King. 

Many of the Vehars are endowed and have Farms belonging to them. Andthese Tirinanxes are the Landlords, unto whom the Tenants come at acertain time and pay in their Rents. These Farmers live the easiestof any people in the Land, for they have nothing to do but at thoseset times to bring in their dues and so depart, and to keep inrepair certain little Vehars in the Countrey. So that the rest ofthe Chingulais envy them and say of them, Though they live easy inthis world, they cannot escape unpunished in the life to come forenjoying the Buddou's land and doing him so little service for it. 

[The habit of these Priests. ] All the rest of the order are calledGonni. The habit is the same to the whole order, both Tirinanxesand Gonni. It is a yellow coat gathered together about their wast, and comes over their left shoulder, girt about with a belt of finepack-thread. Their heads are shaved, and they go bare-headed andcarry in their hands a round fan with a wooden handle, which is tokeep the sun off their hands. 

[Their Priviledges. ] They have great benefit and honour. Theyenjoy their own lands without paying scot or lot or any Taxes to theKing. They are honoured in such a measure, that the people, where everthey go, bow down to them as they do to their Gods, but themselvesbow to none. They have the honour of carrying the Tallipot with thebroad end over their heads foremost; which none but the King does:Wheresoever they come, they have a mat and a white cloth laid overupon a stool for them to sit upon; which is also an honour used onlyto the King. 

[What they are prohibited. ] They are debarred from laying their handsto any manner of work; and may not marry nor touch women, nor eat butone meal a day, unless it be fruit and rice and water, that they mayeat morning and evening: nor must they drink wine. They will eat anylawful flesh that is dressed for them, but they will have no hand inthe death of it; as to give order or consent to the killing of it. 

They may lay down their order, if they please; which some do, thatthey may marry. This is done by pulling off their coat, and flingingit into a River, and washing themselves head and body, and then theybecome like other lay-men. 

[When any is religiously disposed, these Priests sent for in greatceremony. ] There is a benefit that accrueth to them, which is, when anyman is minded to provide for his soul, they bring one of these Priestsunder a cloth held up by four men, unto his house, with drums and Pipesand great solemnity which only can be done unto the King besides. Thenthey give him great entertainment and bestows gifts on him accordingas they are able: which, after he hath tarried a day or more, theycarry for him, and conduct him home with the like solemnities as hecame. But the night that he tarries with them he must sing Bonna, thatis matter concerning their Religion out of a Book made of the leavesof Tallipot: and then he tells them the meaning of what he sings, itbeing in an eloquent style which the Vulgar people do not understand. 

[None ever used violence towards them before the present King. ] Some ofthese Priests, against whom the King took displeasure, were beheaded, afterwards cast into the River. Which thing caused amazement in allthe people, how the King durst presume to do it towards such holyand reverend persons. 

And none heretofore by any former Kings have ever been so served:being reputed and called Sons of Boddou. But the reason the King flewthem was because they conspired in the Rebellion. They threw asidetheir Habits, and got their swords by their sides. 

[The second order of their Priests. ] The second order of Priestsare those called Koppuhs. Who are the Priests that belong to theTemples of the other Gods. Their Temples are called Dewals. Theseare not distinguished by any habit from the rest of the People, no, nor when they are at their worship; only they wear clean cloths, andwash themselves before they go to their service. These are taken outfrom among the Hondrews. They enjoy a piece of Land that belongs tothe Dewal where they officiate, and that is all their benefit, unlessthey steal somewhat that is dedicated to the Gods. They follow theirHusbandry and employments as other men do, but only when the timesof worship are, which usually is every morning and evening, oftner orseldomer according as the Revenue will hold out, that belongs to thatTemple, whereof each is Priest. The service is, that when the boyledrice and other victuals are brought to the Temple door by others, he takes it and presents it before the Idol. Whence, after it hathstood a while, he brings it out again, and then the drummers, pipers, and other servants that belong to the Temple, eat it. These Gods havenever any flesh brought in sacrifice to them, but any thing else. 

[The third order. ] The third order of Priests are the Jaddeses, Priestsof the Spirits, which they call Dayautaus. Their Temples are calledCovels, which are inferior to the other Temples, and have no revenuesbelonging to them. A man piously disposed, builds a small house athis own charge, which is the Temple, and himself becomes Priestthereof. Therein are Bills, and Swords, and Arrows, and Shields, and Images, painted upon the walls like fierce men. This house isseldom called Gods house, but most usually Jacco, the Devils. Uponsome extradinary festival to the Jacco, the Jaddese shaves off allhis beard. 

[How they dedicate a red Cock to the Devil. ] When they are sick, they dedicate a red Cock to the Devil. Which they do after thismanner. They send for the Jaddese to their house, and give him a redCock chicken, which he takes up in his hand and holds an Arrow withit, and dedicates it to the God, by telling him that if he restore theparty to his health, that Cock is given to him; and shall be dressedand sacrificed to him in his Covel. They then let the Cock go amongthe rest of the Poultry, and keep it afterwards, it may be, a yearor two: and then they carry it to the Temple, or the Priest comesfor it. For sometimes he will go round about, and fetch a great manyCocks together, that have been dedicated, telling the owners that hemust make a sacrifice to the God; though it may be when he hath them, he will go to some other place and convert them into mony for hisown use, as I my self can witness, We could buy three of them forfour pence half-peny. 

When the people are minded to enquire any thing of their Gods, thePriests take up some of the Arms and Instruments of the Gods, that arein the Temples, upon his shoulder; and their he either fains himselfto be mad, or really is so: which the people call Pissowetitch; andthen the spirit of the Gods is in him, and whatsoever he pronounceth, is looked upon as spoken by God himself, and the people will speakto him, as if it were the very person of God. 

CHAP. IV. 

Concerning their Worship, and Festivals. 

[The chief days of worship. ] Wednesdays and Saturdays are the days, when people, who have any business with the Gods, come and addressthemselves; that is either to pray to their God for health, orfor their help in some weighty matters, as in War &c. Or to swearconcerning any matter in controversy, which is done before the Idols. 

[How they know what God or Devil have made them sick. ] But oneof their great and frequent businesses with their Gods is for theRecovery of health. And that God or Devil that hath made them sick, in his power only it is to restore them. Therefore when they feelthemselves sick or sore, first, they use means to know which Godor Devil hath been the cause or author thereof. Which to find theyuse these means. With any little stick they make a bow, and on thefiring thereof they hang a thing they have to cut Betel-nuts, somewhatlike a pair of Sizzars; then holding the stick or Bow by both ends, they repeat the names of all both God and Devils: and when they cometo him who hath afflicted them, then the Iron on the bow-string willswing. They say by that sign they know their ilness proceeds from thepower of that God last named; but I think this happens by the powerof the Hands that hold it. The God being thus found, to him chieflythey offer their oblations and sacrifices. 

[The Gods of their fortunes. ] There are nine Deities, which they callGerehah, which are the Planets (reckoning in probably the Dragonshead and Tail. ) From whom proceed their Fortunes. These they reckonso powerful, that if they be ill affected towards any party, neitherGod nor Devil can revoke it. 

[What worship they give the Planets. ] When they are disposed toworship these Gerehah, they make Images of Clay according to thenumber that stand disaffected, towards them, which by certain MagickTricks they know these Images, which are made by the Weavers, theypaint of divers colours, of horrible and monstrous shapes; some withlong tusks like a Boar, some with hornes like a Bull, all in a mostdeformed manner, but something resembling the shape of a man. Beforethem they prostrate Victuals, the sick party sitting all the whilebefore them. These ceremonies are always celebrated in the nightwith Drums and Pipes and dancing until almost day, and then theytake these Images and cast them out into the high ways to be trampledunder foot: and the Victuals taken away and eaten by the attendants, and despicable people that wait there on purpose. 

[What worship they give Devils. ] When they worship those whom theycall Devils, many of whom they hold to be the Spirits of some that diedheretofore, they make no Images for them, as they did for the Planets;but only build a new house in their yard, like a Barn very slight, covered only with leaves, and adorn it with Branches and Flowers. Intothis House they bring some of the Weapons or Instruments, which arein the Pagods or Temples, and place them on Stools at one end ofthe house, which is hanged with Cloth for that purpose, and beforethem on other Stools they lay Victuals: and all that time of theSacrifice there is Drumming, Piping, Singing, and Dancing. [Who eatthe Sacrifices. ] Which being ended, they take the Victuals away, andgive it to those which Drum and Pipe, with other Beggars and Vagabonds;for only such do eat of their Sacrifices; not that they do account suchthings hallowed, and so dare not presume to eat them, but contrariwisethey are now looked upon as polluted meat. And if they should attemptto eat thereof, it would be a reproach to them and their Generations. 

[Their Gods are local. ] These Spirits or Gods are local. For thosewhich they worship in one County or part of the Land, are not known orowned to have power over the People in other parts. But each Countreyhath several Spirits or Devils, that are peculiar to those places, and do domineer over them, and are known by several names they callthem by: under whose subjection the People do acknowledge themselvesto be: and, as I well perceive, do stand in a greater awe of them, than they do of them, whom they call and own to be their Gods. 

[The subjection of this People to the Devil. ] And indeed it is sadto consider, how this poor People are subjected to the Devil, andthey themselves acknowledge it their misery, saying their Countreyis so full of Devils, and evil Spirits, that unless in this mannerthey should adore them, they would be destroyed by them. Christiansthey do acknowledge have a Prerogative above themselves, and not tobe under the Power of these infernal Spirits. 

[Sometimes the Devil possesses them. ] I have many times seen Men andWomen of this People strangely possest, insomuch that I could judge itnothing else but the effect of the Devil's power upon them: and theythemselves do acknowledge as much. In the like condition to which Inever saw any that did profess to be a worshipper of the Holy Name ofJESUS. They that are thus possest, some of them will run mad into theWoods, screeching and roaring, but do mischief to none; some will betaken so as to be speechless, shaking, and quaking, and dancing, andwill tread upon the fire and not be hurt; they will also talk idle, like distracted folk. 

This may last sometimes two or three Months, sometimes two or threedayes. Now their Friends reckoning it to proceed from the Devil, do goto him and promise him a reward if he will cure them. Sometimes theyare cured, and sometimes die. The People do impute this madness tosome breach of promise that the Party affected had made to the Devil, or else for eating some fruit or Betel-leaves dedicated to him: Forthey do dedicate some fruit-trees to the Devil; and this they do, toprevent People from stealing them (which few will dare to do aftersuch a Dedication) and also to excuse themselves in not bestowingtheir fruit upon any that might ask or desire it. But before thisdedicated fruit is lawful for them to use, they must carry some ofit to the Temple. 

[The Devil's Voice often heard. ] This for certain I can affirm, Thatoftentimes the Devil doth cry with an audible Voice in the Night;'tis very shrill almost like the barking of a Dog. This I have oftenheard my self; but never heard that he did any body any harm. Onlythis observation the Inhabitants of the Land have made of this Voice, and I have made it also, that either just before or very suddenlyafter this Voice, the King always cuts off People. To believe thatthis is the Voice of the Devil these reasons urge, because there is noCreature known to the Inhabitants, that cry like it, and because itwill on a sudden depart from one place, and make a noise in another, quicker than any fowl could fly: and because the very Dogs will trembleand shake when they hear it; and 'tis so accounted by all the People. 

This Voice is heard only in Cande Uda, and never in the LowLands. When the Voice is near to a Chingulaye's house, he will cursethe Devil, calling him Geremoi goulammah, Beef-eating Slave be gone, be damned, cut his Nose off, beat him a pieces. And such like wordsof Railery, and this they will speak aloud with noise, and passion, and threatning. This Language I have heard them bestow upon the Voice;and the Voice upon this always ceaseth for a while, and seems todepart, being heard at a greater distance. 

[Their Sacrifice to the chief Devil. ] When smaller Devils do fail them, they repair unto the great one. Which they do after this manner. Theyprepare an Offering of Victuals ready dressed; one dish whereof isalways a red Cock. Which they do as frequently offer to the Devil, as Papists do Wax-Candles to Saints. This Offering they carry outinto a remote place in the Woods, and prostrate it to the honour andservice of the Grand Devil, before which there are men in an horribledisguise like Devils, with Bells about their Legs and Doublets of astrange fashion, dancing and singing, to call, it it were possible, the Devil himself to come and eat of the Sacrifices they have brought;the sick Party is all the while present. 

[Their Festivals. ] I have hitherto spoke of their ordinary and dailyWorship, and their private and occasional Devotions; besides thesethey have their solemn and annual Festivals. Now of these there aretwo sorts, some belonging to their Gods that govern the Earth, and allthings referring to this life; and some belonging to the Buddou whoseProvince is to take care of the Soul and future well-being of Men. 

[Festivals to the honour of the Gods that govern this World. ] Ishall first mention the Festivals of the former sort. They are two orthree. That they may therefore honour these Gods, and procure their aidand assistance, they do yearly in the Month of [The great Festival inJune. ] June or July, at a New Moon, observe a solemn Feast and generalMeeting, called Perahar; but none are compelled, and some go to onePagoda, and some to another. The greatest Solemnity is performed inthe City of Cande; but at the same time the like Festival or Peraharis observed in divers other Cities and Towns of the Land. The Peraharat Cande is ordered after this manner. 

The Priest bringeth forth a painted stick, about which strings ofFlowers are hanged, and so it is wrapped in branched Silk, somepart covered, and some not; before which the People bow down andworship; each one presenting him with an Offering according to hisfree will. These free-will Offerings being received from the People, the Priest takes his painted stick on his Shoulder, having a Clothtied about his mouth to keep his breath from defiling this pure pieceof Wood, and gets up upon an Elephant all covered with white Cloth, upon which he rides with all the Triumph that King and Kingdom canafford, thro all the Streets of the City. But before him go, firstsome Forty or Fifty Elephants, with brass Bells hanging on each sideof them, which tingle as they go. 

Next, follow men dressed up like Gyants, which go dancing alongagreeable to a Tradition they have, that anciently there werehuge men, that could carry vast Burthens, and pull up Trees bythe Roots. &c. After them go a great multitude of Drummers, andTrumpetters, and Pipers, which make such a great and loud noise, thatnothing else besides them can be heard. Then followeth a Company ofMen dancing along, and after these Women of such Casts or Trades as arenecessary for the service of the Pagoda, as Potters and Washer-women, each cast goeth in Companies by themselves, three and three in a row, holding one another by the hand; and between each Company go Drummers, Pipers and Dancers. 

After these comes an Elephant with two Priests on his back: onewhereof is the Priest before spoken of, carrying the painted stickon his Shoulder, who represents Allout neur Dio, that is, the God andMaker of Heaven and Earth. The other sits behind him, holding a roundthing, like an Umbrello, over his head, to keep off Sun or Rain. Thenwithin a yard after him on each hand of him follow two other Elephantsmounted with two other Priests, with a Priest sitting behind each, holding Umbrello's as the former, one of them represents CotteragomDio, and the other Potting Dio. These three Gods that ride here inCompany are accounted of all other the greatest and chiefest, eachone having his residence in a several Pagoda. 

Behind go their Cook-women, with things like whisks in their hands toscare away flies from them; but very fine as they can make themselves. 

Next after the Gods and their Attendance, go some Thousands of Ladiesand Gentlewomen, such as are of the best sort of the Inhabitants ofthe Land, arrayed in the bravest manner that their Ability can afford, and so go hand in hand three in a row; At which time all the Beautieson Zelone in their Bravery do go to attend upon their Gods in theirProgress about the City. Now are the Streets also all made clean, and on both sides all along the Streets Poles stuck up with Flagsand Pennons hanging at the tops of them, and adorned with boughs andbranches of Coker Nut-Trees hanging like Fringes, and lighted Lampsall along on both sides of the Streets, both by day and night. 

Last of all, go the Commanders sent from the King to see theseCeremonies decently performed, with their Soldiers after them. And inthis manner they ride all round about the City once by day and onceby night. This Festival lasts from the New Moon until the Full Moon. 

Formerly the King himself in Person used to ride on Horseback withall his Train before him in this Solemnity, but now he delights notin these Shows. 

Always before the Gods set out to take their Progress, they are set inthe Pagoda-Door, a good while, that the People may come to worship andbring their Offerings unto them; during which time there are Dancers, playing and shewing many pretty Tricks of Activity before him; To seethe which, and also to shew themselves in their Bravery, occasionsmore People to resort hither, than otherwise their Zeal and Devotionwould prompt them to do. 

Two or thee days before the Full Moon, each of these Gods hath aPallenkine carried after them to add unto their honour. In the whichthere are several pieces of their superstitious relicts, and a SilverPot. Which just, at the hour of Full Moon they ride out unto a River, and dip full of water, which is carried back with them into the Temple, where it is kept till the year after and then flung away. And so theCeremony is ended for that year. 

This Festival of the Gods taking their Progress thro the City, inthe year 1664. The King would not permit to be performed; and thatsame year the Rebellion happened, but never since hath he hindred it. 

At this time they have a Superstition, which lasteth six or seven days, too foolish to write; it consists in Dancing, Singing, and Jugling. Thereason of which is, lest the eyes of the People, or the Power ofthe Jacco's, or Infernal Spirits, might any ways prove prejudicialor noisom to the aforesaid Gods in their Progress abroad. During theCelebration of this great Festival, there are no Drums allowed to bebeaten to any particular Gods at any private Sacrifice. 

[The Feast in November. ] In the Month of November the Night when theMoon is at the Full, there is another great solemn Feast, called intheir Language Cawtha Poujah. Which is celebrated only by lighting ofLamps round about the Pogada. At which time they stick up the longestPoles they can get in the Woods, at the Doors of the Pagods and ofthe King's Palace. Upon which they make contrivances to set Lamps inrows one above the other, even unto the very tops of the Poles, whichthey call Tor-nes. To maintain the charge hereof, all the Countrey ingeneral do contribute, and bring in Oil. In this Poujah or Sacrificethe King seems to take delight. The reason of which may be, because heparticipates far more of the Honour, than the Gods do, in whose nameit is celebrated; his Palace being far more decked and adorned withhigh Poles and Lights, than the Temples are. This Ceremony lastethbut for one Night. 

[The Festival in honour of the God of the Soul. ] And these are theirAnniversary Feasts to the honour of those Gods, whose power extendsto help them in this Life; now follows the manner of their Serviceto the Buddou, who it is, they say, that must save their Souls, and the Festival in honour of him. 

To represent the memorial of him to their eye, they do make smallImages of Silver, Brass, and Clay, and Stone, which they do honour withSacrifices and Worship, shewing all the signs of outward reverencewhich possibly they can. In most places where there are hollow Rocksand Caves, they do set up Images in memorial of this God. Unto whichthey that are devoutly bent, at New and Full Moons do carry Victuals, and worship. 

His great Festival is in the Month of March at their New-yearsTide. The Places where he is commemorated are two, not Temples, but theone a Mountain and the other a Tree; either to the one or the other, they at this time go with Wives and Children, for Dignity and Meritone being esteemed equal with the other. 

The Mountain is at the South end of the Countrey, called Hammalella, but by Christian People, Adam's Peak, the highest in the whole Island;where, as has been said before, is the Print of the Buddou's foot, which he left on the top of that Mountain in a Rock, from whencehe ascended to Heaven. Unto this footstep they give worship, lightup Lamps, and offer Sacrifices, laying them upon it, as upon anAltar. The benefit of the Sacrifices that are offered here do belongunto the Moors Pilgrims, who come over from the other Coast to beg, this having been given them heretofore by a former King. So that atthat season there are great numbers of them always waiting there toreceive their accustomed Fees. 

The Tree is at the North end of the King's Dominions atAnnarodgburro. This Tree, they say, came flying over from the otherCoast, and there planted it self, as it now stands, under which theBuddou-God at his being on earth used, as they say, often to fit. Thisis now become a place of solemn worship. The due performance whereofthey reckon not to be a little meritorious: insomuch that, as theyreport, Ninety Kings have since reigned there successively, whereby the ruins that still remain, it appears they spared not for painsand labour to build Temples and high Monuments to the honour of thisGod, as if they had been born only to hew Rocks, and great Stones, and lay them up in heaps. These Kings are now happy Spirits, havingmerited it by these their labours. 

Those whose Ability or Necessity serve them not to go to these Places, may go to some private Vihars nearer. 

[The high honour they have for this God. ] For this God above all other, they seem to have an high respect and Devotion; as will appear by thisthat follows. Ladies and Gentlewomen of good Quality, will sometimesin a Fit of Devotion to the Buddou, go a begging for him. The greatestLadies of all do not indeed go themselves, but send their Maids dressedup finely in their stead. These Women taking the Image along with them, carry it upon the palms of their hand covered with a piece of whiteCloth; and so go to mens houses, and will say, We come a begging ofyour Charity for the Buddou towards his Sacrifice. And the People arevery liberal. They give only of three things to him, either Oyl for hisLamps, or Rice for his Sacrifice, or Money or Cotton Yarn for his use. 

Poor men will often go about begging Sustenance for themselves bythis means: They will get a Book of Religion, or a Buddou's Image ina Case, wrapping both in a white Cloth, which they carry with greatreverence. And then they beg in the name of the Book or the God. Andthe People bow down to them, and give their Charity, either Corn, or Money, or Cotton yarn. Sometimes they will tell the Beggar, Whathave I to give? And he will reply, as the saying is, as much as youcan take up between your two fingers is Charity. After he has receiveda gift from any, he pronounceth a great deal of blessing upon him, Let the blessing of the Gods and the Buddou go along with you; letyour Corn ripen, let your Cattle increase, let your Life be long, &c. 

Some being devoutly disposed, will make the Image of this God at theirown charge. For the making whereof they must bountifully reward theFounder. Before the Eyes are made, it is not accounted a God, but alump of ordinary Metal, and thrown about the Shop with no more regardthan any thing else. But when the Eyes are to be made, the Artificeris to have a good gratification, besides she first agreed uponreward. The Eyes being formed, it is thenceforward a God. And then, being brought with honour from the Workman's Shop, it is dedicatedby Solemnities and Sacrifices, and carried with great state into itsshrine or little house, which is before built and prepared for it. 

Sometimes a man will order the Smith to make this Idol, and then afterit is made will go about with it to well-disposed People to contributetoward the Wages the Smith is to have for making it. And men willfreely give towards the charge. And this is looked upon in the manthat appointed the Image to be made, as a notable piece of Devotion. 

I have mentioned the Bogahah Tree before, which in memory of this Godthey hold Sacred, and perform Sacrifices, and celebrate ReligiousMeetings under. Under this Tree at some convenient distance aboutten or twelve foot at the outmost edge of the Platform, they usuallybuild Booths or Tents; some are made slight only with leaves forthe present use, but some are built substantial with hewn Timber andClay Walls, which stand many years. These Buildings are divided intosmall Tenements for each particular Family. The whole Town joyns, and each man builds his own Appartment: so that the Building goesquite round like a circle, only one gap is left, which is to passthro to the Bogahah Tree: and this gap is built over with a kindof Portal. The use of these Buildings is for the entertainment ofthe Women. Who take great delight to come and see these Ceremonies, clad in their best and richest Apparel. They employ themselves inseeing the Dancers, and the Juglers do their Tricks: who afterwardsby their importunity will get Money of them, or a Ring off theirFingers, or some such matters. Here also they spend their time ineating Betel, and in talking with their Consorts, and shewing theirfine Cloths. These Solemnities are always in the Night, the Boothsall set round with Lamps; nor are they ended in one Night, but lastthree or four, until the Full Moon, which always puts a Period to them. 

CHAP. V. 

Concerning their Religions Doctrines, Opinions, And Practices. 

[As to their Religion they are very indifferent. ] There are few ornone zealous in their worship, or have any great matter of esteemfor their Gods. And they seldom busie themselves in the matters oftheir Religion, until they come to be sick or very aged. They debarnone that will come to see the Ceremonies of their worship; and if astranger should dislike their way, reprove or mock at them for theirIgnorance and Folly, they would acknowledge the same, and laugh at thesuperstitions of their own Devotion, but withall tell you that theyare constrained to do what they do, to keep themselves safe from themalice and mischiefs that the evil spirits would otherwise do them, with which, they say, their Country swarm. 

[If their Gods answer not their desires, they Curse them. ] Sometimesin their Sickness they go to the House of their Gods with an Offering, with which they present him, intreating his favour and aid to restorethem to health. Upon the recovery whereof they promise him not to failbut to give unto His Majesty (for so they entitle him) far greaterGifts or Rewards, and what they are, they do particularly mention;it may be, Land, a Slave, Cattle, Money, Cloth, &c. And so they willdiscourse, argue and expostulate with him, as if he were there presentin Person before them. If after this, he fails on his part, and cannotrestore them to their health, then the fore-promised things are toremain where they were; and instead of which perhaps he gets a Curse, saying, He doth but cheat and deceive them. 

[They undervalue and revile their Gods. ] It is a usual saying, andvery frequent among them (if their Gerahah, which is their fortune, be bad) What can God do against it: Nay, have often heard them say, Give him no Sacrifice, but shit in his Mouth, what a God is He? Soslight an estimation have they of their Idol-Gods; and the King farless esteems them. For he doth not in the least give any countenanceeither to the Worshipper, or to the manner of worship. And God's namebe magnified, that hath not suffered him to disturb or molest theChristians in the least in their Religion, or ever attempt to forcethem to comply with the Countreys Idolatry. But on the contrary, both King and People do generally like the Christian Religion betterthan their own: and respect and honour the Christians as Christians;and do believe there is a greater God than any they adore. And inall probability they would be very easily drawn to the Christian orany other Religion: as will appear by this story following. 

[A fellow gives out himself for a Prophet. ] There was lately oneamong them that pretended himself a Prophet sent to them from anew God, that as yet was nameless. At which the People were amused, especially because he pretended to heal the Sick, and do Miracles:and presently he was had in high veneration. He gave out it was thecommand of the new nameless God to spoil and pull down the Dewals, that is, the Temples of the former Gods. This he made a good progressin, with no let or impediment from King or People. The King all thiswhile inclined neither to one or other, as not regarding such matters, until he might see which of these Gods would prevail, the old or thenew. For this People stand in fear of all that are called Gods; andthis especially surprized them, because without a Name; so contraryto all their old ones, who have Names. This new-found God thereforewent on boldly and successfully without controul: [His Success. ] thePeople all in general began to admire him thus come among them. Andgreat troops of People daily assembled thither with Sacrifices, andto worship him. Whereby seeing their inclination so strong towardshim, he began to perceive it was not only possible, but also easieand probable to change his Priesthood for a Kingdom. 

[The King sends for one of his Priests. ] At which time, whetherthe King began to suspect or not, I cannot say; but he sent for oneof his Priests to be brought up to the Court. For this God had hisresidence in the Countrey at Vealbow in Hotcourly, somewhat remotefrom the King. This Priest having remained at the City some days, the King took a Ring from off his Finger, and put it in an Ivory Box, and sent it by three of his great Men to him, bidding him to enquireof his nameless God what it was that was therein; which amazed thisPriest; but he returned this subtil answer, that he was not sentto divine, but to heal the Diseases and help the Infirmities of thePeople. Upon which the King gave Command to take him and put him inthe Stocks under a Tree, there to be wet with the Rain, and dry againwith the Sun. Which was executed upon him accordingly. 

[Flies to Columba, pretends himself to be a former King's Son. ] TheChief Priest, who was the first Inventor of this new God, hearing whatthe King had done, and fearing what might follow, suddenly dispatched, and carried all what he had plundered out of the Pagods with him toColumba, and stole one of the King's Elephants to carry it upon. Wherebeing arrived, he declares himself to be Son of the King of Mautoly;who was elder Brother to this King that now is, and for fear of whomhe fled to Columba; being at that time when the Portugals had it, who sent him to Goa, where he died. 

[Flies from the Dutch. ] This being noised abroad that he was a Prince, made the People flock faster to him than before. Which changed bothhis heart and behaviour from a Priest to a King. Insomuch that theDutch began to be in doubt what this might grow to. Who to preventthe worst, set a watch over him: which he not liking of, took theadvantage of the night, and fled with all his Followers and Attendanceup to the King again, and came to the same place where he lay before. 

[The King catches and quarters him. ] No sooner had the King noticeof his arrival, but immediately he dispatched five of his greatestCommanders with their Soldiers to catch him, and to bring him upto him. Which they did, laying both him and all his followers inChains. The King commanded to keep him in a certain Pagoda of theChingulayes, until the matter were examined, the People in general muchlamenting him, tho not able to help. The chief of their Church-men, viz. Their Gonni-nancies, were all commanded to make their Personalappearance at Court. Which all thought was to see the Prince orPriest, should have a legal Trial. But in the mean time, the Kingcommanded to cut him in four quarters, and hang them in places, which he appointed. Which was done. 

[The Peoples opinion still of this new God. ] Nevertheless the VulgarPeople to this day do honour and adore the name & memorial of thenameless God. With which if he could have been content, and not havegone about to usurp the Crown, the King so little regarding Religion, he might have lived to dye a natural death. 

[Their Doctrins and Opinions. ] These people do firmly believe aresurrection of the body, and the Immortality of Souls, and a futureState. Upon which account they will worship their Ancestors. Theydo beleive that those they call Gods are the spirits of men thatformerly have lived upon the earth. They hold that in the other world, those that are good men tho they be poor and mean in this world, yetthere they shall become high and eminent; and that wicked men shall beturned into beasts. There is a Spider among them, that breeds an Egg, which she carries under her belly, 'tis as wide as groat, and biggerthen the body of the Spider. This egg is full of young Spiders thatbreed there: it hangs under her belly wheresoever she goes: and astheir young ones grow to bigness they eat up the old one. Now theChingulayes say, that disobedient children shall become Spiders inthe other world, and their young ones shall eat them up. 

They hold that every mans good or bad Fortune was predetermined byGod, before he was born, according to an usual Proverb they have, Ollua cottaula tiana, It is written in the head. 

[The highest points of Devotion. ] They reckon the chief poynts ofgoodness to consist in giving to the Priests, in making Pudgiahs, Sacrifices to their Gods, in forbearing shedding the blood of anycreature: which to do they call Pau boi, a great Sin: and in abstainingfrom eating any flesh at all, because they would not have any hand, or any thing to do in killing any living thing. They reckon Herbsand Plants more innocent food. It is religion also to sweep underthe Bogaha or God-Tree, and keep it clean. It is accounted religionto be just and sober and chast and true and to be endowed with othervertues, as we do account it. 

[Their Charity. ] They give to the poor out of a Principle ofCharity, which they extend to forraigners, as well as to their ownCountry-men. But of every measure of rice they boyl in their housesfor their families they will take out an handful, as much as theycan gripe, and put into a bag, and keep it by it self, which theycall Mitta-haul. And this they give and distribute to such poor asthey please, or as come to their doors. 

[The priviledg of the Moorish beggars. ] Nor are they charitable only tothe poor of their own Nation, but as I said to others: and particularlyto the Moorish beggars, who are Mahometans by religion. These have aTemple in Cande. A certain former king gave this Temple this Priviledg, that every Free-holder should contribute a Ponnam to it. And theseMoors go to every house in the land to receive it. And if the housebe shut, they have power to break it open, and to take out of goodsto the value of it. They come very confidently when they beg, andthey say they come to fulfill the peoples charity. And the people doliberrally releive them for charity sake. 

There is only one County in the Land, viz. Dolusbaug, that pays not theaforesaid duty to the Moors Temple. And the reason is, that when theycame first thither to demand it, the Inhabitants beat them away. Forwhich act they are free from the payment of that Ponnam and have alsoanother priviledg granted them for the same, That they pay no Marral, or Harriots, to the King as other Countreys do. 

These Moors Pilgrims have many pieces of Land given them by welldisposed persons out of charity, where they build houses and live. Andthis land becomes theirs from generation to generation for ever. 

[They respect Christians, and why. ] They lay Flowers, out of religion, before their Images every morning and evening, for which Imagesthey build little Chappels in their yards as we said before. Theycarry beads in their hands on strings, and say so many prayersas they go. Which custom in all probability they borrowed of thePortugueze. They love a man that makes conscience of his ways. Whichmakes them respect Christians more than any others, because theythink they are just and will not lye. And thus we have finished ourdiscourse of their Religion. 

CHAP. VI. 

Concerning their Houses, Diet, Housewifry, Salutation, Apparel. 

Having already treated of their Religion, we now come to their secularconcerns. And first we will lead you into their houses, and shew youhow they live. 

[Their houses. ] Their Houses are small, low, thatched Cottages, builtwith sticks, daubed with clay, the walls made very smooth. For they arenot permitted to build their houses above one story high, neither maythey cover with tiles, nor whiten their walls with lime, but there isa Clay which is as white, and that they use sometimes. They employ noCarpenters, or house-builders, unless some few noble-men, but each onebuildeth his own dwelling. In building whereof there is not so much asa nail used; but instead of them every thing which might be nailed, is tyed with rattans and other strings, which grow in the woods inabundance; whence the builder hath his Timber for cutting. The Countrybeing warm, many of them will not take pains to clay their walls, but make them of boughs and leaves of Trees. The poorest sort havenot above one room in their houses, few above two, unless they begreat men. Neither doth the King allow them to build better. 

[No chimneys. ] They are not nice nor curious in their houses. Theyhave no Chimneys in them, but make their fires in one corner, so thatthe roof is all blacked with the smoak. 

[The houses of the better sort. ] The great people have handsom andcommodious houses. They have commonly two buildings one opposit tothe other, joined together on each side with a wall, which makes asquare Court-yard in the middle. Round about against the walls oftheir houses are banks of clay to sit on; which they often daub overwith soft Cow-dung, to keep them smooth and clean. Their Slaves andServants dwell round about without in other houses with their wivesand children. 

[Their Furniture. ] Their Furniture is but small. A few earthen potswhich hang up in slings made of Canes in the middle of their houses, having no shelves; one or two brass Basons to eat in, a stool ortwo without backs. For none but the King may sit upon a stool with aback. There are also some baskets to put corn in, some mats to spreadupon the ground to sleep on: which is the bedding both for themselvesand friends when they come to their houses. Also some Ebeny pestelsabout four foot long to beat rice out of the husk, and a wooden Morterto beat it in afterwards to make it white, a Hirimony or Grater tograte their Coker-nuts with, a flat stone upon which they grind theirPepper and Turmeric, &c. With another stone which they hold in theirhands at the same time. They have also in their houses Axes, Bills, Houghs, Atches Chissels, and other Tools for their use. Tables theyhave none, but sit and eat on the ground. 

[How they eat. ] And now we are mentioning eating, let us take aview of this people at their meals. Their Dyet and ordinary fare isbut very mean, as to our account. If they have but Rice and Salt intheir house, they reckon they want for nothing. For with a few greenLeaves and the juice of a Lemmon with Pepper and Salt, they willmake a hearty meal. Beef here may not be eaten; it is abominable:Flesh and Fish is somewhat scarce. And that little of it they have, they had rather sell to get mony to keep, then eat it themselves:neither is there any but outlandish men, that will buy any of them. Itis they indeed do eat the fat and best of the Land. Nor is it countedany shame or disgrace, to be a niggard and sparing in dyet; but rathera credit even to the greatest of them, that they can fare hard andsuffer hunger, which they say, Soldiers ought to be able to endure. 

[How the great men eat. ] The great ones have always five or fix sortsof food at one meal, and of them not above one or two at most ofFlesh or Fish, end of them more pottage than meat, after the Portugalfashion. The rest is only what groweth out of the ground. The mainsubstance with which they fill their bellies is Rice, the other thingsare but to give it a relish. 

[Discouraged from nourishing Cattel. ] If these people were notdiscouraged from rearing and nourishing of Cattle and Poultry, provisions might be far more plentiful. For here are many Jackalls, which catch their Hens and some Tigres, that destroy their Cattle:but the greatest of all is the King; whose endeavour is to keep thempoor and in want. For from them that have Hens his Officers takethem for the Kings use giving little or nothing for them; the likethey do by Hogs. Goats none are suffered to keep, besides the King, except strangers. 

[Cleanly in dressing their meet. ] In dressing of their victuals theyare not to be discommended: for generally they are cleanly and veryhandy about the fame. And after one is used to that kind of fare, as they dress it, it is very savoury and good. They sit upon a maton the ground, and eat. But he, whom they do honour and respect, sits on a stool and his victuals on another before him. 

[Their drink and manner of eating. ] Their common drink is only water:and if they drink Rack, it is before they eat, that it may have themore operation upon their bodies. When they drink they touch not thePot with their mouths, but hold it at a distance, and pour it in. Theyeat their Rice out of China dishes, or Brass Basons, and they thathave not them, on leaves. The Carrees, or other sorts of Food whichthey eat with their Rice, is kept in the Pans it is dressed in, and their wives serve them with it, when they call for it. For itis their duties to wait and serve their Husbands while they eat, and when they have done, then to take and eat that which they haveleft upon their Trenchers. During their eating they neither use nordelight to talk to one another. 

[Their manner of washing before and after meals. ] They always washtheir hands and mouths both before and after they have eaten; butfor others to pour the water on their hands is looked upon as anaffront. For so they do to them, whom they account not worthy tohandle their Water pot. But when they wash, with one hand they pourit themselves upon the other. They are very cleanly both in theirbodies and heads, which they do very often wash, and also when theyhave been at stool they make use of water. 

[None must speak while the Rice is put into the Pot. ] But to give youa little of their Cookery. If People be in the room talking together, the woman being ready to put the Rice into the Pot, bids them all besilent till she has put it in, and then they may procede with theirdiscourse. For if they should talk while the Rice is putting in, it would not swell. 

[Sawce made of Lemmon juyce. ] At the time of the year that there ismost plenty of Lemmons, they take them and squeez the juyce into anearthen Pot, and set over the fire, and boil it so long, till itbecomes thick and black like Tar. This they set by for their use, and it will keep as long as they please. A very small quantity of itwill suffice for sawce. They call it Annego. 

[Their sweet meats. ] They have several sorts of sweet-meats. Onethey call Caown. It is like to a Fritter made of Rice-flower, andJaggory. They make them up in little lumps, and lay them upon a Leaf, and then press them with their thumbs, and put them into a Frying-Pan, and fry them in Coker-nut Oyl or Butter. When the Dutch came first toColumba, the King ordered these Caown to be made and sent to them asa royal Treat. And they say, the Dutch did so admire them, that theyasked if they grew not upon Trees, supposing it past the Art of manto make such dainties. 

Oggulas another sort of sweet-meats, made of parched Rice, Jaggory, Pepper, Cardamum, and a little Cinnamons. They rowl them up in Balls, which will grow hard. These they tie up in bags and carry them withthem when they travail to eat in afternoons when they are hungry. 

Alloways made much after the former manner, only they are flat in thefashion of a Lozenge; which are good for faintings and thirsty soulsto relish their water, and to eat of in afternoons when they are athome. We carried some of these along with us in our travayl. 

[A kind of Puddings. ] Tacpetties, made of Rice-flower, and the meat ofthe Coker-nut and Jaggory. They are made up into small lumps, and soput in a Leaf, and laid on a cloth over a Pot of boyling water. Thestream of which heats that which is laid upon it: and so they aresodden like a Pudding. They tast like white bread, Almonds and Sugar. 

Pitu. Which is made thus. They take flower of Coracan, and sprinklea little water into it, being both put into a large Pot for thepurpose. Then they stir and rowl it in the Pot with their hands: bywhich means it crumbles into corns like Gun-Powder. Then they have aPot of boyling water with a cloth tyed over it; and upon this cloththey lay so much of this corn flower as they can conveniently coverwith another Pot. And so the steam coming through the cloth boils it, that it will be much like unto a Pudding. And this they use to eatas they do Rice. 

