[Illustration: _Painted by Captn. W McKenzie_ BATTLE OF CULLODEN. ]

An Historical Account

OF THE

Settlements of Scotch Highlanders

IN

America

PRIOR TO THE PEACE OF 1783

TOGETHER WITH NOTICES OF

Highland Regiments

AND

Biographical Sketches

BY

J. P. MACLEAN, PH. D. 

Life Member Gaelic Society of Glasgow, and Clan MacLean Association ofGlasgow; Corresponding Member Davenport Academy of Sciences, and WesternReserve Historical Society; Author of History of Clan MacLean, Antiquityof Man, The Mound Builders, Mastodon, Mammoth and Man, Norse Discoveryof America, Fingal's Cave, Introduction Study St. John's Gospel, JewishNature Worship, etc. 

_ILLUSTRATED_. 

THE HELMAN-TAYLOR COMPANY, CLEVELAND. 

JOHN MACKAY, GLASGOW. 

1900. 

[Illustration: HIGHLAND ARMS. ]

TO

COLONEL SIR FITZROY DONALD MACLEAN, Bart. , C. B. , President of The Highland Society of London, An hereditary Chief, honored by his Clansmen at home and abroad, onaccount of the kindly interest he takes in their welfare, as well aseverything that relates to the Highlands, and though deprived of anancient patrimony, his virtues and patriotism have done honor to theGael, this Volume is

 Respectfully dedicated by the

 AUTHOR. 

 "There's sighing and sobbing in yon Highland forest; There's weeping and wailing in yon Highland vale, And fitfully flashes a gleam from the ashes Of the tenantless hearth in the home of the Gael. There's a ship on the sea, and her white sails she's spreadin', A' ready to speed to a far distant shore; She may come hame again wi' the yellow gowd laden, But the sons of Glendarra shall come back no more. 

 The gowan may spring by the clear-rinnin' burnie, The cushat may coo in the green woods again. The deer o' the mountain may drink at the fountain, Unfettered and free as the wave on the main; But the pibroch they played o'er the sweet blooming heather Is hushed in the sound of the ocean's wild roar; The song and the dance they hae vanish'd thegither, For the maids o' Glendarra shall come back no more. "

PREFACE. 

An attempt is here made to present a field that has not beenpreoccupied. The student of American history has noticed allusions tocertain Scotch Highland settlements prior to the Revolution, without anyattempt at either an account or origin of the same. In a measure thepublication of certain state papers and colonial records, as well as anoccasional memoir by an historical society have revived what had beenoverlooked. These settlements form a very important and interestingplace in the early history of our country. While they may not haveoccupied a very prominent or pronounced position, yet their exertions insubduing the wilderness, their activity in the Revolution, and the wideinfluence exercised by the descendants of these hardy pioneers, should, long since, have brought their history and achievements into notice. 

The settlement in North Carolina, embracing a wide extent of territory, and the people numbered by the thousands, should, ere this, have found acompetent exponent. But it exists more as a tradition than an actualcolony. The Highlanders in Georgia more than acted their part againstSpanish encroachments, yet survived all the vicissitudes of theirexposed position. The stay of the Highlanders on the Mohawk was verybrief, yet their flight into Canada and final settlement at Glengarryforms a very strange episode in the history of New York. The heartlesstreatment of the colony of Lachlan Campbell by the governor of theprovince of New York, and their long delayed recompense stands without aparallel, and is so strange and fanciful, that long since it should haveexcited the poet or novelist. The settlements in Nova Scotia and PrinceEdwards Island, although scarcely commenced at the breaking out of theRevolution, are more important in later events than those chronicled inthis volume. 

The chapters on the Highlands, the Scotch-Irish, and the Darien scheme, have sufficient connection to warrant their insertion. 

It is a noticeable fact that notwithstanding the valuable servicesrendered by the Highland regiments in the French and Indian war, butlittle account has been taken by writers, except in Scotland, althoughGeneral David Stewart of Garth, as early as 1822, clearly paved the way. Unfortunately, his works, as well as those who have followed him, arecomparatively unknown on this side the Atlantic. 

I was led to the searching out of this phase of our history, not only bythe occasional allusions, but specially from reading works devoted toother nationalities engaged in the Revolution. Their achievements werefully set forth and their praises sung. Why should not the oppressedGael, who sought the forests of the New World, struggled in thewilderness, and battled against foes, also be placed in his true light?If properly known, the artist would have a subject for his pencil, thepoet a picture for his praises, and the novelist a strong background forhis romance. 

Cleveland, O. , October, 1898. 

TABLE OF CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE HIGHLANDERS OF SCOTLAND. 

Division of Scotland--People of the Highlands--Language--Clanship--ChiefsCustoms--Special Characteristics--Fiery-Cross--Slogan--Mode of BattleForays--Feasts--Position of Woman--Marriage--Religious TolerationSuperstitions--Poets--Pipers--Cave of Coire-nan-Uriskin--TheHarp--Gaelic Music--Costume--Scotland's Wars--War with Romans--Battleof Largs--Bannockburn--Flodden--Pinkie--Wars of Montrose--BonnieDundee--Earl of Mar--Prince Charles Stuart--Atrocities in theWake of Culloden--Uncertainty of Travellers' Observations--KidnappingEmigration 17

CHAPTER II. 

THE SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA. 

Origin of the name of Scotland--Scoto-Irish--Ulster--Clandonald--ProtestantColonies in Ireland--Corruption of Names--Percentage of inRevolution--Characteristics--Persecuted--Emigration from Ulster--FirstScotch-Irish Clergyman in America--Struggle for Religious LibertySettlement at Worcester--History of the Potato--Pelham--Warren andBlandford--Colerain--Londonderry--Settlements in Maine--New York--NewJersey--Pennsylvania--The Revolution--Maryland--Virginia--PatrickHenry--Daniel Morgan--George Rogers Clark--North Carolina--Battleof King's Mountain--South Carolina--Georgia--East Tennessee--KentuckyCanada--Industrial Arts--Distinctive Characteristics 40

CHAPTER III. 

CAUSES THAT LED TO EMIGRATION. 

Results of Clanship--Opposed to Emigration--Emigration to UlsterExpatriation of 7000--Changed Condition of Highlanders--Lands RentedDissatisfaction--Luxurious Landlords--Action of Chiefs in Skye--DeplorableState of Affairs--Sheep-Farming--Improvements--Buchanan'sDescription--Famine--Class of Emigrants--America--Hardships andDisappointments 60

CHAPTER IV. 

DARIEN SCHEME. 

First Highlanders in America--Disastrous Speculation--RuinousLegislation--Massacre of Glencoe--Darien Scheme Projected--WilliamPaterson--Fabulous Dreams--Company Chartered--Scotland ExcitedSubscriptions--List of Subscribers--Spanish Sovereignty overDarien--English Jealousy and Opposition--Dutch East India Company--KingWilliam's Duplicity--English and Dutch Subscriptions Withdrawn--GreatPreparations--Purchase of Ships--Sailing of First Expedition--Settlementof St. Andrews--Great Sufferings--St. Andrews Abandoned--The Caledonia andUnicorn Arrive at New York--Recriminations--The St. Andrews--TheDolphin--King Refuses Supplies--Relief Sent--Spaniards Aggressive--SecondExpedition--Highlanders--Disappointed Expectations--DiscordantClergy--How News was Received in Scotland--Give Vent to Rage--KingWilliam's Indifference--Campbell of Fonab--Escape--Capitulation of DarienColony--Ships Destroyed--Final End of Settlers 75

CHAPTER V. 

HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA. 

On the Cape Fear--Town Established--Highlanders Patronized--Arrivalof Neil McNeill--Action of Legislature--List of Grantees--Wave ofEmigration--Represented in Legislature--Colony Prosperous--StampAct--Genius of Liberty--Letter to Highlanders--Emigrants from Jura--LandsAllotted--War of Regulators--Campbelton Charter--Public Road--PublicBuildings at Campbelton--Petition for Pardon--Highland Costume--ClanMacdonald Emigration--Allan Macdonald of Kingsborough--AmericanRevolution--Sale of Public Offices--Attitude of Patriots--ProvincialCongress--Highlanders Objects of Consideration--Reverend JohnMcLeod--Committee to Confer with Highlanders--British Confidence--GovernorMartin--Provincial Congress of 1775--Farquhard Campbell--Arrival of theGeorge--Other Arrivals--Oaths Administered--Distressed Condition--Petitionto Virginia Convention--War Party in the Ascendant--AmericanViews--Highlanders Fail to Understand Conditions--Reckless Indifferenceof Leaders--General Donald Macdonald--British Campaign--GovernorMartin Manipulates a Revolt--Macdonald's Manifesto--Rutherford'sManifesto--Highlanders in Rebellion--Standard at Cross Creek--Marchfor Wilmington--Country Alarmed--Correspondence--Battle of Moore'sCreek Bridge--Overthrow of Highlanders--Prescribed Parole--PrisonersAddress Congress--Action of Sir William Howe--Allan Macdonald's Letter--OnParole--Effects His Exchange--Letter to Members of Congress--Cornwallisto Clinton--Military at Cross Creek--Women Protected--Religious Status 102

CHAPTER VI. 

HIGHLANDERS IN GEORGIA. 

English Treatment of Poor--Imprisonment for Debt--Oglethorpe'sPhilanthropy--Asylum Projected--Oglethorpe Sails for Georgia--Selectsthe Site of Savannah--Fort Argyle--Colonists of DifferentNationalities--Towns Established--Why Highlanders were Selected--OglethorpeReturns to England--Highland Emigrants--Character of--JohnMacleod--Founding of New Inverness--Oglethorpe Sails for Georgia--Visitsthe Highlanders--Fort St. Andrews--Spaniards Aggressive--MessengersImprisoned--Spanish Perfidy--Suffering and Discontent in 1737--DissensionIncreases--Removal Agitated--African Slavery Prohibited--Petition andCounter Petition--Highlanders Oppose African Slavery--Insufficient ProduceRaised--Murder of Unarmed Highlanders--Florida Invaded--St. AugustineBlockaded--Massacre of Highlanders at Fort Moosa--Failure ofExpedition--Conduct of William MacIntosh--Indians and CaroliniansDesert--Agent Reprimanded by Parliament--Clansmen at Darien--John MacLeodAbandons His Charge--Georgia Invaded--Highlanders Defeat the Enemy--Battleof Bloody Marsh--Spaniards Retreat--Ensign Stewart--OglethorpeAgain Invades Florida--Growth of Georgia--Record in Revolution--ResolutionsAssault on British War Vessels--Capture of--County of Liberty--SettlementRemained Highland 146

CHAPTER VII. 

CAPTAIN LACHLAN CAMPBELL'S NEW YORK COLONY. 

Lachlan Campbell--Donald Campbell's Memorial--Motives ControllingRoyal Governors--Governor Clarke to Duke of Newcastle--Same toLords of Trade--Efforts of Captain Campbell--Memorial Rejected--RedressObtained--Grand Scheme--List of Grantees--A Desperado--Townshipof Argyle--Records of--Change of Name of County--Highland SoldiersOccupy Lands--How Allotted--Selling Land Warrants--New HampshireGrants--Ethan Allan--Revolution--An Incident--Indian Raid--Massacreof Jane McCrea--Religious Sentiment 176

CHAPTER VIII. 

HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT ON THE MOHAWK. 

Sir William Johnson--Highlanders Preferred--Manner of Life--ChangedState of Affairs--Sir John Johnson--Highlanders not Civic Officers--SirJohn Johnson's Movements Inimical--Tryon County Committeeto Provincial Congress--Action of Continental Congress--Sir John toGovernor Tryon--Action of General Schuyler--Sir John's Parole--HighlandersDisarmed--Arms Retained--Highland Hostages--Instructions for SeizingSir John--Sir John on Removal of Highlanders--Flight of Highlandersto Canada--Great Sufferings--Lady Johnson a Hostage--Highland Settlementa Nest of Treason--Exodus of Highland Women--Some FamiliesDetained--Letter of Helen McDonell--Regiment Organized--Butler'sRangers--Cruel Warfare--Fort Schuyler Besieged--Battle of Oriskany--Heroismof Captain Gardenier--Parole of Angus McDonald--Massacre ofWyoming--Bloodthirsty Character of Alexander McDonald--IndianCountry Laid Waste--Battle of Chemung--Sir John Ravages Johnstown--VisitsSchoharie with Fire and Sword--Flight from Johnstown--Exploitof Donald McDonald--Shell's Defence--List of Officers of Sir John Johnson'sRegiment--Settlement in Glengarry--Allotment of Lands--Story ofDonald Grant--Religious Services Established 196

CHAPTER IX. 

GLENALADALE HIGHLANDERS OF PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND. 

Highlanders in Canada--John Macdonald--Educated in Germany--ReligiousOppression--Religion of the Yellow-Stick--Glenaladale BecomesProtector--Emigration--Company Raised Against Americans--Capture ofAmerican Vessel--Estimate of Glenaladale--Offered Governorship ofPrince Edward Island 231

CHAPTER X. 

HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT IN PICTOU, NOVA SCOTIA. 

Emigration to Nova Scotia--Ship Hector--Sails from Lochbroom--GreatSufferings and Pestilence--Landing of Highlanders--Frightening ofIndians--Bitter Disappointment--Danger of Starvation--False Reports--Actionof Captain Archibald--Truro Migration--Hardships--Incidents ofSuffering--Conditions of Grants of Land--Hector's Passengers--InterestingFacts Relative to Emigrants--Industries--Plague of Mice--AmericanRevolution--Divided Sentiment--Persecution of American SympathizersHighlanders Loyal to Great Britain--Americans Capture aVessel--Privateers--Wreck of the Malignant Man-of-War--IndianAlarm--Itinerant Preachers--Arrival of Reverend James McGregor 235

CHAPTER XI. 

FIRST HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICA. 

Cause of French and Indian War--Highlanders Sent to America--TheBlack Watch--Montgomery's Highlanders--Fraser's Highlanders--Uniformof--Black Watch at Albany--Lord Loudon at Halifax--Surrender ofFort William Henry--Success of the French--Defeat at Ticonderoga--GallantConduct of Highlanders--List of Casualties--Expedition AgainstLouisburg--Destruction French Fleet--Capture of Louisburg--ExpeditionAgainst Fort Du Quesne--Defeat of Major Grant--Washington--NameFort Changed to Fort Pitt--Battalions of 42nd United--Amherst PossessesTiconderoga--Army at Crown Point--Fall of Quebec--Journal of MalcolmFraser--Movements of Fraser's Highlanders--Battle of Heights ofAbraham--Galling Fire Sustained by Highlanders--Anecdote of GeneralMurray--Retreat of French--Officers of the Black Watch--Highland RegimentsSail for Barbadoes--Return to New York--Black Watch Sent toPittsburg--Battle of Bushy Run--Black Watch Sent Against Ohio Indians--Goesto Ireland--Impressions of in America--Table of Losses--MontgomeryHighlanders Against the Cherokees--Battle with Indians--AllanMacpherson's Tragic Death--Retreat from Indian Country--Return toNew York--Massacre at Fort Loudon--Surrender of St. Johns--Tables ofCasualties--Acquisition of French Territory a Source of Danger 252

CHAPTER XII. 

SCOTCH HOSTILITY TOWARDS AMERICA. 

Causes of American Revolution--Massacre at Lexington--Insult toFranklin--England Precipitates War--Americans Ridiculed--Pitt's NobleDefence--Attitude of Eminent Men--Action of Cities--No Enthusiasm inEnlistments in England and Ireland--The Press-Gang--Enlistment ofCriminals--Sentiment of People of Scotland--Lecky's Estimate--AddressesUpholding the King--Summary of Highland Addresses--EmigrationProhibited--Resentment Against Highlanders--Shown in OriginalDraft of Declaration of Independence--Petitions of Donald Macleod 292

CHAPTER XIII. 

HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

Eulogy of Pitt--Organizing in America--Secret Instructions to GovernorTryon--Principal Agents--Royal Highland Emigrants--How Received--ColonelMaclean Saves Quebec--Siege of Quebec--First Battalion inCanada--Burgoyne's Doubts--Second Battalion--Sufferings of--Treatmentof--Battle of Eutaw Springs--Royal Highland Emigrants Discharged--Listof Officers--Grants of Land--John Bethune--42nd or RoyalHighlanders--Embarks for America--Capture of Highlanders--Capture ofOxford Transport--Prisoners from the Crawford--British Fleet Arrives atStaten Island--Battle of Long Island--Ardor of Highlanders--AmericansEvacuate New York--Patriotism of Mrs. Murray--Peril of Putnam--GallantConduct of Major Murray--Battle of Harlem--Capture of FortWashington--Royal Highlanders in New Jersey--Attacked atPisquatiqua--Sergeant McGregor--Battle of Brandywine--Wayne's ArmySurprised--Expeditions During Winter of 1779--Skirmishing andSuffering--Infusion of Poor Soldiers--Capture of Charleston--DesertionsRegiment Reduced--Sails for Halifax--Table of Casualties--Fraser'sHighlanders--Sails for America--Capture of Transports--Reports of CaptainSeth Harding and Colonel Archibald Campbell--Confinement of ColonelCampbell--Interest in by Washington--Battle of Brooklin--DiversifiedEmployment--Expedition Against Little Egg Harbor--Capture ofSavannah--Retrograde Movement of General Prevost--Battle of BrierCreek--Invasion of South Carolina--Battle of Stono Ferry--Retreat toSavannah--Siege of--Capture of Stony Point--Surrender of Charleston--Battleof Camden--Defeat of General Sumter--Battle of King's Mountain--Battle ofBlackstocks--Battle of the Cowpens--Battle of Guilford Court-House--Marchof British Army to Yorktown--Losses of Fraser's Highlanders--Surrender ofYorktown--Highlanders Prisoners--Regiment Discharged at Perth--ArgyleHighlanders--How Constituted--Sails for Halifax--Two Companies atCharleston--At Penobscot--Besieged by Americans--Regiment Returns toEngland--Macdonald's Highlanders--Sails for New York--Embarks forVirginia--Bravery of the Soldiers--Highlanders on Horseback--Surrenderof Yorktown--Cantoned at Winchester--Removed to Lancaster--Disbandedat Stirling Castle--Summary--Estimate of Washington--His Opinionof Highlanders--Not Guilty of Wanton Cruelty 308

CHAPTER XIV. 

DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS WHO SERVED IN AMERICA IN THE INTERESTSOF GREAT BRITAIN. 

General Sir Alan Cameron--General Sir Archibald Campbell--GeneralJohn Campbell--Lord William Campbell--General Simon Fraser ofBalnain--General Simon Fraser of Lovat--General Simon Fraser--GeneralJames Grant of Ballindalloch--General Allan Maclean of Torloisk--SirAllan Maclean--General Francis Maclean--General John Small--FloraMacdonald 377

CHAPTER XV. 

DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS IN AMERICAN INTEREST. 

General Alexander McDougall--General Lachlan McIntosh--GeneralArthur St. Clair--Serjeant Macdonald 398

APPENDIX. 

Note A. --First Emigrants to America 417

Note B. --Letter of Donald Macpherson 417

Note C. --Emigration during the Eighteenth Century 419

Note D. --Appeal to the Highlanders lately arrived from Scotland 422

Note E. --Ingratitude of the Highlanders 426

Note F. --Were the Highlanders Faithful to their Oath to the Americans 426

Note G. --Marvellous Escape of Captain McArthur 430

Note H. --Highlanders in South Carolina 442

Note I. --Alexander McNaughton 443

Note J. --Allan McDonald's Complaint to the President of Congress 444

Note K. --The Glengarry Settlers 445

Note to Chapter VIII 448

Note L. --Moravian Indians 448

Note M. --Highlanders Refused Lands in America 450

Note N. --Captain James Stewart commissioned to raise a company ofHighlanders 453

List of Subscribers 456

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Battle of Culloden Frontispiece

Coire-nan-Uriskin 26

House of Henry McWhorter 52

View of Battle-Field of Alamance 55

Scottish India House 90

Barbacue Church, where Flora Macdonald Worshipped 144

Johnson Hall 204

View of the Valley of Wyoming 218

Highland Officer 256

Old Blockhouse Fort Duquesne 281

General Sir Archibald Campbell 397

Brigadier General Simon Fraser 382

General Simon Fraser of Loval 387

Sir Allan Maclean, Bart 391

Flora Macdonald 394

General Alexander McDougall 398

General Lachlan McIntosh 402

General Arthur St. Clair 405

Sergeant Macdonald and Colonel Gainey 413

PARTIAL LIST OF PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES CONSULTED. 

American Archives. 

Answer of Cornwallis to Clinton. London, 1783. 

Bancroft (George. ) History of the United States. London, N. D. 

Burt (Captain. ) Letters from the North of Scotland, London. 1815. 

Burton (J. H. ) Darien Papers, Bannatyne Club. 1849

Burton (J. H. ) History of Scotland. Edinburgh, 1853. 

Celtic Monthly, Inverness, 1876-1888. 

Georgia Historical Society Collections. 

Graham (James J. ) Memoirs General Graham, Edinburgh, 1862. 

Hotten (J. C. ) List of Emigrants to America, New York, 1874. 

Johnson (C. ) History Washington County, New York, Philadelphia, 1878. 

Keltie (J. S. ). History of the Highland Clans, Edinburgh, 1882. 

Lecky (W. E. H. ) History of England. London, 1892. 

Lossing (B. J. ) Field-Book of the American Revolution. New York, 1855. 

Macaulay (T. B. ) History of England, Boston, N. D. 

McDonald (H. ) Letter-Book, New York Historical Society, 1892. 

Macdonell (J. A. ) Sketches of Glengarry, Montreal. 1893. 

McLeod (D. ) Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada, Cleveland, 1841. 

Martin (M. ) Description Western Isles, Glasgow, 1884. 

National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, Philadelphia, 1852. 

New York Documentary and Colonial History. 

North Carolina Colonial Record. 

Paterson (J. ) History Pictou County. Nova Scotia, Montreal. 1893. 

Proceedings Scotch-Irish American Congress. 1889-1896. 

Rogers (H. ) Hadden's Journal and Orderly Book, Albany, 1884. 

Scott (Sir W. ) Lady of the Lake, New York, N. D. 

Scott (Sir W. ) Tales of a Grandfather, Boston, 1852. 

Smith (William) History of New York, New York, 1814. 

Smith (W. H. ) St. Clair Papers, Cincinnati, 1882. 

Sparks (Jared) Writings of Washington, Boston. 1837. 

Stephens (W. B. ) History of Georgia, New York. 1859. 

St. Clair (Arthur. ) Narrative, Philadelphia, 1812. 

Stewart (David. ) Sketches of the Highlanders, Edinburgh, 1822. 

Stone (W. L. ) Life of Joseph Brant, New York. 1838. 

Stone (W. L. ) Orderly Book of Sir John Johnson, Albany, 1882. 

Tarleton (Lieut. Col. ) Campaigns of, 1780-1781. London, 1787. 

Washington and his Generals, Philadelphia, 1848. 

CHAPTER I. 

THE HIGHLANDERS OF SCOTLAND. 

A range of mountains forming a lofty and somewhat shattered rampart, commencing in the county of Aberdeen, north of the river Don, andextending in a southwest course across the country, till it terminatesbeyond Ardmore, in the county of Dumbarton, divides Scotland into twodistinct parts. The southern face of these mountains is bold, rocky, dark and precipitous. The land south of this line is called theLowlands, and that to the north, including the range, the Highlands. Themaritime outline of the Highlands is also bold and rocky, and in manyplaces deeply indented by arms of the sea. The northern and westerncoasts are fringed with groups of islands. The general surface of thecountry is mountainous, yet capable of supporting innumerable cattle, sheep and deer. The scenery is nowhere excelled for various forms ofbeauty and sublimity. The lochs and bens have wrought upon theimaginations of historians, poets and novelists. 

The inhabitants living within these boundaries were as unique as theirbens and glens. From the middle of the thirteenth century they have beendistinctly marked from those inhabiting the low countries, inconsequence of which they exhibit a civilization peculiarly their own. By their Lowland neighbors they were imperfectly known, being generallyregarded as a horde of savage thieves, and their country as animpenetrable wilderness. From this judgment they made no effort to freethemselves, but rather inclined to confirm it. The language spoken bythe two races greatly varied which had a tendency to establish a markedcharacteristic difference between them. For a period of seven centuriesthe entrances or passes into the Grampians constituted a boundarybetween both the people and their language. At the south the Saxonlanguage was universally spoken, while beyond the range the Gaelicformed the mother tongue, accompanied by the plaid, the claymore andother specialties which accompanied Highland characteristics. Theirlanguage was one of the oldest and least mongrel types of the greatAryan family of speech. 

The country in which the Gaelic was in common use among all classes ofpeople may be defined by a line drawn from the western opening of thePentland Frith, sweeping around St. Kilda, from thence embracing theentire cluster of islands to the east and south, as far as Arran; thenceto the Mull of Kintyre, re-entering the mainland at Ardmore, inDumbartonshire, following the southern face of the Grampians toAberdeenshire, and ending on the north-east point of Caithness. 

For a period of nearly two hundred years the Highlander has been anobject of study by strangers. Travellers have written concerning them, but dwelt upon such points as struck their fancy. A people cannot bejudged by the jottings of those who have not studied the question withcandor and sufficient information. Fortunately the Highlands, during thepresent century, have produced men who have carefully set forth theirhistory, manners and customs. These men have fully weighed the questionsof isolation, mode of life, habits of thought, and wild surroundings, which developed in the Highlander firmness of decision, fertility inresource, ardor in friendship, love of country, and a generousenthusiasm, as well as a system of government. 

The Highlanders were tall, robust, well formed and hardy. Earlymarriages were unknown among them, and it was rare for a female of punystature and delicate constitution to be honored with a husband. Theywere not obliged by art in forming their bodies, for Nature acted herpart bountifully to them, and among them there are but few bodilyimperfections. 

The division of the people into clans, tribes or families, underseparate chiefs, constituted the most remarkable circumstance in theirpolitical condition, which ultimately resulted in many of their peculiarsentiments, customs and institutions. For the most part the monarchs ofScotland had left the people alone, and, therefore, had but little to doin the working out of their destiny. Under little or no restraint fromthe State, the patriarchal form of government became universal. 

It is a singular fact that although English ships had navigated theknown seas and transplanted colonies, yet the Highlanders were butlittle known in London, even as late as the beginning of the eighteenthcentury. To the people of England it would have been a matter ofsurprise to learn that in the north of Great Britain, and at a distanceof less than five hundred miles from their metropolis, there were manyminiature courts, in each of which there was a hereditary ruler, attended by guards, armor-bearers, musicians, an orator, a poet, and whokept a rude state, dispensed justice, exacted tribute, waged war, andcontracted treaties. 

The ruler of each clan was called a chief, who was really the chief manof his family. Each clan was divided into branches who had chieftainsover them. The members of the clan claimed consanguinity to the chief. The idea never entered into the mind of a Highlander that the chief wasanything more than the head of the clan. The relation he sustained wassubordinate to the will of the people. Sometimes his sway was unlimited, but necessarily paternal. The tribesmen were strongly attached to theperson of their chief. He stood in the light of a protector, who mustdefend them and right their wrongs. They rallied to his support, and indefense they had a contempt for danger. The sway of the chief was ofsuch a nature as to cultivate an imperishable love of independence, which was probably strengthened by an exceptional hardiness ofcharacter. 

The chief generally resided among his clansmen, and his castle was thecourt where rewards were distributed and distinctions conferred. Alldisputes were settled by his decision. They followed his standard inwar, attended him in the chase, supplied his table and harvested theproducts of his fields. His nearest kinsmen became sub-chiefs, orchieftains, held their lands and properties from him, over which theyexercised a subordinate jurisdiction. These became counsellors andassistants in all emergencies. One chief was distinguished from anotherby having a greater number of attendants, and by the exercise ofgeneral hospitality, kindness and condescension. At the castle everyonewas made welcome, and treated according to his station, with a degree ofcourtesy and regard for his feelings. This courtesy not only raised theclansman in his own estimation, but drew the ties closer that bound himto his chief. 

While the position of chief was hereditary, yet the heir was obliged inhonor to give a specimen of his valor, before he was assumed or declaredleader of his people. Usually he made an incursion upon some chief withwhom his clan had a feud. He gathered around him a retinue of young menwho were ambitious to signalize themselves. They were obliged to bring, by open force, the cattle they found in the land they attacked, or elsedie in the attempt. If successful the youthful chief was ever afterreputed valiant and worthy of the government. This custom beingreciprocally used among them, was not reputed robbery; for the damagewhich one tribe sustained would receive compensation at the inaugurationof its chief. 

Living in a climate, severe in winter, the people inured themselves tothe frosts and snows, and cared not for the exposure to the severeststorms or fiercest blasts. They were content to lie down, for a night'srest, among the heather on the hillside, in snow or rain, covered onlyby their plaid. It is related that the laird of Keppoch, chieftain of abranch of the MacDonalds, in a winter campaign against a neighboringclan, with whom he was at war, gave orders for a snow-ball to lay underhis head in the night; whereupon, his followers objected, saying, "Nowwe despair of victory, since our leader has become so effeminate hecan't sleep without a pillow. "

The high sense of honor cultivated by the relationship sustained to thechief was reflected by the most obscure inhabitant. Instances of theftfrom the dwelling houses seldom ever occurred, and highway robbery wasnever known. In the interior all property was safe without the securityof locks, bolts and bars. In summer time the common receptacle forclothes, cheese, and everything that required air, was an open barn orshed. On account of wars, and raids from the neighboring clans, it wasfound necessary to protect the gates of castles. 

The Highlanders were a brave and high-spirited people, and living undera turbulent monarchy, and having neighbors, not the most peaceable, awarlike character was either developed or else sustained. Inured topoverty they acquired a hardihood which enabled them to sustain severeprivations. In their school of life it was taught to consider courage anhonorable virtue and cowardice the most disgraceful failing. Lovingtheir native glen, they were ever ready to defend it to the lastextremity. Their own good name and devotion to the clan emulated andheld them to deeds of daring. 

It was hazardous for a chief to engage in war without the consent of hispeople; nor could deception be practiced successfully. Lord Murrayraised a thousand men on his father's and lord Lovat's estates, underthe assurance that they were to serve king James, but in reality for theservice of king William. This was discovered while Murray was in the actof reviewing them; immediately they broke ranks, ran to an adjoiningbrook, and, filling their bonnets with water, drank to king James'health, and then marched off with pipes playing to join Dundee. 

The clan was raised within an incredibly short time. When a sudden orimportant emergency demanded the clansmen the chief slew a goat, andmaking a cross of light wood, seared its extremities with fire, andextinguished them in the blood of the animal. This was called the _FieryCross_, or Cross of Shame, because disobedience to what the symbolimplied inferred infamy. It was delivered to a swift trusty runner, whowith the utmost speed carried it to the first hamlet and delivered it tothe principal person with the word of rendezvous. The one receiving itsent it with the utmost despatch to the next village; and thus with theutmost celerity it passed through all the district which owed allegianceto the chief, and if the danger was common, also among his neighbors andallies. Every man between the ages of sixteen and sixty, capable ofbearing arms, must immediately repair to the place of rendezvous, in hisbest arms and accoutrements. In extreme cases childhood and old ageobeyed it. He who failed to appear suffered the penalties of fire andsword, which were emblematically denounced to the disobedient by thebloody and burnt marks upon this warlike signal. 

In the camp, on the march, or in battle, the clan was commanded by thechief. If the chief was absent, then some responsible chieftain of theclan took the lead. In both their slogan guided them, for every clan hadits own war-cry. Before commencing an attack the warriors generally tookoff their jackets and shoes. It was long remembered in Lochabar, that atthe battle of Killiecrankie, Sir Ewen Cameron, at the head of his clan, just before engaging in the conflict, took from his feet, what wasprobably the only pair of shoes, among his tribesmen. Thus freed fromeverything that might impede their movements, they advanced to theassault, on a double-quick, and when within a few yards of the enemy, would pour in a volley of musketry and then rush forward with claymorein hand, reserving the pistol and dirk for close action. When in closequarters the bayonets of the enemy were received on their targets;thrusting them aside, they resorted to the pistol and dirk to completethe confusion made by the musket and claymore. In a close engagementthey could not be withstood by regular troops. 

Another kind of warfare to which the Highlander was prone, is called_Creach_, or foray, but really the lifting of cattle. The _Creach_received the approbation of the clan, and was planned by someresponsible individual. Their predatory raids were not made for the merepleasure of plundering their neighbors. To them it was legitimatewarfare, and generally in retaliation for recent injuries, or in revengeof former wrongs. They were strict in not offending those with whom theywere in amity. They had high notions of the duty of observing faith toallies and hospitality to guests. They were warriors receiving thelawful prize of war, and when driving the herds of the Lowland farmersup the pass which led to their native glen considered it just aslegitimate as did the Raleighs and Drakes when they divided the spoilsof Spanish galleons. They were not always the aggressors. Every evidenceproves that they submitted to grievances before resorting to arms. Whenretaliating it was with the knowledge that their own lands would beexposed to rapine. As an illustration of the view in which the _Creach_was held, the case of Donald Cameron may be taken, who was tried in1752, for cattle stealing, and executed at Kinloch Rannoch. At hisexecution he dwelt with surprise and indignation on his fate. He hadnever committed murder, nor robbed man or house, nor taken anything butcattle, and only then when on the grass, from one with whom he was atfeud; why then should he be punished for doing that which was a commonprey to all?

After a successful expedition the chief gave a great entertainment, towhich all the country around was invited. On such an occasion whole deerand beeves were roasted and laid on boards or hurdles of rods placed onthe rough trunks of trees, so arranged as to form an extended table. During the feast spirituous liquors went round in plenteous libations. Meanwhile the pipers played, after which the women danced, and, whenthey retired, the harpers were introduced. 

Great feasting accompanied a wedding, and also the burial of a greatpersonage. At the burial of one of the Lords of the Isles, in Iona, ninehundred cows were consumed. 

The true condition of a people may be known by the regard held forwoman. The beauty of their women was extolled in song. Small eye-browswas considered as a mark of beauty, and names were bestowed upon theowners from this feature. No country in Europe held woman in so greatesteem as in the Highlands of Scotland. An unfaithful, unkind, or evencareless husband was looked upon as a monster. The parents gave dowersaccording to their means, consisting of cattle, provisions, farmstocking, etc. Where the parents were unable to provide sufficiently, then it was customary for a newly-married couple to collect from theirneighbors enough to serve the first year. 

The marriage vow was sacredly kept. Whoever violated it, whether male orfemale, which seldom ever occurred, was made to stand in a barrel ofcold water at the church door, after which the delinquent, clad in a wetcanvas shirt, was made to stand before the congregation, and at theclose of service, the minister explained the nature of the offense. Aseparation of a married couple among the common people was almostunknown. However disagreeable the wife might be, the husband rarelycontemplated putting her away. Being his wife, he bore with herfailings; as the mother of his children he continued to support her; aseparation would have entailed reproach upon his posterity. 

Young married women never wore any close head-dress. The hair, with aslight ornament was tied with ribbons; but if she lost her virtue thenshe was obliged to wear a cap, and never appear again with her headuncovered. 

Honesty and fidelity were sacredly inculcated, and held to be virtueswhich all should be careful to practice. Honesty and fair dealing wereenforced by custom, which had a more powerful influence, in their mutualtransactions, than the legal enactments of later periods. Insolvency wasconsidered disgraceful, and _prima facie_ a crime. Bankrupts surrenderedtheir all, and then clad in a party colored clouted garment, with hoseof different sets, had their hips dashed against a stone in presence ofthe people, by four men, each seizing an arm or a leg. Instances offaithfulness and attachment are innumerable. The one most frequentlyreferred to occurred during the battle of Inverkeithing, between theRoyalists and the troops of Cromwell, during which seven hundred andfifty of the Mac Leans, led by their chief, Sir Hector, fell upon thefield. In the heat of the conflict, eight brothers of the clansacrificed their lives in defense of their chief. Being hard pressed bythe enemy, and stoutly refusing to change his position, he was supportedand covered by these intrepid brothers. As each brother fell anotherrushed forward, covering his chief with his body, crying _Fear eilairson Eachainn_ (Another for Hector). This phrase has continued eversince as a proverb or watch-word when a man encounters any sudden dangerthat requires instant succor. 

The Highlands of Scotland is the only country of Europe that has neverbeen distracted by religious controversy, or suffered from religiouspersecution. This possibly may have been due to their patriarchal formof government. The principles of the Christian religion were warmlyaccepted by the people, and cherished with a strong feeling. In theirreligious convictions they were peaceable and unobtrusive, never armingthemselves with Scriptural texts in order to carry on offensiveoperations. Never being perplexed by doubt, they desired no one tocorroborate their faith, and no inducement could persuade them to strutabout in the garb of piety in order to attract respect. The reverencefor the Creator was in the heart, rather than upon the lips. In thatland papists and protestants lived together in charity and brotherhood, earnest and devoted in their churches, and in contact with the world, humane and charitable. The pulpit administrations were clear and simple, and blended with an impressive and captivating spirit. All ranks wereinfluenced by the belief that cruelty, oppression, or other misconduct, descended to the children, even to the third and fourth generations. 

To a certain extent the religion of the Highlander was blended with abelief in ghosts, dreams and visions. The superstitions of the Gael weredistinctly marked, and entirely too important to be overlooked. Thesebeliefs may have been largely due to an uncultivated imagination and thenarrow sphere in which he moved. His tales were adorned with themiraculous and his poetry contained as many shadowy as substantialpersonages. Innumerable were the stories of fairies, kelpies, urisks, witches and prophets or seers. Over him watched the Daoine Shi', or menof peace. In the glens and corries were heard the eerie sounds duringthe watches of the night. Strange emotions were aroused in the hearts ofthose who heard the raging of the tempest, the roaring of the swollenrivers and dashing of the water-fall, the thunder peals echoing fromcrag to crag, and the lightning rending rocks and shivering to piecesthe trees. When a reasonable cause could not be assigned for a calamityit was ascribed to the operations of evil spirits. The evil one hadpower to make compacts, but against these was the virtue of the charmedcircle. One of the most dangerous and malignant of beings was theWater-kelpie, which allured women and children into its element, wherethey were drowned, and then became its prey. It could skim along thesurface of the water, and browse by its side, or even suddenly swell ariver or loch, which it inhabited, until an unwary traveller might beengulfed. The Urisks were half-men, half-spirits, who, by kindtreatment, could be induced to do a good turn, even to the drudgeries ofa farm. Although scattered over the whole Highlands, they assembled inthe celebrated cave--_Coire-nan-Uriskin_--situated near the base of BenVenue, in Aberfoyle. 

[Illustration: COIRE-NAN-URISKIN. ]

 "By many a bard, in Celtic tongue, Has Coire-nan-Uriskin been sung; A softer name the Saxons gave, And call'd the grot the Goblin-cave, * * * * *

 Gray Superstition's whisper dread Debarr'd the spot to vulgar tread; For there, she said, did fays resort, And satyrs hold their sylvan court. "-- _Lady of the Lake_. 

The Daoine Shi' were believed to be a peevish, repining race of beings, who, possessing but a scant portion of happiness, envied mankind theirmore complete and substantial enjoyments. They had a sort of a shadowyhappiness, a tinsel grandeur, in their subterranean abodes. Many personshad been entertained in their secret retreats, where they were receivedinto the most splendid apartments, and regaled with sumptuous banquetsand delicious wines. Should a mortal, however, partake of theirdainties, then he was forever doomed to the condition of shi'ick, or Manof Peace. These banquets and all the paraphernalia of their homes werebut deceptions. They dressed in green, and took offense at any mortalwho ventured to assume their favorite color. Hence, in some parts ofScotland, green was held to be unlucky to certain tribes and counties. The men of Caithness alleged that their bands that wore this color werecut off at the battle of Flodden; and for this reason they avoided thecrossing of the Ord on a Monday, that being the day of the week on whichthe ill-omened array set forth. This color was disliked by both those ofthe name of Ogilvy and Graham. The greatest precautions had to be takenagainst the Daoine Shi' in order to prevent them from spiriting awaymothers and their newly-born children. Witches and prophets or seers, were frequently consulted, especially before going into battle. Thewarnings were not always received with attention. Indeed, as a rule, thechiefs were seldom deterred from their purpose by the warnings of theoracles they consulted. 

It has been advocated that the superstitions of the Highlanders, on thewhole, were elevating and ennobling, which plea cannot well besustained. It is admitted that in some of these superstitions there werelessons taught which warned against dishonorable acts, and impressedwhat to them were attached disgrace both to themselves and also to theirkindred; and that oppression, treachery, or any other wickedness wouldbe punished alike in their own persons and in those of theirdescendants. Still, on the other hand, it must not be forgotten that thedoctrines of rewards and punishments had for generations been taughtthem from the pulpit. How far these teachings had been interwoven withtheir superstitions would be an impossible problem to solve. 

The Highlanders were poetical. Their poets, or bards, were legion, andpossessed a marked influence over the imaginations of the people. Theyexcited the Gael to deeds of valor. Their compositions were all set tomusic, --many of them composing the airs to which their verses wereadapted. Every chief had his bard. The aged minstrel was in attendanceon all important occasions: at birth, marriage and death; at succession, victory, and defeat. He stimulated the warriors in battle by chantingthe glorious deeds of their ancestors; exhorted them to emulate thosedistinguished examples, and, if possible, shed a still greater lustre onthe warlike reputation of the clan. These addresses were delivered withgreat vehemence of manner, and never failed to raise the feelings of thelisteners to the highest pitch of enthusiasm. When the voice of the bardwas lost in the din of battle then the piper raised the inspiring soundof the pibroch. When the conflict was over the bard and the piper wereagain called into service--the former to honor the memory of those whohad fallen, to celebrate the actions of the survivors, and excite themto further deeds of valor. The piper played the mournful Coronach forthe slain, and by his notes reminded the survivors how honorable was theconduct of the dead. 

The bards were the _senachies_ or historians of the clans, and wererecognized as a very important factor in society. They represented theliterature of their times. In the absence of books they constituted thelibrary and learning of the tribe. They were the living chronicles ofpast events, and the depositories of popular poetry. Tales and old poemswere known to special reciters. When collected around their eveningfires, a favorite pastime was a recital of traditional tales and poetry. The most acceptable guest was the one who could rehearse the longestpoem or most interesting tale. Living in the land of Ossian, it wasnatural to ask a stranger, "Can you speak of the days of Fingal?" If theanswer was in the affirmative, then the neighbors were summoned, andpoems and old tales would be the order until the hour of midnight. Thereciter threw into the recitation all the powers of his soul and gavevent to the sentiment. Both sexes always participated in these meetings. 

The poetry was not always of the same cast. It varied as greatly as werethe moods of the composer. The sublimity of Ossian had its opposite inthe biting sarcasm and trenchant ridicule of some of the minor poets. 

Martin, who travelled in the Western Isles, about 1695, remarks: "Theyare a very sagacious people, quick of apprehension, and even the vulgarexceed all those of their rank and education I ever yet saw in any othercountry. They have a great genius for music and mechanics. I haveobserved several of their children that before they could speak werecapable to distinguish and make choice of one tune before another upona violin; for they appeared always uneasy until the tune which theyfancied best was played, and then they expressed their satisfaction bythe motions of their head and hands. There are several of them whoinvent tunes already taking in the South of Scotland and elsewhere. Somemusicians have endeavored to pass for first inventors of them bychanging their name, but this has been impracticable; for whateverlanguage gives the modern name, the tune still continues to speak itstrue original. * * *. Some of both sexes have a quick vein of poetry, and in their language--which is very emphatic--they compose rhyme andverse, both which powerfully affect the fancy. And in my judgment (whichis not singular in this matter) with as great force as that of anyancient or modern poet I ever read. They have generally very retentivememories; they see things at a great distance. The unhappiness of theireducation, and their want of converse with foreign nations, deprivesthem of the opportunity to cultivate and beautify their genius, whichseems to have been formed by nature for great attainments. "[1]

The piper was an important factor in Highland society. From the earliestperiod the Highlanders were fond of music and dancing, and the notes ofthe bag-pipe moved them as no other instrument could. The piperperformed his duty in peace as well as in war. At harvest homes, Hallowe'en christenings, weddings, and evenings spent in dancing, he wasthe hero for the occasion. The people took delight in the high-tonedwarlike notes to which they danced, and were charmed with the solemn andmelancholy airs which filled up the pauses. Withal the piper was ahumorous fellow and was full of stories. 

The harp was a very ancient musical instrument, and was called_clarsach_. It had thirty strings, with the peculiarity that the frontarm was not perpendicular to the sounding board, but turned considerablytowards the left, to afford a greater opening for the voice of theperformer, and this construction showed that the accompaniment of thevoice was a chief province of the harper. Some harps had but fourstrings. Great pains were taken to decorate the instrument. One of thelast harpers was Roderick Morrison, usually called Rory Dall. He servedthe chief of Mac Leod. He flourished about 1650. 

Referring again to Gaelic music it may be stated that its air caneasily be detected. It is quaint and pathetic, moving one with intervalssingular in their irregularity. When compared with the common airs amongthe English, the two are found to be quite distinct. The airs to which"Scots wha hae, " "Auld Langsyne, " "Roy's Wife, " "O a' the Airts, " and"Ye Banks and Braes" are written, are such that nothing similar can befound in England. They are Scottish. Airs of precisely the samecharacter are, however, found among all Keltic races. 

No portraiture of a Highlander would be complete without a descriptionof his garb. His costume was as picturesque as his native hills. It waswell adapted to his mode of life. By its lightness and freedom he wasenabled to use his limbs and handle his arms with ease and dexterity. Hemoved with great swiftness. Every clan had a plaid of its own, differingin the combination of its colors from all others. Thus a Cameron, a MacDonald, a Mac Kenzie, etc. , was known by his plaid; and in like mannerthe Athole, Glenorchy, and other colors of different districts wereeasily discernible. Besides those of tribal designations, industrioushousewives had patterns, distinguished by the set, superior quality, andfineness of the cloth, or brightness and variety of the colors. Theremoval of tenants rarely occurred, and consequently, it was easy topreserve and perpetuate any particular set, or pattern, even among thelower orders. The plaid was made of fine wool, with much ingenuity insorting the colors. In order to give exact patterns the women had beforethem a piece of wood with every thread of the stripe upon it. Untilquite recently it was believed that the plaid, philibeg and bonnetformed the ancient garb. The philibeg or kilt, as distinct from theplaid, in all probability, is comparatively modern. The truis, consisting of breeches and stockings, is one piece and made to fitclosely to the limbs, was an old costume. The belted plaid was a pieceof tartan two yards in breadth, and four in length. It surrounded thewaist in great folds, being firmly bound round the loins with a leathernbelt, and in such manner that the lower side fell down to the middle ofthe knee joint. The upper part was fastened to the left shoulder with alarge brooch or pin, leaving the right arm uncovered and at fullliberty. In wet weather the plaid was thrown loose, covering bothshoulders and body. When the use of both arms was required, it wasfastened across the breast by a large bodkin or circular brooch. Thesporan, a large purse of goat or badger's skin, usually ornamented, washung before. The bonnet completed the garb. The garters were broad andof rich colors, forming a close texture which was not liable to wrinkle. The kilted-plaid was generally double, and when let down enveloped thewhole person, thus forming a shelter from the storm. Shoes and stockingsare of comparatively recent times. In lieu of the shoe untanned leatherwas tied with thongs around the feet. Burt, writing about the year 1727, when some innovations had been made, says: "The Highland dress consistsof a bonnet made of thrum without a brim, a short coat, a waistcoatlonger by five or six inches, short stockings, and brogues or pumpswithout heels * * * Few besides gentlemen wear the truis, that is, thebreeches and stockings all of one piece and drawn on together; over thishabit they wear a plaid, which is usually three yards long and twobreadths wide, and the whole garb is made of checkered tartan orplaiding; this with the sword and pistol, is called a _full dress_, andto a well proportioned man with any tolerable air, it makes an agreeablefigure. "[2] The plaid was the undress of the ladies, and to a woman whoadjusted it with an important air, it proved to be a becoming veil. Itwas made of silk or fine worsted, checkered with various lively colors, two breadths wide and three yards in length. It was brought over thehead and made to hide or discover the face, according to the occasion, or the wearer's fancy; it reached to the waist behind; one cornerdropped as low as the ankle on one side, and the other part, in folds, hung down from the opposite arm. The sleeves were of scarlet cloth, closed at the ends as man's vests, with gold lace round them, havingplate buttons set with fine stones. The head-dress was a fine kerchiefof linen, straight about the head. The plaid was tied before on thebreast, with a buckle of silver or brass, according to the quality ofthe person. The plaid was tied round the waist with a belt of leather. 

The Highlanders bore their part in all of Scotland's wars. An appeal, ororder, to them never was made in vain. Only a brief notice must heresuffice. Almost at the very dawn of Scotland's history we find theinhabitants beyond the Grampians taking a bold stand in behalf of theirliberties. The Romans early triumphed over England and the southernlimits of Scotland. In the year 78 A. D. , Agricola, an able and vigorouscommander, was appointed over the forces in Britain. During the years80, 81, and 82, he subdued that part of Scotland south of the friths ofForth and Clyde. Learning that a confederacy had been formed to resisthim at the north, during the summer of 83, he opened the campaign beyondthe friths. His movements did not escape the keen eyes of themountaineers, for in the night time they suddenly fell upon the NinthLegion at Loch Ore, and were only repulsed after a desperate resistance. The Roman army receiving auxiliaries from the south, Agricola, in thesummer of 84, took up his line of march towards the Grampians. Thenorthern tribes, in the meantime, had united under a powerful leaderwhom the Romans called Galgacus. They fully realized that theirliberties were in danger. They sent their wives and children into placesof safety, and, thirty thousand strong, waited the advance of the enemy. The two armies came together at _Mons Grampius_. The field presented adreadful spectacle of carnage and destruction; for ten thousand of thetribesmen fell in the engagement. The Roman army elated by its successpassed the night in exultation. The victory was barren of results, for, after three years of persevering warfare, the Romans were forced torelinquish the object of the expedition. In the year 183 the Highlandersbroke through the northern Roman wall. In 207 the irrepressible peopleagain broke over their limits, which brought the emperor Severus, although old and in bad health, into the field. Exasperated by theirresistance the emperor sought to extirpate them because they hadprevented his nation from becoming the conquerors of Europe. Collectinga large body of troops he directed them into the mountains, and marchedfrom the wall of Antoninus even to the very extremity of the island; butthis year, 208, was also barren of fruits. Fifty thousand Romans fell aprey to fatigue, the climate, and the desultory assaults of the natives. Soon after the entire country north of the Antonine wall, was given up, for it was found that while it was necessary for one legion to keep thesouthern parts in subjection two were required to repel the incursionsof the Gael. Incursions from the north again broke out during the year306, when the restless tribes were repelled by Constantius Chlorus. Inthe year 345 they were again repelled by Constans. During all theseyears the Highlanders were learning the art of war by their contact withthe Romans. They no longer feared the invaders, for about the year 360, they advanced into the Roman territories and committed manydepredations. There was another outbreak about the year 398. Finally, about the year 446, the Romans abandoned Britain, and advised theinhabitants, who had suffered from the northern tribes, to protectthemselves by retiring behind and keeping in repair the wall of Severus. 

The people were gradually forming for themselves distinctcharacteristics, as well as a separate kingdom confined within theGrampian boundaries. This has been known as the kingdom of the Scots;but to the Highlander as that of the Gael, or Albanich. The epithets, Scots and English, are totally unknown in Gaelic. They call the EnglishSassanachs, the Lowlanders are Gauls, and their own country Gaeldach. 

Passing over several centuries and paying no attention to the rapines ofthe Danes and the Norse, we find that the power of the Norwegians, underking Haco, was broken at the battle of the Largs, fought October 2d, 1263. King Alexander III. Summoned the Highlanders, who rallied to thedefence of their country and rendered such assistance as was required. The right wing of the Scottish army was composed of the men of Argyle, Lennox, Athole, and Galloway, while the left wing was constituted bythose from Fife, Stirling, Berwick, and Lothian. The center, commandedby the king in person, was composed of the men of Ross, Perth, Angus, Mar, Mearns, Moray, Inverness, and Caithness. 

The conquest of Scotland, undertaken by the English Edwards, culminatedin the battle of Bannockburn, fought Monday, June 24, 1314, when theinvaders met with a crushing defeat, leaving thirty thousand of theirnumber dead upon the field, or two-thirds as many as there were Scotson the field. In this battle the reserve, composed of the men of Argyle, Carrick, Kintyre, and the Isles, formed the fourth line, was commandedby Bruce in person. The following clans, commanded in person by theirrespective chiefs, had the distinguished honor of fighting nobly:Stewart, Macdonald, Mackay, Mackintosh, Macpherson, Cameron, Sinclair, Drummond, Campbell, Menzies, Maclean, Sutherland, Robertson, Grant, Fraser, Macfarlane, Ross, Macgregor, Munro, Mackenzie, and Macquarrie, or twenty-one in all. 

In the year 1513, James IV. Determined on an invasion of England, andsummoned the whole array of his kingdom to meet him on the common moorof Edinburgh. One hundred thousand men assembled in obedience to thecommand. This great host met the English on the field of Flodden, September 9th. The right divisions of James' army were chiefly composedof Highlanders. The shock of the mountaineers, as they poured upon theEnglish pikemen, was terrible; but the force of the onslaught oncesustained became spent with its own violence. The consequence was atotal rout of the right wing accompanied by great slaughter. Of thishost there perished on the field fifteen lords and chiefs of clans. 

During the year 1547, the English, under the duke of Somerset, invadedScotland. The hostile armies came together at Pinkie, September 18th. The right and left wings of the Scottish army were composed ofHighlanders. During the conflict the Highlanders could not resist thetemptation to plunder, and, while thus engaged, saw the division ofAngus falling back, though in good order; mistaking this retrogrademovement for a flight, they were suddenly seized with a panic and ranoff in all directions. Their terror was communicated to other troops, who immediately threw away their arms and followed the Highlanders. Everything was now lost; the ground over which the fight lay was asthickly strewed with pikes as a floor with rushes; helmets, bucklers, swords, daggers, and steel caps lay scattered on every side; and thechase beginning at one o'clock, continued till six in the evening withextraordinary slaughter. 

During the reign of Charles I. Civil commotions broke out which shookthe kingdom with great violence. The Scots were courted by king andparliament alike. The Highlanders were devoted to the royal government. In the year 1644 Montrose made a diversion in the Highlands. Withdazzling rapacity, at first only supported by a handful of followers, but gathering numbers with success, he erected the royal standard atDumfries. The clans obeyed his summons, and on September 1st, atTippermuir, he defeated the Covenanters, and again on the 12th at theBridge of Dee. On February 2nd, 1645, at Inverlochy, he crushed theArgyle Campbells, who had taken up the sword on behalf of Cromwell. Inrapid succession other victories were won at Auldearn, Alford andKilsyth. All Scotland now appeared to be recovered for Charles, but thefruit of all these victories was lost by the defeat at Philiphaugh, September 13th, 1645. 

Within the brief space of three years. James II. , of England, succeededin fanning the revolutionary elements both in England and Scotland intoa flame which he was powerless to quench. The Highlanders chieflyadhered to the party of James which received the name of Jacobites. Dundee hastened to the Highlands and around him gathered the Highlandchiefs at Lochabar. The army of William, under Hugh Mackay, met theforces of Dundee at Killiecrankie, July 29th, 1689, where, under thespirited leadership of the latter, and the irresistible torrent of theHighland charge, the forces of the former were almost annihilated; butat the moment of victory Bonnie Dundee was killed by a bullet. No onewas left who was equal to the occasion, or who could hold the clanstogether, and hence the victory was in reality a defeat. 

The exiled Stuarts looked with a longing eye to that crown which theirstupid folly had forfeited. They seemed fated to bring countless woesupon the loyal hearted, brave, self-sacrificing Highlanders, and wereever eager to take advantage of any circumstance that might lead totheir restoration. The accession of George I, in 1714, was an unhappyevent for Great Britain. Discontent soon pervaded the kingdom. All heappeared to care about was to secure for himself and his family a highposition, which he scarcely knew how to occupy: to fill the pockets ofhis German attendants and his German mistresses; to get away as oftenas possible from his uncongenial islanders whose language he did notunderstand, and to use the strength of Great Britain to obtain pettyadvantages for his German principality. At once the new king exhibitedviolent prejudices against some of the chief men of the nation, andirritated without a cause a large part of his subjects. Some believed itwas a favorable opportunity to reinstate the Stuart dynasty. JohnErskine, eleventh earl of Mar, stung by studied and unprovoked insults, on the part of the king, proceeded to the Highlands and placed himselfat the head of the forces of the house of Stuart, or Jacobites, as theywere called. On September 6, 1715, Mar assembled at Aboyne the noblemen, chiefs of clans, gentlemen, and others, with such followers as could bebrought together, and proclaimed James, king of Great Britain. Theinsurrection, both in England and Scotland, began to grow in popularity, and would have been a success had there been at the head of affairs astrong military man. Nearly all the principal chiefs of the clans weredrawn into the movement. At Sheriffmuir, the contending forces met, Sunday, November 13, 1715. The victory was with the Highlanders, butMar's military talents were not equal to the occasion. The army wasfinally disbanded at Aberdeen, in February, 1716. 