[The Womens Houswifry. ] The womens Housewifry is to beat the Rice outof the husk; which they do with an Ebeny Pestle before mentioned. Theylay the Rice on the ground, and then beat it, one blow with one hand, and then tossing the Pestle into the other, to strike with that. Andat the same time they keep stroke with their feet (as if they weredancing) to keep up the Corn together in one heap. This being done, they beat it again in a wooden Morter to whiten it, as was saidbefore. This work tho it be very hard, belongeth only to the women:as also to fetch both wood and water. The wood they bring upon theirheads, the water in an earthen Pot, placing it upon their hip. To thewomen also belongs a small bill to cut Herbs, Pumkins &c. Which sheis to dress. Which bill she lays upon the ground, the edg upwards, and sets her self upon a Staff or handle to hold it fast, and whatshe meaneth to cut, she lays it upon the edge, and shoveth it on it. 

[How they entertain strangers. ] When one comes to anothers house, being set down the Entertainment is, green Leaves, they call Bullat, which they eat raw with Lime and Betel-nut, and Tobacco. And being seta while, the man of the house will ask the Stranger what he comes tor, which if he does not suddenly, the Stranger will take exceptions atit, as thinking he is not welcom to him. Neither do they ever go oneto visit the other, unless it be for their own ends, either to begor borrow. 

[And Kindred. ] And if Kindred, that are very nearly related cometogether, they have no loving or private conference one with the other, but fit like strangers very solid and grave. And if they stay aboveone night, which is the common custom, then they do help and assistthe man of the house in any work or service he hath to do. 

[When they visit. ] When any friends go to anothers house to visit, they never go empty handed, but carry provisions and sweat meats withthem to their friend. And then he makes them a Feast according tohis ability, but they never eat of those things, which themselvesbrought. But there is but little feasting among them unless ata Wedding. 

We have been long enough in the house, let us walk abroad, and showyou how the People demean themselves without doors. 

[Their manner of Salutations. ] When they meet one another, theirmanner of Salutation or obeisance is, to hold forth their two hands, the Palms upwards, and bow their Bodies: but the superior to theinferior holds forth but one hand, and if the other be much beneath, him he only nods his head. The women salute by holding up boththeir hands edgways to their Foreheads. The general complement oneto another at first meeting is to say Ay; it signifies how do you:and the other answers, Hundoi, that is, well. 

[The Nobles in their best Apparel. ] The Habit of the men when theyappear abroad is after this sort. The Nobles wear Doublets of whiteor blew Callico, and about their middle a cloth, a white one nexttheir skin, and a blew one or of some other colour or painted, overthe white: a blew or shash girt about their loyns, and a Knife with acarved handle wrought or inlaid with Silver sticking in their bosom;and a compleat short Hanger carved and inlaid with Brass and Silverby their sides, the Scabbard most part covered with Silver; bravelyingraven; a painted Cane and sometimes a Tuck in it in their hands, and a boy always bare-headed with long hair hanging down his backwaiting upon him, ever holding a small bag in his hand, which isinstead of a Pocket, wherein is Betel-leaves and nuts. Which theyconstantly keep chewing in their mouths, with Lime kept in a SilverBox rarely engraven, which commonly they hold in their hands, inshape like a Silver Watch. 

[The fashion of their hair. ] The great ones also generally, andspruce young men, do wear their hair long hanging down behind: butwhen they do any work or travail hard, it annoying them, they tie itup behind. Heretofore generally they bored holes in their ears andhung weights in them to make them grow long, like the Malabars, butthis King not boring his, that fashion is almost left off. The menfor ornament do wear Brass, Copper, Silver Rings on their Fingers, and some of the greatest Gold. But none may wear any Silk. 

But the women in their Apparel do far surpass the men, neither are theyso curious in clothing themselves as in making their wives fine. Themens Pride consists in their Attendance, having men bearing Armsbefore and behind them. 

[The Women drest in their bravery. ] In their houses the women regardnot much what dress they go in, but so put on their cloths as is mostconvenient for them to do their work. But when they go abroad, andmake themselves fine, They wear a short Frock with sleeves to covertheir bodies of fine white Callico wrought with blew and red Threadin flowers and branches: on their Arms Silver Bracelets, and theirfingers and toes full of Silver Rings, about their necks, Necklaces ofBeads or Silver, curiously wrought and engraven, guilded with Gold, hanging down so low as their brests. In their ears hang ornamentsmade of Silver set with Stones, neatly engraven and guilded. Theirears they bore when they are young, and rowl Coker-nut leaves and putinto the holes to stretch them out, by which means they grow so widethat they stand like round Circles on each side of their faces, whichthey account a great ornament, but in my Judgment a great deformity, they being well featured women. 

[How they dress their heads. ] Their other ornaments and Apparelshow very comely on them Their Hair they oyl, with Coker-nut oylto make it smooth, and comb it all behind. Their hair grows notlonger than their wasts, but because it is a great ornament to havea great bunch of hair, they have a lock of other hair fastened ina Plate of engraved Silver and guilded, to tie up with their own, in a knot hanging down half their Backs. Their hands are bare, butthey carry a scarf of striped or branched Silk or such as they canget, casting it carelesly on their head and shoulders. About theirWasts they have one or two Silver girdles made with Wire and SilverPlate handsomly engraven, hanging down on each side, one crossing theother behind. And as they walk they chew Betel. But notwithstandingall their bravery neither man nor woman wears shoos or stockings, that being a Royal dress, and only for the King himself. 

[They commonly borrow their fine cloths. ] It is in general a commoncustom with all sorts of People, to borrow Apparel or Jewels to wearwhen they go abroad, which being so customary is no shame nor disgraceto them, neither do they go about to conceal it. For among theirfriends or strangers where they go, they will be talking saying, ThisI borrowed of such an one, and this of another body. Their Povertyis so great, that their ability will not reach to buy such Apparelas they do desire to wear; which nevertheless is but very mean andordinary at the best. 

CHAP. VII. 

Of their Lodging, Bedding, Whoredom, Marriages, and Children. 

Having been thus entertained with the fine Ladies abroad, it is timenow to return home to our Lodging. And the night coming on, we willlead you to their Bed-Chambers, and shew you how they sleep. Aboutwhich they are not very curious. If their house be but one room (asit often is) then the men sleep together at one end and the women atthe other. 

[Their Bed, and how they sleep a nights. ] They have Bedsteads lacedwith Canes or Rattans, but no Testars to them, nor Curtains; that theKing allows not of; neither have they nor care they for more thanone Bedstead, which is only for the Master of the house to sit orsleep on. To this Bedstead belongs two mats and a straw Pillow. TheWoman with the Children always lyes on the ground on mats by thefire-side. For a Pillow she lays a block or such like thing underher mat, but the Children have no Pillows at all. And for coveringand other bedding they use the cloth they wear by day. But always attheir feet they will have a fire burning all night. Which makes morework for the Women; who must fetch it all upon her head. For it isaccounted a disgrace for the man to meddle or make with those affairs, that properly do belong unto the Woman. 

[They rise in the night. ] The younger sort of Children, such as gonaked by day, creep in under a corner of their mothers cloths. Andif they feel themselves cold in the night, they rise and blow thefire with their mouths, having no Bellows in that Countrey, and sosit and warm themselves thereby. 

They are so little given to sleep, that they do rise many times inthe night to eat Beatel and to take Tobacco. Which done they lay themdown, and sing songs until they fall a sleep again. 

[Children taught to sing at going to Bed. ] At their first going tobed, it is very seldom that they do pray to God, neither do theyever teach their Children so to do. But sometimes will say Auh Dio, which is God help or keep me. But they do instead of that, teach andbid their Children to sing songs when they go to bed. 

[Young People lie at one anotheir houses. ] Where their houses consistbut of one room, the Children that are of any years always go andsleep in other houses among their neighbours. Which please them betterthan their own. For so they come to meet with bedfellows, nor doth itdisplease the Parents, if young men of as good quality as themselvesbecome acquainted with their daughters, but rather like well of it;knowing that their daughters by this means can command the young mento help and assist them in any work or business that they may haveoccasion to use them in. And they look upon it so far distant from adisgrace, that they will among their consorts brag of it, that theyhave the young men thus at their command. 

[Nothing so common as Whoredom. ] So that youth are bred up toWhoredom. Indeed here are no Publick Whores allowed by Authority. Inthe City some that have followed that Trade, have oftentimes by theKing's order been severely punished by Whipping, and having their Earsand Hair cut off. But in private few or none can exempt themselves. Andfor the matter of being with Child, which many of them do not desire, they very exquisitely can prevent the same. 

[They are guilty of the thing, but love not the name. ] Indeed thePublick Trade would be bad, and hardly maintain them that exercised it, the private one being so great. And tho I think they be all Whores, yet they abhor the Name of Vesou, which is Whore. Neither do they intheir anger reproach one another with it, unless they should lay witha Man of an inferior quality to themselves, And the Woman reckons herself as much obliged to the Man for his Company, as he does to herfor hers. In these affairs the Women are very expert (it being theircontinual practice) to keep their design from the Husbands knowledge:tho by his own Experience he cannot be ignorant of Womens devices. Andunless he catch them in the act he doth not much trouble himself toprove himself a Cuckold; Cuckolds being so common, that it is nothere regarded. 

[The Man may kill whom he finds in Bed with his Wife. ] It is a Lawhere, that if a Man catch another in Bed with his Wife, he may, be itwhosoever, kill him and her, if he please. It hath so happened thatthe Man hath come to the Door, when another hath been within withhis Wife, there being no way to escape, the Woman has took a pan ofhot ashes, and as she opened the Door, her Husband being entring, cast them in his Eyes, and so she and her Bedfellow made an escape. 

[The Womens craft to compass and conceal their Debauchery. ] To fetchwood out of the Woods to burn, and to fetch home the Cattle is theWoman's work. If they cannot have their opportunities at home, nowthey appoint their meetings, while the Husband stays at home holdingthe Child. In the Evenings it is common for them with whom the Womenbe acquainted, to come and wait behind the House when it is dark toattend their coming forth to them. To which end they give them noticeeither by breaking of a stick, or by putting some Betel over the Wallto fall in such places as they have appointed, where she will lookto find it. And when she has such notice, she cannot want an excuseto go forth to meet him. 

They bear such love to their Bedfellows, that I have known this done, The Husband hath beset the House, and the Womans Friend in it, whenshe hath holpen him to make a hole thro the Thatch to get out at, which he hath done and made his Escape, and she remain behind to sufferall the blame her self. When other opportunities are wanting to enjoythe Company of their Paramours whole Nights together, they usuallytake occasion to be discontented and fall out with their Husbands, and so go home to their Friends houses, to get longer enjoyments. Whoto shew their Friendship will not hinder but further them in whatthey delight in. 

[They do treat their Friends with the use of their Wives andDaughters. ] In some Cases the Men will permit their Wives and Daughtersto lye with other Men. And that is, when intimate Friends or greatMen chance to Lodge at their houses, they commonly will send theirWives or Daughters to bear them company in their Chamber. Neither dothey reckon their Wives to be Whores for lying with them that are asgood or better than themselves. 

[The Mother for a small reward prostitutes her Daughter. ] They do notmatter or regard whether their Wives at the first Marriage be Maids ornot. And for a small reward the Mother will bring her Daughter beinga Maiden unto those that do desire her. But it is so much abhorredfor Women of the high Cast or Descent to admit Men of the low Castto have any thing to do with them, that I think they never do it. 

[Marriages. ] But enough of this Ribaldry, let us turn away to morehonest Practices. To speak of their Marriages, which make the Bedlawful. There are not many Ceremonies used in or about the same. [Nowooing. ] Here is no wooing for a Wife. The Parents commonly make theMatch, and in their choice regard more the Quality and Descent thanthe Beauty. If they are agreed, all is done. The Match being thus made, the Man carrieth or sends to the Woman her Wedding Cloths; which is aCloth containing six or seven yards in length, and a Linnen Wast-coatwrought with Blew and Red. If the Man be so poor that he cannot buy aCloth, it is the Custom to borrow one. In case the Man with his Friendsgoes and carries it himself, that Night they both sleep together tobeget acquaintance one with the other. And then they appoint a daywhen he is to come and fetch her home; which is the Marriage-Day. 

[The Bridegroom goes to the Brides House. ] The day being come, heattended with his Friends goes to her house, which is always in theEvening, and brings Provisions and Sweet-meats with him accordingto his Ability, towards the Charges of the Wedding. Which is nevermore than two Meals. Whereof Supper is the first. Then the Bride andBridegroom both eat together in one Dish, which is to intimate thatthey are both of one rank and quality, and sometimes they tye theirThumbs together, but not always: and that Night go to sleep together. 

[How the Bridegroom carrieth home his Bride. ] The next day havingdined he taketh his Bride and departeth home with her, putting herbefore him, and he following her, with some of her Friends to Conducther. For it is the constant Custom and Fashion in this Land for theHusband to follow his Wife. The reason whereof is a Tradition amongthem, that a Man once going foremost, it happened that his Wife wasstoln away, and he not aware of it. Being come home the Bridegroommakes a Feast as he is able. 

[A Ceremony of Marriage. ] Some few days after, her Friends usually cometo see her bringing a present of Provision with them. And sometimesthey use this Ceremony, the Man is to stand with one end of the Woman'sCloth about his Loins, and she with the other, and then they pourwater on both their Heads, wetting all their Bodies: which being done, they are firmly Married to live together, so long as they can agree. 

The Elder sorts of People usually woe and conclude their Marriages asthey are in Bed together. For when they have lost their Maidenheads, they fear not much what Man comes to sleep with them, provided he beof as good quality as they, having nothing more to lose. And at the dayappointed the Man gives the Woman her Cloths, and so takes her home. 

[Man and Wife may part at pleasure. ] But their Marriages are butof little force or validity. For if they disagree and mislike onethe other; they part without disgrace. Yet it stands firmer for theMan than for the Woman; howbeit they do leave one the other at theirpleasure. They do give according to their Ability a Portion of Cattle, Slaves and Money with their Daughters; but if they chance to mislikeone another and part asunder, this Portion must be returned again, and then she is fit for another Man, being as they account never theworse for wearing. 

[Men and Women change till they can please themselves. ] Both Womenand Men do commonly wed four or five times before they can settlethemselves to their contentation. And if they have Children when theypart, the Common Law is, the Males for the Man, and the Females forthe Woman. But many of the Women are free from this controversie, being Childless. 

[Women have two Husbands. ] In this Countrey each Man, even thegreatest, hath but one Wife; but a Woman often has two Husbands. For itis lawful and common with them for two Brothers to keep house togetherwith one Wife, and the Children do acknowledge and call both fathers. 

[Women unclean] So long as the Women have their Infirmities or Flowersupon them, they are accounted very unclean, insomuch that the veryhouse is polluted in that degree that none will approach near it. Andeven she her self cares not to conceal it, but calls out to them thatcome near, that they may avoid her house. But after she hath washedher Head and Body all is purified again. [Privileges of Men aboveWomen. ] It is lawful for no Woman, altho they be great Men's Wives, to sit on a Stool in the presence of a Man. It is customary for Menupon any frivolous account to charge one another in the King's Nameto do or not to do, according as they would have it. This the Womenupon Penalty of having their Tongues cut out, dare not presume to do. 

As it is usual to punish Men for faults committed by Imprisonment andChains, or by making them stand with a weight on their Backs, untilthey do pay such a Sum of Money as is demanded: which for ordinaryfaults may be five or ten Shillings. So the Punishment which isinflicted upon Women, is to make them stand with a Basket of Sandupon their Heads, so long as they shall think fitting, who appointthe Punishment. Punishment by stripes is never used either to Men orWomen, but only to those on whom the King Commands them to be laid. 

[Privileges of Women. ] Lands of Inheritance which belong to Womenare exempted from paying Harriots to the King. Women pay no Customfor things they carry to the Sea-Ports. Neither is any Custom paidfor what is carried upon any Female Cattel, Cow or Buffalo. 

[They often destroy new born Infants. ] They have no Midwives, butthe neighbouring good Women come in and do that Office. As soon asthe Child is born, the Father or some Friend apply themselves to anAstrologer to enquire, whether the Child be born in a prosperousPlanet, and a good hour or in an evil. If it be found to be in anevil they presently destroy it, either by starving it, letting itlye and die, or by drowning it, putting its head into a Vessel ofwater, or by burying it alive, or else by giving it to some body ofthe same degree with themselves; who often will take such Children, and bring them up by hand with Rice and Milk; for they say, the Childwill be unhappy to the Parents, but to none else. We have asked themwhy they will deal so with their poor Infants, that come out of theirBowels. They will indeed have a kind of regret and trouble at it. Butthey will say withal, Why should I bring up a Devil in my House? Forthey believe, a Child born in an ill hour, will prove a plague andvexation to his Parents by his disobedience and untowardliness. 

[But seldom a First-born. ] But it is very rare that a First-bornis served so. Him they love and make much of. But when they come tohave many, then usual it is, by the pretence of the Childs being bornunder an unlucky Planet, to kill him. And this is reputed no fault, and no Law of the Land takes cognizance of it. 

[Their Names. ] In their Infancy they have Names, whereby one maybe called and distinguished from the other. But when they come toyears it is an affront and shame to them either Men or Women, to becalled by those Names. Which they say is to be like unto Dogs. Thenthey change their Names into Titles according to the Town whereinthey were born or do dwell. Also they have other Names, which may becompared to Coats of Arms, properly and only belonging to that Family:by which likewise they are called. 

[They are ambitious of high Titles. ] This People are very Ambitiousof their Titles having but little else that they can boast in; and ofNames and Titles of respect they have great plenty in their Language;instances whereof shall be given afterwards. 

CHAP. VIII. 

Of their Employments and Recreations. 

It is full time now, that we relate what course of life the Peopletake, and what means they use for a livelihood. This has been in partalready related. 

[Their Trade. ] As for Commerce and Merchandize with Foreign Nations, there is little or nothing of that now exercised. Indeed in the timeswhen the Portugueze were on this Island, and Peace between them andthe King, he permitted his People to go and Trade with them. Thewhich he would never permit them to do with the Hollander, tho theyhave much sought for it. They have a small Traffic among themselves, occasioned from the Nature of the Island. For that which one part ofthe Countrey affords, will not grow in the other. But in one part orother of this Land they have enough to sustain themselves, I think, without the help of Commodities brought from any other Countrey:exchanging one Commodity for another; and carrying what they have toother parts to supply themselves with what they want. 

[Work not discreditable to the best Gentleman. ] But Husbandry isthe great Employment of the Countrey, which is spoken of at largebefore. In this the best men labour. Nor is it held any disgrace forMen of the greatest Quality to do any work either at home or in theField, if it be for themselves; but to work for hire with them isreckoned for a great shame: and very few are here to be found thatwill work so; But he that goes under the Notion of a Gentleman maydispence with all works, except carrying, that he must get a man to dowhen there is occasion. For carrying is accounted the most Slave-likework of all. 

[How they geld their Cattel. ] Under their Husbandry, it may not beamiss to relate how they geld their Cattel. They let them be two orthree years old before they go about this work; then casting them andtying their Legs together; they bruise their Cods with two stickstied together at one end, nipping them with the other, and beatingthem with Mallets all to pieces. Then they rub over their Cods withfresh Butter and Soot, and so turn them loose, but not suffer themto lye down all that day. By this way they are secured from breedingMaggots. And I never knew any die upon this. 

[How they make Glew. ] Whensoever they have occasion to use Glew, they make it after this fashion. They take the Curd of milk, andstrain the water from it through a cloth. Then tying it up in acloth like a Pudding, they put it into boyling water, and let itboyl a good while. Which done it will be hard like Cheese-curd, then mixing it with Lime, use it. If it be not for present use, they will roul up these Curds into a Ball; which becomes hard, and as they have occasion will scrape some of it off with a Knife, and so temper it with Lime. This Lime with them is as soft as Butter. 

[Their Manufactures. ] Their Manufactures are few: some Callicoes, not so fine as good strong Cloth for their own use: all manner ofIron Tools for Smiths, and Carpenters, and Husbandmen: all sorts ofearthen ware to boil, stew, fry and fetch water in, Goldsmith's work, Painter's Work, carved work, making Steel, and good Guns, and the like. 

But their Art in ordering the Iron-Stone and making Iron, may deserveto be a little insisted on. For the Countrey affords plenty of Iron, which they make of Stones, that are in several places of the Land;they lay not very deep in the ground, it may be, about four or fiveor six foot deep. 

[How they make Iron. ] First, They take these Stones, and lay themin an heap, and burn them with wood, which makes them more softand fitter for the Furnace. When they have so done they have akind of Furnace, made with a white sort of Clay, wherein they put aquantity of Charcoal, and then these Stones on them, and on the topmore Charcoal. There is a back to the Furnace, like as there is to aSmith's Forge, behind which the man stands that blows, the use of whichback is to keep the heat of the fire from him. Behind the Furnace theyhave two logs of Wood placed fast in the ground, hollow at the top, like two pots. Upon the mouths of these two pieces of hollow woodthey tie a piece of a Deers Skin, on each pot a piece, with a smallhole as big as a man's finger in each skin. In the middle of eachskin a little beside the holes are two strings tied fast to as manysticks stuck in the ground, like a Spring, bending like a bow. Thispulls the skin upwards. The man that blows stand with his feet, oneon each pot, covering each hole with the soles of his feet. And ashe treads on one pot, and presseth the skin down, he takes his footoff the other, which presently by the help of the Spring riseth; andthe doing so alternately conveys a great quantity of wind thro thePipes into the Furnace. For there are also two Pipes made of hollowreed let in to the sides of the Pots, that are to conduct the wind, like the nose of a Bellows, into the Furnace. 

For the ease of the Blower, there is a strap, that is fastned totwo posts, and comes round behind him, on which he leans his back:and he has a stick laid cross-ways before him, on which he lays bothhis hands, and so he blows with greater ease. As the Stones are thusburning, the dross that is in them melts and runs out at the bottom, where there is a slanting hole made for the purpose so big as the lumpof Iron may pass thro: out of this hole, I say, runs out the drosslike streams of fire, and the Iron remains behind. Which when it ispurified, as they think, enough, so that there comes no more drossaway, they drive this lump of Iron thro the same sloping hole. Thenthey give it a chop with an Ax half thro, and so sling it into thewater. They so chop it, that it may be seen that it is good, Ironfor the Satisfaction of those that are minded to buy. 

[How they make Butter. ] For a farewel of their labours, let it notbe unacceptable to relate here a piece of their Housewifry; and tellyou how they make Butter. First, They boil the Milk, then they turnit into a Curd; the next morning they skim off the Cream, and drillit in an earthen Vessel with a stick having a cross at the bottomof it, somewhat like a Chocolate stick. When the Butter is come, they put it in a pan, and fry it, to get all the water dry out of it, and so put it into an earthen pot for use. 

[Shops in the City. ] There are no Markets on the Island. Some fewShops they have in the Cities, which sell Cloth, Rice, Salt, Tobacco, Limes, Druggs, Fruits, Swords, Steel, Brass, Copper, &c. 

[Prizes of Commodities. ] As to the Prices of Commodities, they aresold after this rate. Rice in the City, where it is dearest, isafter six quarts for fourpence half-peny English, or a small Tango, or half a Tango; six Hens as much; a fat Pig the same: a fat Hog, three shillings and six pence or four shilling: but there are noneso big as ours. A fat Goat, two and fix pence. Betle-nuts 4000 ninepence Currant price, when a Trad. 

And now we are discoursing or their Traffick, we will speak a littleof their Measures, Weights, and Coin. 

[Of their Measures. ] First for Measures. A Rian is a Cubit, which iswith them from the bone on the inside of the Elbow to the tip of thefourth Finger. A Waddo rian is the Carpenters Rule. It is as much aswill reach from one Elbow to the other, the Thumbs touching one theother at the tops, and so stretching out both Elbows. 

For their Corn-measures, the least is a Potta, which is to containas much Grain as a man can hold heaped up in his whole hand palmand fingers and all. Four Pottas make a lawful or Statute-measure, called Bonder Nellia, signifying the King's measure. Which is theKing's ordinary allowance to a man, that is as much as he can eat in aday. But we Englishmen were allowed two. Four of these Bonder Nelliasmake a Courney. In fashion it is an handsom turned measure, some ofthem are made with Canes like a Basket. Ten of these Courneys make aPale, that is forty measures, which is the usual quantity that theysell for a Laree, or fifth part of a Piece of eight, the usual pricein Cande Vda. But in time of Harvest two Pales for a Laree. Four ofthese Pales make an Ommouna. In which they keep the account of theirCorn, reckoning by Ommounas. 

[Their Weights. ] For their Weights, their smallest is Collonda, sixmake just a Piece of eight. They have half Collondas and quarterCollondas. When they are to weigh things smaller than a Collonda, they weigh them with a kind of red Berries, which grow in the Woods, and are just like Beads. The Goldsmiths use them, Twenty of theseBeads make a Collonda and Twenty Collondas make a Pallum. 

[Measures bigger than the Statute punishable, but less not; andwhy. ] Here is no Punishment for those that make less weights andmeasures. They are more circumspect that their measures be not toobig than too little. For Money being scarce, Corn passeth insteadof Money, and every man mets by his own measure. Which therefore hemakes as large as he can or dares, that so when he receives his Debtof Corn, he may get as much as he can. Which upon this account wouldbe a great injury to the poorer sort of People, who commonly arethe Debtors. Therefore the Adigars Officers will go about the Townsto examine the measures by a Statute-Measure; and where they findgreat ones they cut them in pieces, and hang them up in the Streetsto terrifie others, and sometimes will amerce a Fine upon them thathave them. 

[Of their Coin. ] Of Money they have but three sorts that passethfor Coin in the King's Dominions. The one was Coined by Portugals, the King's Arms on one side, and the Image of a Frier on the other, and by the Chingulayes called Tangom massa. The value of one isnine pence English, Poddi Tangom, or the small Tangom is half asmuch. There is another sort, which all People by the King's Permissionmay and do make. The shape is like a fish-hook, they stamp what markor impression on it they please. The Silver is purely fine beyondpieces of Eight. For if any suspect the goodness of the Plate, it isthe Custom to burn the Money in the fire red hot, and so put it inwater: and if it be not then purely white, it is not Currant Money. 

The third sort of Money is the King's proper Coin. For none uponpain of Death may Coin it. It is called a Ponnam. It is as small as aSpangle: Seventy five make a piece of Eight, or a Spanish Dollar. Butall sorts of Money is here very scarce: And they frequently buy andsell by exchanging Commodities. 

[Of their Play. ] Pass we now from their Business to their Pastimesand Diversions. They have but few Sports, neither do they delight inPlay. Only at their New year, they will sport and be merry one withanother. Their chief Play is to bowl Coker-nuts one against the other, to try which is the hardest. At this time none will work, until theirAstrolagers tell them, it is a good hour to handle their Tools. Andthen both Men and Women do begin their proper works; the Man withhis Ax, Bill, and Hough, and the Woman with her Broom, Pestle, andFan to clean her Corn. 

[A Play or a Sacrafice. ] There is another Sport, which generally allPeople used with much delight, being, as they called it, a Sacrificeto one of their Gods; to wit, Potting Dio. And the benefit of it is, that it frees the Countrey from grief and Diseases. For the beastlinessof the Exercise they never celebrated it near any Town, nor in sight ofWomen, but in a remote place. The manner of the Game is thus. They havetwo crooked sticks like Elbows, one hooked into the other, and so withcontrivances they pull with Ropes, until the one break the other; someriding with one stick, and some with the other; but never is Money laidon either side. Upon the breaking of the stick, that Party that hathwon doth not a little rejoyce. Which rejoycing is exprest by Dancingand Singing, and uttering such sordid beastly Expressions, togetherwith Postures of their Bodies, as I omit to write them, as being theirshame in acting, and would be mine in rehearsing. For he is at thattime most renowned that behaves himself most shamelesly and beast-like. 

[For the filthiness of it forbid by the King. ] This filthy Solemnitywas formerly much in use among them; and even the King himself hathspent time in it, but now lately he hath absolutely forbidden it underpenalty of a forfeiture of Money. So that now the practice hereof isquite left off. 

[A cunning stratagem of an Officer. ] But tho it is thus gone intodis-use, yet out of the great delight the People had in it, they ofGompala would revive it again; and did. Which coming to the King'sear, he sent one of his Noblemen to take a Fine from them for it. TheNobleman knew the People would not come to pay a Fine, and thereforewas fain to go to work by a Stratagem. Pitching therefore his Tentsby a Pond, he gave order to call all the People to his assistanceto catch Fish for the King's use. Which they were very ready to do, hoping to have the refuse Fish for themselves. And when they were allthus assembled together with their Tools, and necessary Instrumentsfor that purpose, the Nobleman charged them all in the King's Nameaccording to the Countries fashion, which was by pulling off his Cap, and falling down upon the ground three times, that not a man of themshould budge till they had paid such a Sum of Money, which was somuch a piece, for reviving that Play that the King had forbid. Whichthey were forced to do before they departed from the Pond side. Andthe Money was carried into the King's Exchequer. 

[Tricks and feats of Activity. ] When they would be merry, andparticularly at their great Festival in the New Moon of June or July(before mentioned;) they have People that shew pretty tricks and featsof Activity before them. A man sets a Pole of seven or eight foot longupon his Breast; a Boy gets to the top of this Pole, and leans withhis Belly upon the end of it; and thus the man danceth with the Poleon his Breast, and the Boy on it, and but little holding the Pole. Aman takes four Arrows with blades about a foot long, they are tiedone cross another, and so laid upon the end of a Pole, which restsupon the man's Breast. On a sudden he squatts down upon the ground, and the four Arrows all fall on the four sides of him, sticking in theground. Two Cross-bows stand bent one opposite to the other, chargedwith Arrows drawn up to the heads: they are placed just so high, asthey may fly over a man's back when he lyes flat upon the ground. Aman danceth between them and shows Tricks, and when he is pleased, he touches a string made fast to both their trickers, at which theyboth instantly Discharge, and he falls flat down between them, andthe Arrows fly over his back, which if they hit him, undoubtedly flythro his Body. A Woman takes two naked Swords under each Arm one, and another she holds in her mouth, then fetcheth a run and turnsclear over, and never touches the ground till she lights on her feetagain, holding all her Swords fast. There are divers other Diversionsof this nature too large to mention. 

[At leisure times they meet, and discourse of News. ] At their leisurewhen their affairs will permit, they commonly meet at places builtfor strangers and way-faring men to lodge in, in their Language calledAmblomb, where they sit chewing Betel, and looking one upon the othervery gravely and solidly, discoursing concerning the Affairs at Court, between the King and the great Men; and what Employment the People ofthe City are busied about. For as it is the chief of their businessto serve the King, so the chief of their discourse is concerningsuch matters. Also they talk of their own affairs, about Cattel andHusbandry. And when they meet with Outlandish-men they enquire aboutthe Laws and Government of their Countrey, and if it be like theirs;and what Taxes and Duties we are bound to pay, and perform to ourKing, &c. 

[Drunkenness abhored. ] And this manner of passing their leisure timethey account the greatest Recreation. Drunkenness they do greatlyabhor, neither are there many that do give themselves to it. Tobaccolikewise they account a Vice, but yet is used both by Men and Women;but more eaten than drunk in Pipes. 

[Their great delight in Betel. ] But above all things Betel leavesthey are most fond of, and greatly delighted in: when they aregoing to Bed, they first fill their mouths with it, and keep itthere until they wake, and then rise and spit it out, and take inmore. So that their months are no longer clear of it, than they areeating their Victuals. This is the general practice both of Men andWomen, insomuch that they had rather want Victuals or Cloths thanbe without it; and my long practice in eating it brought me to thesame condition. And the Reasons why they thus eat it are, First, Because it is wholsom. Secondly, To keep their mouths perfumed: forbeing chewed it casts a brave scent. And Thirdly, To make their Teethblack. For they abhor white Teeth, saying, That is like a Dog. 

The better sort of Women, as Gentlewomen or Ladies, have no otherPastime but to sit and chew Betel, swallowing the spittle, and spittingout the rest. And when Friends come to see and visit one the other, they have as good Society thus to sit and chew Betel, as we have todrink Wine together. 

[The Manner of their eating Betel-leaves. ] But to describe theparticular manner of their eating these Leaves. They carry about withthem a small Box filled with wet Lime; and as often as they are mindedto eat Betel, they take some of this Lime, as much as they judgeconvenient, and spread it thin upon their leaf; then they take someslices of the Betel-nut, and wrap them up in the leaf, and so eat it, rubbing their Teeth therewith ever and anon to make them black. Thusthey eat it generally: but sometimes they eat it otherwise, accordingas they please; neither spreading the Lime on the leaf, nor rollingup slices of the Nut into it: But they will take a little of the Limeout of their Box between their Fingers, and put it in their mouths, and eat of the Nut and the Leaf by themselves. But whensoever theyeat of the Betel-leaf, the Lime and the Nut always accompany it. 

[How they make Lime. ] They have a pretty shift of making theirLime, when they chance to need it as they are travailing. They takecertain Shells, almost resembling Snails Shells, which they pick upin fresh water Rivers, washed a shore with the water beating upon theRocks. These Shells, mixed with Charcoal and, fire they wrap up ina wisp of Rice-straw, and bind them together in a round bundle of aconvenient bigness, tying all up with green Withs, that they may notfall in pieces. By a With some four foot long they hold it in theirhands, swinging it round over their heads. Which motion blows theCoals and makes them burn. And as they are weary with swinging it inone hand, they shift and take it in the other: and so keep swingingit for half an hour or thereabouts. By which time it will be burntto very good Lime, and most part of the straw consumed: but it isstill kept together by the green Withs. Then they take it and wet itin water, and put it into their Pots or Boxes for their use. The Limemade of white stone burnt in a Kiln they do indifferently use to eatwith their Leaves, as well as this made of Shells now described. 

CHAP. IX. 

Of their Laws and Language. 

There are three things, that ingenious men may possibly be inquisitiveafter, which have not yet been professedly handled, their Laws, their Language, and their Learning. 

[Their Laws. ] Concerning the first, here are no Laws, but the Willof the King, and whatsoever proceeds out of his mouth is an immutableLaw. Nevertheless they have certain antient usages and Customes thatdo prevail and are observed as Laws; and Pleading them in their Courtsand before their Governors will go a great way. 

[Lands descend. ] To hint some of them, their Lands are hereditary, and do descend from Parents to their Children. But the eldest sonby Priviledg of Birth-right does not possess and enjoy all the Land, but if the Father please he can divide it among his Children. Yet incase the eldest son does enjoy the Land, then without dispute he isto maintain his Mother and her Children until they come to years orability to provide for themselves. 

[In case Corn receives dammage by a Neighbours Cattle. ] They have acustom in the Land Ouvah, which is a great breeder of Cattle, and hathbut very little Wood, so that they have not where with to make hedges;It is that when they sow their Lands, they drive their Cattle thence, and watch them all day that they break not into the Corn; and at nightthey tie their Cattle to secure them from straying into the Corn-Lands:otherwise if one Neighbours Cattle eats another neighbours Corn, he must pay the dammage. 

Those that are lazy and loath to Plow, or that are Poor and want Cornto sow, the Custom is, to let out their ground to others to Tillat Ande, that is at halves; but fees and accustomable dues taken, out by the Husbandman that tills it, the Owner of the Land receivesnot much above a third part. 

[The loss of leting out land to Till. ] For the Husband hath diversconsiderable payments besides his half share of the Corn. As namely, first he hath Cotoumaun, that is, so much Corn as they scratch offfrom the whole heap of trodden Corn by drawing a bundle of Thorns overit. Secondly, Waracool, that is a consideration for the expences theyare at in Tilling and Sowing; for which there is a Rate according tothe bigness of the field. Thirdly, Warrapoll, that is the Corn theyleave at the bottom of the heap after they have done fanning. Whichis the Womans fee for their pains in weeding the Corn, and in pullingit it up where it is too thick, and planting it where it is thin, &c. Fourthly, Bolerud which is the Chaff and sweepings of the Pit. Thissometimes comes to a considerable value according to the quantityof Corn that is trodden. Fifthly, Peldorah, which is a piece of Cornthey leave standing before the watch house, which is set up in theirCorn grounds to watch their Corn from the wild beasts. And this leftstanding is the fee for watching. There is yet another due Ockyaulwhich belongs to their Gods, and is an offering sometimes carriedaway by the Priest; and sometimes they bestow it upon the beggar, and sometimes they will take it and hang it up in their houses, and atconvenient time sacrifice it themselves. It is one of their measures, which is about half a Peck. 

[The great consideration for Corn borrowed. ] And in the mean timeuntil this Corn is ripe, the Owner is fain to go a borrowing Corn tosustain himself and Family. Which he pays consideration for; which is, when his own Corn is ripe, a bushel and an half for a bushel that is, at the rate of Fifty per Cent. Which manner of lending Corn is a meansthat doth maintain many strangers and others. For they who have got asmall stock of Corn by that Profit may competently live upon it. Whichwas the means that Almighty God prepared for my relief and maintenance. 

Corn thus lent is somewhat difficult to receive again. For the Debtorbeing Poor, all the Creditors will come into the field, when the Cornis a shareing, that being the place of payment: and as soon as it isdivided each one will scramble to get what he can. And having takenpossession of it, from thence the Creditor must carry it home himself, be it far or near. 

[The debt becomes double in two years. ] If the Debt remains in theDebtors hands two years, it becomes doubled: and from thence forwardbe it never so long, no more use is to be paid by the Law of theLand, which Act was established by the King in favour of the Poor, there having been some whole Families made Slaves for a bushel of Corn. 

[If the debtor pay not his debt he is lyable to be a slave for it. ] Butyet it is lawful for the Creditor, missing Corn, to lay hands on anyof his goods: or if the sum be somewhat considerable on his Cattle orChildren, first taking out a License from the Magistrate so to do, or if he have none, on himself or his wife, if she came with himto fetch the debt, if not, she is clear from this violence; but hisChildren are not. 

[Divers other Laws and Customes. ] If a woman goes away from herHusband without his consent, no Man may marry her, until he firstbe married. In lending of mony by the use of it in one years time, it becomes double. And if the Creditor receive not his mony at theexpiration of the year, but lets it lie in the Debtors hands neverso long after, no more than double is to be paid, the encrease neverruns up higher as it is in lending Corn. If a Bond-woman has Childrenby a Free-man, the Children all are Slaves to her Master: but if aBond-man has Children by a Free-woman, the Children are free: For theChildren are always as the Mother, whether Bond or Free. No man maycut down a Coker-nut-Tree. If any man to a bargain or promise gives astone in the Kings name, it is as firm as hand and seal. And if anyafter this go back of his word, it will bear an Action. If any manbe taken stealing, he must restore seven for one, or else be made aSlave, if he be not able to pay it. 

It is lawful and customary for a man in necessity to sell or pawn hisChildren, or himself. No man building an house either in his own oranother mans ground, if he be afterwards minded to leave his Land, where his house stood, may pull it down again: But must let it standfor the benefit of whosoever comes after him. 

[For deciding controversies. ] For the deciding of matters incontroversie especially of more abstruse cognizance, the partiesdo both swear before their Gods, sometimes in their Temples, andsometimes upon more extraordinary occasions in hot Oyl. 

[Swearing in the Temples. ] Sometimes in their Temples. To explainwhich, take this following relation. A Slave was accused by aMerchant to have robbed his house. Whereupon to clear himself, theSlave desired he might swear. So the Merchant and Slave went both tothe Temple to swear. The Merchant swore positively that the Slavehad robbed his house; and the Slave swore as poynt blank that hehad not robbed his house: and neither of them having any witnesses, God who knew all things was desired to shew a Judgment upon him thatwas forsworn. They both departed to their houses, waiting to see uponwhom the Judgment would fall. In the mean time the Slave privatlysets the Merchants house on fire, and his house was burnt down tothe ground. Then it was clear by this supposed divine Judgment, theMerchant was forsworn. The Slave presently demands satisfaction forlaying Theft falsly to his charge. The Merchant could not tell whatto say to it, but would give him none. The Slave was now to takehis own satisfaction, as he had opportunity. And his Master bidshim seize upon the Merchants Person or any other relating to him, and bring them to his house, and there detain them. Within a shorttime after, the Slave seeing a Kinsman of the Merchants passing by, offers to seize him. But he, rather than be taken, draws his Knife andStabs the Slave on the shoulder, and so escapes. In Fine, the Merchantwas fain to bribe the Great Men to save himself from further dammage, and sit down contented with the loss of his goods and house. Thoughthe Slave was a person of a very bad reputation, and had done diversThefts; and some of his stolen goods he hath brought to me to sell. 