The rebellion of 1745, headed by prince Charles Stuart, was the grandestexhibition of chivalry, on the part of the Highlanders, that the worldhas ever seen. They were actuated by an exalted sense of devotion tothat family, which for generations, they had been taught should reignover them. At first victory crowned their efforts, but all was lost onthe disastrous field of Culloden, fought April 16, 1746. 

Were it possible it would be an unspeakable pleasure to drop a veil overthe scene, at the close of the battle of Culloden. Language fails todepict the horrors that ensued. It is scarcely within the bounds ofbelief that human beings could perpetrate such atrocities upon thehelpless, the feeble, and the innocent, without regard to sex or age, asfollowed in the wake of the victors. Highland historians have made thefacts known. It must suffice here to give a moderate statement from anEnglish writer:

 "Quarter was seldom given to the stragglers and fugitives, except to a few considerately reserved for public execution. No care or compassion was shown to their wounded; nay more, on the following day most of these were put to death in cold blood, with a cruelty such as never perhaps before or since has disgraced a British army. Some were dragged from the thickets or cabins where they had sought refuge, drawn out in line and shot, while others were dispatched by the soldiers with the stocks of their muskets. One farm-building, into which some twenty disabled Highlanders had crawled, was deliberately set on fire the next day, and burnt with them to the ground. The native prisoners were scarcely better treated; and even sufficient water was not vouchsafed to their thirst. **** Every kind of havoc and outrage was not only permitted, but, I fear, we must add, encouraged. Military license usurped the place of law, and a fierce and exasperated soldiery were at once judge--jury--executioner. **** The rebels' country was laid waste, the houses plundered, the cabins burnt, the cattle driven away. The men had fled to the mountains, but such as could be found were frequently shot; nor was mercy always granted even to their helpless families. In many cases the women and children, expelled from their homes and seeking shelter in the clefts of the rocks, miserably perished of cold and hunger: others were reduced to follow the track of the marauders, humbly imploring for the blood and offal of their own cattle which had been slaughtered for the soldiers' food! Such is the avowal which historical justice demands. But let me turn from further details of these painful and irritating scenes, or of the ribald frolics and revelry with which they were intermingled--races of naked women on horseback for the amusement of the camp at Fort Augustus. "[3]

The author and abettor of these atrocities was the son of the reigningmonarch. 

Not satisfied with the destruction which was carried into the very homesof this gallant, brave and generous race of people, the Britishparliament, with a refined cruelty, passed an act that, on and afterAugust 1, 1747, any person, man, or boy, in Scotland, who should on anypretense whatever wear any part of the Highland garb, should beimprisoned not less than six months; and on conviction of secondoffense, transportation abroad for seven years. The soldiers hadinstructions to shoot upon the spot any one seen wearing the Highlandgarb, and this as late as September, 1750. This law and other laws madeat the same time were unnecessarily severe. 

However impartial or fair a traveller may be his statements are not tobe accepted without due caution. He narrates that which most forciblyattracts his attention, being ever careful to search out that which hedesires. Yet, to a certain extent, dependence must be placed in hisobservations. From certain travellers are gleaned fearful pictures ofthe Highlanders during the eighteenth century, written without a dueconsideration of the underlying causes. The power of the chiefs had beenweakened, while the law was still impotent, many of them were in exileand their estates forfeited, and landlords, in not a few instances, placed over the clansmen, who were inimical to their best interests. Ashas been noticed, in 1746 the country was ravaged and pitilessoppression followed. Destruction and misery everywhere abounded. Tojudge a former condition of a people by their present extremity affordsa distorted view of the picture. 

Fire and sword, war and rapine, desolation and atrocity, perpetratedupon a high-spirited and generous people, cannot conduce to the bestmoral condition. Left in poverty and galled by outrage, wrongs will beresorted to which otherwise would be foreign to a natural disposition. If the influences of a more refined age had not penetrated the remoteglens, then a rougher reprisal must be expected. The coarseness, vice, rapacity, and inhumanity of the oppressor must of necessity have acorresponding influence on their better natures. If to this it be addedthat some of the chiefs were naturally fierce, the origin of the sadfeatures could readily be determined. Whatever vices practiced or wrongsperpetrated, the example was set before them by their more powerful andbetter conditioned neighbors. Among the crimes enumerated is that someof the chiefs increased their scanty incomes by kidnapping boys or men, whom they sold as slaves to the American planters. If this be true, andin all probability it was, there must have been confederates engaged inmaritime pursuits. But they did not have far to go for this lesson, forthis nefarious trade was taught them, at their very doors, by themerchants of Aberdeen, who were "noted for a scandalous system ofdecoying young boys from the country and selling them as slaves to theplanters in Virginia. It was a trade which in the early part of theeighteenth century, was carried on to a considerable extent through theHighlands; and a case which took place about 1742 attracted much noticea few years later, when one of the victims having escaped fromservitude, returned to Aberdeen, and published a narrative of hissufferings, seriously implicating some of the magistracy of the town. Hewas prosecuted and condemned for libel by the local authorities, but thecase was afterwards carried to Edinburgh. The iniquitous system ofkidnapping was fully exposed, and the judges of the supreme courtunanimously reversed the verdict of the Aberdeen authorities and imposeda heavy fine upon the provost, the four bailies, and the dean of guild. *** An atrocious case of this kind, which shows clearly the state of theHighlands, occurred in 1739. Nearly one hundred men, women and childrenwere seized in the dead of night on the islands of Skye and Harris, pinioned, horribly beaten, and stowed away in a ship bound for America, in order to be sold to the planters. Fortunately the ship touched atDonaghadee in Ireland, and the prisoners, after undergoing the mostfrightful sufferings, succeeded in escaping. "[4]

Under existing circumstances it was but natural that the moreenterprising, and especially that intelligent portion who had lost theirheritable jurisdiction, should turn with longing eyes to anothercountry. America offered the most inviting asylum. Although there wassome emigration to America during the first half of the eighteenthcentury, yet it did not fairly set in until about 1760. Between theyears 1763 and 1775 over twenty thousand Highlanders left their homes toseek a better retreat in the forests of America. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: "Description of the Western Islands, " pp. 199, 200. ]

[Footnote 2: "Letters from the North, " Vol. II. , p. 167. ]

[Footnote 3: Lord Mahon's "History of England, " Vol. III, pp. 308-311. ]

[Footnote 4: Lecky's "History of England, " Vol. II, p. 274. ]

CHAPTER II. 

THE SCOTCH-IRISH IN AMERICA. 

The name Scotland was never applied to that country, now so designated, before the tenth century, but was called Alban, Albania, Albion. At anearly period Ireland was called Scotia, which name was exclusively soapplied before the tenth century. Scotia was then a territorial orgeographical term, while Scotus was a race name or generic term, implying people as well as country. "The generic term of _Scoti_embraced the people of that race whether inhabiting Ireland or Britain. As this term of Scotia was a geographical term derived from the genericname of a people, it was to some extent a fluctuating name, and thoughapplied at first to Ireland, which possessed the more distinctive nameof Hibernia, as the principal seat of the race from whom the name wasderived, it is obvious that, if the people from whom the name was takeninhabited other countries, the name itself would have a tendency to passfrom the one to the other, according to the prominence which thedifferent settlements of the race assumed in the history of the world;and as the race of the Scots in Britain became more extended, and theirpower more formidable, the territorial name would have a tendency to fixitself where the race had become most conspicuous. .. . The name in itsLatin form of Scotia, was transferred from Ireland to Scotland in thereign of Malcolm the Second, who reigned from 1004 to 1034. The 'PictishChronicle, ' compiled before 997, knows nothing of the name of Scotia asapplied to North Britain; but Marianus Scotus, who lived from 1028 to1081, calls Malcolm the Second 'rex _Scotiae_, ' and Brian, king ofIreland, 'rex _Hiberniae_. ' The author of the 'Life of St. Cadroe, ' inthe eleventh century, likewise applies the name of _Scotia_ to NorthBritain. "[5]

A strong immigration early set in from the north of Ireland to thewestern parts of Scotland. It was under no leadership, but more in thenature of an overflow, or else partaking of the spirit of adventure. This was accelerated in the year 503, when a new colony of DalriadicScots, under the leadership of Fergus, son of Eric, left Ireland andsettled on the western coast of Argyle and the adjacent isles. FromFergus was derived the line of Scoto-Irish kings, who finally, in 843, ascended the Pictish throne. 

The inhabitants of Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland were butbranches of the same Keltic stock, and their language was substantiallythe same. There was not only more or less migrations between the twocountries, but also, to a greater or less extent, an impinging betweenthe people. 

Ulster, the northern province of Ireland, is composed of the counties ofAntrim, Armagh, Cavan, Donegal, Down, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Monaghanand Tyrone. Formerly it was the seat of the O'Neills, as well as thelesser septs of O'Donnell, O'Cahan, O'Doherty, Maguire, MacMahon, etc. The settlements made by the earlier migrations of the Highlanders werechiefly on the coast of Antrim. These settlements were connected withand dependent on the Clandonald of Islay and Kintyre. The founder ofthis branch of that powerful family was John Mor, second son of "thegood John of Islay, " who, about the year 1400, married Majory Bisset, heiress of the Glens, in Antrim, and thus acquired a permanent footing. The family was not only strengthened by settling cadets of its own houseas tenants in the territory of the Glens, but also by intermarriageswith the families of O'Neill, O'Donnell, and others. In extending itsIrish possessions the Clandonald was brought into frequent conflicts andfeuds with the Irish of Ulster. In 1558 the Hebrideans had become sostrong in Ulster that the archbishop of Armagh urged on the governmentthe advisability of their expulsion by procuring their Irish neighbors, O'Donnell, O'Neill, O'Cahan, and others, to unite against them. In 1565the MacDonalds suffered a severe defeat at the hands of Shane O'Neill, earl of Tyrone. The Scottish islanders still continued to exerciseconsiderable power. Sorley Buy MacDonald, a man of great courage, soonextended his influence over the adjacent territories, in so much so thatin 1575-1585, the English were forced to turn their attention to theprogress of the Scots. The latter having been defeated, an agreementwas made in which Sorley Buy was granted four districts. His eldest son, Sir James MacSorley Buy, or MacDonell of Dunluce, became a strenuoussupporter of the government of James on his accession to the Britishthrone. 

In the meantime other forces were at work. Seeds of discontent had beensown by both Henry VIII, and his daughter Elizabeth, who tried to forcethe people of Ireland to accept the ritual of the Reformed Church. Bothreaped abundant fruit of trouble from this ill-advised policy. Beinginured to war it did not require much fire to be fanned into a flame ofcommotion and discord. Soon after his accession to the English throne, James I caused certain estates of Irish nobles, who had engaged intreasonable practices, to be escheated to the crown. By thisconfiscation James had at his disposal nearly six counties in Ulster, embracing half a million of acres. These lands were allotted to privateindividuals in sections of one thousand, fifteen hundred, and twothousand acres, each being required to support an adequate number ofEnglish or Scottish tenantry. Protestant colonies were transplanted fromEngland and Scotland, but chiefly from the latter, with the intent thatthe principles of the Reformation should subdue the turbulent natives. The proclamation inviting settlers for Ulster was dated at Edinburgh, March 28, 1609. Great care was taken in selecting the emigrants, towhich the king gave his personal attention. Measures were taken that thesettlers should be "from the inward parts of Scotland, " and that theyshould be so located that "they may not mix nor intermarry" with "themere Irish. " For the most part the people were received from the shiresof Dumbarton, Renfrew, Ayre, Galloway, and Dumfries. On account ofreligious persecutions, in 1665, a large additional accession wasreceived from Galloway and Ayre. The chief seat of the colonizationscheme was in the county of Londonderry. The new settlers did not mixwith the native population to any appreciable extent, especially priorto 1741, but mingled freely with the English Puritans and the refugeeHuguenots. The native race was forced sullenly to retire before thecolonists. Although the king had expressly forbidden any more of theinhabitants of the Western Isles to be taken to Ulster, yet the bloodof the Highlander, to a great degree, permeated that of the Ulsterman, and had its due weight in forming the character of the Scotch-Irish. Thecommotions in the Highlands, during the civil wars, swelled the numberto greater proportions. The rebellions of 1715 and 1745 added a largepercentage to the increasing population. The names of the people areinteresting, both as illustrating their origin, and as showing theextraordinary corruptions which some have undergone. As an illustration, the proscribed clan MacGregor, may be cited, which migrated in greatnumbers, descendants of whom are still to be found under the names ofGrier, Greer, Gregor, etc. , the _Mac_ in general being dropped;MacKinnon becomes McKenna, McKean, McCannon; Mac Nish is McNeice, Menees, Munnis, Monies, etc. 

The Scotch settlers retained the characteristic traits of their nativestock and continued to call themselves Scotch, although molded somewhatby surrounding influences. They demanded and exercised the privilege ofchoosing their own spiritual advisers, in opposition to all efforts ofthe hierarchy of England to make the choice and support the clergy as astate concern. 

From the descendants of these people came the Scotch-Irish emigrants toAmerica, who were destined to perform an important part on the theatreof action by organizing a successful revolt and establishing a newgovernment. Among the early emigrants to the New World, although termedScotch-Irish, and belonging to them we have such names as Campbell, Ferguson, Graham, McFarland, McDonald, McGregor, McIntyre, McKenzie, McLean, McPherson, Morrison, Robertson, Stewart, etc. , all of which aredistinctly Highlander and suggestive of the clans. 

On the outbreak of the American Revolution the thirteen coloniesnumbered among their inhabitants about eight hundred thousand Scotch andScotch-Irish, or a little more than one-fourth of the entire population. They were among the first to become actively engaged in that struggle, and so continued until the peace, furnishing fourteen major-generals, and thirty brigadier generals, among whom may be mentioned St. Clair, McDougall, Mercer, McIntosh, Wayne, Knox, Montgomery, Sullivan, Stark, Morgan, Davidson, and others. More than any other one element, unlessthe New England Puritans be excepted, they formed a sentiment forindependence, and recruited the continental army. To their valor, enthusiasm and dogged persistence the victory for liberty was largelydue. Washington pronounced on them a proud encomium when he declared, during the darkest period of the Revolution, that if his efforts shouldfail, then he would erect his standard on the Blue Ridge of Virginia. Besides warring against the drilled armies of Britain on the sea coastthey formed a protective wall between the settlements and the savages onthe west. 

Among the fifty-six signers of the Declaration of Independence, ninewere of this lineage, one of whom, McKean, served continuously inCongress from its opening in 1774 till its close in 1783, during a partof which time he was its president, and also serving as chief justice ofPennsylvania. The chairman of the committee that drafted theconstitution of the United States, Rutledge, was, by ancestry, Scotch-Irish. When the same instrument was submitted, the three statesfirst to adopt it were the middle states, or Delaware, Pennsylvania andNew Jersey, so largely settled by the same class of people. 

Turning again specifically to the Scotch-Irish emigrants it may beremarked that they had received in the old country a splendid physique, having large bones and sound teeth, besides being trained to habits ofindustry. The mass of them were men of intelligence, resolution, energy, religious and moral in character. They were a God-fearing, liberty-loving, tyrant-hating, Sabbath-keeping, covenant-adhering race, and schooled by a discipline made fresh and impressive by the heroicefforts at Derry and Enniskillin. Their women were fine specimens of thesex, about the medium height, strongly built, with fair complexion, light blue or grey eyes, ruddy cheeks, and faces indicating a warmheart, intelligence and courage; and possessing those virtues whichconstitute the redeeming qualities of the human race. 

These people were martyrs for conscience sake. In 1711 a measure wascarried through the British parliament that provided that all persons inplaces of profit or trust, and all common councilmen in corporations, who, while holding office, were proved to have attended anyNonconformist place of worship, should forfeit the place, and shouldcontinue incapable of public employment till they should depose that fora whole year they had not attended a conventicle. A fine of £40 wasadded to be paid to the informer. There were other causes which assistedto help depopulate Ulster, among which was the destruction of the woolentrade about 1700, when twenty thousand left that province. Many morewere driven away by the Test Act in 1704, and in 1732. On the failure torepeal that act the protestant emigration recommenced which robbedIreland of the bravest defenders of English interests and peopledAmerica with fresh blood of Puritanism. 

The second great wave of emigration from Ulster occurred between 1771and 1773, growing out of the Antrim evictions. In 1771 the leases on theestate of the marquis of Donegal, in Antrim, expired. The rents wereplaced at such an exorbitant figure that the demands could not be met. Aspirit of resentment to the oppressions of the landed proprietors atonce arose, and extensive emigration to America was the result. In thetwo years that followed the Antrim evictions of 1772, thirty thousandprotestants left Ulster for a land where legal robbery could not bepermitted, and where those who sowed the seed could reap the harvest. From the ports of the North of Ireland one hundred vessels sailed forthe New World, loaded with human beings. It has been computed that in1773 and during the five preceding years, Ulster, by emigration to theAmerican settlements, was drained of one-quarter of the trading cash, and a like proportion of its manufacturing population. This oppressedpeople, leaving Ireland in such a temper became a powerful adjunct inthe prosecution of the Revolution which followed so closely on thewrongs which they had so cruelly suffered. 

The advent of the first Scotch-Irish clergyman in America, so far as isnow known, was in 1682, signalled by the arrival of Francis Makemie, thefather of American Presbyterianism. Almost promptly he was landed injail in New York, charged with the offense of preaching the gospel in aprivate house. Assisted by a Scottish lawyer from Philadelphia (who wassilenced for his courage), he defended the cause of religious libertywith heroic courage and legal ability, and was ultimately acquitted by afearless New York jury. Thus was begun the great struggle for religiousliberty in America. Among those who afterwards followed were GeorgeMcNish, from Ulster, in 1705, and John Henry, in 1709. 

Early in the spring of 1718, Rev. William Boyd arrived in Boston as anagent of some hundreds of people who had expressed a desire to come toNew England should suitable encouragement be offered them. With him hebrought a brief memorial to which was attached three hundred andnineteen names, all but thirteen of which were in a fair and vigoroushand. Governor Shute gave such general encouragement and promise ofwelcome, that on August 4, 1718, five small ships came to anchor at thewharf in Boston, having on board one hundred and twenty Scotch-Irishfamilies, numbering in all about seven hundred and fifty individuals. Inyears they embraced those from the babe in arms to John Young, who hadseen the frosts of ninety-five winters. Among the clergy who arrivedwere James McGregor, Cornwell, and Holmes. 

In a measure these people were under the charge of Governor Shute. Hemust find homes for them. He dispatched about fifty of these families toWorcester. That year marked the fifth of its permanent settlement, andwas composed of fifty log-houses, inhabited by two hundred souls. Thenew comers appear to have been of the poorer and more illiterate classof the five ship loads. At first they were welcomed, because needed forboth civic and military reasons. In September of 1722 a townshiporganization was effected, and at the first annual town meeting, namesof the strangers appear on the list of officers. With these emigrantswas brought the Irish potato, and first planted in the spring of 1719. When their English neighbors visited them, on their departure theypresented them with a few of the tubers for planting, and therecipients, unwilling to show any discourtesy, accepted the same, butsuspecting a poisonous quality, carried them to the first swamp andthrew them into the water. The same spring a few potatoes were given toa Mr. Walker, of Andover, by a family who had wintered with him. Heplanted them in the ground, and in due time the family gathered the"_balls_" which they supposed was the fruit. These were cooked invarious ways, but could not be made palatable. The next spring whenplowing the garden, potatoes of great size were turned up, when themistake was discovered. This introduction into New England is the reasonwhy the now indispensable succulent is called "Irish potato. " Thisvegetable was first brought from Virginia to Ireland in 1565 byslave-trader Hawkins, and from there it found its way to New England in1718, through the Scotch-Irish. 

The Worcester Scotch-Irish petitioned to be released from paying taxesto support the prevalent form of worship, as they desired to supporttheir own method. Their prayer was contemptuously rejected. Two yearslater, or in 1738, owing to their church treatment, a company consistingof thirty-eight families, settled the new town of Pelham, thirty mileswest of Worcester. The scandalous destruction of their property inWorcester, in 1740, caused a further exodus which resulted in theestablishing the towns of Warren and Blandford, both being incorporatedin 1741. The Scotch-Irish town of Colerain, located fifty milesnorthwest of Worcester was settled in 1739. 

Londonderry, New Hampshire, was settled in April, 1719, forming thesecond settlement, from the five ships. Most of these pioneers were menin middle life, robust and persevering. Their first dwellings were oflogs, covered with bark. It must not be thought that these people, strict in their religious conceptions, were not touched with the commonfeelings of ordinary humanity. It is related that when John Morrison wasbuilding his house his wife came to him and in a persuasive manner said, "Aweel, aweel, dear Joan, an' it maun be a log-house, do make it a logheegher nor the lave;" (than the rest). The first frame house built wasfor their pastor, James McGregor. The first season they felt itnecessary to build two strong stone garrison-houses in order to resistany attack of the Indians. It is remarkable that in neither Lowell'swar, when Londonderry was strictly a frontier town, nor in either of thetwo subsequent French and Indian wars, did any hostile force from thenorthward ever approach that town. During the twenty-five yearspreceding the revolution, ten distinct towns of influence, in NewHampshire, were settled by emigrants from Londonderry, besides two inVermont and two in Nova Scotia; while families, sometimes singly andalso in groups, went off in all directions, especially along theConnecticut river and over the ridge of the Green Mountains. To thesebrave people, neither the crown nor the colonies appealed in vain. Everyroute to Crown Point and Ticonderoga had been tramped by them time andagain. With Colonel Williams they were at the head of Lake George in1755, and in the battle with Dieskau that followed; they were with Starkand lord Howe, under Abercrombie, in the terrible defeat at Ticonderogain 1758; others toiled with Wolfe on the Heights of Abraham; and in1777, fought under Stark at Bennington, and against Burgoyne atSaratoga. 

A part of the emigrants intended for New Hampshire settled in Maine, inwhat is now Portland, Topsham, Bath and other places. Unfortunately soonafter these settlements were established some of them were broken up byIndian troubles, and some of the colonists sought refuge with theircountrymen at Londonderry, but the greater part removed toPennsylvania, --from 1730 to 1733 about one hundred and fifty families, principally of Scotch descent. In 1735, Warren, Maine, was settled bytwenty-seven families, some of whom were of recent emigration and othersfrom the first arrival in Boston in 1718. In 1753 the town received anaddition of sixty adults and many children brought from Scotland. 

The Scotch-Irish settlement at Salem in Washington county, New York, came from Monaghan and Ballibay, Ireland. Under the leadership of theirminister, Rev. Thomas Clark, three hundred sailed from Newry, May 10, 1764, and landed in New York in July following. On September 30, 1765, Mr. Clark obtained twelve thousand acres of the "Turner Grant, " and uponthis land he moved his parishioners, save a few families that had beeninduced to go to South Carolina, and some others that remained inStillwater, New York. The great body of these settlers took possessionof their lands, which had been previously surveyed into tracts ofeighty-eight acres each, in the year 1767. The previous year had beendevoted to clearing the lands, building houses, etc. Among the earlybuildings was a log church, the first religious place of worship erectedbetween Albany and Canada. March 2, 1774, the legislature erected thesettlement into a township named New Perth. This name remained untilMarch 7, 1788, when it was changed to Salem. 

The Scotch-Irish first settled in Somerset county, New Jersey, early inthe last century, but not at one time but from time to time. 

These early settlers repudiated the name of Irish, and took it as anoffense to be so called. They claimed, and truly, to be Scotch. The term"Scotch-Irish" is quite recent, but has come into general use. 

From the three centers, Worcester, Londonderry and Wiscasset, theScotch-Irish penetrated and permeated all New England; Maine the most ofall, next New Hampshire, then Massachusetts, and in lessening order, Vermont, Connecticut and Rhode Island. They were one sort of people, belonging to the same grade and sphere of life. In worldly goods theywere poor, but the majority could read and write, and if possessed withbut one book that was the Bible, yet greatly esteeming Fox's "Book ofMartyrs" and Bunyon's "Pilgrim's Progress. " Whatever their views, theywere held in common. 

The three doors that opened to the Scotch-Irish emigrant, in the NewWorld, were the ports of Boston, Charleston and New Castle, in Delaware, the great bulk of whom being received at the last named city, where theydid not even stop to rest, but pushed their way to their future homes inPennsylvania. No other state received so many of them for permanentsettlers. Those who landed in New York found the denizens there toosubmissive to foreign dictation, and so preferred Pennsylvania andMaryland, where the proprietary governors and the people were inimmediate contact. Francis Machemie had organized the first Presbyterianchurch in America along the eastern shore of Maryland and in theadjoining counties of Virginia. 

The wave of Quaker settlements spent its force on the line of theConestoga creek, in Lancaster county. The Scotch and Scotch-Irisharriving in great numbers were permitted to locate beyond that line, andthus they not only became the pioneers, but long that race so continuedto be. In 1725, so great had been the wave of emigration intoPennsylvania, that James Logan, a native of Armagh, Ireland, but notfond of his own countrymen who were not Quakers, declared, "It looks asif Ireland were to send all her inhabitants hither; if they continue tocome they will make themselves proprietors of the province;" and hefurther condemned the bad taste of the people who were forcingthemselves where they were not wanted. The rate of this invasion may beestimated from the rise in population from twenty thousand, in 1701, totwo hundred and fifty thousand in 1745, which embraced the entirepopulation of that colony. Between the years 1729 and 1750, there was anannual arrival of twelve thousand, mostly from Ulster. Among the vesselsthat helped to inaugurate this great tide was the good ship "George andAnn, " which set sail from Ireland on May 9th, 1729, and brought over theMcDowells, the Irvines, the Campbells, the O'Neills, the McElroys, theMitchells, and their compatriots. 

Soon after the emigrants landed at New Castle they found their way alongthe branches of various rivers to the several settlements on the westernfrontier. The only ones known to have come through New York was the"Irish settlement" in Allen township, Northampton county, composedprincipally of families from Londonderry, New Hampshire, where, owing tothe rigid climate, they could not be induced to remain. It grew butslowly, and after 1750 most of the descendants passed on towards theSusquehanna and down the Cumberland. 

As early as 1720 a colony was formed on the Neshaminy, in Bucks County, which finally became one of the greatest landmarks of that race. Thesettlements that commenced as early as 1710, at Fagg Manor, at Octorara, at New London, and at Brandywine Manor, in Chester County, formed thenucleus for subsequent emigration for a period of forty years, when theyalso declined by removals to other sections of the State, and to thecolonies of the South. Prior to 1730 there were large settlements inthe townships of Colerain, Pequea, and Leacock, in Lancaster County. Just when the pioneers arrived in that region has not been accuratelyascertained, but some of them earlier than 1720. Within a radius ofthirty-five miles of Harrisburgh are the settlements of Donegal, Paxtang, Derry, and Hanover, founded between 1715 and 1724; from whencepoured another stream on through the Cumberland Valley, across thePotomac, down through Virginia and into the Carolinas and Georgia. Thevalley of the Juniata was occupied in 1749. The settlements in the lowerpart of York County date from 1726. From 1760 to 1770 settlementsrapidly sprung up in various places throughout Western Pennsylvania. Soon after 1767 emigrants settled on the Youghiogheny, the Monongahelaand its tributaries, and in the years 1770 and 1771, Washington Countywas colonized. Soon after the wave of population extended to the OhioRiver. From this time forward Western Pennsylvania was characteristicallyScotch-Irish. 

These hardy sons were foremost in the French and Indian Wars. TheRevolutionary struggle caused them to turn their attention tostatesmanship and combat, --every one of whom was loyal to the cause ofindependence. The patriot army had its full share of Scotch-Irishrepresentation. That thunderbolt of war, Anthony Wayne, [6] hailed fromthe County of Chester. The ardent manner in which the cause of thepatriots was espoused is illustrated, in a notice of a marriage thattook place in 1778, in Lancaster County, the contracting parties beingof the Ulster race. The couple is denominated "very sincere Whigs. "

It "was truly a Whig wedding, as there were present many young gentlemenand ladies, and not one of the gentlemen but had been out when called onin the service of his country; and it was well known that the groom, inparticular, had proved his heroism, as well as Whigism, in severalbattles and skirmishes. After the marriage was ended, a motion was made, and heartily agreed to by all present, that the young unmarried ladiesshould form themselves into an association by the name of the 'WhigAssociation of Unmarried Young Ladies of America, ' in which they shouldpledge their honor that they would never give their hand in marriage toany gentleman until he had first proved himself a patriot, in readilyturning out when called to defend his country from slavery, by aspirited and brave conduct, as they would not wish to be the mothers ofa race of slaves and cowards'"[7]

Pennsylvania was the gateway and first resting place, and the source ofScotch-Irish adventure and enterprise as they moved west and south. Thewave of emigration striking the eastern border of Pennsylvania, in ameasure was deflected southward through Maryland, Virginia, theCarolinas, reaching and crossing the Savannah river, though met atvarious points by counter streams of the same race, which had enteredthe continent through Charleston and other southern ports. LeavingPennsylvania and turning southward, the first colony into which thestream poured, was Maryland, the settlements being principally in thenarrow strip which constitutes the western portion, although they neverscattered all over the colony. 

[Illustration: BUILT BY HENRY MCWHORTER IN 1787, AT JANE LEW, WESTVIRGINIA, PHOTOGRAPHED IN 1893]

Proceeding southward traces of that race are found in Virginia east ofthe Blue Ridge, in the latter part of the seventeenth and early in theeighteenth century. They were in Albemarle, Nelson, Campbell, PrinceEdward, Charlotte and Orange counties, and even along the great valleywest of the Blue Ridge. It was not, however, until the year 1738 thatthey entered the valley in great numbers, and almost completelypossessed it from the Pennsylvania to the North Carolina line. Duringthe French and Indian wars the soldiers of Virginia were mainly drawnfrom this section, and suffered defeat with Washington at the GreatMeadows, and with Braddock at Fort Duquesne, but by their firmness savedthe remnant of that rash general's army. In 1774 they won the signalvictory at Point Pleasant which struck terror into the Indian tribesacross the Ohio. 

The American Revolution was foreshadowed in 1765, when England began heroppressive measures regardless of the inalienable and chartered rightsof the colonists of America. It was then the youthful Scotch-Irishman, Patrick Henry, introduced into the Virginia House of Burgesses, theresolutions denying the validity of the Act of the British parliament, and by Scotch-Irish votes he secured their adoption against the combinedefforts of the old leaders. At the first call for troops by congress todefend Boston, Daniel Morgan at once raised a company from among his ownpeople, in the lower Virginia valley, and by a forced march of sixhundred miles reached the beleaguered city in three weeks. With his menhe trudged through the wilderness of Maine and appeared before Quebec;and later, on the heights of Saratoga, with his riflemen, he poured likea torrent upon the ranks of Burgoyne. Through the foresight of Henry, acommission was given to George Rogers Clark, in 1778, to lead a secretexpedition against the northwestern forts. The soldiers were recruitedfrom among the Scotch-Irish settlements west of the Blue Ridge. Theuntold hardships, sufferings and final success of this expedition, atthe Treaty of Peace, in 1783, gave the great west to the United States. 

The greater number of the colonists of North Carolina was Scotch andScotch-Irish, in so much so as to have given direction to its history. There were several reasons why they should be so attracted, the mostpotent being a mild climate, fertile lands, and freedom of religiousworship. The greatest accession at any one time was that in 1736, whenHenry McCulloch secured sixty-four thousand acres in Duplin county, andsettled upon these lands four thousand of his Ulster countrymen. Aboutthe same time the Scotch began to occupy the lower Cape Fear. Prior to1750 they were located in the counties of Granville, Orange, Rowan andMecklenburg, although it is uncertain when they settled between the Danand the Catawba. Braddock's defeat, in 1755, rendered border lifedangerous, many of the newcomers turning south into North Carolina, where they met the other stream of their countrymen moving upward fromCharleston along the banks of the Santee, Wateree, Broad, Pacolet, Ennoree and Saluda, and this continued till checked by the Revolution. These people generally were industrious, sober and intelligent, and withtheir advent begins the educational history of the state. NearGreensborough, in 1767, was established a classical school, and in 1770, in the town of Charlotte, Mecklenburg county, was chartered Queen'sCollege, but its charter was repealed by George III. However, itcontinued to flourish, and was incorporated as "Liberty Hall, " in 1777. The Revolution closed its doors; Cornwallis quartered his troops withinit, and afterwards burned the buildings. 

Under wrongs the Scotch-Irish of North Carolina were the most restlessof all the colonists. They were zealous advocates for freedom ofconscience and security against taxation unless imposed by themselves. During the administration of acting Governor Miller, they imprisoned thepresident and six members of the council, convened the legislature, established courts of justice, and for two years exercised all thefunctions of government; they derided the authority of GovernorEastchurch; they imprisoned, impeached, and sent into exile GovernorSothel, for his extortions, and successfully resisted the effort of lordGranville to establish the Church of England in that colony. In 1731, Governor Burrington wrote: "The people of North Carolina are neither tobe cajoled or outwitted; * * * always behaved insolently to theirGovernors. Some they imprisoned, others they have drove out of thecountry, and at other times set up a government of their own choice. "In 1765, when a vessel laden with stamp paper arrived, the peopleoverawed the captain, who soon sailed away. The officers then adopted aregular system of oppression and extortion, and plundered the people atevery turn of life. The people formed themselves into an association"for regulating public grievances and abuse of powers. " The royalgovernor, Tryon (the same who later originated the infamous plot topoison Washington), raised an army of eleven hundred men, and marched toinflict summary punishment on the defiant sons of liberty. On May 16, 1771, the two forces met on the banks of the Great Alamance. After anengagement of two hours the patriots failed. These men were sturdy, patriotic members of three Presbyterian churches. On the field of battlewere their pastors, graduates of Princeton. Tryon used his victory sosavagely as to drive an increasing stream of settlers over the mountainsinto Tennessee, where they made their homes in the valley of theWatauga, and there nurtured their wrongs; but the day of their vengeancewas rapidly approaching. 

[Illustration: VIEW OF BATTLE FIELD OF ALAMANCE. ]

The stirring times of 1775 found the North Carolinians ready for revolt. They knew from tradition and experience the monstrous wrongs of tyrants. When the people of Mecklenburg county learned in May, 1775, thatparliament had declared the colonies in a state of revolt, they did notwait for the action of congress nor for that of their own provinciallegislature, but adopted resolutions, which in effect formed adeclaration of independence. 

The power, valor and uncompromising conduct of these men is illustratedin their conduct at the battle of King's Mountain, fought October 7, 1780. It was totally unlike any other in American history, being thevoluntary uprising of the people, rushing to arms to aid their distantkinsmen, when their own homes were menaced by savages. They servedwithout pay and without the hope of reward. The defeat of Gates atCamden laid the whole of North Carolina at the feet of the British. Flushed with success, Colonel Furguson, of the 71st Regiment, at thehead of eleven hundred men marched into North Carolina and took up hisposition at Gilbert Town, in order to intercept those retreating in thatdirection from Camden, and to crush out the spirit of the patriots inthat region. Without any concert of action volunteers assembledsimultaneously, and placed themselves under tried leaders. They wereadmirably fitted by their daily pursuits for the privations they werecalled upon to endure. They had no tents, baggage, bread or salt, butsubsisted on potatoes, pumpkins and roasted corn, and such venison astheir own rifles could procure. Their army consisted of four hundredmen, under Colonel William Campbell, from Washington county, Virginia, two hundred and forty were under Colonel Isaac Shelby, from Sullivancounty, North Carolina, and two hundred and forty men, from Washingtoncounty, same state, under John Sevier, which assembled at Watauga, September 25, where they were joined by Colonel Charles McDowell, withone hundred and sixty men, from the counties of Burke and Rutherford, who had fled before the enemy to the western waters. While McDowell, Shelby and Sevier were in consultation, two paroled prisoners arrivedfrom Furguson with the message that if they did not "take protectionunder his standard, he would march his army over the mountains, hangtheir leaders, and lay waste their country with fire and sword. " Ontheir march to meet the army of Furguson they were for twenty-four hoursin the saddle. They took that officer by surprise, killed him and onehundred and eighty of his men, after an engagement of one hour and fiveminutes, the greater part of which time a heavy and incessant fire waskept up on both sides, with a loss to themselves of only twenty killedand a few wounded. The remaining force of the enemy surrendered atdiscretion, giving up their camp equipage and fifteen hundred stand ofarms. On the morning after the battle several of the Royalist (Tory)prisoners were found guilty of murder and other high crimes, and hanged. This was the closing scene of the battle of King's Mountain, an eventwhich completely crushed the spirit of the Royalists, and weakenedbeyond recovery the power of the British in the Carolinas. Theintelligence of Furguson's defeat destroyed all Cornwallis's hopes ofaid from those who still remained loyal to Britain's interests. The menoppressed by British laws and Tryon's cruelty were not yet avenged, forthey were with Morgan at the Cowpens and with Greene at Guildford CourtHouse, and until the close of the war. 

In the settling of South Carolina, every ship that sailed from Irelandfor the port of Charleston, was crowded with men, women and children, which was especially true after the peace of 1763. About the same date, within one year, a thousand families came into the state in that wavethat originated in Pennsylvania, bringing with them their cattle, horsesand hogs. Lands were allotted to them in the western woods, which soonbecame the most popular part of the province, the up-country populationbeing overwhelmingly Scotch-Irish. They brought with them and retained, in an eminent degree, the virtues of industry and economy, so peculiarlynecessary in a new country. To them the state is indebted for much ofits early literature. The settlers in the western part of the colony, long without the aid of laws, were forced to band themselves togetherfor mutual protection. The royal governor, Montague, in 1764, sent anarmy against them, and with great difficulty a civil war was averted. The division thus created reappeared in 1775, on the breaking out of theRevolution. The state suffered greatly from the ravages of Cornwallis, who rode roughly over it, although her sons toiled heroically in defenceof their firesides. The little bands in the east gathered around thestandard of Marion, and in the north and west around those of Sumter andPickens. They kept alive the flame of liberty in the swamps, and whenthe country appeared to be subdued, it burst forth in electric flashesstriking and withering the hand of the oppressor. Through the veins ofmost of the patriots flowed Scotch-Irish blood; and to the hands of oneof this class, John Rutledge, the destinies of the state were committed. 

Georgia was sparsely settled at the time of the Revolution. In 1753 itspopulation was less than twenty-four hundred. Emigration from theCarolinas set in towards North Georgia, bringing many Scotch-Irishfamilies. The movement towards the mountain and Piedmont regions of thesoutheast began about 1773. In that year, Governor Wright purchased fromthe Indians that portion of middle Georgia lying between the Oconee andthe Savannah. The inducements he then offered proved very attractive tothe enterprising sons of Virginia and the Carolinas, who lived in thehighlands of those states. These people who settled in Georgia have thusbeen described by Governor Gilmer: "The pretty girls were dressed instriped and checked cotton cloth, spun and woven with their own hands, and their sweethearts in sumach and walnut-dyed stuff, made by theirmothers. Courting was done when riding to meeting on Sunday, and walkingto the spring when there. Newly married couples went to see the oldfolks on Saturday, and carried home on Sunday evening what they couldspare. There was no _ennui_ among the women for something to do. Ifthere had been leisure to read, there were but few books for theindulgence. Hollow trees supplied cradles for babies. "

A majority of the first settlers of East Tennessee were of Scotch-Irishblood, having sought homes there after the battle of Alamance, and hencethat state became the daughter of North Carolina. The first writtenconstitution born of a convention of people on this continent, was thatat Watauga, in 1772. A settlement of less than a dozen families wasformed in 1778, near Bledsoe, isolated in the heart of the Chickasawnation, with no other protection than a small stockade enclosure andtheir own indomitable courage. In the early spring of 1779, a littlecolony of gallant adventurers, from the parent line of Watauga, crossedthe Cumberland mountain, and established themselves near the FrenchLick, and planted a field of corn where the city of Nashville nowstands. The settlement on the Cumberland was made in 1780, after greatprivations and sufferings on the journey. The settlers at the variousstations were so harassed by the Indians, incited thereto by British andSpanish agents, that all were abandoned except Elatons and the Bluffs(Nashville). These people were compelled to go in armed squads to thesprings, and plowed while guarded by armed sentinels. The Indians, by awell planned stratagem, attempted to enter the Bluffs, on April 22d, 1781. The men in the fort were drawn into an ambush by a decoy party. When they dismounted to give battle, their horses dashed off toward thefort, and they were pursued by some Indians, which left a gap in theirlines, through which some whites were escaping to the fort; but thesewere intercepted by a large body of the enemy from another ambush. Theheroic women in the fort, headed by Mrs. James Robertson, seized theaxes and idle guns, and planted themselves in the gate, determined todie rather than give up the fort. Just in time she ordered the sentry toturn loose a pack of dogs which had been selected for their size andcourage to encounter bears and panthers. Frantic to join the fray, theydashed off, outyelling the savages, who recoiled before the fury oftheir onset, thus giving the men time to escape to the fort. Sooverjoyed was Mrs. Robertson that she patted every dog as he came intothe fort. 

So thoroughly was Kentucky settled by the Scotch-Irish, from the oldercolonies, that it might be designated as of that race, the firstemigrants being from Virginia and North Carolina. It was first exploredby Thomas Walker in 1747; followed by John Finley, of North Carolina, 1767; and in 1769, by Daniel Boone, John Stewart, and three others, whopenetrated to the Kentucky river. By the year 1773, lands were taken upand afterwards there was a steady stream, almost entirely from thevalley and southwest Virginia. No border annals teem with more thrillingincidents or heroic exploits than those of the Kentucky hunters, whosevery name finally struck terror into the heart of the strongest savage. The prediction of the Cherokee chief to Boone at the treaty at Watauga, ceding the territory to Henderson and his associates, was fullyverified: "Brother, " said he, "we have given you a fine land, but Ibelieve you will have much trouble in settling it. "

The history of the Scotch-Irish race in Canada, prior to the peace of1783, is largely that of individuals. It has already been noted that twosettlements had been made in Nova Scotia by the emigrants that landedfrom the five ships in Boston harbor. It is recorded that Truro, NovaScotia, was settled in 1762, and in 1756 three brothers from Irelandsettled in Colchester, same province. If the questions were thoroughlyinvestigated it doubtless would lead to interesting results. 

It must not be lost sight of that one of the important industrial artsbrought to America was of untold benefit. Not only did every colonybring with them agricultural implements needful for the culture of flax, but also the small wheels and the loom for spinning and weaving thefibre. Nothing so much excited the interest of Puritan Boston, in 1718, as the small wheels worked by women and propelled by the foot, forturning the straight flax fibre into thread. Public exhibitions of skillin 1719 took place on Boston common, by Scotch-Irish women, at whichprizes were offered. The advent of the machine produced a sensation, andsocieties and schools were formed to teach the art of making linenthread. 

The distinctive characteristics which the Scotch-Irish transplanted tothe new world may be designated as follows: They were Presbyterians intheir religion and church government; they were loyal to the concededauthority to the king, but considered him bound as well as themselvesto "the Solemn League and Covenant, " entered into in 1643, which pledgedthe support of the Reformation and of the liberties of the kingdom; theright to choose their own ministers, untrammeled by the civil powers;they practiced strict discipline in morals, and gave instruction totheir youth in schools and academies, and in teaching the Bible asillustrated by the Westminster Assembly's catechism. To all this theycombined in a remarkable degree, acuteness of intellect, firmness ofpurpose, and conscientious devotion to duty. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 5: Skene's "Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, " p. 77. ]

[Footnote 6: Stille, Life of Wayne, p. 5, says he was not Scotch-Irish. ]

[Footnote 7: Dunlap's "Pennsylvania Packet, " June 17, 1778. ]

CHAPTER III. 

THE CAUSES THAT LED TO EMIGRATION. 

The social system of the Highlanders that bound the members of the clantogether was conducive to the pride of ancestry and the love of home. This pride was so directed as to lead to the most beneficial results ontheir character and conduct: forming strong attachments, leading to theperformance of laudable and heroic actions, and enabling the poorest toendure the severest hardships without a murmur, and never complaining ofwhat they received to eat, or where they lodged, or of any otherprivation. Instead of complaining of the difference in station orfortune, or considering a ready obedience to the call of the chief as aslavish oppression, they felt convinced that they were supporting theirown honor in showing their gratitude and duty to the generous head ofthe family. In them it was a singular and characteristic feature tocontemplate with early familiarity the prospect of death, which wasconsidered as merely a passage from this to another state of existence, enlivened by the assured hope that they should meet their friends andkindred in a fairer and brighter world than this. This statement may beperceived in the anxious care with which they provided the necessaryarticles for a proper and becoming funeral. Even the poorest and mostdestitute endeavored to save something for this last solemnity. It wasconsidered to be a sad calamity to be consigned to the grave amongstrangers, without the attendance and sympathy of friends, and at adistance from the family. If a relative died away from home, thegreatest exertions were made to carry the body back for interment amongthe ashes of the forefathers. A people so nurtured could onlycontemplate with despair the idea of being forced from the land of theirnativity, or emigrating from that beloved country, hallowed by theremains of their kindred. 

The Highlander, by nature, was opposed to emigration. All his instincts, as well as training, led him to view with delight the permanency of homeand the constant companionship of those to whom he was related by tiesof consanguinity. Neither was he a creature of conquest, and looked notwith a covetous eye upon the lands of other nations. He would do battlein a foreign land, but the Highlands of Scotland was his abiding place. If he left his native glen in order to become a resident elsewhere, there must have been a special or overpowering reason. He neveremigrated through choice. Unfortunately the simplicity of his nature, his confiding trust, and love of chief and country, were doomed toreceive such a jolt as would shake the very fibres of his being, andthat from those to whom he looked for support and protection. Referencehere is not made to evictions awful crimes that commenced in 1784, butto the change, desolation and misery growing out of the calamity atCulloden. 

Notwithstanding the peculiar characteristics of the Highlander, therewould of necessity arise certain circumstances which would lead some, and even many, to change their habitation. From the days of the Crusaderdownwards he was more or less active in foreign wars; and coming incontact with different nationalities his mind would broaden and hissentiment change, so that other lands and other people would be viewedin a more favorable light. While this would not become general, yet itwould follow in many instances. Intercourse with another people, racially and linguistically related, would have a tendency to invite acloser affiliation. Hence, the inhabitants of the Western Isles hadalmost constant communication, sometimes at war, it is true, butgenerally in terms of amity, with the natives of North Ireland. It isnot surprising then that as early as 1584, Sorley Buy MacDonald shouldlead a thousand Highlanders, called Redshanks, of the clans or familiesof the MacDonalds, Campbells, and Magalanes, into Ulster, and in timeintermarry with the Irish, and finally become the most formidableenemies of England in her designs of settling that country. Some of theleading men were forced to flee on account of being attainted fortreason, having fought under Dundee in 1689, or under Mar in 1715, andafter Culloden in 1745 quite a hegira took place, many of whom foundservice in the army of France. Individuals, seeking employment, foundtheir way into England before 1724. Although there was a strong movementfor England from the Lowlands, yet many were from the Highlands, to whomwas partly due the old proverb, "There never came a fool from Scotland. "These emigrants, from the Highlands, were principally those havingtrades, who sought to better their condition. 

Seven hundred prisoners taken at Preston were sold as slaves to someWest Indian merchants, which was a cruel proceeding, when it isconsidered that the greater part of these men were Highlanders, who hadjoined the army in obedience to the commands of their chiefs. Whollyunfitted for such labor as would be required in the West Indies andunacclimated, their fate may be readily assumed. But this was no moreheartless than the execution in Lancashire of twenty-two of theircompanions. 

The specifications above enumerated have no bearing on the emigrationwhich took place on a large scale, the consequences of which, at thetime, arrested the attention of the nation. The causes now to beenumerated grew out of the change of policy following the battle ofCulloden. The atrocities following that battle were both for vengeanceand to break the military spirit of the Highlanders. The legislativeenactments broke the nobler spirit of the people. The rights and welfareof the people at large were totally ignored, and no provisions made fortheir future welfare. The country was left in a state of commotion andconfusion resulting from the changes consequent to the overthrow of theold system, the breaking up of old relationship, and the gradualencroachment of Lowland civilization, and methods of agriculture. Whilethese changes at first were neither great nor extensive, yet they weresufficient to keep the country in a ferment or uproar. The change waslargely in the manner of an experiment in order to find out the mostprofitable way of adaptation to the new regime. These experimentsresulted in the unsettling of old manners, customs, and ideas, whichcaused discontent and misery among the people. The actual change wasslow; the innovations, as a rule, began in those districts bordering onthe Lowlands, and thence proceeded in a northwesterly direction. 

In all probability the first shock felt by the clansmen, under the neworder of things, was the abolishing the ancient clan system, and thereduction of the chiefs to the condition of landlords. For awhile thepeople failed to realize this new order of affairs, for the gentlemenand common people still continued to regard their chief in the samelight as formerly, not questioning but their obedience to the head oftheir clan was independent of legislative enactment. They were stillready to make any sacrifice for his sake, and felt it to be their dutyto do what they could for his support. They still believed that thechief's duty to his people remained unaltered, and he was bound to seethat they did not want, and to succor them in distress. 

The first effects in the change in tribal relations were felt on thoseestates that had been forfeited on account of the chiefs and gentlemenhaving been compelled to leave the country in order to save their lives. These estates were entrusted to the management of commissioners whorudely applied their powers under the new arrangement of affairs. Whenthe chiefs, now reduced to the position of lairds, began to realizetheir condition, and the advantage of making their lands yield them aslarge an income as possible, followed the example of demanding a rent. Arental value had never been exacted before, for it was the universalbelief that the land belonged to the clan in common. Some of the olderchiefs, then living, held to the same opinion, and among such, a changewas not perceptible until a new landlord came into possession. Thegentlemen of the clan and the tacksmen, or large farmers, firmlybelieved that they had as much right to a share of the lands as thechief himself. In the beginning the rent was not high nor more than thelands would bear; but it was resented by the tacksmen, deeming it awanton injury inflicted in the house of their dearest friend. They werehurt at the idea that the chief, --the father of his people--should becontrolled by such a mercenary idea, and to exercise that power whichgave him the authority to lease the lands to the highest bidder. Thispolicy, which they deemed selfish and unjust, naturally cut them to thequick. They and their ancestors had occupied their farms for manygenerations; their birth was as good and their genealogy as old as thatof the chief himself, to whom they were all blood relations, and whoseloyalty was unshaken. True, they had no written document, no "paltrysheep-skin, " as they called it, to prove the right to their farms, butsuch had never been the custom, and these parchments quite a moderninnovation, and, in former times, before a chief would have tried towrest from them that which had been given by a former chief to theirfathers, would have bitten out his tongue before he would have asked abond. There can be no doubt that originally when a chief bestowed ashare of his property upon his son or other near relation, he intendedthat the latter should keep it for himself and his descendants. To thesetacksmen it was injury enough that an alien government should interferein their domestic relations, but for the chief to turn against them wasa wound which no balm could heal. Before they would submit to theseexactions, they would first give up their holdings; which many of themdid and emigrated to America, taking with them servants and sub-tenants, and enticing still others to follow them by the glowing accounts whichthey sent home of their good fortune in the favored country far to thewest. In some cases the farms thus vacated were let to other tacksmen, but in most instances the new system was introduced by letting the landdirectly to what was formerly sub-tenants, or those who had held theland immediately from the ousted tacksmen. 

There was a class of lairds who had tasted the sweets of southernluxuries and who vied with the more opulent, increased the rate of rentto such an extent as to deprive the tacksmen of their holdings. Thiscaused an influx of lowland farmers, who with their improved methodscould compete successfully against their less favored northernneighbors. The danger of southern luxuries had been foreseen and anattempt had been made to provide against it. As far back as the year1744, in order to discourage such things, at a meeting of the chiefs ofthe Isle of Skye, Sir Alexander MacDonald of MacDonald, Norman MacLeodof MacLeod, John MacKinnon of MacKinnon, and Malcolm MacLeod of Raasay, held in Portree, it was agreed to discontinue and discountenance the useof brandy, tobacco and tea. 

The placing of the land in the hands of aliens was deplored in itsresults as may be seen from the following portrayal given by Buchanan inhis "Travels in the Hebrides, " referring to about 1780:--"At presentthey are obliged to be much more submissive to their tacksmen than everthey were in former times to their lairds or lords. There is a greatdifference between that mild treatment which is shown to sub-tenants andeven scallags, by the old lessees, descended of ancient and honorablefamilies, and the outrageous rapacity of those necessitous strangers whohave obtained leases from absent proprietors, who treat the natives asif they were a conquered and inferior race of mortals. In short, theytreat them like beasts of burden; and in all respects like slavesattached to the soil, as they cannot obtain new habitations, on accountof the combinations already mentioned, and are entirely at the mercy ofthe laird or tacksman. Formerly, the personal service of the tenant didnot usually exceed eight or ten days in the year. There lives at presentat Scalpa, in the isle of Harris, a tacksman of a large district, whoinstead of six days' work paid by the sub-tenants to his predecessor inthe lease, has raised the predial service, called in that and in otherparts of Scotland, _manerial bondage_, to fifty-two days in the year atonce; besides many other services to be performed at different thoughregular and stated times; as tanning leather for brogans, making heatherropes for thatch, digging and drying peats for fuel; one pannier of peatcharcoal to be carried to the smith; so many days for gathering andshearing sheep and lambs: for ferrying cattle from island to island, andother distant places, and several days for going on distant errands: somany pounds of wool to be spun into yarn. And over and above all this, they must lend their aid upon any unforeseen occurrence whenever theyare called on. The constant service of two months at once is performedat the proper season in making kelp. On the whole, this gentleman'ssub-tenants may be computed to devote to his service full three days inthe week. But this is not all: they have to pay besides yearly a certainnumber of cocks, hen, butter, and cheese, called Caorigh-Ferrin, theWife's Portion. This, it must be owned, is one of the most severe andrigorous tacksmen descended from the old inhabitants, in all the WesternHebrides; but the situation of his sub-tenants exhibits but too faithfula picture of the sub-tenants of those places in general, and the exactcounterpart of such enormous oppression is to be found atLuskintire. "[8]

The dismissal of retainers kept by the chiefs during feudal times addedto the discontent. For the protection of the clan it had been necessaryto keep a retinue of trained warriors. These were no longer necessary, and under the changed state of affairs, an expense that could be illyafforded. This class found themselves without a vocation, and they wouldsow the seeds of discontent, if they remained in the country. They musteither enter the army or else go to another country in search of avocation. 

Unquestionably the most potent of all causes for emigration was theintroduction of sheep-farming. That the country was well adapted forsheep goes without disputation. Sheep had always been kept in theHighlands with the black cattle, but not in large numbers. The lowlandlessees introduced sheep on a large scale, involving the junction ofmany small farms into one, each of which had been hitherto occupied by anumber of tenants. This engrossing of farms and consequent depopulationwas also a fruitful source of discontent and misery to those who had tovacate their homes and native glens. Many of those displaced by sheepand one or two Lowland shepherds, emigrated like the discontentedtacksmen to America, and those who remained looked with an ill-will andan evil eye on the intruders. Some of the more humane landlords invitedthe oppressed to remove to their estates, while others tried to preventthe ousted tenants from leaving the country by setting apart someparticular spot along the sea-shore, or else on waste land that hadnever been touched by the plow, on which they might build houses andhave an acre or two for support. Those removed to the coast wereencouraged to prosecute the fishing along with their agriculturallabors. It was mainly by a number of such ousted Highlanders that thegreat and arduous undertaking was accomplished of bringing into a stateof cultivation Kincardine Moss, in Perthshire. At that time, 1767, thetask to be undertaken was one of stupendous magnitude; but was sosuccessfully carried out that two thousand acres were reclaimed whichfor centuries had rested under seven feet of heath and vegetable matter. Similarly many other spots were brought into a state of cultivation. Butthis, and other pursuits then engaged in, did not occupy the time of allwho had been despoiled of their homes. 