[The benefit of swearing in hot Oyl. ] Sometimes they do decide theirdebates by swearing in hot Oyl. Which because it is remarkable, I willrelate at large. They are permitted thus to swear in matters of greatimportance only, as when Law Suits happen about their Lands, or whentheir is no witness. When they are to swear, each party hath a Licencefrom the Governor for it, written with his hand to it. Then they goand wash their heads and bodies, which is a religious ceremony. Andthat night they are both confined Prisoners in an house with a guardupon them, and a cloth tyed over each of their right hands and sealed, least they might use any charm to harden their fingers. 

The next morning they are brought out; they then put on cleancloths, and purifie themselves, reckoning they come into thepresence of God. Then they tie to their wrists the Leaf whereinthe Governors Licence is, and repair under some Bogahah, God-Tree, and all the Officers of the County assemble with a vast number ofpeople besides. Coker-nuts are brought, and Oyl is there extractedfrom them in the sight of the people, that all may see their is nodeceit. Also they have a Pan of Cow-dung and water boyling close by:The Oyl and Cow-dung being both boyling and throughly hot, they takea young leaf of a Coker-nut Tree and dip that into the Oyl, that allmay see it is hot. For it singes, and frizzels up, and roars as ifyou poured water into hot boyling Oyl. And so they do likewise to theCow-dung. When all are satisfied the Oyl is hot, the two men come andstand on each side of this boyling Oyl; and say, The God of Heavenand Earth is witness, that I did not do this that I am accused of;Or, The four sorts of Gods be witness, That this Land in controversieis mine. And then the other swears quite contrary. But first theAccuser alwayes swears. The Accused also relates his own innocence, or his own Right and Title. The cloths that their hands were boundup in are taken off. And immediatly upon using the former words, he dips his two fingers into the hot Oyl, flinging it out threetimes. And then goes to the boyling Cow-dung, and does the same. Andso does the other. Then they tie up their hands again with the cloth, and keep both of them Prisoners till the next day. When their handsare looked upon, and their fingers-ends rubbed with a cloth, to seeif the skin come off. And from whose fingers the skin comes, he isforsworn. The Penalty of which is a great forfeiture to the King andgreat satisfaction to the Adversary. 

I am able to testifie, that the fingers of some of these that havethus sworn have been whole from any scald after this use of hot Oyl:but whether it be their innocence or their Art, that it thus comes topass, I know not. The penalty of the breach of the Laws or Customesof this Land is at the pleasure of the Judg, either amercement, or imprisonment, or both. 

[How they exact Fines. ] For the taking of Fines from men, on whom theyare laid, this is their Custom. The Officers, wheresoever they meet theman, stop him in the place. Where they take away his Sword and Knife;and make him pull off his Cap and Doublet; and there he sits with hisKeepers by him, till he pays the Fine. And if he delays paying it, they clap a great Stone upon his back; in which condition he mustremain till he pays it. And if he doth not pay, they load him withmore Stones, until his compliance prevent further pains. Another waythey have to exact the payment of the Fines laid upon them. They takesome sprigs of Thorns, and draw them between the mans naked Legs tillhe pays. But if he remain obstinate they clap him up in chains. 

They have an odd usage among them to recover their debts. Whichis this. They will sometimes go to the house of their debtor withthe leaves of Neiingala a certain Plant, which is rank Poyson, andthreaten him, that they will eat that Poyson and destroy themselves, unless he will pay him what he ows. The debtor is much afraid of this, and rather than the other should Poyson himself, will sometimes sella Child to pay the debt: Not that the one is tender of the life ofthe other, but out of care of himself. For if the party dyes of thePoyson, the other for whose sake the man Poysoned himself must pay aransome for his life. By this means also they will sometimes threatento revenge themselves of those with whom they have any contest, anddo it too. And upon the same intent they will also jump down somesteep place or hang or make away with themselves; that so they mightbring their Adversary to great dammage. 

[Of their Language. ] To speak now a little of their Language. It is alanguage peculiar to that Island: and I know not any Indian Nationsthat speak it but themselves. There are a few words that are commonto the Chingulays and the Malabars, which they might borrow of oneanother, by Intercourse and Commerce, but the words are so few, that a Malabar cannot understand a Chingulay, nor on the contrary. 

Their language is Copious Smooth, Elegant, Courtly; according asthe People that speak it are. Who are full of words, Titles andComplements. They have no less than twelve or more Titles that theyuse when they speak to Women according to their ranks and qualities. 

[Titles to women according to their qualities. ]

 Puddeci. A word for a woman of the lowest condition. Kiddekel. A term of more respect, given to a young wench. Nanda. A term for an inferior woman something in years signifies also Ant. Nandadga. A little higher yet, of the like years. Nauchere. A Title may be given to an ordinary woman, still, but yet higher. Lamhaumi. A Title higher than any yet. Ettani. Higher still. Lam-Ettani. Of more respect. Ettanihaumi. Higher than that. Maugi. Proper only to an old woman but of good quality. Maugiwanxi. Better then the Maugi. Comaurehaumi. A Title due to the greatest Ladies. Hondreunié. Given to the Queen or the King. 

So that it is hard to speak to a woman without they know what she isbefore, least they might mistake her Title. And the women are muchpleased with some of the better Titles. 

[Titles given to men. ] The men also have various Titles, tho not somany as the women. People give to them these Titles according to thebusiness they have with them. If they come for some favour or kindnessto be done them, they bestow the better sort of Titles upon them. 

They have seven or eight words for Thou, or You, which they apply topersons according to their quality, or according as they would honourthem. And they are so, Topi, Umba, Umbela, Tomnai, Tomsi, Tomsela, Tomnanxi. All these words are gradually one higher than the other. 

[No difference between a Country man and a Courtier forLanguage. ] Their ordinary Plow men and Husbandmen do speak elegantly, and are full of complement. And there is no difference between theability and speech of a Country-man and a Courtier. When any hatha favour to beg of a Noble-man, or any business with him, they donot abruptly speak their desires or errand at first, but bring it inwith a long harangue of his worth or good disposition or abilities;[Their speech and manner of Addresses is Courtly and becoming. ] andthis in very handsom and taking stile. They bring up their Childrento speak after this manner, and use them to go with errands to greatmen; and they are able to tell their tale very well also. 

In their speech the people are bold without sheepish shame facedness, and yet no more confidence than is becoming. 

[Their Language in their address to the King. ] The King they callby a name, that signifies somewhat higher than a man, and next toGod. But before the Wars they stiled him Dionanxi, which is a Titlehigher than God by the addition of Nanxi. This Title the King tookbefore the Rebellion, but since he forbad it. When they speak to theKing concerning themselves, they do not speak in the first person, and say I did so or so, but Baulagot the limb of a Dog did it or willdo it. And when they speak of their Children unto the King, they callthem Puppies. As if he ask them how many Children they have, they sayso many Puppy dogs, and so many Puppy-bitches. By which by the way, we may conjecture at the height of the King and the slavery of thePeople under him. 

[Words of Form and Civility. ] They have certain words of Form andCivility, that they use upon occasion. When they come to anothermans house, he asks them what they come for, which is his civility, and they answer Nicamava, I come for nothing, which is their ordinaryreply, tho they do come for something. And upon this they have a Fable. 

A God came down upon earth one day, and bad all his Creaturescome before him and demand what they would have and it should begranted them. So all the beasts and other Creatures came, and onedesired Strength, and another Legs, and another Wings, &c. And itwas bestowed on them. Then came the White men, the God asked them, what they came for? And they said, they desired Beauty and Valourand Riches. It was granted them. At last came the Chingulays, theGod required of them, what they came for. They answered, Nicamava, I come for nothing. Then replyed he again, do you come for nothing, then go away with nothing. And so they for their complement faredworse than all the rest. 

When one proffers something as a gift to another, altho it be athing that he is willing to have, and would be glad to receive, yet he will say, E eppa queinda, No, I thank you; how can I be sochargeable to you? And in the same time while the words are in hismouth, he reacheth forth his hand to receive it. 

[Full of words and complement. ] Neither are they free or forwardto requite them, from whom they have received a gift or good turn, otherwise than with words and windy protestations; the which shallnot be wanting. But forwards they are to receive, yet very backwardto part with any thing. And if one neighbour asketh ought of another, or to borrow any thing, which the other is unwilling either to give orlend, they never will plainly deny by saying, I cannot or will not;but with dissembling they will excuse themselves, saying, They haveit not, or is it lent abroad already, altho it be with them in thehouse at the same time. 

[By whom they swear. ] Their usual manner of swearing in protestations, is by their Mother, or by their Children, or by their two Eyes, oftner than by their Gods. But their protestations be they never sodeep, and seem they never so serious, they are not to be regarded, as proceeding more from custom than truth. 

[Their Railery] Some of their words of Reproach, or Railery are suchas these. One brother will say to another, and that in presence oftheir Mother, Tomotowoy, go lye with your Mother, the other replyes goyou and lye with your Mother. And the Mother will say to the Daughter, Jopi oppota audewind, go lye with your Father; intimating she is goodfor nothing. They will commend their Children, when they can use theirtongues in their own defence by scolding and say, Hoerri, oppana, Wellsaid, valiantly spoken. They will say also in reproach, Creep betweenmy legs, cut your Nose off. If you have five hundred lives, you shallbe damned. The worst railery they can give a woman is to tell her, she has laid with ten sorts of inferior ranks of People, which theywill rather dye than do. If any thing be stole out of their grounds orPlantations fruit or the like, they will cry out aloud, This was doneby some low-cast begotten Rogue, or She was a whore to some inferiorrank who dressed it; and this Language they will continue for halfan hour together, tho they know not who hath done it. The worst wordthey use to Whites and Christians, is to call them Beaf-eating Slaves. 

I shall conclude this Discourse of their Language, by giving you atast of their Proverbs, some hints of the strain of their Speech. 

[Proverbs. ] Miris dilah, ingurah gotta. I have given Pepper, and gotGinger. Spoken when a man makes a bad exchange. And they use it inreference to the Dutch succeeding the Portugueze in their Island. 

Datta horrala Badda perind. Pick your Teeth to fill your Belly. Spokenof stingy niggardly People. 

Caula yonawa ruah atti. To eat before you go forth is handsom andconvenient. Which they therefore ever do. 

Kiallah tiannah, Degery illand avah oppala hanguand mordy, Asthe saying is, if I come to beg Butter-milk, why should I hide myPan. Which is ordinarily spoken to introduce the business that oneman comes to speak to the other about. 

Hingonna wellendam cor cottonwat geah par wardenda netta. A Beggerand a Trader cannot be lost. Because they are never out of their way. 

Atting mitting delah hottarah harracurnowah. To lend to another makeshim become an Enemy. For he will hate you if you ask him for it again. 

Annuna min yain ecka ourowaying younda eppa. Go not with a Slave inone Boat. It signifies, to have no dealing or correspondence with anyones Slave. For if any dammage should happen, it would fall upon yourhead, and by their Law you must make it good. 

Issara otting bollanowa pos cotting. First look in the hand, afterwardsopen the mouth. Spoken of a Judge, who first must have a Bribe beforehe will pronounce on their side. 

Take a Ploughman from the Plough, and wash off his dirt, and he is fitto rule a Kingdom. Spoken of the People of Cande Uda, where there aresuch eminent Persons of the Hondrew rank; and because of the Civility, Understanding, and Gravity of the poorest Men among them. 

No body can reproach the King and the Beggar. Because the former isabove the slander of the People, and nothing can be said bad enoughof the latter:

Like Noia and Polonga. Denoting Irreconcileable Enemies. The storyof which two Serpents hath been related before. 

He that hath Money to give to his Judge, needs not fear, be hisCause right or wrong. Because of the corruption of the great Men, and their greediness of Bribes. 

If our Gerehah, fortune be bad, what can God do against it? Reckoningthat none of their Gods have Power to reverse the fate of an illPlanet. 

The Ague is nothing, but the Head-ach is all. That Countrey is verysubject to Agues, which do especially afflict their heads who havethem. I might multiply many more of their Proverbial sayings, butlet these suffice. 

I cannot pretend to give an account, of the Grammar of this Tongue;I shall only give a few instances of their words, and leave it tothe Learned to make their Conjectures. First, I will give you someof their Nouns Plural. 

[Something of their Grammer. ]

 Minnia, A Man. Minnis, Men. Cucula, A Cock. Cuculong, Cocks. Cole-la, A Boy. Colani, Boyes. Gahah, A Tree. Gos, Trees. Auhoun, A Horse. Auspio, horses. Polaha, A young Jack Polas, Jacks. 

But usually when they have occasion to speak of many they expressthemselves by Numerals set after the Noun; as Dissawva two, three, &c. An Egg, Bittera, Eggs, Bittera cattei, word for word, Egg many. 

Their Verbs they form after this manner:

 Mam conna, I eat. Mam conyum, I will eat. Mam cava, I have eat. Conowa, Eating. Caupoudi, Let him eat. Caum, Let us eat. Conda, To eat. Caula, Eaten. 

 Mam denyam, I will give. Mam Doun na, I gave. Dila, I have given. Dendi, Shall I give? To give. Dem, Let us give. Dennowa, Giving. Dipon, Give him. Douna, or Dila tiana, Given. 

 Mam yonyam, I'le go. Mam yonda oni, I will go. Yong, Let us go. Yonowa, Going. Yonda dipadi, Let him go. Pollatch, Gone, spoken of an ordinary person. Pollad-da, Gone, spoken of a person of great quality. 

 Mam oy, I am, Eai, He, or They or He is. Mam gia atti, I have been. [Atti] signifieth [have] Gia dendi. Let him, or give him leave to go. 

[A Specimen of their words. ]

 Dio, God. Dio loco, Heaven. Jacco, The Devil. Narra cauda, Hell. Aucoi, The Sky. Taurcoi, A Star. Deure, Water. Gindere, Fire. Gani, A Woman. Rodgura, A King. Haul, Raw rice. Bat, Boyled rice. Banglale, A Table. Wellau, Time. Wauri, Season. Colading, Harvest

 Oppa, Father. Pianannah, Oppatchi, Omma, Mother. Ommandea, Puta, Son. Putandi, Dua, Daughter. Donianna, Molla, A flower. Gauhah, A tree. Courilla, A bird. Gom, A town. Oppuland, To wash cloths. Naund, To wash the body. Pinaund, To swim. Coppaund, To cut. Horraund, To bore. Hoppacaund, To bite. Coraund, To do. (done. Corowaund, To cause to be Goumanic, A journey. Gauman corowaund, To send, word for word, to cause to do a journey. 

 Heuwoya, All words Signifying Common Soldiers, only they Heuwoynanna, are titles one above another, and the two last Heuwoynanoura, are as much to say Gentlemen Soldiers. 

 Heuwaycom, To fight Coraund, as much as as to say, To act the Soldier. 

 Mihi, To dye. Mich, Dead. Mienyum, I will dye. Mioenowa, Dying. Eppa, Do not. 

 Negatind, To rise. Upaudénowa, The Resurrection. Negantind Eppa, Do not rise. 

 Tonnaund, To build. Tannitch, Built. 

 Touncheroutwitch, It is finished. Na & Natti, No, or not. 

I shall only make one Observation from these words, and that isconcerning the four first. It is this, that they have no words oftheir own Language for God and Heaven, but in all probability borrowedthem from the Portugueze. But for the two next, The Devil and Hell, words of their own. They number thus, [Their Numbering. ]

 Eckhoi I. Deckhoi II. Tunhoi III. Hotterhoi IV. Pauhhoi V. Hoyhoi VI. Hothoi VII. Ot hoi VIII. Novihoi IX. Dauhoihoi X. Eckolauhoi XI. Dolahoi XII. Dauhottunhoi XIII. Dauhotterhoi XIV. Paulohoi XV. Dauhossahoi XVI. Dauhahottoi XVII. Dauha ot hoi XVIII. Dauhanovihoi XIX. Vishoi XX. Tihoi XXX. Hottalehoi XL. Ponnahoi L. 

CHAP. X. 

Concerning their Learning, Astronomy, and Art Magick. 

[Of their Learning. ] Their Learning is but small. All they ordinarilylearn is to read and to write. But it is no shame to a man if he cando neither. Nor have they any Schools wherein they might be taughtand instructed in these or any other Arts. 

[Their Books, and Arts. ] Their Books are only of their Religion andof Physick. Their chief Arts are Astronomy and Magick. They have aLanguage something differing from the vulgar tongue (like Latin tous) which their Books are writ in. [How they learn to write. ] Theylearn to write upon Sand, spreading it upon the ground, and makingit smooth with the hand, and so write the letters with their fingersto bring their hand in use. 

They write not on Paper, for of that they have little or none; but ona Talli-pot leaf with an Iron Bodkin, which makes an impression. Thisleaf thus written on, is not folded, but rolled up like Ribbond, and somewhat resembles Parchment. 

[How they make and write a Book. ] If they are to write a Book, they do it after this manner. They take the Tallipot leaf, andcut it into divers pieces of an equal shape and size, some a foot, some eight inches, some a foot and an half long, and about threefingers broad. Then having thus prepared the leaves, they write inthem long ways from the left hand to the right, as we do. When theBook is finished they take two pieces of board, which are to servefor the cover of the Book. To these boards are fastened two strings, which do pass thro every leaf of the Book, and these tye it up fasttogether. As the Reader hath read each leaf, he lifts it up, and laysit by still hanging upon the strings, and so goes to the next leaf, something resembling Bills filed upon Wyre. 

[The Priests write Books of Bonna. ] The Gonnies, who are men ofleisure, write many Books of Bonna, that is of the Ceremonies of theirReligion: and will sometimes carry them to great Men, as a present, and do expect a reward. 

[The King's Warrants how wrapped up. ] The King when he sends anyWarrants or Orders to his Officers, hath his Writings wrapped up ina way proper to himself, and none else do or may fold up their leavesin that manner but He. 

[They write upon two sorts of leaves. ] They write upon the Tallipatleaves Records or matters of great moment, or that are to be keptand preserved: but for any ordinary business as Letters, &c. Theycommonly use another leaf, called Taulcole. The leaves of which willbear a better impression than the Tallipat, but they are more stubborn, and harder than the other, and will not fold. 

[Their Skill in Astronomy. ] But to speak a little of theirAstronomy. They who have understanding in it, and practise it, arethe Priests of the highest Order, of which the present King's Fatherwas. But the common sort of Astronomers are the Weavers. These mencan certainly foretel Eclipses of the Sun and Moon. They make [TheirAlmanacks. ] Leet, that is Almanacks that last for a Month. They arewritten upon a Tallipat leaf, a little above a foot long, and twofingers broad. In them are told the Age of the Moon, and the goodSeasons and times to begin to Plough or to Sow, or to go a Journey, or to take any work in hand. On this precise time they will be sureto sprinkle their first Seed, tho they sow all their Field it may bea Month after. And so they will begin to set forth at the very moment, tho possibly they will not go till some days after. 

These Astronomers tell them also when the old year ends to the veryminute. At which time they cease from all work, except the Kings, which must not be omitted. They acquaint them also with the good hourof the New year, they are to begin to work. At which time every Manand Woman begins to do somewhat in their employment they intend tofollow the ensuing year. They have also another season directed them bytheir Astronomers: that is, when to begin to wash their heads, whichis assigned to every one according to the time of their Nativities, which Ceremony they observe very religiously. 

[They pretend to know future things by the Stars. ] These Astronomers, or rather Astrologers, are skilful in the Knowledge of the Stars, andPlanets, of which they reckon nine: 'tis supposed they may add theDragon's Head and Tail. By which they pretend to foretel all thingsconcerning the health and recovery of Sick Persons; also concerningthe fate of Children born, about which the Parents do presently consultthem, and save their Children or kill them according to the fortunateor unfortunate hour they tell the Parents they were born in. 

When a Person is Sick, he carries to the men his Nativity, whichthey call Hanna hom pot, upon the perusal of which they tell hisdestiny. These also direct fit times for beginning Journeys, or otherundertakings. They are likewise consulted concerning Marriages bylooking upon the Man and Womans Nativity. 

[Their Ćra, Their Years, Months, Weeks, Days, Hours. ] They reckontheir Time from one Saccawarsi an ancient King. Their year consistsof 365 days, They begin their year upon our Eight and twentiethday of March, and sometimes the Seven and twentieth, and sometimes, but very seldom, on the Nine and twentieth. The reason of which Iconceive to be, to keep it equal to the course of the Sun, as our Leapyear doth. They call the year Ouredah. This they divide in to TwelveMonths, named, Wasachmaha, Pomaha, Ahalamoha, Micheneha, Bochmoha, &c. They divide their Months into Weeks, each consisting of sevendays, called Fridah, Sandudah, Onghorudah, Bodadah, Braspotindah, Secouradah, Henouradah. The first of which they account a good anda fortunate day to begin to do or undertake any thing: and it fallsout upon our Sunday. On their Wednesdays, and Saturdays they opentheir Churches, and perform their Ceremonies. Their day, which theycall Dausack, they divide into Thirty Pays, hours or parts, and begintheir account from the Sun rising, and their Night also into as many, and begin from Sun-setting: So that the Fifteenth Pay is Twelve aClock at Noon. They have a Flower by which they judge of the time, which constantly blows open seven Pays before Night. 

[How they measure their time. ] They have no Clocks, Hour-glasses, or Sun-Dials, but keep their time by guess. The King indeed hath akind of Instrument to measure time. It is a Copper Dish holding abouta Pint, with a very small hole in the bottom. This Dish they seta swimming in an Earthen Pot of water, the water leaking in at thebottom till the Dish be full, it sinks. And then they take it out, and set it empty on the water again, and that makes one Pay. Few ornone use this but the King, who keeps a man on purpose to watch itcontinually. The People will use it upon some occasions, as if theyare to sow their Corn at any particular hour, as being the good luckySeason, then they make use of the Copper Pan, to know the time exactly. 

[Their Magick. ] They do practise Magick. Whereof take these tworemarkable instances of many that might be given. 

[The Plenty of a Countrey destroyed by Magick. ] The Countrey ofNeurecalava formerly brought forth great plenty of Corn, occasionedby reason of its large waterings. A Neighbour Kingdom, the Kingdomof Cournegal which lyes in Hotcourley, in those times was brought toa great dearth. At which the King sends to the People of Neurecalava, that they would bring a supply of Corn to his Countrey, which they didin great store upon Beasts in Sacks, and arrived at the King's City:and there for the more expeditious measuring out every Housholder hisproportion of Corn, they made a hole in the Sacks, and let it run out, still driving on the Beasts before them: and all that was shed beforeevery man's House, was to be his share. This exceedingly gratifiedthe King. 

Afterward the King to requite them, asked what they most needed intheir Countrey? They answered, They had plenty of all things onlythey wanted Cahah mirris, that is Turmeric and Pepper. The King togratifie them sent them such a quantity of each as his Country couldafford. As soon as this was brought to the People of Neurecalava, they went to measure it out to every man his Portion, but finding itof so small a quantity, they resolved to grind it, as they do whenthey use it with their Victuals, and put it into the River to givea seasoning to the water, and every Man was to take up his Dish ofwater thus seasoned. From whence Neurecalava had its denomination, viz. From Neur, signifying a City, and Cahah that signifies Turmeric, and Lava, as if it were Lalla, put into the River. 

The King hearing of this Action of theirs was offended, in that theyso contemned his gift; but concealed his displeasure. Sometime afterhe took a Journey to them, and being there, desired to know how theirCountrey became so very fruitful. They told him, it was the water ofthe River pent up for their use in a very vast Pond. Out of which theymade Trenches to convey the water down into their Corn Grounds. ThisPond they had made with great Art and Labour with great Stones andEarth thrown up of a vast length and thickness, in the fashion of anhalf Moon. The King afterwards took his leave of them and went home;and by the help of his Magicians brake down this vast Dam that kept inthe water, and so destroyed the Pond. And by this means this fruitfulCountrey wanting her water is become as ordinary Land as the rest, having only what falls out of the Sky. 

[Their Charm to find out a Thief. ] When a Robbery is committed to findthe Thief, they Charm a Coker-nut, which is done by certain words, and any one can do it, that can but utter the Charm words. Then theythrust a stick into it, and set it either at the Door or hole the Thiefwent out at. Then one holds the stick with the Nut at the end of it, and the Nut pursues and follows in the Tract that the Thief went. Allthe way it is going they still continue Charming, and flinging theBlossoms of the Betel-nut-Tree upon it. And at last it will lead tothe house or place where the Thief is, and run upon his Feet. ThisNut will sometimes go winding hither and thither, and sometimes willstand still. Then they follow their Charms, strewing on Blossoms, and that sets it forward again. This is not enough to find the Thiefguilty; but if they intend to prosecute the Man upon this Discovery, the Charmer must swear against him point blank: which he sometimeswill do upon the Confidence of the Truth of his Charm. And the supposedThief must either Swear or be Condemned. 

[The way to dissolve this Charm. ] Oftentimes Men of courage and metal, will get Clubs, and beat away the Charmer, and all his Company, andby this means put all to an end. If the Thief has the wit to lay histail by the way, the Coker-nut when it comes thither will stop and runround about it, but go no further. I doubting the truth hereof, oncetook the stick, and held it my self, when they were upon this Business, but it moved not forward while I held it in my hand, tho they strewedtheir Flowers, and used their mutterings to provoke it. But afterwardswhen another took it, it went forward. I doubted whether they didnot guide it with their hand, but they assured me it guided their hand. 

[Inscriptions upon Rocks. ] Here are some antient writings engravenupon Rocks which poseth all that see them. There are divers greatRocks in divers parts in Cande Uda, and in the Northern Parts. TheseRocks are cut deep with great Letters for the space of some yards, so deep that they may last to the worlds end. Nobody can read themor make any thing of them. I have asked Malabars, Gentuses, aswell as Chingulays and Moors, but none of them understood them. Youwalk over some of them. There is an antient Temple Goddiladenni inTattanour stands by one place where there are of these Letters. Theyare probably in memorial of something, but of what we must leave tolearned men to spend their conjectures. 

CHAP. XI. 

Of their Sickness, Death and Burial. 

[The diseases this Countrey is subject to. ] Nothing now remains, but to carry you to their Sick-beds, and to tell you what they dowith the Bodies of their friends deceased, and their Behavior onthese occasions. They live to a great Age very often to fourscore, and hale at that age the Kings Sister was near an hundred. They arehealthy and of a sound constitution. The Diseases this Land is mostsubject to are Agues and Feveurs, and sometimes to Bloody-fluxes. TheSmall-Pox also sometimes happeneth among them. From which they cannotfree themselves by all their charms and inchantments, which areoften times successful to them in other distempers. Therefore theydo confess like the Magicians in Egypt, that this is the very fingerof Almighty God. They are also subject to Aches and Pains in theirBodies. For the Remedy whereof they have excellent oyntments and oyls, which they make and keep to have ready when they have occasion. 

[Every one a Physitian to himself. ] Here are no professed Physitiansnor Chyrurgeons, but all in general have some skill that way, and arePhysitians and Chyrurgeons to themselves. Their Medicines they make ofthe leaves that are in the Woods, and the barks of Trees. With whichthey purge and vomit themselves, and will do notable Cures upon greenwounds, and also upon sore eyes. 

To give a few hints of their method of Physick and what Ingredientsthey make use of. 

[To purge. ] For purging they make use of a Tree called Dallugauhah. Itbears no leaves, nothing but thorns, and is of a soft substance. Beingcut there runs out a white thick milk; in which we soak some wholecorns of Pepper a whole night. The next day the Pepper is taken out, and washed clean, and then boyled in fair water with a sower fruitthey call Goraca, which we shall speak of by and by. This they drink, and it purgeth very well. This milk is rekoned as rank Poyson as anything can be, and yet the Goats eat of the Tree greedily without harm. 

[To Vomit. ] For a Vomit, there is is a leaf of a Plant called Warracolein colour like a Cabbage leaf, but smaller; it grows upon a long stalksome three foot high. This leaf as soon as it is broken from the stalkis full of milk, which runs out. In this milk they put a lump of Salt, and let it lye a whole night. The next day they take the Salt out, which is not dissolved, and wash it clean: then boyl a little Riceand Water together. After tis taken off the fire, they put this saltinto it, and drink it. 

There is a strong Purge they make with a berry called Jawpolls, whichis a little long greenish berry. Of it self it is rank Poyson. Theyboyl it with Goraca, and Pepper in water, and drink a little ofthe water. 

[To heal Sores. ] For drawing and healing of Sores, they have a leafcalled Mockina-cola; it is a very like our Tunhoof or Ground-ivy, only it is a brighter green; it runs along upon the ground and spreadsit self as Tunhoof doth. They only take the leaf and clap it uponthe sore. 

[To heal an Impostume. ] For an Impostume in the Throat, we takethe rind of the Tree Amaranga and bruise it and rub it with greenTurmeric, and wrap it up in a Plantane leaf, and bury it in hot ashes, and there let it lye an hour or two till the fire hath well qualifiedit. Then the Patient takes it, and keeps chewing it for a day or twoswallowing the spittle. The Virtue of this I my self can testifiebeing exceedingly ill with a sore Throat, and could not swallow. Bythe use of this I was well within a day and a night. 

[For a hurt in the Eye. ] For a sore or hurt in the eye, they takeOulcande-cole, Goderacole, two herbs, the juyce of each, and womansmilk and having mingled them, drop them into the eye. I had a Thornof a considerable length run into the gray of my eye, and put me togreat pain, the Chingulays advised me to use this means, assuring mehow successful it was wont to be; but I was loath to tamper with sotender a place; and thanks be to God, after some days the Thorn fellout of it self. 

[To cure the Itch. ] It is a speedy Cure of the Itch, to takeCoudouro giddi, a fruit of a Tree in form somewhat like a Mussel butbigger. This fruit they cut in slices and fry it in Coker-nut oyl. Andwith this oyl they anoint the body. 

[The Caudle for Lying in women. ] The ordinary Caudle for Women inChild-bed, is Goraca boyled in water with Pepper and Ginger. Women inthat condition use nothing else. This [Goraca. ] Goraca is a fruit roundlike an Apple marked with divers creases along the sides of it. Beingripe it is within and without red like blood, but sower, they use thisfruit as we do Lemons and Oranges. The core is sweet and pleasant, but They regarding it not sling it away. If you bite this fruit, it sticks to the Teeth like wax or pitch. But their chief use of it, is to boyl it with other things to make them tast sower. They gatherthem at the time of year, and break the cloves assunder by theirfingers, for they, if they be pulled, will part at the creases. Andthen they lay them in the Sun and dry them, being dryed they looklike mens ears. And so they keep them for their use. Two or three ofthese will give a pleasant sower relish unto a large vessel of anyliquid thing. This Goraca is in great use among them. 

[Excellent at the cure of Poyson. ] As there are in this Countrey verymany Poysonous Plants, and Creatures, so the People have excellentskill in the healing thereof. There is one plant among the rest sostrong a venom, that no creature will eat or touch it; and this is theleaf, that the People sometimes carry with them when they go to demandtheir debts, and threaten their debtors, they will poyson themselvesbefore them, unless they will pay them. It is called Neiingala, a sprig that springs out of the ground almost like an Hony-suckle, but not so big: and bears a curious Flower much like an Hony-suckle. 

[They easily heal the biting of Serpents, by herbs. ] They areoftentimes stung with venomous Serpents, upon which sudden deathfollows without speedy help: But if the bite be taken in time, theycan certainly cure themselves, and make nothing of it. Which theyperform both by Herbs and Charms. Tho upon the sting they presentlyvomit blood. The knowledg of these antidotal Herbs they have learnedfrom the Mounggoutia a kind of Ferret. This creature when the Noya andhe meets always fight. If he chanceth to be bitten by the Serpent, which is very venomous, he runs away to a certain herb and eats itand so is cured, and then comes back and fights again. The Chingulayswhen they see these two creatures fighting, do diligently observe them, and when they see the Mounggouttia goes away, they take notice of theherbs he eats, and thereby have learned what herbs are proper to curesuch venoms. 

[And charms. ] They are skilful also in the use of Charms, to curethe stings of Serpents or to prevent them, the Noyas they can charmto that pass, that they will take them up in their hands and carrythem in baskets and handle them and kiss them without any harm. Butthe Polonga will not hear a charm. They charm other wild and venomouscreatures also; as the Tyger that he shall not hurt their Cattel. 

[Nor good at healing inward distempers. ] But to cure inward diseasesthey are not excellent. But generally when they are sick they applythemselves to their Gods. But their chief supplication they make tothe Devil, as being God's instrument, sent to punish and afflict whomhe pleaseth; as I have discoursed at large already. 

[They both bury and burn their dead. ] These People are very loathto dye, and as much afraid of the Devil in their sickness, whom atsuch times they chiefly invoke. Being dead none will come near thehouse for many days, lest they should be defiled. The better sortburn the dead, because worms and maggots should not eat them. Butthe poorer sort who regard not such matters bury them making a holein the Woods, and carrying the body wrapped up in a mat upon a Poleon their shoulders with two or three attending it, and so laying itin without any ceremony, and covering it. 

[They send for a Priest to pray for his Soul. ] Some days after hisdecease, if his friends wish well to his Soul, they send for a Priestto the house, who spends a whole night in praying and singing for thesaving of that Soul. This Priest besides very good entertainment, inthe morning must have great gifts and rewards. And to encourage themtherein, he tells them that the like bounty and liberality as they shewto him, shall the Soul of their departed friend receive in the otherworld. And so according to their ability they freely give unto him, such things as they are possessors of. And he out of his Wonderful goodnature refuseth not any thing, be it never so mean. And thus with Drumsand Pipes sounding before him, they conduct him home to his house. 

[How they mourn for the dead. ] Their manner of mourning for the deadis, that all the Women that are present do loose their hair, and letit hang down, and with their two hands together behind their heads domake an hideous noise, crying and roaring as loud as they can, muchpraysing and extolling the Virtues of the deceased, tho there werenone in him: and lamenting their own woful condition to live withouthim. Thus for three or four mornings they do rise early, and lament inthis manner, also on evenings. Mean while the men stand still and sigh. 

[The nature of the Women. ] These women are of a very strong couragiousspirit, taking nothing very much to heart, mourning more for fashionthan affection, never overwhelmed neither with grief or love. Andwhen their Husbands are dead, all their care is where to get others, which they cannot long be without. 

[How they Bury. ] It may not be unacceptable to relate how they burntheir Dead. As for Persons of inferior Quality, they are interred insome convenient places in the Woods, there being no set places forBurial, carried thither by two or three of their Friends, and Buriedwithout any more ado. They lay them on their Backs, with their headsto the West and their feet to the East, as we do. Then those Peoplego and wash; for they are unclean by handling the Dead. 

[How they Burn. ] But Persons of greater quality are burned, andthat with Ceremony. When they are dead they lay them out, and put aCloth over their Privy Parts, and then wash the Body, by taking halfa dozen Pitchers of water, and pouring upon it. Then they cover himwith a Linnen cloth, and so carry him forth to burning. This is whenthey burn the Body speedily. But otherwise, they cut down a Tree thatmay be proper for their purpose, and hollow it, like a Hog-trough, and put the Body being Embowelled and Embalmed into it, filled upall about with Pepper. And so let it lay in the house, until it bethe King's Command to carry it out to the burning. For that theydare not do without the King's order, if the Person deceased be aCourtier. Sometimes the King gives no order in a great while, it maybe not at all. Therefore in such cases, that the Body may not takeup house-room, or annoy them, they dig an hole in the floar of theirhouse, and put hollowed tree and all in and cover it. If afterwardsthe King commands to burn the Body, they take it up again in obedienceto the King, otherwise there it lyes. 

Their order for burning is thus. If the Body be not thus put intoa Trough or hollowed Tree, it is laid upon one of his Bedsteds, which is a great honour among them. This Bedsted with the Body onit, or hollowed Tree with the Body in it, is fastned with Poles, and carried upon Mens Shoulders unto the place of Burning: which issome eminent place in the Fields or High ways, or where else theyplease. There they lay it upon a Pile of Wood some two or three foothigh. Then they pile up more Wood upon the Corps, lying thus on theBedsted, or in the Trough. Over all they have a kind of Canopy built, if he be a Person of very high Quality covered at top, hung aboutwith painted Cloth, and bunches of Coker-nuts, and green Boughs;and so fire is put to it. After all is burnt to ashes, they sweeptogether the ashes into the manner of a Sugar-loaf: and hedg theplace round from wild Beasts breaking in, and they will sow Herbsthere. Thus I saw the King's Uncle, the chief Tirinanx, who was asit were the Primate of all the Nation, burned, upon an high place, that the blaze might be seen a great way. If they be Noblemen, butnot of so high quality, there is only a Bower erected over them, adorned with Plantane Trees, and green boughs, and bunches as before. 

[How they bury those that that die of the Small Pox. ] But if any dyeof the small Pox, be his Degree what it will, he must be Buried uponThorns, without any further Ceremony. 

PART IV. 

CHAP. I. 

Of the reason of our going to Ceilon, and Detaimnent there. 

[The subject of this fourth Part. ] In this Fourth and last Part, I purpose to speak concerning our Captivity in this Island, andduring which, in what Condition the English have lived there, andthe eminent Providence of God in my escape thence, together withother matters relating to the Dutch, and other European Nations, that dwell and are kept there. All which will afford so much variety, and new matters, that I doubt not but the Readers will be entertainedwith as much delight in perusing these things, as in any else thathave been already related. I begin with the unhappy Occasion of ourgoing to this Countrey. 

[The occasion of their coming to Ceilon. ] Anno MDCLVII. The Ann Frigatof London, Capt. Robert Knox Commander, on the One and twentieth dayof January, set Sail out of the Downs, in the Service of the Honourablethe English East-India Company, bound for Fort S. George, on the Coastof Cormandel, to Trade one year from Port to Port in India. Which wehaving performed, as we were Lading of Goods to return for England, being in the Road of Matlipatan, on the Nineteenth of November AnnoMDCLIX. Happened such a mighty Storm, that in it several Ships werecast away, and we forced to cut our Main-Mast by the Board, which sodisabled the Ship, that she could not proceed in her Voyage. WhereuponCotiar, in the Island of Ceilon, being a very commodious Bay, fitfor our present Distress, Thomas Chambers Esq; (since Sir Thomas)the Agent at Fort S. George, ordered, That the Ship should take insome Cloth, and go to Cotiar Bay, there to Trade, while she lay toset her Mast. Where being arrived according to the appointment ofthose Indian Merchants of Porta Nova we carried with us, to whom thoseGoods belonged, they were put ashore, and we minded our Business toset another Main-mast, and repair our other Dammages we had sustainedby the late Storm. 

[They were not jealous of the People, being very courteous. ] At ourfirst coming thither, we were shy and jealous of the People of thePlace, by reason our Nation never had any Commerce or Dealing withthem. But now having been there some Twenty days, and going a Shore andcoming on Board at our Pleasure without any molestation, the Governorof the Place also telling us, that we were welcom, as we seemed toour selves to be, we began to lay aside all suspitious thoughts of thePeople dwelling thereabouts, who had very kindly entertained us for ourMoneys with such Provisions and Refreshings as those Parts afforded. 

[A pretended Message to the Captain from the King. ] By this time theKing of the Countrey had notice of our being there, and as I supposegrew suspicious of us, not having all that while by any Message madehim acquainted with our intent and purpose in coming. Thereuponhe dispatched down a Dissauva or General with his Army to us. Whoimmediately sent a Messenger on Board to acquaint the Captain with hiscoming, and desired him to come ashore to him, pretending a Letter tohim from the King. We saluted the Message with firing of Guns, and myFather the Captain ordered me with Mr. John Loveland, Merchant of theShip, to go on shore and wait upon him. When we were come before him, he demanded who we were, and how long we should stay? We told him, We were English, and not to stay above twenty or thirty days, anddesired Permission to Trade in his Majestie's Port. His answer was, the King was glad to hear that the English were come to his Countrey, and had commanded him to assist us as we should desire, and had senta Letter to be delivered to none, but to the Captain himself. 

We were then some twelve Miles from the Sea-side. Our reply was, Thatthe Captain could not leave his Ship to come so far, but if he pleasedto come down to the Sea-side himself, the Captain would immediatelywait upon him to receive the Letter. Upon which the Dissauva desiredus to stay that day, and on the morrow he would go down with us. 

Which being a small request, and we unwilling to displease him, consented to. 

[The beginning of their Suspition. ] The same day at Evening, theDissauva sent two of his chief Captains to the House where we layto tell us, That he was sending a Present to the Captain, and if wepleased we might send a Letter to him; that he would send the Presentin the Night, and himself with us follow the next Morning. At whichwe began to suspect, and accordingly concluded to write and advisethe Captain not to adventure himself, nor any other on shore till hesaw us. We having writ a Letter to this purpose they took it and wentaway, but never delivered it. 

[The Captain seized, and seven more. ] The next Morning the Present, which was Cattle, Fruit, &c. Was brought to the Sea-side, and deliveredto the Captain; the Messengers telling him withal, that we were uponthe way coming down, with the Dissauva; who desired his Company onshore against his coming, having a Letter from the King to deliver intohis own hand. Hereupon the Captain mistrusting nothing, came up withhis Boat into a small River, and being come ashore, sat down undera Tamarind Tree, waiting for the Dissauva and us. In which time theNative Soldiers privately surrounded him and Men, having no Arms withthem; and so he was seized on and seven men with him, yet without anyviolence or plundering them of any thing: and then they brought themup unto us, carrying the Captain in a Hammock upon their Shoulders. 

[The Long-boat Men seized. ] The next day after, the Long-boats Crew, not knowing what had happened, came ashore to cut a Tree to make Cheeksfor the Main-mast, and were made Prisoners after the same manner, tho' with more violence. For they being rough and making resistance, were bound with Wyths, and so were led away till they came where thePeople got Ropes. Which when our Men saw brought to them, they werenot a little affrighted. For being already bound, they concludedthere could be no other use for those Ropes but to hang them. Butthe true use of them was to bind them faster, fearing lest the Wythsmight break, and so they were brought up farther into the Countrey;but afterwards being become more tame, they were loosed. They would notadventure to bring them to us, but quartered them in another House, thoin the same Town. Where without leave we could not see one another. TheHouse wherein they kept the Captain and us, was all hanged with whiteCallico, which is the greatest Honour they can shew to any. But theHouse wherein the other men were, that were brought up after us, wasnot. They gave us also as good Entertainment as the Countrey afforded. 

[The General's Craft to get the Ship, as well as the Men. ] Havingthus taken both our Boats and Eighteen men of us, their next carewas, fearing lest the Ship should be gone, to secure her: Thereforeto bring this about, the Dissauva told the Captain that the reasonof this their detainment was, that the King intended to send Lettersand a Present to the English Nation by him, and therefore that theShip must not go away, till the King was ready to send his Messengerand Message, and thereupon desired the Captain to send on Board toorder her stay; and it being not safe for her to ride in the Bay, lest the Dutch might come and fire her, that he should take orderfor her bringing up into the River. Which advice of his, the Captainapproved not of. But concealing his dislike of it, replied, thatunless he could send two of his own men on Board with his Letter andOrder, those in the Ship would not obey him, but speedily would begone with the Ship. Which he, rather than he would run the hazzardof the Ships departing, granted; imagining that the Captain wouldorder the Ship to be brought up into the River, as he had advised, tho the Captain intended to make another use of this Message. 

[The Captain's Order to them on board the Ship. ] Upon which theCaptain sent two of his men, some Indians accompanying them in aCanoo to the Ship, the Captain ordering them when they were aboardnot to abuse the Indians, but to entertain them very kindly, andafterwards that setting them ashore, they should keep the Canoo tothemselves, instead of our two Boats, which they had gotten from us, and to secure the Ship, and wait till further order. 

These two men stayed on Board, and came not back again. This togetherwith the Ships not coming up displeased the Dissauva, and he demandedof the Captain the reason thereof. His answer was, That being detainedon Shore, the Men on Board would not obey his Command. Upon thissome days after the Dissauva bid the Captain send his Son with orderto those aboard that the Ship might be brought into the River, butprovided that he would be Security for my return; which he promised hewould. His order to me was, to see the top Chains put upon the Cables, and the Guns Shotted, and to tell Mr. John Burford chief Mate, and allthe rest, as they valued their Lives and Liberties to keep a Watch, and not to suffer any Boat to come near, after it was dark: and chargedme upon his Blessing, and as I should answer it at the great Day, not to leave him in this Condition, but to return to him again. Uponwhich I solemnly vowed according to my Duty to be his Obedient Son. 

[The Ships Company refuse to bring up the Ship. ] So having seen alldone according to his appointment, I wrote a Letter in the Name ofthe Company to clear my Father and my self, to this effect; That theywould not obey the Captain, nor any other in this matter, but wereresolved to stand upon their own defence. To which they all set theirhands. Which done according to my Promise and Duty I returned again, and delivered the Letter to the Dissauva, who was thereby answered, and afterwards urged the Captain no more in that matter: but gave himleave at his pleasure to write for what he pleased to have brought tohim from the Ship: still pretending the King's order to release us, was not yet, but would suddenly come. And so we remained expectingit about two Months, being entertained as formerly with the best Dietand Accommodation of the Countrey. 

[The Captain orders the ship to depart. ] Having continued thus longin suspence, and the time and season of the year spending for theShip to proceed on her Voyage to some other place, and our conditionbeing, as we feared, and afterwards found to be, the beginning of asad Captivity, the Captain sent order to Mr. John Burford to take thecharge of the Ship upon him, and to set Sail for Porto Nova whencewe came, and there to follow the Agent's order. 

[The Lading of Cloth remained untouched. ] If any inquire what becameof the Cloth of our Lading, which we brought thither, they only tookan account to see what it was, and so left it where and as it wasbefore, and there it remained until both House and Goods rotted, as the People of the same Town informed me afterwards. 

[The Probable season of our Surprize. ] I impute the main reason ofour Surprize to our Neglect, viz. In not sending a Letter and Presentto the King at our first coming. Who looking upon himself as a greatMonarch, as he is indeed, requires to be treated with sutable State. 

[The number of those that were left on the Island. ] Thus were Sixteenof us left to the mercy of those Barbarians, the Names of which are asfollow. The Captain, Mr. Joh. Loveland, John Gregory, Charles Beard, Roger Gold, Stephen Rutland, Nicolas Mullins, Francis Crutch, JohnBerry, Ralph Knight, Peter Winn, William Hubbard, Arthur Emery, RichardVarnham, George Smith, and my Self. Tho our hearts were very heavy, seeing our selves betrayed into so sad a Condition, to be forced todwell among those that knew not God nor his Laws; yet so great was themercy of our gracious God, that he gave us favour in the sight of thisPeople. Insomuch that we lived far better than we could have expected, being Prisoners or rather Captives in the hands of the Heathen;from whom we could have looked for nothing but very severe usage. 

[The Dissauva departs. ] The Ship being gone, the King sent to callthe Dissauva speedily to him, who upon this order immediately marchedaway with his Army, leaving us where we were. But concerning us wasno order at all. 

CHAP. II. 

How we were carried up into the Countrey, and disposed of there, and of the sickness, sorrow and death of the Captain. 

[They intend to attempt an Escape, but are prevented. ] The Dissauvawith his men being gone, the people of the Town were appointed toguard and secure us until further order. But they carryed us some sixmiles higher into the Countrey, and would not yet adventure to bringthe Long boats-crew unto us, but kept them by themselves in anotherTown, fearing lest we might make an Escape, as certainly we would haveattempted it had they not removed us. There was a small Moors Vessel, which lay in the River, which they had seized on about this time, as we supposed they would have done by our Ship if they could havecatched her there. This Vessel had some forty men belonging to herwho were not made Prisoners as we were, but yet lay in the same Town:with those we had concluded, that they would furnish us with Arms, and in the night altogether to march down, and get on board of theirVessel, and so make our escape. But being prevented in this designby our departure, we were fain to lay at their mercy. 

[Their condition commiserated by the People. ] In our new quartersour entertainment proved as good as formerly. And indeed there wasthis to mitigate our misery, that the People were courteous to us andseemed to pity us. For there is a great difference between the Peopleinhabiting the high-lands, or the mountains of Cande, and those ofthe low-lands where we now are placed, who are of a kinder natureby far than the other. For these Countreys beneath the mountainsformerly were in subjection unto the Portugueze. Whereby have beenexercised and acquainted with the customs and manners of ChristianPeople. Which pleasing them far better than their own have begotand bred in them a kind of love and affection towards Strangers, being apt to shew Pity and Compassion on them in their distress. Andyou shall hear them oftentimes upbraiding the High-landers for theirinsolent and rude behavior. 

[They are distributed into divers Towns. ] It was a very sad Conditionwhilst we were all together, yet hitherto each others companylessened our sufferings, and was some comfort that we might condoleone another. But now it came to pass that we must be separated andplaced asunder, one in a Village, where we could have none to conferwithall or look upon, but the horrible black faces of our heathenenemies, and not understand one word of their Language neither, thiswas a great addition to our grief. Yet God was so merciful to us, as not to suffer them to part my Father and I. 

[An Order comes from the King to bring them up into the Countrey. ] Forit was some sixteen days after our last remove, the King was pleasedto send a Captain with Soldiers to bring us up into the Countrey. Whobrought us and the other men taken in the Long boat together: Whichwas an heavy meeting; Being then, as we well saw, to be carriedCaptives into the mountains. That night we supped together, and thenext morning changed our condition into real Captivity. Howbeit theygave us many comfortable promises, which we believed not; as, thatthe Kings intent was not to keep us any longer, than till anotherShip came to carry us away. Altho we had but very little to carry, God knows, yet they appointed men to carry the cloths that belongedto the Captain and Officers. 

[How they were Treated on the way in the Woods. ] We still expected theywould plunder us of our cloths, having nothing else to be plunderedof: but the Chingulay Captain told us, that the King had given orderthat none should take the value of a thread from us: Which indeedthey did not. As they brought us up they were very tender of us, asnot to tyre us with Travelling, bidding us go no faster than we wouldour selves. This kindness did somewhat comfort us. The way was plainand easie to Travail through great Woods, so that we walked as in anArbour, but desolate of Inhabitants. So that for four or five nightswe lay on the Ground, with Boughs of Trees only over our heads. And ofVictuals twice a Day they gave us as much as we could eat, that is, of Rice, Salt-fish, dryed Flesh: And sometimes they would shoot Deerand find Hony in the Trees, good part of which they always broughtunto us. And drink we could not want, there being Rivers and Puddlesfull of Water as we Travelled along. 

[And in the Towns among the Inhabitants. ] But when we came out of theWoods among Inhabitants and were led into their Towns, they broughtus Victuals ready dressed after their fashion, viz. Rice boiled inWater, and three other sorts of Food, whereof one Flesh, and theother two Herbs or such like things that grow in their Countrey, andall kinds of ripe Fruit, which we liked very well and fed heartilyupon. Our entertainment all along was at the Charge of the Countrey:So we fed like Soldiers upon free Quarter. Yet I think we gave themgood content for all the Charge we put them to. Which was to have thesatisfaction of seeing us eat, sitting on Mats upon the Ground in theiryards to the Publick view of all Beholders. Who greatly admired us, having never seen, nor scarce heard of, English-men before. It wasalso great entertainment to them to observe our manner of eating withSpoons, which some of us had, and that we could not take the Rice upin our hands, and put it to our mouths without spilling, as they do, nor gaped and powred the Water into our Mouths out of Pots accordingto their Countreys custom. Thus at every Town where we came they usedboth young and old in great Companies to stare upon us. 

[They are brought near Cande, and there Seperated. ] Being thus broughtup all together somewhat near to the City of Cande. Now came an Orderfrom the King to separate us, and to place us one in a Town. Whichthen seemed to us to be very hard, but it was for the convenience orgetting Food, being quartered upon the Countrey at their Charge. 

[The Captain and his Son and two more quartered together. ] The CaptainMr. John Loveland, my self and John Gregory were parted from the rest, and brought nearer to the City, to be ready when the King shouldsend for us. All the Rest were placed one in a Town according to theaforesaid Order. Special Command also was given from the King, thatwe all should be well entertained, and according to the Countrey farewe had no cause to complain. We four were thus kept together sometwo Months, faring well all the while. But the King minding us not, [Parted. ] Order came from the great Men in Court to place us inTowns, as the rest were; only my Father and I were still permittedto be together, and a great Charge given to use us well. [How theyfared. ] And indeed twice a Day we had brought unto us as good fare asthe Countrey afforded. All the rest had not their Provisions broughtto them, as we had, but went to eat from house to house, each housetaking its turn. 

[The Captain and his Son placed in Coos-wat. ] On the Sixteenth ofSeptember, 1660. My Father and I were placed in a Town called BonderCoos-wat the situation was very pleasing and commodious, lying aboutThirty Miles to the Northward of the City of Cande, in the Countreycalled Hotcurly and distant from the rest of our People a full daysjourney. We were removed hither from another Town nearer to the Citywhere the Nobles at Court supposing that the King would call for us, had placed us to have us ready. Being thus brought to Bonder Cooswat, the People put it to our choice which House we would have to residein. The Countrey being hot and their Houses dark and dirty, my Fatherchose an open House, having only a Roof but no Walls. Wherein theyplaced a Cot, or Bed-stead only with a Mat upon it for him, whichin their Account is an extraordinary Lodging; and for me a Mat uponthe Ground. 

[Moneys scarce with them. ] Moneys at that time were very low withus. For although we wanted not for opportunity to send for whatwe would have brought unto unto us from the Ship, yet fearing weshould be plundered of it, sent not for any thing only a Pillow formy Father. For we held it a point without dispute, that they thatmade Prisoners of our Bodies would not spare to take our Goods;my Father also alledging, that he had rather his Children at homeshould enjoy them. 

[But they had good Provisions without it. ] But to make amends forthat, we had our Provisions brought us without money, and that twice aDay, so much as we could eat, and as good as their Countrey yielded;to wit, a Pot of good Rice, and three Dishes of such things as withthem is accounted good Cheer; one always either Flesh, Fish or Eggs;but not over much of this Dish, the other Dishes, Herbs, Pumkins orsuch like, one of which is always made sower. 

[The Town where they were, Sickly. ] The first year that we were broughtinto this Town, this part of the Land was extraordinary Sickly by Aguesand Feavours, whereof many People dyed; insomuch that many times wewere forced to remain an hungry, there being none well enough eitherto boil or bring Victuals unto us. 

[How they passed their time. ] We had with us a Practice of Piety, andMr. Rogers seven Treatises, called the Practice of Christianity. Withwhich companions we did frequently discourse; and in the cool of theEvening walk abroad in the Fields for a refreshing, tyred with beingall day in our House or Prison. 

[They both fall Sick. ] This Course lasted until God was pleased tovisit us both with the Countrey Sickness, Ague and Feavour. The sightof my Fathers misery was far more grievous unto me than the senceof my own, that I must be a Spectator of his Affliction, and not anyways able to help him. And the sight of me so far augmented his grief, that he would often say, What have I done when I charged you to comeashore to me again, your dutifulness to me hath brought you to be aCaptive. I am old and cannot long hold out, but you may live to seemany days of Sorrow, if the mercy of God do not prevent it. But myprayers to God for you shall not be wanting, that for this cause hewould visit you with his Mercy, and bestow on you a Blessing. 

[Deep Grief seizes the Captain. ] My Father's Ague lasted not long, but deep grief daily more and more increased upon him, which soover-whelmed even his very heart, that with many a bitter sigh heused to utter these words, These many years even from my youth haveI used the Seas, in which time the Lord God hath delivered me froma multitude of Dangers; rehearsing to me what great Dangers he hadbeen in, in the Straits by the Turks and by other Enemies, and also inmany other places, too large here to insert, and always how mercifulGod was to him in delivering him out of them all, So that he neverknew what it was to be in the hand of an Enemy; But now in his oldAge, when his head was grown grey, to be a Captive to the Heathen, and to leave his Bones in the Eastern Parts of the World, when it washis hopes and intention, if God permitted him to finish this Voyage, to spend and end the residue of his days at home with his Childrenin his Native Countrey, and to settle me in the Ship in his stead;the thoughts of these things did even break his heart. 

[Their Sickness continues. ] Upwards of three Months my Father lay inthis manner upon his Bed, having only under him a Mat and the Carpethe sat upon in the Boat when he came ashore, and a small Quilt Ihad to cover him withall. And I had only a Mat upon the Ground and aPillow to lay on, and nothing to cover me but the Cloths on my back:but when I was cold, or that my Ague came upon me, I used to make aFire, Wood costing nothing, but the fetching. 

[Their Boy's disobedience adds to their trouble. ] We had a black Boymy Father brought from Porto Nova to attend upon him, who seeinghis Master to be a Prisoner in the hands of the People of his ownComplexion, would not now obey his Command, further than what agreedunto his own humour, neither was it then as we thought in our Powerto compel or make him; but it was our ignorance. As for me, my Aguenow came to a settled course; that is, once in three days, and socontinued for Sixteen Months time. 

[His excessive sorrow. ] There appearing now to us no probability, whereupon to build any hopes of Liberty, the sence of it struck myFather into such an Agony and strong Passion of Grief, that once Iwell remember in Nine days time nothing came into his mouth, butcold water; neither did he in three Months together ever rise upout of his Bed, but when the course of Nature required it: alwaysgroaning and sighing in a most piteous manner: which for me to hearand see come from my dear Father, my self also in the same Condition, did almost break my heart. But then I felt that Doctrine most true, which I had read out of Mr. Roger's Book, That God is most sweet, when the world is most bitter. 

In this manner my Father lay until the Ninth of February 1660/61. Bywhich time he was consumed to an Anatomy, having nothing left butSkin to cover his Bones; yet he often would say, That the very soundof Liberty would so revive him, that it would put strength into hisLimbs. But it was not the will of him, to whom we say, Thy will bedone, to have it so. 

[His Discourse and charge to his Son before his Death. ] The eveningbefore his Death, he called me to come near his Bed side, and to sitdown by him, at which time also I had a strong Feavor upon me. Thisdone, he told me, That he sensibly felt his life departing from him, and was assured that this Night God would deliver him out of thisCaptivity, and that he never thought in all his Lifetime that Deathcould be so easie and welcom to any Man, as God had made it to beto him, and the joyes he now felt in himself he wanted utterance toexpress to me. He told me, These were the last words, that ever heshould speak to me, and bid me well regard and be sure to rememberthem, and tell them to my Brother and Sister, if it pleased God, ashe hoped it would, to bring us together in England; where I shouldfind all things settled to my contentation, relating to me after whatmanner he had settled his Estate by Letters which he sent from Cotiar. 

In the first place and above all, He charged me to serve God, and witha circumspect care to walk in his ways, and then, he said, God wouldbless me and prosper me. And next, he bad me have a care of my Brotherand Sister. And lastly, He gave me a special charge to beware of strongDrink, and lewd Company, which as by Experience many had found, wouldchange me into another man, so that I should not be my self. It deeplygrieved him, he said, to see me in Captivity in the prime of my years, and so much the more because I had chosen rather to suffer Captivitywith him than to disobey his Command. Which now he was heartily sorryfor, that he had so commanded me, but bad me not repent of obeyingthe command of my Father; seeing for this very thing, he said, Godwould bless me, and bid me be assured of it, which he doubted not of, viz. That God Almighty would deliver me; which at that time I could nottell how to conceive, seeing but little sign of any such Matter. Butblessed be the Name of my most gracious God, who hath so bountifullysustained me ever since in the Land of my Captivity, and preservedme alive to see my Deceased Father's word fulfilled! And truly I wasso far from repenting, that I had obeyed the Command of my Father, and performed the Oath and Promise I made unto him upon it, that itrather rejoyced me to see that God had given me so much Grace. 

[His Death. ] But tho it was a trouble to him, that by his means Iwas thus made a Captive; yet it was a great Comfort to him, he said, to have his own Son sit by him on his Death-bed, and by his hands tobe Buried, whereas otherwise he could expect no other but to be eatenby Dogs or wild Beasts. Then he gave me order concerning his Burial, That having no winding sheet, I should pull his Shirt over his head, and slip his Breeches over his feet, and so wrap him up in the Mathe layd upon: and then ceased speaking, and fell into a Slumber. Thiswas about Eight or Nine a Clock in the Evening, and about Two or Threein the Morning he gave up the Ghost, Feb. The Ninth, 1660. Being verysensible unto the very instant of his Departure. 

[And Burial. ] According to his own appointment with my own hands Iwrapped him up ready for the Grave; my self being very sick and weak, and as I thought ready to follow after him. Having none but the blackBoy with me, I bad him ask the People of the Town for help to carry myFather to the Grave, because I could not understand their Language. Whoimmediately brought forth a great Rope they used to tye their Cattlewithal, therewith to drag him by the Neck into the Woods, saying, They could afford me no other help, unless I would pay for it. ThisInsolency of the Heathen grieved me much to see, neither could I withthe Boy alone do what was necessary for his Burial, though we hadbeen able to carry the Corps, having not wherewithal to dig a Grave, and the ground very dry and hard. Yet it was some comfort to me thatI had so much Ability as to hire one to help; which at first I wouldnot have spared to have done, had I known their meaning. 

[The Place where he lyes. ] By this means I thank God, in so decenta manner as our present condition would permit, I laid my Father'sBody in the Grave. Most of which I digged with my own hands; the placebeing in a Wood, on the North-side of a Corn Field, where heretoforewe had used often to walk, going up to Handapoul: that Division, as I have said, being called Bonder Cooswat, because formerly it hadbelonged to the Revenues or Jointure of the Queen, Bonder implyingsomething relating to the King. It lyes towards the Northwest of themiddle of the Island in the County Hotcurly. 

Thus was I left Desolate, Sick, and in Captivity, having no earthlyComforter, none but only He who looks down from Heaven to hearthe groaning of the Prisoners, and to shew himself a Father of theFatherless, and a present help to them that have no helper. 

[Upon the Captain's death, a Message sent his Son from Court. ] TheNews of my Father's Death being carried to Court, presently twoMessengers were sent from thence to see me, and to know of me, Howand in what manner my Father died, and what he had left. Which wasa Gold Ring, a Pagoda, and some two or three Dollars and a few oldCloths; God knows but a very little, yet it scared me not a little, fearing they would take it away from me, and my want being so great;but they had no such order nor intent. But the chief occasion oftheir coming was to renew the former order unto the People of thatTown, that they should be kind to me and give me good Victuals, leftI might dye also as my Father had done. So for a while I had betterentertainment than formerly. 

CHAP. III. 

How I lived after my Father's Death. And of the Condition of the restof the English: and how it fared with them. And of our Interview. 

[His chief employment is Reading. ] I still remained where I was before, having none but the black Boy, and my Ague to bear me Company. Neverfound I more pleasure in Reading, Meditating and Praying than now. Forthere was nothing else could administer to me any Comfort, neither hadI any other Business to be occupied about. I had read my two Books sooften over, that I had them almost by heart. For my custom was afterDinner to take a Book and go into the Fields and sit under a Tree, reading and meditating until Evening; excepting the Day when my Aguecame, for then I could scarce hold up my head. Often have I prayedas Elijah under the Juniper Tree, that God would takeaway my life, for it was a burthen to me. 

[He loses his Ague. ] At length it pleased God my Ague began to be alittle moderate; and so by degrees it wore away, after it had heldme sixteen Months. 

[How he met with an English Bible in that Countrey. ] Provisionsfalling short with me, tho Rice I thank God, I never wanted, andMonies also growing low; as well to help out a Meal as for Recreation, sometimes I went with an Angle to catch small Fish in the Brooks, the aforesaid Boy being with me. It chanced as I was Fishing, anold Man passed by, and seeing me, asked of my Boy, If I could readin a Book. He answered, Yes. The reason I ask, said the old Man, is because I have one I got when the Portugueze left Columbo, and ifyour Master please to buy it, I will sell it him. Which when I heardof; I bad my Boy go to his House with him, which was not far off, and bring it to me to see it, making no great account of the matter, supposing it might be some Portugueze Book. 

The Boy having formerly served the English, knew the Book, and assoon as he had got it in his hand came running with it, calling outto me, It is a Bible. It startled me to hear him mention the nameof a Bible. For I neither had one, nor scarcely could ever think tosee one. Upon which I flung down my Angle and went to meet him. Thefirst place the Book opened in after I took it in my hand, was theSixteenth Chapter of the Acts, and the first place my eye pitched on, was the Thirtieth and one and Thirtieth Verses, where the Jailor askedS. Paul, What must I do to be saved? And he answered saying, Believein the Lord Jesus Christ, and thou shalt be saved and thine house. 

[Struck into a great Passion at the sight of the Book. ] The sight ofthis Book so rejoiced me, and affrighted me together, that I cannotsay, which Passion was greater, the joy, for that I had got sight of aBible, or the fear, that I had not enough to buy it, having then butone Pagoda in the World, which I willingly would have given for it, had it not been for my Boy, who dissuaded me from giving so much, alledging my Necessity for Money many other ways, and undertakingto procure the Book for a far meaner price, provided I would seemto slight it in the sight of the old Man. This counsel after Iconsidered I approved of, my urgent Necessities earnestly craving, and my Ability being but very small to relieve the same: and however, I thought, I could give my piece of Gold at the last cast, if othermeans should fail. 

I hope the Readers will excuse me, that I hold them so long upon thissingle passage, For it did so affect me then, that I cannot lightlypass it over as often as I think of it, or have occasion to mention it. 

The sight indeed of this Bible so overjoyed me, as if an Angel hadspoke to me from Heaven. To see that my most gracious God had preparedsuch an extraordinary Blessing for me; which I did, and ever shalllook upon as miraculous, to bring unto me a Bible in my own NativeLanguage, and that in such a remote part of the World, where hisName was not so much as known, and where any English Man was neverknown to have been before. I looked upon it, as somewhat of the samenature with the Ten Commandments he had given the Israelites out ofHeaven; it being the thing for want whereof I had so often mourned, nay and shed tears too; and than the enjoyment whereof there couldbe no greater joy in the world to me. 

[He casts with himself how to get it. ] Upon the sight of it I leftoff Fishing, God having brought a Fish to me, that my Soul had longedfor; and now how to get it and enjoy the same, all the Powers of mySoul were employed. I gave God hearty thanks that he had brought it sonear me, and most earnestly prayed that he would bestow it on me. Now, it being well towards Evening, and not having wherewithal to buy itabout me, I departed home, telling the old Man, that in the MorningI would send my Boy to buy it of him. 

All that Night I could take no rest for thinking on it, fearing lestI might be disappointed of it. In the Morning as soon as it was day, I sent the Boy with a knit Cap he had made for me to buy the Book, praying in my heart for good success, which it pleased God to grant:For that Cap purchased it, and the Boy brought it to me to my greatjoy, which did not a little comfort me over all my Afflictions. 

[Where the rest of the English were bestowed. ] Having said all thisconcerning my Father and my Self, it will be time now to think of therest of our poor Countreymen, and to see what is become of them. Theywere carried into the County of Hotteracourly, Westward from the Cityof Cande, and placed singly according to the King's Order aforesaid, some four, some six Miles distant one from the other. It was the King'sCommand concerning them that the People should give them Victuals, andlook after them. So they carried each man from house to house to eat, as their turns came to give them Victuals, and where they Supped therethey Lodged that Night. Their Bedding was only a Mat upon the Ground. 

[Kept from one another a good while, but after permitted to seeeach other. ] They knew not they were so near to one another a greatwhile; till at length Almighty God was pleased by their grief andheaviness to move those Heathen to Pity and take Compassion on them:So that they did bring some of them to one another. Which joy wasbut Abortive, for no sooner did they begin to feel the Comfort of oneanothers Company, but immediately their Keepers called upon them togo from whence they came: fearing they might consult and run away, altho Columbo the nearest Port they could fly to was above two daysJourney from them. But as it is with wild Beasts beginning to growtame, their Liberty encreaseth: So it happened to our Men; so that atlength they might go and see one another at their pleasures; and wereless and less watched and regarded. And seeing they did not attemptto run away, they made no matter of it, if they stayed two or threedays one with the other. 

[No manner of work laid upon them. ] They all wondered much tosee themselves in this Condition, to be kept only to eat, and thePeople of the Countrey giving it unto them, daily expecting when theywould put them to work, which they never did, nor dared to do. Forthe King's order was to feed them well only, and to look after themuntil he pleased to send for them. This after some time made themto change their minds, and not to think themselves Slaves any more, but the Inhabitants of the Land to be their Servants, in that theylaboured to sustain them. 

Which made them to begin to Domineer, and would not be content unlessthey had such Victuals as pleased them, and oftentimes used to throwthe Pots, Victuals and all at their heads that brought them, whichthey patiently would bear. 

[They begin to pluck up their hearts. ] And as they lived here longer, they knew better what Privileges they had in belonging unto the King, and being maintained by virtue of his Command. And their Privilegesthey made use of to no purpose, as I shall relate an instance or twoby and by; and showed their English Metal. 

[What course they took for Cloths. ] Victuals was the only thing allowedthem, but no Cloths. By this time the Cloths they had were almostworn out. This put them to a study what course to take to procuremore, when those on their backs were gone. The readiest way that theycould devise was this, that whereas they used to take their Victualsbrought to them ready dressed, they should now take them raw; and soto pinch somewhat out of their Bellies, to save to buy Cloths for theirBacks. And so accordingly they concluded to do: and by the favour thatGod gave them in the sight of the People, by alledging the Innocencyof their Cause, and the Extremity of their present Condition, havingnot the least ability to help or relieve themselves, they consentedto give them two Measures of Rice a day each man. One of which isas much as any man can eat in a day, so that the other was to servefor advance towards Cloths. [Their fare. ] For besides Rice, they gavethem to eat with it Salt, Pepper, Limes, Herbs, Pumpkins, Coker Nuts, Flesh a little. These and such like things were their constant fare. 

[What Employment they afterwards followed. ] And thus they made a shiftto live for some years, until some of them had an insight in knittingCaps, by whom all afterwards learned, and it proved to be the chiefmeans and help we all had to relieve our wants. The ordinary price wesold these Caps for, was Nine pence a piece in value English Money, the Thread standing us in about three pence. But at length, we plyinghard our new Learned Trade, Caps began to abound, and Trading grewdead, so that we could not sell them at the former price: whichbrought several of our Nation to great want. 

[How the English Domineered. ] The English began now to pluck up theirhearts, and tho they were entred into a new Condition, they kepttheir old Spirits, especially considering they were the King's Men, and quartered by his special order upon the People. When they hadobtained to have their Allowance raw, if any brought them not theirfull due, they would go in and Plunder their Houses of such Goodsas they found there, and keep them until they came and brought themtheir compleat allowance to redeem their Goods back again. 

[What Satisfaction one of them received from a Potter. ] Some of ourEnglish men have proceeded further yet. One for example went to buyPots of a Potter. Who because he would not let him have them at hisown price fell to quarrel, in which the English man met with someblows. Which he complained of to the Magistrate as being a Personthat belonged unto the King, and therefore claimed better usage. Andthe Magistrate condemned the Potter as guilty in lifting up his handagainst him, and sent some of his Soldiers to bind him, and thenbad the English man go and content himself by paying him in the sameCoin again, as he had served our Countreyman; which he did until hewas satisfied, and moreover, ordered him to take the Pots he cameto buy and pay nothing. But the Law was not so satisfied neither, for the Soldiers laid on many blows besides. 

[A scuffle between the English and Natives. ] Another time at a certainFeast, as they were drinking and wanting Wine, they sent Money to buymore; but the Seller refused to give it them for their Money. Whichthey took so hainously, that they unanimously concluded to go and takeit by force. Away they went each man with his Staff in his hand, andentred the House and began to Drink; which the People not liking of, gathered their Forces together, and by blows began to resist them. Butthe English men bravely behaved themselves, and broke several oftheir Pates. Who with the Blood about their Ears went to the City tocomplain to the great Men. They demanded of them, If they had ever soldthem Wine before. They answered, Yes. They asked them again, Why thendid they refuse to sell them now? And that they were well served bythe English for denying them drink for their Money: and so sent themaway laughing at them. Our Men got two or three black and blew Blows, but they came home with their Bellies full of Drink for their pains. 

[The Author after a year sees his Countreymen. ] But to return unto myself. It was a full year after my Father died, before I had sight ofany of my Countreymen and Fellow Prisoners. Then John Gregory with muchado obtained leave to come and see me: which did exceedingly rejoyceme. For a great Satisfaction it was, both to see a Countreyman, andalso to hear of the welfare of the rest. But he could not be permittedto stay with me above one day. Until then, I knew not punctually wherethe rest of my Countreymen were, but having heard that they were withina days Journey of me, I never ceased importuning the People of theTown where I dwelt, to let me go and see them. Which tho very loath, yet at last they granted. Being arrived at the nearest English man'sHouse, I was joyfully received, and the next day he went and calledsome of the rest of our Countreymen that were near. So that therewere some seven or eight of us met together. 

[Their Conference and Entertainment. ] We gave God thanks for his greatMercies towards us, being then, as we did confess, in a far betterCondition than we could have expected. They were now no more like thePrisoners I left them, but were become House keepers, and Knittersof Caps and had changed their Habit from Breeches to Clouts like theChingulays. They entertained me with very good chear in their Housesbeyond what I did expect. 

[He consults with his Countreymen for a future livelyhood. ] My Moneyat the same time almost gone, and Cloaths in the same condition, it was high time for me now to take some course in hand to getmore. Therefore I took some advice with them about Knitting, my Boyhaving Skill therein. Likewise they advised me to take my Victuals raw, wherein they found great Profit. For all this while here being no signsof releasing us, it concerned me now to bethink my self how I shouldlive for the future. For neither had I, any more than my Countreymen, any allowance for Cloths, but Victuals only. 

Having stayed here some two or three days, we did take leave of oneanother, hoping to see one another oftner, since we knew each othersHabitations: and I departed to my House, having a Keeper with me. 

[The difficulty he met with of having raw Rice. ] By this time I beganto speak the Language of the Countrey. Whereby I was inabled the betterto speak my mind unto the People that brought me my Victuals. WhichWas henceforward not to boil my Rice, but to bring it raw accordingto the quantity that the other English men had. This occasioned agreat deal of disputing and reasoning between us. They alledged, That I was not as they, being the Captain's Son, and they but hisServants, and therefore that it was ordered by the great Men at Court, that my Victuals should be daily brought unto me, whereas they wentalways from house to house for theirs: Neither was it fitting forme, they said, to imploy my self in such an Inferior Office as todress my own Meat, being a Man that the King had notice of by Name, and very suddenly before I should be aware of it, would send for meinto the Presence, where I should be highly promoted to some Placeof Honour. In the mean time, they told me, as pretending to give megood counsel, That it was more for my credit and repute to have myProvisions brought unto me ready Dressed as they were before. 

[He reasons with the People about his allowance. ] Altho I was yetbut a Novice in the Countrey, and knew not much of the People, yetplain reason told me, that it was not so much for my good and creditthat they pleaded, as for their own benefit. Wherefore I returnedthem this answer, That if as they said I was greater in quality thanthe rest, and so held in their Estimation, it would be but reason todemand a greater allowance, whereas I desired no more than the otherEnglish men had. And as for the toyl and trouble in dressing of it, that would be none to me, for my Boy had nothing else to do. And thenI alledged several inconveniencies in bringing my Victuals readyboiled; as first, that it was not dressed according to my Diet;and many times not brought in due Season, so that I could not eatwhen I was an hungry. And the last and chief reason of all was, thatI might save a little to serve my Necessity of Clothing: and ratherthan want Cloths for my Back, I must pinch a little out of my Belly, and so both go share and share like. And so at length, thanks be toGod, I obtained, tho with much ado, to get two Measures of Rice perday for my self, and one for my Boy; also Coker-nuts, Pumpkins, Herbs, Limes, and such like enough, besides Pepper and Salt; and sometimesHens, Eggs, or Flesh: Rice being the main thing they stand upon, for other things they refuse not to give what they have. 

[He builds him an House. ] Now having settled all Business about myallowance, my next concern was to look after an House more convenient, for my present one was too small to dress my Victuals in, and tosleep in too. Thereabouts was a Garden of Coker-nut Trees, belongingunto the King, a pleasant situation; this place I made choice of tobuild me a House in. And discovering my desire to the People, theyconsented, and came and built it for me: but before it was finished, their occasions called them away, but my Boy and I made an end ofit, and whitened the Walls with Lime, according to my own Countreyfashion. But in doing this I committed a Capital Offence: for none maywhite their Houses with Lime, that being peculiar to Royal Houses andTemples. But being a Stranger nothing was made of it, because I didit in ignorance: had it been a Native that had so done, it is mostprobable it would have cost him his Head, or at the least a great Fine. 

[He follows business and thrives. ] Being settled in my new House, I began to keep Hogs and Hens; which by God's Blessing thrived verywell with me, and were a great help unto me. I had also a great benefitby living in this Garden. For all the Coker-nuts that fell down theygave me, which afforded me Oyl to burn in the Lamp, and also to fry mymeat in. Which Oyl being new is but little inferior to this CountreyButter. Now I learned to knit Caps, which Skill I quickly attainedunto, and by God's Blessing upon the same, I obtained great help andrelief thereby. 

[Some attempted running away, but were catched. ] In this manner weall lived, seeing but very little sign that we might build upon, tolook for Liberty. The chief of our hopes of it was that in process oftime when we were better acquainted we might run away. Which some ofour People attempted to do too soon, before they knew well which wayto go, and were taken by the Inhabitants. For it is the custom of theChingulays to suspect all white People, they meet travailing in theCountrey, to be Runaways; and to examine them: and if they cannot givesatisfactory answers, they will lay hold of them and carry them backunto the City. Where they will keep them Prisoners under a guard ofSoldiers in an open House like a Barn with a little Victuals sometimes, and sometimes with none at all. Where they have no other remedy tohelp themselves but Begging. And in this Condition they may lye perhapsfor their Lifetime, being so kept for a Spectacle unto the People. 

[Little incouragement for those that bring back Runnaways. ] Tho thecommon way whereby the King gratifies such as catch Runawayes andbring them up, is not over acceptable. For they are appointed tofeed and watch them until he calls for them to be brought beforehim. At which time his promise is bountifully to reward them. Butthese Promises I never knew performed. Neither doth he perhaps everthink of it after. For when the King is made acquainted with thematter, the men that have brought up the Prisoner are in a manneras bad Prisoners themselves, not daring to go home to their Houseswithout his leave, but there they must remain. After some years stay, the common manner is, for them to give a Fee unto the Governor ofthe Countrey, and he will licence them to go home, which they mustbe contented with instead of the promised reward. 

CHAP. IV. 

Concerning some other English men detained in that Countrey. 