The breaking up of old habits and customs and the forcible importationof those that are foreign must not only engender hate but also causemisery. It is the uniform testimony of all travellers, who visited theHighlands during the latter half of the eighteenth century, especiallyPennant, Boswell, Johnson, Newte, and Buchanan, that the condition ofthe country was deplorable. Without quoting from all, let the followinglengthy extract suffice, which is from Buchanan:

 "Upon the whole, the situation of these people, inhabitants of Britain! is such as no language can describe, nor fancy conceive. If, with great labor and fatigue, the farmer raises a slender crop of oats and barley, the autumnal rains often baffle his utmost efforts, and frustrate all his expectations: and instead of being able to pay an exorbitant rent, he sees his family in danger of perishing during the ensuing winter, when he is precluded from any possibility of assistance elsewhere. Nor are his cattle in a better situation; in summer they pick up a scanty support amongst the morasses or heathy mountains: but in winter, when the grounds are covered with snow, and when the naked wilds afford neither shelter nor subsistence, the few cows, small, lean, and ready to drop down through want of pasture, are brought into the hut where the family resides, and frequently share with them the small stock of meal which had been purchased, or raised, for the family only; while the cattle thus sustained, are bled occasionally, to afford nourishment for the children after it hath been boiled or made into cakes. The sheep being left upon the open heaths, seek to shelter themselves from the inclemency of the weather amongst the hollows upon the lee-side of the mountains, and here they are frequently buried under the snow for several weeks together, and in severe seasons during two months and upwards. They eat their own and each other's wool, and hold out wonderfully under cold and hunger; but even in moderate winters, a considerable number are generally found dead after the snow hath disappeared, and in rigorous seasons few or none are left alive. Meanwhile the steward, hard pressed by letters from Almack's or Newmarket, demands the rent in a tone which makes no great allowance for unpropitious seasons, the death of cattle, and other accidental misfortunes: disguising the feelings of his own breast--his Honor's wants must at any rate be supplied, the bills must be duly negotiated. Such is the state of farming, if it may be so called, throughout the interior parts of the Highlands; but as that country has an extensive coast, and many islands, it may be supposed that the inhabitants of those shores enjoy all the benefits of their maritime situation. This, however, is not the case; those gifts of nature, which in any other commercial kingdom would have been rendered subservient to the most valuable purposes, are in Scotland lost, or nearly so, to the poor natives and the public. The only difference, therefore, between the inhabitants of the interior parts and those of the more distant coasts, consists in this, that the latter, with the labors of the field, have to encounter alternately the dangers of the ocean and all the fatigues of navigation. To the distressing circumstances at home, as stated above, new difficulties and toils await the devoted farmer when abroad. He leaves his family in October, accompanied by his sons, brothers, and frequently an aged parent, and embarks on board a small open boat, in quest of the herring fishery, with no other provisions than oatmeal, potatoes, and fresh water; no other bedding than heath, twigs, or straw, the covering, if any, an old sail. Thus provided, he searches from bay to bay, through turbulent seas, frequently for several weeks together, before the shoals of herring are discovered. The glad tidings serve to vary, but not to diminish his fatigues. Unremitting nightly labor (the time when the herrings are taken), pinching cold winds, heavy seas, uninhabited shores covered with snow, or deluged with rain, contribute towards filling up the measure of his distresses; while to men of such exquisite feelings as the Highlanders generally possess, the scene which awaits him at home does it most effectually. Having disposed of his capture to the Busses, he returns in January through a long navigation, frequently amidst unceasing hurricanes, not to a comfortable home and a cheerful family, but to a hut composed of turf, without windows, doors, or chimney, environed with snow, and almost hid from the eye by its astonishing depth. Upon entering this solitary mansion, he generally finds a part of his family, sometimes the whole, lying upon heath or straw, languishing through want or epidemical disease; while the few surviving cows, which possess the other end of the cottage, instead of furnishing further supplies of milk or blood, demand his immediate attention to keep them in existence. The season now approaches when he is again to delve and labor the ground, on the same slender prospect of a plentiful crop or a dry harvest. The cattle which have survived the famine of the winter, are turned out to the mountains; and, having put his domestic affairs into the best situation which a train of accumulated misfortunes admits of, he resumes the oar, either in quest of herring or the white fishery. If successful in the latter, he sets out in his open boat upon a voyage (taking the Hebrides and the opposite coast at a medium distance) of two hundred miles, to vend his cargo of dried cod, ling, etc. , at Greenock or Glasgow. The product, which seldom exceeds twelve or fifteen pounds, is laid out, in conjunction with his companions, upon meal and fishing tackle; and he returns through the same tedious navigation. The autumn calls his attention again to the field; the usual round of disappointment, fatigue, and distress awaits him; thus dragging through a wretched existence in the hope of soon arriving in that country where the weary shall be at rest. "[9]

The writer most pitiably laments that twenty thousand of these wretchedpeople had to leave their homes and famine-struck condition, and theoppression of their lairds, for lands and houses of their own in afairer and more fertile land, where independence and affluence were attheir command. Nothing but misery and degradation at home; happiness, riches and advancement beyond the ocean. Under such a system it would beno special foresight to predict a famine, which came to pass in 1770 andagain in 1782-3. Whatever may be the evils under the clan system, andthere certainly were such, none caused the oppression and misery whichthat devoted people have suffered since its abolishment. So far ascontentment, happiness, and a wise regard for interest, it would havebeen better for the masses had the old system continued. As a matter offact, however, those who emigrated found a greater latitude and brighterprospects for their descendants. 

From what has been stated it will be noticed that it was a matter ofnecessity and not a spirit of adventure that drove the mass ofHighlanders to America; but those who came, nevertheless, wereenterprising and anxious to carve out their own fortunes. Beforestarting on the long and perilous journey across the Atlantic they werefirst forced to break the mystic spell that bound them to their nativehills and glens, that had a charm and an association bound by a sacredtie. A venerable divine of a Highland parish who had repeatedlywitnessed the fond affection of his parishioners in taking theirdeparture, narrated how they approached the sacred edifice, ever dear tothem, by the most hallowed associations, and with tears in their eyeskissed its very walls, how they made an emphatic pause in losing sightof the romantic scenes of their childhood, with its kirks and cots, andthousand memories, and as if taking a formal and lasting adieu, uncovered their heads and waived their bonnets three times towards thescene, and then with heavy steps and aching hearts resumed theirpilgrimage towards new scenes in distant climes. [10]

 "Farewell to the land of the mountain and wood, Farewell to the home of the brave and the good, My bark is afloat on the blue-rolling main, And I ne'er shall behold thee, dear Scotland again!

 Adieu to the scenes of my life's early morn, From the place of my birth I am cruelly torn; The tyrant oppresses the land of the free; And leaves but the name of my sires unto me. 

 Oh! home of my fathers, I bid thee adieu, For soon will thy hill-tops retreat from my view, With sad drooping heart I depart from thy shore, To behold thy fair valleys and mountains no more. 

 'Twas there that I woo'd thee, young Flora, my wife, When my bosom was warm in the morning of life. I courted thy love 'mong the heather so brown, And heaven did I bless when it made thee my own. 

 The friends of my early years, where are they now? Each kind honest heart, and each brave manly brow; Some sleep in the churchyard from tyranny free, And others are crossing the ocean with me. 

 Lo! now on the boundless Atlantic I stray, To a strange foreign realm I am wafted away, Before me as far as my vision can glance, I see but the wave rolling wat'ry expanse. 

 So farewell my country and all that is dear, The hour is arrived and the bark is asteer, I go and forever, oh! Scotland adieu! The land of my fathers no more I shall view. "

 --_Peter Crerar. _

America was the one great inviting field that opened wide her doors tothe oppressed of all nations. The Highlanders hastened thither; first insmall companies, or singly, and afterwards in sufficient numbers to formdistinctive settlements. These belonged to the better class, bringingwith them a certain amount of property, intelligent, persevering, religious, and in many instances closely related to the chief. Who wasthe first Highlander, and in what year he settled in America, has notbeen determined. It is impossible to judge by the name, because it wouldnot specially signify, for as has been noted, Highlanders had gone tothe north of Ireland, and in the very first migrations of theScotch-Irish, their descendants landed at Boston and Philadelphia. Itis, however, positively known that individual members of the clans, bornin the Highlands, and brought up under the jurisdiction of the chiefs, settled permanently in America before 1724. [11] The number of these musthave been very small, for a greater migration would have attractedattention. In 1729, there arrived at the port of Philadelphia, fivethousand six hundred and fifty-five Irish emigrants, and only twohundred and sixty-seven English, forty-three Scotch, and three hundredand forty-three Germans. Of the forty-three Scotch it would beimpossible to ascertain how many of them were from the Highlands, because all people from Scotland were designated under the one word. Butif the whole number were of the Gaelic race, and the ratio kept up itwould be almost insignificant, if scattered from one end of the Coloniesto the other. After the wave of emigration had finally set in then thenumbers of small companies would rapidly increase and the ratio would belargely augmented. [12]

It is not to be presumed that the emigrants found the New World to beall their fancies had pictured. If they had left misery and oppressionbehind them, they were destined to encounter hardships anddisappointments. A new country, however great may be its attractions, necessarily has its disadvantages. It takes time, patience, industry, perseverence and ingenuity to convert a wilderness into an abode ofcivilization. Innumerable obstacles must be overcome, which eventuallygive way before the indomitable will of man. Years of hard service mustbe rendered ere the comforts of home are obtained, the farm properlystocked, and the ways for traffic opened. After the first impressions ofthe emigrant are over, a longing desire for the old home engrosses hisheart, and a self-censure for the step he has taken. Time amelioratesthese difficulties, and the wisdom of the undertaking becomes moreapparent, while contentment and prosperity rival all other claims. TheHighlander in the land of the stranger, no longer an alien, growsstronger in his love for his new surroundings, and gradually becomesjust as patriotic for the new as he was for the old country. All itscivilization, endearments, and progress, become a part of his being. Hismemory, however, lingers over the scenes of his early youth, and in hisdreams he once more abides in his native glens, and receives theblessings of his kind, tender, loving mother. Were it even thus to allwho set forth to seek their fortunes it would be well; but to hundredswho left their homes in fond anticipation, not a single ray of lightshone athwart their progress, for all was dark and forbidding. Misrepresentation, treachery, and betrayal were too frequentlypracticed, and in misery, heart-broken and despondent many dropped torise no more, welcoming death as a deliverer. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 8: Keltie's "History of the Highland Clans, " Vol. II, p. 35. ]

[Footnote 9: Keltie's "History of the Highland Clans, " Vol. II, p. 42. ]

[Footnote 10: "Celtic Magazine, " Vol. I, p. 143. ]

[Footnote 11: See Appendix, Note A. ]

[Footnote 12: See Appendix, Note B. ]

CHAPTER IV. 

THE DARIEN SCHEME. 

The first body of Highlanders to arrive in the New World was as muchmilitary as civil. Their lines were cast in evil waters, and disasterawaited them. They formed a very essential part of a colony that engagedin what has been termed the Darien Scheme, which originated in 1695, andso mismanaged as to involve thousands in ruin, many of whom had enjoyedcomparative opulence. Although this project did not materially affectthe Highlands of Scotland, yet as Highland money entered the enterprise, and as quite a body of Highlanders perished in the attemptedcolonization of the isthmus of Panama, more than a passing notice ishere demanded. 

Scottish people have ever been noted for their caution, frugality, andprudence, and not prone to engage in any speculation unless based on thesoundest business principles. Although thus characterized, yet thispeople engaged in the most disastrous speculation on record; establishedby act of the Scottish parliament, and begun by unprecedentedexcitement. The leading cause which impelled the people headlong intothis catastrophe was the ruination of the foreign trade of Scotland bythe English Navigation Act of 1660, which provided that all trade withthe English colonies should be conducted in English ships alone. Anyscheme plausibly presented was likely to catch those anxious to regaintheir commercial interests, as well as those who would be actuated toincrease their own interests. The Massacre of Glencoe had no littleshare in the matter. This massacre, which occurred February 13, 1692, isthe foulest blot in the annals of crime. It was deliberately planned bySir John Dalrymple and others, ordered by king William, and executed byCaptain Robert Campbell of Glenlyon, in the most treacherous, brutal, atrocious, and bloodthirsty manner imaginable, and perpetrated withoutthe shadow of a reasonable excuse--infancy and old age, male and femalealike perished. The bare recital of it is awful; and the barbarity ofthe American savage pales before it. In every quarter, even at court, the account of the massacre was received with horror and indignation. The odium of the nation rose to a great pitch, and demanded that aninquiry be made into this atrocious affair. The appointment of acommission was not wrung from the unwilling king until April 29, 1695. The commission, as a whole, acted with great fairness, although they putthe best possible construction on the king's order, and threw the wholeblame on Secretary Dalrymple. The king was too intimately connected withthe crime to make an example of any one, although through publicsentiment he was forced to dismiss Secretary Dalrymple. Not one of thoseactually engaged in the perpetration of the crime were dismissed fromthe army, or punished for the butchery, otherwise than by the generalhatred of the age in which they lived, and the universal execration ofposterity. The tide of feeling set in against king William, and beforeit had time to ebb the Darien Scheme was projected. The friends ofWilliam seized the opportunity to persuade him that some freedom andfacilities of trade should be granted the Scotch, and that would divertpublic attention from the Glencoe massacre. Secretary Dalrymple also wasnot slow to give it the support of his eloquence and interest, in hopesto regain thereby a part of his lost popularity. 

The originator of the Darien Scheme was William Paterson, founder of theBank of England, a man of comprehensive views and great sagacity, bornin Scotland, a missionary in the Indies, and a buccaneer among the WestIndia islands. During his roving course of life he had visited theisthmus of Panama--then called Darien--and brought away only pleasantrecollections of that narrow strip of land that unites North and SouthAmerica. On his return to Europe his first plan was the nationalestablishment of the Bank of England. For a brief period he was admittedas a director in that institution, but it befell to Paterson that otherspossessed of wealth and influence, interposed and took advantage of hisideas, and then excluded him from the concern. Paterson next turned histhoughts to the plan of settling a colony in America, and handling thetrade of the Indies and the South Seas. The trade of Europe with theremote parts of Asia had been carried on by rounding the Cape of GoodHope. Paterson believed that the shorter, cheaper, and more expeditiousroute was by the isthmus of Panama, and, as he believed, that section ofthe country had not been occupied by any of the nations of Europe; andas it was specially adapted for his enterprise it should be colonized. He averred that the havens were capacious and secure; the sea swarmedwith turtle; the country so mountainous, that though within nine degreesof the equator, the climate was temperate; and yet roads could be easilyconstructed along which a string of mules, or a wheeled carriage mightin the course of a single day pass from sea to sea. Fruits and aprofusion of valuable herbs grew spontaneously, on account of the richblack soil, which had a depth of seven feet; and the exuberant fertilityof the soil had not tainted the purity of the atmosphere. As a place ofresidence alone, the isthmus was a paradise; and a colony there couldnot fail to prosper even if its wealth depended entirely on agriculture. This, however, would be only a secondary matter, for within a few yearsthe entire trade between India and Europe would be drawn to that spot. The merchant was no longer to expose his goods to the capricious galesof the Antarctic Seas, for the easier, safer, cheaper route must benavigated, which was shortly destined to double the amount of trade. Whoever possessed that door which opened both to the Atlantic andPacific, as the shortest and least expensive route would give law toboth hemispheres, and by peaceful arts would establish an empire assplendid as that of Cyrus or Alexander. If Scotland would occupy Darienshe would become the one great free port, the one great warehouse forthe wealth that the soil of Darien would produce, and the greater wealthwhich would be poured through Darien, India, China, Siam, Ceylon, andthe Moluccas; besides taking her place in the front rank among nations. On all the vast riches that would be poured into Scotland a toll shouldbe paid which would add to her capital; and a fabulous prosperity wouldbe shared by every Scotchman from the peer to the cadie. Along thedesolate shores of the Forth Clyde villas and pleasure grounds wouldspring up; and Edinburgh would vie with London and Paris. These glowingprospects at first were only partially disclosed to the public, and thename of Darien was unpronounced save only to a few of Paterson's mostconfidential friends. A mystery pervaded the enterprise, and only enoughwas given out to excite boundless hopes and desires. He succeededadmirably in working up a sentiment and desire on the part of the peopleto become stockholders in the organization. The hour for action hadarrived; so on June 26, 1695, the Scottish parliament granted a statutefrom the Crown, for creating a corporate body or stock company, by nameof the Company of Scotland trading to Africa and the Indies, with powerto plant colonies and build forts in places not possessed by otherEuropean nations, the consent of the inhabitants of the places theysettled being obtained. The amount of capital was not fixed by charter, but it was stipulated that at least one-half the stock must be held byScotchmen resident in Scotland, and that no stock originally so heldshould ever be transferred to any but Scotchmen resident in Scotland. Anentire monopoly of the trade with Asia, Africa, and America was grantedfor a term of thirty-one years, and all goods imported by the companyduring twenty-one years, should be admitted duty free, except sugar andtobacco, unless grown on the company's plantations. Every member andservant of the company were privileged against arrest and imprisonment, and if placed in durance, the company was authorized to invoke both thecivil and military power. The Great Seal was affixed to the Act; thebooks were opened; the shares were fixed at £100 sterling each; andevery man from the Pentland Firth to the Galway Firth who could commandthe amount was impatient to put down his name. The whole kingdomapparently had gone mad. The number of shareholders were about fourteenhundred. The books were opened February 26, 1696, and the very firstsubscriber was Anne, dutchess of Hamilton. On that day there wassubscribed £50, 400. By the end of March the greater part of the amounthad been subscribed. On March 5th, a separate book was opened in Glasgowand on it was entered £56, 325. The books were closed August 3rd of thesame year, and on the last day of subscriptions there was entered£14, 125, reaching the total of £400, 000, the amount apportioned toScotland. The cities of Edinburgh and Glasgow, in their corporatecapacity, each took £3, 000 and Perth £2, 000. Of the subscriptions therewere eight of £3, 000 each; eight of £2, 000 each; two of £1, 500, and oneeach of £1, 200 and £1, 125; ninety-seven of £1, 000 each; but the greatmajority consisted of £100 or £200 each. The whole amount actually paidup was £220, 000. This may not seem to be a large amount for such acountry as Scotland, but as already noted, the country had been ruinedby the English Act of 1660. There were five or six shires which did notaltogether contain as many guineas and crowns as were tossed about everyday by the shovels of a single goldsmith in Lombard street. Even thenobles had but very little money, for a large part of their rents wastaken in kind; and the pecuniary remuneration of the clergy was such asto move the pity of the most needy, of the present; yet some of thesehad invested their all in hopes that their children might be benefitedwhen the golden harvest should come. Deputies in England receivedsubscriptions to the amount of £300, 000; and the Dutch and Hamburgerssubscribed £200, 000. 

Those Highland chiefs who had been considered as turbulent, and are soconspicuous in the history of the day have no place in this record of aspecies of enterprise quite distinct from theirs. The houses of Argyle, Athol, and Montrose appear in the list, as families who, besides theirHighland chiefships, had other stakes and interests in the country; butalmost the only person with a Highland patronymic was John MacPharlaneof that ilk, a retired scholar who followed antiquarian pursuits in thelibraries beneath the Parliament House. The Keltic prefix of "Mac" ismost frequently attached to merchants in Inverness, who subscribed theirhundred. 

It is probable that a list of Highlanders who subscribed stock may be ofinterest in this connection. Only such names as are purely Highland arehere subjoined with amounts given, and also in the order as they appearon the books:

 26 February, 1696: John Drummond of Newtoun £600 Adam Gordon of Dalphollie 500 Master James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of Argyle 500 John McPharlane of that ilk 200 Sir Robert Gordon of Gordonstown 400 Sir Colin Campbell of Ardkinlass 500 Mr. Gilbert Campbell, son to Colin Campbell of Soutar houses 400

 27 February, 1696: John Robertson, merchant in Edinburgh 300 Matthew St. Clair, Doctor of Medicine 500 Daniel Mackay, Writer in Edinburgh 200 Mr. Francis Grant of Cullen, Advocate 100 Duncan Forbes of Culloden 200 Arthur Forbes, younger of Echt 200 George Southerland, merchant in Edinburgh 200 Kenneth McKenzie of Cromartie 500 Major John Forbes 200

 28 February, 1696: William Robertsone of Gladney 1, 000 Mungo Graeme of Gorthie 500 Duncan Campbell of Monzie 500 James Mackenzie, son to the Viscount of Tarbat 1, 000

 2 March, 1696: Jerome Robertson, periwig maker, burgess of Edinburgh 100

 3 March 1696: David Robertsone, Vintner in Edinburgh 200 William Drummond, brother to Thomas Drummond of Logie Almond 500

 4 March, 1696: Sir Humphrey Colquhoun of Luss 400

 5 March, 1696: James Robertson, tylor in Canonget 100 Sir Thomas Murray of Glendoick 1, 000

 6 March, 1696: Alexander Murray, son to John Murray of Touchadam, and deputed by him 300

 7 March 1696: John Gordon, Captain in Lord Stranraer's Regiment 100 Samuell McLelland, merchant in Edinburgh 500

 11 March 1696: Aeneas McLeod, Town-Clerk of Edinburgh, in name and behalfe of George Viscount of Tarbat, and as having commission from him £1000

 17 March, 1696: John Menzies, Advocate 200 William Menzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000

 19 March, 1696: James Drummond, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Mr. John Graham of Aberuthven 100 Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline Campbell of Soutar Houses 200 Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline Campbell of Soutar Houses 100 Daniel McKay, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain Hugh McKay, younger of Borley 300 Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, deputed by Captain Leonard Robertsone of Straloch 100

 20 March, 1696: Alexander Murray, son to George Murray of Touchadam, deputed by him 200 Sir Colin Campbell of Aberuchill, one of the Senators of the Colledge of Justice 500 Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh, deputed by George Robertstone, younger, merchant in Glasgow 100 Andrew Robertson, chyrurgeon in Edinburgh 100 James Gregorie, student 100 George Earle of Southerland 1000

 21 March, 1696: John McFarlane, Writer to the Signet 200

 23 March, 1696: John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain, deputed by the said Samuell Forbes 1000 John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain 500 James Gregory, Professor of Mathematiques in the Colledge of Edinburgh 200

 24 March 1696: Patrick Murray of Livingstoun 600 Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet, as having deputation from Alexander Gordoun, son to Alexander Gordoun, minister at Inverary 100 William Graham, merchant in Edinburgh 200 David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by Thomas Graeme of Balgowan 600 David Drummond, Advocate, deputed by John Drummond of Culqupalzie £600

 25 March, 1696: John Murray of Deuchar 800 Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400 John Sinclair of Stevenstoun 400

 26 March, 1696: Helen Drummond, spouse to Colonel James Ferguson as commissionate by him 200 James Murray of Sundhope 100 John Drummond of Newtoun 400 John Drummond of Newtoun, for John Stewart of Dalguis, conform to deputation 100

 March 27: Alexander Johnstoune of Elshieshells 400 John Forbes, brother-german to Samuell Forbes of Fovrain, conform to one deputation by Captain James Stewart, in Sir John Hill's regiment. Governor of Fort William 100 Thomas Forbes of Watertoun 200 William Ross, merchant in Edinburgh 100 Rachell Johnstoun, relict of Mr. Robert Baylie of Jerviswood 200

 March 28: John Fraser, servitor to Alexander Innes, merchant 100 Mr. John Murray, Senior Advocate 100 John Stewart, Writer in Clerk Gibsone's chamber 100 Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline Campbell of Soutar Houses 200 Mr. Gilbert Campbell, merchant in Edinburgh, son to Colline Campbell of Soutar Houses, (more) 100 James Gordon, Senior, merchant in Aberdeen 250 Thomas Gordon, skipper in Leith 100 Adam Gordon of Dulpholly 500 Colin Campbell of Lochlan 200 Thomas Graeme of Balgowane, by virtue of a deputation from David Graeme of Kilor 200 Patrick Coutts, merchant in Edinburgh, being deputed by Alexander Robertsone, merchant in Dundie 200 David Drummond, of Cultimalindie 600 John Drummond, brother of David Drummond of Cultimalindie 200

 30 March, 1696: James Marquess of Montrose 1000 John Murray, doctor of medicine, for Mr. James Murray, Chirurgeon in Perth, conform to a deputation £200 William Stewart, doctor of medicine at Perth 100 Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh, being depute by Helen Steuart, relict of Doctor Murray 100 James Drummond, one of the Clerks to the Bills, being deputed by James Meinzies of Shian 100 Robert Stewart, Junior, Advocate 300 Master Donald Robertsone, minister of the Gospel 100 Duncan Campbell of Monzie, by deputation from John Drummond of Culquhalzie 100 John Marquesse of Athole 500 John Haldane of Gleneagles, deputed by James Murray at Orchart Milne 100 Thomas Johnstone, merchant in Edinburgh 100 William Meinzies, merchant in Edinburgh 1000 Alexander Forbes of Tolquhon 500 Robert Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 200 Walter Murray, merchant in Edinburgh 100 Master Arthur Forbes, son of the Laird of Cragivar 100 Robert Fraser, Advocate 100 Barbara Fraser, relict of George Stirling, Chirurgeon apothecary in Edinburgh 200 Alexander Johnston, merchant in Edinburgh 100 Sir Robert Sinclair of Stevenstoun, for Charles Sinclair, Advocate, his son 100 The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Patrick Ogilvie of Balfour 400 The said Thomas Scott, deputed by Thomas Robertson, merchant there (i. E. Dundee) 125 The said Thomas Scott, deputed by David Drummond, merchant in Dundee 100 Mrs. Anne Stewart, daughter to the deceased John Stewart of Kettlestoun 100

 31 March, 1696: Sir Archibald Murray of Blackbarrony 500 William Stewart, clerk to his Majesty's Customs at Leith 100 Christian Grierson, daughter to the deceast John Grierson 100 Jesper Johnstoune of Waristoun 500 Alexander Forbes, goldsmith in Edinburgh 200 Master John Campbell, Writer to the Signet 200 Thomas Campbell, flesher in Edinburgh 200 Archibald Earle of Argyll 1500 James Campbell, brother-german to the Earle of Argyll 200 William Johnston, postmaster of Hadingtoun £100 Sir James Murray of Philiphaugh 500 Andrew Murray, brother to Sundhope 100 William McLean, master of the Revelles 100 John Cameron, son to the deceast Donald Cameron, merchant in Edinburgh 100 David Forbes, Advocate 200 Captain John Forbes of Forbestoune 200

 Afternoon: Sir Alexander Monro of Bearcrofts 200 James Gregorie, student of medicine 100 Mungo Campbell of Burnbank 400 John Murray, junior, merchant in Edinburgh 400 Robert Murray, burges in Edinburgh 150 Dougall Campbell of Sadell 100 Ronald Campbell, Writer to his Majesty's Signet 200 Alexander Finlayson, Writer in Edinburgh 100 John Steuart, Writer in Edinburgh 100 William Robertson, one of the sub-clerks of the Session 100 Lady Neil Campbell 200 Mary Murray, Lady Enterkin, elder 200 Sir George Campbell of Cesnock 1000

 7 April: Thomas Robertson of Lochbank 400 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Hugh Robertson, Provost of Inverness, conform to deputation 100 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for James McLean, baillie of Invernes, conform to deputation 100 Robert Fraser. Advocate, for John McIntosh, baillie of Invernes, conform to deputation 100 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander McLeane, merchant of Invernes, conform to deputation 150 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Robert Rose, late baillie of Invernes, conform to deputation 140 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for Alexander Stewart, skipper at Invernes, conform to deputation 150 Robert Fraser, Advocate, for William Robertson of Inshes, 100

 9 April, 1696: James Drummond, one of the Clerks of the Bills, for Robert Menzies, in Aberfadie, conform to deputation 100 John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by John Menzies of Camock, Advocate 200 Archibald Sinclair, Advocate 100 Patrick Campbell, Writer in Edinburgh £100 John Murray, doctor of medicine, for William Murray of Arbony, by virtue of his deputation 200 Colen Campbell of Bogholt 100 William Gordone, Writer in Edinburgh 100

 14 Apryle: The said Thomas Halliday, Conform to deputation from William Ogilvie in Todshawhill 100

 16 Aprill: Patrick Murray, lawful son to Patrick Murray of Killor 100 Walter Murray, servitor to George Clerk, junior, merchant in Edinburgh, deputed by Robert Murray of Levelands 150 John Campbell, Writer to the Signet, for Alexander Campbell, younger of Calder, conform to deputation 500 Captain James Drummond of Comrie 200

 April 21: James Cuming, merchant in Edinburgh 100 James Campbell of Kinpout 100 James Drummond, Under-Clerk to the Bills, depute by Archibald Meinzies of Myln of Kiltney 100 Robert Blackwood, deputed by John Gordon of Collistoun, doctor of medicine 100 Robert Blackwood, merchant in Edinburgh, deputed by Charles Ogilvy, merchant and late baillie of Montrose 200 James Ramsay, writer in Edinburg, commission at by Duncan Campbell of Duneaves 100 Captain Patrick Murray, of Lord Murray's regiment of foot 100

 May 5, 1696. John Haldane of Gleneagles, conform to deputation from Thomas Grahame in Auchterarder 100 John Drummond of Newtoun, depute by David Graeme of Jordanstoun 100 Samuel McLellan, merchant in Dundee, conform to deputation from William Stewart of Castle Stewart 100

 May 14, 1696. Andrew Robertsone, chirurgeon in Edinburgh, conform to deputation by George Robertsone, Writer in Dunblane 100

 May 21, 1696. John Drummond of Newtoun, for Lodovick Drummond, chamberland to my Lord Drummond 100

 May 26, 1696. Thomas Drummond of Logie Almond £500

 June 2, 1696. Robert Fraser, Advocate, by virtue of a deputation from Robert Cuming of Relugas, merchant of Inverness 100 Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of William Duff of Dyple, merchant of Inverness 100 Robert Fraser, Advocate, in name of Alexander Duffe of Drumuire, merchant of Inverness 100

 June 4, 1696. John Haldane of Gleneagles, depute by John Graham, son to John Graham, clerk to the chancellary 100 Adam Drummond of Meginch 200

 18. Agnes Campbell, relict of Andrew Anderson, his Majesty's printer 100

 July 10. John Drummond of Newtoun, for Dame Margaret Graham, Lady Kinloch 200 John Drummond of Newtoun 200 James Menzies of Schian 100 Mungo Graeme of Garthie 200

 21. Sir Alexander Cumyng of Culter 200

 31. Mr. George Murray, doctor of physick 200 Patrick Campbell, brother to Monzie 100

 August 1. James Lord Drummond 1000

 Friday, 6 March, 1696. John Drummond of Newtoune 1125

 Saturday, 7 March, 1696. John Graham, younger of 1000 Daniel Campbell, merchant in Glasgow 1000 George Robinsoune, belt-maker in Glasgow 100 John Robinsoune, hammerman in Glasgow 100 John Robertson, junior, merchant in Glasgow 500

 Munday, 9 March, 1696. Mattheu Cuming, junior, merchant in Glasgow 1000 William Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100 Marion Davidson, relict of Mr. John Glen, Minister of the Gospel 100 James Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200 Thomas Johnstoun, merchant in Glasgow 200 George Johnston, merchant in Glasgow £200 John Buchanan, merchant in Glasgow 100 John Grahame, younger of Dougaldstoun 1, 000

 Tuesday, 10 March, 1696. Neill McVicar, tanner in Glasgow 100 George Buchanan, Maltman in Glasgow 100

 Saturday, 21 March, 1696. Archibald Cambell, merchant in Glasgow 100

 Tuesday, 24 March, 1696. John Robertsone, younger, merchant in Glasgow, for Robert Robertsone, second lawfull sone to Umqll James Robertsone, merchant in Glasgow 100

 Tuesday, March 31, 1696. Mungo Campbell of Nether Place 100 Hugh Campbell, merchant, son to deceast Sir Hugh Campbell of Cesnock 100 Matthew Campbell of Waterhaugh 100

 Thursday, Agr the 2d of Aprille. Mungo Campbell, merchant in Ayr 100 David Fergursone, merchant in Ayr 100

 Wednesday the 15th day, 1696. Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200 Captain James Menzies, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100 Captain Francis Ferquhar, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100

 Thursday, 16 Aprile, 1696. Captain Charles Forbes, of Sir John Hill's regiment 200

 Fryday, 17 Aprile. Lieutenant Charles Ross, of Sir John Hill's regiment 100[13]

It is more than probable that some names should not be inserted above, as the name Graeme, for it may belong to the clan Graham of theHighlands, or else to the debateable land, near Carlisle, which is morelikely. We know that where they had made themselves adverse to bothsides, they were forced to emigrate in large numbers. Some of themsettled near Bangor, in the county of Down, Ireland. How large a percent, of the subscribers who lived in the lowlands, and born out of theHighlands, would be impossible to determine. Then names of parties, bornin the Highlands and of Gaelic blood have undoubtedly been omitted owingto change of name. By the change in spelling of the name, it wouldindicate that some had left Ulster where their forefathers had settled, and taken up their residence in Scotland. It will also be noticed thatthe clans bordering the Grampians were most affected by the excitementwhile others seemingly did not even feel the breeze. 

The Darien Scheme at best was but suppositious, for no experiment hadbeen tried in order to forecast a realization of what was expected. There was, it is true, a glitter about it, but there were materialswithin the reach of all from which correct data might have beenobtained. It seems incredible that men of sound judgment should haverisked everything, when they only had a vague or general idea ofPaterson's plans. It was also a notorious fact that Spain claimedsovereignty over the Isthmus of Panama, and, even if she had not, it wasunlikely that she would tolerate such a colony, as was proposed, in thevery heart of her transatlantic dominions. Spain owned the Isthmus bothby the right of discovery and possession; and the very country whichPaterson had described in such radiant colors had been found by theCastilian settlers to be a land of misery and of death; and on accountof the poisonous air they had been compelled to remove to theneighboring haven of Panama. All these facts, besides others, mighteasily have been ascertained by members of the Company. 

As has already been intimated, the Scots alone were not drawn into thisvortex of wild excitement, and are no more to be held responsible forthe delusion than some of other nationalities. The English people wereseized with the dread of Scottish prosperity resulting from theenterprise, and England's jealousy of trade at once interfered to crushan adventure which seemed so promising. The English East India Companyinstigated a cry, echoed by the city of London, and taken up by thenation, which induced their parliament, when it met for the first time, after the elections of 1695, to give its unequivocal condemnation to thescheme. One peer declared, "If these Scots are to have their way I shallgo and settle in Scotland, and not stay here to be made a beggar. " Thetwo Houses of Parliament went up together to Kensington and representedto the king the injustice of requiring England to exert her power insupport of an enterprise which, if successful, must be fatal to hercommerce and to her finances. William replied in plain terms that he hadbeen illy-treated in Scotland, but that he would try to find a remedyfor the evil which had been brought to his attention. At once hedismissed Lord High Commissioner Tweeddale and Secretary Johnston; butthe Act which had been passed under their management still continued tobe law in Scotland. 

The Darien Company might have surmounted the opposition of the Englishparliament and the East India Company, had not the Dutch East IndiaCompany--a body remarkable for its monopolizing character--also joinedin the outcry against the Scottish enterprise; incited thereto by theking through Sir Paul Rycaut, the British resident at Hamburg, directinghim to transmit to the senate of that commercial city a remonstrance onthe part of king William, accusing them of having encouraged thecommissioners of the Darien Company; requesting them to desist fromdoing so; intimating that the plan had not the king's support; and arefusal to withdraw their countenance from the scheme would threaten aninterruption to his friendship with the good city of Hamburg. The resultof this interference was the almost total withdrawal of the Dutch andEnglish subscriptions, which was accelerated by the threatenedimpeachment, by the English parliament, of such persons who hadsubscribed to the Company; and, furthermore, were compelled to renouncetheir connection with the Company, besides misusing some native-bornScotchmen who had offended the House by subscribing their own money to acompany formed in their own country, and according to their own laws. 

The managers of the scheme, supported by the general public of Scotland, entered a strong protest against the king's hostile interference of hisHamburg envoy. In his answer the king evaded what he was resolved not togrant, and yet could not in equity refuse. By the double dealing of themonarch the Company lost the active support of the subscribers inHamburg and Holland. 

In spite of the desertion of her English and foreign subscribers theScots, encouraged in their stubborn resolution, and flattered by hopesthat captivated their imaginations, decided to enter the project alone. A stately house in Milne Square, then the most modern and fashionablepart of Edinburgh, was purchased and fitted up for an office andwarehouse. It was called the Scottish India House. Money poured fasterthan ever into the coffers of the Company. Operations were activelycommenced during the month of May, 1696. Contracts were rapidly let andorders filled--smith and cutlery work at Falkirk; woollen stockings atAberdeen; gloves and other leather goods at Perth; various metallicworks, hats, shoes, tobacco-pipes, serges, linen cloth, bobwigs andperiwigs, at Edinburgh; and for home-spun and home-woven woollen checksor tartan, to various parts of the Highlands. 

[Illustration: SCOTTISH INDIA HOUSE]

As the means for building ships in Scotland did not then exist, recoursewas had to the dockyards of Amsterdam and Hamburg. At an expense of£50, 000 a few inferior ships were purchased, and fitted out as ships ofwar; for their constitution authorized them to make war both by land andsea. The vessels were finally fitted out at Leith, consisting of theCaledonia, the St. Andrew, the Unicorn, and the Dolphin, each armed withfifty guns and two tenders, the Endeavor and Pink, afterwards sunk atDarien; and among the commodities stored away were axes, iron wedges, knives, smiths', carpenters' and coopers' tools, barrels, guns, pistols, combs, shoes, hats, paper, tobacco-pipes, and, as was supposed, provisions enough to last eight months. The value of the cargo of theSt. Andrew was estimated at £4, 006. The crew and colonists consisted oftwelve hundred picked men, the greater part of whom were veterans whohad served in king William's wars, and the remainder of Highlanders andothers who had opposed the revolution, and three hundred gentlemen offamily, desirous of trying their fortunes. 

It was on July 26, 1698, that the vessels weighed anchor and put out tosea. A wild insanity seized the entire population of Edinburgh as theycame to witness the embarkation. Guards were kept busy holding back theeager crowd who pressed forward, and, stretching out their arms to theirdeparting countrymen, clamored to be taken on board. Stowaways, whenordered on shore, madly clung to rope and mast, pleading in vain to beallowed to serve without pay on board the ships. Women sobbed and gaspedfor breath; men stood uncovered, and with downcast head and chokedutterance invoked the blessing of the Beneficent Being. The banner ofSt. Andrew was hoisted at the admiral's mast; and as a light wind caughtthe sails, the roar of the vast multitude was heard far down the watersof the frith. 

The actual destination of the fleet was still a profound secret, save toa few. The supreme direction of the expedition was entrusted to acouncil of seven, to whom was entrusted all power, both civil andmilitary. The voyage was long and the adventurers suffered much; therations proved to be scanty, and of poor quality; and the fleet, afterpassing the Orkneys and Ireland, touched at Madeira, where those who hadfine clothes were glad to exchange them for provisions and wines. Havingcrossed the Atlantic, they first landed on an uninhabited islet lyingbetween Porto Rico and St. Thomas, which they took possession of in thename of their country, and hoisted the white cross of St. Andrew. Beingwarned off for trespassing on the territory of the king of Denmark, andhaving procured the services of an old buccaneer, under whose pilotagethey departed, on November 1st they anchored close to the Isthmus ofPanama, having lost fifteen of their number during the voyage. On the4th they landed at Acla; founded there a settlement to which they gavethe name of New St. Andrews; marked out the site for another town andcalled it New Edinburgh. The weather was genial and climate pleasant atthe time of their arrival; the vegetation was luxuriant and promising;the natives were kind; and everything presaged a bright future for thefortune-seekers. They cut a canal through the neck of land that dividedone side of the harbor from the ocean, and there constructed a fort, whereon they mounted fifty cannon. On a mountain, at the opposite sideof the harbor, they built a watchhouse, where the extensive viewprevented all danger of a surprise. Lands were purchased from theIndians, and messages of friendship were sent to the governors of theseveral Spanish provinces. As the amount of funds appropriated for thesustenance of the colony had been largely embezzled by those having thematter in charge, the people were soon out of provisions. Fishing andthe chase were now the only sources, and as these were precarious, thecolonists were soon on the verge of starvation. As the summer drew nearthe atmosphere became stifling, and the exhalations from the steamingsoil, added to other causes, wrought death among the settlers. Themortality rose gradually to ten a day. Both the clergymen whoaccompanied the expedition were dead; one of them, Rev. Thomas James, died at sea before the colonists landed, and soon after the arrival Rev. Adam Scot succumbed. Paterson buried his wife in that soil, which, as hehad assured his too credulous countrymen, exhaled health and vigor. Menpassed to the hospital, and from thence to the grave, and the survivorswere only kept alive through the friendly offices of the Indians. Affairs continued daily to grow worse. The Spaniards on the isthmuslooked with complacency on the distress of the Scotchmen. No relief, andno tidings coming from Scotland, the survivors on June 22, 1699, lessthan eight months after their arrival, resolved to abandon thesettlement. They re-embarked in three vessels, a weak and hopelesscompany, to sail whithersoever Providence might direct. Paterson, thefirst to embark at Leith, was the last to re-embark at Darien. He beggedhard to be left behind with twenty or more companions to keep up a showof possession, and to await the next arrival from Scotland. Hisimportunities were disregarded, and, utterly helpless, he was carried onboard the St. Andrew, and soon after the vessels stood out to sea. Thevoyage was horrible. It might be compared to the horrors of a slaveship. 

The ocean kept secret the sufferings on board these pestilential shipsuntil August 8th, when the Caledonia, commanded by Captain RobertDrummond, drifted into Sandy Hook, New York, having lost one hundred andthree men since leaving Darien, and twelve more within four days afterarrival, leaving but sixty-five men on board fit for handling ropes. Thethree ships, on leaving Darien, had three hundred each, includingofficers, crew and colonists. On August 13th, the Unicorn, commanded byCaptain John Anderson, came into New York in a distressed condition, having lost her foremast, fore topmast, and mizzen mast. She lost onehundred and fifty men on the way. It appears that Captain RobertPennicuik of the St. Andrew knew of the helpless condition of theUnicorn, and accorded no assistance. [14] As might be expected, passionwas engendered amidst this scene of misery. The squalid survivors, inthe depths of their misery, raged fiercely against one another. Chargesof incapacity, cruelty, brutal insolence, were hurled backward andforward. The rigid Presbyterians attributed the calamities to thewickedness of Jacobites, Prelatists, Sabbath-breakers and Atheists, asthey denominated some of their fellow-sufferers. The accused parties, onthe other hand, complained bitterly of the impertinence of meddlingfanatics and hypocrites. Paterson was cruelly reviled, and was unable todefend himself. He sunk into a stupor, and became temporarily insane. 

The arrival of the two ships in New York awakened different emotions. There certainly was no danger of these miserable people doing any harm, and yet their appearance awakened apprehension, on account of ordersreceived from the king. After the proclamations which had been issuedagainst these miserable fugitives, it became a question of difficulty, since the governor of New York was absent in Boston, whether it wassafe to provide the dying men with harborage and necessary food. Naturalfeelings overcame the difficulty; the more selfish and timid would havestood aloof and let fate take its course: there being a sufficientnumber of them to make the more generous feel that their efforts to savelife were not made without risks. Even putting the most favorableconstruction on the act of the earl of Bellomont, governor of RhodeIsland, who was appealed to for advice, by the lieutenant governor ofNew York, the colonists were provoked by the actions of those inauthority. Bellomont, in his report to the Lords of Trade, under date ofOctober 20, 1699, states that the sufferers drew up a memorial to thelieutenant governor for permission to buy provisions; would not actuntil Bellomont gave his instructions; latter thinks the colonistsbecame insolent after being refreshed; and "your Lordships will see thatI have been cautious enough in my orders to the lieutenant governor ofNew York, not to suffer the Scotch to buy more provisions, than wouldserve to carry them home to Scotland. "[15] On October 12th the Caledoniaset sail from Sandy Hook, made the west coast of Ireland, November 11th, and on the 20th of same month anchored in the Sound of Islay, Scotland. 

The story of the Unicorn is soon told. "John Anderson, a ScotchPresbyterian, who commanded a ship to Darien in the Scottish expeditionthither and on his return in at Amboy, N. Jersey, & let his ship rot &plundered her & with ye plunder bought land. "[16]

The St. Andrew parted company with the Caledonia the second day afterleaving the settlement, and two nights later saw the Unicorn almostwholly dismasted, and on the following day was pursued by the Baslaventofleet. They put into Jamaica, but were denied assistance, in obedienceto king William's orders; and a British admiral, Bembo, refused to givethem some men to assist in bringing the ship to the isle of Port Royal. During the voyage to Port Royal, they lost the commander, CaptainPennicuik, most of the officers and one hundred and thirty of the men, before landing, on August 9, 1699. [17]

The Dolphin, Captain Robert Pincarton, commander, used as a supply andtrading ship, of fourteen guns, on February 5, 1699, struck a rock andran ashore at Carthagena, the crew seized by the Spaniards, and in ironswere put in dungeons as pirates. The Spaniards congratulated themselveson having captured a few of "the ruffians" who had been the terror andcurse of their settlements for a century. They were formally condemnedto death, but British interference succeeded in preventing the sentenceon the crew from being executed. 

On the week following the departure of the expedition from Leith, theScottish parliament met and unanimously adopted an address to the king, asking his support and countenance to the Darien colony. Notwithstandingthis memorial the British monarch ordered the governors of Jamaica, Barbadoes and New York to refuse all supplies to the settlers. Up tothis time the king had partly concealed his policy. No time was lost bythe East India Companies in bringing every measure to bear in order toruin the colony. To such length did rancor go that the Scotch commanderswho should presume to enter English ports, even for repairs after astorm, were threatened with arrest. In obedience to the king's ordersthe governors issued proclamations, which they attempted strictly toenforce; and every species of relief, not only that which countrymen canclaim of their fellow-subjects, and Christians of theirfellow-Christians, and such as the veriest criminal has a right todemand, was denied the colonists of Darien. On May 12, 1699, theresailed from Leith the Olive Branch, Captain William Johnson, commander, and the Hopeful, under Captain Alexander Stark, with ample stores ofprovisions, and three hundred recruits, but did not arrive at Darienuntil eight weeks after the departure of the colonists. Finding that thesettlement had been abandoned, and leaving six of their number, whopreferred to remain, but were afterwards brought away, the Hopefulsailed for Jamaica, where she was seized and condemned as a prize. "TheOlive Branch was unfortunately blown up at Caledonia" (Darien). [18]

The Spaniards had not only become aggressive by seizing the Dolphin andincarcerating the officers and crew, but their government made noremonstrance against the invasion of its territory until May 3, 1699, when a memorial was presented to William by the Spanish ambassadorstating that his sovereign looked on the proceedings as a rupture of thealliance between the two countries, and as a hostile invasion, and wouldtake such measures as he thought best against the intruders. It ispossible that at this time Spain would not have taken any actionwhatever, if William had pursued a different course; and seeing that thecolonists had been abandoned and disowned by their own king, as if theyhad been vagabonds or outlaws, the Spaniards, in a manner, feltthemselves invited to precipitate a crisis, which they accomplished. 

In the meantime the directors of the Darien Company were activelyorganizing another expedition and hastily sent out four morevessels--the Rising Sun, Captain James Gibson; the Hope, Captain JamesMiller; the Hope of Barrowstouness, Captain Richard Daling; and the Dukeof Hamilton, Captain Walter Duncan; with thirteen hundred "good men wellappointed, " besides materials of war. This fleet left Greenock August18, 1699, but having been delayed by contrary winds, did not leave theBay of Rothsay, Isle of Bute, until Sunday, September 24th. On Thursday, November 30, the fleet reached its destination, after considerablesuffering and some deaths on board. These vessels contained engineers, fire-workers, bombardiers, battery guns of twenty-four pounds, mortarsand bombs. The number of men mentioned included over three hundredHighlanders, chiefly from the estate of Captain Alexander Campbell ofFonab, most of whom had served under him, in Flanders, in Lorn'sregiment. During the voyage the Hope was cast away. Captain Millerloaded the long boat very deep with provisions, goods and arms, andproceeded towards Havana. He arrived safely at Darien. 

A large proportion of the second expedition belonged to the military, and were organized. Among the Highland officers are noticed thefollowing names: Captains Colin Campbell, Thomas McIntosh, JamesUrquhart, Alexander Stewart, ---- Ferquhar, and ---- Grant; LieutenantsCharles Stewart, Samuel Johnston, John Campbell and Walter Graham;Ensigns Hugh Campbell and Robert Colquhon, and Sergeant Campbell. 

The members of this expedition were greatly disappointed on theirarrival. They fully expected to find a secure fortification, aflourishing town, cultivated fields, and a warm reception. Instead theyfound a wilderness; the castle in ruins; the huts burned, and grassgrowing over the ruins. Their hearts sank within them; for this fleethad not been fitted out to found a colony, but to recruit and protectone already in a flourishing condition. They were worse provided withthe necessaries of life than their predecessors had been. They madefeeble attempts to restore the ruins. They constructed a fort on the oldgrounds; and within the ramparts built a hamlet consisting of abouteighty-five cabins, generally of twelve feet by ten. The work wentslowly on, without hope or encouragement. Despondency and discontentpervaded all ranks. The provisions became scanty, and unfair dealingresorted to. There were plots and factions formed, and one malcontenthanged. Nor was the ecclesiastical part happily arranged. The provisionmade by the General Assembly was as defective as the provision for thetemporal wants had been made by the directors of the company. Of thefour divines, one of them, Alexander Dalgleish, died at sea, on board ofCaptain Duncan's vessel. They were all of the established church ofScotland, who had the strongest sympathy with the Cameronians. They wereat war with almost all the colonists. The antagonisms between priest andpeople were extravagant and fatal. They described their flocks as themost profligate of mankind, and declared it was most impossible toconstitute a presbytery, for it was impossible to find persons fit to beruling elders of a Christian church. This part of the trouble can easilybe accounted for. One-third of the people were Highlanders, who did notunderstand a word of English, and not one of the pastors knew a word ofGaelic; and only through interpreters could they converse with thislarge body of men. It is also more than probable that many of these men, trained to war, had more or less of a tendency to fling off everycorrective band. Both Rev. John Borland and Rev. Alexander Shiels, author of the "Hynd let Loose, " were stern fanatics who would toleratenothing diverging a shade from their own code of principles. Theytreated the people as persons under their spiritual authority, andrequired of them fastings, humiliations, and long attendance on sermonsand exhortations. Such pastors were treated with contempt and ignominyby men scarcely inclined to bear ecclesiastical authority, even in itslightest form. They mistook their mission, which was to give Christiancounsel, and to lead gently and with dignity from error into rectitude. Instead of this they fell upon the flock like irritated schoolmasterswho find their pupils in mutiny. They became angry and dominative; andthe more they thus exhibited themselves, the more scorn and contumelythey encountered. Meanwhile two trading sloops arrived in the harborwith a small stock of provisions; but the supply was inadequate; so fivehundred of the party were ordered to embark for Scotland. 

The news of the abandonment of the settlement by the first expeditionwas first rumored in London during the middle of September, 1699. Letters giving such accounts had been received from Jamaica. The reportreached Edinburgh on the 19th, but was received with scornfulincredulity. It was declared to be an impudent lie devised by someEnglishmen who could not endure the sight of Scotland waxing great andopulent. On October 4th the whole truth was known, for letters had beenreceived from New York announcing that a few miserable men, the remainsof the colony, had arrived in the Hudson. Grief, dismay, and rage seizedthe nation. The directors in their rage called the colonistswhite-livered deserters. Accurate accounts brought the realization ofthe truth that hundreds of families, once in comparative opulence, werenow reduced almost to beggary, and the flower of the nation had eithersuccumbed to hardships, or else were languishing in prisons in theSpanish settlements, or else starving in English colonies. Thebitterness of disappointment was succeeded by an implacable hostility tothe king, who was denounced in pamphlets of the most violent andinflammatory character, calling him a hypocrite, and a deceiver of thosewho had shed their best blood in his cause, and the author of themisfortunes of Scotland. Indemnification, redress, and revenge weredemanded by every mouth, and each hand was ready to vouch for the claim. Never had just such a feeling existed in Scotland. It became a uselesspossession to the king, for he could not wring one penny from thatkingdom for the public service, and, what was more important to him, hecould not induce one recruit for his continental wars. William continuedto remain indifferent to all complaints of hardships and petitions ofredress, unless when he showed himself irritated by the importunity ofthe suppliants, and hurt at being obliged to evade what it wasimpossible for him, with the least semblance of justice to refuse. Thefeeling against William long continued in Scotland. As late as November5, 1788, when it was proposed that a monument should be erected inEdinburgh to his memory, there appeared in one of the papers ananonymous communication ironically applauding the undertaking, andproposing as two subjects of the entablature, for the base of theprojected column, the massacre of Glencoe and the distresses of theScottish colonists in Darien. On the appearance of this article theproject was very properly and righteously abandoned. The result of theDarien Scheme and the cold-blooded policy of William made the Scottishnation ripe for rebellion. Had there been even one member of the exiledhouse of Stuart equal to the occasion, that family could then havereturned to Scotland amid the joys and acclamations of the nation. 

Amidst the disasters of the first expedition the directors of thecompany were not unmindful of the fate of those who had sailed in thelast fleet. These people must be promptly succored. The company hiredthe ship Margaret, commanded by Captain Leonard Robertson, which sailedfrom Dundee, March 9, 1700; but what was of greater importance was thecommission given to Captain Alexander Campbell of Fonab, under date ofOctober 10, 1699, making him a councillor of the company and investinghim with "the chief and supreme command, both by sea and by land, of allships, men, forts, settlements, lands, possessions, and otherswhatsoever belonging to the said company in any part or parts ofAmerica, "[19] with instructions to lose no time in taking passage forJamaica, or the Leeward Islands and there secure a vessel, with three orfour months' provisions for the colony. Arriving at the Barbadoes, hethen purchased a vessel with a cargo of provisions, and on January 24, 1700, sailed for Darien, which he reached February 5th, and just in timeto be of active service; for intelligence had reached the colony thatfifteen hundred Spaniards lay encamped on the Rio Santa Maria, waitingthe arrival of an armament of eleven ships, with troops on board, destined to attack Ft. St. Andrew. Captain Campbell of Fonab, who hadgained for himself great reputation in Flanders as an approved warrior, resolved to anticipate the enemy, and at once mustering two hundred ofhis veteran troops, accompanied by sixty Indians, marched over themountains, and fell on the Spanish camp by night, and dispersed themwith great slaughter, with a loss to the colony of nine killed andfourteen wounded, among the latter being their gallant commander. TheSpaniards could not withstand the tumultuous rush of the Highlanders, and in precipitate flight left a large number of their dead upon thefield. The little band, among the spoils, brought back the Spanishcommander's decoration of the "Golden Fleece. " When they recrossed themountains it was to find their poor countrymen blockaded by five Spanishmen-of-war. Campbell, and others, believing that no inequalitiesjustified submission to such an enemy, determined on resistance, butsoon discovered that resistance was in vain, when they could only dependon diseased, starving and broken-hearted men. As the Spaniards would notinclude Captain Campbell in the terms of capitulation, he managed, withseveral companions, dexterously to escape in a small vessel, sailed forNew York, and from thence to Scotland. The defence of the colony underFonab's genius had been heroic. When ammunition had given out, theirpewter dishes were fashioned into cannon balls. On March 18, 1700, thecolonists capitulated on honorable terms. It was a received popularopinion in Scotland that none of those who were concerned in thesurrender ever returned to their native country. So weak were thesurvivors, and so few in numbers, that they were unable to weigh theanchor of their largest ship until the Spaniards came to theirassistance. What became of them? Their melancholy tale is soon told. 