[The Persia Merchant's men Captives before us. ] In the same Captivitywith our selves on this Island, was another Company of English Men, who were taken about a year and an half before us, viz. In the yearMDCLVIII. They were Thirteen in number, whose names were as follow, Viz. Mr. William Vassal, John Merginson, Thomas March, Thomas Kirby, Richard Jelf, Gamaliel Gardiner, William Day, Thomas Stapleton, Henry Man, Hugh Smart, Daniel Holstein, an Hamburger, James Gony, and Henry Bingham. The occasion of their Seizure was thus. TheShip these Men belonged unto was the Persia Merchant, Capt. FrancisJohnson Commander, which was lost upon the Maldives Islands. But theyescaped in their Boats, and passing along by this Land went on shoreto recruit and buy Provisions, and so were taken. The Chingulays thattook them [Plundered by the Natives. ] Plundered them of what theyhad, except their Cloths. Yet one of them, John Merginson by name, having cunningly hid his Money about him, saved it from the Heathen, but from his own Countrymen he could not, some of whom knowing ofit set upon him and robbed him of it. But it did them little good, for the King hearing of it sent and robbed the Robbers. 

[Brought up to the King. ] These men thus seized were carried up beforethe King. Of whom he demanded, whether the English had Wars with theHollanders. They answered, No. Or, if the English could beat them. Theyanswered, They could and had done it lately. Then he gave order togive them all some Cloths, and to Mr. William Vassal, being the chiefof them, a double Portion. And out of them made choice of two Lads;whom afterwards he sent and took into his Court. Their honours andtheir ends we shall see by and by. They were all placed in the City ofCande, and each of them had a new Mat given them to sleep on, and theirDiet was Victuals dressed and brought them twice a day from the King'sown Palace. They had Cloths also distributed to them another time. 

So that these men had the advantage of us. For we neither had Matsnor Cloths, nor had the honour of being ever brought into the King'sPresence. 

[They hoped to obtain Liberty, but were mistaken. ] This civil Receptionupon their first coming up into the City, put these Persia Merchant-menin hope, that the King would give them their Liberty. There was atthat time an old Portugueze Father, Padre Vergonse by name, Livingin the City. With him they discoursed concerning the probability oftheir Liberty, and that the favours the King had shewn them seemedto be good signs of it: but he told them the plain truth, that itwas not customary there to release white Men. For saying which, they railed at him, calling him Popish Dog, and Jesuitical Rogue, supposing he spoke as he wished it might be. But afterward to theirgrief they found it to be true as he told them. 

[A ridiculous action of these Men. ] Their entertainment wasexcellently good according to the poor condition of the Countrey, butthey thought it otherwise, very mean and not according to the King'sorder. Therefore that the King might be informed how they were abused, each man took the Limb of an Hen in his hand, and marched rank andfile in order thro the Streets with it in their hands to the Court, as a sign to the great Men whereby they might see, how illy they wereserved; thinking hereby the King might come to hear of their misusage, and so they might have order to be fed better afterwards. But thisproved Sport to the Noblemen who well knew the fare of the Countrey, laughing at their ignorance, to complain where they had so littlecause. And indeed afterwards they themselves laughed at this actionof theirs, and were half ashamed of it, when they came to a betterunderstanding of the Nature of the Countreys Diet. 

[They had a mind to Beef, and how they got it. ] Yet notwithstandingbeing not used to such short Commons of Flesh, tho they had Rice inabundance, and having no Money to buy more, they had a desire to killsome Cows, that they might eat their Bellies full of Beef, but madeit somewhat a point of Conscience, whether it might be lawful or not, to take them without leave. Upon which they apply themselves to the oldFather abovesaid, desiring him to solve this Case of Conscience. Whowas very ready to give them a Dispensation. And told them, Thatforasmuch as the Chingulayes were their Enemies and had taken theirBodies, it was very lawful for them to satisfie their Bodies with theirGoods. And the better to animate them in this design, bid them bringhim a piece, that he might partake with them. So being encouraged bythe old Father, they went on boldly in their intended Business. 

[A Passage of the Courage of the Men. ] Now if you would have an accountof the Metal and Manfulness of these men, as you have already had atast of ours, take this passage. The Jack Fruit the Kings Officersoften gather wheresoever it grows, and give to the Kings Elephants, and they may gather it in any mans grounds without the Owners leave, being for the Kings use. Now these English men were appointed to dwellin an house, that formerly belonged unto a Noble man, whom the Kinghad cut off, and seized upon it. In the ground belonging to thisHouse stood a Jack Tree full of Fruit. Some of the Kings men camethither to gather some of them to feed the Elephants. But altho theEnglish had free liberty to gather what they could eat or desire, yet they would permit none but themselves to meddle with them, buttook the Officers by the shoulders and turned them out of the Garden, altho there were more a great many than they could tell what to dowith. The Great men were so Civil, that notwithstanding this Affront, they laid no Punishment upon them. But the Event of this was, that afew days after they were removed from this house to another, wherewas a Garden but no Trees in it. And because they would not allowthe King a few, they lost all themselves. 

[Two of his Company taken into Court. ] I mentioned before two Ladsof this Company, whom the King chose out for his own service, theirNames were Hugh Smart and Henry Man. These being taken into his Court, obtained great Favour and Honour from him, as to be always in hispresence, and very often he would kindly and familiarly talk withthem concerning their Country, what it afforded; and of their Kingand his Strength for War. Thus they lived in his Favour for some time. 

[The one out of Favour, his end. ] Till at length Hugh Smart, havinga desire to hear news concerning England, privatly got to the Speechof a Dutch Embassadour. Of which the King had notice, but would notbelieve it, supposing the information was given him out of Envy tohis Favorite, but commanded privately to watch him, and if he wentagain, to catch him there. Which he not being aware of, went again, and was catched. At which the King was very angry. For he allows noneto come to the speech of Ambassodours, much less one that served inhis presence, and heard and saw all that passed in Court. But yetthe King dealt very favourably with him. For had it been a Chingulay, there is nothing more sure than that he should have dyed for it. Butthis English mans Punishment was only to be sent away and kept aPrisoner in the Mountains without Chains, and ordered him to be wellused there. Where indeed he lived better content than in the KingsPalace. He took a Wife here and had one Son by her, and afterwardsdyed by a mischance, which was thus. As he was gathering a Jack fromthe Tree by a Crock, it fell down upon his side, and bruised him sothat it killed him. 

[The other out of Favour, and lamentable Death. ] Henry Man the other, yet remained in Favour, and was promoted to be Chief over all the KingsServants that attended on him in his Palace. It happened one Day, that he broke one of the Kings China Dishes. Which made him so soreafraid, that he fled for Sanctuary into a Vehar, a Temple where theChief Priests always dwel, and hold their consultations. This didnot a little displease the King; this Act of his supposing him tobe of Opinion that those Priests were able to secure him against theKings displeasure. However he shewing Reverence to their Order wouldnot violently fetch him from thence; but sent a kind Message to theEnglish man, bidding him not to be afraid for so small a matter as aDish (And, it is probable had he not added this fault he might haveescaped without Punishment) and that he should come and Act in hisplace as formerly. At which Message he came forth, and immediatly, as the King had given order, they took hold of him and bound his Armsabove the Elbows behind, which is their fashion of binding men. Inwhich manner he lay all that Night, being bound so hard that his Armsswelled, and the Ropes cut throw the Flesh into the Bones. The nextday the King Commanded a Noble man to loose the Ropes off his Arms, and put Chains on his Legs, and keep him in his House, and there feedhim and cure him. 

Thus he lay some Six Months, and was cured, but had no Strength inhis Armes, and then was taken into his Office again, and had as muchFavour from the King as before. Who seemed much to lament him forhis folly, thus to procure his own ruine. 

Not long after he again offended the King. Which as it is reportedwas thus. A Portugueze had been sent for to the City to be employed inthe Kings Service; to which Service he had no Stomach at all, and wasgreatly afraid of, as he justly might be. For the avoiding thereforeof it he sends a Letter to this English Courtier, wherein he entreatedhim to use his interest to excuse him to the King. The English mancould not read the Letter being writ in the Portugueze Tongue, butgave it to another to read. Which when he knew the contents of thoughtit not safe for him to meddle in that business, and so concealed theLetter. The person to whom the English man had given it to read, sometime after informed the King thereof. Whereupon both the Portuguezethat sent the Letter, and the English man to whom it was sent, andthe Third Person that read it, because he informed no sooner, wereall three at one time and in one place torn in pieces by Elephants. 

[The King sends special order concerning their good usage. ] After thisExecution the King supposing that we might be either discontented inour selves, or discountenanced by the People of the Land, sent specialorder to all parts where we dwelt, that we should be of good cheer, and not be discouraged, neither abused by the Natives. 

Thus jealous is the King of Letters, and allows none to come or go. Wehave seen how dear it cost poor Henry Man. Mr. William Vassal, anotherof the Persia-Merchant men, was therefore more wary of some Lettershe had, and came off better. 

[Mr. Vassals prudence upon the receit of Letters. ] This man hadreceived several Letters, and it was known abroad that he had. Whichhe fearing lest the King should hear of, thought it most convenientand safe to go to the Court and present him himself; that so he mightplead in his own Defence to the King. Which he did. He acknowledgedto him that he had received Letters, and that they came to his handsa pretty while ago: but withall pretended excuses and reasons to clearhimself. As first, that when he received them, he knew not that it wasagainst the Law and manner of the Countrey; and when he did know, hetook Council of a Portugueze Priest, (who was now dead) being old andas he thought well experienced in the Countrey. But he advised him todefer a while the carrying them unto the King until a more convenientseason. After this he did attempt, he said to bring them unto theKing, but could not be permitted to have entrance thro the Watches:so that until now, he could not have opportunity to present them. 

[The King bids him to read his Letters. ] The King at the hearinghereof, seemed not to be displeased in the least, but bid him readthem. Which he did in the English Language, as they were writ; andthe King sat very attentive as if he had understood every word. Afterthey were read, the King gave Vassal a Letter he had intercepted, sent to us from Sir Edward Winter, then Agent at Fort St. George; andasked the News and Contents thereof. Which Mr. Vassal informed him atlarge of. It was concerning the Victory we had gained over the Dutchwhen Obdam Admiral of Holland was slain, and concerning the numberof our Ships in that Fight, being there specified to be an Hundredand Fifty Sail. The King inquired much after the number of Guns andMen they carried. The number of Men he computed to be one Ship withanother about Three Hundred per Ship. At that rate, the King demandedof him how many that was in all. Which Mr. Vassal went about to castup in the Sand with his finger. But before he had made his Figurethe King had done it by Head, and bid him desist, saying it was 45000. 

[The King pleased to hear of England Victory over Holland. ] This Newsof the Hollanders overthrow, and the English Victory much delightedthe King: and he inquired into it very particularly. Then the Kingpretended he would send a Letter to the English Nation, and badMr. Vassal inform him of a Trusty Bearer. Which he was very forwardto do, and named one of the best which he had made trial of. One ofthe Great men there present, objected against him, saying, he wasinsufficient, and asked him, if he knew no other. At which Vassalsuspected their Design, which was to learn who had brought thoseLetters to him; and so framed his answer accordingly, which was thathe knew no other. 

[Private discourse between the King and Vassal. ] There was muchother discourse passed between the King and him at this time in thePortugueze Tongue. Which what it was I could never get out of him, the King having commanded him to keep it secret. And he saith, hehath sworn to himself not to divulge it, till he is out of the Kingshands. At parting, the King told him, for Secrecy he would send himhome privatly, or otherwise he would have dismist him with Drumsand Honour. But after this the King never sent for him again. Andthe man, that he named as fit and able to carry the Kings Letter, was sent away Prisoner to be kept in Chains in the Countrey. It issupposed, that they concluded him to have been the man that broughtVassal his Letters. And thus much of the Captivity and Condition ofthe Persia-Merchant men. 

CHAP. V. 

Concerning the means that were used for our Deliverance. And whathappened to us in the Rebellion. And how we were setled afterwards. 

[Means made to the King for our Liberty. ] All of us in this mannerremained until the year MDCLXIV. At which time arrived a Letter onour behalf to the King from the Right Worshipful Sir Edward Winter, Governour of Fort St. George, and Agent there. The Dutch Embassadouralso at that time by a Commission from the Governour of Columbatreated with the King for us. With Sir Edward's Message the Kingwas much pleased, and with the Dutch's mediation so prevailed with, that he promised he would send us away. 

[Upon which they all met at the City. ] Upon this, he commanded us allto be brought to the City. Whither when we came, we were very joyfulnot only upon the hopes of our Liberty, but also upon the sight of oneanother. For several of us had not seen the others since we were firstparted. Here also we met with the Persia Merchant men, whom until thistime we had not seen. So that we were nine and twenty English in all. 

[Word sent them from the Court, that they had their Liberty. ] Somefew days after our Arrival at the City, we were all called tothe Court. At which time standing all of us in one of the PalaceCourt-yards, the Nobles by command from the King came forth and toldus, that it was his Majesties Pleasure to grant unto us our Liberty, and to send us home to our Countrey, and that we should not any morelook upon our selves as Prisoners or detained men. At which we bowedour heads and thanked his Majesty. They told us moreover, that theKing was intended to send us either with the Dutch Embassadour, or by the Boat which Sir Edward Winter had sent; and that it washis Majesties good will to grant us our choice. We humbly referredit to his Majesties pleasure. They answered, his Majesty could andwould do his pleasure, but his will was to know our minds. After ashort consultation we answered, since it was his Majesties pleasureto grant us our choice, with many Thanks and Obeisance we chose togo with the Dutch Embassadour, fearing the Boats insufficiency, shehaving, as we were well sensible, laid there a great while: and if wehad chosen the Boat, the danger of going that way might have servedthem for a Put off to us, and a Plea to detain us still, out of careof us. And again, had we refused the Embassadours kindness at thistime, for the future, if these things succeeded not with us now, wecould never have expected any more aid or friendship from that Nation. 

[All in general refuse the King's service. ] In the next place theytold us, It was the Kings pleasure to let us understand, that allthose that were willing to stay and serve his Majesty, should havevery great rewards, as Towns, Monies, Slaves and places of Honourconferred upon them. Which all in general refused. 

Then we were bidden to absent, while they returned our answers to theKing. By and by there came Order to call us in one at a time, wherethe former promises were repeated to every one of us of great Favours, Honours and Rewards from the King to those that were willing to staywith him. And after each one had given his answer, he was sent intoa corner in the Court, and then another called and so all round oneafter another, they inquiring particularly concerning each mans tradeand office; Handycrafts-men and Trumpetters being most desired by theKing. We being thus particularly examined again, there was not oneof us was tempted by the Kings rewards, but all in general refusedthe Kings honourable employment, choosing rather to go to our NativeCountrey. By which we purchased the Kings Displeasure. 

[Commanded still to wait at the Palace. During which a Rebellionbreaks out. ] After this they told us, we must wait at the Palace gatedayly, it being the Kings pleasure, that we should make our personalappearance before him. In this manner we waited many days. At lengthhappened a thing which he least suspected, viz. A general Rebellionof his People against him. Who assaulted his Palace in the Night:but their hearts failed them, daring not to enter into the Apartmentwhere his Person was. For if they had had courage enough, they mighthave taken him there. For he stayed in his Palace until the Morning;and then fled into the Mountains, and escaped their hands, butmore thro their cowardliness than his valour. This Rebellion I haverelated at large in the second Part, whither he that desires to knowmore of it may have recourse. Only I shall mention here a few thingsconcerning our selves, who were gotten into the midst of these Broilsand Combustions, being all of us now waiting upon the King in the City. 

[They are in the midst of It, and in great danger. ] It was a great andmarvellous mercy of Almighty God to bring us safe thro these dangers, for it so happened all along that we were in the very midst. Beforethey gave the Assault on the Kings Palace, they were consulting to layhands on us, fearing lest we might be prejudicial to their Business, in joyning to the help and assistance of the King against them. Fortho we were but few in comparison, yet the Name of White men wassomewhat dreadful to them. Whereupon at first their Counsels were tocut us off. But others among them advised that it would be better tolet us alone; For that we being ignorant of their Designs, as indeedwe were, and at quiet in our several Lodgings, could not be providedto hurt or indanger them. But otherwise if they should lay hands onus, it would certainly come to the Kings Ears, and Allarm him, andthen all would be frustrated and overthrown. This some of their ownParty have related to us since. These Counsels were not given outof any secret good will any of them bore to us (as I believe ) butproceeded from the over-ruling hand of God, who put those things intotheir hearts for our safety and preservation. The People of the Citywhence the King fled, ran away also leaving their Houses and Goodsbehind them. Where we found good Prey and Plunder; being permittedto Ransack the Houses of all such as were fled away with the King. 

[The Rebels take the English with them. ] The Rebels having driven awaythe King, and marching to the City of Cande to the Prince, carried usalong with them; the Chief of their Party telling us that we shouldnow be of good cheer; for what they done upon very good advisementthey had done, the Kings ill Government having given an occasionto it. Who went about to destroy both them & their Countrey; andparticularly insisted upon such things as might be most plausible toStrangers, such as, keeping Embassadours, discouraging Trade, detainingof Forainers that come upon his Land, besides his cruelties towardsthemselves that were his natural People. All which they told us, Theyhad been informed was contrary to the Government of other Countries;and now so soon as their business was settled, they assured us, They would detain none that were minded to go to their own Countreys. 

[They design to ingage the English with them. ] Being now at Cande, on Christmas-Day of all the days in the year, they sent, to call usto the Court, and gave us some Money and Cloths first, to make usthe more willing to take Arms, which they intended then to deliverunto us, and to go with them upon a Design to fall upon the old Kingin the place whither he was fled. But in the very interim of time, God being merciful unto us, the Prince with his Aunt fled. Which soamazed and discouraged them, that the Money and Cloths which theywere distributing to us and other Strangers to gain us over to them, they scattered about the Court and fled themselves. And now followednothing but cutting one anothers Throats to make themselves appearthe more Loyal Subjects, and make amends for their former Rebellion. 

[They resolve neither to meddle or make. ] We for our parts littlethinking in what danger we were, fell in to scramble among the rest toget what we could of the Monies that were strewed about, being thenin great necessity and want. For the allowance which formerly we hadwas in this Disturbance lost, and so we remained without it for somethree Months, the want of which, this Money did help to supply. Havinggotten what we could at the Court, we made way to get out of the hurlyburly to our Lodgings; intending as we were Strangers and Prisoners, neither to meddle nor make on the one side or the other, being wellsatisfied, if God would but permit us quietly to sit, and eat sucha Christmas Dinner together, as he had prepared for us. 

[The day being turned, they fear the King. ] For our parts we had noother dealings with the Rebels, than to desire them to permit us to goto our Native Countrey, which Liberty they promised we should not wantlong. But being sent for by them to the Court, we durst not but go, and they giving us such things as we wanted, we could not refuse totake them. But the day being turned put us into great fear, doubtinghow the King would take it at our hands, from whom we knew this couldnot be hid. 

[But he justifies them. ] Into our Houses we got safely. But no soonerwere we there, but immediately we were called again by a great Man, who had drawn out his Men, and stood in the Field. This Man we thoughthad been one of the Rebels, who to secure himself upon this change, had intended to run away down to Columbo to the Dutch. Which made usrepair to him the more cheerfully, leaving our Meat a roasting on theSpit. But it proved otherwise. For no sooner had he gotten us unto him, but he Proclaimed himself for the old King, and forthwith he and hisCompany taking us with him marched away to Fight or seize the Rebels, but meeting none went into the City, and there dismissed us, saying, He would acquaint the King, how willing and ready we were to fight forhim, if need had required; altho, God knows, it was the least of ourthoughts and intents, yet God brought it to pass for our good. Forwhen the King was informed of what we had received of the Rebels, this piece of good Service that we had done, or rather supposed tohave done, was also told unto him. At the hearing of which himselfjustified us to be innocent; saying, Since my absence, who was therethat would give them Victuals? And, It was mere want that made them totake what they did. Thus the Words of the King's own mouth acquittedus. And when the Sword devoured on every side, yet by the Providenceof God not one hair of our heads perished. 

[They are driven to beg in the Highways. ] The Tumults being appeased, and the Rebellion vanished, the King was settled in his Throneagain. And all this happened in five days time. We were now greatlynecessitated for food, and wanted some fresh Orders from the King'smouth for our future subsistence. So that having no other remedy, we were fain to go and lay in the High way that leads to the City abegging; for the People would not let us go any nearer towards theKing, as we would have done. There therefore we lay, that the Kingmight come to the knowledge of us, and give Command for our allowanceagain. By which means we obtained our purpose. For having laid theresome two Months, the King was pleased to appoint our Quarters inthe Countrey as formerly, not mentioning a word of sending us away, as he had made us believe before the Rebellion. 

[Sent into new quarters there, and their Pensions settled again. ] Nowwe were all sent away indeed, but not into our own Countrey, butinto new Quarters. Which being God would have to be no better we wereglad it was so well, being sore a weary of laying in this manner. Forsome three Months time we had no manner of allowance. We were all nowplaced one in a Town as formerly, together with the Persia Merchantmen also, who hitherto had lived in the City of Cande, and had theirProvisions brought them out of the King's Palace ready dressed. Thesewere now sent away with us into the Countrey. And as strict a chargewas given for our good entertainment as before. 

[Fall to Trading, and have more freedom. ] We were thus dispersedabout the Towns here one and there another, for the more convenientreceiving our allowance, and for the greater case of the People. Andnow we were far better to pass than heretofore, having the Language, and being acquainted with the Manners and Customs of the People, and had the same proportion of Victuals, and the like respect asformerly. And now they fall into employments as they please, eitherHusbandry or Merchandizing, or knitting Caps, being altogether freeto do what they will themselves, and to go where they will, exceptingrunning away: and for that end, we are not permitted to go down tothe Sea, but we may travel all about the Countrey, and no man regardsus. For tho the People some of the first years of our Captivity, wouldscarcely let us go any whither, and had an eye upon us afterwards, yet in process of time all their Suspitions of our going away woreoff; especially when several of the English had built them Houses, and others had taken them Wives, by whom they had Children, to thenumber of eighteen living when I came away. 

Having said all this in general of the English People there, I willnow continue a further account of my self. 

CHAP. VI. 

A Continuation of the Author's particular Condition after theRebellion. Purchaseth a piece of Land. 

[The Author at his new quarters builds him another House. ] My hapwas to be quartered in a Countrey called Handapondown, lying to theWestward of the City of Cande. Which place liked me very well, beingmuch nearer to the Sea than where I dwelt before, which gave me someprobable hopes, that in time I might chance to make an escape. Butin the mean time to free my self from the Suspition of the People, who watched me by Night, and by Day, had an eye to all my actions, Iwent to work with the help of some of my Neighbors to Build me anotherHouse upon the Bank of a River, and intrenched it round with a Ditch, and Planted an Hedge: and so began to settle my self; and followedmy business in Knitting and going about the Countries a Trading;seeming to be very well contented in this Condition. 

[The People counsel him to Marry. ] Lying so long at the City withoutallowance, I had spent all to some Seven shillings, which served me fora stock to set up again in these new Quarters. And by the Blessing ofmy most gracious God, which never failed me in all my Undertakings, I soon came to be well furnished with what that Countrey afforded:insomuch that my Neighbours and Townsmen no more suspected my runningaway; but earnestly advised me to marry, saying, It would be an easeand help to me, knowing that I then dressed my Victuals my self:having turned my Boy to seek his Fortune when we were at the City:They urged also, That it was not convenient for a young man as Iwas to live so solitarily alone in a house: and if it should socome to pass that the King should send me hereafter to my Country, their manner of Marriage, they said, was not like ours, and I mightwithout any Offence discharge my Wife, and go away. 

[Which he seemed to listen to. ] I seemed not altogether to slighttheir counsel, that they might the less suspect I had any thoughts ofmine own Countrey, but told them, That as yet I was not sufficientlystocked, and also, That I would look for one that I could love: thoin my heart I never purposed any such matter; but on the contrary, did heartily abhor all thoughts tending that way. 

[Here he lived two years. ] In this place I lived two years; and allthat time could not get one likely occasion of running for it. For Ithought it better to forbear running too great a hazard by being overhasty to escape, than to deprive my self of all hopes for the future, when time and experience would be a great help to me. 

[A Fort built near him, but afterward taken by the King. ] In the yearMDCLXVI. The Hollanders came up and built a Fort just below me, therebeing but a ridge of Mountains between them and me. But tho so near, I could not come to them, a Watch being kept at every passage. TheKing sent down against them two great Commanders with their Armies, but being not strong enough to expel them, they lay in these Watchesto stop them from coming up higher. The name of this Fort was calledArrandery. Which altho they could not prevent the Dutch from buildingat that time. Yet some years after when they were not aware, they fellupon it and took it, and brought all the People of it up to Cande, where those that remained alive of them were, when I came from thence. 

[He and three more removed thence] In this Countrey of Hotteracourly, where the Dutch had built this Fort, were four English men placed, whereof I was one. All whom the King immediately upon the News of theDutche's Invasion, sent order to bring up out of the danger of theWar into Cande Uda, fearing that which we were indeed intended to do, viz. To run away. 

This Invasion happening so unexpectedly and our remove so sudden, I was forced to leave behind me that little Estate which God hadgiven me, lying scattered abroad in Betel-nuts, the great Commodityof that Countrey, which I was then parting from: and much ado I hadto get my Cloths brought along with me, the Enemies, as they calledthem, but my Friends being so near. And thus was I carried out ofthis Countrey as poor as I came into it, leaving all the fruits ofmy Labour and Industry behind me. Which called to my remembrance thewords of Job. Naked came I into this world, and naked shall I return:God gave and God hath taken away, blessed be the Name of the Lord. 

[Settled in a dismal place. ] We all four were brought up togetherinto a Town on the top of a Mountain called Laggendenny. Where I andmy dear Friend and fellow Prisoner, and fellow Batchelor Mr. JohnLoveland lived together in one House. For by this time not many of ourPeople were as we, that is, single men; but seeing so little hopes, despaired of their Liberty, and had taken Wives or Bedfellows. 

At our first coming into this Town, we were very much dismayed, it being, one of the most dismal places that I have seen upon thatLand. It stands alone upon the top of a Mountain, and no other Townnear it, and not above four or five Houses in it. And oftentimesinto this Town did the King use to send such Malefactors as he wasminded suddenly to cut off. Upon these accounts our being brought tothis place could not but scare us, and the more, because it was theKing's special Order and Command to place us in this very Town. 

[A comfortable Message from the King concerning us. ] But this ourtrouble and dejection (thanks be to God) lasted but a day. For theKing seemed to apprehend into what a fit of Fear and Sorrow this ourRemove would cast us, and to be sensible, how sadly we must needs takeit to change a sweet and pleasant Countrey, such as Handapondown andthe Countrey adjacent was, for this most sad and dismal Mountain. Andtherefore the next day came a comfortable Message from the King'sown mouth, sent by no less Man than he, who had the chief Powerand Command over those People who were appointed to give us ourVictuals, where we were. This Message, which as he said himself, he was ordered by the King to deliver to the People in our hearing, was this, That they should not think that we were Malefactors, thatis, such who having incurred the King's displeasure were sent to bekept Prisoners there, but men whom his Majesty did highly esteem, and meant to promote to great Honour in his Service, and that theyshould respect us as such, and entertain us accordingly. And if theirability would not reach thereunto, it was the King's Order, he said, to bid them sell their Cattel and Goods, and when that was done theirWives and Children, rather than we should want of our due allowance:which he ordered, should be as formerly we used to have: and if wehad not Houses thatched, and sufficient for us to dwell in, he said, We should change, and take theirs. 

[Placed there to punish the People for Crime. ] This kind Order fromthe King coming so suddenly, did not a little comfort and encourageus. For then we did perceive the King's purpose and intent in placingus in those remote Parts, was not to punish us, but them: that wemight be his Instruments to Plague and take revenge of that People;who it seems had Plundred the King's Palace in the time of the lateRebellion, when he left it and fled; for this Town lies near untothe same: and their Office lying about the Court they had the faireropportunity of Plundering it. For the Service they are to perform tothe King, is to carry his Pallenkine when he pleaseth to ride therein, and also to bring Milk every Morning to the Court, being Keepers ofthe King's Cattel. 

[Weary of this place. ] In this Town we remained some three years;by which time we were grown quite weary of the place, and the placeand People also grown weary of us, who were but troublesom Guests tothem; for having such great Authority given us over them, we wouldnot lose it; and being four of us in call one of another, we would notpermit or suffer them to domineer over us. Being thus tired with oneanothers Company, and the King's Order being of an old Date, we usedall means we could to clear our selves of one another: often repairingunto the Court to seek to obtain a Licence that we might be removedand placed any where else. But there was none that durst grant it, because it was the King's peculiar Command, and special Appointmentthat we must abide in that very Town. 

During the time of our stay here, we had our Victuals brought usin good order and due season: the Inhabitants having such a chargegiven them by their Governour and he from the King, durst not dootherwise. So that we had but little to do, only to dress and eat, and sit down to knit. 

[By a piece of Craft he gets down to his old Quarters. ] I had usedthe utmost of my skill and endeavour to get a Licence to go down tomy former Quarters, all things being now pretty well settled, hopingthat I might recover some of my old Debts: but by no means could Iobtain it. The denial of so reasonable a desire, put me upon takingleave. I was well acquainted with the way, but yet I hired a man togo with me, without which I could not get thro the Watches. For althoI was the Master and he the Man, yet when we came into the Watches, he was the Keeper and I the Prisoner. And by this means we passedwithout being suspected. 

[Began the world anew the third time. ] Being come into my old Quarters, by pretending that this man was sent down from the Magistrate tosee that my Debts and Demands might be duely paid and discharged, I chanced to recover some of them, and the rest gave over for lost;for I never more looked after them. And so I began the world anew, and by the Blessing of God was again pretty well recruited before Ileft this Town. 

[Plots to remove himself. ] In the time of my residence here, I chancedto hear of a small piece of Land that was to be sold. About which Imade very diligent inquiry. For altho I was sore a weary of livingin this Town, yet I could not get out of it, not having other newQuarters appointed me, unless I could provide a place for my selfto remove to: which now God had put into my hand. As for the King'sCommand I dreaded it not much, having found by observation, that theKing's Orders wear away by time, and the neglect of them comes atlast to be unregarded. However I was resolved to put it to a hazard, come what will. 

[Is incouraged to buy a piece of Land. ] Altho I had been now some sevenor eight years in this Land, and by this time came to know pretty wellthe Customs and Constitutions of the Nation, yet I would not trustmy own knowledge, but to prevent the worst, I went to the Governor ofthat same Countrey where the Land lay, to desire his advice, whetheror no I might lawfully buy that small piece of Land. He inquired, Whose and what Land it was, I informed him, That it had been formerlydedicated to a Priest, and he at his death had left it to his Grandson:who for want was forced to sell it. Understanding this, the Governorapproved of the business, and encouraged me to buy it: saying, Thatsuch kind of Lands only were lawful here to be bought and sold, and that this was not in the least litigious. 

[The Situation and condition of it. ] Having gotten both his consent andadvice, I went on chearfully with my purchase. The place also liked mewondrous well; it being a point of Land, standing into a Corn Field, so that Corn Fields were on three sides of it, and just before my Doora little Corn ground belonging thereto, and very well watered. Inthe Ground besides eight Coker-nut Trees, there were all sorts ofFruit Trees the Countrey afforded. But it had been so long desolate, that it was all overgrown with Bushes, and no sign of a House therein. 

[Buys it. ] The price of this Land was five and twenty Larees, that isfive Dollars, a great Sum of Money in the account of this Countrey;yet thanks be to God, who had so far inabled me after my late andgreat loss, that I was strong enough to lay this down. The terms ofPurchase being concluded on between us, a Writing was made upon a leafafter that Countrey manner, witnessed by seven or eight Men of thebest Quality in the Town: which was delivered to me, and I paid theMoney, and then took Possession of the Land. It lyes some ten Milesto the Southward of the City of Cande in the County of Oudaneur, in the Town of Elledat. 

[Builds an House on it. ] Now I went about Building an House upon myLand, and was assisted by three of my Countreymen that dwelt nearby, Roger Gold, Ralph Knight, and Stephen Rutland, and in short timewe finished it. The Countrey People were all well pleased to see usthus busie our selves about buying of Land and Building of Houses, thinking it would ty our Minds the faster to their Countrey, and makeus think the less upon our own. 

[Leaves Laggendenny. ] Tho I had built my new House, yet durst I not yetleave my old Quarters in Laggendenny, but wait until a more convenienttime fell out for that purpose. I went away therefore to my old home, and left my aforesaid three English Neighbours to inhabit in it inmy absence. Not long after I found a fit season to be gone to myEstate at Elledat. And upon my going, the rest left the Town also, and went and dwelt elsewhere, each one where he best liked. But bythis means we all lost a Privilege which we had before: which wasthat our Victuals were brought unto us, and now we were forced to goand fetch them our selves; the People alledging (true enough) thatthey were not bound to carry our Provisions about the Country after us. 

[Settled at his new purchase, with three more living with him. ] Beingsettled in my new House, I began to plant my ground full of all sortsof Fruit Trees; and by the Blessing of God all grew and prospered, and yielded me great Plenty, and good increase, sufficient both forme, and for those that dwelt with me. For the three English men Ileft at my House when I departed back to Laggendenny, still livedwith me. We were all single men; and we agreed very well together, and were helpful to one another. And for their help and assistanceof me, I freely granted them Liberty to use and enjoy Whatsoever theground afforded, as much as my self. And with a joynt consent it wasconcluded amongst us, That only single Men and Batchellors should dwellthere, and such as would not he conformable to this present agreementshould depart and absent himself from our Society, and also forfeithis right and claim to the forementioned Privilege, that is, to becut off from all benefit of whatsoever the Trees and Ground afforded. 

I thought fit to make such a Covenant, to exclude women from comingin among us, to prevent all strife and dissention, and to makeall possible Provision for the keeping up love and quietness amongour selves. 

In this manner we four lived together some two years very lovingly andcontentedly, not an ill word passing between us. We used to take turnsin keeping at home, while the rest went forth about their Business. Forour house stood alone and no Neighbour near it. Therefore we alwaysleft one within. The rest of the English men lived round about us, some four or five miles distant, some more. So that we were, as itwere, within reach one of another; which made us like our presentSituation the more. 

[Their freedom and Trade. ] Thus we lived upon the Mountains, beinground about us beset with watches, most of our People being nowmarried: so that now all talk and suspition of our running away waslaid aside. Neither indeed was it scarce possible. The effect ofwhich was, that now we could walk from one to the other, or where wewould upon the Mountains, no man molesting or disturbing us in theleast. So that we began to go about a Pedling, and Trading in theCountry farther towards the Northward, carrying our Caps about to sell. 

[His Family reduced to two. ] By this time two of our Company seeingbut little hopes of Liberty, thought it too hard a task thus to leada single life, and married. Which when they had done according tothe former agreement departed from us. So that our Company was nowreduced to two, viz. My Self and Stephen Rutland; whose inclinationand resolution was as stedfast as mine against Marriage. And we partednot to the last, but came away together. 

CHAP. VII. 

A return to the rest of the English, with some further accounts ofthem. And some further discourse of the Authors course of life. 

[Confer together about the lawfulness of Marrying with the NativeWomen. ] Let us now make a Visit to the rest of our Country-men, and see how they do. They reckoning themselves in for their Lives, in order to their future settlement, were generally disposed toMarry. Concerning which we have had many and sundry disputes amongourselves; as particularly concerning the lawfulness of matchingwith Heathens and Idolaters, and whether the Chingulays Marriageswere any better than living in Whoredome: there being no ChristianPriests to join them together, and it being allowed by their Laws tochange their Wives and take others as often as they pleased. But thesecases we solved for our own advantage after this manner, That we werebut Flesh and Blood, and that it is said, It is better to Marry thanto burn, and that as far as we could see, we were cut off from allMarriages any where else, even for our Life time, and therefore thatwe must marry with these or with none at all. And when the People inScripture were forbidden to take Wives of Strangers, it was then whenthey might intermarry with their own People, and so no necessity layupon them. And that when they could not, there are examples in the OldTestament upon Record, that they took Wives of the Daughters of theLands, wherein they dwelt. These reasons being urged, there was noneamong us, that could object ought against them, especially if thosethat were minded to marry Women here, did take them for their Wivesduring their lives, as some of them say, they do: and most of theWomen they marry are such as do profess themselves to be Christians. 

[He resolves upon a single life. ] As for mine own part, however lawfulthese Marriages might be, yet I judged it far more convenient for meto abstain, and that it more redounded to my good, having always areviving hope in me, that my God had not forsaken me, but according tohis gracious promise to the Jews in the XXX Chapter of Deuteronomy, and the beginning, would turn my Captivity and bring me into theLand of my Fathers. These and such like meditations, together with myPrayers to God, kept me from that unequal Yoke of Unbeleivers, whichseveral of my Countrey men and fellow Prisoners put themselves under. 

[What employments they follow. ] By this time our People havingplyed their Business hard, had almost knit themselves out of work;and now Caps were become a very dead Commodity, which was the chiefstay they had heretofore to trust to. So that now most of them betookthemselves to other employments; some to Husbandry, Plowing Ground, and sowing Rice, and keeping Cattle, others stilled Rack to sell, others went about the Country a Trading. For that which one part ofthe Land affords is a good Commodity to carry to another that wantsit. And thus with the help of a little allowance, they make a shiftto subsist. Most of their Wives spin Cotton yarn, which is a greathelp to them for cloathing, and at spare times also knit. 

[The respect and credit they live in. ] After this manner by theblessing of God our Nation hath lived and still doth, in as goodfashion as any other People or Nation whatsoever, that are Strangershere, or as any of the Natives themselves, only the Grandees andCourtiers excepted. This I speak to the Praise and Glory of our God;who loves the Stranger in giving him Food and Raiment; and that hathbeen pleased to give us Favour and a good Repute in the sight of ourEnemies. We cannot complain for want of justice in any wrongs we havesustained by the People; or that our cause hath been discountenanced;but rather we have been favoured above the Natives themselves. 

[A Chingulay punished for beating an English man. ] One of our menhappened to be beaten by his Neighbour. At which we were all verymuch concerned, taking it as a reproach to our Nation, and fearingit might embolden others to do the like by the rest of us. Thereforewith joint consent we all concluded to go to the Court to complain, and to desire satisfaction from the Adigar. Which we did. Upon thisthe man who had beat the English man was summoned in to appear beforehim. Who seeing so many of us there, and fearing the cause will govery hard with him, to make the Judg his friend, gave him a bribe. Hehaving received it would have shifted off the Punishment of theMalefactor. But we day after day followed him from house to Court, and from place to place, where-ever he went, demanding Justice andSatisfaction for the wrong we received, shewing the black and blewblows upon the English mans shoulders to all the rest of the Noble menat Court. He fearing therefore lest the King might be made acquaintedherewith was forced tho much against his will to clap the Chingulayin Chains. In which condition after he got him, he released him nottill besides the former fee he had given him another. 

[An English man preferred at Court. ] Lately was Richard Varnhamtaken into the Kings service, and held as Honourable an employment asever any Christian had in my time, being Commander of Nine Hundredand Seventy Soldiers, and set over all the great Guns, and besidesthis, several Towns were under him. A place of no less Profit thanHonour. The King gave him an excellent Silver Sword and Halberd, thelike to which the King never gave to any White man in my time. But hehad the good luck to die a natural Death. For had not that prevented, in all probability he should have followed the two English men thatserved him, spoken of before. 

[The English serve the King in his Wars. ] Some years since some ofour Nation took up Arms under the King. Which happened upon thisoccasion. The Hollanders had a small Fort in the Kings Countrey, called Bibligom Fort. This the King minded to take and demolish, senthis Army to beseige it. But being pretty strong; for there were aboutNinety Dutch men in it, besides a good number of Black Soldiers, andfour Guns on each point one, being in this condition it held out. Someof the great men informed the King of several Dutch runnaways in hisLand, that might be trusted, not daring to turn again for fear ofthe Gallows, who might help to reduce the Fort. And that also therewere white men of other Nations that had Wives and Children, fromwhom they would not run: and these might do him good service. Untothis advice the King inclined. 

Whereupon the King made a Declaration to invite the forrain Nationsinto his Service against Bibligom Fort, that he would compel none, but such as were willing of their own free accord, the King wouldtake it kindly, and they should be well rewarded. Now there entredinto the Kings Service upon this Expedition some of all Nations; bothPortugueze, Dutch and English, about the number of Thirty. To all thattook Arms he gave to the value of Twenty shillings in money, and threepieces of Callico for Cloaths, and commanded them to wear Breeches, Hats and Doublets, a great honour there. The King intended a Dutch-man, who had been an old Servant to him, to be Captain over them all. Butthe Portuguese not caring to be under the Command of a Dutch-man, desired a Captain of their own Nation, which the King granted, studying to please them at this time. But the English being but six, were too few to have a Captain over them, and so were forced some toserve under the Dutch and some under the Portugueze Captain. Therewere no more of the English, because being left at their liberty theythought it safest to dwell at home, and cared not much to take Armsunder a Heathen against Christians. 

[Who now live miserably. ] They were all ready to go, their Arms andAmmunition ready with Guns prepared to send down, but before they went, Tydings came that the Fort yeilded at the Kings Mercy. After this theWhites thought they had got an advantage of the King in having thesegifts for nothing, but the King did not intend to part with them so;but kept them to watch at his Gate. And now they are reduced to greatPoverty and Necessity. For since the Kings first Gift they have neverreceived any Pay or Allowance; tho they have often made their Addressesto him to supply their wants, signifying their forwardness to servehim faithfully. He speaks them fair, and tells them he will considerthem, but does not in the least regard them. Many of them since, after three or four years service, have been glad to get other Poorrun away Dutch men to serve in their steads, giving them as much monyand cloths as they received of the King before; that so they mightget free, to come home to their Wives and Children. 

The Dutch Captain would afterwards have forced the rest of the Englishto have come under him, and called them Traytors because they wouldnot, and threatned them. But they scorned him, and bid him do hisworst, but would never be persuaded to be Soldiers under him, saying, that it was not so much his zeal to the Kings Service as his ownPride to make himself greater by having more men under him. 

[He returns to speak of himself. Plots and Consults about an Escape. ] Iwill now turn to the Progress of my own Story. It was now about theyear MDCLXXII. I related before, that my family was reduced to two, my self and one honest man more, we lived solitarily and contentedlybeing well setled in a good House of my own. Now we fell to breedingup Goats: we began with two, but by the blessing of God they soon cameto a good many; and their Flesh served us instead of Mutton. We keptHens and Hogs also: And seeing no sudden likelihood of Liberty, wewent about to make all things handsome and convenient about us: whichmight be serviceable to us, while we lived there, and might fartherour Liberty whensoever we should see an occasion to attempt it: whichit did, in taking away all suspition from the People concerning us:who not having Wives as the others had, they might well think, lay thereadier to take any advantage to make an escape. Which indeed we twodid Plot and Consult about, between our selves with all imaginablePrivacy, long before we go away: and therefore we laboured by allmeans to hide our designs; and to free them from so much as suspition. 

[A description of his House. ] We had now brought our House and Groundto such a perfection that few Noble mens Seats in the Land did excelus. On each side was a great Thorn Gate for entrance, which is themanner in that Countrey: the Gates of the City are of the same. Webuilt also another House in the Yard all open for Air, for our selvesto sit in, or any Neighbours that came to talk with us. For seldomeshould we be alone, our Neighbours oftner frequenting our House thanwe desired; out of whom to be sure we could pick no Profit. Fortheir coming is always either to beg or borrow. For altho we wereStrangers and Prisoners in their Land, yet they would confess thatAlmighty God had dealt far more bountifully with us than with them, in that we had a far greater plenty of all things than they. 

[He takes up a new Trade and Thrives on it. ] I now began to setup a new Trade. For the Trade of Knitting was grown dead, andHusbandry I could not follow, not having a Wife to help and assistme therein, a great part of Husbandry properly belonging to thewoman to manage. Whereupon I perceived a Trade in use among them, which was to lend out Corn. The benefit of which is fifty per cent, per annum. This I saw to be the easiest and most profitable way ofLiving, whereupon I took in hand to follow it: and what stock I had, I converted into Corn or Rice in the Husk. And now as customers camefor Corn, I let them have it, to receive their next Harvest, when theirown Corn was ripe, the same quantity I lent them, and half as muchmore. But as the Profit is great, so is the trouble of getting it inalso. For he that useth this Trade must watch when the Debtors Fieldis ripe, and claim his due in time, otherwise other Creditors comingbefore will seize all upon the account of their Debts, and leave noCorn at all for those that carrie later. For these that come thus aborrowing, generally carry none of their Corn home when it is ripe, for their Creditors ease them of that Labour by coming into theirFields and taking it, and commonly they have not half enough to paywhat they ow. So that they that miss getting ther Debts this yearmust stay till the next when it will be double, two measures for one:but the Interest never runs up higher, tho the Debt lye seven yearsunpaid. By means hereof I was put to a great deal of trouble, and wasforced to watch early and late to get my Debts, and many times missof them after all my Pains. Howbeit when my Stock did encrease thatI had dealings with many, I mattered not if I lost in some places, the profit of the rest was sufficient to bear that out. 

And thus by the Blessing of God my little was encreased to a greatdeal. For he had blessed me so; that I was able to lend to my Enemies, and had no need to borrow of them. So that I might use the words ofJacob, not out of Pride of my self, but thankfulness to God, That hebrought me hither with my Staff and blessed me so here, that I becametwo Bands. 

[His Allowance paid him out of the King's Store-houses. ] For someyears together after I removed to my own House from Laggen denny, the People from whence I came continued my allowance that I had when Ilived among them. But now in plain Terms they told me they could giveit me no more, and that I was better able to live without it thanthey to give it me. Which tho I knew to be true, yet I thought notfit to loose that Portion of Allowance, which the King was pleased toallot me. Therefore I went to Court and appealed to the Adigar to whomsuch matters did belong. Who upon consideration of the Peoples poorcondition, appointed me monthly to come to him at the Kings Palacefor a Ticket to receive my Allowance out of the King's Store-houses. 

Hereby I was brought into a great danger, out of which I had much adoto escape, and that with the loss of my Allowance for ever after. Ishall relate the manner of it in the next Chapter. 

CHAP. VIII. 

How the Author had like to have been received into the Kings Service, and what means he used to avoid it. He meditates and attempts anescape, but is often prevented. 

[He voluntarily forgoes his pension. ] This frequent Appearance at theCourt, and waiting there for my Tickets, brought me to be taken noticeof by the Great men: insomuch that they wondered I had been all thiswhile forgotten, and never been brought before the King, being so fit, as they would suppose me, for his use and service, saying, That fromhenceforward I should fare better than that Allowance amounted to, assoon as the King was made acquainted with me. Which words of theirsserved instead of a Ticket, Whereupon fearing I mould suddainlybe brought in to the King, which thing I most of all feared, andleast desired, and hoping that out of sight might prove out of mind, I resolved to forsake the Court, and never more to ask for Tickets, especially seeing God had dealt so bountifully with me as to give meability to live well enough without them. As when Israel had eatenof the Corn of the Land of Canaan, the Manna ceased; so when I wasdriven to forego my Allowance that had all this while sustained mein this wilderness, God otherways provided for me. 

[Summoned before the King. ] From this time forward to the time ofmy Flight out of the Land, which was five years. I neither had nordemanded any more Allowance, and glad I was that I could escapeso. But I must have more trouble first. For some four or five daysafter my last coming from Court, there came a Soldier to me, sentfrom the Adigar, with an Order in writing under his hand, that uponsight thereof I should immediatly dispatch and come to the Court tomake my personal appearance before the King and in case of any delay, the Officers of the Countrey, were thereby Authorized and Commandedto assist the Bearer, and to see the same Order speedily performed. 

The chief occasion of this had been a Person, not long before my nearNeighbour and Acquaintance, Oua Matteral by name, who knew my mannerof Life, and had often been at my House; but now was taken in andemployed at Court; and he out of friendship and good will to me wasone of the chief Actors in this business, that he might bring me toPreferment at Court. 

[He is informed that he is to be preferred at Court. ] Upon theabovesaid summons there was no Remedy, but to Court I must go. Where Ifirst applyed my self to my said old Neighbour, Oua Motteral, who wasthe occasion of sending for me. I signified to him that I was come inobedience to the Warrant, and I desired to know the reason why I wassent for? To which he answered, Here is good news for you; you are toappear in the Kings Presence, where you will find great Favour, andHonourable entertainment, far more than any of your Countrey men yethere found. Which the great man thought would be a strong Inducement topersuade me joyfully to accept of the Kings Employments. But this wasthe thing I always most dreaded, and endeavoured to shun, knowing thatbeing taken into Court would be a means to cut of all hopes of Libertyfrom me, which was the thing I esteemed equal unto life it self. 

[But resolves to refuse it. ] Seeing my self brought unto this pass, wherein I had no earthly helper, I recommended my cause to God, desiring him in whose hands are the hearts of Kings and Princes todivert the business. And my cause being just and right I was resolvedto persist in a denial. My case seemed to me to be like that of thefour Lepers at the Gate of Samaria. No avoiding of Death for me: Ifout of Ambition and Honour, I should have embraced the Kings Service, besides the depriving my self of all hopes of Liberty, in the end Imust be put to death, as happens to all that serve him; and to denyhis service could be but Death. And it seemed to me to be the betterDeath of the two. For if I should be put to Death only because Irefused his service, I should be pitied as one that dyed innocently;but if I should be executed in his Service, however innocent I was, I should be certainly reckon'd a Rebel and a Traytor, as they allare whom he commands to be cut off. 

[The answer he makes to the Great man. ] Upon these confederationshaving thus set my resolutions, as God enabled me, I returned himthis answer: First, That the English Nation to whom I belonged hadnever done any violence or wrong to their King either in word ordeed. Secondly, That the causes of my coming on their Land was notlike to that of other Nations, who were either Enemies taken in War, or such as by reason of poverty or distress, were driven to sue forrelief out of the Kings bountiful liberality, or such as fled for thefear of deserved punishment; Whereas, as they all well knew, I camenot upon any of these causes, but upon account of Trade, and cameashore to receive the Kings Orders, which by notice we understoodwere come concerning us, and to render an account to the Dissauvaof the Reasons and Occasions of our coming into the Kings Port. Andthat by the grief and sorrow I had undergone by being so long detainedfrom my Native Countrey, (but, for which I thanked the Kings Majesty, without want of any thing) I scarcely enjoyed my self. For my heartwas alwayes absent from my body. Hereunto adding my insufficiencyand inability for such honourable Employment, being subject to manyInfirmities and Diseases of Body. 

To this he replied, Cannot you read and write English? Servile Labourthe King requireth not of you. I answered, When I came ashore I wasbut young, and that which then I knew, now I had forgot for want ofpractice, having had neither ink nor paper ever since I came ashore. Iurged moreover, That it was contrary to the Custome and Practice ofall Kings and Princes upon the Earth to keep and detain men thatcame into their Countreys upon such peaceable accounts as we did;much less to compel them to serve them beyond their power and ability. 

[He is sent to another great Officer. ] At my first coming before himhe looked very pleasingly, and spake with a smiling countenance to me:but now his smiles were turned into frowns, and his pleasing looksinto bended brows, and in rough Language, he bad me be gone and tellmy tale to the Adigar. Which immediatly I did; but he being busie didnot much regard me, and I was glad of it, that I might absent theCourt. But I durst not go out of the City. Sore afraid I was thatevil would befall me and the best I could expect was to be put inChains. All my refuge was Prayer to God, whose hand was not shortnedthat it could not save, and would make all things work together forgood to them that trust in him. From him only did I expect help anddeliverance in this time of need. 

[He stays in the City expecting his doom. ] In this manner I lodgedin an English mans house that dwelt in the City about ten days, maintaining my self at my own charge, waiting with a sorrowful heart, and daily expecting to hear my Doom. In the mean time my Countreymen and Acquaintance, some of them blamed me for refusing so fair aProfer; whereby I might not only have lived well my self, but alsohave been helpful unto my Poor Country-men and friends: others ofthem pittying me, expecting, as I did, nothing but a wrathful sentencefrom so cruel a Tyrant, if God did not prevent. And Richard Varnham, who was at this time a great man about the King, was not a littlescared to see me run the hazard of what might ensue, rather than bePartaker with him in the felicities of the Court. 

[He goes home but is sent for again. ] It being chargable thus tolye at the City, and hearing nothing more of my business, I tookleave without asking, and went home to my House; which was but aDays distance, to get some Victuals to carry with me and to returnagain. But soon after I came home I was sent for again. So I tookmy load of Victuals with me, and arrived at the City, but went notto the Court, but to my former Lodging, where I staid as formerly, until I had spent all my Provisions: and by the good hand of my Godupon me, I never heard any more of that matter. Neither came I anymore into the Presence of the Great-men at Court, but dwelt in my ownPlantation, upon what God provided for me by my Labour and Industry. 

[Having escaped the Court service, falls to his former course oflife. ] For now I returned to my former course of life, dressing myVictuals daily with mine own hands, fetching both Wood and Water uponmine own back. And this, for ought I could see to the contrary, I waslike to continue for my life time. This I could do for the Present, but I began to consider how helpless I should be, if it shouldplease God I should live till I grew old and feeble. So I entredupon a Consultation with myself for the providing against this. Oneway was the getting of me a Wife, but that I was resolved never todo. Then I began to enquire for some poor body to live with me, todress my Victuals for me, that I might live at a little more ease, but could not find any to my mind. Whereupon I considered, that therewas no better way, than to take one of my poor Country-mens Children, whom I might bring up to learn both my own Language and Religion. Andthis might be not only Charity to the Child, but a kindness to myself also afterwards. And several there were that would be glad so tobe eased of their charge, having more than they could well maintain, a Child therefore I took, by whose aptness, ingenuity and company asI was much delighted at present, so afterwards I hoped to be served. 

It was now about the year M DC LXXIII. Altho I had now lived manyyears in this Land, and God be praised, I wanted for nothing theLand afforded, yet could I not forget my native Countrey England, and lamented under the Famine of Gods Word and Sacraments, the wantwhereof I found greater than all earthly wants: and my dayly andfervent Prayers to God were, in his good time to restore me to theenjoyment of them. 

[Their pedling forwarded their escape. ] I and my Companion werestill meditating upon our escape and the means to compass it. Whichour pedling about the Countrey did greatly forward and promote. Forspeaking well the Language and going with our Commodities from placeto place, we used often to entertain discourse with the Countreypeople; viz. Concerning the ways and the Countreys, and where therewere most and fewest inhabitants, and where and how the Watches laidfrom one Countrey to another; and what Commodities were proper tocarry from one part to the other, pretending we would from time totime go from one place to another, to furnish our selves with warethat the respective places afforded. None doubted but we had madethese inquiries for the sake of our Trade, but our selves had otherdesigns in them. Neither was there the least suspition of us forthese our questions: all supposing I would never run away and leavesuch an estate as in their accounts and esteem I had. 

[The most probable course to take, was Northwards. ] By diligent inquiryI had come to understand, that the easiest and most probable way tomake an escape was by travailing to the Northward, that part of theLand being least inhabited. Therefore we furnished our selves with suchwares as were vendible in those parts, as Tobacco, Pepper, Garlick, Combs, all sorts of Iron Ware, &c. And being laden with these things, we two set forth, bending our course towards the Northern Parts ofthe Island, knowing very little of the way; and the ways of thisCountrey generally are intricate and difficult: here being no greatHigh-ways that run thro the Land, but a multitude of little Paths, some from one Town to another, some into the Fields, and some intothe Woods where they sow their Corn; and the whole Countrey coveredwith Woods, that a man cannot see any thing but just before him. Andthat which makes them most difficult of all, is, that the ways shiftand alter, new ways often made and old ways stopped up. For they cutdown Woods, and sow the ground, and having got one Crop off from it, they leave it, and Wood soon grows over it again: and in case a Roadwent thro those Woods, they stop it, and contrive another way; neitherdo they regard tho it goes two or three miles about: and to ask andinquire the way for us white men is very dangerous, it occasioning thePeople to suspect us. And the Chingulays themselves never Travail inCountreys where they are not experienced in the ways without a guide, it being so difficult. And there was no getting a guide to conductus down to the Sea. 

[They get three days journey Northward. ] But we made a shift totravail from Cande Uda downwards towards the North from Town to Town;happening at a place at last which I knew before, having been broughtup formerly from Cooswat that way, to descend the Hill called Bocaul, where there is no Watch, but in time of great disturbance. Thus bythe Providence of God we passed all difficulties until we came intothe County of Neurecalava, which are the lowest parts that belong tothis King; and some three days journey from the place whence we came. 

[But return back again. ] We were not a little glad that we weregotten so far onwards in our way, but yet at this time we could gono farther; for our ware was all sold, and we could pretend no moreexcuses; and also we had been out so long, that it might cause ourTowns-men to come and look after us, it being the first time that wehad been so long absent from home. 

[They attempted often to fly this way, but still hindred. ] In thismanner we went into these Northern Parts eight or ten times, and oncegot as far as Hourly a Town in the extremities of the Kings Dominions, but yet we could not attain our purpose. For this Northern Countreybeing much subject to dry weather and having no springs, we were fainto drink of Ponds of Rain water, wherein the Cattel lie and tumble, which would be so thick and muddy, that the very filth would hangin our Beards when we drank. This did not agree with our Bodies, being used to drink pure Spring water only. By which means when wefirst used those parts we used often to be Sick of violent Favors andAgues, when we came home. Which Diseases happened not only to us, but to all other People that dwelt upon the Mountains, as we did, whensoever they went down into those places; and commonly the majorpart of those that fall sick, dyes. At which the Chingulays are sofeared, that it is very seldom they do adventure their Bodies downthither: neither truly would I have done it, were it not for thosefuture hopes, which God of his mercy did at length accomplish. Forboth of us smarted sufficiently by those severe Favors we got, when we should both lay Sick together and one not able to help theother. Insomuch that our Countrymen and Neighbours used to ask us, ifwe went thither purposing to destroy our selves, they little thinking, and we not daring to tell them our intent and design. 

[In those parts is bad Water, but they had an Antidote against it. ] Atlength we learned an Antidote and Counter-Poyson against the filthyvenomous water, which so operated by the blessing of God, that afterthe use thereof we had no more Sickness. It is only a dry leaf;they call it in Portugueze Banga, beaten to Powder with some of theCountrey Jaggory: and this we eat Morning and Evening upon an emptyStomach. It intoxicates the Brain, and makes one giddy, without anyother operation either by Stool or Vomit. 

[They still improve in the knowledge of their Way. ] Thus every Voyagewe gathered more experience, and got lower down, for this is a largeand spacious Countrey. We travailed to and fro where the ways led us, according to their own Proverb, The Beggar and the Merchant is neverout of his way; because the one begs and the other trades whereverthey go. Thus we used to ramble until we had sold all our ware, andthen went home for more. And by these means we grew acquainted bothwith the People and the Paths. 

[Meets with his black Boy in these parts, who was to guide him to theDutch. ] In these parts I met with my black Boy, whom I had divers yearsbefore turned away, who had now Wife and Children. He proved a greathelp to me in directing me in the ways; for he had lived many yearsin these parts. Perceiving him to be able, and also in a very poorand sad condition, not able to maintain his Family, I adventured onceto ask him if a good reward would not be welcome to him, for guidingus two down to the Dutch. Which having done he might return again andno Body the wiser. At which Proposition he seemed to be very joyful, and promised to undertake the same: only at this time for reasons healledged, which to me seemed probable, as that it was Harvest timeand many People about it, it could not so safely and conveniently bedone now, as it might be some two Months after. 

The Business was concluded upon, and the time appointed between us. Butit so fell out, that at the very precise time, all things being readyto depart on the morrow, it pleased God, whose time was not yet come, to strike me with a most grievous pain in the hollow on my right side, that for five days together I was not able to stir from the fire side, but by warming it, and fomenting and chafing it I got a a little ease. 

[But disapointed. ] Afterward as soon as I was recovered, and gotstrength, we went down and carried one English man more with us forcompany, for our better security, seeing we must travail in the Nightupon our Flight: but tho we took him with us, we dared not to tell himof our design, because he had a Wife, intending not to acquaint himwith it, till the Business was just ready to be put into action. Butwhen he came expecting to meet with our guide, he was gone into anotherCountrey; and we knew not where to find him, and we knew not how torun away without him. Thus we were disapointed that time. 

But as formerly, we went to and fro until we had sold our ware; andso returned home again and delivered the man to his wife; but nevertold him any thing of our intended design, fearing lest, if he knewit, he might acquaint her with it, and so all our purposes comingto be revealed might be overthrown for ever afterwards. For we wereresolved by Gods help still to persevere in our design. 

[An extraordinary drought for three or four years together. ] Some eightor nine years one after another we followed this Trade, going downinto this Countrey on purpose to seek to get beyond the Inhabitants, and so to run away thro the Woods to the Hollanders. Three or Fouryears together the dry weather prevented us; when the Countrey wasalmost starved for want of Rain: all which time they never tilled theGround. The Wells also were almost all dry; so that in the Towns wecould scarcely get Water to drink, or Victuals to eat. Which affrightedus at those times from running into the Woods, lest we might perishfor Thirst. All this while upon the Mountains, where our dwelling was, there was no want of Rain. 

We found it an inconvenience when we came three of us down together, reckoning it might give occasion to the people to suspect our design, and so prevent us from going thither again. Some of the Englishthat followed such a Trade as we, had been down that way with theirCommodities, but having felt the smart of that Countries Sickness, would go there no more, finding as much profit in nearer and easierJourneys. But we still persisted in our courses this way, having somegreater matter to do here than to sell Wares, viz. To find out thisNorthern Discovery; which in Gods good time we did effect. 

CHAP. IX. 

How the Author began his Escape; and got onward of his Way about anHundred miles. 

[Their last and successful attempt. ] Having often gone this Way toseek for Liberty, but could not yet find it; we again set forth to trywhat Success God Almighty would now give us, in the Year MDCLXXIX, on the Two and twentieth of September, furnished with such Arms aswe could well carry with safety and secrecy, which were Knives andsmall Axes; we carried also several sorts of Ware to sell as formerly:the Moon being seven and twenty dayes old. Which we had so contrived, that we might have a light Moon, to see the better to run away by:having left an Old Man at home, whom I had hired to live with me, to look after my House and Goats. 

[The way they went. ] We went down at the Hill Bocawl, where therewas now no Watch, and but seldom any. From thence down to the Townof Bonder Cooswat, where my Father dyed; and by the Town of Nicavar, which is the last Town belonging to Hotcurly in that Road. Fromthence forward the Towns stand thin. For it was sixteen miles to thenext Town called Parroah, which lay in the Country of Neure Cawlava, and all the way thro a Wilderness called Parroah Mocolane, full ofwild Elephants, Tigres and Bears. 

[They design for Anarodgburro. ] Now we set our design for Anarodgburro, which is the lowest place inhabited belonging to the King of Cande:where there is a Watch alwayes kept: and nearer than twelve or fourteenmiles of this Town as yet we never had been. 

[They turn out of the way to avoid the King's Officers. ] When we cameinto the midst of this Countrey, we heard that the Governor thereof hadsent Officers from the Court to dispatch away the Kings Revenues andDuties to the City, and that they were now come into the Country. Whichput us into no small fear, lest if they saw us they should send us backagain. Wherefore we edged away into the Westernmost Parts of Ecpoulpot, being a remote part of that Countrey wherein we now were. And therewe sate to knitting until we heard they were gone. But this causedus to overshoot our time, the Moon spending so fast. But as soon aswe heard they were departed out of the Countrey, we went onwards ofour Journey, having kept most of our Ware for a pretence to have anoccasion to go further. And having bought a good parcel of CottonTarn to knit Caps withal, the rest of our Ware we gave out, was tobuy dryed flesh with, which only in those lower Parts is to be sold. 

[Forced to pass thro the Chief Governours yard. ] Our way now laynecessarily thro the chief Governors Yard at Colliwilla. Who dwellsthere purposely to see and examine all that go and come. This greatlydistressed us. First, because he was a stranger to us, and one whomwe had never seen. And secondly, because there was no other way toescape him: and plain reason would tell him, that we being prisonerswere without our bounds. Whereupon we concluded, that our best waywould be to go boldly and resolutely to his house, and not to seemdaunted in the least, or to look as if we did distrust him to disallowof our Journey, but to shew such a behaviour, as if we had authorityto travail where we would. 

[The Method they used to prevent his suspicion of them. ] So we wentforward, and were forced to enquire and ask the way to his house, having never been so far this way before. I brought from home withme Knives with fine carved handles, and a red Tunis Cap purposelyto sell or give him, if occasion required, knowing before, that wemust pass by him. And all along as we went, that we might be theless suspected, we sold Caps and other Ware, to be paid for at ourreturn homewards. There were many cross Paths to and fro to hishouse, yet by Gods Providence we happened in the right Road. Andhaving reached his house, according to the Countrey manner we wentand sate down in the open house; which kind of Houses are built onpurpose for the reception of Strangers. Whither not long after theGreat Man himself came and sate down by us. To whom we presenteda small parcel of Tobacco, and some Betel. And before he asked usthe cause of our coming, we shewed him the Ware we brought for him, and the Cotton Yarn which we had trucked about the Country; tellinghim withall how the case stood with us: viz. That we had a Chargegreater than the Kings allowance would maintain; and that becausedryed Flesh was the chief Commodity of that Part, we told him, Thatmissing of the Lading which we used to carry back, we were glad tocome thither to see, if we could make it up with dryed Flesh. Andtherefore if he would please to supply us either for such Ware aswe had brought, or else for our Money, it would he a great favour, the which would oblige us for the future to bring him any necessariesthat he should name unto us, when we should come again unto thoseParts, as we used to do very often: and that we could furnish him, having dealings and being acquainted with the best Artificers in Cande. 

At which he replyed, That he was sorry we were come at such a drytime, wherein they could not catch Deer, but if some Rain fell, he would soon dispatch us with our Ladings of Flesh. But however, he bade us go about the Towns, and see whether there might be anyor no, tho he thought there was none. This answer of his pleased uswondrous well, both because by this we saw he suspected us not, andbecause he told us there was no dryed Flesh to be got. For it wasone of our greatest fears that we should get our Lading too soon:for then, we could not have had an excuse to go further. And as yetwe could not possibly fly: having still six miles further to theNorthward to go before we could attempt it, that is, to Anarodgburro. 

[Their danger by reason of the ways they were to pass. ] FromAnarodgburro it is two dayes Journey further thro a desolate Wildernessbefore there is any more Inhabitants. And these Inhabitants areneither under this King nor the Dutch, but are Malabars, and are undera Prince of their own. This People we were sorely afraid of, lest theymight seize us and send us back, there being a correspondence betweenthis Prince and the King of Cande; wherefore it was our endeavour byall means to shun them; lest according to the old Proverb, We mightleap out of the Frying pan into the Fire. 

[They still remain at the Governours, to prevent suspition. ] But wemust take care of that as well as we could when we came among them, for as yet our care was to get to Anarodgburro. Where altho it was ourdesire to get, yet we would not seem to be too hasty, lest it mightoccasion suspition: but lay where we were two or three dayes: and onestay'd at the Governors House a knitting, whilst the other went aboutamong the Towns to see for Flesh. The Ponds in the Country being nowdry, there was Fish every where in abundance, which they dry like redHerrings over a fire. They offered to sell us store of them, but they, we told them, would not turn to so good profit as Flesh. The which, we said, we would have, tho we stayed ten dayes longer for it. Forhere we could live as cheap, and earn as much as if we were at home, by our knitting. So we seemed to them as if we were not in any hast. 

[An accident that now created them great fear. ] In the mean timehappened an Accident which put us to a great fright. For the Kinghaving newly clapped up several Persons of Quality, whereof my oldNeighbour Ova Matteral, that sent for me to Court, was one, sent downSouldiers to this High Sheriff or Governor, at whose house we nowwere, to give him order to set a secure Guard at the Watches, that nosuspitious persons might pass. This he did to prevent the Relations ofthese imprisoned persons from making an Escape, who thro fear of theKing might attempt it. This always is the Kings custome to do. Butit put us into an exceeding fear, lest it might beget an admirationin these Soldiers to see White men so low down: which indeed is notcustomary nor allowed of: and so they might send us up again. Whichdoubtless they would have done, had it not been of God by this meansand after this manner to deliver us. Especially considering thatthe King's Command came just at that time and so expresly to keep asecure Guard at the Watches, and that in that very Way that alwayes wepurposed to go in: so that it seemed scarcely possible for us to passafterwards, tho we should get off fairly at present with the Soldiers. 

[But get fairly rid of it. ] Which we did. For they having deliveredtheir Message, departed, shewing themselves very kind and civil untous. And we seemed to lament for our hard fortune, that we were notready to go upwards with them in their good company: for we wereNeighbours dwelling in one and the same County. However we bid themcarry our commendations to our Countrymen the English, with whom theywere acquainted at the City, and so bad them farewel. And glad wewere when they were gone from us. And the next day in the morning weresolved, God willing, to set forward. But we thought not fit to tellour Host, the Governor, of it, till the very instant of our departing, that he might not have any time to deliberate concerning us. 

That Night he being disposed to be merry, sent for people whose tradeit is to dance and shew tricks, to come to his house to entertainhim with their Sports. The beholding them spent most part of theNight. Which we merrily called our Old Host's Civility to us at ourlast parting: as it proved indeed, tho he, honest man, then littledreamed of any such thing. 

[They get away fairly from the Governour. ] The morning being come, we first took care to fill our Bellies; then we packed up thosethings which were necessary for our Journey to carry with us, andthe rest of our Goods, Cotton Yarn, and Cloth and other things;that we would not incumber our selves withall, we bound up in aBundle, intending to leave them behind us. This being done, I wentto the Governor, and carried him four or five charges of Gunpowder, a thing somewhat scarce with them, intreating him rather than weshould be disappointed of Flesh, to make use of that and shoot someDeer; which he was very willing to accept of, and to us it couldbe no wayes profitable, not having a Gun. While we, we told him, would make a step to Anarodgburro to see what Flesh we could procurethere. In the mean time, according as we had before layd the business, came Stephen with the Bundle of Goods, desiring to leave them in hishouse, till we came back. Which he was very ready to grant us leaveto do. And seeing us leave such a parcel of Goods, tho, God knowes, but of little account in themselves, yet of considerable value inthat Land, he could not suppose otherwise but that we were intendedto return again. Thus we took our leaves, and immediately departed, not giving him time to consider with himself, or consult with othersabout us. And he like a good natured man bid us heartily farewel. 

Altho we knew not the way to this Town, having never been there inall our lives, and durst not ask, lest it might breed suspition;yet we went on confidently thro a desolate Wood: and happened to govery right, and came out directly at the place. 

[In their way they meet with a River which they found for theirpurpose. ] But in our way before we arrived hither, we came up with asmall River, which ran thro the Woods, called by the Chingulayes Malwatoyah: the which we viewed well, and judged it might be a probable guideto carry us down to the Sea, if a better did not present. Howbeit wethought good to try first the way we were taking, and to go onwardtowards Anarodgburro, that being the shortest and easiest way to getto the Coast: and this River being as under our Lee, ready to serveand assist us, if other means failed. 

[They come safely to Anarodgburro. This Place described. ] ToAnarodgburro therefore we came, called also Neur Waug. Which is notso much a particular single Town, as a Territory. It is a vast greatPlain, the like I never saw in all that Island: in the midst whereofis a Lake, which may be a mile over, not natural, but made by art, as other Ponds in the Country, to serve them to water their CornGrounds. This Plain is encompassed round with Woods, and small Townsamong them on every side, inhabited by Malabars, a distinct Peoplefrom the Chingulayes. But these Towns we could not see till we camein among them. Being come out thro the Woods into this Plain, we stoodlooking and staring round about us, but knew not where nor which way togo. At length we heard a Cock crow, which was a sure sign to us thatthere was a Town hard by; into which we were resolved to enter. Forstanding thus amazed, was the ready way to be taken up for suspitiouspersons; especially because White men never come down so low. 

[The People stand amazed at them. ] Being entred into this Town, we sate our selves under a Tree, and proclaimed our Wares, for wefeared to rush into their Yards, as we used to do in other places, lest we should scare them. The People stood amazed as soon as theysaw us, being originally Malabars, tho Subjects of Cande. Nor couldthey understand the Chingulay Language in which we spake to them. Andwe stood looking one upon another until there came one that couldspeak the Chingulay Tongue: Who asked us, from whence we came? Wetold him, From Cande Uda. But they believed us not, supposing thatwe came up from the Dutch from Manaar. So they brought us beforetheir Governor. [They are examined by the Governour of the Place. ] Henot speaking Chingulais, spake to us by an Interpreter. And to knowthe truth, whether we came from the place we pretended, he inquiredabout News at Court; demanded, Who were Governors of such and suchCountreys? and what was become of some certain Noble-men, whom theKing had lately cut off? and also What the common people were employedabout at Court, for it is seldom that they are idle. To all which wegave satisfactory answers. Then he enquired of us, Who gave us leaveto come down so low? We told him That priviledg was given to us bythe King himself full Fifteen Years since at his Palace at Nellemby, when he caused it to be declared unto us, that we were no longerprisoners, and (which indeed was our own addition) that we were freeto enjoy the benefit of Trade in all his Dominions. 

To prove and confirm the truth of which, we alledged the distance ofthe Way that we were now come from home, being near an hundred miles, passing thro several Counties, where we met with several Governorsand Officers in their respective Jurisdictions; who had they not beenwell sensible of these Priviledges granted us, would not have allowedus to pass thro their Countries. All which Officers we described tohim by name; and also that now we came from the High Sheriff's Houseat Colliwilla, where we had been these three dayes, and there heardof the Order that was come to secure the Watches; which was not forfear of the running away of White men, but of the Chingulayes. TheseReasons gave him full satisfaction, that we were innocent Traders, seeing also the Commodities that we had brought with us: this furtherconfirmed his opinion concerning us. 

[Provide things necessary for their flight. ] The People were veryglad of our coming, and gave us an end of an open house to ly in:but at present they had no dryed Flesh, but desired us to stay twoor three days and we should not fail: which we were very ready toconsent to, hoping by that time to come to the knowledg of the way, and to learn where about the watch was placed. To Prevent the leastsurmise that we were Plotting to run away, we agreed, that Stephenshould stay in the house by the things, while I with some few wentabroad; pretending to enquire for dryed Flesh to carry back with usto Cande, but intending to make discoveries of the way, and providenecessaries for our Flight, as Rice, a Brass Pot to boil our Ricein, a little dryed Flesh to eat and a Deers-skin to make us Shooesof. And by the Providence of my gracious God, all these things Ihappened upon and bought. But as our good hap was, Deers-Flesh wecould meet with none. So that we had time enough to fit our selves;all People thinking that we stayed only to buy Flesh. 

[They find it not safe to proceed further this way. ] Here we stayedthree days; during which we had found the great Road that runs downtowards Jafnapatan, one of the Northern Ports belonging to the Dutch, which Road we judged led also towards Manaar a Dutch Northern Portalso, which was the Place that we endeavoured to get to, lying abovetwo or three days Journey distant from us. But in this Road therewas a Watch lay, which must be passed. Where this Watch was placed, it was necessary for us punctually to know, and to endeavour to get asight of it. And if we could do this, our intent was to go unseen byNight, the people being then afraid to travayl, and being come up tothe Watch, to slip aside into the Woods and so go on untill we werepast it; and then strike into the Road again. But this Project cameto nothing, because I could not without suspition and danger go andview this Watch; which layd some four or five miles below this Plain;and so far I could not frame any business to go. 

But several inconveniences we saw here, insomuch that we found itwould not be safe for us to go down in this Road. For if we shouldhave slipt away from them by Night, in the Morning we should bemissed, and then most surely they would go that way to chace us, and ten to one overtake us, being but one Night before them. Alsowe knew not whether or no, it might lead us into the Countrey of theMalabar Prince, of whom we were much afraid. 

[Resolve to go back to the River they lately passed. ] Then resolvingto let the great Road alone, we thought of going right down thro theWoods, and steer our course by the Sun and Moon: but the Ground beingso dry we feared we should not meet with Water. So we declined thatCounsel also. Thus being in doubt, we prayed God to direct us, and toput it into our hearts which way to take. Then after a Consultationbetween our selves, all things considered, we concluded it the bestcourse to go back to Malwat oyah, the River we had well viewed that layin our way as we came hither. And back thither we resolved to repair. 

CHAP. X. 

The Author's Progress in his Flight from Anarodgburro, into the Woods, unto their arrival in the Malabars Countrey. 

[They depart back again towards the River. ] Now God of his Mercyhaving prospered our Design hitherto, for which we blessed his HolyName, our next care was how to come off clear from the People ofAnarodgburro, that they might not presently miss us, and so pursueafter us. Which if they should do, there would have been no escapingthem. For from this Town to Colliwilla, where the Sheriff lived, withwhom we left our Goods, they are as well acquainted in the Woods as inthe Paths. And when we came away we must tell the People, that we weregoing thither, because there is no other way but that. Now our fearwas, lest upon some occasion or other any Men might chance to Travelthat way soon after we were gone, and not finding us at Colliwilla, might conclude, as they could do no otherwise, that we were run intothe Woods. Therefore to avoid this Danger, we stayed in the Town tillit was so late, that we knew none durst venture to Travel afterwardsfor fear of wild Beasts. By which means we were sure to gain a NightsTravel at least, if they should chance to pursue us. 

[But first take their leave of the Governor here. ] So we took ourleaves of the Governor, who kindly gave us a Pot of Milk to drink fora farewel; we telling him, We were returning back to the Sheriff atColliwilla, to whom we had given some Gunpowder when we came fromhim to shoot us some Deer, and we doubted not but by that time weshould get to him, he would have provided flesh enough for our ladinghome. Thus bidding him and the rest of the Neighbours farewel, wedeparted, they giving us the Civility of their accustomed Prayers, Diabac, that is, God bless, or keep you. 

[They begin their flight. ] It was now the Twelfth day of October ona Sunday, the Moon eighteen days old. We were well furnished withall things needful, which we could get, Viz. Ten days Provision, Rice, Flesh, Fish, Pepper, Salt, a Bason to boil our Victuals in, twoCalabasses to fetch Water, two great Tallipats for Tents, big enoughto sleep under if it should rain, Jaggory and Sweet-meats, which webrought from home with us, Tobacco also and Betel, Tinder-Boxes twoor three for sailing, and a Deers Skin to make us Shooes, to preventany Thorns running into our feet as we travelled through the Woods;for our greatest Trust under God was to our feet. Our Weapons were, each man a small Axe fastned to a long Staff in our hands, and a goodKnife by our sides. Which were sufficient with God's help to defend usfrom the Assaults of either Tiger or Bear; and as for Elephants thereis no standing against them, but the best defence is to flee from them. 

In this Posture and Equipage we marched forward. When we were comewithin a Mile of this River, it being about Four in the Evening, webegan to fear, lest any of the People of Anarodgburro from whence wecame, should follow us to Colliwella. Which place we never intendedto come at more: the River along which we intended to go, laying onthis side of it. That we might be secure therefore that no People cameafter us, we sat down upon a Rock by a hole that was full of waterin the High-way; until it was so late, that we were sure no Peopledurst Travel. In case any had come after us, and seen us sittingthere and gotten no further, we intended to tell them, That one ofus was taken Sick by the way, and therefore not able to go. [Theycome to the River along which they resolved to go. ] But it was ourhappy chance there came none. So about Sundown we took up our Sacksof Provisions, and marched forward for the River, which under God wehad pitched upon to be our guide down to the Sea. 

[Which they travel along by till it was dark. ] Being come at the River, we left the Road, and struck into the Woods by the River side. Wewere exceeding careful not to tread on the Sand or soft Ground, lest our footsteps should be seen; and where it could not be avoided, we went backwards, so that by the print of our feet, it seemed as ifwe had gone the contrary way. We were now gotten a good way into theWood; when it grew dark and began to Rain, so that we thought it bestto pitch our Tents, and get Wood for Firing before it was all wet, and too dark to find it. Which we did, and kindled a fire. 