The Earl of Bellomont, writing to the Lords of the Admiralty, underdate, New York, October 15, 1700, says:[20]

 "Some Scotchmen are newly come hither from Carolina that belonged to the ship Rising Sun (the biggest ship they set out for their Caledonia expedition) who tell me that on the third of last month a hurricane happened on that coast, as that ship lay at anchor, within less than three leagues of Charles Town in Carolina with another Scotch ship called the Duke of Hamilton, and three or four others; that the ships were all shattered in pieces and all the people lost, and not a man saved. The Rising Sun had 112 men on board. The Scotch men that are come hither say that 15 of 'em went on shore before the storm to buy fresh provisions at Charles Town by which means they were saved. Two other of their ships they suppose were lost in the Gulph of Florida in the same storm. They came all from Jamaica and were bound hither to take in provisions on their way to Scotland. The Rising Sun had 60 guns mounted and could have carryed many more, as they tell me. "

The colonists found a watery grave. No friendly hand nor sympathizingtear soothed their dying moments; no clergyman eulogized their heroism, self-sacrifice and virtues; no orator has pronounced a panegyric; nopoet has embalmed their memory in song, and no novelist has taken theirrecord for a fanciful story. Since their mission was a failure theirmemory is doomed to rest without marble monument or graven image. To themerciful and the just they will be honored as heroes and pioneers. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 13: The Darien Papers, pp. 371-417. ]

[Footnote 14: "Darien Papers, " pp 195, 275. ]

[Footnote 15: "Documentary and Colonial History of New York, " Vol. IV, p. 591. ]

[Footnote 16: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 335. ]

[Footnote 17: "Darien Papers, " p. 150. ]

[Footnote 18: "Darien Papers, " p. 160. ]

[Footnote 19: "Darien Papers, " p. 176. ]

[Footnote 20: "Documents Relating to Colonial History of New York, " Vol. IV, p. 711. ]

CHAPTER V. 

THE HIGHLANDERS IN NORTH CAROLINA. 

The earliest, largest and most important settlement of Highlanders inAmerica, prior to the Peace of 1783, was in North Carolina, along CapeFear River, about one hundred miles from its mouth, and in what was thenBladen, but now Cumberland County. The time when the Highlanders beganto occupy this territory is not definitely known; but some were locatedthere in 1729, at the time of the separation of the province into Northand South Carolina. It is not known what motive caused the firstsettlers to select that region. There was no leading clan in thismovement, for various ones were well represented. At the headwaters ofnavigation these pioneers literally pitched their tent in thewilderness, for there were but few human abodes to offer them shelter. The chief occupants of the soil were the wild deer, turkeys, wolves, raccoons, opossums, with huge rattlesnakes to contest the intrusion. Fortunately for the homeless immigrant the climate was genial, and thestately tree would afford him shelter while he constructed a house outof logs proffered by the forest. Soon they began to fell the primevalforest, grub, drain, and clear the rich alluvial lands bordering on theriver, and plant such vegetables as were to give them subsistence. 

In course of time a town was formed, called Campbellton, then CrossCreek, and after the Revolution, in honor of the great Frenchman, whowas so truly loyal to Washington, it was permanently changed toFayetteville. 

The immigration to North Carolina was accelerated, not only by theaccounts sent back to the Highlanders of Scotland by the first settlers, but particularly under the patronage of Gabriel Johnston, governor ofthe province from 1734 until his death in 1752. He was born in Scotland, educated at the University of St. Andrews, where he became professor ofOriental languages, and still later a political writer in London. Hebears the reputation of having done more to promote the prosperity ofNorth Carolina than all its other colonial governors combined. However, he was often arbitrary and unwise with his power, besides having theusual misfortune of colonial governors of being at variance with thelegislature. He was very partial to the people of his native country, and sought to better their condition by inducing them to emigrate toNorth Carolina. Among the charges brought against him, in 1748, was hisinordinate fondness for Scotchmen, and even Scotch rebels. So great, itwas alleged, was his partiality for the latter that he showed no joyover the king's "glorious victory of Culloden;" and "that he hadappointed one William McGregor, who had been in the Rebellion in theyear 1715, a Justice of the Peace during the late Rebellion (1745) andwas not himself without suspicion of disaffection to His Majesty'sGovernment. "[21]

The "Colonial Records of North Carolina" contain many distinctivelyHighland names, most of which refer to persons whose nativity was in theScottish Highlands; but these furnish no certain criterion, fordoubtless some of the parties, though of Highland parents, were born inthe older provinces, while in later colonial history others belong tothe Scotch-Irish, who came in that great wave of migration from Ulster, and found a lodgment upon the headwaters of the Cape Fear, Pee Dee andNeuse. Many of the early Highland emigrants were very prominent in theannals of the colony, among whom none were more so than Colonel JamesInnes, who was born about the year 1700 at Cannisbay, a town on theextreme northern point of the coast of Scotland. He was a personalfriend of Governor Dinwiddie of Virginia, who in 1754 appointed himcommander-in-chief of all the forces in the expedition to theOhio, --George Washington being the colonel commanding the Virginiaregiment. He had previously seen some service as a captain in theunsuccessful expedition against Carthagenia. 

The real impetus of the Highland emigration to North Carolina was thearrival, in 1739, of a "shipload, " under the guidance of Neil McNeill, of Kintyre, Scotland, who settled also on the Cape Fear, amongst thosewho had preceded him. Here he found Hector McNeill, called "BluffHector, " from his residence near the bluffs above Cross Creek. 

Neil McNeill, with his countrymen, landed on the Cape Fear during themonth of September. They numbered three hundred and fifty souls, principally from Argyleshire. At the ensuing session of the legislaturethey made application for substantial encouragement, that they mightthereby be able to induce the rest of their friends and acquaintances tosettle in the country. While this petition was pending, in order toencourage them and others and also to show his good will, the governorappointed, by the council of the province, a certain number of themjustices of the peace, the commissions bearing date of February 28, 1740. The proceedings show that it was "ordered that a new commission ofpeace for Bladen directed to the following persons: Mathew Rowan, Wm. Forbes, Hugh Blaning, John Clayton, Robert Hamilton, Griffeth Jones, James Lyon, Duncan Campbel, Dugold McNeil, Dan McNeil, Wm. Bartram andSamuel Baker hereby constituting and appointing them Justices of thePeace for the said county. "[22]

These were the first so appointed. The petition was first heard in theupper house of the legislature, at Newbern, and on January 26, 1740, thefollowing action was taken:

 "Resolved, that the Persons mentioned in said Petition, shall be free from payment of any Publick or County tax for Ten years next ensuing their Arrival. 

 "Resolved, that towards their subsistence the sum of one thousand pounds be paid out of the Publick money, by His Excellency's warrant to be lodged with Duncan Campbell, Dugald McNeal, Daniel McNeal. Coll. McAlister and Neal McNeal Esqrs. , to be by them distributed among the several families in the said Petition mentioned. 

 "Resolved, that as an encouragement for Protestants to remove from Europe into this Province, to settle themselves in bodys or Townships, That all such as shall so remove into this Province. Provided they exceed forty persons in one body or Company, they shall be exempted from payment of any Publick or County tax for the space of Ten years, next ensuing their Arrival. 

 "Resolved, that an address be presented to his Excellency the Governor to desire him to use his Interest, in such manner, as he shall think most proper to obtain an Instruction for giveing encouragement to Protestants from foreign parts, to settle in Townships within this Province, to be set apart for that purpose after the manner, and with such priviledges and advantages, as is practised in South Carolina. "[23]

The petition was concurred in by the lower house on February 21st, andon the 26th, after reciting the action of the upper house in relation tothe petition, passed the following:

 "Resolved, That this House concurs with the several Resolves of the Upper House in the abovesd Message Except that relateing to the thousand pounds which this House refers till next Session of Assembly for Consideration. "[24]

At a meeting of the council held at Wilmington, June 4, 1740, there werepresented petitions for patents of lands, by the following persons, giving acres and location, as granted:

 Name. Acres. County. 

 Thos Clarks 320 N. Hanover James McLachlan 160 Bladen Hector McNeil 300 " Duncan Campbell 150 " James McAlister 640 " James McDugald 640 " Duncan Campbell 75 " Hugh McCraine 500 " Duncan Campbell 320 " Gilbert Pattison 640 " Rich Lovett 855 Tyrrel Rd Earl 108 N. Hanover Jno McFerson 320 Bladen Duncan Campbell 300 " Neil McNeil 150 " Duncan Campbell 140 " Jno Clark 320 " Malcolm McNeil 320 " Neil McNeil 400 " Arch Bug 320 "

 Name. Acres. County. Duncan Campbel 640 Bladen Jas McLachlen 320 " Murdock McBraine 320 " Jas Campbel 640 " Patric Stewart 320 " Arch Campley 320 " Dan McNeil 105 (400) 400 " Neil McNeil 400 " Duncan Campbel 320 " Jno Martileer 160 " Daniel McNeil 320 " Wm Stevens 300 " Dan McNeil 400 " Jas McLachlen 320 " Wm Speir 160 Edgecombe Jno Clayton 100 Bladen Sam Portevint 640 N. Hanover Charles Harrison 320 " Robt Walker 640 " Jas Smalwood 640 " Wm Faris 400 640 640 " Richd Carlton 180 Craven Duncan Campbel 150 Bladen Neil McNeil 321 " Alex McKey 320 " Henry Skibley 320 " Jno Owen 200 " Duncan Campbel 400 " Dougal Stewart 640 " Arch Douglass 200 N. Hanover James Murray 320 " Robt Clark 200 " Duncan Campbel 148 Bladen James McLachlen 320 " Arch McGill 500 " Jno Speir 100 Edgecombe James Fergus 640 " Rufus Marsden 640 " Hugh Blaning 320 (surplus land) Bladen Robt Hardy 400 Beaufort Wm Jones 354 350 [25]

All the above names, by no means are Highland; but as they occur in thesame list, in all probability, came on the same ship, and were probablyconnected by kindred ties with the Gaels. 

The colony was destined soon to receive a great influx from theHighlands of Scotland, due to the frightful oppression and persecutionwhich immediately followed the battle of Culloden. Not satisfied withthe merciless harrying of the Highlands, the English army on its returninto England carried with it a large number of prisoners, and after ahasty military trial many were publicly executed. Twenty-two suffereddeath in Yorkshire; seventeen were put to death in Cumberland; andseventeen at Kennington Common, near London. When the king's vengeancehad been fully glutted, he pardoned a large number, on condition oftheir leaving the British Isles and emigrating to the plantations, afterhaving first taken the oath of allegiance. 

The collapsing of the romantic scheme to re-establish the Stuartdynasty, in which so many brave and generous mountaineers were enlisted, also brought an indiscriminate national punishment upon the ScottishGaels, for a blow was struck not only at those "who were out" withprince Charles, but also those who fought for the reigning dynasty. Leftwithout chief, or protector, clanship broken up, homes destroyed andkindred murdered, dispirited, outlawed, insulted and without hope ofpalliation or redress, the only ray of light pointed across the Atlanticwhere peace and rest were to be found in the unbroken forests of NorthCarolina. Hence, during the years 1746 and 1747, great numbers ofHighlanders, with their families and the families of their friends, removed to North Carolina and settled along the Cape Fear river, covering a great space of country, of which Cross Creek, or Campbelton, now Fayetteville, was the common center. This region received shiploadafter shipload of the harrassed, down-trodden and maligned people. Theemigration, forced by royal persecution and authority, was carried on bythose who desired to improve their condition, by owning the land theytilled. In a few years large companies of Highlanders joined theircountrymen in Bladen County, which has since been subdivided into thecounties of Anson, Bladen, Cumberland, Moore, Richmond, Robeson andSampson, but the greater portion established themselves within thepresent limits of Cumberland, with Fayetteville the seat of justice. There was in fact a Carolina mania which was not broken until thebeginning of the Revolution. [26] The flame of enthusiasm passed likewildfire through the Highland glens and Western Isles. It pervaded allclasses, from the poorest crofter to the well-to-do farmer, and even menof easy competence, who were according to the appropriate song of theday, "Dol a dh'iarruidh an fhortain do North Carolina. "

Large ocean crafts, from several of the Western Lochs, laden withhundreds of passengers sailed direct for the far west. In that day thiswas a great undertaking, fraught with perils of the sea, and a long, comfortless voyage. Yet all this was preferable than the homes theyloved so well; but no longer homes to them! They carried with them theirlanguage, their religion, their manners, their customs and costumes. Inshort, it was a Highland community transplanted to more hospitableshores. 

The numbers of Highlanders at any given period can only relatively beknown. In 1753 it was estimated that in Cumberland County there were onethousand Highlanders capable of bearing arms, which would make the wholenumber between four and five thousand, --to say nothing of those in theadjoining districts, besides those scattered in the other counties ofthe province. 

The people at once settled quietly and devoted their energies toimproving their lands. The country rapidly developed and wealth began todrop into the lap of the industrious. The social claims were notforgotten, and the political demands were attended to. It is recordedthat in 1758 Hector McNeil was sheriff of Cumberland County, and as hissalary was but £10, it indicates his services were not in demand, andthere was a healthy condition of affairs. 

Hector McNeil and Alexander McCollister represented Cumberland County inthe legislature that assembled at Wilmington April 13, 1762. In 1764 themembers were Farquhar Campbell and Walter Gibson, --the former beingalso a member in 1769, 1770, 1771, and 1775, and during this period oneof the leading men, not only of the county, but also of the legislature. Had he, during the Revolution, taken a consistent position in harmonywith his former acts, he would have been one of the foremost patriots ofhis adopted state; but owing to his vacillating character, his course ofconduct inured to his discomfiture and reputation. 

The legislative body was clothed with sufficient powers to ameliorateindividual distress, and was frequently appealed to for relief. In quitea list of names, seeking relief from "Public duties and Taxes, " April16, 1762, is that of Hugh McClean, of Cumberland county. The relief wasgranted. This would indicate that there was more or less of a strugglein attaining an independent home, which the legislative body desired toassist in as much as possible, in justice to the commonwealth. 

The Peace of 1763 not only saw the American Colonies prosperous, butthey so continued, making great strides in development and growth. England began to look towards them as a source for additional revenuetowards filling her depleted exchequer; and, in order to realize this, in March, 1765, her parliament passed, by great majorities, thecelebrated act for imposing stamp duties in America. All America wassoon in a foment. The people of North Carolina had always asserted theirliberties on the subject of taxation. As early as 1716, when theprovince, all told, contained only eight thousand inhabitants, theyentered upon the journal of their assembly the formal declaration "thatthe impressing of the inhabitants or their property under pretence ofits being for the public service without authority of the Assembly, wasunwarrantable and a great infringement upon the liberty of the subject. "In 1760 the Assembly declared its indubitable right to frame and modelevery bill whereby an aid was granted to the king. In 1764 it enteredupon its journal a peremptory order that the treasurer should not payout any money by order of the governor and council without theconcurrence of the assembly. 

William Tryon assumed the duties of governor March 28, 1765, andimmediately after he took charge of affairs the assembly was called, butwithin two weeks he prorogued it; said to have been done in consequenceof an interview with the speaker of the assembly, Mr. Ashe, who, inanswer to a question by the governor on the Stamp Act, replied, "We willfight it to the death. " The North Carolina records show it was foughteven to "the death. "

The prevalent excitement seized the Highlanders along the Cape Fear. Aletter appeared in "The North Carolina Gazette, " dated at Cross Creek, January 30, 1766, in which the writer urges the people by everyconsideration, in the name of "dear Liberty" to rise in their might andput a stop to the seizures then in progress. He asks the people if theyhave "lost their senses and their souls, and are they determined tamelyto submit to slavery. " Nor did the matter end here; for, the people ofCross Creek gave vent to their resentment by burning lord Bute ineffigy. 

Just how far statistics represent the wealth of a people may not bewholly determined. At this period of the history, referring to a returnof the counties, in 1767, it is stated that Anson county, called alsoparish of St. George, had six hundred and ninety-six white taxables, that the people were in general poor and unable to, support a minister. Bladen county, or St. Martin's parish, had seven hundred and ninety-onetaxable whites, and the inhabitants in middling circumstances. Cumberland, or St. David's parish, had eight hundred and ninety-ninetaxable whites, "mostly Scotch--Support a Presbyterian Minister. "

The Colonial Records of North Carolina do not exhibit a list of theemigrants, and seldom refer to the ship by name. Occasionally, however, a list has been preserved in the minutes of the official proceedings. Hence it may be read that on November 4, 1767, there landed atBrunswick, from the Isle of Jura, Argyleshire, Scotland, the followingnames of families and persons, to whom were allotted vacant lands, clearof all fees, to be taken up in Cumberland or Mecklenburgh counties, attheir option:

 +-------------------------------+-------------+-------+----------+ | | CHILDREN | | Acres to | | NAMES OF FAMILIES +------+------+ TOTAL | Each | | | Male |Female| | Family | +-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+ |Alexander McDougald and wife | | 1 | 3 | 300 | |Malcolm McDougald " " | | 1 | 3 | 300 | |Neill McLean " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 | |Duncan McLean " " | | | 2 | 200 | |Duncan Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 | |Angus McDougald " " | | | 2 | 200 | |Dougald McDougald " " | 3 | 1 | 6 | 640 | |Dougald McDougald " " | 2 | | 4 | 400 | |John Campbell " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 | |Archibald Buea " " | 1 | | 3 | 300 | |Neill Buea | | | 1 | 100 | |Neill Clark | | | 1 | 100 | |John McLean | | | 1 | 100 | |Angus McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |John McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |Donald McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |Alexander McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |John McLean | | | 1 | 100 | |Peter McLean | | | 1 | 100 | |Malcolm Buea | | | 1 | 100 | |Duncan Buea | | | 1 | 100 | |Mary Buea | | | 1 | 100 | |Nancy McLean | | | 1 | 100 | |Peggy Sinclair | | | 1 | 100 | |Peggy McDougald | | | 1 | 100 | |Jenny Darach | | | 1 | 100 | |Donald McLean | | | 1 | 100 | +-------------------------------+------+------+-------+----------+

These names show they were from Argyleshire, and probably from the Isleof Mull, and the immediate vicinity of the present city of Oban. 

The year 1771 witnessed civil strife in North Carolina. The War of theRegulators was caused by oppression in disproportionate taxation; nomethod for payment of taxes in produce, as in other counties; unfairnessin transactions of business by officials; the privilege exercised bylawyers to commence suits in any court they pleased, and unlawful feesextorted. The assembly was petitioned in vain on these points, and onaccount of these wrongs the people of the western districts attempted togain by force what was denied them by peaceable means. 

One of the most surprising things about this war is that it wasruthlessly stamped out by the very people of the eastern part of theprovince who themselves had been foremost in rebellion against the StampAct. And, furthermore, to be leaders against Great Britain in less thanfive years from the battle of the Alamance. Nor did they appear in theleast to be willing to concede justice to their western brethren, untilthe formation of the state constitution, in 1776, when thirteen, out ofthe forty-seven sections, of that instrument embodied the reforms soughtfor by the Regulators. 

On March 10, 1771, Governor Tryon apportioned the number of troops foreach county which were to march against the insurgents. In thisallotment fifty each fell to Cumberland, Bladen, and Anson counties. Farquhar Campbell was given a captain's commission, and two commissionsin blank for lieutenant and ensign, besides a draft for £150, to be usedas bounty money to the enlisted men, and other expenses. As soon as hiscompany was raised, he was ordered to join, as he thought expedient, either the westward or eastward detachment. The date of his orders isApril 18, 1771. Captain Campbell had expressed himself as being able toraise the complement. [27] The records do not show whether or not CaptainCampbell and his company took an active part. 

It cannot be affirmed that the expedition against the Regulators was apopular one. When the militia was called out, there arose trouble inCraven, Dobbs, Johnston, Pitt and Edgecombe counties, with no troopsfrom the Albemarle section. In Bute county where there was a regimenteight hundred strong, when called upon for fifty volunteers, all brokerank, without orders, declaring that they were in sympathy with theRegulators. 

The freeholders living near Campbelton on March 13, 1772, petitionedGovernor Martin for a change in the charter of their town, alleging thatas Campbelton was a trading town persons temporarily residing therevoted, and thus the power of election was thrown into their hands, because the property owners were fewer in numbers. They desired "a newCharter impowering all persons, being Freeholders within two miles ofthe Courthouse of Campbelton or seized of an Estate for their own, orthe life of any other person in any dwelling-house (such house having astone or brick Chimney thereunto belonging and appendent) to elect aMember to represent them in General Assembly. Whereby we humbly conceivethat the right of election will be lodged with those who only have rightto Claim it and the purposes for which the Charter was granted toencourage Merchants of property to settle there fully answered. "[28]

Among the names signed to this petition are those of Neill MacArther, Alexr. MacArther, James McDonald, Benja. McNatt, Ferqd. Campbell, and A. Maclaine. The charter was granted. 

The people of Cumberland county had a care for their own interests, andfully appreciated the value of public buildings. Partly by theirefforts, the upper legislative house, on February 24, 1773, passed abill for laying out a public road from the Dan through the counties ofGuilford, Chatham and Cumberland to Campbelton. On the 26th same month, the same house passed a bill for regulating the borough of Campbelton, and erecting public buildings therein, consisting of court house, gaol, pillory and stocks, naming the following persons to be commissioners:Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Richard Lyon, Robert Nelson, and Robert Cochran. [29] The same year Cumberland county paid inquit-rents, fines and forfeitures the sum of £206. 

In September, 1773, a boy named Reynold McDugal was condemned formurder. His youthful appearance, looking to be but thirteen, thoughreally eighteen years of age, enlisted the sympathy of a great many, whopetitioned for clemency, which was granted. To this petition wereattached such Highland names as, Angus Camel, Alexr. McKlarty, JamesMcKlarty, Malcolm McBride, Neil McCoulskey, Donald McKeithen, DuncanMcKeithen, Gilbert McKeithen, Archibald McKeithen, Daniel McFarther, John McFarther, Daniel Graham, Malcolm Graham, Malcolm McFarland, Murdock Graham, Michael Graham, John McKown, Robert McKown, WilliamMcKown, Daniel Campbell, John Campbell. Iver McKay, John McLeod, Alexr. Graham, Evin McMullan, John McDuffie, William McNeil. Andw. McCleland. John McCleland, Wm. McRei, Archd. McCoulsky, James McCoulsky, Chas. McNaughton, Jno. McLason. 

The Highland clans were fairly represented, with a preponderance infavor of the McNeils. They still wore their distinctive costume, theplaid, the kilt, and the sporan, --and mingled together, as though theyconstituted but one family. A change now began to take place and rapidlytook on mammoth proportions. The MacDonalds of Raasay and Skye becameimpatient under coercion and set out in great numbers for NorthCarolina. Among them was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough, and his famouswife, the heroine Flora, who arrived in 1774. Allan MacDonald succeededto the estate of Kingsburgh in 1772, on the death of his father, butfinding it incumbered with debt, and embarrassed in his affairs, heresolved in 1773 to go to North Carolina, and there hoped to mend hisfortunes. He settled in Anson county. Although somewhat aged, he had thegraceful mien and manly looks of a gallant Highlander. He had jet blackhair tied behind, and was a large, stately man, with a steady, sensiblecountenance. He wore his tartan thrown about him, a large blue bonnetwith a knot of black ribbon like a cockade, a brown short coat, a tartanwaistcoat with gold buttons and gold button holes, a bluish philabeg, and tartan hose. At once he took precedence among his countrymen, becoming their leader and adviser. The Macdonalds, by 1775, were sonumerous in Cumberland county as to be called the "Clan Donald, " and theinsurrection of February, 1776, is still known as the "Insurrection ofthe Clan MacDonald. "

Little did the late comers know or realize the gathering storm. Thepeople of the West Highlands, so remote from the outside world, couldnot apprehend the spirit of liberty that was being awakened in theThirteen Colonies. Or, if they heard of it, the report found no speciallodgement. In short, there were but few capable of realizing what theoutcome would be. Up to the very breaking out of hostilities the clanspoured forth emigrants into North Carolina. 

Matters long brewing now began to culminate and evil days grew apace. The ruling powers of England refused to understand the rights ofAmerica, and their king rushed headlong into war. The colonists hadsuffered long and patiently, but when the overt act came they appealedto arms. Long they bore misrule. An English king, of his own whim, orthe favoritism of a minister, or the caprice of a woman good or bad, orfor money in hand paid, selected the governor, chief justice, secretary, receiver-general, and attorney-general for the province. The governorselected the members of the council, the associate judges, themagistrates, and the sheriffs. The clerks of the county courts and theregister of deeds were selected by the clerk of pleas, who having boughthis office in England came to North Carolina and peddled out "countyrights" at prices ranging from £4 to £40 annual rent per county. Scandalous abuses accumulated, especially under such governors as wereusually chosen. The people were still loyal to England, even after thefirst clash of arms, but the open rupture rapidly prepared them forindependence. The open revolt needed only the match. When that wasapplied, a continent was soon ablaze, controlled by a lofty patriotism. 

The steps taken by the leaders of public sentiment in America wereprudent and statesmanlike. Continental and Provincial Congresses werecreated. The first in North Carolina convened at Newbern, August 25, 1774. Cumberland county was represented by Farquhard Campbell and ThomasRutherford. The Second Congress convened at the same place April 30, 1775. Again the same parties represented Cumberland county, with anadditional one for Campbelton in the person of Robert Rowan. At thistime the Highlanders were in sympathy with the people of their adoptedcountry. But not all, for on July 3rd, Allan MacDonald of Kingsboroughwent to Fort Johnson, and concerted with Governor Martin the raising ofa battalion of "the good and faithful Highlanders. " He fully calculatedon the recently settled MacDonalds and MacLeods. All who took part inthe Second Congress were not prepared to take or realize the logic oftheir position, and what would be the final result. 

The Highlanders soon became an object of consideration to the leaderson both sides of the controversy. They were numerically strong, increasing in numbers, and their military qualities beyond question. Active efforts were put forth in order to induce them to throw theweight of their decision both to the patriot cause and also to that ofthe king. Consequently emissaries were sent amongst them. The prevalentimpression was that they had a strong inclination towards the royalistcause, and that party took every precaution to cement their loyalty. Even the religious side of their natures was wrought upon. 

The Americans early saw the advantage of decisive steps. In a letterfrom Joseph Hewes, John Penn, and William Hooper, the North Carolinadelegates to the Continental Congress, to the members of the ProvincialCongress, under date of December 1, 1775, occurs the admission that "inour attention to military preparations we have not lost sight of a meansof safety to be effected by the power of the pulpit, reasoning andpersuasion. We know the respect which the Regulators and Highlandersentertain for the clergy; they still feel the impressions of a religiouseducation, and truths to them come with irresistible influence from themouths of their spiritual pastors. * * * The Continental Congress havethought proper to direct us to employ two pious clergymen to make a tourthrough North Carolina in order to remove the prejudices which the mindsof the Regulators and Highlanders may labor under with respect to thejustice of the American controversy, and to obviate the religiousscruples which Governor Tryon's heartrending oath has implanted in theirtender consciences. We are employed at present in quest of some personswho may be equal to this undertaking. "[30]

The Regulators were divided in their sympathies, and it was impossibleto find a Gaelic-speaking minister, clothed with authority, to go amongthe Highlanders. Even if such a personage could have been found, theeffort would have been counteracted by the influence of John McLeod, their own minister. His sympathies, though not boldly expressed, wereagainst the interests of the Thirteen Colonies, and on account of hissuspicious actions was placed under arrest, but discharged May 11, 1776, by the Provincial Congress, in the following order:

"That the Rev. John McLeod, who was brought to this Congress onsuspicion of his having acted inimical to the rights of America, bedischarged from his further attendance. "[31]

August 23, 1775, the Provincial Congress appointed, from among itsmembers, Archibald Maclaine, Alexander McAlister, Farquhard Campbell, Robert Rowan, Thomas Wade, Alexander McKay, John Ashe, Samuel Spencer, Walter Gibson, William Kennon, and James Hepburn, "a committee to conferwith the Gentlemen who have lately arrived from the Highlands inScotland to settle in this Province, and to explain to them the Natureof our Unhappy Controversy with Great Britain, and to advise and urgethem to unite with the other Inhabitants of America in defence of thoserights which they derive from God and the Constitution. "[32][33]

No steps appear to have been taken by the Americans to organize theHighlanders into military companies, but rather their efforts were toenlist their sympathies. On the other hand, the royal governor, JosiahMartin, took steps towards enrolling them into active British service. In a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of June 30, 1775, Martin declares he "could collect immediately among the emigrants fromthe Highlands of Scotland, who were settled here, and immoveablyattached to His Majesty and His Government, that I am assured by thebest authority I may compute at 3000 effective men, " and begs permission"to raise a Battalion of a Thousand Highlanders here, " and "I would mosthumbly beg leave to recommend Mr. Allen McDonald of Kingsborough to beMajor, and Captain Alexd. McLeod of the Marines now on half pay to befirst Captain, who besides being men of great worth, and good character, have most extensive influence over the Highlanders here, great part ofwhich are of their own names and familys, and I should flatter myselfthat His Majesty would be graciously pleased to permit me to nominatesome of the Subalterns of such a Battalion, not for pecuniaryconsideration, but for encouragement to some active and deserving youngHighland Gentlemen who might be usefully employed in the speedy raisingthe proposed Battalion. Indeed I cannot help observing My Lord, thatthere are three of four Gentlemen of consideration here, of the name ofMcDonald, and a Lieutenant Alexd. McLean late of the Regiment now onhalf pay, whom I should be happy to see appointed Captains in such aBattalion, being persuaded they would heartily promote and do credit toHis Majesty's Service. "[34]

November 12, 1775, the governor farther reports to the same that he canassure "your Lordship that the Scotch Highlanders here are generally andalmost without exception staunch to Government, " and that "CaptainAlexr. McLeod, a Gentleman from the Highlands of Scotland and late anOfficer in the Marines who has been settled in this Province about ayear and is one of the Gentlemen I had the honor to recommend to yourLordship to be appointed a Captain in the Battalion of Highlanders, Iproposed with his Majesty's permission to raise here found his way downto me at this place about three weeks ago and I learn from him that heis as well as his father in law, Mr. Allan McDonald, proposed by me forMajor of the intended Corps moved by my encouragements have each raiseda company of Highlanders since which a Major McDonald who came here sometime ago from Boston under the orders from General Gage to raiseHighlanders to form a Battalion to be commanded by Lieut. Coll. AllanMcLean has made them proposals of being appointed Captains in thatCorps, which they have accepted on the Condition that his Majesty doesnot approve my proposal of raising a Battallion of Highlanders andreserving to themselves the choice of appointments therein in case itshall meet with his Majesty's approbation in support of that measure. Ishall now only presume to add that the taking away those Gentlemen fromthis Province will in a great measure if not totally dissolve the unionof the Highlanders in it now held together by their influence, thatthose people in their absence may fall under the guidance of some personnot attached like them to Government in this Colony at present but itwill ever be maintained by such a regular military force as thisestablished in it that will constantly reunite itself with the utmostfacility and consequently may be always maintained upon the mostrespectable footing. "[35]

The year 1775 witnessed the North Carolina patriots very alert. Therewere committees of safety in the various counties; and the ProvincialCongress began its session at Hillsborough August 21st. CumberlandCounty was represented by Farquhard Campbell, Thomas Rutherford, Alexander McKay, Alexander McAlister and David Smith, Campbelton sentJoseph Hepburn. Among the members of this Congress having distinctlyHighland names, the majority of whom doubtless were born in theHighlands, if not all, besides those already mentioned, were JohnCampbell and John Johnston from Bertie, Samuel Johnston of Chowan, Duncan Lamon of Edgecombe. John McNitt Alexander of Mecklenburg, KennethMcKinzie of Martin, Jeremiah Frazier or Tyrell, William Graham of Tryon, and Archibald Maclaine of Wilmington. One of the acts of this Congresswas to divide the state into military districts and the appointment offield officers of the Minute Men. For Cumberland county ThomasRutherford was appointed colonel; Alexander McAlister, lieutenantcolonel; Duncan McNeill, first major; Alexander McDonald, second major. One company of Minute Men was to be raised. This Act was passed onSeptember 9th. 

As the name of Farquhard Campbell often occurs in connection with theearly stages of the Revolution, and quite frequently in the ColonialRecords from 1771 to 1776, a brief notice of him may be of someinterest. He was a gentleman of wealth, education and influence, and, atfirst, appeared to be warmly attached to the cause of liberty. As hasbeen noticed he was a member of the Provincial Congress, and evincedmuch zeal in promoting the popular movement, and, as a visiting memberfrom Cumberland county attended the meeting of the Safety Committee atWilmington, on July 20, 1776. When Governor Martin abandoned his palaceand retreated to Fort Johnston, and thence to an armed ship, it wasascertained that he visited Campbell at his residence. Not longafterwards the governor's secretary asked the Provincial Congress "togive Sanction and Safe Conduct to the removal of the most valuableEffects of Governor Martin on Board the Man of War and his Coach andHorses to Mr. Farquard Campbell's. " When the request was submitted tothat body, Mr. Campbell "expressed a sincere desire that the Coach andHorses should not be sent to his House in Cumberland and is amazed thatsuch a proposal should have been made without his approbation orprivity. " On account of his positive disclaimer the Congress, byresolution exonerated him from any improper conduct, and that he had"conducted himself as an honest member of Society and a friend to theAmerican Cause. "[36]

He dealt treacherously with the governor as well as with Congress. Theformer, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, October 16, 1775, says:

 "I have heard too My Lord with infinitely greater surprise and concern that the Scotch Highlanders on whom I had such firm reliance have declared themselves for neutrality, which I am informed is to be attributed to the influence of a certain Mr. Farquhard Campbell an ignorant man who has been settled from childhood in this Country, is an old Member of the Assembly and has imbibed all the American popular principles and prejudices. By the advice of some of his Countrymen I was induced after the receipt of your Lordship's letter No. 16 to communicate with this man on the alarming state of the Country and to sound his disposition in case of matters coming to extremity here, and he expressed to me such abhorence of the violences that had been done at Fort Johnston and in other instances and discovered so much jealousy and apprehension of the ill designs of the Leaders in Sedition here, giving me at the same time so strong assurances of his own loyalty and the good dispositions of his Countrymen that I unsuspecting his dissimulation and treachery was led to impart to him the encouragements I was authorized to hold out to his Majesty's loyal Subjects in this Colony who should stand forth in support of Government which he received with much seeming approbation and repeatedly assured me he would consult with the principles among his Countrymen without whose concurrence he could promise nothing of himself, and would acquaint me with their determinations. From the time of this conversation between us in July I heard nothing of Mr. Campbell until since the late Convention at Hillsborough, where he appeared in the character of a delegate from the County of Cumberland and there, according to my information, unasked and unsolicited and without provocation of any sort was guilty of the base Treachery of promulgating all I had said to him in confidential secrecy, which he had promised sacredly and inviolably to observe, and of the aggravating crime of falsehood in making additions of his own invention and declaring that he had rejected all my propositions. "[37]

The governor again refers to him in his letter to the same, datedNovember 12, 1775:

 "From Capt. McLeod, who seems to be a man of observation and intelligence, I gather that the inconsistency of Farquhard Campbell's conduct * * * has proceeded as much from jealousy of the Superior consequence of this Gentleman and his father in law with the Highlanders here as from any other motive. This schism is to be lamented from whatsoever cause arising, but I have no doubt that I shall be able to reconcile the interests of the parties whenever I have power to act and can meet them together. "[38]

Finally he threw off the mask, or else had changed his views, and openlyespoused the cause of his country's enemies. He was seized at his ownhouse, while entertaining a party of royalists, and thrown into Halifaxgaol. A committee of the Provincial Congress, on April 20, 1776;reported "that Farquhard Campbell disregarding the sacred Obligations hehad voluntarily entered into to support the Liberty of America againstall usurpations has Traitorously and insidiously endeavored to excitethe Inhabitants of this Colony to take arms and levy war in order toassist the avowed enemies thereof. That when a prisoner on his parole ofhonor he gave intelligence of the force and intention of the AmericanArmy under Col. Caswell to the Enemy and advised them in what mannerthey might elude them. "[39]

He was sent, with other prisoners, to Baltimore, and thence, on parole, to Fredericktown, where he behaved "with much resentment andhaughtiness. " On March 3, 1777, he appealed to Governor Caswell to bepermitted to return home, offering to mortgage his estate for his goodbehavior. [40] Several years after the Revolution he was a member of theSenate of North Carolina. 

The stormy days of discussion, excitement, and extensive preparationsfor war, in 1775, did not deter the Highlanders in Scotland from seekinga home in America. On October 21st, a body of one hundred andseventy-two Highlanders, including men, women and children arrived inthe Cape Fear river, on board the George, and made application for landsnear those already located by their relatives. The governor took hisusual precautions with them, for in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, dated November 12th, he says:

 "On the most solemn assurances of their firm and unalterable loyalty and attachment to the King, and their readiness to lay down their lives in the support and defence of his Majesty's Government, I was induced to Grant their request on the Terms of their taking such lands in the proportions allowed by his Majesty's Royal Instructions, and subject to all the conditions prescribed by them whenever grants may be passed in due form, thinking it were advisable to attach these people to Government by granting as matter of favor and courtesy to them what I had not power to prevent than to leave them to possess themselves by violence of the King's lands, without owing or acknowledging any obligation for them, as it was only the means of securing these People against the seditions of the Rebels, but gaining so much strength to Government that is equally important at this time, without making any concessions injurious to the rights and interests of the Crown, or that it has effectual power to withhold. "[41]

In the same letter is the further information that "a ship is thismoment arrived from Scotland with upwards of one hundred and thirtyEmigrants Men, Women and Children to whom I shall think it proper (afteradministering the Oath of Allegiance to the Men) to give permission tosettle on the vacant lands of the Crown here on the same principles andconditions that I granted that indulgence to the Emigrants latelyimported in the ship George. "

Many of the emigrants appear to have been seized with the idea that allthat was necessary was to land in America, and the avenues of affluencewould be opened to them. Hence there were those who landed in adistressed condition. Such was the state of the last party that arrivedbefore the Peace of 1783. There was "a Petition from sundry distressedHighlanders, lately arrived from Scotland, praying that they might bepermitted to go to Cape Fear, in North Carolina, the place where theyintended to settle, " laid before the Virginia convention then being heldat Williamsburgh, December 14, 1775. On the same day the convention gaveorders to Colonel Woodford to "take the distressed Highlanders, withtheir families, under his protection, permit them to pass by landunmolested to Carolina, and supply them with such provisions as they maybe in immediate want of. "[42]

The early days of 1776 saw the culmination of the intrigues with theScotch-Highlanders. The Americans realized that the war party was inthe ascendant, and consequently every movement was carefully watched. That the Americans felt bitterly towards them came from the fact thatthey were not only precipitating themselves into a quarrel of which theywere not interested parties, but also exhibited ingratitude to theirbenefactors. Many of them came to the country not only poor and needy, but in actual distress. [43] They were helped with an open hand, andcared for with kindness and brotherly aid. Then they had not been longin the land, and the trouble so far had been to seek redress. Hence theAmericans felt keenly the position taken by the Highlanders. On theother hand the Highlanders had viewed the matter from a differentstandpoint. They did not realize the craftiness of Governor Martin incompelling them to take the oath of allegiance, and they felt bound bywhat they considered was a voluntary act, and binding with all thesacredness of religion. They had ever been taught to keep theirpromises, and a liar was a greater criminal than a thief. Still they hadevery opportunity afforded them to learn the true status of affairs;independence had not yet been proclaimed; Washington was still besiegingBoston, and the Americans continued to petition the British throne for aredress of grievances. 

That the action of the Highlanders was ill-advised, at that time, admitsof no discussion. They failed to realize the condition of the countryand the insuperable difficulties to overcome before making a junctionwith Sir Henry Clinton. What they expected to gain by their conduct isuncertain, and why they should march away a distance of one hundredmiles, and then be transported by ships to a place they knew not where, thus leaving their wives and children to the mercies of those whom theyhad offended and driven to arms, made bitter enemies of, must everremain unfathomable. It shows they were blinded and exhibited the wantof even ordinary foresight. It also exhibited the reckless indifferenceof the responsible parties to the welfare of those they so successfullyduped. It is no wonder that although nearly a century and a quarter haveelapsed since the Highlanders unsheathed the claymore in the pineforests of North Carolina, not a single person has shown the hardihoodto applaud their action. On the other hand, although treated with theutmost charity, their bravery applauded, they have been condemned fortheir rude precipitancy, besides failing to see the changed condition ofaffairs, and resenting the injuries they had received from the House ofHanover that had harried their country and hanged their relatives on themurderous gallows-tree. Their course, however, in the end provedadvantageous to them; for, after their disastrous defeat, they took anoath to remain peaceable, which the majority kept, and thus preventedthem from being harassed by the Americans, and, as loyal subjects ofking George, the English army must respect their rights. 

Agents were busily at work among the people preparing them for war. Themost important of all was Allan MacDonald of Kingsborough. Early he cameunder the suspicion of the Committee of Safety at Wilmington. On thevery day, July 3, 1775, he was in consultation with Governor Martin, itschairman was directed to write to him "to know from himself respectingthe reports that circulate of his having an intention to raise Troops tosupport the arbitrary measures of the ministry against the Americans inthis Colony, and whether he had not made an offer of his services toGovernor Martin for that purpose. "[44]

The influence of Kingsborough was supplemented by that of Major DonaldMacDonald, who was sent direct from the army in Boston. He was then inhis sixty-fifth year, had an extended experience in the army. He was inthe Rising of 1745, and headed many of his own name. He now found manyof these former companions who readily listened to his persuasions. Allthe emissaries sent represented they were only visiting their friendsand relatives. They were all British officers, in the active service. 

Partially in confirmation of the above may be cited a letter from SamuelJohnston of Edenton, dated July 21, 1775, written to the Committee atWilmington:

 "A vessel from New York to this place brought over two officers who left at the Bar to go to New Bern, they are both Highlanders, one named McDonnel the other McCloud. They pretend they are on a visit to some of their countrymen on your river, but I think there is reason to suspect their errand of a base nature. The Committee of this town have wrote to New Bern to have them secured. Should they escape there I hope you will keep a good lookout for them. "[45]

The vigorous campaign for 1776, in the Carolinas was determined upon inthe fall of 1775, in deference to the oft repeated and urgentsolicitations of the royal governors, and on account of the appeals madeby Martin, the brunt of it fell upon North Carolina. He assured the homegovernment that large numbers of the Highlanders and Regulators wereready to take up arms for the king. 

The program, as arranged, was for Sir Henry Clinton, with a fleet ofships and seven corps of Irish Regulars, to be at the mouth of the CapeFear early in the year 1776, and there form a junction with theHighlanders and other disaffected persons from the interior. Believingthat Sir Henry Clinton's armament would arrive in January or early inFebruary Martin made preparations for the revolt; for his "unwearied, persevering agent, " Alexander MacLean brought written assurances fromthe principal persons to whom he had been directed, that between two andthree thousand men would take the field at the governor's summons. Underthis encouragement MacLean was sent again into the back country, with acommission dated January 10, 1776, authorizing Allan McDonald, DonaldMcDonald, Alexander McLeod, Donald McLeod, Alexander McLean, AllenStewart, William Campbell, Alexander McDonald and Neal McArthur, ofCumberland and Anson counties, and seventeen other persons who residedin a belt of counties in middle Carolina, to raise and array all theking's loyal subjects, and to march them in a body to Brunswick byFebruary 15th. [46]

Donald MacDonald was placed in command of this array and of all otherforces in North Carolina with the rank of brigadier general, with DonaldMacLeod next in rank. Upon receiving his orders, General MacDonaldissued the following:

 "_By His Excellency Brigadier-General Donald McDonald, Commander of His Majesty's Forces for the time being, in North Carolina:_

 A MANIFESTO. 

 Whereas, I have received information that many of His Majesty's faithful subjects have been so far overcome by apprehension of danger, as to fly before His Majesty's Army as from the most inveterate enemy; to remove which, as far as lies in my power, I have thought it proper to publish this Manifesto, declaring that I shall take the proper steps to prevent any injury being done, either to the person or properties of His Majesty's subjects; and I do further declare it to be my determined resolution, that no violence shall be used to women and children, as viewing such outrages to be inconsistent with humanity, and as tending, in their consequences, to sully the arms of Britons and of Soldiers. 

 I, therefore, in His Majesty's name, generally invite every well-wisher to that form of Government under which they have so happily lived, and which, if justly considered, ought to be esteemed the best birth-right of Britons and Americans, to repair to His Majesty's Royal Standard, erected at Cross Creek, where they will meet with every possible civility, and be ranked in the list of friends and fellow-Soldiers, engaged in the best and most glorious of all causes, supporting the rights and Constitution of their country. Those, therefore, who have been under the unhappy necessity of submitting to the mandates of Congress and Committees--those lawless, usurped, and arbitrary tribunals--will have an opportunity, (by joining the King's Army) to restore peace and tranquility to this distracted land--to open again the glorious streams of commerce--to partake of the blessings of inseparable from a regular administration of justice, and be again reinstated in the favorable opinion of their Sovereign. 

 Donald McDonald. By His Excellency's command: Kenn. McDonald, P. S. "[47]

On February 5th General MacDonald issued another manifesto in which hedeclares it to be his "intention that no violation whatever shall beoffered to women, children, or private property, to sully the arms ofBritons or freemen, employed in the glorious and righteous cause ofrescuing and delivering this country from the usurpation of rebellion, and that no cruelty whatever be offered against the laws of humanity, but what resistance shall make necessary; and that whatever provisionsand other necessaries be taken for the troops, shall be paid forimmediately; and in case any person, or persons, shall offer the leastviolence to the families of such as will join the Royal Standard, suchpersons or persons, may depend that retaliation will be made; thehorrors of such proceedings, it is hoped, will be avoided by all trueChristians. "[48]

Manifestos being the order of the day, Thomas Rutherford, erstwhilepatriot, deriving his commission from the Provincial Congress, thoughhaving alienated himself, but signing himself colonel, also issues onein which he declares that this is "to command, enjoin, beseech, andrequire all His Majesty's faithful subjects within the County ofCumberland to repair to the King's Royal standard, at Cross Creek, on orbefore the 16th present, in order to join the King's army; otherwise, they must expect to fall under the melancholy consequences of a declaredrebellion, and expose themselves to the just resentment of an injured, though gracious Sovereign. "[49]

On February 1st General MacDonald set up the Royal Standard at CrossCreek, in the Public Square, and in order to cause the Highlanders allto respond with alacrity manifestos were issued and other means resortedto in order that the "loyal subjects of His Majesty" might take up arms, among which nightly balls were given, and the military spirit freelyinculcated. When the day came the Highlanders were seen coming from nearand from far, from the wide plantations on the river bottoms, and fromthe rude cabins in the depths of the lonely pine forests, withbroadswords at their side, in tartan garments and feathered bonnet, andkeeping step to the shrill music of the bag-pipe. There came, first ofall, Clan MacDonald with Clan MacLeod near at hand, with lesser numbersof Clan MacKenzie, Clan MacRae, Clan MacLean, Clan MacKay, ClanMacLachlan, and still others, --variously estimated at from fifteenhundred to three thousand, including about two hundred others, principally Regulators. However, all who were capable of bearing armsdid not respond to the summons, for some would not engage in a causewhere their traditions and affections had no part. Many of them hid inthe swamps and in the forests. On February 18th the Highland army tookup its line of march for Wilmington and at evening encamped on the CapeFear, four miles below Cross Creek. 

The assembling of the Highland army aroused the entire country. Thepatriots, fully cognizant of what was transpiring, flew to arms, determined to crush the insurrection, and in less than a fortnightnearly nine thousand men had risen against the enemy, and almost all therest were ready to turn out at a moment's notice. At the very firstmenace of danger, Brigadier General James Moore took the field at thehead of his regiment, and on the 15th secured possession of Rockfishbridge, seven miles from Cross Creek, where he was joined by a recruitof sixty from the latter place. 

On the 19th the royalists were paraded with a view to assail Moore onthe following night; but he was thoroughly entrenched, and the baresuspicion of such a project was contemplated caused two companions ofCotton's corps to run off with their arms. On that day General MacDonaldsent the following letter to General Moore:

 "Sir: I herewith send the bearer, Donald Morrison, by advice of the Commissioners appointed by his Excellency Josiah Martin, and in behalf of the army now under my command, to propose terms to you as friends and countrymen. I must suppose you unacquainted with the Governor's proclamation, commanding all his Majesty's loyal subject to repair to the King's royal standard, else I should have imagined you would ere this have joined the King's army now engaged in his Majesty's service. I have therefore thought it proper to intimate to you, that in case you do not, by 12 o'clock to-morrow, join the royal standard, I must consider you as enemies, and take the necessary steps for the support of legal authority. 

 I beg leave to remind you of his Majesty's speech to his Parliament, wherein he offers to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy, from motives of humanity. I again beg of you to accept the proffered clemency. I make no doubt, but you will show the gentleman sent on this message every possible civilty; and you may depend in return, that all your officers and men, which may fall into our hands shall be treated with an equal degree of respect. I have the honor to be, in behalf of the army, Sir, Your most obedient humble servant, Don. McDonald. Head Quarters, Feb. 19, 1776. His Excellency's Proclamation is herewith enclosed. "

Brigadier General Moore's answer:

 "Sir: Yours of this day I have received, in answer to which, I must inform you that the terms which you are pleased to say, in behalf of the army under your command, are offered to us as friends and countrymen, are such as neither my duty or inclination will permit me to accept, and which I must presume you too much of an officer to accept of me. You were very right when you supposed me unacquainted with the Governor's proclamation, but as the terms therein proposed are such as I hold incompatible with the freedom of Americans, it can be no rule of conduct for me. However, should I not hear farther from you before twelve o'clock to-morrow by which time I shall have an opportunity of consulting my officers here, and perhaps Col. Martin, who is in the neighborhood of Cross Creek, you may expect a more particular answer; meantime you may be assured that the feelings of humanity will induce me to shew that civility to such of your people as may fall into our hands, as I am desirous should be observed towards those of ours, who may be unfortunate enough to fall into yours. I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, James Moore. Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 19, 1776. "

General Moore, on the succeeding day sent the following to GeneralMacDonald:

 "Sir: Agreeable to my promise of yesterday, I have consulted the officers under my command respecting your letter, and am happy in finding them unanimous in opinion with me. We consider ourselves engaged in a cause the most glorious and honourable in the world, the defense of the liberties of mankind, in support of which we are determined to hazard everything dear and valuable and in tenderness to the deluded people under your command, permit me, Sir, through you to inform them, before it is too late, of the dangerous and destructive precipice on which they stand, and to remind them of the ungrateful return they are about to make for their favorable reception in this country. If this is not sufficient to recall them to the duty which they owe themselves and their posterity inform them that they are engaged in a cause in which they cannot succeed as not only the whole force of this country, but that of our neighboring provinces, is exerting and now actually in motion to suppress them, and which much end in their utter destruction. Desirous, however, of avoiding the effusion of human blood, I have thought proper to send you a test recommended by the Continental Congress, which if they will yet subscribe we are willing to receive them as friends and countrymen. Should this offer be rejected, I shall consider them as enemies to the constitutional liberties of America, and treat them accordingly. 

 I cannot conclude without reminding you, Sir, of the oath which you and some of your officers took at Newbern on your arrival to this country, which I imagine you will find is difficult to reconcile to your present conduct. I have no doubt that the bearer, Capt. James Walker, will be treated with proper civilty and respect in your camp. 

 I am, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servant, James Moore. Camp at Rockfish, Feb. 20, 1776. "

General MacDonald returned the following reply:

 "Sir: I received your favor by Captain James Walker, and observed your declared sentiments of revolt, hostility and rebellion to the King, and to what I understand to be the constitution of the country. If I am mistaken future consequences must determine; but while I continue in my present sentiment, I shall consider myself embarked in a cause which must, in its consequences, extricate this country from anarchy and licentiousness. I cannot conceive that the Scottish emigrants, to whom I imagine you allude, can be under greater obligations to this country than to the King, under whose gracious and merciful government they alone could have been enabled to visit this western region: And I trust, Sir, it is in the womb of time to say, that they are not that deluded and ungrateful people which you would represent them to be. As a soldier in his Majesty's service, I must inform you, if you are to learn, that it is my duty to conquer, if I cannot reclaim, all those who may be hardy enough to take up arms against the best of masters, as of Kings. I have the honor to be, in behalf of the army under my command, Sir, your most obedient servant, Don. McDonald. To the Commanding Officer at Rockfish. "[50]

MacDonald realized that he was unable to put his threat into execution, for he was informed that the minute-men were gathering in swarms allaround him; that Colonel Caswell, at the head of the minute men ofNewbern, nearly eight hundred strong, was marching through Duplincounty, to effect a junction with Moore, and that his communication withthe war ships had been cut off. Realizing the extremity of his danger, he resolved to avoid an engagement, and leave the army at Rockfish inhis rear, and by celerity of movement, and crossing rivers atunsuspected places, to disengage himself from the larger bodies and fallupon the command of Caswell. Before marching he exhorted his men tofidelity, expressed bitter scorn for the "base cravens who had desertedthe night before, " and continued by saying:

 "If any amongst you is so faint-hearted as not to serve with the resolution of conquering or dying, this is the time for such to declare themselves. "

The speech was answered by a general huzza for the king; but fromCotton's corps about twenty laid down their arms. He decamped, with hisarmy at midnight, crossed the Cape Fear, sunk his boats, and sent aparty fifteen miles in advance to secure the bridge over South river, from Bladen into Hanover, pushing with rapid pace over swollen streams, rough hills, and deep morasses, hotly pursued by General Moore. Perceiving the purpose of the enemy General Moore detached ColonelsLillington and Ashe to reinforce Colonel Caswell, or if that could notbe effected, then they were to occupy Widow Moore's Creek bridge. 

Colonel Caswell designing the purpose of MacDonald changed his owncourse in order to intercept his march. On the 23rd the Highlandersthought to overtake him, and arrayed themselves in the order of battle, with eighty able-bodied men, armed with broadswords, forming the centerof the army; but Colonel Caswell being posted at Corbett's Ferry couldnot be reached for want of boats. The royalists were again in extremedanger; but at a point six miles higher up the Black river theysucceeded in crossing in a broad shallow boat while MacLean and Fraser, left with a few men and a drum and a pipe, amused the corps of Caswell. 

Colonel Lillington, on the 25th took post on the east side of Moore'sCreek bridge; and on the next day Colonel Caswell reached the west side, threw up a slight embankment, and destroyed a part of the bridge. Aroyalist, who had been sent into his camp under pretext of summoning himto return to his allegiance, brought back the information that he hadhalted on the same side of the river as themselves, and could beassaulted with advantage. Colonel Caswell was not only a good woodman, but also a man of superior ability, and believing he had misled theenemy, marched his column to the east side of the stream, removed theplanks from the bridge, and placed his men behind trees and suchembankments as could be thrown up during the night. His force nowamounted to a thousand men, consisting of the Newbern minute-men, themilitia of Craven, Dobbs, Johnston, and Wake counties, and thedetachment under Colonel Lillington. The men of the Neuse region, theirofficers wearing silver crescents upon their hats, inscribed with thewords, "Liberty or Death, " were in front. The situation of GeneralMacDonald was again perilous, for while facing this army, General Moore, with his regulars was close upon his rear. 

The royalists, expecting an easy victory, decided upon an immediateattack. General MacDonald was confined to his tent by sickness, and thecommand devolved upon Major Donald MacLeod, who began the march at oneo'clock on the morning of the 27th; but owing to the time lost inpassing an intervening morass, it was within an hour of daylight whenthey reached the west bank of the creek. They entered the ground withoutresistance. Seeing Colonel Caswell was on the opposite side they reducedtheir columns and formed their line of battle in the woods. Theirrallying cry was, "King George and broadswords, " and the signal forattack was three cheers, the drum to beat and the pipes to play. Whileit was still dark Major MacLeod, with a party of about forty advanced, and at the bridge was challenged by the sentinel, asking, "Who goesthere?" He answered, "A friend. " "A friend to whom?" "To the king. " Uponthis the sentinels bent their faces down to the ground. Major MacLeodthinking they might be some of his own command who had crossed thebridge, challenged them in Gaelic; but receiving no reply, fired his ownpiece, and ordered his party to fire also. All that remained of thebridge were the two logs, which had served for sleepers, permitting onlytwo persons to pass at a time. Donald MacLeod and Captain John Campbellrushed forward and succeeded in getting over. The Highlanders whofollowed were shot down on the logs and fell into the muddy streambelow. Major MacLeod was mortally wounded, but was seen to riserepeatedly from the ground, waving his sword and encouraging his men tocome on, till twenty-six balls penetrated his body. Captain Campbellalso was shot dead, and at that moment a party of militia, underLieutenant Slocum, who had forded the creek and penetrated a swamp onits western bank, fell suddenly upon the rear of the royalists. The lossof their leader and the unexpected attack upon their rear threw theminto confusion, when they broke and fled. The battle lasted but tenminutes. The royalists lost seventy killed and wounded, while thepatriots had but two wounded, one of whom recovered. The victory waslasting and complete. The Highland power was thoroughly broken. Therefell into the hands of the Americans besides eight hundred and fiftyprisoners, fifteen hundred rifles, all of them excellent pieces, threehundred and fifty guns and short bags, one hundred and fifty swords anddirks, two medicine chests, immediately from England, one valued at £300sterling, thirteen wagons with horses, a box of Johannes and Englishguineas, amounting to about $75, 000. 