[Now they fit themselves for their Journey. ] Then we began to fit ourselves for our Journey against the Moon arose. All our Sale-wareswhich we had left we cast away, (for we took care not to sell toomuch) keeping only Provisions and what was very necessary for ourJourney. About our Feet we tied pieces of Deers-hide to prevent Thornsand Stumps annoying our feet. We always used to Travel bare foot, butnow being to travel by Night and in the Woods, we feared so to do. Forif our feet should fail us now, we were quite undone. And by the timewe had well-fitted our selves, and were refreshed with a Morsel ofPortuguez Sweet-meats, the Moon began to shine. So having commended ourselves into the hands of the Almighty, we took up our Provisions uponour shoulders, and set forward, and travelled some three or four hours, but with a great deal of difficulty; for the Trees being thick, theMoon gave but little light thro, but our resolution was to keep going. 

[Meeting with an Elephant they took up for that night. ] Now itwas our chance to meet with an Elephant in our way just before us:which we tryed, but could not scare away: so he forced us to stay. Wekindled a Fire and sate down, and took a Pipe of tobacco, waiting tillMorning. Then we looked round about us, and it appeared all like aWilderness, and no sign that People ever had been there: which put usin great hopes that we had gained our Passage, and Were past all theInhabitants. Whereupon we concluded that we were now in no danger ofbeing seen, and might Travel in the Day securely. There was only onegreat Road in our way, which led to Portaloon from the Towns which byand by we fell into; this Road therefore we were shy of, lest whenwe passed it over, some Passengers travelling in it, might see us;and this Road we were in expectance about this time to meet withal, secure, as I said before, of all other danger of People. [They fallin among Towns before they are aware. ] But the River winding about tothe Northward brought us into the midst of a parcel of Towns calledTissea Wava, before we were aware. For the Countrey being all Woods, we could not discern where there were Towns, until we came withinthe hearing of them. That which betrayed us into this danger was, that meeting with a Path, which only led from one Town to another, we concluded it to be that great Road above mentioned; and so havingpast it over, we supposed the Danger we might encounter in being seen, was also past over with it; but we were mistaken; for going further westill met with other Paths, which we crossed over, still hoping one orother of them was that great Road; but at last we perceived our Error;viz. That they were only Paths that went from one Town to another. 

And so while we were avoiding Men and Towns, we ran into the midstof them. This was a great trouble to us, hearing the Noise of Peopleround about us, and knew not how to avoid them; into whose hands weknew if we had fallen, they would have carried us up to the King, besides Beating and Plundring us to boot. 

We knew before that these Towns were here away, but had we knownthat this River turned and run in among them, we should never haveundertaken the Enterprize. But now to go back, after we had newlypassed so many Paths, and Fields and places where People did resort, wethought not advisable, and that the danger in so doing might be greaterthan in going forward. And had we known so much then, as afterwardsdid appear to us, it had been safer for us to have gone on, than tohave hid there as we did; which we then thought was the best coursewe could take for the present extremity: viz. To secure our selves insecret until Night, and then to run thro in the dark. All that we nowwanted was a hole to creep in to lye close, for the Woods thereaboutswere thin, and no shrubs or bushes, under which we might be concealed. 

[Their fright lest they should be seen. ] We heard the noise ofPeople on every side, and expected every moment to see some of themto our great terror. And it is not easie to say in what Danger, andin what apprehension of it we were; it was not safe for us to stirbackwards or forwards for fear of running among People, and it wasas unsafe to stand still where we were, lest some body might spy us:and where to find Covert we could not tell. [Hid themselves in a hollowTree. ] Looking about us in these straits we spyed a great Tree by us, which for the bigness thereof 'tis probable might be hollow. To whichwe went, and found it so. It was like a Tub, some three foot high. Intoit immediately we both crept, and made a shift to sit there for severalhours, tho very uneasily, and all in mud and wet. But however it didgreatly comfort us in the fright and amazement we were in. 

[They get safely over this Danger. ] So soon as it began to grow dark, we came creeping out of our hollow Tree, and put for it as fast as ourLegs could carry us. And then we crossed that great Road, which all theday before we did expect to come up with, keeping close by the Riverside, and going so long till dark Night stopped us. We kept going thelonger, because we heard the Voice of Men hollowing towards Evening:which created us a fresh disturbance, thinking them to be People thatwere coming to chace us. But at length we heard Elephants behind us, between us and the Voice, which we knew by the noise of cracking theBoughs and small Trees, which they break down and eat. These Elephantswere a very good Guard behind us, and were methought like the Darknessthat came between Israel and the Egyptians. For the People we knewwould not dare to go forwards hearing Elephants before them. 

[They dress Meat and lay down to sleep. ] In this Security we pitchedour Tents by the River side, and boiled Rice and roasted flesh for ourSupper, for we were very hungry, and so commending our selves to God'skeeping laid down to sleep. The Voice which we heard still continued, which lasting so long we knew what it meant; it was nothing but thehollowing of People that lay to watch the Corn Fields, to scare awaythe wild Beasts out of their Corn. Thus we past Monday. 

[They fear wild Men, which these Woods abound with. ] But neverthelessnext Morning so soon as the Moon shone out bright, to prevent theworst we took up our Packs, and were gone: being past all the tameInhabitants with whom we had no more trouble. But the next day wefeared we should come among the wild ones; for these Woods are full ofthem. Of these we were as much afraid as of the other. For they wouldhave carried us back to the King, where we should be kept Prisoners, but these we feared would have shot us, not standing to hear us pleadfor our selves. 

[They meet with many of their Tents. ] And indeed all along as we went, by the sides of the River till we came to the Malabar Inhabitants, had been the Tents of wild Men, made only of Boughs of Trees. But Godbe praised, they were all gone, tho but very lately before we came:as we perceived by the Bones of Cattle, and shells of Fruit, whichlay scattered about. We supposed that want of water had driven themout of the Countrey down to the River side, but since it had rained ashower or two they were gone again. Once about Noon sitting down upona Rock by the River side to take a Pipe of Tobacco and rest our selves;[Very near falling upon the wild People. ] we had almost been discoveredby the Women of these wild People, coming down, as I suppose, to washthemselves in the River. Who being many of them, came talking andlaughing together. At the first hearing of the noise being a gooddistance, we marvailed what it was; sitting still and listning, itcame nearer a little above where we sat; and at last we could plainlydistinguish it to be the Voices of Women and Children. Whereupon wethought it no boot to sit longer, since we could escape undiscovered, and so took up our Bags and fled as fast as we could. 

[What kind of travelling they had. ] Thus we kept travelling every dayfrom Morning till Night, still along the River side, which turned andwinded very crooked. In some places it would be pretty good Travelling, and but few Bushes and Thorns, and in others a great many. So thatour Shoulders and Arms were all of a Gore, being grievously torn andscratched. For we had nothing on us but a clout about our Middles, andour Victuals on our Shoulders, and in our hands a Tallipat and an Ax. 

[Some account of this River. ] The lower we came down this River, theless Water, so that sometimes we could go a Mile or two upon the Sand, and in some places three or four Rivers would all meet together. Whenit happened so, and was Noon, the Sun over our head, and the Waternot running, we could not tell which to follow, but were forced tostay till the Sun was fallen, thereby to judge of our course. Weoften met with Bears, Hogs, Deer, and wild Buffaloes, but all ran sosoon as they saw us. But Elephants we met with no more than that Imentioned before. The River is exceeding full of Aligators all a longas we went; the upper part of it nothing but Rocks. Here and thereby the side of this River is a World of [Ruins. ] hewn Stone Pillars, standing upright, and other heaps of hewn Stones, which I supposeformerly were Buildings. And in three or four places are the ruinsof Bridges built of Stone; some Remains of them yet standing uponStone Pillars. In many places are Points built out into the River likeWharfs, all of hewn Stone; which I suppose have been built for Kingsto sit upon for Pleasure. For I cannot think they ever were employedfor Traffick by Water; the River being so full of Rocks that Boatscould never come up into it. 

[The Woods hereabouts. ] The Woods in all these Northern Parts areshort and shrubbed, and so they are by the River side, and the lowerthe worse; and the Grounds so also. 

[How they secured themselves a nights against wild Beasts. ] In theEvenings we used to pitch our Tent, and make a great Fire both beforeand behind us, that the wild Beasts might have notice where we lay;and we used to hear the Voices of all sorts of them, but, thanks beto God, none ever came near to hurt us. Yet we were the more waryof them, because once a Tiger shewed us a cheat. For having boughta Deer, and having nothing to salt it up in, we packed it up in theHide thereof salted, and laid it under a Bench in an open House, onwhich I lay that Night, and Stephen layd just by it on the Ground, and some three People more lay then in the same House; and in thesaid House a great Fire, and another in the Yard. Yet a Tiger camein the Night, and carried Deer and Hide and all away. But we missingit, concluded it was a Thief. We called up the People that lay byus, and told them what had happened. Who informed us that it wasa Tiger, and with a Torch they went to see which way he had gone, and presently found some of it, which he let drop by the way. Whenit was day we went further, and pickt up more which was scattered, till we came to the Hide it self, which remained uneaten. 

[They pass the River that divides the King's Countrey from theMalabars. ] We had now Travelled till Thursday Afternoon, when wecrossed the River called Coronda oyah which was then quite dry;this parts the King's Countrey from the Maladars. We saw no signof Inhabitants here. The Woods began to be very full of Thorns, and shrubby Bushes with Clifts and broken Land; so that we could notpossibly go in the Woods; but now the River grew better being clearof Rocks, and dry, water only standing in holes. So we marched alongin the River upon the Sand. Hereabouts are far more Elephants thanhigher up: by Day we saw none, but by Night the River is full of them. 

[After four or five days travel they come among Inhabitants. ] Fridayabout Nine or Ten in the Morning we came among the Inhabitants. Forthen we saw the footing of People on the Sand, and tame Cattel withBells about their Necks. Yet we kept on our way right down the River, knowing no other course to take to shun the People. And as we wentstill forwards we saw Coracan Corn, sowed in the Woods, but neitherTowns nor People; nor so much as the Voice of Man. But yet we weresomewhat dismayed, knowing that we were now in a Countrey inhabitedby Malabars. The Wanniounay or Prince of this People for fear payTribute to the Dutch, but stands far more affected towards the Kingof Cande. [But do what they can to avoid them. ] Which made our carethe greater to keep our selves out of his hands; fearing lest if hedid not keep us himself, he might send us up to our old Master. Sothat great was our terror again, lest meeting with People we might bediscovered. Yet there was no means now left us how to avoid the Dangerof being seen. The Woods were so bad, that we could not possiblyTravel in them for Thorns; and to Travel by Night was impossible, it being a dark Moon, and the River a Nights so full of Elephantsand other wild Beasts coming to drink; as we did both hear and seelaying upon the Banks with a Fire by us. They came in such Numbersbecause there was Water for them no where else to be had, the Pondsand holes of Water, nay the River it self in many places being dry. 

[As yet undiscovered. ] There was therefore no other way to be takenbut to Travel on in the River. So down we went into the Sand, and puton as fast as we could set our Legs to the ground, seeing no People(nor I think no body us), only Buffaloes in abundance in the Water. 

CHAP. XI. 

Being in the Malabar Territories, how they encountred two Men, and what passed between them. And of their getting safe unto theDutch Fort. And their Reception there, and at the Island Manaar, until their Embarking for Columbo. 

[They met with two Malabars. To whom they relate their Condition. ] Thuswe went on till about three of the Clock afternoon. At which timecoming about a Point, we came up with two Bramins on a sudden, who weresitting under a Tree boyling Rice. We were within forty paces of them;when they saw us they were amazed at us, and as much afraid of us as wewere of them. Now we thought it better Policy to treat with them thanto flee from them; fearing they might have Bows and Arrows, whereaswe were armed only with Axes in our hands, and Knives by our sides;or else that they might raise the Countrey and pursue us. So we madea stand, and in the Chingulay Language asked their leave to come nearto treat with them, but they did not understand it. But being risen upspake to us in the Malabar Tongue, which we could not understand. Thenstill standing at a distance we intimated our minds to them by signs, beckoning with our hand: which they answered in the same Language. Thenoffering to go towards them, and seeing them to be naked men and noArms near them, we laid our Axes upon the ground with our Bags, lestwe might scare them, if we had come up to them with those weapons inour hands, and so went towards them with only our Knives by our sides:by signs with our hands shewing them our bloody Backs we made themunderstand whence we came, and whither we were going. Which when theyperceived they seemed to commiserate our condition, and greatly toadmire at such a Miracle which God had brought to pass: and as theytalked one to another they lifted up their hands and faces towardsHeaven, often repeating Tombrane which is God in the Malabar Tongue. 

[They are courteous to them. ] And by their signs we understood theywould have us bring our Bags and Axes nearer; which we had no soonerdone, but they brought the Rice and Herbs which they had boiled forthemselves to us, and bad us eat; which we were not fitted to do, having not long before eaten a hearty Dinner of better fare; yetcould not but thankfully accept of their compassion and kindness, and eat as much as we could; and in requital of their courtesie, we gave them some of our Tobacco. Which after much entreating theydid receive, and it pleased them exceedingly. 

[But loathe to conduct them to the Hollander. ] After these civilitiespassed on either side, we began by signs to desire them to gowith us and shew us the way to the Dutch Fort: which they were veryunwilling to do, saying, as by signs and some few words which we couldunderstand, that our greatest danger was past, and that by Night wemight get into the Hollanders Dominions. Yet we being weary with ourtedious journey, and desirous to have a guide, shewed them Money tothe value of five Shillings, being all I had; and offered it them to gowith us. Which together with our great importunity so prevailed, thatone of them took it; and leaving his fellow to carry their Baggage hewent with us about one Mile, and then began to take his leave of us andto return. Which we supposed was to get more from us. Having thereforeno more Money, we gave him a red Tunis Cap and a Knife, for which hewent a Mile farther, and then as before would leave us, signifyingto us, that we were cut of danger, and he could go no further. 

Now we had no more left to give him, but began to perceive, that whatwe had parted withall to him, was but flung away; and altho we mighthave taken all from him again being alone in the Wood, yet we fearedto do it, left thereby we might exasperate him, and so he might givenotice of us to the People, but bad him farewel, after he had conductedus about four or five Miles. And we kept on our journey down the Riveras before, until it was Night, and lodged upon a Bank under a Tree:[In danger of Elephants. ] but were in the way of the Elephants; forin the Night they came and had like to have disturbed us, so thatfor our preservation we were forced to fling Fire brands at them toscare them away. 

The next Morning being Saturday as soon as it was light, having eatento strengthen us, as Horses do Oats before they Travail, we set forthgoing still down the River; the Sand was dry and loose, and so verytedious to go upon: by the side we could not go, being all overgrownwith Bushes. The Land hereabouts was as smooth as a bowling-green, but the Grass clean burt up for want of Rain. 

[They overtake another man, who tells them they were in the DutchDominions. ] Having Travailed about two hours, we saw a Man walking inthe River before, whom we would gladly have shunned, but well couldnot, for he walked down the River as we did, but at a very slow rate, which much hindred us. But we considering upon the distance we hadcome, since we left the Bramin, and comparing with what he told us, we concluded we were in the Hollanders jurisdiction: and so amendedour pace to overtake the Man before us. Whom we perceiving to he freefrom timerousness at the sight of us, concluded he had used to seeWhite-men. Whereupon we asked him, to whom he belonged. He speakingthe Chingulay Language answered, To the Dutch; and also that all theCountry was under their Command, and that we were out of all danger, and that the Fort of Arrepa was but some six miles off. Which didnot a little rejoyce us, we told him, we were of that Nation, andhad made our escape from Cande, where we had been many years kept inCaptivity; and having nothing to give him our selves, we told him, that it was not to be doubted, but the Chief Commander at the Fortwould bountifully reward him, if he would go with us and direct usthither. But whether he doubted of that, or no, or whether he expectedsomething in hand, he excused himself pretending earnest and urgentoccasions that he could not defer: but advised us to leave the River, because it winds so much about, and turn up without fear to the Towns, where the People would direct us the way to the Fort. 

[They Arrive at Arrepa Fort. ] Upon his advice we struck up a Paththat came down to the River, intending to go to a Town, but couldfind none; and there were so many cross Paths that we could not tellwhich way to go: and the Land here so exceedingly low and level, that we could see no other thing but Trees. For altho I got up a Treeto look if I could see the Dutch Fort, or discern any Houses, yet Icould not; and the Sun being right over our heads neither could thatdirect us: insomuch that we wished our selves again in our old friend, the River. So after so much wandring up and down we sat down under aTree waiting until the Sun was fallen, or some People came by. Whichnot long after three or four Malabars did. One of which could speaka little Portugueze. We told these Men, we were Hollanders, supposingthey would be the more willing to go with us, but they proved of thesame temper with the rest before mentioned. For until I gave one ofthem a small Knife to cut Betel-nuts, he would not go with us: but forthe lucre of that he conducted us to a Town. From whence they senta Man with us to the next, and so we were passed from Town to Town, until we arrived at the Fort called Arrepa: it being about four of theClock on Saturday afternoon. October the eighteenth MDCLXXIX. Whichday God grant us grace that we may never forget, when he was pleasedto give us so great a deliverance from such a long Captivity, ofnineteen years, and six Months, and odd days, being taken Prisonerwhen I was nineteen years old, and continued upon the Mountains amongthe Heathen till I attained to Eight and Thirty. 

[He Travailed a Nights in the Woods without fear, and sleptsecurely. ] In this my Flight thro the Woods, I cannot but take noticewith some wonder and great thankfulness, that this Travelling byNight in a desolate Wilderness was little or nothing dreadful to me, whereas formerly the very thoughts of it would seem to dread me, and in the Night when I laid down to rest with wild Beasts round me, I slept as soundly and securely, as ever I did at home in my ownHouse. Which courage and peace I look upon to be the immediate giftof God to me upon my earnest Prayers, which at that time he pouredinto my heart in great measure and fervency. After which I found myself freed from those frights and fears, which usually possessed myheart at other times. 

In short, I look upon the whole Business as a miraculous Providence, and that the hand of God did eminently appear to me, as it did ofold to his People Israel in the like circumstances, in leading andconducting me thro this dreadful Wilderness, and not to suffer anyevil to approach nigh unto me. 

The Hollanders much wondered at our Arrival, it being so strangethat any should escape from Cande; [Entertained very kindly. ] andentertained us very kindly that Night: and the next Morning beingSunday, sent a Corporal with us to Manaar, and a Black Man to carryour few things. 

[Sent to Manaar. Received by the Captain of the Castle. ] At Manaarwe were brought before the Captain of the Castle, the Cheif Governorbeing absent. Who when we came in was just risen from Dinner; hereceived us with a great deal of kindness and bad us set down toeat. It seemed not a little strange to us, who had dwelt so longin Straw Cottages among the Black Heathen, and used to sit on theGround and eat our Meat on Leaves, now to sit on Chairs and eatout of China Dishes at a Table. Where were great Varieties, and afair and sumptuous House inhabited by White and Christian People;we being then in such Habit and Guize, our Natural colour excepted, that we seemed not fit to eat with his Servants, no nor his Slaves. 

[Who intended them to Sail the next day to Jafnapatan. ] After Dinnerthe Captain inquired concerning the Affairs of the King and Countrey, and the condition of their Ambassadors and People there. To all whichwe gave them true and satisfactory Answers. Then he told us, That toMorrow there was a Sloop to sail to Jafnapatan, in which he would sendus to the Commander or Governor, from whence we might have passageto Fort St. George, or any other place on that Coast, according toour desire. After this, he gave us some Money, bidding us go to theCastle, to drink and be merry with our Country-men there. For allwhich kindness giving him many thanks in the Portuguese Language, we took our leaves of him. 

[Here they meet with a Scotch and Irish man. ] When we came to theCourt of Guard at the Castle, we asked the Soldiers if there wereno English men among them. Immediatly there came forth two men tous, the one a Scotchman named Andrew Brown; the other an Irishmanwhose name was Francis Hodges. Who after very kind salutes carriedus unto their Lodgings in the Castle, and entertained us very nobly, according to their Ability, with Rack and Tobacco. 

[The People flock to see them. ] The News of our Arrival being spread inthe Town, the People came flocking to see us, a strange and wonderfulsight! and to enquire about their Husbands, Sons, and Relations, which were Prisoners in Cande. 

In the Evening a Gentleman of the Town sent to invite us to his House, were we were gallantly entertained both with Victuals and Lodging. 

[They are ordered a longer stay. ] The next day being Munday, ready toEmbark for Jafnapatan, came Order from the Captain and Council, thatwe must stay until the Commander of Jafnapatan who was daily expected, came thither. Which we could not deny to do: and order was given to theVictualers of the Soldiers, to provide for us. The Scotch and Irishman were very glad of this Order, that they might have our companylonger; and would not suffer us to spend the Captains benevolence intheir company, but spent freely upon us at their own charges. Thanksbe to God we both continued in health all the time of our Escape:but within three days after we came to Manaar, my Companion fell verySick, that I thought I should have lost him. 

[They embark for Columbo. ] Thus we remained some ten days; at whichtime the expected Commander arrived, and was received with greatceremonies of State. The next day we went before him to receive hisorders concerning us. Which were, to be ready to go with him on themorrow to Columbo, there being a Ship that had long waited in thatRoad to carry him, In which we embarked with him for Columbo. At ourcoming on board to go to Sea, we could not expect but to be Sea-sick, being now as Fresh men, having so long disused the Sea, but it provedotherwise, and we were not in the least stirred. 

CHAP. XII. 

Their Arrival at Columbo, and entertainment there. Their departurethence to Batavia. And from thence to Bantam: Whence they set Sailfor England. 

[They are wondred at Columbo. ] Being arrived safely at Columbo, beforethe Ship came to an Anchor, there came a Barge on board to carry theCommander ashore. But being late in the evening, and my Consort sick ofan Ague and Fevor, we thought it better for us to stay until Morning, to have a day before us. The next morning we bid the Skipper farewel, and went ashore in the first Boat, going strait to the Court of Guard:where all the Soldiers came staring upon us, wondring to see White-menin Chingulay Habit. We asked them if there were no English-men amongthem; they told us, There were none, but that in the City therewere several. A Trumpetter being hard by, who had formerly sailedin English Ships, hearing of us came and invited us to his Chamber, and entertained my Consort being sick of his Ague, in his own Bed. 

[Ordered to appear before the Governour. ] This strange news of ourarrival from Cande, was presently spread all about the City, and allthe English men that were there immediatly come to bid us welcome outof our long Captivity. With whom we consulted how to come to speech ofthe Governour. Upon which one of them went and acquainted the Captainof the Guard of our being on shore. Which the Captain understandingwent and informed the Governour thereof. Who sent us answer that tomorrow we should come before him. 

[Treated by English there. ] After my Consort's Fit was over, ourCountreymen and their Friends invited us abroad, to walk and seethe City. We being barefoot and in the Chingulay Habit, with greatlong Beards, the People much wondred at us, and came flocking to seewho and what we were; so that we had a great Train of People aboutus as we walked in the Streets. After we had walked to and fro, andhad seen the City, they carried us to their Land-Ladies House, wherewe were kindly treated both with Victuals and Drink; and returned tothe Trumpetter's Chamber, as he had desired us, when we went out. Inthe Evening came a Boy from the Governor's House to tell us, that theGovernor invited us to come to Supper at his House. But we having Dinedlate with our Countreymen and their Friends, had no room to receivethe Governor's Kindness: and so Lodged that Night at the Trumpetters. 

[They come into the Governor's presence. His state. ] The next Morningthe Governor, whose Name was Ricklof Van Gons, Son of Ricklof Van GonsGeneral of Batavia, sent for us to his House. Whom we found standing ina large and stately Room, paved with black and white Stones; and onlythe Commander, who brought us from Manaar, standing by him: who wasto succeed him in the Government of that place. On the further sideof the Room stood three of the chief Captains bare-headed. First, He bid us welcom out of our long Captivity, and told us, That wewere free men, and that he should have been glad if he could havebeen an Instrument to redeem us sooner, having endeavoured as muchfor us as for his own People. For all which we thanked him heartily, telling him, We knew it to be true. 

[Matters the Governor enquired of. ] The Governor perceiving I couldspeak the Portugueze Tongue, began to inquire concerning the Affairsof the King and Countrey very particularly, and oftentimes asked aboutsuch Matters as he himself knew better than I. To all his Questionsmy too much Experience inabled me to give a satisfactory Reply. Someof the most remarkable matters he demanded of me were these. 

First, They inquired much about the reason and intent of our comingto Cuttiar. To which I answered them at large. Then they asked, If the King of Cande had any Issue? I told them, As report went, he had none. And, Who were the greatest in the Realm next to him? Ianswered. There were none of Renown left, the King had destroyed themall. How the hearts of the People stood affected? I answered, Muchagainst their King. He being so cruel. If we had never been broughtinto his presence? I told them, No, nor had ever had a near sightof him. What strength he had for War. I answered, Not well able toassault them, by reason the hearts of his People were not true tohim. But that the strength of his Countrey consisted in Mountainsand Woods, as much as in the People. 

What Army he could raise upon occasion? I answered, I knew not well, but as I thought about Thirty Thousand men. 

Why he would not make Peace with them, they so much sueing for it, and sending Presents to please him? I answered, I was not one of hisCouncil, and knew not his meaning. 

But they demanded of me, What I thought might be the reason or occasionof it? I answered, Living securely in the Mountains he feareth none;and for Traffick he regardeth it not. 

Which way was best and most secure to send Spyes or Intelligenceto Cande? I told them, By the way that goeth to Jafniputtan, and bysome of that Countrey People, who have great correspondence with thePeople of Neurecaulava, one of the Kings Countries. 

What I thought would become of that Land after this King's Decease? Itold them, I thought, He having no issue, it might fall into theirhands. 

How many English men had served the King, and what became ofthem? which I gave them an account of. 

Whether I had any Acquaintance or Discourse with the great Men atCourt? I answered, That I was too small to have any Friendship orIntimacy, or hold Discourse with them. 

How the common People used to talk concerning them? I answered, They used much to commend their Justice and good Government in theTerritories, and over the People belonging unto them. 

Whether the King did take Counsel of any, or rule and act only byhis own will and pleasure? I answered, I was a Stranger at Court, and how could I know that?

But, they asked further, What was my Opinion? I replied, He is sogreat, that there is none great enough to give him counsel. 

Concerning the French, If the King knew not of their coming beforethey came? I answered, I thought, not, because their coming seemedstrange and wonderful unto the People. 

How they had proceeded in treating with the King? I answered, as shallbe related hereafter; when I come to speak of the French detained inthis Land. 

If I knew any way or means to be used whereby the Prisoners in Candemight be set free? I told them, Means I knew none, unless they coulddo it by War. 

Also they enquired about the manner of Executing those whom theKing commands to be put to Death. They enquired also very curiouslyconcerning the manner of our Surprizal, and Entertainment or Usageamong them. And in what parts of the Land we had our Residence. Andparticularly, concerning my self: in what Parts of the Land, andhow long in each I had dwelt, and after what manner I lived there, and of my Age; and in what Part or Place when God sends me home, I should take up my abode. To all which I gave answers. 

They desired to know also, how many English men there were yetremaining behind. I gave them an account of Sixteen Men, and also ofEighteen Children born there. They much enquired concerning theirEmbassadors detained there, and of their behaviour and manner ofliving; also what the King allowed them for Maintenance; and concerningseveral Officers of Quality Prisoners there, and in general aboutall the rest of their Nation. And what Countenance the King shewed tothose Dutch men that came running away to him? I answered, The DutchRunnawayes the King looks upon as Rogues. And concerning the Portuguezethey enquired also. I told them, The Portugueze were about some fiftyor threescore persons, and six or seven of those, Europe men born. 

They asked me moreover, How we had made our Escape, and which way, and by what Towns we passed, and how long we were in our Journey? Toall which I answered at large. 

[The Governor desires him to go to Batavia. ] Then the Governor askedme, What was my intent and desire. I told him, To have Passage to ourown Nation at Fort S. GEORGE. To which he answered, That suddenlythere would be no convenient opportunity. But his desire was thatwe would go with him to Batavia, where the General his Father wouldbe very glad to see us. Which was not in our power to deny. Then hecommanded to call a Dutch Captain, who was over the Countreys adjacent, subject to their jurisdiction. To him he gave Order to take us hometo his House, and there well to entertain us, [Cloths them. ] andalso to send for a Tailor to make us Cloths. Upon which I told him, his Kindness shewn us already was more than we could have desired;it would be a sufficient favour now to supply us with a little Moneyupon a Bill to be paid at Fort S. George, that we might therewithCloth our selves. To which he answered, That he would not deny me anySum I should demand, and Cloth us upon his own account besides. Forwhich we humbly thanked his Lordship: and so took our leaves of him;and went home with the aforesaid Captain. 

[Sends them Money. ] The Governor presently sent me Money by hisSteward for Expences when we walked abroad in the City. We werenobly entertained without lack of any thing all the time we stayedat Columbo. My Consort's Ague increased, and grew very bad; [And aChirurgeon. ] but the chief Chirurgeon by order daily came to see him, and gave him such Potions of Physick, that by God's Blessing he soonafter recovered. 

[The Author writes a Letter to the English at Cande. ] During mybeing here, I writ a Letter to my fellow Prisoners I left behind mein Cande. Wherein I described at large the way we went, they mightplainly understand the same. Which I finding to be safe and secure, advised them, when God permitted, to steer the same course. ThisLetter I left with the new Governor, and desired him when opportunitypresented, to send it to them. Who said he would have it Copied outinto Dutch for the benefit of their Prisoners there, and promised tosend both together. 

[The former Demands and Answers penned down in Portugueze by theGovernor's order. ] The Governor seemed to be pleased with my aforesaidRelations, and Replies to his Demands, insomuch that he afterwardsappointed one that well understood Portugueze to write down all theformer particulars. Which being done, for further satisfaction theybrought me Pen and Paper, desiring me to write the same that I hadrelated to them in English and sign it with my hand, which I was notunwilling to do. 

[They Embark for Batavia. ] Upon the Governor's departure there weregreat and royal Feasts made. To which he always sent for me. Herewere exceeding great Varieties of Food, Wine, and sweet Meats, andMusick. Some two and twenty days after our Arrival at Columbo, theGovernor went on board ship to sail to Batavia, and took us withhim. At which time there were many Scores of Ordnance fired. WeSailed all the way with Flag and Penant under it, being out bothDay and Night, in a Ship of about Eight hundred Tuns Burthen; anda Soldier standing armed Sentinel at the Cabin door both Night andDay. He so far favoured me, that I was in his own Mess, and eat athis Table. Where every Meal we had Ten or Twelve Dishes of Meat withvariety of Wine. We set Sail from Columbo the Four and twentieth ofNovember, and the Fifth of January anchored in Batavia Road. 

[His friendly Reception at Batavia with the Governor. ] As we came togreater Men so we found greater Kindness; for the General of Batavia'sReception of us, and favours to us exceeded (if possible) those of theGovernor his Son. As soon as we came before him, seeming to be veryglad, he took me by the hand and bad us heartily welcom, thanking Godon our behalf that had appeared so miraculously in our deliverance;telling us withal, That he had omitted no means for our Redemption, and that if it had layd in his Power, we should long before have hadour Liberty. I humbly thanked his Excellency, and said, That I knewit to be true; and that tho it missed of an effect, yet his good willwas not the less, neither were our Obligations, being ever bound tothank and pray for him. 

[Furnishes them with the Cloths and Money. ] Then his own Tailorwas ordered to take measure of us, and furnish us with two Sutes ofApparel. He gave us also Moneys for Tobacco and Betel, and to spendin the City. All the time we stayed there, our Quarters were inthe Captain of the Castle's House. And oftentimes the General wouldsend for me to his own Table, at which sat only himself and Lady;who was all bespangled with Diamonds and Pearls. Sometimes his Sonsand Daughters-in-Law, with some other Strangers did eat with him;the Trumpet founding all the while. We finding our selves thus kindlyentertained, and our Habits changed, saw, that we were no more Captivesin Cande, nor yet Prisoners elsewhere; therefore cut off our Beardswhich we had brought with us out of our Captivity; for until then wecut them not; God having rolled away the reproach of Cande from us. 

Here also they did examine me again concerning the passages of Cande, causing all to be writ down which I said, and requiring my hand to thesame. Which I refused, as I had done before, and upon the same account, because I understood not the Dutch Language. Whereupon they persuadedme to write a Certificate upon another Paper under my Hand, that whatI had informed them of, was true. Which I did. This Examination wastaken by two Secretaries, who were appointed to demand Answers of meconcerning the King of Ceilon and his Countrey: which they committedto Writing from my mouth. 

[Offer him passage in their Ships. ] The General's youngest Sonbeing to go home Admiral of the Ships this year, the General kindlyoffered us passage upon their Ships, promising me Entertainment athis Son's own Table, as the Governor of Columbo had given me in myVoyage hither. Which offer he made me, he said, That I might bettersatisfie their Company in Holland concerning the Affairs of Ceilon, which they would be very glad to know. 

[Come home from Bantam in the Cćsar. ] At this time came two EnglishMerchants hither from Bantam, with whom the General was pleased topermit us to go. But when we came to Bantam, the English Agent verykindly entertained us, and being not willing, that we should go tothe Dutch for Passage, since God had brought us to our own Nation, ordered our Passage in the good Ship Cćsar lying then in the Road, bound for England, the Land of our Nativity, and our long wishedfor Port. Where by the good Providence of God we arrived safe in theMonth of September. 

CHAP. XIII. 

Concerning some other Nations, and chiefly Europćans, that now livein this Island. Portugueze, Dutch. 

Having said all this concerning the English People, it may notbe unacceptable to give some account of other Whites, who eithervoluntarily or by constraint Inhabit there. And they are, besides theEnglish already spoken of, Portugueze, Dutch, and French. But beforeI enter upon Discourse of any of these, I shall detain my Readersa little with another Nation inhabiting in this Land, I mean, theMalabars; both because they are Strangers and derive themselves fromanother Countrey, and also because I have had occasion to mentionthem sometimes in this Book. 

[Concerning Malabars that inhabit this Island. TheirTerritories. ] These Malabars then are voluntary Inhabitants in thisIsland, and have a Countrey here; tho the Limits of it are but small:it lyes to the Northward of the King's Coasts betwixt him and theHollander. Corunda Wy River parts it from the King's Territories. Throthis Countrey we passed, when we made our Escape. The Language theyspeak is peculiar to themselves, so that a Chingulays cannot understandthem, nor they a Chingulays. 

[Their Prince. ] They have a Prince over them, called Coilat wannea, that is independent either upon the King of Cande on one hand, or the Dutch on the other, only that he pays an acknowledgment tothe Hollanders. Who have endeavoured to subdue him by Wars, but theycannot yet do it: yet they have brought him to be a Tributary to them, viz. To pay a certain rate of Elephants per annum. The King and thisPrince maintain a Friendship and Correspondence together. And whenthe King lately sent an Army against the Hollanders, this Prince letthem pass thro his Countrey; and went himself in Person to directthe King's People, when they took one or two Forts from them. 

[The People how governed. ] The People are in great subjection underhim: they pay him rather greater Taxes than the Chingulays do to theirKing. But he is nothing so cruel. He Victualleth his Soldiers duringthe time they are upon the Guard, either about the Palace or abroadin the Wars: they are now fed at his Charge: whereas 'tis contraryin the King's Countrey; for the Chingulay Soldiers bear their ownExpences. He hath a certain rate out of every Land that is sown, which is to maintain his Charge. 

[Their Commodities and Trade. ] The Commodities of this Countrey are, Elephants, Hony, Butter, Milk, Wax, Cows, wild Cattel: of the threelast great abundance. As for Corn it is more scarce than in theChingulays Countrey; neither have they any Cotton. But they come upinto Neure Caulava yearly with great droves of Cattel, and lade bothCorn and Cotton. And to buy these they bring up Cloth made of the sameCotton, which they can make better than the Chingulays; also theybring Salt and Salt Fish, and brass Basons, and other Commodities, which they get of the Hollander: because the King permits not hisPeople to have any manner of Trade with the Hollander; so they receivethe Dutch Commodities at the second hand. 

[Concerning the Portugueze. Their Power and Interest in this Islandformerly. ] We now proceed unto the Europćan Nations. And we beginwith the Portugueze, who deserve the first place, being the oldestStanders there. 

The Sea-Coasts round about the Island were formerly under their Powerand Government, and so held for many years. In which time many of theNatives became Christians, and learned the Portugueze Tongue. Whichto this day is much spoken in that Land: for even the King himselfunderstands and speaks it excellently well. The Portugueze haveoften made Invasions throughout the whole Land, even to Cande theMetropolis of the Island. Which they have burnt more than once, with the Palace and the Temples: and so formidable have they been, that the King hath been forced to turn Tributary to them, payingthem three Elephants per Annum. However the middle of this Island, viz. Cand' Uda, standing upon Mountains, and so strongly fortified, by Nature, could never be brought into subjection by them, much lessby any other, but hath always been under the Power of their own Kings. 

[The great Wars between the King and them, force him to send in forthe Hollanders. ] There were great and long Wars between the King ofCeilon and the Portugueze: and many of the brave Portugal Generalsare still in memory among them: of whom I shall relate some passagespresently. Great vexation they gave the King by their irruptionsinto his Dominions, and the Mischiefs they did him, tho oftentimeswith great loss on their side. Great Battels have been lost and wonbetween them, with great destruction of Men on both parts. But beinggreatly distressed at last, he sent and called in the Hollander tohis aid. By whose reasonable assistance together with his own Arms, the King totally disposessed the Portugueze, and routed them out ofthe Land. Whose rooms the Dutch now occupy, paying themselves fortheir pains. 

[The King invites the Portugueze to live in his Countrey. ] At theSurrender of Columbo, which was the last place the Portugueze held, the King made Proclamation, That all Portugueze, which would comeunto him, should be well entertained. Which accordingly many did, with their whole Families, Wives, Children, and Servants, choosingrather to be under him than the Dutch, and divers of them are aliveto this day, living in Cande Uda; and others are born there. [TheirPrivileges. ] To all whom he alloweth monthly maintenance; yea also, and Provisions for their Slaves and Servants, which they broughtup with them. This People are privileged to Travel the Countreysabove all other Whites, as knowing they will not run away. Also whenthere was a Trade at the Sea Ports, they were permitted to go downwith Commodities, clear from all Customs and Duties. Besides thesewho came voluntarily to live under the King, there are others whomhe took Prisoners. The Portugueze of the best Quality the King tookinto his Service, who are most of them since cut off according to hiskind Custom towards his Courtiers. The rest of them have allowancefrom that King, and follow Husbandry, Trading about the Countrey, Stilling Rack, keeping Taverns; the Women sew Womens Wastcoats, the Men sew Mens Doublets for Sale. 

[Their Generals. ] I shall now mention some of the last PortuguezeGenerals, all within this present King's Reign, with some passagesconcerning them. 

[Constantine &c. ] Constantine Sa, General of the Portugals Armyin Ceilon, when the Portugueze had footing in this Land, was verysuccessful against this present King. He ran quite thro the Islandunto the Royal City it self, which he set on Fire with the Templestherein. Insomuch that the King sent a Message to him signifying, that he was willing to become his Tributary. But he proudly sent himword back again, That that would not serve his turn; He should notonly he Tributary, but Slave to his Master the King of Portugal. Thisthe King of Cande could not brook, being of an high Stomach, andsaid, He would fight to the last drop of Blood, rather than stoop tothat. There were at this time many Commanders in the Generals Armywho were natural Chingulays; with these the King dealt secretly, assuring them that if they would turn on his side, he would gratifiethem with very ample Rewards. The King's Promises took effect; andthey all revolted from the General. The King now daring not to trustthe Revolted, to make tryal of their Truth and Fidelity, put themin the forefront of his Battel, and commanded them to give the firstOnset. The King at that time might have Twenty or Thirty thousand Menin the Field. Who taking their opportunity, set upon the PortuguezeArmy, and gave them such a total overthrow, that as they report inthat Countrey not one of them escaped. The General seeing this Defeat, and himself like to be taken, called his Black Boy to give him waterto drink, [He loses a Victory and stabs himself. ] and snatching theKnife that stuck by his Boy's side, stabbed himself with it. 

[Lewis Tisséra served as he intended to serve the King. ] AnotherGeneral after him was Lewis Tifféra. He swore he would make the Kingeat Coracan Tallipa, that is a kind hasty Pudding, made of Waterand the Coracan Flower; which is reckoned the worst fare of thatIsland. The King afterwards took this Lewis Tisséra, and put him inChains in the Common Goal, and made him eat of the same fare. Andthere is a Ballad of this Man and this passage, Sung much among thecommon People there to this day. 

[Simon Caree, of a cruel Mind. ] Their next General was SimonCaree, a Natural Chingulays, but Baptized. He is said to be a greatCommander. When he had got any Victory over the Chingulays, he didexercise great Cruelty. He would make the Women beat their own Childrenin their Mortars, wherein they used to beat their Corn. 

[Gaspar Figari Splits Men in the middle. ] Gaspar Figari, had aPortugueze Father and Chingulays Mother. He was the last General theyhad in this Countrey. And a brave Soldier: but degenerated not fromhis Predecessors in Cruelty. He would hang up the People by the heels, and split them down the middle. He had his Axe wrapped in a whiteCloth, which he carried with him into the Field to execute those hesuspected to be false to him, or that ran away. Smaller Malefactorshe was merciful to, cutting off only their right hands. Several whomhe hath so served, are yet living, whom I have seen. 

[His Policy. ] This Gaspar came up one day to fight against the King, and the King resolved to fight him. The General fixed his Camp atMotaupul in Hotteracourly. And in order to the King's coming down tomeet the Portugueze, Preparation was made for him at a place calledCota coppul, which might be Ten or Twelve miles distant from thePortugueze Army. Gaspar knew of the place by some Spies; but of thetime of the Kings coming he was informed, that it was a day sooner thanreally it happened. According to this information he resolved privatlyto march thither, and come upon him in the night unawares. And becausehe knew the King was a Polititian, and would have his Spies abroad towatch the Generals motion, the General sent for all the Drummers andPipers to Play and Dance in his Camp, that thereby the Kings Spiesmight not suspect that he was upon the March, but merry and secure inhis Camp. In the mean time, having set his People all to their Dancingand Drumming, he left a small party there to secure the Baggage, andaway he goes in the night with his Army, and arrives to Catta coppul, intending to fall upon the King. But when he came thither, he foundthe King was not yet come: but into the Kings Tents he went, and, sits him down in the seat appointed for the King. [Gives the Kinga great overthrow. ] Here he heard where the King was with his Camp:which being not far off, he marched thither in the morning and fellupon him: and gave him one of the greatest Routs that ever he had. TheKing himself made a narrow escape; for had it not been for a DutchCompany, which the Dutch had sent a little before for his Guard, who after his own Army fled, turned head and stopped the Portuguezefor a while, he had been seized. The Portugueze General was so nearthe King, that he called after him, Houre, that is Brother, stay, I would speak with you, but the King being got a top of the Hills;was safe. And so Gaspar retyred to his Quarters. 

[Looses Columbo, and taken Prisoner. ] This Gallant expert Commander, that had so often vanquished the Chingulays, could not cope withanother Europćan Nation. For when the Hollanders came to beseigeColumbo, he was sent against them with his Army. They told him beforehe went, that now he must look to himself, for he was not now to Fightagainst Chingulays, but against Soldiers, that would look him in theFace. But he made nothing of them, and said, he would serve them as hehad served the Chingulays. The Hollanders met him, and they fought:but had before contrived a Stratagem, which he was not aware of:they had placed some Field-pieces in the Rear of their Army. Andafter a small skirmish they retreated as if they had been worsted;which was only to draw the Portugueze nearer upon their Guns. Whichwhen they had brought them in shot of, they opened on a suddain tothe right and left, and fired upon them, and so routed them, anddrove them into Columbo. This Gaspar was in the City when it wastaken, and himself taken Prisoner. Who was afterwards sent to Goa, where he died. And so much of the Portugueze. 

[The Dutch the occasion of their coming in. ] The Dutch succeeded thePortugueze. The first occasion of whose coming into this Land was, thatthe present King being wearied and overmatched with the Portugueze, sent for them into his aid long ago from Batavia. And they did himgood service, but they feathered their own nests by the means, andare now possessed of all the Sea-Coasts, and considerable Territoriesthereunto adjoyning. 

[The King their implacable enemy, and why!] The King of the Countreykeeps up an irreconcileable War against them. The occasion of whichis said to be this. Upon the beseiging of Columbo, which was aboutthe year MDCLV. It was concluded upon between the King and the Dutch, that their Enemies the Portugueze being expelled thence, the Citywas to be delivered up by the Dutch into the Kings hands. Whereuponthe King himself in person with all his Power went down to this Warto assist and joyn with the Hollanders, without whose help, as it isgenerally reported, the Dutch could not have taken the City. But beingsurrendred to them, and they gotten into it, the King lay looking, when they would come according to their former Articles, and puthim into possession of it. Mean while they turned on a suddain &fell upon him, contrary to his expectation (whether the King hadfirst broke word with them, ) and took Bag and Baggage from him:Which provoked him in so high a manner, that he maintains a constanthostility against them, detains their Ambassadours, and forbids hisPeople upon pain of Death to hold Commerce with them. 

[The dammage the King does them. ] So that the Dutch have enough todo to maintain those places which they have. Oftentimes the King atunawares falls upon them and does them great spoil, sometimes givingno quarter, but cutting off the Heads of whomsoever he catches, which are brought up, and hung upon Trees near the City, many ofwhich I have seen. Sometimes he brings up his Prisoners alive, andkeeps them by the Highway sides, a spectacle to the People in memoryof his Victories over them: many of these are now living there in amost miserable condition, having but a very small Allowance from him;so that they are forced to be, and it is a favour when they can getleave to go abroad and do it. 

[The means they use to obtain Peace with him. ] The Dutch thereforenot being able to deal with him by the Sword, being unacquaintedwith the Woods and the Chingulays manner of fighting, do endeavourfor Peace with him all they can, dispatching divers Embassadours tohim, and sending great Presents, by carrying Letters to him in greatState wrapped up in Silks wrought with Gold and Silver, bearing themall the way upon their Heads in token of great Honour, honouring himwith great and high Titles, subscribing themselves his Subjects andServants, telling him the Forts they build are out of Loyalty to him, to secure his Majesties Country from Forraign Enemies; and that whenthey come up into his Countrey, tis to seek maintenance. And by theseFlatteries and submissions they sometimes obtain to keep what they keepwhat they have gotten from him, and sometimes nothing will prevail, he neither regarding their Embassadours nor receiving the Presents, buttaking his opportunities on a suddain of setting on them by his Forces. 

[How he took Bibligom Fort. ] His Craft and Success in taking BibligomFort in the County of Habberagon, may deserve to be mentioned. TheChingulays had beseiged the Fort: and knowing the Dutch had no Waterthere; but all they had was conveyed thro a Trench wrought underGround from a River near by, they beseiged them so close, and plantedso many Guns towards the mouth of this Trench, that they could notcome out to fetch Water. They cut down Wood also, and made bundlesof Faggots therewith, which they piled up round about their Fort atsome distance, and every night removed them nearer and nearer. Sothat their works became higher than the Fort. Their main intent bythese Faggot-works, was to have brought them just under the Fort, andthen to have set it on Fire, the Walls of the Fort being for the mostpart of Wood. There was also a Bo-gahah Tree growing just by the Fort:on which they planted Guns and shot right down into them. The housesin the Fort being Thatched, they shot also Fire-Arrows among them:So that the beseiged were forced to pull off the Straw from theirHouses, which proved a great inconvenience to them being a RainySeason: so that they lay open to the weather and cold. The Dutchfinding themselves in this extremity desired quarter which was grantedthem at the Kings mercy. They came out and laid down their Arms, allbut the Officers, who still wore theirs. None were plundered of anything they had about them. The Fort they demolished to the Ground, and brought up the Four Guns to the Kings Palace; where they amongothers stand mounted in very brave Carriages before his Gate. 

The Dutch were brought two or three days journey from the Fort intothe Countrey they call Owvah: and there were placed with a Guardabout them, having but a small allowance appointed them; insomuch thatafterwards having spent what they had, they perished for Hunger. Sothat of about ninety Hollanders taken Prisoners, there were not abovefive and twenty living when I came away. 

[Several Embassadors detained by the King. ] There are several whiteEmbassadours, besides other Chingulay People, by whom the Dutch havesent Letters and presents to the King whom he keeps from returningback again. They are all bestowed in several houses with Soldiersto Guard them: And tho they are not in Chains, yet none is permittedto come to them or speak with them; it not being the custom of thatLand for any to come to the speech of Embassadours. Their allowanceis brought them ready dressed out of the Kings Palace, being allsorts of Varieties, that the Land affords. After they have remainedin this condition some years, the Guards are somewhat slackned, andthe Soldiers that are to watch them grow remiss in their Duty; sothat now the Ambassadours walk about the Streets, and any body goesto their houses and talks with them: that is, after they have beenso long in the Countrey, that all their news is stale and grown outof date. But this liberty is only winked at, not allowed. When theyhave been there a great while, the King usually gives them Slaves, both men and women, the more to alienate their minds from their ownCountry, and that they may stay with him with the more willingnessand content. For his design is, to make them, if he can, inclinableto serve him. As he prevailed with one of these Embasssadours to dofor the love of a woman. The manner of it I shall relate immediatly. 

There are five Embassadors whom he hath thus detained since my comingthere; of each of whom I shall speak a little, besides two, whom hesent away voluntarily. 

[The first Embassador there detained since the Authorsremembrance. ] The first of these was sent up by the Hollanders sometime before the Rebellion against the King; Who had detained him inthe City. After the Rebellion the King sent for him to him to theMountain of Gauluda whither he had retreated from the Rebels. TheKing not long after removed to Digligy, where he now keeps his Court, but left the Embassador at Gauluda remaining by himself, with aGuard of Soldiers. In this uncomfortable condition, upon a dismalMountain void of all society, he continued many days. During whichtime a Chingulay and his Wife falls out, and she being discontentedwith her Husband to escape from him flies to this Embassadors housefor shelter. The woman being somewhat beautiful, he fell greatly inlove with her. And to obtain her he sent to the King, and proferedhim his service, if he would permit him to enjoy her company, Whichthe King was very willing and glad to do, having now obtained thatwhich he had long aimed at, to get him into his service. 

[His preferment, and death. ] Hereupon the King sent him word that hegranted his desire, and withall sent to both of them rich Apparel, and to her many Jewels and Bracelets of Gold and Silver. Suddainlyafter there was a great House prepared from them in the City, furnishedwith all kind of furniture out of the Kings Treasure and at his propercost and charges. Which being finished he was brought away from hisMountain into it. But from thence forward never saw his Wife more, according to the custom of Court. And he was entertained in the KingsService, and made Courtalbad, which is cheif over all the Smiths andCarpenters in Cande Uda. Some short time after the King about to sendhis Forces against a Fort of the Hollanders, called Arundery builtby them in the year MDCLXVI. He tho in the Kings service, yet beinga well wisher to his Countrey, had privatly sent a Letter of adviceto the Dutch concerning the Kings intention and purpose, an Answerto which was intercepted and brought to the King, wherein thankswas returned him from the Dutch for his Loyalty to his own Nation, and nhut they would accordingly prepare for the Kings assault. TheKing having this Letter, sent for him, and bad him read it, which heexcused pretending it was so written, that he could not. Whereuponimmediatly another Dutchman was sent for, who read it before the King, and told him the Contents of it. At which it is reported the Kingshould say, Beia pas mettandi hitta pas ettandi, That is, He servesme for fear, and them for love; or his fear is here and his loveis there; And forth with commanded to carry him forth to Execution:which was accordingly done upon him. Tis generally said, that thisLetter was framed by somebody on purpose to ruine him. 

[The next Embassador dying there his Body is sent down to Columboin great State. ] The next Ambassador after him was Hendrick Draak;a fine Gentleman, and good friend of the English. This was he whowas Commissioned in the year MDCLXIV. To intercede with the King onthe behalf of the English, that they might have liberty to go home, and with him they were made to beleive they should return: whichhappened at the same time that Sir Edward Winter sent his Letters tothe King for us. Which I have already spoke of in the fifth Chapterof this Part. This Embassador was much in the Kings favour, with whomhe was detained till he died. And then the King sent his Body downto Columbo carried in a Pallenkine with great State and Lamention, and accompanied with his great Commanders, and many Soldiers. 

[The third Embassador. Gets away by his resolution. ] Sometime afterthe loss of the Fort of Arrundery which was about the year MDCLXX. TheDutch sent up another Embassador to see if he could obtain a Peace, which was the first time their Embassadors began to bring up Lettersupon their heads in token of extraordinary reverence. This man wasmuch favoured by the King, and was entertained with great Ceremonyand Honour, cloathing him in Chingulay Habit, Which I never knew donebefore nor since. But being weary of his long stay, and of the delaysthat were made; having often made motions to go down, and stillhe was deferred from day to day, at length he made a resolution, that if he had not leave by such a day, he would go without it;saying that the former Embassador who died there, died like a Woman, but it should be seen that he would die like a man. At the appointedday, he girt on his Sword, and repaired to the Gates of the KingsPalace, pulling off his Hat, and making his obeysance as if theKing were present before him, and thanking him for the Favours andHonours he had done him, and so took his leave. And there being someEnglishmen present, he generously gave them some money to drink hisHealth; and in this resolute manner departed, with some two or threeBlack-servants that attended on him. The upshot of which was, thatthe King, not being willing to prevent his resolution by Violence, sent one of his Noblemen to conduct him down; and so he had the goodfortune to get home safely to Columbo. 

[The fourth was of a milder Nature. ] The next Ambassador after him wasJohn Baptista. A Man of a milder Spirit than the former, endeavouringto please and shew compliance with the King. He obtained many Favoursof the King, and several Slaves both Men and Women. And living wellwith Servants about him, is the more patient in waiting the King'sleisure till he pleaseth to send him home. 

[The fifth brings a Lion to the King as a Present. ] The lastEmbassador that came up while I was there, brought up a Lion:which the Dutch thought would be the most acceptable Present thatthey could send to the King, as indeed did all others. It was but aWhelp. But the King did never receive it, supposing it not so famousas he had heard by Report Lions were. This Man with his Lion wasbrought up and kept in the County of Oudapollat, near Twenty Milesfrom the King's Court. Where he remained about a year, in whichtime the Lion died. The Embassador being weary of living thus likea Prisoner with a Guard always upon him, often attempted to go back, seeing the King would not permit him Audience. But the Guards wouldnot let him. Having divers times made disturbances in this mannerto get away home, the King commanded to bring him up into the Cityto an House that was prepared for him, standing some distance fromthe Court. Where having waited many days, and seeing no sign ofAudience, he resolved to make his Appearance before the King byforce, which he attempted to do, when the King was abroad taking hisPleasure. The Soldiers of his Guard immediately ran, and acquaintedthe Noblemen at Court of his coming, who delayed not to acquaint theKing thereof. Whereupon the King gave Order forthwith to meet him, and where they met him, in that same place to stop him till furtherorder. And there they kept him, not letting him go either forwardor backward. In this manner and place he remained for three days, till the King sent Order that he might return to his House whence hecame. This the King did to tame him. But afterwards he was pleased tocall him before him. And there he remained when I left the Countrey, maintained with Plenty of Provisions at the King's charge. 

[The number of Dutch there. ] The number of Dutch now living theremay be about Fifty or Sixty. Some whereof are Ambassadors, somePrisoners of War, some Runaways, and Malefactors that have escapedthe hand of Justice and got away from the Dutch Quarters. To all whomare allotted respective allowances, but the Runaways have the least, the King not loving such, tho giving them entertainment. 

[They follow their Vice of Drinking. ] The Dutch here love Drink, andpractise their proper Vice in this Countrey. One who was a great Man inthe Court, would sometimes come into the King's Presence half disguisedwith Drink, which the King often past over; but once asked Him, Why doyou thus disorder yourself, that when I send for you about my Business, you are not in a capacity to serve me? He boldly replied, That as soonas his Mother took away her Milk from him, she supplied it with Wine, and ever since, saith he, I have used myself to it. With this answerthe King seemed to be pleased. And indeed the rest of the white Menare generally of the same temper: insomuch that the Chingulays havea saying, That Wine is as natural to white Men, as Milk to Children. 

[The Chingulays prejudiced against the Dutch, and why. ] All differencesof Ranks and Qualities are disregarded among those Chingulay Peoplethat are under the Dutch. Neither do the Dutch make any distinctionbetween the Hondrews, and the low and Inferior Casts of Men: andpermit them to go in the same Habit, and sit upon Stools, as well asthe best Hondrews; and the lower Ranks may eat and intermarry with thehigher without any Punishment, or any Cognizance taken of it. Which isa matter that the Chingulays in Cand' Uda are much offended with theDutch for; and makes them think, that they themselves are sprung fromsome mean Rank and Extract. And this prejudiceth this People againstthem, that they have not such an Esteem for them. For to a Chingulayhis Rank and Honour is as dear as his life. And thus much of the Dutch. 

CHAP. XIV. 

Concerning the French: With some Enquiries what should make theKing detain white Men as he does. And how the Christian Religion ismaintained among the Christians there. 

[The French come hither with a Fleet. ] About the year MDCLXXII. OrLXXIII, there came Fourteen Sail of great Ships from the King of Franceto settle a Trade here. Monsieur De la Hay Admiral, put in with thisFleet, into the Port of Cottiar. From whence he sent up Three men byway of Embassy to the King of Cande. Whom he entertained very Nobly, and gave every one of them a Chain of Gold about their Necks, and aSword all inlay'd with Silver, and a Gun. And afterwards sent oneof them down to the Admiral with his Answer. Which encouraged himto send up others: that is, an Ambassador and six more. Who were toreside there till the return of the Fleet back again, being about toSail to the Coast. 

[To whom the King sends Provisions, and helps them to build a Fort. ] Tothe Fleet the King sent all manner of Provision, as much as his Abilitycould afford: and not only permitted but assisted them to build aFort in the Bay. Which they manned partly with their own People, andpartly with Chingulays, whom the King sent and lent the French. Butthe Admiral finding that the King's Provisions, and what else couldbe bought in the Island would not suffice for so great a Fleet, wasforced to depart for the Coast of Coromandel; promising the King, by the Ambassador afore-mentioned, speedily to return again. Soleaving some of his Men with the King's Supplies to keep the Forttill his return, he weighed Anchor, and set sail. But never cameback again. Some reported they were destroyed by a Storm, othersby the Dutch. The Admiral had sent up to the King great Presents, but he would not presently receive them, that it might not seem asif he wanted any thing, or were greedy of things brought him: butsince the French returned not according to their promise, he scornedever after to receive them. At first he neglected the Present out ofState, and ever since out of Anger and Indignation. This French Fortat Cotiar was a little after easily taken by the Dutch. 

[The French Ambassador offends the King. ] But to return to theEmbassador and his Retinue. He rode up from Cotiar on Horseback, whichwas very Grand in that Countrey. And being with his Company gottensomewhat short of the City, was appointed there to stay, until anHouse should be prepared in the City for their Entertainment. When itwas signified to him that their House was ready for their Reception, they were conducted forward by certain Noblemen sent by the King, carrying with them a Present for his Majesty. The Ambassador cameriding on Horse-back into the City. Which the Noblemen observing, dissuaded him from, and advised him to walk on foot; telling him, It was not allowable, nor the Custom. But he regarding them not, rode by the Palace Gate. It offended the King, but he took not muchnotice of it for the present. 

[He refuses to wait longer for Audience. ] The Ambassador alightedat his Lodgings. Where he and his Companions were nobly Entertained, Provisions sent them ready Dressed out of the King's Palace three timesa day, great Plenty they had of all things the Countrey afforded. Aftersome time the King sent to him to come to his Audience. In greatState he was Conducted to the Court, accompanied with several of theNobles that were sent to him. Coming thus to the Court in the Night, as it is the King's usual manner at that Season to send for foreignMinisters, and give them Audience, he waited there some small time, about two hours or less, the King not yet admitting him. Whichhe took in such great disdain, and for such an affront, that hewas made to stay at all, much more so long, that he would tarry nolonger but went towards his Lodging. Some about the Court observingthis, would have stopped him by Elephants that stood in the Court, turning them before the Gate thro which he was to pass. But he wouldnot so be stopped, but laid his hand upon his Sword, as if he meantto make his way by the Elephants; the People seeing his resolution, called away the Elephants and let him pass. 

[Which more displeased the King. Clapt in chains. ] As soon as the Kingheard of it, he was highly displeased; insomuch that he commandedsome of his Officers, that they should go and beat them, and clapthem in Chains: which was immediately done to all excepting the twoGentlemen, that were first sent up by the Admiral: for these were nottouched, the King reckoning they did not belong unto this Ambassador;neither were they now in his Company; excepting that one of them inthe Combustion got a few Blows. They were likewise disarmed, and sohave continued ever since. Upon this the Gentlemen, Attendants uponthe Embassador, made their Complaints to the Captain of their Guards, excusing themselves, and laying all the blame upon their Ambassador;urging, That they were his Attendants, and a Soldier must obey hisCommander and go where he appoints him. Which sayings being toldthe King, he approved thereof, and commanded them out of Chains, the Ambassador still remaining in them, and so continued for sixMonths. After which he was released of his Chains by means of theIntreaties his own men made to the great Men in his behalf. 

[The rest of the French refuse to dwell with the Ambassador. ] The restof the French men, seeing how the Embassador's imprudent carriagehad brought them to this misery, refused any longer to dwell withhim. And each of them by the King's Permission dwells by himselfin the City; being maintained at the King's charge. Three of these, whose Names were Monsieur Du Plessy, Son to a Gentleman of note inFrance, and Jean Bloom, the third whose Name I cannot tell, but wasthe Ambassador's Boy, the King appointed to look to his best Horse, kept in the Palace. This Horse sometime after died, as it is supposedof old Age. Which extremely troubled the King; and imagining they hadbeen instrumental to his Death by their carelessness, he commandedtwo of them, Monsieur Du Plessy and Jean Bloom to be carried away intothe Mountains, and kept Prisoners in Chains, where they remained whenI came thence. 

The rest of them follow Employments; some whereof Still Rack, andkeep the greatest Taverns in the City. 

[The King uses means to reconcile the French to theirAmbassador. ] Lately, a little before I came from the Island; the Kingunderstanding the disagreements and differences that were still kepton foot betwixt the Ambassador and the rest of his Company, dislikedit and used these means to make them Friends. He sent for them all, the Ambassador and the rest, and told them, That it was not seemlyfor Persons as they were at such a distance from their own Countrey, to quarrel and fall out; and that if they had any love for God, orthe King of France, or himself, that they should go home with theAmbassador and agree and live together. They went back together, not daring to disobey the King. And as soon as they were at home, the King sent a Banquet after them of Sweetmeats and Fruits to eattogether. They did eat the King's Banquet, but it would not makethe Reconcilement. For after they had done, each man went home anddwelt in their own Houses as they did before. It was thought thatthis carriage would offend the King, and that he would at least takeaway their Allowance. And it is probable before this time the Kinghath taken Vengeance on them. But the Ambassador's carriage is soimperious, that they would rather venture whatsoever might followthan be subject to him. And in this case I left them. 

[The Author acquaints the French Ambassador in London, with thecondition of these Men. ] Since my return to England, I presumed by aLetter to inform the French Ambassador then in London of the abovesaidMatters, thinking my self bound in Conscience and Christian Charityto do my endeavour, that their Friends knowing their Condition, may use means for their Deliverance. The Letter ran thus, These may acquaint your Excellency, That having been a Prisoner in the Island of Ceilon, under the King of that Countrey near Twenty years; by means of this my long detainment there, I became acquainted with the French Ambassador, and the other Gentlemen his Retinue; being in all Eight Persons; who was sent to Treat with the said King in the Year MDCLXXII. By Monsieur De la Hay, who came with a Fleet to the Port of Cotiar or Trinkemalay, from whence he sent these Gentlemen. And knowing that from thence it is scarce possible to send any Letters or Notice to other Parts, for in all the time of my Captivity I could never send one word, whereby my Friends here might come to hear of my Condition, until with one more I made an Escape, leaving Sixteen English men yet there; The Kindness I have received from those French Gentlemen, as also my Compassion for them, being detained in the same place with me, hath obliged and constrained me, to presume to trouble your Lordship with this Paper; not knowing any other means where I might convey Notice to their Friends and Relations, which is all the Service I am able to perform for them. The Ambassador's Name I know not; there is a Kinsman of his called Monsieur le Serle, and a young Gentleman called Monsieur du Plessey, and another named Monsieur la Roche. The rest by Name I know not. And then an account of them is given according to what I have mentioned above. I shall not presume to be farther tedious to your Honour; craving Pardon for my boldness which my Affection to those Gentlemen being detained in the same Land with me hath occasioned. Concerning whom if your Lordship be pleased farther to be informed, I shall be both willing and ready to be, Yours, &c. 

The Ambassador upon the receipt of this, desired to speak with me. Uponwhom I waited, and he after some Speech with me told me he would sendword into France of it, and gave me Thanks for this my Kindness tohis Countreymen. 

[An inquiry into the reason of this King's detaining Europćans] Itmay be worth some inquiry, what the reason might be, that the Kingdetains the Europćan People as he does. It cannot be out of hopeof Profit or Advantage; for they are so far from bringing him any, that they are a very great Charge, being all maintained either byhim or his People. Neither is it in the power of Money to redeem anyone, for that he neither needs nor values. Which makes me conclude, it is not out of Profit, nor Envy or ill will, but out of Love andFavour, that he keeps them, delighting in their Company, and to havethem ready at his Command. For he is very ambitious of the Service ofthese Men, and winks at many of their failings, more than he uses todo towards his Natural Subjects. [The King's gentleness towards hiswhite Soldiers. ] As may appear from a Company of White Soldiers hehath, who upon their Watch used to be very negligent, one lying Drunkhere and another there. Which remisness in his own Soldiers he wouldscarce have indured, but it would have cost them their lives. But withthese he useth more Craft than Severity to make them more watchful. 

[They watch at his Magazine. ] These Soldiers are under two Captains, the one a Dutch man and the other a Portugueze. They are appointedto Guard one of the King's Magazines, where they always keep Sentinelboth by Day and Night. This is a pretty good distance from the Court, and here it was the King contrived their Station, that they might swearand swagger out of his hearing, and that no body might disturb them, nor they no body. The Dutch Captain lyes at one side of the Gate, and the Portugueze at the other. 

[How craftily the King corrected their Negligence. ] Once the Kingto employ these his white Soldiers, and to honour them by lettingthem see what an assurance he reposed in them, sent one of his Boysthither to be kept Prisoner, which they were very Proud of. Theykept him two years, in which time he had learnt both the Dutch andPortugueze Language. Afterwards the King retook the Boy into hisService, and within a short time after Executed him. But the King'sreason in sending this Boy to be kept by these Soldiers was, probablynot as they supposed, and as the King himself outwardly pretended, viz. To shew how much he confided in them, but out of Design to makethem look the better to their Watch, which their Debauchery made themvery remiss in. For the Prisoners Hands only were in Chains, and nothis Legs; so that his possibility of running away, having his Legsat liberty, concerned them to be circumspect and wakeful. And theyknew if he had escaped it were as much as their lives were worth. Bythis crafty and kind way did the King correct the negligence of hiswhite Soldiers. 

[The King's Inclinations are towards white Men. ] Indeed hisinclinations are much towards the Europćans; making them his greatOfficers, accounting them more faithful and trusty than his ownPeople. With these he often discourses concerning the Affairs oftheir Countreys, and promotes them to places far above their Ability, and sometimes their Degree or Desert. [The colour of white honouredin this Land. ] And indeed all over the Land they do bear as it werea natural respect and reverence to White Men, in as much as Black, they hold to be inferior to White. And they say, the Gods are White, and that the Souls of the Blessed after the Resurrection shall beWhite; and therefore, that Black is a rejected and accursed colour. 

[Their Privilege above the Natives. ] And as further signs of the King'sfavour to them, there are many Privileges, which White Men have andenjoy, as tolerated or allowed them from the King; which I suppose mayproceed from the aforesaid Consideration; as, to wear any manner ofApparel, either Gold, Silver, or Silk, Shoes and Stockings, a shoulderBelt and Sword; their Houses may be whitened with Lime, and many suchlike things, all which the Chingulayes are not permitted to do. 

[The King loves to send and talk with them. ] He will also sometimessend for them into his Presence, and discourse familiarly withthem, and entertain them with great Civilities, especially whiteAmbassadors. They are greatly chargeable unto his Countrey, but heregards it not in the least. So that the People are more like Slavesunto us than we unto the King. In as much as they are inforced by hisCommand to bring us maintenance. Whose Poverty is so great oftentimes, that for want of what they supply us with, themselves, their Wives, and Children, are forced to suffer hunger, this being as a due Taximposed upon them to pay unto us. Neither can they by any Power orAuthority refuse the Payment hereof to us. For in my own hearingthe People once complaining of their Poverty and Inability to giveus any longer our Allowance, the Magistrate or Governor replied, It was the King's special Command, and who durst disannul it. Andif otherwise they could not supply us with our maintenance he badthem sell their Wives and Children, rather than we should want ofour due. Such is the favour that Almighty God hath given ChristianPeople in the sight of this Heathen King; whose entertainment andusage of them is thus favourable. 

[How they maintain Christianity among them. ] If any enquire into theReligious exercise and Worship practised among the Christians here, I am sorry I must say it, I can give but a slender account. Forthey have no Churches nor no Priests, and so no meetings togetheron the Lord's Dayes for Divine Worship, but each one Reads or Praysat his own House as he is disposed. They Sanctifie the Day chieflyby refraining work, and meeting together at Drinking-houses. Theycontinue the practice of Baptism; and there being no Priests, theyBaptize their Children themselves with Water, and use the words, In the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;and give them Christian Names. They have their Friends about themat such a time, and make a small Feast according to their Ability:and some teach their Children to say their Prayers, and to Read, and some do not. 

[In some things they comply with the worship of the Heathen. ] Indeedtheir Religion at the best is but Negative, that is, they are notHeathen, they do not comply with the Idolatry here practised; and theyprofess themselves Christians in a general manner, which appears bytheir Names, and by their Beads and Crosses that some of them wearabout their Necks. Nor indeed can I wholly clear them from complyancewith the Religion of the Countrey. For some of them when they areSick do use the Ceremonies which the Heathen do in the like case, as in making Idols of clay, and setting them up in their Houses, andOffering Rice to them, and having Weavers to Dance before them. Butthey are ashamed to be known to do this; and I have known none todo it, but such as are Indians born. Yet I never knew any of them, that do inwardly in Heart and Conscience incline to the ways of theHeathen, but perfectly abhor them: nor have there been any, I everheard of, that came to their Temples upon any Religious account, butonly would stand by and look on; [An old Priest used to eat of theirSacrifices. ] without it were one old Priest named Padre Vergonce, a Genoez born, and of the Jesuits Order who would go to the Temples, and eat with the Weavers and other ordinary People of the Sacrificesoffered to the Idols: but with this Apology for himself, that heeat it as common Meat, and as God's Creature, and that it was neverthe worse for their Superstition that had past upon it. But howeverthis may reflect upon the Father, another thing may be related forhis Honour. There happened two Priests to fall into the hands of theKing; on whom he conferred great Honours; for having laid aside theirHabits they kept about his Person, and were the greatest Favouritesat Court. The King one day sent for Vergonse, and asked him, ifit would not be better for him to lay aside his old Coat and Cap, and to do as the other two Priests had done, and receive Honour fromhim. He replied to the King, That he boasted more in that old habitand in the Name of Jesus, than in all the honour that he could dohim. And so refused the King's Honour. The King valued the Fatherfor this saying. He had a pretty Library about him, and died in hisBed of old Age: whereas the two other Priests in the King's Servicedied miserably, one of a Canker, and the other was slain. The oldPriest had about Thirty or Forty Books, which the King, they say, seized on after his Death, and keeps. 

[The King permitted the Portugueze to build a Church. ] These Priests, and more lived there, but all deceased, excepting Vergonse, beforemy time. The King allowed them to build a Church; which they did, and the Portugueze assembled there, but they made no better than aBawdy-house of it; for which cause the King commanded to pull it down. 

Although here be Protestants and Papists, yet here are no differenceskept up among them, but they are as good Friends, as if there were nosuch Parties. And there is no other Distinctions of Religion there, but only Heathens and Christians: and we usually say, We Christians. 

FINIS. 

Books printed for, and sold by Richard Chiswel. 

FOLIO. 

Speed's Maps and Geography of Great Britain and Ireland, and ofForeign Parts. 

Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers. 

Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient time. 

Wanly's Wonders of the little World, or History of Man. 

Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia, &c. 

Holyoak's large Dictionary, Latin and English. 

Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle of England. 

Causin's Holy Court. 

Wilson's compleat Christian Dictionary. 

Bishop Wilkin's Real Character, or Philosophical Language. 

Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londineisis reformata. 

Judge Jone's Reports in Common Law. 

Judge Vaughn's Reports in Common Law. 

Cave Tabula Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum. 

Hobbe's Leviathan. 

Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning. 

Sir W. Dugdale's Baronage of England, in 2 Vol. 

QUARTO. 

Dr. Littleton's Dictionary. 

Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism. 

The Compleat Clerk. 

History of the late Wars of New England. 

Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis. 

Bishop Taylor's Disswasive from Popery. 

Dr. Gibb's Sermons. 

Parkeri Disputationes de Deo. 

History of the future State of Europe. 

Dr. Fowler's Defence of the Design of Christianity, against JohnBunyan. 

Dr. Sherlock's Visitation-Sermon at Warrington. 

Dr. West's Assize-Serm. At Dorchester, 1671. 

Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain FrenchGentlemen charged with a Robbery, 1671. 

The Magistrates Authority asserted, in a Sermon by James Paston. 

OCTAVO. 

Elborow's Rationale upon the English Service-Book. 

Dr. Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England. 

Bishop Wilkin's Natural Religion. 

Hard-castle's Christ. Geography and Arithmetick. 

Dr. Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy. 

Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature of the House of Peers, in the case of Skinner. 

----Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Appeals. 

----Jurisdiction of the House of Peers in case of Impositions. 

----Letter about the Bishops Vote in Capital Cases. 

Dr. Grew's Idea of Phytological History continued on Roots. 

The Spaniards Conspiracy against the State of Venice. 

Several Tracts of Mr. Hales of Eaton, of the Sin against the HolyGhost, &c. 

Bishop Sanderson's Life. 

Dr. Tillotson's Rule of Faith. 

Dr. Simpson's Chymical Anatomy of the York-shire Spaws; with aDiscourse of the Original of Hot Springs and other Fountains. 

----His Hydrological Essays, with an Account of the Allum-works atWhitby, and some Observations about the Jaundies. 

Dr. Cox's Discourse of the Interest of the Patient in reference toPhysick and Physicians. 

Organon Salutis: Or an Instrument to cleanse the Stomach: with diversNew Experiments of Tobacco and Cofee: with a Preface of Sir H. Blunt. 

Dr. Cave's Primitive Christianity, in three Parts. 

Allen's Discourse of two Covenants, 1672. 

Ignatius Fuller's Sermons of Peace and Holiness. 

Buckler of State and Justice against France's Design of UniversalMonarchy. 

A free Conference touching the Present State of England at home andabroad, in order to the Designs of France. 

Bishop Taylor of Confirmation. 

Mystery of Jesuitism, third and fourth Parts. 

Dr. Salmon's Dispensatory. 

Dr. Samway's Unreasonableness of the Romanists. 

Record of Urines. 

Dr. Ashton's Cases of Scandal and Persecution. 

DUODECIMO. 

Hodder's Arithmetick. 

Grotius de Veritate Religionis Christianć. 

Bishop Hacket's Christian Consolations. 

VICESIMO QUARTO. 

Valentine's Devotions. 

Guide to Heaven. 

Books lately printed. 

Guillim's Display of Herauldry, with large Additions. 

Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation of the Church of England, Folio, in two Volumes. 

Dr. Burlace's History of the Irish Rebellion, folio. 

Herodoti Historia, Grć. Lat. Fol. 

Cole's Latin and English Dictionary, with large Additions. 

William's Sermon before the Lord Mayor, Octob. 12. 1679. 

----Impartial Consideration of the Speeches of the Five JesuitsExecuted for Treason, Fol. 

Dr. Burnet's Relation of the Massacre of the Protestants in France, Quarto. 

----His Letter written upon the Discovery of the late Plot, Quarto. 

----Decree made at Rome, March 2. 1679. Condemning some Opinions ofthe Jesuits and other Casuists, Quarto. 

Tryals of the Regicides, Octavo. 

Mr. James Brome's Two Fast Sermons. 

Dr. Jane's Fast Sermon before the House of Commons, April 11. 1679. 

Mr. John James's Visitation Sermon, April 9. 1671. Quarto. 

Mr. John Cave's Fast Sermon on Jan. 30. 1679. Quarto. 

----His Assize Sermon at Leicester, July 31. 1679. Quarto. 

----His Gospel preached to the Romans, Octavo. 

Certain Genuine Remains of the Lord Bacon, in Arguments Civil, Moral, Natural, &c. With a large Account of all his Works, byDr. Tho. Tenison. Octavo. 

Dr. Puller's Discourse of the Moderation of the Church of England, Octavo. 

Dr. Saywel's Original of all the Plots in Christendom; with the Dangerand Remedy of Schism. 

Sir John Munson Baronet, of Supreme Power and Common Right. Octavo. 

Dr. Edw. Bagshaw's Discourses upon Select Texts, Octavo. 

Mr. Rushworth's Historical Collections: The Second Part. Fol. 

----His large and exact Account of the Trial of the E. Of Straf. Withall the Circumstances preliminary to, concomitant with, and subsequentupon the same, to his Death. Fol. 

Remarques relating to the state of the Church of the three firstCenturies. By Ab. Seller. Octavo. 

Speculum Baxterianum, or Baxter against Baxter. Quarto. 

The Countrey-man's Physician. For the use of such as live far fromCities, or Market-Towns. Octavo. 

Dr. Burnet's Sermon upon the Fast for the Fire, 1680. Quarto. 

----Conversion and Persecutions of Eve Cohan, a Person of Quality ofthe Jewish Religion, lately Baptized a Christian. Quarto. 

----His Life and Death of the late Earl of Rochester. Octavo. 

----His Fast Sermon before the Commons, Decemb. 22. 1680. 

----His Sermon on the 30th of Jan. 1680/1. 

New England Psalms. Twelves. 

An Apology for a Treatise of Humane Reason. Written by Mr. CliffordEsq; Twelves. 

The Laws of this Realm concerning Jesuits, Seminary Priests, &c. Explained by divers Judgments and Resolutions of the Judges;with other Observations thereupon, by William Cawley Esq; Fol. 

Bishop Sanderson's Sermons, with his Life. Fol. 

Fowlis his History of Romish Conspiracies, Treasons, andUsurpations. Fol. 

Markmam's Perfect Horseman. Octavo. 

Dr. Parker's Demonstration of the Divine Authority of the Law ofNature and the Christian Religion. Quarto. 

Dr. Sherlock's practical discourse of Religious Assemblies. Octavo. 

A Defence of Dr. Stillingfleet's Unreasonableness ofSeparation. Octavo. 

Dr. Outram's Sermons. Octavo. 

FINIS.