Some of the Highlanders escaped from the battlefield by breaking downtheir wagons and riding away, three upon a horse. Many who were takenconfessed that they were forced and persuaded contrary to theirinclinations into the service. [51] The soldiers taken were disarmed, anddismissed to their homes. 

On the following day General MacDonald and nearly all the chief men weretaken prisoners, amongst whom was MacDonald of Kingsborough and his sonAlexander. A partial list of those apprehended is given in a report ofthe Committee of the Provincial Congress, reported April 20th and May10th on the guilt of the Highland and Regulator officers then confinedin Halifax gaol, finding the prisoners were of four different classes, viz. :

First, Prisoners who had served in Congress. 

Second, Prisoners who had signed Tests or Associations. 

Third, Prisoners who had been in arms without such circumstances. 

Fourth, Prisoners under suspicious circumstances. 

The Highlanders coming under the one or the other of these classes aregiven in the following order:

Farquhard Campbell, Cumberland county. Alexander McKay, Capt. Of 38 men. Cumberland county. Alexander McDonald (Condrach), Major of a regiment. Alexander Morrison. Captain of a company of 35 men. Alexander MacDonald, son of Kingsborough, a volunteer, Anson county. James MacDonald, Captain of a company of 25 men. Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 32 men. John MacDonald, Captain of a company of 40 men. Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men. Murdoch McAskell, Captain of a company of 34 men. Alexander McLeod, Captain of a company of 16 men. Angus McDonald, Captain of a company of 30 men. Neill McArthur, Freeholder of Cross Creek, Captain of a company of 55 men. Francis Frazier, Adjutant to General MacDonald's Army. John McLeod, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 35 men. John McKinzie, of Cumberland county, Captain of company of 43 men. Kennith Macdonald, Aide-de-camp to General Macdonald. Murdoch McLeod, of Anson county, Surgeon to General Macdonald's Army. Donald McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in Captain Morrison's Company. Norman McLeod, of Anson county, Ensign in James McDonald's company. John McLeod, of Anson county, Lieutenant in James McDonald's company. Laughlin McKinnon, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Col. Rutherford's corps. James Munroe, freeholder in Cumberland county, Lieutenant in Capt. McKay'scompany. Donald Morrison, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company. John McLeod, Ensign to Capt. Morrison's company. Archibald McEachern, Bladen county, Lieutenant to Capt. McArthur's company. Rory McKinnen, freeholder Anson county, volunteer. Donald McLeod, freeholder Cumberland county, Master to two Regiments, General McDonald's Army. Donald Stuart, Quarter Master to Col. Rutherford's Regiment. Allen Macdonald of Kingsborough, freeholder of Anson county, Col. Regiment. Duncan St. Clair. Daniel McDaniel, Lieutenant in Seymore York's company. Alexander McRaw, freeholder Anson county, Capt. Company 47 men. Kenneth Stuart, Lieutenant Capt Stuart's company. Collin McIver, Lieutenant Capt. Leggate's company. Alexander Maclaine, Commissary to General Macdonald's Army. Angus Campbell, Captain company 30 men. Alexander Stuart, Captain company 30 men. Hugh McDonald, Anson county, volunteer. John McDonald, common soldier. Daniel Cameron, common soldier. Daniel McLean, freeholder, Cumberland county, Lieutenant to AngusCampbell's company. Malcolm McNeill, recruiting agent for General Macdonald'sArmy, accused of using compulsion. [52]

The following is a list of the prisoners sent from North Carolina toPhiladelphia, enclosed in a letter of April 22, 1776:

"1 His Excellency Donald McDonald Esqr Brigadier General of the Tory Army and Commander in Chief in North Carolina. 2 Colonel Allen McDonald (of Kingsborough) first in Commission of Array and second in Command 3 Alexander McDonald son of Kingsborough 4 Major Alexander McDonald (Condrack) 5 Capt Alexander McRay 6 Capt John Leggate 7 Capt James McDonald 8 Capt Alexr. McLeod 9 Capt Alexr. Morrison10 Capt John McDonald11 Capt Alexr. McLeod12 Capt Murdoch McAskell13 Capt Alexander McLeod14 Capt Angus McDonald15 Capt Neil McArthur[53]16 Capt James Mens of the light horse. 17 Capt John McLeod18 Capt Thos. Wier19 Capt John McKenzie20 Lieut John Murchison21 Kennith McDonald, Aid de Camp to Genl McDonald22 Murdock McLeod, Surgeon23 Adjutant General John Smith24 Donald McLeod Quarter Master25 John Bethune Chaplain26 Farquhard Campbell late a delegate in the provincialCongress--Spy and Confidential Emissary of Governor Martin. "[54]

Some of the prisoners were discharged soon after their arrest, by makingand signing the proper oath, of which the following is taken from theRecords:

 "Oath of Malcolm McNeill and Joseph Smith. We Malcolm McNeil and Joseph Smith do Solemnly Swear on the Holy Evangelists of Almighty God that we will not on any pretence whatsoever take up or bear Arms against the Inhabitants of the United States of America and that we will not disclose or make known any matters within our knowledge now carrying on within the United States and that we will not carry out more than fifty pounds of Gold & Silver in value to fifty pounds Carolina Currency. So help us God. 

 Malcolm McNeill, Halifax, 13th Augt, 1776. Joseph Smith. "[55]

The North Carolina Provincial Congress on March 5, 1776, "Resolved, ThatColonel Richard Caswell send, under a sufficient guard, BrigadierGeneral Donald McDonald, taken at the battle of Moore's Creek Bridge, tothe Town of Halifax, and there to have him committed a close prisoner inthe jail of the said Town, until further orders. "[56]

The same Congress, held in Halifax April 5th, "Resolved, That GeneralMcDonald be admitted to his parole upon the following conditions: Thathe does not go without the limits of the Town of Halifax; that he doesnot directly or indirectly, while a prisoner, correspond with any personor persons who are or may be in opposition to American measures, or byany manner or means convey to them intelligence of any sort; that hetake no draft, nor procure them to be taken by any one else, of anyplace or places in which he may be, while upon his parole, that shallnow, or may hereafter give information to our enemies which can beinjurious to us, or the common cause of America; but that withoutequivocation, mental evasion, or secret reservation, he pay the mostexact and faithful attention to the intent and meaning of theseconditions, according to the rules and regulations of war; and that heevery day appear between the hours of ten and twelve o'clock to theOfficer of the Guard. "[57]

On April 11th, the same parole was offered to Allan MacDonald ofKingsborough. [58]

The Pennsylvania Committee of Safety, at its session in Philadelphia, held May 25, 1776, ordered the Highland prisoners, mentioned on page219, naming each one separately to be "safely kept in close confinementuntil discharged by the honorable Congress or this Committee. "[59] Fourdays later, General MacDonald addressed a letter to the ContinentalCongress, in which he said, "That he was, by a party of horsemen, upon the 28th day of February last, taken prisoner from sick quarters, eight miles from Widow Moor's Creek, where he lay dangerously ill, and carried to Colonel Caswell's camp, where General Moore then commanded, to whom he delivered his sword as prisoner of war, which General Moore was pleased to deliver back in a genteel manner before all his officers then present, according to the rules and customs of war practised in all nations; assuring him at the same time that he would be well treated, and his baggage and property delivered to him, &c. Having taken leave of General Moore and Colonel Caswell, Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant took him under his care; and after rummaging his baggage for papers, &c. , conducted him to Newbern, from thence with his baggage to Halifax, where the Committee of Safety there thought proper to commit him to the common jail; his horses, saddles, and pistols, &c. , taken from him, and never having committed any act of violence against the person or property of any man; that he remained in this jail near a month, until General Howe arrived there, who did him the honour to call upon him in jail; and he has reason to think that General Howe thought this treatment erroneous and without a precedent; that upon this representation to the Convention, General McDonald was, by order of the Convention, permitted, upon parole, to the limits of the town of Halifax, until the 25th of April last, when he was appointed to march, with the other gentlemen prisoners, escorted from the jail there to this place. General McDonald would wish to know what crime he has since been guilty of, deserving his being recommitted to the jail of Philadelphia, without his bedding or baggage, and his sword and his servant detained from him. The other gentlemen prisoners are in great want for their blankets and other necessaries. 

 Donald McDonald. "[60]

The Continental Congress, on September 4th, "Resolved, That the proposalmade by General Howe, as delivered by General Sullivan, of exchangingGeneral Sullivan for General Prescot, and Lord Stirling forBrigadier-General, be complied with. "[61]

This being communicated to General McDonald he addressed, to theSecretary of War the following:

 "Philadelphia Gaol, September 6, 1776. To the Secretary of War:

 General McDonald's compliments to the Secretary of War. He is obliged to him for his polite information, that the Congress have been pleased to agree that Generals Prescott and McDonald shall be exchanged for the Generals Sullivan and Stirling. General McDonald is obliged to the Congress for the reference to the Board of War for his departure: The indulgence of eight or ten days will, he hopes, be sufficient to prepare him for his journey. His baggage will require a cart to carry it. He is not provided with horses--submits it to the Congress and Board how he may be conducted with safety to his place of destination, not doubting his servant will be permitted to go along with him, and that his sword may be returned to him, which he is informed the Commissary received from his servant on the 25th of May last. 

 General McDonald begs leave to acquaint the Secretary and the Board of War, for the information of Congress, that when he was brought prisoner from sick quarters to General Moore's camp, at Moore's Creek, upon the 28th of February last, General Moore treated him with respect to his rank and commission in the King of Great Britain's service. He would have given him a parole to return to his sick quarters, as his low state of health required it much at that time, but Colonel Caswell objected thereto, and had him conducted prisoner to Newbern, but gently treated all the way by Colonel Caswell and his officers. 

 From Newbern he was conducted by a guard of Horse to Halifax, and committed on his arrival, after forty-five miles journey the last day, in a sickly state of health, and immediately ushered into a common gaol, without bed or bedding, fire or candles, in a cold, long night, by Colonel Long, who did not appear to me to behave like a gentleman. That notwithstanding the promised protection for person and property he had from General Moore, a man called Longfield Cox, a wagonmaster to Colonel Caswell's army, seized upon his horse, saddle, pistols, and other arms, and violently detained the same by refusing to deliver them up to Colonel Bryan, who conducted him to Newbern. Colonel Long was pleased to detain his mare at Halifax when sent prisoner from thence to here. Sorry to dwell so long upon so disagreeable a subject. "[62]

This letter was submitted to the Continental Congress on September 7th, when it "Resolved, That he be allowed four days to prepare for hisjourney; That a copy of that part of his Letter respecting his treatmentin North Carolina, be sent to the Convention of that State. "[63]

Notwithstanding General Sir William Howe had agreed to make thespecified exchange of prisoners, yet in a letter addressed toWashington, September 21, 1776, he states:

 "The exchange you propose of Brigadier-General Alexander, commonly called Lord Stirling, for Mr. McDonald, cannot take place, as he has only the rank of Major by my commission; but I shall readily send any Major in the enclosed list of prisoners that you will be pleased to name in exchange for him. "[64]

As Sir William Howe refused to recognize the rank conferred on GeneralMcDonald, by the governor of North Carolina, Washington was forced, September 23, to order his return, with the escort, to Philadelphia. [65]But on the same day addressed Sir William Howe, in which he said:

 "I had no doubt but Mr. McDonald's title would have been acknowledged, having understood that he received his commission from the hands of Governor Martin; nor can I consent to rank him as a Major till I have proper authority from Congress, to whom I shall state the matter upon your representation. "[65] That body, on September 30th, declared "That Mr. McDonald, having a commission of Brigadier-General from Governor Martin, be not exchanged for any officer under the rank of Brigadier-General in the service either of the United States or any of them. "[66]

On the way from North Carolina to Philadelphia, while resting atPetersburg, May 2, 1776, Kingsborough indited the following letter:

 "Sir: Your kind favor I had by Mr. Ugin (?) with the Virginia money enclosed, which shall be paid if ever I retourn with thanks, if not I shall take to order payment. Colonel Eliot who came here to receive the prisoners Confined the General and me under a guard and sentries to a Roome; this he imputes to the Congress of North Carolina not getting Brigadier Lewes (who commands at Williamsburg) know of our being on parole by your permission when at Halifax. If any opportunity afford, it would add to our happiness to write something to the above purpose to some of the Congress here with directions (if such can be done) to forward said orders after us. I have also been depressed of the horse I held, and hath little chance of getting another. To walk on foot is what I never can do the length of Philadelphia. What you can do in the above different affairs will be adding to your former favors. Hoping you will pardon freedom wrote in a hurry. I am with real Esteem and respect

 Honble Sir, Your very obedt. Servt. Allen MacDonald. "[67]

June 28, 1776, Allen MacDonald of Kingsborough, was permitted, aftersigning a parole and word of honor to go to Reading, in Berkscounty. [68] At the same time the Committee of Safety

 "Resolved, That such Prisoners from North Carolina as choose, may be permitted to write to their friends there; such letters to be inspected by this Committee; and the Jailer is to take care that all the paper delivered in to the Prisoners, be used in such Letters, or returned him. "[68]

The action of the Committee of Safety was approved by the ContinentalCongress on July 9th, by directing Kingsborough to be released onparole;[69] and on the 15th, his son Alexander was released on paroleand allowed to reside with him. 

Every attempt to exchange the prisoners was made on the part of theAmericans, and as they appear to have been so unfortunate as to have noone to intercede for them among British officers, Kingsborough waspermitted to go to New York and effect his own exchange, which hesucceeded in doing during the month of November, 1777, and thenproceeded to Halifax, Nova Scotia. [70]

The Highland officers confined in prison became restive, and on October31, 1776, presented a memorial, addressed to the North Carolina membersof the Continental Congress, which at once met with the approval ofWilliam Hooper:

 "Gentlemen: After a long separation of eight months from our Families & Friends, We the undersubscribers, Prisoners of war from North Carolina now in Philadelphia Prison, think ourselves justifiable at this period in applying to your Honours for permission to return to our Families; which indulgence we will promise on the Faith & honour of gentlemen not to abuse, by interfering in the present disputes, or aiding or assisting your enemies by word, writing, or action. 

 This request we have already laid before Congress who are willing to grant it, provided they shall have your approbation. 

 Hoping therefore, that you have no particular intention to distress us more than others whom you have treated with Indulgence, we flatter ourselves that your determinations will prove no obstruction to our Enlargement on the above terms; and have transmitted to you the enclosed Copy of the Resolve of Congress in our favor, which if you countenance; it will meet with the warmest acknowledgement of Gentn. 

 Your most obedt. Humble Servts. , Alexander Morison, Ferqd. Campbell, Alexr. Macleod, Alexr. McKay, James Macdonald, John McDonald, Murdoch Macleod, John Murchison, John Bethune, Neill McArthur, John Smith, Murdo MacCaskill, John McLeod, Alexr. McDonald, Angus McDonald, John Ligett. "[71]

It was fully apparent to the Americans that so long as the leaders wereprisoners there was no danger of another uprising among the Highlanders. This was fully tested by earl Cornwallis, who, after the battle ofGuilford Courthouse, retreated towards the seaboard, stopping on the wayat Cross Creek[72] hoping then to gain recruits from the Highlanders, but very few of whom responded to his call. In a letter addressed to SirHenry Clinton, dated from his camp near Wilmington, April 10, 1781, hesays:

 "On my arrival there (Cross Creek), I found, to my great mortification, and contrary to all former accounts, that it was impossible to procure any considerable quantity of provisions, and that there was not four days' forage within twenty miles. The navigation of Cape Fear, with the hopes of which I had been flattered was totally impracticable, the distance from Wilmington by water being one hundred and fifty miles, the breadth of the river seldom exceeding one hundred yards, the banks generally high, and the inhabitants on each side almost universally hostile. Under these circumstances I determined to move immediately to Wilmington. By this measure the Highlanders have not had so much time as the people of the upper country, to prove the sincerity of their former professions of friendship. But, though appearances are rather more favorable among them, I confess they are not equal to my expectations. "[73]

The Americans did not rest matters simply by confining the officers, butevery precaution was taken to overawe them, not only by their parole, which nearly all implicitly obeyed, but also by armed force, for somemilitia was at once stationed at Cross Creek, which remained there untilthe Provincial Congress, on November 21, 1776, ordered itdischarged. [74] General Charles Lee, who had taken charge of theSouthern Department, on June 6, 1776, ordered Brigadier-General Lewis totake "as large a body of the regulars as can possibly be spared to marchto Cross Creek, in North Carolina. "[75]

Notwithstanding the fact that many of the Highlanders who had been inthe battle of Moore's Creek Bridge afterwards engaged in the servicewith the Americans, the community was regarded with suspicion, and thatnot without some cause. On July 28, 1777, it was reported that therewere movements among the royalists that caused the patriots to be inarms and watch the Highlanders at Cross Creek. On August 3rd it wasagain reported that there were a hundred in arms with others coming. [76]

As might be anticipated the poor Highlanders also were subjected to fearand oppression. They remained at heart, true to their first love. InJune, 1776, a report was circulated among them that a company of lighthorse was coming into the settlement, and every one thought he was theman wanted, and hence all hurried to the swamps and other fastnesses inthe forest. [77]

From the poor Highland women, who had lost father, husband, brother inbattle, or whose menfolk were imprisoned in the gaol at Halifax, therearose such a wail of distress as to call forth the attention of theProvincial Congress, which at once put forth a proclamation, and orderedit translated into the "Erse tongue, " in which it was declared that they"warred not with those helpless females, but sympathized with them intheir sorrow, " and recommended them to the compassion of all, and to the"bounty of those who had aught to spare from their necessities. "

One of the remarkable things, and one which cannot be accounted for, is, that although the North Carolina Highland emigrants were deeplyreligious, yet no clergyman accompanied them to the shores of America, until 1770, when Reverend John McLeod came direct from Scotland andministered to them for some time; and they were entirely without aminister prior to 1757, when Reverend James Campbell commenced to preachfor them, and continued in active work until 1770. He was the firstordained minister who took up his abode among the Presbyteriansettlements in North Carolina. He pursued his labors among theoutspreading neighborhoods in what are now Cumberland and Robesoncounties. This worthy man was born in Campbelton, on the peninsula ofKintyre, in Argyleshire, Scotland. Of his early history but little isknown, and by far too little of his pioneer labors has been preserved. About the year 1730 he emigrated to America, landing at Philadelphia. His attention having been turned to his countrymen on the Cape Fear, heremoved to North Carolina, and took up his residence on the left bank ofthe above river, a few miles north of Cross Creek. He died in 1781. Hispreaching was in harmony with the tenets of his people, beingpresbyterian. He had three regular congregations on the Sabbath, besidesirregular preaching, as occasion demanded. For some ten years hepreached on the southwest side of the river at a place called "Roger'smeeting-house. " Here Hector McNeill ("Bluff Hector") and AlexanderMcAlister acted as elders. About 1758 he began to preach at the"Barbacue Church, "--the building not erected until about the year 1765. It was at this church where Flora MacDonald worshipped. The first eldersof this church were Gilbert Clark, Duncan Buie, Archibald Buie, andDonald Cameron. 

[Illustration: BARBACUE CHURCH, WHERE FLORA MACDONALD WORSHIPPED. ]

Another of the preaching stations was at a place now known as "LongStreet. " The building was erected about 1766. The first elders wereMalcolm Smith, Archibald McKay and Archibald Ray. 

There came, in the same ship, from Scotland, with Reverend John McLeod, a large number of Highland families, all of whom settled upon the upperand lower Little Rivers, in Cumberland county. After several years'labor, proving himself a man of genuine piety, great worth, and populareloquence, he left America, with a view of returning to his native land;having never been heard of afterwards, it was thought that he found awatery grave. 

With the exception of the Reverend John McLeod, it is not known thatReverend James Campbell had any ministerial brother residing inCumberland or the adjoining counties, who could assist him in preachingto the Gaels. Although McAden preached in Duplin county, he was unableto render assistance because he was unfamiliar with the language of theHighlanders. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 21: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. IV, p. 931. ]

[Footnote 22: _Ibid_, p. 447. ]

[Footnote 23: _Ibid_, p. 490. ]

[Footnote 24: _Ibid_, p. 533. ]

[Footnote 25: _Ibid_, p. 453. ]

[Footnote 26: See Appendix, Note C. ]

[Footnote 27: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII. P. 708. ]

[Footnote 28: _Ibid_, Vol. IX. P. 79. ]

[Footnote 29: _Ibid_, p. 544. ]

[Footnote 30: _Ibid_, Vol. VIII, p. XXIII. ]

[Footnote 31: _Ibid_, Vol. X. P. 577. ]

[Footnote 32: _Ibid_, p. 173. ]

[Footnote 33: See Appendix, Note D. ]

[Footnote 34: _Ibid_, p. 45. ]

[Footnote 35: _Ibid_, p. 325. ]

[Footnote 36: _Ibid_, p. 190. ]

[Footnote 37: _Ibid_, p. 266. ]

[Footnote 38: _Ibid_, p. 326. ]

[Footnote 39: _Ibid_, p. 595. ]

[Footnote 40: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. P. 403. ]

[Footnote 41: _Ibid_, p. 324. ]

[Footnote 42: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV, p. 84. ]

[Footnote 43: See Appendix, Note E. ]

[Footnote 44: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 65. ]

[Footnote 45: _Ibid_, p, 117. ]

[Footnote 46: American Archives, 4th Series, Vol. IV. P, 981]

[Footnote 47: _Ibid_, p, 982. ]

[Footnote 48: _Ibid_, p. 983. ]

[Footnote 49: _Ibid_, p. 1129. ]

[Footnote 50: N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI, pp. 276-279. ]

[Footnote 51: _Ibid_, Vol. X, p. 485. ]

[Footnote 52: _Ibid_, pp. 594-603. ]

[Footnote 53: See Appendix, Note H. ]

[Footnote 54: _Ibid_, Vol. XI. P. 294. ]

[Footnote 55: _Ibid_, Vol. X. P. 743. ]

[Footnote 56: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 69. ]

[Footnote 57: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 1317. ]

[Footnote 58: _Ibid_, p. 1320. ]

[Footnote 59: _Ibid_, Vol. VI, p. 663. ]

[Footnote 60: _Ibid_, p. 613. ]

[Footnote 61: _Ibid_, Fifth Series, Vol. II. P. 1330. ]

[Footnote 62: _Ibid_, p. 191. ]

[Footnote 63: _Ibid_, p. 1333. ]

[Footnote 64: _Ibid_, p. 437. ]

[Footnote 65: _Ibid_, p. 464. ]

[Footnote 66: _Ibid_, p. 1383]

[Footnote 67: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. XI. P. 295. ]

[Footnote 68: Am. Archives, 5th Series, Vol. I. P. 1291. ]

[Footnote 69: _Ibid_, p. 1570. ]

[Footnote 70: "Letter Book of Captain A. MacDonald, " p. 387. ]

[Footnote 71: N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. X. P. 888. ]

[Footnote 72: See Appendix Note F. ]

[Footnote 73: "Earl Cornwallis' Answer to Sir Henry Clinton, " p. 10. ]

[Footnote 74: N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. P. 927. ]

[Footnote 75: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 721. ]

[Footnote 76: N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. XI. Pp 546, 555. ]

[Footnote 77: _Ibid_, p. 829. ]

CHAPTER VI. 

HIGHLANDERS IN GEORGIA. 

The second distinctive and permanent settlement of Highland Scotch inthe territory now constituting the United States of America was that inwhat was first called New Inverness on the Alatamaha river in Georgia, but now known as Darien, in McIntosh County. It was established underthe genius of James Oglethorpe, an English general and philanthropist, who, in the year 1728, began to take active legislative support inbehalf of the debtor classes, which culminated in the erection of thecolony of Georgia, and incidentally to the formation of a settlement ofHighlanders. 

There was a yearly average in Great Britain of four thousand unhappy menimmured in prison for the misfortune of being poor. A small debt exposeda person to a perpetuity of imprisonment; and one indiscreet contractoften resulted in imprisonment for life. The sorrows hidden within theprison walls of Fleet and Marshalsea touched the heart of Oglethorpe--aman of merciful disposition and heroic mind--who was then in the fullactivity of middle life. His benevolent zeal persevered until herestored multitudes, who had long been in confinement for debt, and werenow helpless and strangers in the land of their birth. Nor was this all:for them and the persecuted Protestants he planned an asylum in America, where former poverty would be no reproach, and where the simplicity ofpiety could indulge in the spirit of devotion without fear ofpersecution or rebuke. 

The first active step taken by Oglethorpe, in his benevolent designs wasto move, in the British House of Commons, that a committee be appointed"to inquire into the state of the gaols of the kingdom, and to reportthe same and their opinion thereupon to the House. " Of this committeeconsisting of ninety-six persons, embracing some of the first men inEngland, Oglethorpe was made chairman. They were eulogized by Thompson, in his poem on Winter, as

 "The generous band, Who, touched with human woe, redressive searched Into the horrors of the gloomy gaol. "

In the abodes of crime, and of misfortune, the committee beheld all thatthe poet depicted: "The freeborn Briton to the dungeon chained, " and"Lives crushed out by secret, barbarous ways, that for their countrywould have toiled and bled. " One of Britain's authors was moved toindite: "No modern nation has ever enacted or inflicted greater legalseverities upon insolvent debtors than England. "[78]

While the report of the committee did honor to their humanity, yet itwas the moving spirit of Oglethorpe that prompted efforts to combinepresent relief with permanent benefits, by which honest but unfortunateindustry could be protected, and the poor enabled to reap the fruit oftheir toils, which now wrung out their lives with bitter and unrequitedlabor. On June 9, 1732, a charter was procured from the king, incorporating a body by name and style of the Trustees for Establishingthe Colony of Georgia in America. Among its many provisions was thedeclaration that "all and every person born within the said provinceshall have and enjoy all liberties, franchises and immunities of freedenizens, as if abiding and born within Great Britain. " It furtherordained that there should be liberty of conscience, and free exerciseof religion to all, except Papists. The patrons, by their own request, were restrained from receiving any grant of lands, or any emolumentswhatever. 

The charter had in view the settling of poor but unfortunate people onlands now waste and desolate, and also the interposing of the colony asa barrier between the French, Spanish and Indians on the south and westand the other English colonies on the north. Oglethorpe expressed thepurpose of the colonizing scheme, in the following language:

 "These trustees not only give land to the unhappy who go thither; but are also empowered to receive the voluntary contributions of charitable persons to enable them to furnish the poor adventurers with all necessaries for the expense of the voyage, occupying the land, and supporting them till they find themselves comfortably settled. So that now the unfortunate will not be obliged to bind themselves to a long servitude to pay for their passage; for they may be carried gratis into a land of liberty and plenty, where they immediately find themselves in possession of a competent estate, in a happier climate than they knew before; and they are unfortunate, indeed, if here they cannot forget their sorrow. "[79]

Subsidiary to this it was designed to make Georgia a silk, wine, oil anddrug-growing colony. It was calculated that the mother country would berelieved of a large body of indigent people and unfortunate debtors, and, at the same time, assist the commerce of Great Britain, increasehome industries, and relieve, to an appreciative extent, the impost onforeign productions. Extravagant expectations were formed of thecapabilities of Georgia by the enthusiastic friends of the movement. Itwas to rival Virginia and South Carolina, and at once to take the firstrank in the list of provinces depending on the British crown. Itsbeauties and greatness were lauded by poets, statesmen and divines. Itattracted attention throughout Europe, and to that promised land therepressed forward Swiss, German, Scotch and English alike. The benevolenceof England was aroused, and the charities of an opulent nation began toflow towards the new plantation. The House of Parliament granted£10, 000, which was augmented, by private subscription, to £36, 000. 

Oglethorpe had implicit faith in the enterprise, and with the firstshipload, on board the Ann, he sailed from Gravesend November 17, 1732, and arrived at the bar, outside of the port of Charleston, SouthCarolina, January 13, 1733. Having accepted of a hearty welcome, heweighed anchor, and sailed directly for Port Royal; and while his colonywas landing at Beaufort, he ascended the boundary river of Georgia, andselected the site for his chief town on the high bluff, where now is thecity of Savannah. Having established his town, he then selected acommanding height on the Ogeechee river, where he built a fortificationand named it Fort Argyle, in honor of the friend and patron of his earlyyears. 

Within a period of five years over a thousand persons had been sent overon the Trustee's account; several freeholders, with their servants, hadalso taken up lands; and to them and to others also, settling in theprovince, over fifty-seven thousand acres had been granted. Besidesforts and minor villages there had been laid out and settled theprincipal towns of Augusta, Ebenezer, Savannah, New Inverness, andFrederica. The colonists were of different nationalities, widely variantin character, religion and government. There were to be seen thedepressed Briton from London; the hardy Gael from the Highlands ofScotland; the solemn Moravian from Herrnhut; the phlegmatic German fromSalzburg in Bavaria; the reflecting Swiss from the mountainous andpastoral Grisons; the mercurial peasant from sunny Italy, and the Jewfrom Portugal. 

The settlements were made deliberately and with a view of resisting anypossible encroachments of Spain. It was a matter of protection that theHighlanders were induced to emigrate, and their assignment to thedangerous and outlying district, exposed to Spanish forays or invasions, is sufficient proof that their warlike qualities were greatly desired. Experience also taught Oglethorpe that the useless poor in England didnot change their characters by emigration. 

In company with a retinue of Indian chiefs, Oglethorpe returned toEngland on board the Aldborough man-of-war, where he arrived on June 16, 1734, after a passage of a little more than a month. His return createdquite a sensation; complimentary verses were bestowed upon him, and hisname was established among men of large views and energetic action as adistinguished benefactor of mankind. Among many things that engrossedhis attention was to provide a bulwark against inroads that might bemade by savages and dangers from the Spanish settlements; so he turnedhis eyes, as already noted, to the Highlands of Scotland. In order tosecure a sufficient number of Highlanders a commission was granted toLieutenant Hugh Mackay and George Dunbar to proceed to the Highlandsand "raise 100 Men free or servants and for that purpose allowed to themthe free passage of ten servants over and above the 100. They fartherallowed them to take 50 Head of Women and Children and agreed with Mr. Simmonds to send a ship about, which he w'd not do unless they agreedfor 130 Men Heads certain. This may have led the trust into the mistakeThat they were to raise only 130. "[80]

The enterprising commissioners, using such methods as were customary tothe country, soon collected the required number within the immediatevicinity of Inverness. They first enlisted the interest and consent ofsome of the chief gentlemen, and as they were unused to labor, they werenot only permitted but required also to bring each a servant capable ofsupporting him. These gentlemen were not reckless adventurers, orreduced emigrants forced by necessity, or exiled by insolvency and want;but men of pronounced character, and especially selected for theirapproved military qualities, many of whom came from the glen ofStralbdean, about nine miles distant from Inverness. They were commandedby officers most highly connected in the Highlands. Their politicalsympathies were with the exiled house of Stuart, and having been more orless implicated in the rising of 1715, they found themselves objects ofjealousy and suspicion, and thus circumstanced seized the opportunity toseek an asylum in America and obtain that unmolested quietude which wasdenied them in their native glens. 

These people being deeply religious selected for their pastor, ReverendJohn MacLeod, a native of Skye, who belonged to the Dunvegan family ofMacLeods. He was well recommended by his clerical brethren, andsustained a good examination before the presbytery of Edinburgh, previous to his ordination and commission, October 13, 1735. He wasappointed by the directors of the Society in Scotland for PropagatingChristian Knowledge (from whom he was to receive his annual stipend of£50) "not only to officiate as minister of the Gospel to the Highlandfamilies going hither, " and others who might be inclined to thePresbyterian form of worship, but "also to use his utmost endeavors forpropagating Christian knowledge among natives in the colony. "

The Trustees were greatly rejoiced to find that they had secured sovaluable an acquisition to their colony, and that they could settle sucha bold and hardy race on the banks of their southern boundary, and thusestablish a new town on the Florida frontier. The town council ofInverness, in order to express their regard for Oglethorpe, on accountof his kind offers to the Highlanders, conferred on him the honor of aburgess of the town, through his proxy, Captain George Dunbar. 

Besides the military band, others, among whom were MacKays, Bailies, Dunbars, and Cuthberts, applied for large tracts of land to people withtheir own servants; most of them going over themselves to Georgia, andfinally settling there for life. 

Of the Highlanders, some of them paid their passage and that of one outof two servants, while others paid passage for their servants and tookthe benefit of the trust passage for themselves. Some, having largefamilies, wanted farther assistance for servants, which was acceded toby Captain Dunbar, who gave them the passage of four servants, which washis right, for having raised forty of the one hundred men. Of the wholenumber the Trustees paid for one hundred and forty-six, some of whombecame indentured servants to the Trust. On October 20, 1735, onehundred and sixty-three were mustered before Provost Hassock atInverness. One of the number ran away before the ship sailed, and twoothers were set on shore because they would neither pay their passagenor indent as servants to the Trust. 

These pioneers, who were to carve their own fortunes and become adefense for the colony of Georgia, sailed from Inverness, October 18, 1735, on board the Prince of Wales, commanded by Captain George Dunbar, one of their own countrymen. They made a remarkably quick trip, attendedby no accidents, and in January, 1736, sailed into Tybee Road, and atonce the officer in charge set about sending the emigrants to theirdestination. All who so desired, at their own expense, were permitted togo up to Savannah and Joseph's Town. On account of a deficiency inboats, all could not be removed at once. Seven days after their arrivalsixty-one were sent away, and on February 4th forty-six more proceededto their settlement on the Alatamaha, --all of whom being under thecharge of Hugh MacKay. Thus the advanced station, the post of danger, was guarded by a bold and hardy race; brave and robust by nature, virtuous by inclination, inured to fatigue and willing to labor:

 "To distant climes, a dreary scene, they go, Where wild Altama murmurs to their woe, Far different these from all that charmed before, The various terrors of that distant shore; Those matted woods where birds forget to sing, But silent bats in drowsy clusters cling; Those poisonous fields with rank luxuriance crown'd, Where the dark scorpion gathers death around, Where at each step the stranger fears to wake The rattling terrors of the vengeful snake, Where crouching tigers wait their hapless prey, And savage men, more murderous still than they. Far different these from every former scene. " --Goldsmith. 

On their first landing at Savannah, some of the people from SouthCarolina endeavored to discourage them by saying that the Spaniardswould shoot them as they stood upon the ground where they contemplatederecting their homes. "Why then, " said the Highlanders in reply, "wewill beat them out of their fort and shall have houses ready built tolive in. " The spot designated for their town is located twenty milesnorthwest from St. Simons and ten above Frederica, and situated on themainland, close to a branch of the Alatamaha river, on a bluff twentyfeet high, then surrounded on all sides with woods. The soil is abrackish sand. Formerly Fort King George, garrisoned by an independentcompany, stood within a mile and a half of the new town, but had beenabandoned and destroyed on account of a want of supplies andcommunication with Carolina. The village was called New Inverness, inhonor of the city they had left in Scotland; while the surroundingdistrict was named Darien, on account of the settlement attempted on theIsthmus of Darien, in 1698-1701. Under the direction of Hugh MacKay, whoproved himself to be an excellent officer and a man of executiveability, by the middle of February they had constructed a fortconsisting of two bastions and two half bastions, which was so strongthat forty men could maintain it against three hundred, and on it placedfour pieces, which, afterwards was so enlarged as to demand twelvecannon; built a guardhouse, storehouse, a chapel, and huts for thepeople. One of the men dying, the rest joined and built a house for thewidow. 

In the meantime Oglethorpe had sailed from London on board the Symonds, accompanied by the London Merchant, with additional emigrants, andarrived in the Tybee Road a short time after the Highlanders had left. He had never met them, and desiring to understand their ways and to makeas favorable an impression on them as possible, he retained CaptainDunbar to go with him to the Highlanders and to instruct him fully intheir customs. On February 22d he left St. Simons and rowing up theAlatamaha after three hours, reached the Highland settlement. Uponseeing the boat approaching, the Highlanders marched out to meet him, and made a most manly appearance in their plaids, with claymores, targets and fire-arms. Captain MacKay invited Oglethorpe to lie in histent, where there was a bed with sheets--a rarity as yet in that part ofthe world. He excused himself, choosing to lie at the guard-fire, wrapped in his plaid, for he had on the Highland garb. Captain MacKayand the other gentlemen did the same, though the night was cold. 

Oglethorpe had previously taken the precaution, lest the Highlandersmight be apprehensive of an attack by the Spaniards, Indians, or otherenemies, while their houses were in process of construction, to sendCaptain James McPherson, who commanded the rangers upon the Savannah, overland to support them. This troop arrived while Oglethorpe was yetpresent. Soon after they were visited by the Indians, who were attractedby their costume, and ever after retained an admiration for them, whichwas enhanced by the Highlanders entering into their wild sports, andjoining them in the chase. In order to connect the new settlement withdirect land communication with the other colonists, Oglethorpe, inMarch, directed Hugh MacKay, with a detachment of twelve rangers, toconduct Walter Augustin, who ran a traverse line from Savannah by FortArgyle to Darien, in order to locate a roadway. 

It was during Oglethorpe's first trip to the Highland settlement that heencamped on Cumberland island, and on the extreme western point, whichcommands the passage of boats from the southward, marked out a fort tobe called St. Andrews, and gave Captain Hugh MacKay orders to build it. The work commenced immediately, thirty Highlanders being employed in thelabor. On March 26th Oglethorpe, visiting the place, was astonished tofind the fort in such an advanced stage of completion; the ditch wasdug, the parapet was raised with wood and earth on the land side, andthe small wood was cleared fifty yards round the fort. This seemed to bethe more extraordinary because MacKay had no engineer, nor any otherassistance in that way, except the directions originally given. Besidesit was very difficult to raise the works, the ground being a loose sand. They were forced to lay the trees and sand alternately, --the treespreventing the sand from falling, and the sand the wood from fire. Hereturned thanks to the Highlanders and offered to take any of them backto their settlement, but all refused so long as there was any dangerfrom the Spaniards, in whose vicinity they were now stationed. But twoof them, having families at Darien, he ordered along with him. 

The Highlanders were not wholly engaged in military pursuits, for, to agreat extent, they were engaged in making their settlement permanent. They engaged in the cultivation of Indian corn and potatoes; learned tocut and saw timber, and laid out farms upon which they lived. For afrontier settlement, constantly menaced, all was accomplished that couldbe reasonably expected. In the woods they found ripe oranges and game, such as the wild turkey, buffalo and deer, in abundance. But peace andprosperity were not their allotted portion, for their lines were nowcast in troubled waters. The first year witnessed an appeal to arms anda struggle with the Spaniards, which eventually resulted in a disasterto the Highlanders. Deeds of heroism were now enacted, fully in keepingwith the tenor of the race. 

The Spaniards, who had their main force at St. Augustine, were more orless aggressive, which kept the advanced posts in a state of alarm. JohnMohr Macintosh, who had seen service in Scotland, was directed byOglethorpe to instruct the Highlanders in their military duty, and underhis direction they were daily exercised. Hugh MacKay, with a company, had been directed to the immediate command of Oglethorpe. 

Disputes early arose between the English colonists and the Spaniardsregarding the frontier line between the two nationalities, and loudcomplaints were made by the latter on account of being harrassed byIndians. Oglethorpe took steps to restrain the Indians, and to theSpaniards sent friendly messengers, who were immediately seized andconfined and at once took measures against the colonists. A Spanishwarship sailed by St. Simon's island and passed Fort St. Andrews, butwas not fired upon by the Highlanders because she answered theirsignals. She made her way back to St. Augustine when the report gainedcurrency that the whole coast was covered with war boats armed withcannon. On June 8th the colonists were again threatened by a Spanishvessel which came close to Fort St. Andrews before she was discovered;but when challenged rowed away with the utmost precipitation. On boardthis boat was Don Ignatio with a detachment of the Spanish garrison, andas many boatmen and Indians as the launch could hold. It was at thistime that a Highland lad named Fraser distinguished himself. Oglethorpein endeavoring to meet the Spaniards by a flag of truce, or else obtaina conference with them, but unable to accomplish either, and being aboutto withdraw, saw the boy, whom he had sent forward, returning throughthe woods, driving before him a tall man with a musket on his shoulder, two pistols stuck in his girdle, and further armed with both a long andshort sword. Coming up to Oglethorpe the lad said: "Here, sir; I havecaught a Spaniard for you. " The man was found to have in his possessiona letter from Oglethorpe's imprisoned messengers which imparted certaininformation that proved to be of great value. 

The imprisoned messengers were ultimately released and sent back in alaunch with commissioners to treat with Oglethorpe. In order to make afavorable impression on the Spaniards, the Highlanders, under EnsignMacKay, were ordered out. June 19th, Ensign MacKay arrived on board theman-of-war Hawk, then just off from Amelia island, with the Highlanders, and a detachment of the independent company, in their regimentals, wholined one side of the ship, while the Highlanders, with their claymores, targets, plaids, etc. , did the same on the other side. The commissionerswere very handsomely entertained on board the war vessel, and afterdinner messages in writing were exchanged. While this hilarity and peaceprotestations were being indulged, an Indian brought the news that fortySpaniards and some Indians had fallen upon a party of the Creek nationwho, then depending upon the general peace between the Indians, Spanishand English, without suspicion, and consequently without guard, weresurrounded and surprised, several killed and others taken, two of whom, being boys, were murdered by dashing out their brains. 

To the people of New Iverness the year 1737 does not appear to have beena propitious one. Pioneers were compelled to endure hardships of whichthey had little dreamed, and the Highland settlement was no exception tothe rule. The record preserved for this year is exceedingly meagre andconsists almost wholly in the sworn statement of Alexander Monroe, whodeserted the colony in 1740. In the latter year he deposed that atDarien, where he arrived in 1736 with his wife and child, he hadcleared, fenced in and planted five acres of land, built a good house inthe town, and made other improvements, such as gardening, etc. ; that hewas never able to support his family by cultivation, though he plantedthe said five acres three years and had good crops, and that he neverheard of any white man being able to gain a living by planting; that in1737 the people were reduced to such distress for want of provisions, having neither corn, peas, rice, potatoes, nor bread-kind of any sort, nor fish, nor flesh of any kind in store; that they were forced to go ina body, with John Mohr Macintosh at the head, to Frederica and theremake a demand on the Trust's agent for a supply; that they were relievedby Captain Gascoigne of the Hawk, who spared them two barrels of flour, and one barrel of beef; and further, he launches an indictment againstJohn Mohr Macintosh, who had charge of the Trust's store at Darien, forgiving the better class of food to his own hogs while the people wereforced to take that which was rotten. [81]

While this statement of Monroe may possibly be true in the main, andthat there was actual suffering, yet it must be borne in mind that theHighlanders were there living in a changed condition. The labor, climate, soil, products, etc. , were all new to them, and to the changedcircumstances the time had been too short for them to adapt themselves;nor is it probable that five acres were enough for their subsistence. The feeding of cattle, which was soon after adopted, would give them alarger field of industry. 

Nor was this all. Inevitable war fell upon the people; for we learn thatthe troop of Highland rangers, under Captain MacKay, held Fort St. Andrews "with thirty men, when the Spaniards attempted the invasion ofthis Province with a great number of men in the year 1737. "[82] Drawingthe men away from the settlement would necessarily cause more or lesssuffering and disarrangement of affairs. 

The record for the year 1738 is more extensive, although somewhatcontradictory, and exhibits a strong element of dissention. Oglethorpeadmitted the difficulties under which the people labored, ascribing themto the Spanish alarms, but reports that John Mohr Macintosh, pursuant toorders from the Trust, had disposed of a part of the servants to thefreeholders of Darien, which encouragement had enabled the settlement tocontinue. 

"The women were a dead charge to the Trust, excepting a few who mendedthe Cloaths, dressed the Victuals and washed the Linnen of the TrusteesMen Servants. Some of the Soldiers who were Highlanders desiring tomarry Women, I gave them leave upon their discharging the Trustees fromall future Charges arising from them. "[83]

The difficulties appear also to have arisen from the fact that thefreeholders were either unable or else unwilling--which is the morelikely--to perform manual labor. They labored under the want of asufficient number of servants until they had procured some who had beenindentured to the Trust for passage from Scotland. 

The Reverend John MacLeod, who abandoned the colony in 1741, made oaththat in the year 1738 they found by experience that the produce from theland did not answer the expense of time and labor, and the voice of thepeople of Darien was to abandon their improvements, and settle to thenorthward, where they could be free from the restraints which renderedincapable of subsisting themselves and families. [84] The declaration ofAlexander Monroe is still more explicit:

 "That in December, 1738, the said inhabitants of Darien finding that from their first settling in Georgia, their labors turned to no account, that their wants were daily growing on them, and being weary of apprehension, they came to a resolution to depute two men, chosen from amongst them, to go to Charleston, in South Carolina, and there to make application to the government, in order to obtain a grant of lands to which the whole settlement of Darien to a man were to remove altogether, the said John McIntosh More excepted; but that it being agreed among them, first to acquaint the said Colonel with their intentions, and their reasons for such resolutions, John McIntosh L. (Lynvilge) was employed by the said freeholders to lay the same before him, who returned them an answer 'that they should have credit for provisions, with two cows and three calves, and a breeding mare if they would continue on their plantations. ' That the people with the view of these helps, and hoping for the further favor and countenance of the said Colonel, and being loth to leave their little all behind them, and begin the world in a strange place, were willing to make out a livelihood in the colony; but whilst they were in expectation of these things, this deponent being at his plantation, two miles from the town, in Dec. , 1738, he received a letter from Ronald McDonald, which was sent by order of the said McIntosh More, and brought to this deponent by William, son of the said McIntosh, ordering him, the said deponent, immediately to come himself, and bring William Monro along with him to town, and advising him that, 'if he did so, he would be made a man of, but, that if he did not, he would be ruined forever. ' That this deponent coming away without loss of time, he got to the said McIntosh More's house about nine of the clock that night, where he found several of the inhabitants together, and where the said McIntosh More did tell this deponent, 'that if he would sign a paper, which he then offered him, that the said Colonel would give him cattle and servants from time to time, and that he would be a good friend to as many as would sign the said paper, but that they would see what would become of those that would not sign it, for that the people of Savannah would be all ruined, who opposed the said Colonel in it. ' That this deponent did not know the contents of the said paper, but seeing that some before him had signed it, his hopes on one side, and fears on the other, made him sign it also. That upon his conversing with some of the people, after leaving the house, he was acquainted with the contents and design of said paper, which this deponent believes to be the petition from the eighteen, which the trustees have printed, and that very night he became sensible of the wrong he had done; and that his conscience did thereupon accuse him, and does yet. "[85]

The phrase "being weary of oppression" has reference to the accusationagainst Captain Hugh MacKay, who was alleged to have "exercised anillegal power there, such as judging in all causes, directing andordering all things according to his will, as did the said McIntoshMore, by which many unjust and illegal things were done. That not onlythe servants of the said freeholders of Darien were ordered to be tiedup and whipt; but also this deponent, and Donald Clark, who themselveswere freeholders, were taken into custody, and bound with ropes, andthreatened to be sent to Frederica to Mr. Horton, and there punished byhim; this deponent, once for refusing to cry 'All's well, ' when he wasan out-sentry, he having before advised them of the danger of so doing, lest the voice should direct the Indians to fire upon the sentry, asthey had done the night before, and again for drumming with his fingerson the side of his house, it being pretended that he had alarmed thetown. That upon account of these, and many other oppressions, thefreeholders applied to Mr. Oglethorpe for a court of justice to beerected, and proper magistrates in Darien, as in other towns in Georgia, that they might have justice done among themselves, when he gave themfor answer, 'that he would acquaint the trustees with it'; but thatthis deponent heard no more of it. "[86]

One of the fundamental regulations of the Trustees was the prohibitionof African slavery in Georgia. However, they had instituted a system ofservitude which indentured both male and female to individuals, or theTrustees, for a period of from four to fourteen years. On arriving inGeorgia, their services were sold for the term of indenture, orapportioned to the inhabitants by the magistrates, as their necessitiesrequired. The sum which they brought when thus bid off varied from £2 to£6, besides an annual tax of £1 for five years to defray the expense oftheir voyage. Negro slavery was agitated in Savannah, and on December 9, 1738, a petition was addressed to the Trustees, signed by one hundredand sixteen, and among other things asked was the introduction of Negroslavery. On January 3, 1739, a counter petition was drawn up and signedby the Highlanders at Darien. On March 13th the Saltzburghers ofEbenezer signed a similar petition in which they strongly disapproved ofthe introduction of slave labor into the colony. Likewise the people ofFrederica prepared a petition, but desisted from sending it, upon anassurance that their apprehensions of the introduction of Negroes wereentirely needless. Many artifices were resorted to in order to gain overthe Highlanders and have them petition for Negro slaves. Failing in thisletters were written to them from England endeavoring to intimidate theminto a compliance. These counter petitions strengthened the Trustees intheir resolution. It is a noticeable fact, and worthy of record, that atthe outbreak of the American Revolution the Highlanders of Darien againprotested against African slavery. 

Those persons dissatisfied with the state of affairs increased innumbers and gradually grew more rancorous. It is not supposable thatthey could have bettered the condition under the circumstances. Historians have been universal in their praise of Oglethorpe, and in allprobability no one could have given a better administration. His wordhas been taken without question. He declared that "Darien hath been oneof the Settlements where the People have been most industrious as thoseof Savannah have been most idle. The Trustees have had several Servantsthere who under the direction of Mr. Moore McIntosh have not only earnedtheir bread but have provided the Trust with such Quantities of sawedstuff as hath saved them a great sum of money. Those Servants cannot beput under the direction of anybody at Frederica nor any one that doesnot understand the Highland language. The Woods fit for sawing are nearDarien and the Trustees engaged not to separate the Highlanders. Theyare very useful under their own Chiefs and no where else. It is verynecessary therefore to allow Mr. Mackintosh for the overseeing theTrust's Servants at Darien. "[87]

That such was the actual condition of affairs in 1739 there is no doubt. However, a partial truth may change the appearance. George Philp, who atSavannah in 1740, declared that for the same year the people "are asincapable of improving their lands and raising produces as the people inthe northern division, as appears from the very small quantity of Indiancorn which hitherto had been the chief and almost only produce of theprovince, some few potatoes excepted; and as a proof of which, that hewas in the south in May last, when the season for planting was over, andmuch less was done at Frederica than in former years; and that thepeople in Darien did inform him, that they had not of their own produceto carry to market, even in the year 1739, which was the most plentifulyear they ever saw there, nor indeed any preceding year; nor had they(the people of Darien) bread-kind of their own raising, sufficient forthe use of their families, from one crop to another, as themselves, orsome of them, did tell this deponent; and further, the said people ofDarien were, in May last, repining at their servants being near out oftheir time, because the little stock of money they carried over withthem was exhausted in cultivation which did not bring them a return; andthey were thereby rendered quite unable to plant their lands, or helpthemselves any way. "[88]

It was one of the agreements made by the Trust that assistance should begiven the colonists. Hence Oglethorpe speaks of "the £58 delivered toMr. McIntosh at Darien, it was to support the Inhabitants of Darien withcloathing and delivered to the Trustees' Store there, for which theIndividuals are indebted to the Trust. Part of it was paid in dischargeof service done to the Trustees in building. Part is still due and somedo pay and are ready to pay. "[89]

The active war with Spain commenced by the murder of two unarmedHighlanders on Amelia Island, who had gone into the woods for fuel. Itwas November 14, 1739, that a party of Spaniards landed on the islandand skulked in the woods. Francis Brooks, who commanded a scout boat, heard reports of musketry, and at once signaled the fort, when alieutenant's squad marched out and found the murdered Highlanders withtheir heads cut off and cruelly mangled. The Spaniards fled with so muchprecipitation that the squad could not overtake them, though theypursued rapidly. Immediately Oglethorpe began to collect around him hisinadequate forces for the invasion of Florida. In January, 1740, hereceived orders to make hostile movements against Florida, with theassurance that Admiral Vernon should co-operate with him. Oglethorpetook immediate action, drove in the Spanish outposts and invadedFlorida, having learned from a deserter that St. Augustine was in wantof provisions. South Carolina rendered assistance; and its regimentreached Darien the first of May, where it was joined by Oglethorpe'sfavorite corps, the Highlanders, ninety strong, commanded by CaptainJohn Mohr McIntosh and Lieutenant MacKay. They were ordered, accompaniedby an Indian force, to proceed by land, at once, to Cow-ford (afterwardsJacksonville), upon the St. Johns. With four hundred of his regiment, Oglethorpe, on May 3d, left Frederica, in boats, and on the 9th reachedthe Cow-ford. The Carolina regiment and the Highlanders having failed tomake the expected junction at that point, Oglethorpe, who would brook nodelay, immediately proceeded against Fort Diego, which surrendered onthe 10th, and garrisoned it with sixty men under Lieutenant Dunbar. Withthe remainder he returned to the Cow-ford, and there met the Carolinaregiment and McIntosh's Highlanders. Here Oglethorpe massed nine hundredsoldiers and eleven hundred Indians, and marched the whole forceagainst Fort Moosa, which was built of stone, and situated less than twomiles from St. Augustine, which the Spaniards evacuated without offeringresistance. Having burned the gates, and made three breaches in thewalls, Oglethorpe then proceeded to reconnoitre the town and castle. Assisted by some ships of war lying at anchor off St. Augustine bar, hedetermined to blockade the town. For this purpose he left ColonelPalmer, with ninety-five Highlanders and fifty-two Indians, at FortMoosa, with instructions to scour the woods and intercept all suppliesfor the enemy; and, for safety, encamp every night at different places. This was the only party left to guard the land side. The Carolinaregiment was sent to occupy a point of land called Point Quartel, abouta mile distant from the castle; while he himself with his regiment andthe greater part of the Indians embarked in boats, and landed on theIsland of Anastatia, where he erected batteries and commenced abombardment of the town. The operations of the beseigers beginning torelax, the Spanish commander sent a party of six hundred to surpriseColonel Palmer at Fort Moosa. The Spaniards had noted that for fivenights Colonel Palmer had made Fort Moosa his resting place. They camein boats with muffled oars at the dead of night, and landed unheard andundiscovered. The Indians, who were relied on by Palmer, were watchingthe land side, but never looked towards the water. 

Captain Macintosh had remonstrated with Colonel Palmer for remaining atFort Moosa more than one night, until it produced an alienation betweenthem. The only thing then left for MacIntosh was to make his companysleep on their arms. At the first alarm they were in rank, and as theSpanish infantry approached in three columns they were met with aHighland shout. 

The contest was unequal, and although the Highlanders rallied to thesupport of MacIntosh, their leader, and fought with desperation, yetthirty-six of them fell dead or wounded at the first charge. WhenColonel Palmer saw the overwhelming force that assaulted his command, hedirected the rangers without the wall to fly; but, refusing to followthem, he paid the debt of his obstinacy with his blood. 

The surprise at Fort Moosa led to the failure of Oglethorpe'sexpedition. John Mohr MacIntosh was a prisoner, and as Oglethorpe had noofficer to exchange for him, he was sent to Spain, where he was detainedseveral years--his fate unknown to his family--and when he did return tohis family it was with a broken constitution and soon to die, leavinghis children to such destiny as might await them, without friends, inthe wilds of America, for the one who could assist them--GeneralOglethorpe--was to be recalled, in preparation to meet the HighlandRising of 1745, when he, too, was doomed to suffer degradation from theduke of Cumberland, and injury to his military reputation. 

It was the same regiment of Spaniards that two years later was broughtfrom Cuba to lead in all enterprises that again was destined to meet theremnant of those Highlanders, but both the scene and the result weredifferent. It was in the light of day, and blood and slaughter, but notvictory awaited them. 

The conduct of the eldest son of John Mohr MacIntosh is worthy ofmention. He was named after his grand uncle, the celebrated Old Borlum(General William MacIntosh), who commanded a division of the Highlandersin the Rising of 1715. William was not quite fourteen years of age whenhis father left Darien for Florida. He wished to accompany the army, buthis father refused. Determined not to be thwarted in his purpose, heovertook the army at Barrington. He was sent back the next day under anarmed guard. Taking a small boat, he ferried up to Clarke's Bluff, onthe south side of the Alatamaha, intending to keep in the rear until thetroops had crossed the St. Mary's river. He soon fell in with sevenIndians, who knew him, for Darien had become a great rendezvous forthem, and were greatly attached to the Highlanders, partly on account oftheir wild manners, their manly sports and their costume, somewhatresembling their own. They caressed the boy, and heartily entered intohis views. They followed the advancing troops and informed him of allthat transpired in his father's camp, yet carefully concealing hispresence among them until after the passage of the St. Mary's, where, with much triumph, led him to his father and said "that he was a youngwarrior and would fight; that the Great Spirit would watch over hislife, for he loved young warriors. " He followed his father until he sawhim fall at Fort Moosa, covered with wounds, which so transfixed himwith horror, that he was not aroused to action until a Spanish officerlaid hold of his plaid. Light and as elastic as a steel bow, he slippedfrom under his grasp, and made his escape with the wreck of the corps. 

Those who escaped the massacre went over in a boat to Point Quartel. Some of the Chickasaw Indians, who also had escaped, met a Spaniard, cutoff his head and presented it to Oglethorpe. With abhorence he rejectedit, calling them barbarian dogs and bidding them begone. As might beexpected, the Chickasaws were offended and deserted him. A party ofCreeks brought four Spanish prisoners to Oglethorpe, who informed himthat St. Augustine had been reinforced by seven hundred men and a largesupply of provisions. The second day after the Fort Moosa affair, theCarolina[90] regiment deserted, the colonel leading the rout; nor did hearrest his flight until darkness overtook him, thirty miles from St. Augustine. Other circumstances operating against him, Oglethorpecommenced his retreat from Florida and reached Frederica July 10, 1740. 

The inhabitants of Darien continued to live in huts that were tight andwarm. Prior to 1740 they had been very industrious in planting, besidesbeing largely engaged in driving cattle for the regiment; but havingengaged in the invasion of Florida, little could be done at home, wheretheir families remained. One writer[91] declared that "the people livevery comfortably, with great unanimity. I know of no other settlement inthis colony more desirable, except Ebenezer. " The settlement was greatlydecimated on account of the number killed and taken prisoners at FortMoosa. This gave great discontent on the part of those who already feltaggrieved against the Trust. 

The discontent among many of the colonists, some of whom wereinfluential, again broke out in 1741, some of whom went to Savannah, October 7th, to consider the best method of presenting their grievances. They resolved to send an agent to England to represent their case tothe proper authorities, "in order to the effectual settling andestablishing of the said province, and to remove all those grievancesand hardships we now labor under. " The person selected as agent wasThomas Stevens, the son of the president of Georgia, who had residedthere about four years, and who, it was thought, from his connectionwith the president, would give great weight to the proceedings. Mr. Stevens sailed for England on March 26, 1742, presented his petition toparliament, which was considered together with the answer of theTrustees; which resulted in Mr. Stevens being brought to the bar of theHouse of Commons, and upon his knees, before the assembled counsellorsof Great Britain, was reprimanded for his conduct, and then discharged, on paying his fees. 

A list of the people who signed the petition and counter petitionsaffords a good criterion of the class represented at Darien, livingthere before and after the battle of Moosa. Among the complainants maybe found the names of:

 James Campbell, Thomas Fraser, Patrick Grahame, John Grahame, John McDonald, Peter McKay, Benjamin McIntosh, John McIntosh, Daniel McKay, Farquhar McGuilvery, Daniel McDonald, Rev. John McLeod, Alexander Monro, John McIntire, Owen McLeod, Alexander Rose, Donald Stewart. 

It is not certain that all the above were residents of Darien. Amongthose who signed the petition in favor of the Trust, and denominated thebody of the people, and distinctly stated to be living at Darien, arethe names of:

 John Mackintosh Moore, John Mackintosh Lynvilge, Ronald McDonald, Hugh Morrison, John McDonald, John Maclean, John Mackintosh, son of L. , John Mackintosh Bain, John McKay, Daniel Clark, first, Alexander Clarke, Donald Clark, third, Joseph Burges, Donald Clark, second, Archibald McBain, Alexander Munro, William Munro, John Cuthbert. 

During the autumn of 1741, Reverend John McLeod abandoned his Highlandcharge at Darien, went to South Carolina and settled at Edisto. In anoath taken November 12, 1741, he represents the people of Darien to bein a deplorable condition. Oglethorpe, in his letter to theTrustees, [92] evidently did not think Mr. McLeod was the man really fitfor his position, for he says:

 "We want here some men fit for schoolmasters, one at Frederica and one at Darien, also a sedate and sober minister, one of some experience in the world and whose first heat of youth is over. "

The long-threatened invasion of Carolina and Georgia by the Spaniardssailed from Havana, consisting of a great fleet, among which were twohalf galleys, carrying one hundred and twenty men each and aneighteen-pound gun. A part of the fleet, on June 20th, was seen off theharbor of St. Simons, and the next day in Cumberland Sound. Oglethorpedispatched two companies in three boats to the relief of Fort William, on Cumberland island, which were forced to fight their way through thefire from the Spanish galleys. Soon after thirty-two sail came to anchoroff the bar, with the Spanish colors flying, and there remained fivedays. They landed five hundred men at Gascoin's bluff, on July 5th. Oglethorpe blew up Fort William, spiked the guns and signalled his shipsto run up to Frederica, and with his land forces retired to the sameplace, where he arrived July 6th. The day following the enemy werewithin a mile of Frederica. When this news was brought to Oglethorpe hetook the first horse he found and with the Highland company, havingordered sixty men of the regiment to follow, he set off on a gallop tomeet the Spaniards, whom he found to be one hundred and seventy strong, including forty-five Indians. With his Indian Rangers and tenHighlanders, who outran the rest of the company, he immediately attackedand defeated the Spaniards. After pursuing them a mile, he halted histroops and posted them to advantage in the woods, leaving two companiesof his regiment with the Highlanders and Indians to guard the way, andthen returned to Frederica to await further movements of the enemy. Finding no immediate movement on the part of his foes, Oglethorpe, withthe whole force then at Frederica, except such as were absolutelynecessary to man the batteries, returned to the late field of action, and when about half way met two platoons of his troops, with the greatbody of his Indians, who declared they had been broken by the wholeSpanish force, which assailed them in the woods; and the enemy were nowin pursuit, and would soon be upon them. Notwithstanding thisdisheartening report, Oglethorpe continued his march, and to his greatsatisfaction, found that Lieutenants Southerland and MacKay, with theHighlanders alone, had defeated the enemy, consisting of six hundredmen, and killed more of them than their own force numbered. At first theSpanish forces overwhelmed the colonists by their superior numbers, whenthe veteran troops became seized with a panic. They made a precipitateretreat, the Highlanders following reluctantly in the rear. Afterpassing through a defile, Lieutenant MacKay communicated to his friend, Lieutenant Southerland, who commanded the rear guard, composed also ofHighlanders, the feelings of his corps, and agreeing to drop behind assoon as the whole had passed the defile. They returned through the brushand took post at the two points of the crescent in the road. FourIndians remained with them. Scarcely had they concealed themselves inthe woods, when the Spanish grenadier regiment, the _elite_ of theirtroops, advanced into the defile, where, seeing the footprints of therapid retreat of the broken troops, and observing their right wascovered by an open morass, and their left, as they supposed, by animpracticable wall of brushwood, and a border of dry white sand, theystacked their arms and sat down to partake of refreshments, believingthat the contest for the day was over. Southerland and MacKay, who, fromtheir hiding places, had anxiously watched their movements, now fromeither end of the line raised the Highland cap upon a sword, the signalfor the work of death to begin. Immediately the Highlanders poured inupon the unsuspecting enemy a well delivered and most deadly fire. Volley succeeded volley, and the sand was soon strewed with the dead andthe dying. Terror and dismay seized the Spaniards, and making noresistance attempted to fly along the marsh. A few of their officersattempted, though in vain, to re-form their broken ranks; discipline wasgone; orders were unheeded; safety alone was sought; and, when, with aHighland shout of triumph, the hidden foe burst among them with levelledmusket and flashing claymore, the panic stricken Spaniards fled inevery direction; some to the marsh, where they mired and were taken;others along the defile, where they were met by the claymore, and stillothers into the thicket, where they became entangled and perished; and afew succeeded in escaping to their camp. Barba was taken, thoughmortally wounded. Among the killed were a captain, lieutenant, twosergeants, two drummers and one hundred and sixty privates, and acaptain and nineteen men taken prisoners. This feat of arms was asbrilliant as it was successful. Oglethorpe, with the two platoons, didnot reach the scene of action, since called the "Bloody Marsh, " untilthe victory was won. To show his sense of the services rendered, hepromoted the brave young officers who had gained it on the very field oftheir valor. But he rested only for a few minutes, waiting for themarines and the reserve of the regiment to come up; and then pursued theretreating enemy to within a mile and a half of their camp. During thenight the foe retreated within the ruins of the fort, and under theprotection of their cannon. A few days later the Spaniards became soalarmed on the appearance of three vessels off the bar that theyimmediately set fire to the fort and precipitately embarked theirtroops, abandoning in their hurry and confusion, several cannon, aquantity of military stores, and even leaving unburied some of the menwho had just died of their wounds. 

The massacre of Fort Moosa was more than doubly avenged, and that on thesame Spanish regiment that was then victorious. On the present occasionthey had set out from their camp with the determination to show noquarter. In the action William MacIntosh, now sixteen years of age, wasconspicuous. No shout rose higher, and no sword waved quicker than hison that day. The tract of land which surrounded the field of action wasafterwards granted to him. 

A brief sketch of Ensign John Stuart will not be out of place in thisrecord and connection. During the Spanish invasion he was stationed atFort William, and there gained an honorable reputation in holding itagainst the enemy. Afterwards he became the celebrated Captain Stuartand father of Sir John Stuart, the victor over General Ranier, at thebattle of Maida, in Calabria. In 1757 Captain Stuart was taken prisonerat Fort Loudon, in the Cherokee country, and whose life was saved by hisfriend, Attakullakulla. This ancient chief had remembered Captain Stuartwhen he was a young Highland officer under General Oglethorpe, althoughyears had rolled away. The Indians were now filled with revenge at thetreachery of Governor Littleton, of Carolina, on account of theimprisonment and death of the chiefs of twenty towns; yet no actions ofothers could extinguish, in this generous and high-minded man, thefriendship of other years. The dangers of that day, the thousand wilesand accidents Captain Stuart escaped from, made him renowned among theIndians, and centered on him the affections and confidence of thesouthern tribes. It was the same Colonel John Stuart, of theRevolutionary War, who, from Pensacola, directed at will the movementsof the Cherokees, Creeks, Chickasaws and Choctaws, against all, saveGeorgia. That state suffered but little from Indian aggression duringthe War for Independence. Nor was that feeling extinct among the Creeksfor a period of fifty years, or until they believed that the people ofOglethorpe had passed away. 

The year 1743 opened with fresh alarms of a new invasion, jointly of theFrench and Spanish. The Governor of Cuba offered to invade Georgia andCarolina, with ten thousand men, most of whom were then in Havanna. Oglethorpe, with his greatly reduced force, was left alone to bear theburden of defending Georgia. Believing that a sudden blow would enhancehis prospects, he took his measures, and accordingly, on Saturday, February 26, 1743, the detachment destined for Florida, consisting of aportion of the Highlanders, rangers and regulars, appeared under arms atFrederica, and on March 9th, landed in Florida. He advanced upon St. Augustine, and used every device to decoy them into an ambush; but evenfailed to provoke the garrison. Having no cannon with him, he returnedto Frederica, without the loss of a man. This expedition was attendedwith great toil, fatigue and privation, but borne cheerfully. A fewslight eruptive efforts were made, but each party kept its own borders, and the slight conflicts in America were lost in the universalconflagration in Europe. 

The Highlanders had borne more than their share of the burdens of war, and had lost heavily. Their families had shared in their privations. Themajority had remained loyal to Oglethorpe, and proved that in everyemergency they could be depended on. In later years the losses werepartially supplied by accessions from their countrymen. 

With all the advantages that Georgia offered and the inducements heldout to emigrants, the growth was very slow. In 1761 the whole number ofwhite inhabitants amounted to but sixty-one hundred. However, in 1773, or twelve years later, it had leaped to eighteen thousand white andfifteen thousand black. The reasons assigned for this increase were thegreat inducements held out to people to come and settle where they couldget new and good lands at a moderate cost, with plenty of good range forcattle, horses and hogs, and where they would not be so pent up andconfined as in the more thickly settled provinces. 

The Macintoshes had ever been foremost, and in the attempt toconsolidate Georgia with Carolina they were prominent in theiropposition to the scheme. 

Forty years in America had endeared the Highlanders of Darien to thefortunes of their adopted country. The children knew of none other, saveas they heard it from the lips of their parents. Free in theirinclinations, and with their environments it is not surprising that theyshould become imbued with the principles of the American Revolution. Their foremost leader, who gained imperishable renown, was LachlanMacintosh, son of John Mor. His brother, William, also took a veryactive part, and made great sacrifices. At one time he was pursuedbeyond the Alatamaha and his negroes taken from him. 

To what extent the Darien Highlanders espoused the cause of GreatBritain would be difficult to fathom, but in all probability to noappreciable extent. The records exhibit that there were some royaliststhere, although when under British sway may have been such as a matterof protection, which was not uncommon throughout the Southern States. The record is exceedingly brief. On May 20, 1780, Charles McDonald, justice of peace for St. Andrew's parish (embracing Darien), signed theaddress to the King. Sir James Wright, royal governor of Georgia, writing to lord George Germain, dated February 16, 1782, says:

 "Yesterday my Lord I Received Intelligence that two Partys of about 140 in the whole were gone over the Ogechee Ferry towards the Alatamaha River & had been in St. Andrews Parish (a Scotch settlement) & there Murdered 12 or 13 Loyal Subjects. "[93]

The Highlanders were among the first to take action, and had no fears ofthe calamities of war. The military spirit of their ancestors showed nodeterioration in their constitutions. During the second week in January, 1775, a district congress was held by the inhabitants of St. Andrew'sParish (now Darien), at which a series of resolutions were passed, embodying, with great force and earnestness, the views of thefreeholders of that large and flourishing district. These resolutions, six in number, expressed first, their approbation of "the unparalleledmoderation, the decent, but firm and manly, conduct of the loyal andbrave people of Boston and Massachusetts Bay, to preserve theirliberty;" their approval of "all the resolutions of the Grand AmericanCongress, " and their hearty and "cheerful accession to the associationentered into by them, as the wisest and most moderate measure that couldbe adopted. " The second resolution condemned the closing of the landoffices, to the great detriment of Colonial growth, and to the injury ofthe industrious poor, declaring "that all encouragement should be givento the poor of every nation by every generous American. " The third, animadverted upon the ministerial mandates which prevented colonialassemblies from passing such laws as the general exigencies of theprovinces required, an especial grievance, as they affirmed, "in thisyoung colony, where our internal police is not yet well settled. " Thefourth condemned the practice of making colonial officers dependent forsalaries on Great Britain, "thus making them independent of the people, who should support them according to their usefulness and behavior. " Thefifth resolution declares "our disapprobation and abhorrence of theunnatural practice of slavery in America, " and their purpose to urge"the manumission of our slaves in this colony, upon the most safe andequitable footing for the masters and themselves. " And, lastly, theythereby chose delegates to represent the parish in a provincialcongress, and instruct them to urge the appointment of two delegates tothe Continental Congress, to be held in Philadelphia, in May. 

Appended to these resolutions were the following articles of agreementor association:

 "Being persuaded that the salvation of the rights and liberties of America depend, under God, on the firm union of the inhabitants in its vigorous prosecution of the measures necessary for its safety, and convinced of the necessity of preventing the anarchy and confusion which attend the dissolution of the powers of government, we, the freemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of the province of Georgia, being greatly alarmed at the avowed design of the Ministry to raise a revenue in America, and shocked by the bloody scene now acting in the Massachusetts Bay, do, in the most solemn manner, resolve never to become slaves; and do associate, under all the ties of religion, honor and love of country, to adopt and endeavor to carry into execution, whatever may be recommended by the Continental Congress, or resolved upon by our Provincial Convention that shall be appointed, for the purpose of preserving our Constitution, and opposing the execution of the several arbitrary and oppressive acts of the British Parliament, until a reconciliation between Great Britain and America, on constitutional principles, which we most ardently desire, can be obtained; and that we will in all things follow the advice of our general committee, to be appointed, respecting the purposes, aforesaid, the preservation of peace and good order, and the safety of individuals and private property. "

Among the names appended to these resolutions there may be selected suchas:

 Lach. McIntosh, Charles McDonald, John McIntosh, Samuel McClelland, Jno. McCulloch, William McCullough, John McClelland, Seth McCullough. 

On July 4, 1775, the Provincial Congress met at Tondee's Long Room, Savannah. Every parish and district was represented. St. Andrew's parishsent:

 Jonathan Cochran, William Jones, Peter Tarlin, Lachlan McIntosh, William McIntosh, George Threadcroft, John Wesent, Roderick McIntosh, John Witherspoon, George McIntosh, Allen Stuart, John McIntosh, Raymond Demere. 

The resolutions adopted by these hardy patriots were sacredly kept. Their deeds, however, partake more of personal narration, and only theirheroic defense need be mentioned. The following narration should notescape special notice:

 "On the last of February, 1776, the Scarborough, Hinchinbroke, St. John, and two large transports, with soldiers, then lying at Tybee, came up the river and anchored at five fathoms. On March 2nd, two of the vessels sailed up the channel of Back river, The Hinchinbroke, in attempting to go round Hutchinson's island, and so come down upon the shipping from above, grounded at the west end of the island, opposite Brampton. During the night there landed from the first vessel, between two and three hundred troops, under the command of Majors Grant and Maitland, and silently marched across Hutchinson's island, and through collusion with the captains were embarked by four A. M. , in the merchant vessels which lay near the store on that island. The morning of the 3rd revealing the close proximity of the enemy caused great indignation among the people. Two companies of riflemen, under Major Habersham, immediately attacked the grounded vessel and drove every man from its deck. By nine o'clock it became known that troops had been secreted on board the merchantmen, which news created intense excitement, and three hundred men, under Colonel McIntosh, were marched to Yamacraw Bluff, opposite the shipping, and there threw up a hasty breastwork, through which they trained three four-pounders to bear upon the vessels. Anxious, however, to avoid bloodshed, Lieutenant Daniel Roberts, of the St. John's Rangers, and Mr. Raymond Demere, of St. Andrew's Parish, solicited, and were permitted by the commanding officer, to go on board and demand a surrender of Rice and his people, who, with his boat's crew, had been forcibly detained. Although, on a mission of peace, no sooner had they reached the vessel, on board of which was Captain Barclay and Major Grant, than they were seized and detained as prisoners. The people on shore, after waiting a sufficient length of time, hailed the vessel, through a speaking-trumpet, and demanded the return of all who were detained on board; but receiving only insulting replies, they discharged two four-pounders at the vessel; whereupon they solicited that the people should send on board two men in whom they most confided, and with them they agreed to negotiate. Twelve of the Rangers, led by Captain Screven, of the St. John's Rangers, and Captain Baker, were immediately rowed under the stern of the vessel and there peremptorily demanded the deputies. Incensed by insulting language, Captain Baker fired a shot, which immediately drew on his boat a discharge of swivels and small arms. The batteries then opened, which was briskly answered for the space of four hours. The next step was to set fire to the vessels, the first being the Inverness, which drifted upon the brig Nelly, which was soon in flames. The officers and soldiers fled from the vessels, in the utmost precipitation across the low marshes and half-drained rice-fields, several being killed by the grape shot played upon them. As the deputies were still held prisoners, the Council of Safety, on March 6th, put under arrest all the members of the Royal Council then in Savannah, besides menacing the ships at Tybee. An exchange was not effected until the 27th. "

As already stated, Darien experienced some of the vicissitudes of war. On April 18, 1778, a small army, under Colonel Elbert, embarked on thegalleys Washington, Lee and Bullock, and by 10 o'clock next morning, near Frederica, had captured the brigantine Hinchinbroke, the sloopRebecca and a prize brig, which had spread terror on the coast. 

In 1779 the parishes of St. John, St. Andrew and St. James were erectedinto one county, under the name of Liberty. 

In March, 1780, the royal governor, Sir James Wright, attempted tore-establish the old government, and issued writs returnable May 5. Robert Baillie and James Spalding were returned from St. Andrew'sparish. 

The settlement of Darien practically remained a pure Highland one untilthe close of the Revolution. The people proved themselves faithful andloyal to the best interests of the commonwealth, and equal to suchexigencies as befell them. While disasters awaited them and fierceordeals were passed through, yet fortune eventually smiled upon them. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 78: Graham's "History of United States, " Vol. II, p. 179. ]

[Footnote 79: "Georgia Historical Collections, " Vol. I, p. 58. ]

[Footnote 80: Oglethorpe's letter to the Trustees, Feb. 13, 1786, in"Georgia Hist. Coll. , " Vol. III, p. 10. ]

[Footnote 81: Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 115]

[Footnote 82: _Ibid_, Vol. III, p. 114 Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, May 6, 1741. ]

[Footnote 83: Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, Dec. 21, 1738, Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. III p. 67. ]

[Footnote 84: Georgia Hist. Society, Vol. II, p. 113. ]

[Footnote 85: Georgia Hist. Coll. Vol. II, p. 116. ]

[Footnote 86: _Ibid. _]

[Footnote 87: Oglethorpe to the Trustees, Oct. 20, 1739. Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. III, p. 90. ]

[Footnote 88: Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. II, p. 119. ]

[Footnote 89: Oglethorpe to H. Verelst, Dec. 29, 1739. Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. III, p. 96. ]

[Footnote 90: See Appendix, Note H. ]

[Footnote 91: Thomas Jones, dated Savannah, Sept. 18, 1740 Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. I, p. 200. ]

[Footnote 92: Dated April 28, 1741. Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. III, p. 113. ]

[Footnote 93: Georgia Hist. Coll. , Vol. III, p. 370. ]

CHAPTER VII. 

CAPTAIN LAUCHLAN CAMPBELL'S NEW YORK COLONY. 

The fruitful soil of America, together with the prospects of a home andan independent living, was peculiarly adapted to awaken nobleaspirations in the breasts of those who were interested in the welfareof that class whose condition needed a radical enlargement. Among thisclass of Nature's noblemen there is no name deserving of more praisethan that of Lauchlan Campbell. Although his name, as well as themigration of his infant colony, has gone out of Islay ken, where he wasborn, yet his story has been fairly well preserved in the annals of theprovince of New York. It was first publicly made known by William Smith, in his "History of New York. "

Lauchlan Campbell was possessed of a high sense of honor and a goodunderstanding; was active, loyal, of a military disposition, and, withal, strong philanthropic inclinations. By placing implicitconfidence in the royal governors of New York, he fell a victim to theirroguery, deception and heartlessness, which ultimately crushed him andleft him almost penniless. The story has been set forth in the followingmemorial, prepared by his son:

 "Memorial of Lieutenant Campbell to the Lords of Trade. To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners of Trade, &c. Memorial of Lieut. Donald Campbell of the Province of New York Plantation. Humbly Showeth, That in the year 1734 Colonel Cosby being then Governor of the Province of New York by and with the advice and assent of his Council published a printed Advertisement for encouraging the Resort of Protestants from Europe to settle upon the Northern Frontier of the said Province (in the route from Fort Edward to Crown Point) promising to each family two hundred acres of unimproved land out of 100, 000 acres purchased from the Indians, without any fee or expences whatsoever, except a very moderate charge for surveying & liable only to the King's Quit Rent of one shilling and nine pence farthing per hundred acres, which settlement would at that time have been of the utmost utility to the Province & these proposals were looked upon as so advantageous, that they could not fail of having a proper effect. 

 That these Proposals in 1737, falling into the hands of Captain Lauchlin Campbell of the Island of Isla, he the same year went over to North America, and passing through the Province of Pennsilvania where he rejected many considerable offers that were made him, he proceeded to New York, where, tho' Governor Cosby was deceased, George Clarke Esqr. Then Governor, assured him no part of the lands were as yet granted; importuned him & two or three persons that went over with him to go up and visit the lands, which they did, and were very kindly received and greatly caressed by the Indians. On his return to New York he received the most solemn promises that he should have a thousand acres for every family that he brought over, and that each family should have according to their number from five hundred to one hundred and fifty acres, but declined making any Grant till the Families arrived, because, according to the Constitution of that Government, the names of the settlers were to be inserted in that Grant. Captain Campbell accordingly returned to Isla, and brought from thence at a very large expense, his own Family and Thirty other Families, making in all, one hundred and fifty-three Souls. He went again to visit the lands, received all possible respect and kindness from the Government, who proposed an old Fort Anna to be repaired, to cover the new settlers from the French Indians. At the same time, the People of New York proposed to maintain the people already brought, till Captain Campbell could return and bring more, alledging that it would be for the interest of the Infant Colony to settle upon the lands in a large Body; that, covered by the Fort, and assisted by the Indians, they might be less liable to the Incursions of Enemies. 

 That to keep up the spirit of the undertaking, Governor Clarke, by a writing bearing date the 4th day of December, 1738, declared his having promised Captain Campbell thirty thousand acres of land at Wood Creek, free of charges, except the expence of surveying & the King's Quit Rent in consideration of his having already brought over thirty families who according to their respective numbers in each family, were to have from one hundred and fifty to five hundred acres. Encouraged by this declaration, he departed in the same month for Isla, and in August, 1739, brought over Forty Families more, and under the Faith of the said promises made a third voyage, from which he returned in November, 1740, bringing with him thirteen Families the whole making eighty-three Families, composed of Four Hundred and Twenty Three Persons, all sincere and loyal Protestants, and very capable of forming a respectable Frontier for the security of the Province. But after all these perilous and expensive voyages, and tho' there wanted but Seventeen Families to complete the number for which he had undertaken, he found no longer the same countenance or protection but on the contrary it was insinuated to him that he could have no land either for himself or the people, but upon conditions in direct violation of the Faith of Government, and detrimental to the interests of those who upon his assurances had accompanied him into America. The people also were reduced to demand separate Grants for themselves, which upon large promises some of them did, yet more of them never had so much as a foot of land, and many listed themselves to join the Expedition to Cuba. 

 That Captain Campbell having disposed of his whole Fortune in the Island of Isla, expended the far greatest part of it from his confidence in these fallacious promises found himself at length constrained to employ the little he had left in the purchase of a small farm seventy miles north of New York for the subsistence of himself and his Family consisting of three sons and three daughters. He went over again into Scotland in 1745, and having the command of a Company of the Argyleshire men, served with Reputation under his Royal Highness the Duke, against the Rebels. He went back to America in 1747 and not longer after died of a broken heart, leaving behind him the six children before mentioned of whom your Memoralist is the eldest, in very narrow and distressed circumstances. "

 All these facts are briefly commemorated by Mr. Smith in his History of the Colony of New York, page 179, where are some severe, though just strictures on the behavior of those in power towards him and the families he brought with him, and the loss the Province sustained by such behavior towards them. 

 "That at the Commencement of the present War, your Memoralist and both his brothers following their Father's principles in hopes of better Fortune entered into the Army & served in the Forty Second, Forty Eighth and Sixtieth Regiments of Foot during the whole War, at the close of which your Memoralist and his brother George were reduced as Lieutenants upon half pay, and their youngest Brother still continues in the service; the small Farm purchased by their father being the sole support of themselves and three sisters till they were able to provide for themselves in the manner before mentioned, and their sisters are now married & settled in the Province of New York. 

 That after the conclusion of the Peace, your Memoralist considering the number of Families dispersed through the Province which came over with his Father, and finding in them a general disposition to settle with him on the lands originally promised them, if they could be obtained, in the month of February, 1763, petitioned Governor Monckton for the said lands but was able only to procure a Grant of ten thousand acres, (for obtaining which, he disbursed in Patent and other fees, the sum of two hundred Guineas), the people in Power alledging that land was now at a far greater value than at the time of your Memoralist's Father's coming into the Province, and even this upon the common condition of settling ten Families upon the said lands and paying a Quit Rent to the Crown. Part however of the People who had promised to settle with your Memoralist in case he had prevailed, were drawn to petition for lands to themselves, which they obtained, tho' they never could get one foot of land before, which provision of lands as your Memoralist apprehends, ought in Equity to be considered as an obligation on the Province to perform, so far as the number of those Families goes, the Conditions stipulated with his Father, as those Families never had come into & consequently could not now be remaining in the Province, if he had not persuaded them to accompany him, & been at a very large expence in transporting them thither. 

 That there are still very many of these Families who have no land and would willingly settle with your Memoralist. That there are numbers of non commissioned Officers and Soldiers of the Regiments disbanded in North America who notwithstanding His Majesty's gracious Intentions are from many causes too long to trouble your Lordship with at present without any settlement provided for them, and that there are also many Families of loyal Protestants in the Islands and other parts of North Britain which might be induced by reasonable proposals and a certainty of their being fulfilled, to remove into the said Province, which would add greatly to the strength, security and opulence thereof, and be in all respects faithful and serviceable subjects to His Majesty. 

 That the premisses considered, particularly the long scene of hardships to which your Memoralist's Family has been exposed, for Twenty Six years, in consideration of his own and his Brothers' services, & the perils to which they have been exposed during the long and fatiguing War, and the Prospect he still has of contributing to the settlement of His Majesty's unimproved country, your Memoralist humbly prays that Your Lordships would direct the Government of New York to grant to him the said One Hundred thousand Acres, upon his undertaking to settle One Hundred or One Hundred and Fifty Families upon the same within the space of Three years or such other Recompence or Relief as upon mature Deliberation on the Hardships and Sufferings which his Father and his Family have for so many years endured, & their merits, in respect to the Province of New York which might be incontestably proved, if it was not universally acknowledged, may in your great Wisdom be thought to deserve. 

 And your Memoralist: &c. , &c. , &c. [94]

 May, 1764. "

It was the policy of the home government to settle as rapidly aspossible the wild lands; not so much for the purpose of benefiting theemigrant as it was to enhance the king's exchequer. The royal governorsapparently held out great inducements to the settlers, but the sequelalways showed that a species of blackmail or tribute must be paid by thepurchasers before the lands were granted. The governor was one thing tothe higher authorities, but far different to those from whom he couldreap advantage. The seeming disinterested motives may be thusillustrated:

Under date of New York, July 26, 1736, George Clarke, lieutenantgovernor of New York, writes to the duke of Newcastle, in which he says, it was principally

 "To augment his Majesty's Quit rents that I projected a Scheme to settle the Mohacks Country in this Province, which I have the pleasure to hear from Ireland and Holland is like to succeed. The scheme is to give grants gratis of an hundred thousand acres of land to the first five hundred protestant familys that come from Europe in two hundred acres to a family, these being settled will draw thousands after them, for both the situation and quantity of the Land are much preferable to any in Pensilvania, the only Northern Colony to which the Europeans resort, and the Quit rents less. Governor Cosby sent home the proposals last Summer under the Seal of the Province, and under his and the Council's hands, but it did not reach Dublin till the last day of March; had it come there two months sooner I am assured by a letter which I lately received, directed to Governor Cosby, that we should have had two ships belonging to this place (then lying there) loaded with people but next year we hope to have many both from thence and Germany. When the Mohocks Country is settled we shall have nothing to fear from Canada. "[95]

The same, writing to the Lords of Trade, under date of New York, June15, 1739, says:

 "The lands whereon the French propose to settle were purchased from Indian proprietors (who have all along been subject to and under the protection of the Crown of England) by one Godfrey Dellius and granted to him by patent under the seal of this province in the year 1696, which grant was afterwards resumed by act of Assembly whereby they became vested in the Crown; on part of these lands I proposed to settle some Scotch Highland familys who came hither last year, and they would have been now actually settled there, if the Assembly would have assisted them, for they are poor and want help; however as I have promised them lands gratis, some of them about three weeks ago went to view that part of the Country, and if they like the lands I hope they will accept my offer (if the report of the French designs do not discourage them:) depending upon the voluntary assistance of the people of Albany whose more immediate interest it is to encourage their settlement in that part of the country. "[96]

That Captain Campbell would have secured the lands there can be noquestion had he complied with Governor Clarke's demands, although saiddemands were contrary to the agreement. Private faith and public honordemanded the fair execution of the project, which had been so expensiveto the undertaker, and would have added greatly to the benefit of thecolony. The governor would not make the grant unless he should have hisfees and a share of the land. 

The quit rent in the province of New York was fixed at two shillings sixpence for every one hundred acres. The fees for a grant of a thousandacres were as follows: To the governor, $31. 25; secretary of state, $10;clerk of the council, $10 to $15; receiver general, $14. 37; attorneygeneral, $7. 50; making a total of about $75, besides the cost of survey. This amount does not appear to be large for the number of acres, yet itmust be considered that land was plenty, but money very scarce. Therewere thousands of substantial men who would have found it exceedinglydifficult to raise the amount in question. 

It is possible that Captain Campbell could not have paid this extortioneven if he had been so disposed; but being high-spirited, he resolutelyrefused his consent. The governor, still pretending to be very anxiousto aid the emigrants, recommended the legislature of the province togrant them assistance; but, as usual, the latter was at war with thegovernor, and refused to vote money to the Highlanders, which theysuspected, with good reason, the latter would be required to pay to thecolonial officers for fees. 

Not yet discouraged, Captain Campbell determined to exhaust everyresource that justice might be done to him. His next step was to appealto the legislature for redress, but it was in vain; then he made anapplication to the Board of Trade, in England, which had the power torectify the wrong. Here he had so many difficulties to contend with thathe was forced to leave the colonists to themselves, who soon afterseparated. But all his efforts proved abortive. 

The petition of Lieutenant Donald Campbell, though courteouslyexpressed, and eminently just, was rejected. It was claimed that theorders of the English government positively forbade the granting of overa thousand acres to any one person; yet that thousand acres was deniedhim. 

The injustice accorded to Captain Campbell was more or less notoriousthroughout the province. It was generally felt there had been badtreatment, and there was now a disposition on the part of the colonialauthorities to give some relief to his sons and daughters. Accordingly, on November 11, 1763, a grant of ten thousand acres, in the presenttownship of Greenwich, Washington county, New York, was made to thethree brothers, Donald, George and James, their three sisters and fourother persons, three of whom were also named Campbell. 

The final success of the Campbell family in obtaining redress inspiredothers who had belonged to the colony to petition for a similarrecompense for their hardships and losses. They succeeded in obtaining agrant of forty-seven thousand, four hundred and fifty acres, located inthe present township of Argyle, and a small part of Fort Edward andGreenwich, in the same county. 

On March 2, 1764, Alexander McNaughton and one hundred and six others ofthe original Campbell emigrants and their descendants, petitioned forone thousand acres to be granted to each of them

 "To be laid out in a single tract between the head of South bay and Kingsbury, and reaching east towards New Hampshire and westwardly to the mountains in Warren county. The committee of the council to whom this petition was referred reported May 21, 1764, that the tract proposed be granted, which was adopted, the council specifying the amount of land each individual of the petitioners should receive, making two hundred acres the least and six hundred the most that anyone should obtain. Five men were appointed as trustees, to divide and distribute the land as directed. The same instrument incorporated the tract into a township, to be called Argyle, and should have a supervisor, treasurer, collector, two assessors, two overseers of highways, two overseers of the poor and six constables, to be elected annually by the inhabitants on the first day of May. The patent, similar to all others of that period, was subject to the following conditions:

 An annual quit rent of two shillings and six pence sterling on every one hundred acres, and all mines of gold and silver, and all pine trees suitable for masts for the royal navy, namely, all which were twenty-four inches from the ground, reserved to the crown. "[97]

The land thus granted lies in the central part of Washington county, with a broken surface in the west and great elevations and ridges in theeast. The soil is rich and the whole well watered. 

The trustees were vested with the power to execute title deeds to suchof the grantees, should they claim the lands, the first of which wereissued during the winter and spring of 1764-5 by Duncan Reid, of thecity of New York, _gentleman_; Peter Middleton, of same city, _physician_; Archibald Campbell, of same city, _merchant_; AlexanderMcNaughton, [98] of Orange county, _farmer_; and Neil Gillaspie, ofUlster county, _farmer_, of the one part, and the grantees of the otherpart. 

While the application for the grant was yet pending, the petitionersgreatly exalted over their future prospects, evolved a grand scheme forthe survey of the prospective lands, which should include a statelystreet from the banks of the Hudson river on the east through the tract, upon which each family should have a town lot, where he might not onlyenjoy the protection of near neighbors, but also have that companionshipof which the Highlander is so particularly fond. In the rear of thesetown lots were to be the farms, which in time were to be occupied bytenants. The surveyors, Archibald Campbell, of Raritan, New Jersey, andChristopher Yates, of Schenectady, who began their labors June 19, 1764, were instructed to lay off the land as planned, the street to extendfrom east to west, twenty-four rods wide and extending through the widthof the grant as near the center as practicable, and to set aside a glebelot for the benefit of the school master and the minister. North andsouth of the street, and bordering on it, the surveyors laid off lotsrunning back one hundred and eighty rods, varying in width so as tocontain from twenty to sixty acres. These lots were numbered, making inall one hundred and forty-one, seventy-two being on the south side ofthe street, and the remainder on the north. The farms were alsonumbered, also making one hundred and forty-one. 

In the plan no allowance had been made for the rugged nature of thecountry, and consequently the magnificent street was located over hillswhose proportions prevented its use as a public highway, while some ofthe lots were uninhabitable. 

The following is a list of the grantees, the number of the lot and itscontents being set opposite the name:

 Lot. Name. Acres. 

 1. Catharine Campbell 250 2. Elizabeth Cargill 250 3. Allan McDonald 300 4. Neil Gillaspie 450 5. Mary Campbell 350 6. Duncan McKerwan 350 7. Ann McAnthony 250 8. Mary McGowne 300 9. Catherine McLean 300 10. Mary Anderson 300 11. Archibald McNeil 300 12. Dougall McAlpine 300 13. David Lindsey 250 14. Elizabeth Campbell 300 15. Ann McDuffie 350 16. Donald McDougall 300 17. Archibald McGowne 300 18. Eleanor Thompson 300

 Lot. Name. Acres. 

 19. Duncan McDuffie 350 20. Duncan Reid 600 21. John McDuffie 250 22. Dougall McKallor 550 23. Daniel Johnson 350 24. Archibald Campbell 250 25. William Hunter 300 26. Duncan Campbell 300 27. Elizabeth Fraser 200 28. Alexander Campbell 350 Glebe lot 500 29. Daniel Clark 350 43. Elizabeth Campbell 300 44. Duncan McArthur 450 45. John Torrey 300 46. Malcolm Campbell 300 47. Florence McKenzie 200 48. John McKenzie 300 49. Jane Cargill 250 50. John McGowan 300 59. John McEwen 500 60. John McDonald 300 61. James McDonald 400 62. Mary Belton 300 72. Rachael Nevin 300 73. James Cargill 400

Lots 29, 43, 44, 50, and 62 are partly in the present limits of thetownship of Greenwich, and the other lots, from 29 to 73, not aboveenumerated, are wholly in that township and in Salem. The following lotsare located north of the street:

 Lot. Name. Acres. 

 74. John Cargill 300 75. Duncan McDougall 300 76. Alexander Christie 350 77. Alex. Montgomery 600 78. Marian Campbell 250 79. John Gilchrist 300 80. Agnes McDougall 300 81. Duncan McGuire 500 82. Edward McKallor 500 83. Alexander Gilchrist 300 84. Archibald McCullom 350 85. Archibald McCore 300 86. John McCarter 350 87. Neil Shaw 600 88. Duncan Campbell 300 89. Roger McNeil 300 90. Elizabeth Ray 200 91. James Nutt 300 92. Donald McDuffie 350 93. George Campbell 300 94. Jane Widrow 300 95. John McDougall 400 96. Archibald McCarter 300 97. Charles McAllister 300 98. William Graham 300 99. Hugh McDougall 300 100. James Campbell 300 101. George McKenzie 400 102. John McCarter 400 103. Morgan McNeil 250 104. Malcolm McDuffie 550 105. Florence McVarick 300 106. Archibald McEwen 300 107. Neil McDonald 500 108. James Gillis 500 109. Archibald McDougall 450 110. Marian McEwen 200 111. Patrick McArthur 350 112. John McGowne, Jr 250 113. John Shaw, Sr 300 114. Angus Graham 300 115. Edward McCoy 300 116. Duncan Campbell, Jr. 300 117. Jenette Ferguson 250 118. Hugh McEloroy 200 119. Dougall Thompson 400

 Lot. Name. Acres

 120. Mary Graham 300 121. Robert McAlpine 300 122. Duncan Taylor 600 123. Elizabeth Caldwell 250 124. William Clark 350 124. William Clark 350 125. Barbara McAllister 300 126. Mary Anderson 300 127. Donald McMullin 450 130. John Shaw, Sr 300 131. Duncan Lindsey 300 132. Donald Shaw 133. John Campbell 300

Each of the foregoing had a "street lot, " with a corresponding number, as before mentioned, which contained one-tenth of the area of the farmlots; that is, a lot of two hundred acres had a "street lot" of twentyacres, and so on. 

Ten lots comprehended between Nos. 127 and 146 are now within thetownship of Fort Edward. The number of these lots and the persons towhom granted were as follows, varying in area from 250 to 500 acres:

Lot 128, Duncan Shaw; 129, Alex. McDougall; 134, John McArthur; 135, John McIntyre; 136, Catharine McIlfender; 137, Mary Hammel; 138, DuncanGilchrist; 139, John McIntyre; 140, Mary McLeod; 141, David Torrey. 

The lots originally belonging to Argyle township, but now forming a partof Greenwich, were numbered and allotted as follows:

 Lot. Name. Acres. 30. Angus McDougall 300 31. Donald McIntyre 350 32. Alexander McNachten 600 33. John McCore 300 34. William Fraser 350 35. Mary Campbell 250 36. Duncan Campbell, Sr. 450 37. Neil McFadden 300 38. Mary Torry 250 39. Margaret McAllister 250 40. Robert Campbell, Jr 450 41. Catharine Shaw 250 51. Charles McArthur 350 52. Duncan McFadden 300 53. Roger Reed 300 54. John McCarter 300 65. Hugh Montgomery 300 66. Isabella Livingston 250 67. Catharine McCarter 250 68. Margaret Gilchrist 250 42. John McGuire 400 43. Elizabeth McNeil 200 44. Duncan McArthur 450 29. Daniel Clark 250 50. John McGowan, Sr 300 55. Ann Campbell 300 56. Archibald McCullom 350 57. Alexander McArthur 250 58. Alex McDonald 250 59. John McEwen 500 62. Mary Baine 300 63. Margaret Cargyle 300 64. Neil McEachern 450 69 Hannah McEwen 400 70. John Reid 450 71. Archibald Nevin 350

Many of the grantees immediately took possession of the lands alloted tothem; but others never took advantage of their claims, which, for atime, were left unoccupied, and then passed into the hands of others, who generally were left in undisputed possession. This state of affairs, in connection with the large size of the lots, had the effect ofretarding the growth of that district. 

Before the arrival of the settlers, a desperado, named Rogers, had takenpossession of a part of the lands on the Batten Kill. He warned thepeople off, making various threats; but the Highlanders knowing theirtitles were perfect, disregarded the menace, and set about industriouslyclearing up their lands and erecting their houses. One day, whenArchibald Livingston was away, his wife was forcibly carried off byRogers, and set down outside the limits of the claim, who also proceededto remove the furniture from the premises. He was arrested by RogerReid, the constable, and brought before Alexander McNaughton, thejustice, which constituted the first civil process ever served in thatcounty. Rogers did not submit peaceably to be taken, but defendedhimself with a gun, which Joseph McCracken seized, and in his endeavorto wrest it from the hands of the ruffian, he burst the buttons from offthe waist-bands of his pantaloons, which, as he did not wear suspenders, slipped over his feet. The little son of Rogers, fully taking in thesituation, ran up and bit McCracken, which, however, did not cause himto desist from his purpose. Rogers was conveyed to Albany, after whichall trace of him has been lost. 

The township of Argyle, embracing what is now both Argyle and FortEdward, was organized in 1771. The record of the first meeting bearsdate April 2, 1771, and was called for the purpose of regulating lawsand choosing officers. It was called by virtue of the grant in theArgyle patent. The officers elected were: supervisor, Duncan Campbell, who continued until 1781, and was then succeeded by Roger Reid; townclerk, Archibald Brown, succeeded in 1775 by Edward Patterson, who, inturn, was succeeded in 1778 by John McNeil, and he by Duncan Gilchrist, in 1780; collector, Roger Reid, succeeded in 1778 by Duncan McArthur, and the latter in 1781 by Alexander Gilchrist; assessors, ArchibaldCampbell and Neal Shaw; constables, John Offery, John McNiel;poor-masters, James Gilles, Archibald McNiel; road-masters, DuncanLindsey, Archibald Campbell; fence viewers, Duncan McArthur, JohnGilchrist. 

The following extracts from township records are not without interest:

 1772. --"All men from sixteen to sixty years old to work on the roads this year. Fences must be four feet and a half high. "

 1776. --"Duncan Reid is to be constable for the south part of the patent and Alexander Gillis for the north part; George Kilmore and James Beatty for masters. John Johnson was chosen a justice of the peace. "

 1781. --"Alexander McDougall and Duncan Lindsey were elected tithing men. "

In order to make the laws more efficient, on March 12, 1772, the countyof Charlotte was struck off from Albany, which was the actual beginningof the present county of Washington. As Charlotte county had been namedfor the consort of George III. And as his troops had devastated itduring the Revolution, the title was not an agreeable one, so the statelegislature on April 2, 1784, changed it to Washington, thus giving itthe most honored appellation known in the annals of American history. 

For several years after 1764 the colony on the east, and in what is nowHebron township, was augmented by a number of discharged Highlandsoldiers, mostly of the 77th Regiment, who settled on both sides of theline of the township. It is a noticeable fact that in every case thesesettlers were Scotch Highlanders. They had in all probability beenattracted to this spot partly by the settlement of the colony of CaptainLachlan Campbell, and partly by that of the Scotch-Irish at New Perth(Salem), which has been noted already in its proper connection. Theseadditional settlers took up their claims, owing to a proclamation madeby the king, in October, 1763, offering land in America, without fees, to all such officers and soldiers who had served on that continent, andwho desired to establish their homes there. 

Nothing shows more clearly than this proclamation the lofty position ofan officer in the British service at that time as compared with aprivate. A field officer received four thousand acres; a captain threethousand; a lieutenant, or other subaltern commissioned officer, twothousand; a non-commissioned officer, whether sergeant or corporal, dropped to two hundred acres, while the poor private was put off withfifty acres. Fifty acres of wild land, on the hill-sides of WashingtonCounty, was not an extravagant reward for seven years' service amidstall the dangers and horrors of French and Indian warfare. 

Many of these grants were sold by the soldiers to their countrymen. Their method of exchange was very simple. The corporal and private wouldmeet by the roadside, or at a neighboring ale-house, and after greetingeach other, the American land would immediately be the subject forbarter. The private, who may be called Sandy, knew his fifty acres wasnot worth the sea-voyage, while Corporal Donald, having already twohundred, might find it profitable to emigrate, provided he could addother tracts. After the preliminaries and the haggling had been gonethrough with, Donald would draw out his long leather purse and countdown the amount, saying:

"There, mon; there's your siller. "

The worthy Sandy would then dive into some hidden recess of his garmentsand bring forth his parchment, signed in the name of the king by "HenryMoore, baronet, our captain-general and governor-in-chief, in and overour province of New York, and the lands depending thereon, in America, chancellor and vice-admiral of the same. " This document would bepromptly handed to the purchaser, with the declaration, "An' there's your land, corporal. "

Many of the soldiers never claimed their lands, which were eventuallysettled by squatters, some of whom remained thereon so long that they ortheir heirs became the lawful owners. 

The famous controversy concerning the "New Hampshire grants, " affectedthe Highland settlers; but the more exciting events of the wrangle tookplace outside the limits of Washington county, and consequently theHighland settlement. This controversy, which was carried on withacrimonious and warlike contention, arose over New York's officials'claim to the possession of all the land north of the Massachusetts linelying west of the Connecticut river. In 1751 both the governors of NewYork and New Hampshire presented their respective claims to theterritory in dispute to the Lords of Trade in London. The matter wasfinally adjusted in 1782, by New York yielding her claim. 

In 1771 there were riots near the southern boundary of Hebron township, which commenced by the forcible expulsion of Donald McIntire and othersfrom their lands, perpetrated by Robert Cochran and his associates. OnOctober 29th, same year, another serious riot took place. A warrant wasissued for the offenders by Alexander McNaughton, justice of the peace, residing in Argyle. Charles Hutchison, formerly a corporal inMontgomery's Highlanders, testified that Ethan Allen (afterwardsfamous), and eight others, on the above date, came to his residence, situated four miles north of New Perth, and began to demolish it. Hutchison requested them to stop, but they declared that they would makea burnt offering to the gods of this world by burning the logs of thathouse. Allen and another man held clubs over Hutchison's head, orderedhim to leave the locality, and declared that, in case he returned, heshould be worse treated. Eight or nine other families were driven fromtheir homes, in that locality, at the same time, all of whom fled to NewPerth, where they were hospitably received. The lands held by theseexiled families had been wholly improved by themselves. They were drivenout by Allen and his associates because they were determined that no oneshould build under a New York title east of the line they hadestablished as the western boundary. 

Bold Ethan Allen was neither to be arrested nor intimidated by aconstable's warrant. Governor Tryon of New York offered twenty poundsreward for the arrest of the rioters, which was as inefficient asesquire McNaughton's warrant. 

The county of Washington was largely settled by people from the NewEngland states. The breaking out of the Revolutionary War found thesepeople loyal to the cause of the patriots. The Highland settlements weresomewhat divided, but the greater part allied themselves with the causeof their adopted country. Those who espoused the cause of the king, onaccount of the atrocities committed by the Indians, were forced to flee, and never returned save in marauding bands. There were a few, however, who kept very quiet, and were allowed to remain unmolested. 

There were no distinctive Highland companies either in the British orContinental service from this settlement. A company of royalists wassecretly formed at Fort Edwards, under David Jones (remembered only asbeing the betrothed of the lovely but unfortunate Jane McCrea), andthese joined the British forces. There were five companies from thecounty that formed the regiment under Colonel Williams, one of which wascommanded by Captain Charles Hutchison, the Highland corporal whom EthanAllen had mobbed in 1771. In this company of fifty-two men it may bereasonably supposed that the greater number were the sons of theemigrants of Captain Lauchlan Campbell. 

The committee of Charlotte county, in September 21, 1775, recommended tothe Provincial Congress, that the following named persons, living inArgyle, should be thus commissioned: Alexander Campbell, captain; SamuelPain, first lieutenant; Peter Gilchrist, second lieutenant; and JohnMcDougall, ensign. 

Captain Joseph McCracken, on the arrival of Burgoyne, built a fort atNew Perth, which was finished on July 26th, and called Salem Fort. 

Donald, son of Captain Lauchlan Campbell, espoused the cause of thepeople, but his two brothers sided with the British. Soon after allthese passed out of the district, and their whereabouts became unknown. 

The bitter feelings engendered by the war was also felt in the Highlandsettlement, as may be instanced in the following circumstance preservedby S. D. W. Bloodgood:[99]

 "When Burgoyne found that his boats were not safe, and were in fact much nearer the main body of our army than his own, it became necessary to land his provisions, of which he had already been short for many weeks, in order to prevent his being actually starved into submission. This was done under a heavy fire from our troops. On one of these occasions a person by name of Mr. ----, well known at Salem, and a foreigner by birth, and who had at the very time a son in the British army, crossed the river at De Ruyter's, with a person by name of McNeil; they went in a canoe, and arriving opposite to the place intended, crossed over to the western bank, on which a redoubt called Fort Lawrence had been placed. They crawled up the bank with their arms in their hands, and peeping over the upper edge, they saw a man in a blanket coat loading a cart. They instantly raised their guns to fire, an action more savage than commendable. At the moment the man turned so as to be more plainly seen, when old M---- said to his companion, 'Now that's my own son Hughy; but I'm dom'd for a' that if I sill not gie him a shot, ' He then actually fired at his own son, as the person really proved to be, but happily without effect. Having heard the noise made by their conversation and the cocking of the pieces, which the nearness of his position rendered perfectly practicable, he ran round the cart, and the ball lodged in the felly of the wheel. The report drew the attention of the neighboring guards, and the two marauders were driven from their lurking place. While retreating with all possible speed, McNeil was wounded in the shoulder, and, if alive, carries the wound about with him to this day. Had the ball struck the old Scotchman, it is questionable whether any one would have considered it more than even handed justice commending the chalice to his own lips. "

A map of Washington County would show that it was on the war path thatled to some terrible conflicts related in American history. Occupying apart of the territory between the Hudson and the northern lakes, it hadborne the feet of warlike Hurons, Iroquois, Canadians, New Yorkers, NewEnglanders, French, English, Continentals and Hessians, who proceeded intheir mission of destruction and vengeance. As the district occupied bythe Highlanders was close to the line of Burgoyne's march, itexperienced the realities of war and the tomahawk of the mercilesssavage. How terrible was the work of the ruthless savage, and howshocking the fate of those in his pathway, has been graphically relatedby Arthur Reid, a native of the township of Argyle, who received theaccount from an aunt, who was fully cognizant of all the facts. Thefollowing is a condensed account:

During the latter part of the summer of 1777, a scouting party ofIndians, consisting of eight, received either a real or supposed injuryfrom some white persons at New Perth (now Salem), for which they soughtrevenge. While prowling around the temporary fort, they were observedand fired upon, and one of their number killed. In the presence of aprisoner, a white man, [100] the remaining seven declared their purposeto sacrifice the first white family that should come in their way. Thisparty belonged to a large body of Indians which had been assembled byGeneral Burgoyne, the British commander, then encamped not far distantin a northerly direction from Crown Point. In order to inspire theIndians with courage General Burgoyne considered it expedient, incompliance with their custom, to give them a war-feast, at which theyindulged in the most extravagant manoeuvres, gesticulations, andexulting vociferations, such as lying in ambush, and displaying theirrude armored devices, and dancing, and whooping, and screaming, andbrandishing their tomahawks and scalping knives. 

The particular band, above mentioned, was in command of an Iroquoischief, who, from his bloodthirsty nature, was called Le Loup, thewolf, --bold, fiercely revengeful, and well adapted to lead a party benton committing atrocities. Le Loup and his band left New Perth _en route_to the place where the van of Burgoyne's army was encamped. The familyof Duncan McArthur, consisting of himself, wife and four children, livedon the direct route. Approaching the clearing upon which the dwellingstood, the Indians halted in order to make preparations for theirfiendish design. Every precaution was taken, even to enhancing theirnaturally ferocious appearance by painting their faces, necks andshoulders with a thick coat of vermilion. The party next moved forwardwith stealthy steps to the very edge of the forest, where again theyhalted in order to mature the final plan of attack. 

Fortunately for the McArthur family, on that day, two neighbors had comefor the purpose of assisting in the breaking of a horse, and, when theIndians saw them, and also the three buildings, which they mistook forresidences, they became disconcerted. They decided as there were threemen present, and the same number of houses, there must also be threefamilies. 

The Indians withdrew exasperated, but none the less determined to seekvengeance. With elastic step, and in single file they pressed forward, and an hour later came to another clearing, in the midst of which stooda dwelling, occupied by the family of John Allen, consisting of fivepersons, viz. , himself and wife and three children. Temporarily withthem at the time were Mrs. Allen's sister, two negroes and a negress. John Allen was notoriously in sympathy with the purposes of the Britishking. When the Indians stealthily crept to the edge of the clearing theyobserved the white men busily engaged reaping the wheat harvest. Theydecided to wait until the reapers retired for dinner. Their whiteprisoner begged to be spared from witnessing the scene about to beenacted. This request was finally granted, and one of the Indiansremained with him as a guard, while the others went forward to executetheir purpose. 

When the family had become seated at the table the Indians burst uponthem with a fearful yell. When the neighbors came they found the body ofJohn Allen a few rods from the house. Apparently he had escaped througha back door, but had been overtaken and shot down. Nearer the house, butin the same direction, were the bodies of Mrs. Allen, her sister, andthe youngest child, all tomahawked and scalped. The other two childrenwere found hidden in a bed, but also tomahawked and scalped. One of thenegroes was found in the doorway, his body gashed and mutilated in ahorrible manner. From the wounds inflicted on his body it was thought hehad made a desperate resistance. The position of the remaining two hasnot been distinctly recollected. 

George Kilmore, father of Mrs. Allen and owner of the negroes, who livedthree miles distant, becoming anxious on account of the prolongedabsence of his daughter and servants, on the Sunday following, sent anegro boy on an errand of inquiry. As the boy approached the house, thekeen-scented horse, which he was riding, stopped and refused to gofarther. After much difficulty he was urged forward until his rider gota view of the awful scene. The news brought by the boy spread rapidly, and the terror-stricken families fled to various points for protection, many of whom went to Fort Edward. After Burgoyne had been hemmed in, thefamilies cautiously returned to their former homes. 

From Friday afternoon, July 25th, until Sunday morning following, thewhereabouts of Le Loup and his band cannot be determined. But on thatmorning they made their appearance on the brow of the hill north of FortEdward, and then and there a shocking tragedy was enacted, whichthoroughly aroused the people, and formed quite an element in theoverthrow and surrender of Burgoyne's army. It was the massacre of MissJane McCrea, a lovely, amiable and intelligent lady. This tragedy atonce drew the attention of all America. She fell under the blow of thesavage Le Loup, and the next instant he flung down his gun, seized herlong, luxuriant hair with one hand, with the other passed the scalpingknife around nearly the whole head, and, with a yell of triumph, torethe beautiful but ghastly trophy from his victim's head. 

It is a work of superogation to say that the Highland settlers of Argylewere strongly imbued with religious sentiments. That question hasalready been fully commented on. The colony early manifested itsdisposition to build churches where they might worship. The first ofthese houses were humble in their pretensions, but fully in keeping witha pioneer settlement in the wilderness. Their faith was the same as thatpromulgated by the Scotch-Irish in the adjoining neighborhood, and werevisited by the pastor of the older settlement. They do not appear tohave sustained a regular pastor until after the Peace of 1783. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 94: "Documentary and Colonial History of New York, " Vol. VII, p. 630. Should 1763 be read for 1764?]

[Footnote 95: _Ibid_, p. 72. ]

[Footnote 96: _Ibid_, Vol. VI, p. 145. ]

[Footnote 97: On record in library at Albany in "Patents, " Vol. IV, pp. 8-17. ]

[Footnote 98: See Appendix, Note I. ]

[Footnote 99: The Sexagenary, p. 110. ]

[Footnote 100: Samuel Standish, who was present at the time of themurder of Jane McCrea, and afterwards gave the account to Jared Sparks, who records it in his "Life of Arnold. " See "Library of AmericanBiography, " Vol. III, Chap. VII. ]

CHAPTER VIII. 

HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT ON THE MOHAWK. 

Sir William Johnson thoroughly gained the good graces of the IroquoisIndians, and by the part he took against the French at Crown Point andLake George, in 1755, added to his reputation at home and abroad. Forhis services to the Crown he was made a baronet and voted £5000 by theBritish parliament, besides being paid £600 per annum as Indian agent, which he retained until his death in 1774. He also received a grant ofone hundred thousand acres of land north of the Mohawk. In 1743 he builtFort Johnson, a stone dwelling, on the same side of the river, in whatis now Montgomery county. A few miles farther north, in 1764, he builtJohnson Hall, a wooden structure, and there entertained his Indian bandsand white tenants, with rude magnificence, surrounded by his mistresses, both white and red. He had dreams of feudal power, and set about torealize it. The land granted to him by the king, he had previouslysecured from the Mohawks, over whom he had gained an influence greaterthan that ever possessed heretofore or since by a white man over anIndian tribe. The tract of land thus gained was long known as"Kingsland, " or the "Royal Grant. " The king had bound Sir William to himby a feudal tenure of a yearly rental of two shillings and six pence foreach and every one hundred acres. In the same manner Sir William boundto himself his tenants to whom he granted leases. In order to secure thegreatest obedience he deemed it necessary to secure such tenants asdiffered from the people near him in manners, language, and religion, and that class trained to whom the strictest personal dependence wasperfectly familiar. In all this he was highly favored. He turned hiseyes to the Highlands of Scotland, and without trouble, owing to thedissatisfied condition of the people and their desire to emigrate, hesecured as many colonists as he desired, all of whom were of the RomanCatholic faith. The agents having secured the requisite number, embarked, during the month of August, 1773, for America. 

A journal of the period states that "three gentlemen of the name ofMacdonell, with their families, and 400 Highlanders from the counties(!) of Glengarry, Glenmorison, Urquhart, and Strathglass lately embarkedfor America, having obtained a grant of land in Albany, "[101]

This extract appears to have been copied from the _Courant_ of August28th, which stated they had "lately embarked for America. " This wouldplace their arrival on the Mohawk some time during the latter part ofthe following September, or first of October. The three gentlemen abovereferred to were Macdonell of Aberchalder, Leek, and Collachie, and alsoanother, Macdonell of Scotas. Their fortunes had been shattered in "the45, " and in order to mend them were willing to settle in America. Theymade their homes in what was then Tryon county, about thirty miles fromAlbany, then called Kingsborough, where now is the thriving town ofGloversville. To certain families tracts were allotted varying from onehundred to five hundred acres, all subjected to the feudal system. 

Having reached the places assigned them the Highlanders first felled thetrees and made their rude huts of logs. Then the forest was cleared andthe crops planted amid the stumps. The country was rough, but the peopledid not murmur. Their wants were few and simple. The grain they reapedwas carried on horseback along Indian trails to the landlord's mills. Their women became accustomed to severe outdoor employment, but theypossessed an indomitable spirit, and bore their hardships bravely, asbecame their race. The quiet life of the people promised to becomepermanent. They became deeply attached to the interests of Sir WilliamJohnson, who, by consummate tact soon gained a mastery over them. Hewould have them assemble at Johnson Hall that they might make merry;encourage them in Highland games, and invite them to Indian councils. Their methods of farming were improved under his supervision; superiorbreeds of stock sought for, and fruit trees planted. But Sir William, inreality, was not with them long; for, in the autumn of 1773, he visitedEngland, returning in the succeeding spring, and dying suddenly atJohnson Hall on June 24th, following. 

Troubles were rising beneath all the peaceful circumstances enjoyed bythe Highlanders, destined to become severe and oppressive under theattitude of Johnson's son and son-in-law who were men of far lessability and tact than their father. The spirit of democracy penetratedthe valley of the Mohawk, and open threats of opposition began to beheard. The Acts of the Albany Congress of 1774 opened the eyes of thepeople to the possibilities of strength by united efforts. Just as thespirit of independence reached bold utterance Sir William died. He wassucceeded in his title, and a part of his estates by his son John. Thedreams of Sir William vanished, and his plans failed in the hands of hisweak, arrogant, degenerate son. Sir John hesitated, temporized, brokehis parole, fled to Canada, returned to ravage the lands of hiscountrymen, and ended by being driven across the border. 

The death of Sir William made Sir John commandant of the militia of theProvince of New York. Colonel Guy Johnson became superintendent ofIndian affairs, with Colonel Daniel Claus, Sir William's son-in-law, forassistant. The notorious Thayendanegea (Joseph Brant) became secretaryto Guy Johnson. Nothing but evil could be predicated of such acombination; and Sir John was not slow to take advantage of hisposition, when the war cloud was ready to burst. As early as March 16, 1775, decisive action was taken, when the grand jury, judges, justices, and others of Tryon county, to the number of thirty-three, among whomwas Sir John, signed a document, expressive of their disapprobation ofthe act of the people of Boston for the "outrageous and unjustifiableact on the private property of the India Company, " and of theirresolution "to bear faith and true allegiance to their lawful SovereignKing George the Third. "[102] It is a noticeable feature that not one ofthe names of Highlanders appears on the paper. This would indicate thatthey were not a factor in the civil government of the county. 

On May 18, 1775, the Committee of Palatine District, Tryon county, addressed the Albany Committee of Safety, in which they affirm:

 "This County has, for a series of years, been ruled by one family, the different branches of which are still strenuous in dissuading people from coming into Congressional measures, and even have, last week, at a numerous meeting of the Mohawk District, appeared with all their dependants armed to oppose the people considering of their grievances; their number being so large, and the people unarmed, struck terror into most of them, and they dispersed. We are informed that Johnson-Hall is fortifying by placing a parcel of swivel-guns round the same, and that Colonel Johnson has had parts of his regiment of Militia under arms yesterday, no doubt with a design to prevent the friends of liberty from publishing their attachment to the cause to the world. Besides which we are told that about one hundred and fifty Highlanders, (Roman Catholicks) in and about Johnstown, are armed and ready to march upon the like occasion. "[103]

In order to allay the feelings engendered against them Guy Johnson, onMay 18th, wrote to the Committee of Schenectady declaring "my duty is topromote peace, "[104] and on the 20th to the Magistrates of Palatine, making the covert threat "that if the Indians find their council firedisturbed, and their superintendent insulted, they will take a dreadfulrevenge. "[105] The last letter thoroughly aroused the Committee of Tryoncounty, and on the 21st stated, among other things:

 "That Colonel Johnson's conduct in raising fortifications round his house, keeping a number of Indians and armed men constantly about him, and stopping and searching travellers upon the King's highway, and stopping our communication with Albany, is very alarming to this County, and is highly arbitrary, illegal, oppressive, and unwarrantable; and confirms us in our fears, that his design is to keep us in awe, and oblige us to submit to a state of Slavery. "[106]

On the 23rd the Albany Committee warned Guy Johnson that hisinterference with the rights of travellers would no longer betolerated. [107] So flagrant had been the conduct of the Johnsons that asub-committee of the city and county of Albany addressed a communicationon the subject to the Provincial Congress of New York. [108] On June 2ndthe Tryon County Committee addressed Guy Johnson, in which they affirm"it is no more our duty than inclination to protect you in the dischargeof your province, " but will not "pass over in silence the interruptionwhich the people of the Mohawk District met in their meeting, " "and theinhuman treatment of a man whose only crime was being faithful to hisemployers. "[109] The tension became still more strained between theJohnsons and patriots during the summer. 

The Dutch and German population was chiefly in sympathy with the causeof America, as were the people generally, in that region, who did notcome under the direct influence of the Johnsons. The inhabitants deposedAlexander White, the Sheriff of Tryon county, who had, from the first, made himself obnoxious. The first shot, in the war west of the Hudson, was fired by Alexander White. On some trifling pretext he arrested apatriot by the name of John Fonda, and committed him to prison. Hisfriends, to the number of fifty, went to the jail and released him; andfrom the prison they proceeded to the sheriff's lodgings and demandedhis surrender. He discharged a pistol at the leader, but without effect. Immediately some forty muskets were discharged at the sheriff, with theeffect only to cause a slight wound in the breast. The doors of thehouse were broken open, and just then Sir John Johnson fired a gun atthe hall, which was the signal for his retainers and Highland partisansto rally in arms. As they could muster a force of five hundred men in ashort time, the party deemed it prudent to disperse. [110]

The royalists became more open and bolder in their course, throwingevery impediment in the way of the Safety Committee of Tryon county, andcausing embarrassments in every way their ingenuity could devise. Theycalled public meetings themselves, as well as to interfere with those oftheir neighbors; all of which caused mutual exasperation, and theengendering of hostile feelings between friends, who now rangedthemselves with the opposing parties. 

On October 26th the Tryon County Committee submitted a series ofquestions for Sir John Johnson to answer. [111] These questions, with SirJohn's answers, were embodied by the Committee in a letter to theProvincial Congress of New York, under date of October 28th, as follows:

 "As we found our duty and particular reasons to inquire or rather desire Sir John Johnson's absolute opinion and intention of the three following articles, viz:

 1. Whether he would allow that his tenants may form themselves into Companies, according to the regulations of our Continental Congress, to the defence of our Country's cause;

 2. Whether he would be willing himself also to assist personally in the same purpose;

 3. Whether he pretendeth a prerogative to our County Court-House and Jail, and would hinder or interrupt the Committee of our County to make use of the said publick houses for our want and service in our common cause;

 We have, therefore, from our meeting held yesterday, sent three members of our Committee with the aforementioned questions contained in a letter to him directed, and received of Sir John, thereupon, the following answer:

 1. That he thinks our requests very unreasonable, as he never had denied the use of either Court-House or Jail to anybody, nor would yet deny it for the use which these houses have been built for; but he looks upon the Court-House and Jail at Johnstown to be his property till he is paid seven hundred Pounds--which being out of his pocket for the building of the same. 

 2. In regard of embodying his tenants into Companies, he never did forbid them, neither should do it, as they may use their pleasure; but we might save ourselves that trouble, he being sure they would not. 

 3. Concerning himself he declared, that before he would sign any association, or would lift his hand up against his King, he would rather suffer that his head shall be cut off. Further, he replied, that if we would make any unlawful use of the Jail, he would oppose it; and also mentions that there have many unfair means been used for signing the Association, and uniting the people; for he was informed by credible gentlemen in New-York, that they were obliged to unite, otherwise they could not live there. And that he was also informed, by good authority, that likewise two-thirds of the Canajoharie and German Flatts people have been forced to sign; and, by his opinion, the Boston people are open rebels, and the other Colonies have joined them. 

 Our Deputies replied to his expressions of forcing the people to sign in our County; that his authority spared the truth, and it appears by itself rediculous that one-third should have forced two-thirds to sign. On the contrary, they would prove that it was offered to any one, after signing, that the regretters could any time have their names crossed, upon their requests. 

 We thought proper to refer these particular inimical declarations to your House, and would be very glad to get your opinion and advice, for our further directions. Please, also, to remember what we mentioned to you in our former letters, of the inimical and provoking behaviour of the tenants of said Sir John, which they still continue, under the authority of said Sir John. "[112]

The attitude of Sir John had become such that the Continental Congressdeemed it best, on December 30th to order General Schuyler "to take themost speedy and effective measures for securing the said Arms andMilitary Stores, and for disarming the said Tories, and apprehendingtheir chiefs. "[113] The action of Congress was none too hasty; for in aletter from Governor William Tryon of New York to the earl of Dartmouth, under date of January 5, 1776, he encloses the following addressed tohimself:

 "Sir: I hope the occasion and intention of this letter will plead my excuse for the liberty I take in introducing to your Excellency the bearer hereof Captain Allen McDonell who will inform you of many particulars that cannot at this time with safety be committed to writing. The distracted & convulsed State this unhappy country is now worked up to, and the situation that I am in here, together with the many Obligations our family owe to the best of Sovereigns induces me to fall upon a plan that may I hope be of service to my country, the propriety of which I entirely submit to Your Excellency's better judgment, depending on that friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with for your advice on and Representation to his Majesty of what we propose. Having consulted with all my friends in this quarter, among whom are many old and good Officers, most of whom have a good deal of interests in their respective neighborhoods, and have now a great number of men ready to compleat the plan--We must however not think of stirring till we have a support, & supply of money, necessaries to enable us to carry our design into execution, all of which Mr. McDonell who will inform you of everything that has been done in Canada that has come to our knowledge. As I find by the papers you are soon to sail for England I despair of having the pleasure to pay my respect to you but most sincerely wish you an Agreeable Voyage and a happy sight of Your family & friends. I am. 

 Your Excellency's most obedient humble Servant, John Johnson. "[114]

General Schuyler immediately took active steps to carry out the ordersof Congress, and on January 23, 1776, made a very lengthy and detailedreport to that body. [115] Although he had no troops to carry intoexecution the orders of Congress, he asked for seven hundred militia, yet by the time he reached Caughnawaga, there were nearly three thousandmen, including the Tryon county militia. Arriving at Schenectady, headdressed, on January 16th, a letter to Sir John Johnson, requesting himto meet him on the next day, promising safe conduct for him and suchperson as might attend him. They met at the time appointed sixteen milesbeyond Schenectady, Sir John being accompanied by some of the leadingHighlanders and two or three others, to whom General Schuyler deliveredhis terms. After some difficulty, in which the Mohawk Indians figured aspeacemakers, Sir John Johnson and Allan McDonell (Collachie) signed apaper agreeing "upon his word and honor immediately deliver up allcannon, arms, and other military stores, of what kind soever, which maybe in his own possession, " or that he may have delivered to others, orthat he knows to be concealed; that "having given his parole of honournot to take up arms against America, " "he consents not to go to thewestward of the German-Flats and Kingsland (Highlanders') District, " butto every other part to the southward he expects the privilege of going;agreed that the Highlanders shall, "without any kind of exception, immediately deliver up all arms in their possession, of what kindsoever, " and from among them any six prisoners may be taken, but thesame must be maintained agreeable to their respective rank. 

[Illustration: Johnson Hall. ]

On Friday the 19th General Schulyer marched to Johnstown, and in theafternoon the arms and military stores in Sir John's possession weredelivered up. On the next day, at noon, General Schuyler drew his men upin the street, "and the Highlanders, between two and three hundred, marched to the front, where they grounded their arms;" when they weredismissed "with an exhortation, pointing out the only conduct whichcould insure them protection. " On the 21st, at Cagnuage, GeneralSchuyler wrote to Sir John as follows:

 "Although it is a well known fact that all the Scotch (Highlanders) people that yesterday surrendered arms, had not broadswords when they came to the country, yet many of them had, and most of them were possessed of dirks; and as none have been given up of either, I will charitably believe that it was rather inattention than a wilful omission. Whether it was the former or the latter must be ascertained by their immediate compliance with that part of the treaty which requires that all arms, of what kind soever, shall be delivered up. 

 After having been informed by you, at our first interview, that the Scotch people meant to defend themselves, I was not a little surprised that no ammunition was delivered up, and that you had none to furnish them with. These observations were immediately made by others as well as me. I was too apprehensive of the consequences which might have been fatal to those people, to take notice of it on the spot. I shall, however, expect an eclaircissement on this subject, and beg that you and Mr. McDonell will give it me as soon as may be. "

Governor Tryon reported to the earl of Dartmouth, February 7th, thatGeneral Schuyler "marched to Johnson Hall the 24th of last month, whereSr John had mustered near Six hundred men, from his Tenants andneighbours, the majority highlanders, after disarming them and takingfour pieces of artillery, ammunition and many Prisoners, with 360Guineas from Sr John's Desk, they compelled him to enter into a Bond in1600 pound Sterling not to aid the King's Service, or to remove within alimited district from his house. "[116]

The six of the chiefs of the Highland clan of the McDonells madeprisoners were, Allan McDonell, sen. (Collachie), Allan McDonell, Jur. , Alexander McDonell, Ronald McDonell, Archibald McDonell, and JohnMcDonell, all of whom were sent to Reading, Pennsylvania, with theirthree servants, and later to Lancaster. [117]

Had Sir John obeyed his parole, it would have saved him his vastestates, the Highlanders their homes, the effusion of blood, and thesavage cruelty which his leadership engendered. Being incapable offorecasting the future, he broke his parole of honor, plunged headlonginto the conflict, and dragged his followers into the horrors of war. General Schuyler wrote him, March 12, 1776, stating that the evidencehad been placed in his hands that he had been exciting the Indians tohostility, and promising to defer taking steps until a more minuteinquiry could be made he begged Sir John "to be present when it wasmade, " which would be on the following Monday. 

Sir John's actions were such that it became necessary to use stringentmeasures. General Schuyler, on May 14th, issued his instructions toColonel Elias Dayton, who was to proceed to Johnstown, "and give noticeto the Highlanders, who live in the vicinity of the town, to repair toit; and when any number are collected there, you will send off theirbaggage, infirm women and children, in wagons. " Sir John was to be takenprisoner, carefully guarded and brought to Albany, but "he is by nomeans to experience the least ill-treatment in his own person, or thoseof his family. "[118] General Schuyler had previously written (May 10th)to Sir John intimating that he had "acted contrary to the sacredengagements you lay under to me, and through me to the publick, " andhave "ordered you a close prisoner, and sent down to Albany. "[119] Thereason assigned for the removal of the Highlanders as stated by GeneralSchuyler to Sir John was that "the elder Mr. McDonald (Allan ofCollachie), a chief of that part of the clan of his name now in TryonCounty, has applied to Congress that those people with their familiesmay be moved from thence and subsisted. "[120] To this Sir John repliedas follows:

 "Johnson Hall, May 18, 1776. 

 Sir: On my return from Fort Hunter yesterday, I received your letter by express acquainting me that the elder Mr. McDonald had desired to have all the clan of his name in the County of Tryon, removed and subsisted. I know none of that clan but such as are my tenants, and have been, for near two years supported by me with every necessary, by which means they have contracted a debt of near two thousand pounds, which they are in a likely way to discharge, if left in peace. As they are under no obligations to Mr. McDonald, they refuse to comply with his extraordinary request; therefore beg there may be no troops sent to conduct them to Albany, otherwise they will look upon it as a total breach of the treaty agreed to at Johnstown. Mrs. McDonald showed me a letter from her husband, written since he applied to the Congress for leave to return to their families, in which he mentions that he was told by the Congress that it depended entirely upon you; he then desired that their families might be brought down to them, but never mentioned anything with regard to moving my tenants from hence, as matters he had no right to treat of. Mrs. McDonald requested that I would inform you that neither herself nor any of the other families would choose to go down. 

 I am, sir, your very humble servant, John Johnson. "[121]

Colonel Dayton arrived at Johnstown May 19th, and as he says, in hisreport to General John Sullivan, he immediately sent "a letter to SirJohn Johnson, informing him that I had arrived with a body of troops toguard the Highlanders to Albany, and desired that he would fix a timefor their assembling. When these gentlemen came to Johnson Hall theywere informed by Lady Johnson that Sir John Johnson had received GeneralSchuyler's letter by the express; that he had consulted the Highlandersupon the contents, and that they had unanimously resolved not to deliverthemselves as prisoners, but to go another way, and that Sir JohnJohnson had determined to go with them. She added that, that if theywere pursued they were determined to make an opposition, and had it intheir power, in some measure. "[122]

The approach of Colonel Dayton's command caused great commotion amongthe inhabitants of Johnstown and vicinity. Sir John determined todecamp, take with him as many followers as possible, and travel throughthe woods to Canada. Lieutenant James Gray, of the 42nd Highlanders, helped to raise the faithful bodyguard, and all having assembled at thehouse of Allen McDonell of Collachie started through the woods. Theparty consisted of three Indians from an adjacent village to serve asguides, one hundred and thirty Highlanders, and one hundred and twentyothers. [123] The appearance of Colonel Dayton was more sudden than SirJohn anticipated. Having but a brief period for their preparation, theparty was but illy prepared for their flight. He did not know whether ornot the royalists were in possession of Lake Champlain, therefore thefugitives did not dare to venture on that route to Montreal; so theywere obliged to strike deeper into the forests between the headwaters ofthe Hudson and the St. Lawrence. Their provisions soon were exhausted;their feet soon became sore from the rough travelling; and several wereleft in the wilderness to be picked up and brought in by the Indians whowere afterwards sent out for that purpose. After nineteen days of greathardships the party arrived in Montreal in a pitiable condition, havingendured as much suffering as seemed possible for human nature toundergo. 

Sir John Johnson and his Highlanders, unwittingly, paid the Highestpossible compliment to the kindness and good intentions of the patriots, when they deserted their families and left them to face the foe. Whenthe flight was brought to the attention of General Schuyler, he wrote toColonel Dayton, May 27, in which he says:

 "I am favored with a letter from Mr. Caldwell, in which he suggests the propriety of suffering such Highlanders to remain at their habitations as have not fled. I enter fully into his idea; but prudence dictates that this should be done under certain restrictions. These people have been taught to consider us in politicks in the same light that Papists consider Protestants in a religious relation, viz: that no faith is to be kept with either. I do not, therefore, think it prudent to suffer any of the men to remain, unless a competent number of hostages are given, at least five out of a hundred, on condition of being put to death if those that remain should take up arms, or in any wise assist the enemies of our country. A small body of troops * * may keep them in awe; but if an equal body of the enemy should appear, the balance as to numbers, by the junction of those left, would be against us. I am, however, so well aware of the absurdity of judging with precision in these matters at the distance we are from one another, that prudence obliges me to leave these matters to your judgment, to act as circumstances may occur. "[124]

Lady Johnson, wife of Sir John, was taken to Albany and there held as ahostage until the following December when she was permitted to go to NewYork, then in the hands of the British. Nothing is related of any of theHighlanders being taken at that time to Albany, but appear to have beenleft in peaceable possession of their lands. 

As might have been, and perhaps was, anticipated, the Highlandsettlement became the source of information and the base of supplies forthe enemy. Spies and messengers came and went, finding there a welcomereception. The trail leading from there and along the Sacandaga andthrough the Adirondack woods, soon became a beaten path from itsconstant use. The Highland women gave unstintingly of their supplies, and opened their houses as places of retreat. Here were planned theswift attacks upon the unwary settlers farther to the south and west. Agents of the king were active everywhere, and the Highland homes becameone of the resting places for refugees on their way to Canada. Thisstate of affairs could not be concealed from the Americans, who, nonetoo soon, came to view the whole neighborhood as a nest of treason. Military force could not be employed against women and children (forfrom time to time nearly all the men had left), but they could beremoved where they would do but little harm. General Schuyler discussedthe matter with General Herkimer and the Tryon County Committee, when itwas decided to remove of those who remained "to the number of fourhundred. " A movement of this description could not be kept a secret, especially when the troops were put in motion. In March, 1777, GeneralSchuyler had permitted both Alexander and John MacDonald to visit theirfamilies. Taking the alarm, on the approach of the troops, in May, theyran off to Canada, taking with them the residue of the Highlanders, together with a few of the German neighbors. The journey was a very longand tedious one, and very painful for the aged, the women, and thechildren. They were used to hardships and bore their sufferings withoutcomplaint. It was an exodus of a people, whose very existence was almostforgotten, and on the very lands they cleared and cultivated there isnot a single tradition concerning them. 

From papers still in existence, preserved in Series B, Vol. 158, p. 351, of the Haldeman Papers, it would appear that some of the families, previous to the exodus, had been secured, as noted in the two followingpetitions, both written in either 1779 or 1780, date not given althoughfirst is simply dated "27th July, " and second endorsed "27th July":

 "To His Excellency General Haldimand, General and Commander in Chief of all His Majesty's Forces in Canada and the Frontiers thereof, The memorial of John and Alexander Macdonell, Captains in the King's Royal Regiment of New York, humbly sheweth, That your Memorialist, John Macdonell's, family are at present detained by the rebels in the County of Tryon, within the Province of New York, destitute of every support but such as they may receive from the few friends to Government in said quarters, in which situation they have been since 1777. 

 And your Memorialist, Alexander Macdonell, on behalf of his brother, Captain Allan Macdonell, of the Eighty-Fourth Regiment: that the family of his said brother have been detained by the Rebels in and about Albany since the year 1775, and that unless it was for the assistance they have met with from Mr. James Ellice, of Schenectady, merchant, they must have perished. 

 Your Memorialists therefore humbly pray Your Excellency will be graciously pleased to take the distressed situation of said families into consideration, and to grant that a flag be sent to demand them in exchange, or otherwise direct towards obtaining their releasement, as Your Excellency in your wisdom shall see fit, and your Memorialists will ever pray as in duty bound. 

 John Macdonell, Alexander Macdonell. "

 "To the Honourable Sir John Johnson, Lieutenant-Colonel Commander of the King's Royal Regiment of New York. 

 The humbel petition of sundry soldiers of said Regiment sheweth, --

 That your humble petitioners, whose names are hereunto subscribed, have families in different places of the Counties of Albany and Tryon, who have been and are daily ill-treated by the enemies of Government. 

 Therefore we do humbly pray that Your Honour would be pleased to procure permission for them to come to Canada, And your petitioners will ever pray. 

 John McGlenny, Thomas Ross. Alexander Cameron, Frederick Goose, Wm. Urchad (Urquhart?), Duncan McIntire, Andrew Mileross, Donald McCarter, Allen Grant, Hugh Chisholm, Angus Grant, John McDonald, Alex. Ferguson, Thomas Taylor, William Cameron, George Murdoff, William Chession (Chisholm), John Christy, Daniel Campbell, Donald Ross, Donald Chissem, Roderick McDonald, Alexander Grant. "

 The names and number of each family intended in the written petition:--

 Name of Family Consisting of No 1, Duncan McIntyre's Wife, Sister and Child 3 2, John Christy's Wife and 3 Children 4 3, George Mordoffs " and 6 " 7 4, Daniel Campbell's " and 5 " 6 5, Andrew Milross' Wife 1 6, William Urghad's Wife and 3 " 4 7, Donald McCarter's " and 3 " 4 8, Donald Ross' " and 1 Child 2 9, Allan Grant's " and 1 Child 2 10, William Chissim's " and 1 " 2 11, Donald Chissim's " and 2 Children 3 12, Hugh Chissim's " and 5 " 6 13, Roderick McDonald's " and 4 " 5 14, Angus Grant's " and 5 " 6 15, Alexander Grant's " and 4 " 5 16, Donald Grant's " and 4 " 5 17, John McDonald's Wife 1 18, John McGlenny's " and 2 " 3 19, Alexander Ferguson's " and 5 " 6 20, Thomas Ross' " and 4 " 5 21, Thomas Taylor's " and 1 Child 2 22, Alexander Cameron's " and 3 Children 4 23, William Cameron's " and 3 " 4 24, Frederick Goose's " and 4 " 5

Mrs. Helen MacDonell, wife of Allan, the chief, was apprehended and sentto Schenectady, and in 1780 managed to escape, and made her way to NewYork. Before she was taken, and while her husband was still a prisonerof war, she appears to have been the chief person who had charge of thesettlement, after the men had fled with Sir John Johnson. A letter ofhers has been preserved, which is not only interesting, but throws somelight on the action of the Highlanders. It is addressed to Major JellisFonda, at Caughnawaga. 

 "Sir: Some time ago I wrote you a letter, much to this purpose, concerning the Inhabitants of this Bush being made prisoners. There was no such thing then in agitation as you was pleased to observe in your letter to me this morning. Mr. Billie Laird came amongst the people to give them warning to go in to sign, and swear. To this they will never consent, being already prisoners of General Schuyler. His Excellency was pleased by your proclamation, directing every one of them to return to their farms, and that they should be no more troubled nor molested during the war. To this they agreed, and have not done anything against the country, nor intend to, if let alone. If not, they will lose their lives before being taken prisoners again. They begged the favour of me to write to Major Fonda and the gentlemen of the committee to this purpose. They blame neither the one nor the other of you gentlemen, but those ill-natured fellows amongst them that get up an excitement about nothing, in order to ingratiate themselves in your favour. They were of very great hurt to your cause since May last, through violence and ignorance. I do not know what the consequences would have been to them long ago, if not prevented. Only think what daily provocation does. 

 Jenny joins me in compliments to Mrs. Fonda. 

 I am, Sir, Your humble servant, Callachie, 15th March, 1777. Helen McDonell. "[125]

Immediately on the arrival of Sir John Johnson in Montreal, with hisparty who fled from Johnstown, he was commissioned a Colonel in theBritish service. At once he set about to organize a regiment composed ofthose who had accompanied him, and other refugees who had followed theirexample. This regiment was called the "King's Royal Regiment of NewYork, " but by Americans was known as "The Royal Greens, " probablybecause the facings of their uniforms were of that color. In theformation of the regiment he was instructed that the officers of thecorps were to be divided in such a manner as to assist those who weredistressed by the war; but there were to be no pluralities ofofficers, --a practice then common in the British army. 

In this regiment, Butler's Rangers, and the Eighty-Fourth, or RoyalHighland Emigrant Regiment also then raised, the Highland gentlemen whohad, in 1773, emigrated to Tryon county, received commissions, as wellas those who had previously had joined the ranks. After the war properreturns of the officers were made, and from these the following tableshave been extracted. The number of private soldiers of the same name arein proportion. 

 "FIRST BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK. -------|-------------------|--------|-------|----------------------------- Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS | |Nativity| |------------------------------------|-------|-----------------------------Captain|Alexander Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs. |200 acres of land in fee | (Aberchalder) | | | simple, under Sir John | | | | Johnson, at yearly annual | | | | rent of £6 per 100. Captain|Angus Macdonell |Scotland|25 yrs. |Ensign in 60th Regt. , 8th | | | | July, 1760; Lieut. In | | | | do. Dec 27, 1770; sold | | | | out on account of bad | | | | health, May 22, 1775. | | | | Had no lands. Captain|John Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Had landed property, 500 | (Scotas) | | | acres, purchased and | | | | began to improve in | | | | April, 1774. Captain|Archibald Macdonell|Scotland| 8 yrs. |Merchant; had no lands. | (Leek) | | |Captain|Allen Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Had 200 acres in feeLieut | (Leek) | | | simple, under Sir John, | | | | at £6 per 100 acres. Lieut |Hugh Macdonell |Scotland| 7 yrs. |Son of Captain Macdonell | (Aberchalder) | | |Ensign |Miles Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs. |Son of Captain John | (Scotas) | | | Macdonell. ==========================================================================

 SECOND BATTALION KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK-------|-------------------|--------|-------|----------------------------- Rank | NAME |Place of|Service| REMARKS | |Nativity| |-------|-------------------|--------|-------|-----------------------------Captain|James Macdonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Held ---- acres in fee simple, | | | | under Sir John, at | | | | £6 per 100 acres. Lieut |Ronald Macdonell |Scotland| 3 yrs. |Farmer. | (Leek) | | |==========================================================================

CORPS OF BUTLER'S RANGERS, COMMANDED BY LIEUTENANT-COLONEL JOHN BUTLER-------|-------------------|---------|-------|---------------------------- Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS | |Nativity | |-------|-------------------|----------|------|----------------------------Captain|John Macdonell |Inverness-|9 yrs. |Came to America with | (Aberchalder) |shire | | his father and other | |Scotland | | Highlanders in 1773, | | | | settled in Tryon County, | | | | near Johnstown, in | | | | the Province of New | | | | York; entered His | | | | Majesty's Service as a | | | | Subaltern Officer, June | | | | 14, 1775, in the 84th | | | | or Royal Highland | | | | Emigrants. First | | | |Lieut. |Alexander Macdonell|Inverness-|7 yrs. |Came to America with | (Collachie) |shire | | his father and other | |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in | | | | 1773, settled in Tryon | | | | County, near Johnstown, | | | | in the Province | | | | of New York; entered | | | | His Majesty's Service | | | | as a Volunteer in the | | | | 84th or Royal Highland | | | | Emigrants. Second | | | |Lieut. |Chichester |Inverness-|6 yrs. |Came to America with | Macdonell |shire | | his father and other | (Aberchalder) |Scotland | | Highland Emigrants in | | | | 1773, and settled near | | | | Johnstown; entered | | | | His Majesty's Service | | | | as a Volunteer in the | | | | King's Royal Regiment | | | | of New York in | | | | the year 1778. =======|===================|==========|======|============================ EIGHTY-FOURTH OR ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT=======|===================|==========|=======|=========================== Rank | NAME | Place of |Service| REMARKS | | Nativity | |-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------Captain|Allan Macdonell | | |Prisoner at Lancaster in | (Collachie) | | | Pennsylvania. Lieut. |Ronald Macdonell | |40 yrs. |Lieut. |Arch'd Macdonell | | 8 yrs. |=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================

 SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT-------|-------------------|----------|-------|--------------------------- Rank | NAME |Place of |Service| REMARKS | |Nativity | |-------|-------------------|----------|-------|---------------------------Lieut |Angus Macdonell | | | "[126]=======|===================|==========|=======|===========================

In the month of January, following his flight into Canada, Sir JohnJohnson found his way into the city of New York. From that time hebecame one of the most bitter and virulent foes of his countrymenengaged in the contest, and repeatedly became the scourge of his formerneighbors--in all of which his Highland retainers bore a prominent part. In savage cruelty, together with Butler's Rangers, they outrivalledtheir Indian allies. The aged, the infirm, helpless women, and theinnocent babe in the cradle, alike perished before them. In all this theMacDonells were among the foremost. Such warfare met the approval of theBritish Cabinet, and officers felt no compunction in relating theirachievements. Colonel Guy Johnson writing to lord George Germain, November 11, 1779, not only speaks of the result of his conference withSir John Johnson, but further remarks that "there appeared littleprospect of effecting anything beyond harrassing the frontiers withdetached partys. "[127] In all probability none of the official reportsrelated the atrocities perpetrated under the direction of the minorofficers. 

Although "The Royal Greens" were largely composed of the MohawkHighlanders, and especially all who decamped from Johnstown with SirJohn Johnson, and Butler's Rangers had a fair percentage of the same, itis not necessary to enter into a detailed account of their achievements, because neither was essentially Highlanders. Their movements were notalways in a body, and the essential share borne by the Highlanders havenot been recorded in the papers that have been preserved. Individualdeeds have been narrated, some of which are here given. 

The Royal Greens and Butler's Rangers formed a part of the expeditionunder Colonel Barry St. Leger that was sent against Fort Schuyler inorder to create a diversion in favor of General Burgoyne's army then onits march towards Albany. In order to relieve Fort Schuyler (Stanwix)General Herkimer with a force of eight hundred was dispatched and, onthe way, met the army of St. Leger near Oriskany, August 6, 1777. On the3rd St. Leger encamped before Fort Stanwix, his force numbering sixteenhundred, eight hundred of whom were Indians. Proper precautions were nottaken by General Herkimer, while every advantage was enforced by hiswary enemy. He fell into an ambuscade, and a desperate conflict ensued. During the conflict Colonel Butler attempted a _ruse-de guerre_, bysending, from the direction of the fort, a detachment of The RoyalGreens, disguised as American troops, in expectation that they might bereceived as reenforcements from the garrison. They were first noticed byLieutenant Jacob Sammons, who at once notified Captain Jacob Gardenier;but the quick eye of the latter had detected the ruse. The Greenscontinued to advance until hailed by Gardenier, at which moment one ofhis own men observing an acquaintance in the opposing ranks, andsupposing them to be friends, ran to meet him, and presented his hand. The credulous fellow was dragged into their lines and notified that hewas a prisoner. 

"He did not yield without a struggle; during which Gardenier, watchingthe action and the result, sprang forward, and with a blow from hisspear levelled the captor to the dust and liberated his man. Others ofthe foe instantly set upon him, of whom he slew the second and woundedthe third. Three of the disguised Greens now sprang upon him, and one ofhis spurs becoming entangled in their clothes, he was thrown to theground. Still, contending, however, with almost super-human strength, both of his thighs were transfixed to the earth by the bayonets of twoof his assailants, while the third presented a bayonet to his breast, asif to thrust him through. Seizing the bayonet with his left hand, by asudden wrench he brought its owner down upon himself, where he held himas a shield against the arms of the others, until one of his own men, Adam Miller, observing the struggle, flew to the rescue. As theassailants turned upon their new adversary, Gardenier rose upon hisseat; and although his hand was severely lacerated by grasping thebayonet which had been drawn through it, he seized his spear lying byhis side, and quick as lightning planted it to the barb in the side ofthe assailant with whom he had been clenched. The man fell andexpired--proving to be Lieutenant McDonald, one of the loyalistofficers from Tryon county. "[128]

This was John McDonald, who had been held as a hostage by GeneralSchuyler, and when permitted to return home, helped run off theremainder of the Highlanders to Canada, as previously noticed. June 19, 1777, he was appointed captain Lieutenant in The Royal Greens. [129]During the engagement thirty of The Royal Greens fell near the body ofMcDonald. The loss of Herkimer was two hundred killed, exclusive of thewounded and prisoners. The royalist loss was never given, but known tobe heavy. The Indians lost nearly a hundred warriors among whom weresachems held in great favor. The Americans retained possession of thefield owing to the sortie made by the garrison of Fort Schuyler on thecamp of St. Leger. On the 22nd St. Leger receiving alarming reports ofthe advance of General Arnold suddenly decamped from before FortSchuyler, leaving his baggage behind him. Indians, belonging to theexpedition followed in the rear, tomahawking and scalping thestragglers; and when the army did not run fast enough, they acceleratedthe speed by giving their war cries and fresh alarms, thus addingincreased terror to the demoralized troops. Of all the men that Butlertook with him, when he arrived in Quebec he could muster but fifty. TheRoyal Greens also showed their numbers greatly decimated. 

Among the prisoners taken by the Americans was Captain Angus McDonell ofThe Royal Greens. [130] For greater security he was transferred to thesouthern portion of the State. On October 12th following, at Kingston, he gave the following parole to the authorities:

 "I, Angus McDonell, lieutenant in the 60th or Royal American regiment, now a prisoner to the United States of America and enlarged on my parole, do promise upon my word of honor that I will continue within one mile of the house of Jacobus Hardenburgh, and in the town of Hurley, in the county of Ulster; and that I will not do any act, matter or thing whatsoever against the interests of America; and further, that I will remove hereafter to such place as the governor of the state of New York or the president of the Council of Safety of the said state shall direct, and that I will observe this my parole until released, exchanged or otherwise ordered. 

 Angus McDonell. "

[Illustration: The Valley of the Wyoming. ]

The following year Captain Angus McDonald and Allen McDonald, ensign inthe same company were transferred to Reading, Pennsylvania. The formerwas probably released or exchanged for he was with the regiment when itwas disbanded at the close of the War. What became of the latter isunknown. Probably neither of them were Sir John Johnson's tenants. 

The next movement of special importance relates to the melancholy storyof Wyoming, immortalized in verse by Thomas Campbell in his "Gertrude ofWyoming. " Towards the close of June 1778 the British officers at Niagaradetermined to strike a blow at Wyoming, in Pennsylvania. For thispurpose an expedition of about three hundred white men under ColonelJohn Butler, together with about five hundred Indians, marched for thescene of action. Just what part the McDonells took in the Massacre ofWyoming is not known, nor is it positive any were present; but belongingto Butler's Rangers it is fair to assume that all such participated inthose heartrending scenes which have been so often related. It was aterrible day and night for that lovely valley, and its beauty wassuddenly changed into horror and desolation. The Massacre of Wyomingstands out in bold relief as one of the darkest pictures in the wholepanorama of the Revolution. 

While this scene was being enacted, active preparations were pushed byAlexander McDonald for a descent on the New York frontiers. It was thesame Alexander who has been previously mentioned as having beenpermitted to return to the Johnstown settlement, and then assisted inhelping the remaining Highland families escape to Canada. He was a manof enterprise and activity, and by his energy he collected three hundredroyalists and Indians and fell with great fury upon the frontiers. Houses were burned, and such of the people as fell into his hands wereeither killed or made prisoners. One example of the blood thirstycharacter of this man is given by Sims, in his "Trappers of New York, "as follows:

 "On the morning of October 25, 1781, a large body of the enemy under Maj. Ross, entered Johnstown with several prisoners, and not a little plunder; among which was a number of human scalps taken the afternoon and night previous, in settlements in and adjoining the Mohawk valley; to which was added the scalp of Hugh McMonts, a constable, who was surprised and killed as they entered Johnstown. In the course of the day the troops from the garrisons near and militia from the surrounding country, rallied under the active and daring Willett, and gave the enemy battle on the Hall farm, in which the latter were finally defeated with loss, and made good their retreat into Canada. Young Scarsborough was then in the nine months' service, and while the action was going on, himself and one Crosset left the Johnstown fort, where they were on garrison duty, to join in the fight, less than two miles distant. Between the Hall and woods they soon found themselves engaged. Crosset after shooting down one or two, received a bullet through one hand, but winding a handkerchief around it he continued the fight under cover of a hemlock stump. He was shot down and killed there, and his companion surrounded and made prisoner by a party of Scotch (Highlanders) troops commanded by Captain McDonald. When Scarsborough was captured, Capt. McDonald was not present, but the moment he saw him he ordered his men to shoot him down. Several refused; but three, shall I call them men? obeyed the dastardly order, and yet he possibly would have survived his wounds, had not the miscreant in authority cut him down with his own broadsword. The sword was caught in its first descent, and the valiant captain drew it out, cutting the hand nearly in two. "[131]

This was the same McDonald who, in 1779, figured in the battle of theChemung, together with Sir John and Guy Johnson and Walter N. Butler. 

Just what part the Mohawk Highlanders, if any, had in the Massacre ofCherry Valley on October 11, 1778, may not be known. The leaders wereWalter N. Butler, son of Colonel John Butler, who was captain of acompany of Rangers, and the monster Brant. 

Owing to the frequent depredations made by the Indians, the RoyalGreens, Butler's Rangers, and the independent company of AlexanderMcDonald, upon the frontiers, destroying the innocent and helpless aswell as those who might be found in arms, Congress voted that anexpedition should be sent into the Indian country. Washington detached adivision from the army under General John Sullivan to lay waste thatcountry. The instructions were obeyed, and Sullivan did not cease untilhe found no more to lay waste. The only resistance he met with that wasof any moment was on August 29, 1779, when the enemy hoping to ambuscadethe army of Sullivan, brought on the battle of Chemung, near the presentsite of Elmira. There were about three hundred royalists under ColonelJohn Butler and Captain Alexander McDonald, assisting Joseph Brant whocommanded the Indians. The defeat was so overwhelming that the royalistsand Indians, in a demoralized condition sought shelter under the wallsof Fort Niagara. 

The lower Mohawk Valley having experienced the calamities of border warswas yet to feel the full measures of suffering. On Sunday, May 21, 1780, Sir John Johnson with some British troops, a detachment of RoyalGreens, and about two hundred Indians and Tories, at dead of night fellunexpectedly on Johnstown, the home of his youth. Families were killedand scalped, the houses pillaged and then burned. Instances of daringand heroism in withstanding the invaders have been recorded. 

Sir John's next achievement was in the fall of the same year, when hedescended with fire and sword into the rich settlements along theSchoharie. He was overtaken by the American force at Klock's Field andput to flight. 

Sir John Johnson with the Royal Greens, principally his former tenantsand retainers, appear to have been especially stimulated with hateagainst the people of their former homes who did not sympathize withtheir views. In the summer of 1781 another expedition was secretlyplanned against Johnstown, and executed with silent celerity. Theexpedition consisted of four companies of the Second battalion of SirJohn's regiment of Royal Greens, Butler's Rangers and two hundredIndians, numbering in all about one thousand men, under the command ofMajor Ross. He was defeated at the battle of Johnstown on October 25th. The army of Major Ross, for four days in the wilderness, on theiradvance had been living on only a half pound of horse flesh per man perday; yet they were so hotly pursued by the Americans that they wereforced to trot off a distance of thirty miles before theystopped, --during a part of the distance they were compelled to sustain arunning fight. They crossed Canada Creek late in the afternoon, whereWalter N. Butler attempted to rally the men. He was shot through thehead by an Oneida Indian, who was with the Americans. When CaptainButler fell his troops fled in the utmost confusion, and continued theirflight through the night. Without food and even without blankets theyhad eighty miles to traverse through the dreary and pathless wilderness. 

On August 6, 1781, Donald McDonald, one of the Highlanders who had fledfrom Johnstown, made an attempt upon Shell's Bush, about four milesnorth of the present village of Herkimer, at the head of sixty-sixIndians and Tories. John Christian Shell had built a block-house of hisown, which was large and substantial, and well calculated to withstanda seige. The first story had no windows, but furnished with loopholeswhich could be used to shoot through by muskets. The second storyprojected over the first, so that the garrison could fire upon anadvancing enemy, or cast missiles upon their heads. The owner had afamily of six sons, the youngest two were twins, and only eight yearsold. Most of his neighbors had taken refuge in Fort Dayton; but thissettler refused to leave his home. When Donald McDonald and his partyarrived at Shell's Bush his brother with his sons were at work in thefield; and the children, unfortunately were so widely separated fromtheir father, as to fall into the hands of the enemy. 

 "Shell and his other boys succeeded in reaching their castle, and barricading the ponderous door. And then commenced the battle. The besieged were well armed, and all behaved with admirable bravery; but none more bravely than Shell's wife, who loaded the pieces as her husband and sons discharged them. The battle commenced at two o'clock, and continued until dark. Several attempts were made by McDonald to set fire to the castle, but without success, and his forces were repeatedly driven back by the galling fire they received. McDonald at length procured a crow-bar and attempted to force the door; but while thus engaged he received a shot in the leg from Shell's Blunderbuss, which put him _hors du combat_. None of his men being sufficiently near at the moment to rescue him, Shell, quick as lightning, opened the door, and drew him within the walls a prisoner. The misfortune of Shell and his garrison was, that their ammunition began to run low; but McDonald was very amply provided, and to save his own life, he surrendered his cartridges to the garrison to fire upon his comrades. Several of the enemy having been killed and others wounded, they now drew off for a respite. Shell and his troops, moreover, needed a little breathing time; and feeling assured that, so long as he had the commanding officer of the beseigers in his possession, the enemy would hardly attempt to burn the citadel, he ceased firing. He then went up stairs, and sang the hymn which was a favorite of Luther during the perils and afflictions of the Great Reformer in his controversies with the Pope. While thus engaged the enemy likewise ceased firing. But they soon after rallied again to the fight, and made a desperate effort to carry the fortress by assault. Rushing up to the walls, five of them thrust the muzzles of their guns through the loopholes, but had no sooner done so, than Mrs. Shell, seizing an axe, by quick and well directed blows ruined every musket thus thrust through the walls, by bending the barrels. A few more well-directed shots by Shell and his sons once more drove the assailants back. Shell thereupon ran up to the second story, just in the twilight, and calling out to his wife with a loud voice, informed her that Captain Small was approaching from Fort Dayton with succors. In yet louder notes he then exclaimed--'Captain Small march your company round upon this side of the house. Captain Getman, you had better wheel your men off to the left, and come up upon that side. ' There were of course no troops approaching; but the directions of Shell were given with such precision, and such apparent earnestness and sincerity, that the stratagem succeeded, and the enemy immediately fled to the woods, taking away the twin-lads as prisoners. Setting the best provisions they had before their reluctant guest. Shell and his family lost no time in repairing to Fort Dayton, which they reached in safety--leaving McDonald in the quiet possession of the castle he had been striving to capture in vain. Some two or three of McDonald's Indians lingered about the premises to ascertain the fate of their leader; and finding that Shell and his family had evacuated the post, ventured in to visit him. Not being able to remove him, however, on taking themselves off, they charged their wounded leader to inform Shell, that if he would be kind to him, (McDonald, ) they would take good care of his (Shell's) captive boys. McDonald was the next day removed to the fort by Captain Small, where his leg was amputated; but the blood could not be stanched, and he died within a few hours. The lads were carried away into Canada. The loss of the enemy on the ground was eleven killed and six wounded. The boys, who were rescued after the war, reported that they took twelve of their wounded away with them, nine of whom died before they arrived in Canada. McDonald wore a silver-mounted tomahawk, which was taken from him by Shell. It was marked by thirty scalp-notches, showing that few Indians could have been more industrious than himself in gathering that description of military trophies. "[132]

The close of the Revolution found the First Battalion of the King'sRegiment of New York stationed at Isle aux Noix and Carleton Island withtheir wives and children to the number of one thousand four hundred andsixty-two. The following is a list of the officers of both Battalions atthe close of the War:

"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK. "-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------ | | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS | |Nativity|Service|-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------Lt |Sir John Johnson |America | 8 yrs. |Succeeded his father, the lateCol | Bart | | | Sir Wm. Johnson, as aCom | | | | Maj. Gen. Of the NorthernLt | | | | Dis. Of the Prov. Of New | | | | York; was in possession | | | | of nearly 200, 000 acres of | | | | valuable land, lost in | | | consequence | | | | of the rebellion. Maj |James Gray |Scotland|26 yrs. |Ensign in Lord London's | | | | Regt. , 1745; Lieut, and | | | | Capt. In ye 42nd till after | | | | taking the Havannah, at | | | | which time he sold out. | | | | Had some landed property, | | | | part of which is secured | | | | to his son, ye remnant | | | | lost in consequence | | | | of the rebellion. Capt |Angus McDonell |Scotland|25 yrs. |Ensign in 60th Regt. July | | | | 8th, 1760; Lieut, in same | | | | regt. , 27th Dec. , 1770. | | | | Sold out on account of bad | | | | state of health, 22nd May, | | | | 1775. Had no lands. Capt |John Munro |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Had considerable landed | | | | property, lost in | | | | consequence of ye Rebellion, | | | | and served in last war in | | | | America. Capt |Patrick Daly |Ireland | 9 yrs. |Lieut, in the 84th Regt. At | | | | the Siege of Quebec, | | | | 1775-76. Capt |Richard Duncan |Scotland|13 yrs. |Five years Ensign in the | | | | 56th Regiment. Capt |Sam'l. Anderson |America | 8 yrs. |Had landed property, and | | | | served in last war in | | | | America. Capt |John McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Had landed property, 500 | | | | acres, purchased and began | | | | to improve in April | | | | 1774. Capt |Alex McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |200 acres of land in fee | | | | simple under Sir John | | | | Johnson. Bart. , ye annual | | | | rent of £6 per 100-------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------

"RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE FIRST BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK. "-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------ | | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS | |Nativity|Service|-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------Capt |Arch. McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Merchant. No lands. Capt |Allan McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Held 200 acres of land underLt | | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6 | | | | per 100. Lt |Mal. McMartin |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Held 100 acres of land under | | | | Sir John Johnson, at £6. Lt |Peter Everett |America | 7 yrs. |Had some landed property. Lt |John Prentiss |America | 9 yrs. |A volunteer at the Siege of | | | | Quebec, 1775-76. Lt |Hugh McDonell |Scotland| 7 yrs. |Son of Capt. McDonell. Lt |John F. Holland |America | 5 yrs. |Son of Major Holland, | | | | Surveyor-General, | | | | Province of Quebec. Lt |William Coffin |America | 3 yrs. |Son of Mr. Coffin, merchant, | | | | late of Boston. Lt |Jacob Farrand |America | 7 yrs. |Nephew to Major Gray. Lt |William Claus |America | 7 yrs. |Son of Col. Claus, deputy | | | | agent Indian Affairs. Lt |Hugh Munro |America | 6 yrs. |Son of Capt. John Munro. Lt |Joseph Anderson |America | 6 yrs. |Son of Capt. Sam'l Anderson. Lt |Thomas Smith |Ireland | 4 yrs. |Son of Dr. Smith. Ens |John Connolly |Ireland | 2 yrs. |Private Gentleman. Ens |Jacob Glen |America | 3 yrs. |Son of John Glen, Esq. , of | | | | Schenectady. Had | | | | considerable landed | | | | property. Ens |Miles McDonell |Scotland| 3 yrs. |Son of Capt. John McDonell. Ens |Eben'r Anderson |America | 6 yrs. |Son of Capt. Sam'l. Anderson. Ens |Duncan Cameron |Scotland|14 yrs. |In service last war preceding | | | | this one. Ens |John Mann |America | 8 yrs. |Private Gentleman. Ens |Francis McCarthy |Ireland |28 yrs. |Formerly Sergeant in the | | | | 34th Regiment. Ens |John Valentine |America |24 yrs. |18 years in 55th and 62nd | | | | Regiments. Ch'p |John Doty |America | 8 yrs. |Formerly minister of the | | | | Gospel at Schenectady. Adjt |James Valentine |Ireland | 4 yrs. |Son of Ens John Valentine. Q. M. |Isaac Mann |America | 8 yrs. |Merchant. Surg. |Charles Austin |England |22 yrs. |14 years in hospital work. M'te |James Stewart |Scotland|14 yrs. |Surgeon's mate in the 42nd | | | | Regt. The war before last. -------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------

 "RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK. "-------|-------------------|--------+-------+------------------------------ | | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND Rank | NAMES |Place of| of | REMARKS | |Nativity|Service|-------|-------------------|--------|-------|------------------------------Maj. |Robert Leake |England | 7 yrs. |Had some landed property, | | | | etc. , lost in consequence | | | | of the rebellion. Capt. |Thos. Gummesell |England | 8 yrs. |Formerly Merchant in New | | | | York. Capt. |Jacob Maurer |Foreign'r|28 yrs|Served in ye army in the | | | | 60th Regt. , from 1756 to | | | | 1763, afterwards in the | | | | Quarter-Master General's | | | | Dept. Capt. | Wm. Morrison |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Was lieut. , 19th June, 1776, | | | | in 1st Batt. ; Capt. , 15th | | | | Nov. , 1781, in the 2nd | | | | Batt. Capt. |James McDonell |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Held 200 acres of land in fee | | | | simple, under Sir John | | | | Johnson, at £6 per 100. Capt. |Geo. Singleton |Ireland | 8 yrs. |Formerly merchant. Capt. |Wm. Redf'd Crawford|America | 8 yrs. |Held lands under Sir John | | | | Johnson. Capt. |---- Byrns |Ireland | 8 yrs. |Held lands under Sir John | | | | Johnson. Capt. |---- Lepscomb |England | 7 yrs. |Midshipman Royal Navy. Capt. |---- McKenzie |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Held lands under Sir John | | | | Johnson. Lt. |Patrick Langan |Ireland | 7 yrs. |Private Gentleman. Lt. |Walter Sutherland |Scotland|10 yrs. |Soldier and non-commissioned | | | | officer in 26th Regt; | | | | ensign, 17th Oct. , 1779, in | | | | 1st Batt. , lieut. , Nov. , | | | | 1781, in 2nd Batt. Lt. |William McKay |Scotland|15 yrs. |7 years volunteer and | | | | sergeant in 21st Regt. Lt. |Neal Robertson |Scotland| 8 yrs. |Merchant. Lt. |Henry Young |America | 8 yrs. |Farmer. Lt. |John Howard |Ireland |18 yrs. |Farmer; served 6 years last | | | | war, from 1755 to 1761, as | | | | soldier and | | | | non-commissioned officer | | | | in 28th Regt. -------+-------------------+--------+-------+------------------------------

 "RETURN OF THE OFFICERS OF THE LATE SECOND BATTALION, KING'S ROYAL REGIMENT OF NEW YORK. "--Continued. -------|-------------------|---------+-------+----------------------------- | | |Length | FORMER SITUATIONS AND Rank | NAMES |Place of | of | REMARKS | |Nativity |Service|-------|-------------------|---------|-------|-----------------------------Lt. |Jeremiah French |America | 7 yrs. | Farmer. Lt. |Phil. P. Lansingh |America | 4 yrs. |High Sheriff, Chariot County. Lt. |Hazelt'n Spencer |America | 7 yrs. |Farmer. Lt. |Oliver Church |America | 7 yrs. |Farmer. Lt. |William Fraser |Scotland | 7 yrs. |Farmer. Lt. |Christian Wher |Foreign'r| 7 yrs. |Farmer. Ens. |Alex. McKenzie |N. Britain| 4 yrs. |Farmer. Ens. |Ron. McDonell |N. Britain| 3 yrs. |Farmer. Ens. |---- Hay |America | 3 yrs. |Son of Gov. Hay at Detroit. Ens. |Samuel McKay |America | 3 yrs. |Son of the late Capt. McKay. Ens. |Timothy Thompson |America | 3 yrs. |Private Gentleman. Ens. |John McKay |America | 3 yrs. |Son of the late Capt. McKay. Ens. |---- Johnson |Ireland | 2 yrs. |Nephew of the late Sir Wm. | | | | Johnson, Bart. Ens. |---- Crawford |America | 4 yrs. |Son of Capt. Crawford. Ch'p |John Stuart |America | 3 yrs. |Missionary for the Mohawk | | | | Indians at Fort Hunter. Adjt. |---- Fraser |Scotland |10 yrs. |7 years soldier and | | | | non-commissioned officer in | | | | 34th Regiment. Q. M. |---- Dies |America | 7 yrs. |Farmer. Surg. |R. Kerr |Scotland | 8 yrs. |Assistant Surgeon. [133]=======+===================+=========+=======+=============================

The officers and men of the First Battalion, with their families, settled in a body in the first five townships west of the boundary lineof the Province of Quebec, being the present townships of Lancaster, Charlottenburgh, Cornwall, Osnabruck and Williamsburgh; while those ofthe Second Battalion went farther west to the Bay of Quinte, in thecounties of Lennox and Prince Edward. Each soldier received acertificate entitling him to land; of which the following is a copy:

 "His Majesty's Provincial Regiment, called the King's Royal Regiment of New York, whereof Sir John Johnson, Knight and Baronet is Lieutenant-Colonel, Commandant. 

 These are to certify that the Bearer hereof, Donald McDonell, soldier in Capt. Angus McDonell's Company, of the aforesaid Regiment, born in the Parish of Killmoneneoack, in the County of Inverness, aged thirty-five years, has served honestly and faithfully in the said regiment Seven Years; and in consequence of His Majesty's Order for Disbanding the said Regiment, he is hereby discharged, is entitled, by His Majesty's late Order, to the Portion of Land allotted to each soldier of His Provincial Corps, who wishes to become a Settler in this Province. He having first received all just demands of Pay, Cloathing, &c. , from his entry into the said Regiment, to the Date of his Discharge, as appears from his Receipt on the back hereof. 

 Given under my Hand and Seal at Arms, at Montreal, this twenty-fourth Day of December, 1783. 

 John Johnson. "

 "I, Donald McDonell, private soldier, do acknowledge that I have received all my Cloathing, Pay, Arrears of Pay, and all Demands whatsoever, from the time of my Inlisting in the Regiment and Company mentioned on the other Side to this present Day of my Discharge, as witness my Hand this 24th day of December, 1783. 

 Donald McDonell. "[134]

There appears to have been some difficulty in according to the men theamount of land each should possess, as may be inferred from the petitionof Colonel John Butler on behalf of The Royal Greens and his corps ofRangers. The Order in Council, October 22 1788 allowed them the same asthat allotted to the members of the Royal Highland Emigrants. [135]Ultimately each soldier received one hundred acres on the river front, besides two hundred at a remote distance. If married he was entitled tofifty acres more, an additional fifty for every child. Each child, oncoming of age, was entitled to a further grant of two hundred acres. 

It is not the purpose to follow these people into their future homes, for this would be later than the Peace of 1783. Let it suffice to saythat their lands were divided by lot, and into the wilderness they went, and there cleared the forests, erected their shanties out of round logs, to a height of eight feet, with a room not exceeding twenty by fifteenfeet. 

These people were pre-eminently social and attached to the manners andcustoms of their fathers. In Scotland the people would gather in one oftheir huts during the long winter nights and listen to the tales ofOssian and Fingal. So also they would gather in their huts and listen tothe best reciter of tales. Often the long nights would be turned into arecital of the sufferings they endured during their flight into Canadafrom Johnstown; and also of their privations during the long course ofthe war. It required no imagination to picture their hardships, nor wasit necessary to indulge in exaggeration. Many of the women, through thewilderness, carried their children on their backs, the greater part ofthe distance, while the men were burdened with their arms and such goodsas were deemed necessary. They endured perils by land and by water; andtheir food often consisted of the flesh of dogs and horses, and theroots of trees. Gradually some of these story tellers varied their tale, and, perhaps, believed in the glosses. 

A good story has gained extensive currency, and has been variously told, on Donald Grant. He was born at Crasky, Glenmoriston, Scotland, and wasone of the heroes who sheltered prince Charles in the cave of Corombian, when wandering about, life in hand, after the battle of Culloden, beforehe succeeded in effecting his escape to the Outer Hebrides. Donald, withothers, settled in Glengarry, a thousand acres having been allotted tohim. This old warrior, having seen much service, knew well the countrybetween Johnstown and Canada. He took charge of one of the parties ofrefugees in their journey from Schenectady to Canada. Donald lived to agood old age and was treated with much consideration by all, especiallythose whom he had led to their new homes. It was well known that hecould spin a good story equal to the best. As years went on, the numberof Donald's party rapidly increased, as he told it to open-mouthedlisteners, constantly enlarging on the perils and hardships of thejourney. A Highland officer, who had served in Canada for some years, was returning home, and, passing through Glengarry, spent a few dayswith Alexander Macdonell, priest at St. Raphael's. Having expressed hisdesire to meet some of the veterans of the war, so that he might heartheir tales and rehearse them in Scotland, that they might know howtheir kinsmen in Canada had fought and suffered for the Crown, thepriest, amongst others, took him to see old Donald Grant. Theopportunity was too good to be lost, and Donald told the general inGaelic the whole story, omitting no details; giving an account of thenumber of men, women and children he had brought with him, their perilsand their escapes, their hardships borne with heroic devotion; how, whenon the verge of starvation, they had boiled their moccasins and eatenthem; how they had encountered the enemy, the wild beasts and Indians, beaten all off and landed the multitude safely in Glengarry. The Generallistened with respectful attention, and at the termination of thenarrative, wishing to say something pleasant, observed: "Why, dear me, Donald, your exploits seem almost to have equalled even those of Moseshimself when leading the children of Israel through the Wilderness fromEgypt to the Land of Promise. " Up jumped old Donald. "Moses, " exclaimedthe veteran with an unmistakable air of contempt, and adding a doubleexpletive that need not here be repeated, "Compare ME to Moses! Why, Moses took forty years in his vain attempts to lead his men over a muchshorter distance, and through a mere trifling wilderness in comparisonwith mine, and he never did reach his destination, and lost half hisarmy in the Red Sea. I brought my people here without the loss of asingle man. "

It has been noted that the Highlanders who settled on the Mohawk, on thelands of Sir William Johnson, were Roman Catholics. Sir William, nor hisson and successor, Sir John Johnson, took any steps to procure them areligious teacher in the principles of their faith. They were not soprovided until after the Revolution, and then only when they weresettled on the lands that had been allotted to them. In 1785, the peoplethemselves took the proper steps to secure such an one, --and one who wasable to speak the Gaelic, for many of them were ignorant of the Englishlanguage. In the month of September, 1786, the ship "McDonald, " fromGreenock, brought Reverend Alexander McDonell, Scotus, with five hundredemigrants from Knoydart, who settled with their kinsfolk in Glengarry, Canada. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 101: Gentleman's Magazine, Sept. 30, 1773. ]

[Footnote 102: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. II. P. 151. ]

[Footnote 103: _Ibid_, p. 637. ]

[Footnote 104: _Ibid_, p. 638. ]

[Footnote 105: _Ibid_, p. 661. ]

[Footnote 106: _Ibid_, p. 665. ]

[Footnote 107: _Ibid_, p. 672. ]

[Footnote 108: _Ibid_, p. 712. ]

[Footnote 109: _Ibid_, p. 880. ]

[Footnote 110: Stone's Life of Brant, Vol. I, p. 106. ]

[Footnote 111: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III. P. 1194. ]

[Footnote 112: _Ibid_, p. 1245. ]

[Footnote 113: _Ibid_, p. 1963. ]

[Footnote 114: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 651. ]

[Footnote 115: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. IV, pp. 818-829. ]

[Footnote 116: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 668. ]

[Footnote 117: See Appendix, Note J. ]

[Footnote 118: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 447. ]

[Footnote 119: _Ibid_, p. 643. ]

[Footnote 120: _Ibid_, p. 642. ]

[Footnote 121: _Ibid_, p. 644. ]

[Footnote 122: _Ibid_, p. 511. ]

[Footnote 123: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 683. ]

[Footnote 124: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI. P. 647. ]

[Footnote 125: Sir John Johnson's Orderly Book, p. LXXXII. ]

[Footnote 126: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry in Canada, p. 22. ]

[Footnote 127: Documentary and Colonial History of New York, Vol. VIII, p. 779. ]

[Footnote 128: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. I, p. 238. ]

[Footnote 129: Johnson's Orderly Book, p. 57. ]

[Footnote 130: _Ibid_, p. 59. ]

[Footnote 131: _Ibid_, p. 56. ]

[Footnote 132: Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, Vol. II, p. 164. ]

[Footnote 133: Macdonell's Sketches of Glengarry, p. 47. ]

[Footnote 134: _Ibid_, p. 51. ]

[Footnote 135: See Appendix, Note K. ]

CHAPTER IX. 

THE GLENALADALE HIGHLANDERS OF PRINCE EDWARD ISLAND. 

Highlanders had penetrated into the wilds of Ontario, Nova Scotia andPrince Edward Island before they had formed any distinctive settlementsof their own. Some of these belonged to the disbanded regiments, but thebulk had come into the country, either through the spirit of adventure, or else to better their condition, and establish homes that would befree from usurpation, oppression, and persecution. It cannot be saidthat any portion of Canada, at that period, was an inviting field. TheHighland settlement that bears the honor of being the first in BritishNorth America is that on Prince Edward Island, on the north coast at thehead of Tracadie Bay, almost due north of Charlottetown. This settlementwas due to John Macdonald, Eighth of Glenaladale, of the family ofClanranald. 

John Macdonald was but a child at the date of the battle of Culloden. When of sufficient age he was sent to Ratisbon, Germany, to be educated, where he went through a complete course in the branches of learning astaught in the seminary. Returning to his country he was considered to beone of the most finished and accomplished gentlemen of his generation. But events led him to change his prospects in life. In 1770 a violentpersecution against the Roman Catholics broke out in the island of SouthUist. Alexander Macdonald, First of Boisdale, also of the house ofClanranald, abandoned the religion of his forbears, and like all newconverts was over zealous for his new found faith, and at once attemptedto compel all his tenants to follow his example. After many acts ofoppression, he summoned all his tenants to hear a paper read to them intheir native tongue, containing a renunciation of their religion, and apromise, under oath, never more to hold communication with a catholicpriest. The alternative was to sign the paper or lose their lands andhomes. At once the people unanimously decided to starve rather thansubmit. The next step of Boisdale was to take his gold headed cane anddrive his tenants before him, like a flock of sheep, to the protestantchurch. Boisdale failed to realize that conditions had changed in theHighlands; but, even if his methods had smacked of originality, he wouldhave been placed in a far better light. To attempt to imitate theexample of another may win applause, but if defeated contempt is thelot. 

The history of _Creideamh a bhata bhuidhe_, or the religion of theyellow stick, is such an interesting episode in West Highland story asnot to be out of place in this connection. Hector MacLean, Fifth ofColl, who held the estates from 1559 to 1593, became convinced of thetruths of the principles of the Reformation, and decided that histenants should think likewise. He passed over to the island of Rum, andas his tenants came out of the Catholic church he held his cane straightout and said in Gaelic, --"Those who pass the stick to the Kirk are verygood tenants, and those who go on the other side may go out of myisland. " This stick remained in the family until 1868, when itmysteriously disappeared. Mrs. Hamilton Dundas, daughter of Hugh, Fifteenth of Coll, in a letter dated March 26, 1898, describing thestick says, "There was the crest on the top and initials either H. McL. Or L. McL. In very flourishing writing engraved on a band or oval belowthe top. It was a polished, yellow brown malacca stick, much taller thanan ordinary walking stick. I seem to recollect that it had two goldrimmed eyelet holes for a cord and tassle. "

John Macdonald of Glenaladale, having heard of the proceedings, went tovisit the people, and was so touched by their pitiable condition, thathe formed the resolution of expatriating himself, and going off at theirhead to America. He sold out his estates to his cousin AlexanderMacdonald of Borrodale, and before the close of 1771, he purchased atract of forty thousand acres on St. John's Island (now Prince EdwardIsland), to which he took out about two hundred of his persecuted fellowcatholics from South Uist, in the year 1772. 

Whatever may have been the trials endured by these people, what shipthey sailed in, how the land was allotted, if at all given to thepublic, has not come under the author's observation. Certain factsconcerning Glenaladale have been advertised. His first wife was MissGordon of Baldornie, and his second, Marjory Macdonald of Ghernish, andhad issue, Donald who emigrated with him, William, drowned on the coastof Ireland, John, Roderick and Flora. He died in 1811, and was buried onthe Island at the Scotch Fort. 

Glenaladale early took up arms against the colonists, and having raiseda company from among his people, he became a Captain in the RoyalHighland Emigrants, or 84th. That he was a man of energy and pluck willappear from the following daring enterprise. During the Revolution, anAmerican man-of-war came to the coast of Nova Scotia, near a port whereGlenaladale was on detachment duty, with a small portion of his men. Apart of the crew of the warship having landed for the purpose ofplundering the people, Glenaladale, with his handful of men, boarded thevessel, cut down those who had been left in charge, hoisted sail, andbrought her as a prize triumphantly into the harbor of Halifax. He theregot a reinforcement, marched back to his former post, and took the wholecrew, composed of Americans and French. As regards his military virtuesand abilities Major John Small, of the 2nd Battalion of the RoyalHighland Emigrants, to which he was attached, writing to the Englishgovernment, said of him, --

 "The activity and unabating zeal of Captain John Macdonald of Glenaladale in bringing an excellent company into the field is his least recommendation, being acknowledged by all who know his rank in his Majesty's service. "

Slight information may be gained of his connection with the RoyalHighland Emigrant Regiment from the "Letter-Book" of Captain AlexanderMcDonald, of the same regiment. In embodying that regiment he was amongthe very earliest and readiest. Just why he should have exhibited somuch feeling against the Americans whose country he had never seen andwho had never harmed him in the least, does not appear. CaptainMcDonald, writing from Halifax, September 1, 1775, to Colonel AllanMacLean, says, --

 "What Men that are on the Island of St. Johns (Prince Edward's) are already Engaged with Glenaladall who is now here with me, also young Mcdonald, with whom he came, he will Write to you by this opportunity and from the Contents of his Letter I will Leave you to Judge what sort of a Man he is. "

By the same letter, "young Mcdonald" had been sent "to ye Island of St. John, " unquestionably for the purpose of raising the Highlanders. Hisgreat zeal is revealed in a letter from Captain Alexander McDonald toMajor Small, dated at Halifax, November 15, 1775:

 "Mr. McDonald of Glenaladale staid behind at Newfoundland and by the Last accounts from him he and one Lt Fizgerald had Six and thirty men. I dont doubt by this time his having as many more, he is determined to make out his Number Cost what it will, and I hope you will make out a Commission in his brother Donald's name, * * * poor Glenaladall I am afraid is Lost as there is no account of him since a small Schooner Arrived which brought an account of his having Six & thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost He is unavoidably ruined in his Means. "

The last reference is in a letter to Colonel Allan MacLean, dated atHalifax June 5, 1776:

 "Glen a la Del is an Ornament to any Corps that he goes into and if the Regiment is not established it had been telling him 300 Guineas that he had never heard of it. On Account of his Affairs upon the Island of St. John's and in Scotland where he was preparing to go to settle his Business when he received the Proposals. "

The British government offered Glenaladale the governorship of PrinceEdward Island, but owing to the oath of allegiance necessary at thetime, he, being a catholic, was obliged to decline the office. 

CHAPTER X. 

HIGHLAND SETTLEMENT IN PICTOU, NOVA SCOTIA. 

 "What noble courage must their hearts have fired, How great the ardor which their souls inspired, Who leaving far beyond their native plain Have sought a home beyond the western main; And braved the perils of thestormy seas In search of wealth, of freedom, and of ease. Oh, none can tell, but those who sadly share, The bosom's anguish, and its wild despair, What dire distress awaits the hardy bands, That venture first on bleak and desert lands; How great the pain, the danger and the toil Which mark the first rude culture of the soil. When looking round, the lonely settler sees His home amid a wilderness of trees; How sinks his heart in those deep solitudes, Where not a voice upon his ear intrudes; Where solemn silence all the waste pervades, Heightening the horror of its gloomy shades; Save where the sturdy woodman's strokes resound That strew the fallen forest on the ground. " --_H. Goldsmith_. 

The second settlement of Highlanders in British America was at Pictou, Nova Scotia. The stream of Scottish emigration which flowed in afteryears, not only over the county of Pictou, but also over the greaterportion of eastern Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Prince Edward Island, andeven the upper provinces of Canada, was largely due to this settlement;for these emigrants, in after years, communicated with their friends andinduced them to take up their abode in the new country. The stream oncestarted did not take long to deepen and widen. 

A company of gentlemen, the majority of whom lived in Philadelphia, received a grant of land in Nova Scotia. Some of the shares passed intothe hands of the celebrated Dr. John Witherspoon and John Pagan, amerchant of Greenock, Scotland. These two men appear to have jointlybeen engaged in promoting emigration to the older colonies. Pagan owneda ship called _Hector_, which was engaged in carrying passengers acrossthe Atlantic. In 1770 she landed Scottish emigrants in Boston. In orderto carry out the original obligations of the grant, the proprietorsoffered liberal inducements for the settlement of it. An agent, namedJohn Ross, was employed, with whom it was agreed that each settlershould have a free passage from Scotland, a farm, and a year's freeprovisions. Ross sailed for Scotland on board the Hector, and on hisarrival proceeded to the Highlands, where he painted in glowing colors apicture of the land and the advantages offered. The Highlanders knewnothing of the difficulties awaiting them in a land covered over with adense unbroken forest, and, tempted by the prospect of owning splendidfarms, they were imposed upon, and many agreed to cast their lot on thewestern side of the Atlantic. The Hector was the vessel that shouldconvey them, with John Spears as master, James Orr being first mate, andJohn Anderson second. The vessel called first at Greenock, where threefamilies and five young men were taken on board. From there she sailedfor Lochbroom, in Rossshire, where she received thirty-three familiesand twenty-five single men, having all told about two hundred souls. 

On July 1, 1773, this band bade adieu to friends, home, and country andstarted for a land they knew naught of. But few had ever crossed theocean. Just as the ship was starting a piper named John McKay came onboard who had not paid his passage; the captain ordered him ashore, butthe strains of the national instrument so affected those on board thatthey interceded to have him allowed to accompany them, and offered toshare their own rations with him, in exchange for his music, during thepassage. Their request was granted, and his performance aided in nosmall degree to cheer the pilgrims in their long voyage of eleven weeks, in a miserable hulk, across the Atlantic. The band of emigrants kept uptheir spirits, as best they could, by song, pipe music, dancing, wrestling, and other amusements, during the long and painful voyage. TheHector was an old Dutch ship, and a slow sailer. It was so rotten thatthe passengers could pick the wood out of the sides with their fingers. They met with a severe gale off the Newfoundland coast, and were drivenback so far that it required two weeks to recover the lost distance. Theaccommodations on board were wretched and the provisions of inferiorquality. Small-pox and dysentery broke out among the passengers. Eighteen, most of whom were children, died and were committed to thedeep. The former disease was brought on board by a mother and child, both of whom lived to an advanced age. Owing to the voyage beingprolonged, the stock of provisions and water became low; the remnant offood left consisted mostly of salt meat, which, with the scarcity ofwater, added greatly to their sufferings. The oatcake, carried by them, became mouldy, so that much of it was thrown away before they thoughtsuch a long passage was before them; but, fortunately for them, HughMacleod, more prudent than the rest, gathered into a bag these despisedscraps, and during the last few days of the voyage, all were glad toavail themselves of this refuse food. 

At last, all the troubles and dangers of the voyage having beensurmounted, on September 15th, the Hector dropped anchor, opposite wherethe town of Pictou now stands. Previous to the arrival of the vessel, the sparsely inhabited country had been somewhat disturbed by theIndians. Word had been received that the Hector was on the way to thatregion with Highland emigrants. The whites warned the Indians that theHighlanders were coming--the same men they had seen at the taking ofQuebec. When the Hector appeared, according to the fashion of that time, her sides were painted in imitation of gunports, which induced theimpression that she was a man-of-war. Though the Highland dress was thenproscribed at home, this emigrant band, carefully preserving and fondlycherishing the national costume, carried it along with them, and, incelebration of their arrival, many of the younger men donned themselvesin their kilts, with _Sgian Dubh_ and the claymore. Just as the vesseldropped anchor, the piper blew up his pipes with might and main, and itsthrilling sounds then first startling the denizens of the endlessforest, caused the Indians to fly in terror, and were not again seenthere for quite an interval. After the terror of the Indians hadsubsided, they returned to cultivate the friendship of the Highlanders, and proved to be of great assistance. From them they learned to make anduse snowshoes, to call moose, and acquired the art of woodcraft. Oftentoo from them they received provisions. They never gave them anytrouble, and generally showed real kindness. 

The first care of the emigrants was to provide for the sick. The wife ofHugh Macleod had just died of smallpox, and the body was sent ashore andburied. Several were sick, and others dying. The resident settlers didall within their power to alleviate the sufferers; and with the supplyof fresh provisions most of the sick rapidly recovered, but some died onboard the vessel. 

However great may have been the expectation of these poor creatures onthe eve of their leaving Scotland, their hopes almost deserted them bythe sight that met their view as they crowded on the deck of the vesselto see their future homes. The primeval forest before them was unbroken, save a few patches on the shore between Brown's Point and the head ofthe harbor, which had been cleared by the few people who had precededthem. They were landed without the provisions promised them, and withoutshelter of any kind, and were only able, with the help of the earliersettlers, to erect camps of the rudest and most primitive description, to shelter their sick, their wives and children from the elements. Theirfeelings of disappointment were most bitter, when they compared theactual facts with the free farms and the comfort promised them by theemigration agent. Although glad to be freed from the pest-house of theship, yet they were so overcome by their disappointment that many ofthem sat down and wept bitterly. The previous settlers could not promisefood for one-third of those who had arrived on board the Hector, andwhat provisions were there soon became exhausted, and the season was toolate to raise another crop. To make matters still worse, they were sentthree miles into the forest, so that they could not even take advantage, with the same ease, of any fish that might be caught in the harbor. These men were unskilled, and the work of cutting down the gigantictrees, and clearing up the land appeared to them to be a hopeless task. They were naturally afraid of the Indians and the wild beasts; andwithout roads or paths through the forest, they were frightened to move, doubtful about being lost in the wilderness. 

Under circumstances, such as above narrated, it is not surprising thatthe people refused to settle on the company's land. In consequence ofthis, when the supplies did arrive, the agents refused to give them any. To add still further to the difficulties, there arose a jealouslybetween them and the older settlers; Ross quarrelled with the company, and ultimately he left the newcomers to their fate. The few who had alittle money with them bought food of the agents, while others, lessfortunate, exchanged clothing for provisions; but the majority hadabsolutely nothing to buy with; and what little the others couldpurchase was soon devoured. Driven to extremity they insisted on havingthe supplies that had been sent to them. They were positively refused, and now determined on force in order to save the colony from starvation. Donald McDonald and Colin Douglass went to the store seized the agents, tied them, took their guns from them, which they hid at a distance. Thenthey carefully measured the articles, took account of what each manreceived, that the same might be paid for, in case they should everbecome able. They then left, leaving behind them Roderick McKay, a manof great energy and determination, a leader among them, who was toliberate the agents--Robert Patterson and Dr. Harris--as soon as theothers could get to a safe distance, when he released them and informedthem where their guns might be found, and then got out of the wayhimself. 

Intelligence was at once dispatched to Halifax that the Highlanders werein rebellion, from whence orders were sent to Captain Thomas Archibaldof Truro, to march his company of militia to Pictou to suppress andpacify the rebels; but to his honor, be it said, he pointedly refused, and made reply, "I will do no such thing; I know the Highlanders, and ifthey are fairly treated there will be no trouble with them. " Correctrepresentations of the case were sent to Halifax, and as lord WilliamCampbell, whose term as governor had just expired, was still there, andinteresting himself on behalf of the colony as his countrymen, hesecured orders for the provisions. Robert Patterson, in after years, admitted that the Highlanders, who had arrived in poverty, paid himevery farthing with which he had trusted them, notwithstanding the factthat they had been so badly treated. 

Difficulties hemming them in on every hand, with rigorous winterapproaching, the majority removed to Truro, and places adjacent, toobtain by their labor food for their families. A few settled atLondonderry, some went to Halifax, and still others to Windsor andCornwallis. In, these settlements, the fathers, mothers, and even thechildren were forced to bind themselves, virtually as slaves, that theymight have subsistence. Those who remained, --seventy in number--lived insmall huts, covered over only with the bark and branches of trees toshelter them from the bitter cold of winter, enduring incrediblehardships. To procure food for their families, they must trudge eightymiles to Truro, through cold and snow and a trackless forest, and thereobtaining a bushel or two of potatoes, and a little flour, in exchangefor their labor, they had to return, carrying the supply either on theirbacks, or else dragging it behind them on handsleds. The way was besetwith dangers such as the climbing of steep hills, the descending of highbanks, crossing of brooks on the trunk of a single tree, the sinking inwet or boggy ground, and the camping out at night without shelter. Eventhe potatoes with which they were supplied were of an inferior grade, being soft, and such as is usually fed to cattle. Sometimes the cold wasso piercing that the potatoes froze to their backs. 

Many instances have been related of the privations of this period, someof which are here subjoined. Hugh Fraser, after having exhausted everymeans of procuring food for his family, resorted to the expedient ofcutting down a birch tree and boiling the buds, which he gave them toeat. He then went to a heap, where one of the first settlers had buriedsome potatoes, and took out some, intending to inform the owner. Beforehe did so, some of the neighbors maliciously reported him, but theproprietor simply remarked that he thanked God he had them there for thepoor old man's family. On another occasion when the father and eldestson had gone to Truro for provisions, everything in the shape of foodbeing exhausted, except an old hen, which the mother finally killed, forthe younger children. She boiled it in salt water for the benefit of thesalt, with a quantity of herbs, the nature of which she was totallyignorant. A few days later the hen's nest was found with ten eggs in it. Two young men set off for Halifax, so weak from want of food, that theycould scarcely travel, and when they reached Gay's River, were nearlyready to give up. However they saw there a fine lot of trout, hanging bya rod, on a bush. They hesitated to take them, thinking they mightbelong to the Indians who would overtake and kill them. They thereforeleft them, but returned, when the pains of hunger prevailed. Afterwardsthey discovered that they had been caught by two sportsmen, neither ofwhom would carry them. Alexander Fraser, then only sixteen, carried hissister on his back to Truro, while the only food he had for the wholejourney was the tale of an eel. On another occasion the supply ofpotatoes, which had been brought a long distance for seed and planted, were dug up by the family and some of the splits eaten. The remembranceof these days sank deep into the minds of that generation, and longafter, the narration of the scenes and cruel hardships through whichthey had to pass, beguiled the winter's night as they sat by theircomfortable firesides. 

During the first winter, the first death among the emigrants was a childof Donald McDonald, and the first birth was a son of Alexander Fraser, named David, afterwards Captain Fraser. When the following spring openedthey set to work to improve their condition. They sought out suitablespots on which to settle, judging the land by the kind and variety oftrees produced. They explored the different rivers, and finding the soilnear their banks to be the most fertile, and capable of being moreeasily improved than the higher lands, they settled upon it. Difficulties were thrown in the way of getting their grant. The firstgrant obtained was to Donald Cameron, who had been a soldier in theFraser Highlanders at the taking of Quebec. His lot was situated at theAlbion Mines. This grant is dated February 8, 1775, and besides thecondition of the king's quit rent, contains the following:

 "That the grantee, his heirs or assigns, shall clear and work, within three years, three acres for every fifty granted, in that part of the land which he shall judge most convenient and advantageous, or clear and drain three acres of swampy or sunken ground, or drain three acres of marsh, if any such be within the bounds of this grant, or put and keep on his lands, within three years from the date hereof, three neat cattle, to be continued upon the land until three acres for every fifty be fully cleared and improved. But if no part of the said tract be fit for present cultivation, without manuring and improving the same, then this grantee, his heirs and assigns shall be obliged, within three years from the date hereof, to erect on some part of said land a dwelling house, to contain twenty feet in length by sixteen feet in breadth, and to put on said land three neat cattle for every fifty acres, or if the said grantee, his heirs or assigns, shall, within three years, after the passing of this grant, begin to employ thereon, and so continue to work for three years then next ensuing, in digging any stone quarry or any other mine, one good and able hand for every one hundred acres of such tract, it shall be accounted a sufficient seeding, planting, cultivation and improvement, and every three acres which shall be cleared and worked as aforesaid; and every three acres which shall be cleared and drained as aforesaid, shall be accounted a sufficient seeding, planting cultivation and improvement, to save for ever from forfeiture fifty acres in every part of the tract hereby granted. "

All were not so fortunate as to secure their grants early. As late asJanuary 22, 1781, in a petition to the government, they complained thata grant had been often promised but never received; but finally, onAugust 26, 1783, the promise was fulfilled. It contains the names offorty-four persons, some of whom were not passengers on board theHector; conveying the lands on which they were located, the size of thelots being regulated by the number in the family. The following is alist of grantees, with the number of acres received and notices ofsituation of their lots:

ON WEST RIVER: David Stewart, 300 acres; John McKenzie, 500; HughFraser, 400; William McLellan, --; James McDonald, 200; James McLellan, 100; Charles Blaikie, 300, and in another division 250 acres, 550 inall; Robert Patterson, 300, and in an after division 500 in all; JamesMcCabe, 300; Alex. Cameron, --. 

ON MIDDLE RIVER, EAST SIDE: Alex. Fraser, 100 acres; Alex. Ross, Jr. , 100; John Smith, 350; Robert Marshall, 350; James McCulloch, 240; Alex. Ross, 300; Alex. Fraser, Jr. , 100; John Crockett, 500; Simon Fraser, 500; Donald McDonald, 350; David Urquhart, 250; Kenneth Fraser, 450;James McLeod, 150. 

ON EAST RIVER, EAST SIDE: Walter Murray, 280 acres, and 70 acres inafter division; James McKay, 70; Donald McKay, Jr. , 80; John Sutherland, 180, and 70 in after division; Rod. McKay, Sr. , 300, and in afterdivision, 50; James Hays, --; Hugh McKay, 100; Alex. McKay, 100; Heirs ofDonald McLellan, 260; Hugh Fraser, 400, and in after division, 100; Wm. McLeod, 80; John McLellan, 200; Thomas Turnbull, 220, in after division, 180; Wm. McLeod, 210, and in after division, 60; Alex. McLean, --; ColinMcKenzie, 370. 

ON EAST RIVER, WEST SIDE: Donald Cameron, 100 acres; James Grant, 400;Colin McKay, 400; Wm. McKay, 550; Donald Cameron, 100; Donald McKay, Sr. , 450; Donald Cameron, a gore lot; Anthony Culton, 500. 

The following is a list of passengers that arrived on board the Hector, originally drawn up, about 1837, by William McKenzie, Loch Broom, NovaScotia:

SHIPPED AT GLASGOW: a Mr. Scott and family; George Morrison and family, from Banff, settled on west side of Barnys River; John Patterson, prominent in the settlement; George McConnell, settled on West River;Andrew Main and family, settled at Noel; Andrew Wesley; Charles Fraser, settled at Cornwallis; John Stewart. 

FROM INVERNESSHIRE: Wiliam McKay, wife and four children, settled onEast River; Roderick McKay, wife and daughter, settled on East River;Colin McKay and family, on East River; Hugh Fraser, wife and threechildren, on McLellans Brook; Donald Cameron and family, on East River;Donald McDonald, wife and two children, on Middle River; Colin Douglass, wife and three children, two of the latter lost on the Hector, on MiddleRiver; Hugh Fraser and family, on West River; Alex. Fraser, wife andfive children; James Grant and family, East River; Donald Munroe, settled in Halifax, and Donald Mc----. 

FROM LOCH BROOM: John Ross, Agent, history unknown; Alexander Cameron, wife and two children, settled at Loch Broom; Alex. Ross and wife, advanced in life; Alex Ross and Family, on Middle River; Colin McKenzieand Family, on East River; John Munroe and family; Kenneth McRitchie andfamily; William McKenzie, at Loch Broom; John McGregor; John McLellan, on McLellans Brook; William McLellan, on West River; Alexander McLean, East River; Alexander Falconer, Hopewell; Donald McKay, East River;Archibald Chisholm, East River; Charles Matheson; Robert Sim, removed toNew Brunswick; Alexander McKenzie and Thomas Fraser, FromSutherlandshire; Kenneth Fraser and family, Middle River; William Fraserand family; James Murray and family, Londonderry; David Urquhart andfamily, Londonderry; Walter Murray and family, Merigomish; James McLeodand wife, Middle River; Hugh McLeod, wife, and three daughters, the wifedied as the vessel arrived, West River; Alexander McLeod, wife, andthree sons, one of the last died in the harbor, and the father drownedin the Shubenacadie; John McKay and family, Shubenacadie; Philip McLeodand family; Donald McKenzie and family, Shubenacadie(?); AlexanderMcKenzie and family; John Sutherland and family; William Matheson, wifeand son, first settled at Londonderry, then at Rogers Hill; DonaldGrant; Donald Graham; John McKay, piper; William McKay, worked for anold settler named McCabe, and took his name; John Sutherland, first atWindsor, and then on Sutherland river; Angus McKenzie, first at Windsor, and finally on Green Hill. 

Some interesting facts have been gathered concerning the history ofthese emigrants, Roderick McKay, who took up land on the East River, wasborn in Beauly, and before leaving his native country gained a localadmiration by rescuing some whiskey from the officers who had seized it, and for the offence was lodged in jail in Inverness. He soon ingratiatedhimself into the good graces of the jailer, and had no difficulty insending him for some ale and whiskey. The jailer returning, advancedinto the cell with both hands full. Roderick stepped behind him, passedout the door, locked it, and brought off the key. In Halifax he added tohis reputation. An officer was paying some attention to a female inmateof his house which did not meet the approbation of Roderick, and meetingthem together upbraided him for his conduct, when the latter drew hissword and struck him a cruel blow on the head. Telling the officer hewould meet him within an hour, he had his wound dressed, and securing astick stood before his antagonist. The officer again drew his sword andin the melee, Roderick disarmed him and well repaid him for his cowardlyassault. Alexander Fraser, who settled on Middle River, although tooyoung to serve in the Rising of the Forty Five had three brothers atCulloden, of whom two were killed. He was in comfortable circumstances, when he left what he thought was a Saxon oppression, which determinedhim to seek freedom in America. His horses and cart were seized bygaugers, with some whiskey which they were carrying, and taken toInverness. During the night, the stable boy, a relative of Fraser, tookout the horses and cart, and driving across country delivered them tothe owner, who lost no time in taking them to another part of thecountry and disposed of them. He was the last to engage a passage in theHector. Alexander Cameron who gave the name to Loch Broom, after that ofhis native parish was not quite eighteen at the Rising of the FortyFive. His brothers followed prince Charles, and he was drawn by thecrowd that followed the prince to Culloden. When he returned to hischarge, it was to meet an angry master who attempted to chastize him. Cameron ran with his master in pursuit. The latter finding him toonimble, stooped down to pick up a stone to throw at him, and in doing sowounded himself with his dirk in the leg, so that he was obliged toremain some time in hiding, lest he should be taken as having been atCulloden, by the soldiers who were scouring the country, killing anywounded stragglers from the field. The eldest son of James Grant whosettled on East River, did not emigrate with the family, but isbelieved to have emigrated afterwards, and was the grandfather ofGeneral U. S. Grant. 

As has already been intimated, amidst all the discouragements anddisappointments, the Highlanders used every means in their power tosupply the wants of their families. They rapidly learned from theIndians and their neighbors. The former taught them the secrets of theforests and they soon became skilled in hunting the moose, and from thelatter they became adepts in making staves, which were sent in smallvessels to the older colonies, and in exchange were supplied withnecessaries. But the population rather decreased, for a return madeJanuary 1, 1775, showed the entire population to be but seventy-eight, consisting of twenty-three men, fourteen women, twenty-one boys andtwenty-girls. The produce raised in 1775, was two hundred and sixty-ninebushels of wheat, thirteen of rye, fifty-six of peas, thirty-six ofbarley, one hundred of oats, and three hundred and forty pounds of flax. The farm stock consisted of thirteen oxen, thirteen cows, fifteen youngneat cattle, twenty-five sheep and one swine. They manufacturedseventeen thousand feet of boards. While the improvement was somewhatmarked, the supply was not sufficient; and the same weary journeys mustbe taken to Truro for necessaries. The moose, and the fish in therivers, gave them a supply of meat, and they soon learned to make sugarfrom the sap of the maple tree. They learned to dig a large supply ofclams in the autumn, heap the same on the shore, and cover with sand. 

Scarcely had these people become able to supply themselves, when theywere again tried by the arrival of a class poorer than themselves. Inducements having been held out by the proprietors of Prince EdwardIsland to parties in Scotland, to settle their land, John Smith andWellwood Waugh, living at Lockerbie, in Dumfriesshire, sold out theirproperty and chartered a small vessel to carry thither their families, and all others that would accompany them. They arrived at Three Rivers, in the year 1774, followed by others a few months later. They commencedoperations on the Island with fair prospects of success, when they werealmost overwhelmed by a plague of mice. These animals swarmedeverywhere, consuming everything eatable, even to the potatoes in theground; and for eighteen months the settlers experienced all themiseries of a famine, having for several months only what lobsters orshell-fish they could gather on the sea-shore. The winter brought themto such a state of weakness that they were unable to convey food areasonable distance, even when they had means to buy it. In thispitiable condition they heard that the Pictou people were beginning toprosper and had provisions to spare. They sent one of their number DavidStewart to make inquiry. One of the settlers, who had come from one ofthe older colonies, brought with him some negro slaves, and when themessenger arrived had just returned from Truro to sell one of them, andbrought home with him some provisions, the proceeds of the sale of thenegro. The agent was cheerful in spite of his troubles; and withal wassomething of a wag. On his return to the Island the people gatheredaround him to hear the news. "What kind of a place is Pictou?" inquiredone. "Oh, an awful place. Why, I was staying with a man who was justeating the last of his nigger;" and as the people were reducedthemselves they did not hesitate to believe the tale. Receiving correctinformation, fifteen of the families went to Pictou, where, for a time, they fared little better, but afterwards became prosperous and happy. Had it not been for a French settlement a few miles distant the peopleof Lockerbie would have perished during the winter. For supplies, principally of potatoes, they exchanged the clothing they had broughtfrom Scotland, until they barely had enough for themselves. John Smithwho was one of the leaders removed to Truro, and Waugh left the Islandfor Pictou, having only a bucket of clams to support his family on theway. 

The American Revolution effected that distant colony. The people hadreceived most of the supplies from the States, which was paid for infish, fur, and lumber. This trade was at once cut off and the people, atfirst, felt it severely. Even salt could only be obtained by boilingdown sea water. The selection of Halifax as the chief depot for theBritish navy promoted the business interests for that region ofcountry. As large sums of money were expended there, the district sharedin the prosperity. While prices for various kinds of lumber rapidlyincreased, and the Pictou colony was greatly advantaged thereby, stillthey found it difficult to obtain British goods, of which they were inneed until 1779, when John Patterson went to Scotland and purchased asupply. The War had the effect to divide the colony of Pictou. Not onlythe Highlanders but all others from Scotland were loyally attached tothe British government; while the earlier settlers, who were from theStates, were loyally attached to the American cause, with the exceptionof Robert Patterson. Although the Americans were so situated as to beunable to take up arms, yet they manifested their sympathy in harmlessways, as in the refusal of tea, and the more permanent method of namingtheir sons after those who were prominent in the theatre of war. Attimes the feeling became quite violent, in so much so that the circularaddressed to the magistrates in the Province was sent to Pictou, requiring these officers "to be watchful and attentive to the behaviourof the people in your county, and that you will apprehend any person orpersons who shall be guilty of any opposition to the King's authorityand Government, and send them properly guarded to Halifax. " Theinhabitants were not only required to take the oath of allegiance, butthe magistrates were compelled to send a list of all who so complied aswell as those who refused. Robert Patterson, who had been made amagistrate in 1774, was very zealous in carrying out this order. He evenstarted for Halifax, intending to get copies of the oath required, forthe purpose of imposing it on the inhabitants. When he reached Truro oneof the Archibalds discovered his mission and presenting a pistol, usedits persuasive influence to induce him immediately to return home. Soofficious did Patterson become that his sons several times were obligedto hide him in the woods, taking him to Fraser's Point for that purpose. 

Many occurrences relating to the War effected the Province, the Countyof Pictou, and indirectly the Highlanders, though not in a markeddegree. The first special occurrence, was probably during the spring of1776, when an American privateer captured a vessel at Merigomish, loadedwith a valuable cargo of West India produce. The vessel was immediatelygot to sea. The news of the capture was immediately circulated, andpresuming the privateer would enter the harbor of Pictou, theinhabitants collected with every old musket and fowling piece to resistthe enemy. --The next incident was the capture of Captain Lowden's vesselin the harbor in 1777, variously reported to have been the work ofAmericans from Machias, Maine, and also by Americans from Pictou andTruro. In all probability the latter were in the plot. The vessel hadbeen loading with timber for the British market. The captain was invitedto the house of Wellwood Waugh, and went without suspicion, leaving thevessel in charge of the mate. During the visit he was surrounded andinformed that he was a prisoner, and commanded to deliver up his arms. In the meantime an armed party proceeded to the vessel, which was easilysecured. As the crew came on deck they were made prisoners and confinedin the forecastle. Some of the captors took a boat belonging to the shipand went to the shop of Roderick McKay some distance up East River, andplundered it of tools, iron, &c. In the meantime Roderick and hisbrother Donald had boarded the vessel and were also made prisoners. Whennight came the captors celebrated the event by a carousal. When wellunder the influence of liquor, Roderick proposed to his brother to takethe ship, the plan being to make a sudden rush up the cabin stairs tothe deck; that he would seize the sentry and pitch him overboard, whileDonald should stand with an axe over the companionway and not allow anyof them to come up. Donald was a quiet, peaceable man, and opposed tothe effusion of blood and refused to take part in the scheme. The McKayswere released and the vessel sailed for Bay Verte, not knowing that theAmericans had retired from the place. The vessel fell into the hands ofa man-of-war, and the captors took to the woods, where, it is supposed, many of them perished. All of Waugh's goods were seized, by the officersof the war-vessel, and sold, and he was forced to leave. This affaircaused the American sympathizers to leave the settlement movingeastward, and without selling their farms. 

American privateers were frequently off the coast, but had little effecton Pictou. One of the passengers of the Hector who had removed toHalifax and there married, came to Pictou by land, but sent his baggageon a vessel. She was captured and he lost all. A privateer came into theharbor, the alarm was given, and the people assembled to repel theinvader. An American living in the settlement, went on board the vesseland urged the commander to leave because there were only a few Scotchsettlers commencing in the woods, and not yet possessing anything worthtaking away. In consequence of his representations the vessel put out tosea. --The wreck of the Malignant excited some attention at Pictou, nearthe close of the war. She was a man-of-war bound to Quebec, and late inthe fall was wrecked at a place since known as Malignant Cove. The crewcame to Pictou and staid through the winter, being provided for throughthe efforts of Robert Patterson. 

The cause of the greatest alarm during the War was a large gathering ofIndians at Fraser's Point in 1779. In that year some Indians, in theinterest of the Americans, having plundered the inhabitants atMiramichi, a British man-of-war seized sixteen of them of whom twelvewere carried to Quebec as hostages, and from there, afterwards, broughtto Halifax. Several hundred Indians, for quite a number of days were incouncil, the design of which was believed to join in the war against theEnglish. The settlers were greatly alarmed, but the Indians quietlydispersed. Most of the Highlanders that emigrated on board the Hectorwere very ignorant. Only a few could read and books among them wereunknown. The Lockerbie settlers were much more intelligent in religionand in everything else. They brought with them from Scotland a fewreligious books, some of which were lost on Prince Edward Island, butthose preserved were carefully read. In 1779 John Patterson brought asupply of books from Scotland, among which was a lot of the New EnglandPrimer, which was distributed among the young. 

The people were all religiously inclined, and some very devout. All weredesirous of religious ordinances. They would meet at the regular hour onthe Sabbath, Robert Marshall holding what was called a religiousteaching for the English, and Colin Douglass doing the same in Gaelic. The exercises consisted of praise, prayer and the reading of theScriptures and religious books. They were visited once or twice byReverend David Smith of Londonderry, and Reverend Daniel Cock of Trurocame among them several times. As the people considered themselves underthe ministry of the latter, they went on foot to Truro to be present athis communions, and carried their children thither on their backs to bebaptized by him. These people had so little English that they couldscarcely understand any sermon in that language. This may be judged froman incident that occurred some years later. A Highlander, living inTruro, attended Mr. Cock's service. The latter one day took for his textthe words, "Fools make a mock of sin. " The former bore the sermonpatiently, but said afterward, "Mr. Cock's needn't have talked so aboutmoccasins; Mr. McGregor wore them many a time. "

The people were also visited by itinerant preachers, the most importantof whom was Henry Alline. In his journal, under date of July 25, 1782, he says:

"Got to a place called Picto, where I had no thought of making any stay, but finding the spirit to attend my preaching, I staid there thirteendays and preached in all the different parts of the settlement, I foundfour Christians in this place, who were greatly revived and rejoicedthat the Gospel was sent among them. "--Reverend James Bennet, missionaryof the Church of England, in 1775, visited the eastern borders of theProvince, and in 1780 visited Pictou and Tatamagouche, and on his returnlost his way in the woods. 

The Peace of 1783 brought in an influx of settlers mostly from theHighlands, with some who had served in the Revolution against theAmericans. This added strength gave more solidity to the settlement. Although considerable prosperity had been attained the added numbersbrought increased wealth. Among the fresh arrivals came Reverend JamesMcGregor, in 1786, and under his administration the religious tone wasdeveloped, and the state of society enhanced. 

CHAPTER XI. 

FIRST HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN AMERICA. 

The conflict known as THE FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, which began in 1754, forced the English colonies to join in a common cause. The time had comefor the final struggle between France and England for colonial supremacyin America. The principal cause for the war was brought on by theconflicting territorial claims of the two nations. Mutual encroachmentswere made by both parties on the other's territory, in consequence ofwhich both nations prepared for war. The English ministry decided tomake their chief efforts against the French in that quarter where theaggressions took place, and for this purpose dispatched thither twobodies of troops. The first division, of which the 42nd Highlandersformed a part, under the command of Lieutenant-General Sir JamesAbercromby, set sail in March, 1756, and landed in June following. 

The Highland regiments that landed in America and took part in theconflict were the 42nd or Royal Highland Regiment, but better known as"The Black Watch" (_Am Freiceadan Dubh_), the 77th or Montgomery'sHighlanders, and the Old 78th, or Fraser's Highlanders. 

The Black Watch, so called from the sombre appearance of their dress wasembodied, as the 43rd Regiment, May, 1740, having been composed largelyof the independent companies raised in 1729. When Oglethorpe's regiment, the 42nd was reduced in 1749, the Black Watch received its number, whichever since, it has retained. From 1749 to 1756 the regiment wasstationed in Ireland, and between them and the inhabitants of thedistricts, where quartered, the utmost cordiality existed. Previous tothe departure of the regiment from Ireland to America, officers withparties had been sent to Scotland for recruits. So successful werethey, that in the month of June, seven hundred embarked at Greenock forAmerica. The officers of the regiment were as follows:

=================================================================================== Rank | NAME | Commission | Rank | NAME |Commission-------+-------------------+-------------+--------+------------------+-------------Colonel|Lord John Murray |Apr. 25, 1745|Lieut. |John Graham |Jan. 25, 1756Lieut. | | |Lieut. |Hugh McPherson | " 26, 1756Colonel|Francis Grant |Dec. 17, 1755|Lieut. |Alexander Turnbull| " 27, 1756Major |Duncan Campbell, |Dec. 17, 1755|Lieut. |Alexander Campbell| " 28, 1756 | Inveraw | |Lieut. |Alexander McIntosh| " 29, 1756Capt |Gordon Graham |June 3, 1752 |Lieut. |James Gray | " 30, 1756Capt |John Read | do. |Lieut. |William Baillie | " 31, 1756Capt |John McNeile |Dec. 16, 1752|Lieut. |Hugh Arnott |Apr. 9, 1756Capt |Alan Campbell |Mar. 15, 1755|Lieut. |John Sutherland | " 10, 1756Capt |Thomas Graeme |Feb. 16, 1756|Lieut. |John Small | " 11, 1756 | Duchray | |Ensign |Archibald Campbell|May 5, 1756Capt |James Abercromby | do. |Ensign |James Campbell |Jan. 24, 1756 | Son of Glassa | |Ensign |Archibald Lamont | " 25, 1756Capt |John Campbell |Apr. 9, 1756 |Ensign |Duncan Campbell | " 26, 1756Capt. | Strachur | |Ensign |George McLagan | " 27, 1756Lieut. |John Campbell, sr |Feb. 16, 1756|Ensign |Patrick Balneaves | " 28, 1756Lieut. |William Grant |May 22, 1746 |Ensign |Patrick Stuart | " 29, 1756Lieut. |Robert Gray |Aug. 7, 1747 |Ensign |Norman McLeod | " 30, 1756Lieut. |John Campbell |May 16, 1748 |Ensign |George Campbell | " 31, 1756Lieut. |George Farquharson |Mar. 29, 1750|Ensign |Donald Campbell | May 5, 1756Lieut. |Colin Campbell |Feb. 9, 1751 |Chaplain|Adam Ferguson |Apr. 30, 1746Lieut. |James Campbell |June 3, 1752 |Adjutant|James Grant |June 26, 1751Lieut. |Sir James Cockburn, |Mar. 15, 1755|Q. M. |John Graham |Feb. 19, 1756 | B't. | |Surgeon |David Hepburn |June 26, 1751Lieut. |Kenneth Tolme |Jan. 23, 1756| | |Lieut. |James Grant | " 24, 1756| | |===================================================================================

The regiment known as Montgomery's Highlanders (77th) took its name fromits commander, Archibald Montgomery, son of the earl of Eglinton. Beingvery popular among the Highlanders, Montgomery very soon raised therequisite body of men, who were formed into thirteen companies of onehundred and five rank and file each; making in all fourteen hundred andsixty effective men, including sixty-five sergeants and thirty pipersand drummers. The Colonel's commission was dated January 4, 1757, andthose of the other officers one day later than his senior in rank. Theyare thus recorded:

Lieut. -Colonel commanding, Archibald Montgomery; majors, James Grant ofBallindalloch and Alexander Campbell; captains, John Sinclair, HughMackenzie, John Gordon, Alexander Mackenzie, William Macdonald, GeorgeMunro, Robert Mackenzie, Allan Maclean, James Robertson, Allan Cameron;captain-lieut. , Alexander Mackintosh; lieutenants, Charles Farquharson, Nichol Sutherland, Donald Macdonald, William Mackenzie, RobertMackenzie, Henry Munro, Archibald Robertson, Duncan Bayne, James Duff, Colin Campbell, James Grant, Alexander Macdonald, Joseph Grant, RobertGrant, Cosmo Martin, John Macnab, Hugh Gordon, Alexander Macdonald, Donald Campbell, Hugh Montgomery, James Maclean, Alexander Campbell, John Campbell, James Macpherson, Archibald Macvicar; ensigns: AlexanderGrant, William Haggart, Lewis Houston, Ronald Mackinnon, George Munro, Alexander Mackenzie, John Maclachlane, William Maclean, James Grant, John Macdonald, Archibald Crawford, James Bain, Allan Stewart; chaplain:Henry Munro; adjutant: Donald Stewart; quarter-master: AlexanderMontgomery; surgeon: Allan Stewart. 

The regiment embarked at Greenock for Halifax immediately on itsorganization. 

Fraser's Highlanders, or the 78th Regiment was organized by SimonFraser, son of the notorious lord Lovat who was executed by the Englishgovernment for the part he acted in the Rising of the Forty-five. Although his estates had been seized by the Crown, and not possessing afoot of land, so great was the influence of clanship, that in a fewweeks he raised eight hundred men, to whom were added upwards of sixhundred more by the gentlemen of the country and those who had obtainedcommissions. In point of the number of companies and men, the battalionwas precisely the same as Montgomery's Highlanders. The list ofofficers, whose commissions are dated January 5, 1757, is as follows:

Lieut. -col. Commandant: Simon Fraser; majors: James Clephane and JohnCampbell of Dunoon; captains: John Macpherson, brother of Cluny, JohnCampbell of Ballimore; Simon Fraser of Inverallochy, Donald Macdonald, brother of Clanranald, John Macdonell of Lochgarry, Alexander Cameron ofDungallon, Thomas Ross of Culrossie, Thomas Fraser of Strui, AlexanderFraser of Culduthel, Sir Henry Seton of Abercorn and Culbeg, JamesFraser of Belladrum; capt. -Lieut. : Simon Fraser; lieutenants: AlexanderMacleod, Hugh Cameron, Ronald Macdonell, son of Keppoch, CharlesMacdonell, from Glengarry, Roderick Macneil of Barra, William Macdonell, Archibald Campbell, son of Glenlyon, John Fraser of Balnain, HectorMacdonald, brother of Boisdale, Allan Stewart, son of Innernaheil, JohnFraser, Alexander Macdonald, son of Boisdale, Alexander Fraser, Alexander Campbell of Aross, John Douglas, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, John Macdonell of Leeks, Cosmo Gordon, David Baillie, Charles Stewart, Ewen Cameron, Allan Cameron, John Cuthbert, SimonFraser, Archibald Macallister, James Murray, Alexander Fraser, DonaldCameron, son of Fassifern; ensigns: John Chisolm, Simon Fraser, MalcolmFraser, Hugh Fraser, Robert Menzies, John Fraser of Errogie, JamesMackenzie, Donald Macneil, Henry Munro, Alexander Gregorson, Ardtornish, James Henderson, John Campbell; chaplain: Robert Macpherson; adjutant:Hugh Fraser; quarter-master: John Fraser; surgeon: John Maclean. 

 "The uniform of the regiment was the full Highland dress with musket and broadsword, to which many of the soldiers added the dirk at their own expense, and a purse of badger's or otter's skin. The bonnet was raised or cocked on one side, with a slight bend inclining down to the right ear, over which were suspended two or more black feathers. Eagle's or hawk's feathers were usually worn by the gentlemen, in the Highlands, while the bonnets of the common people were ornamented with a bunch of the distinguishing mark of the clan or district. The ostrich feathers in the bonnets of the soldiers were a modern addition of that period. "[136]

The regiment was quickly marched to Greenock, where it embarked, incompany with Montgomery's Highlanders, and landed at Halifax in June1757, where it remained till it formed a junction with the expeditionagainst Louisbourg. The regiment was quartered between Canada and NovaScotia till the conclusion of the war. On all occasions they sustained auniform character for unshaken firmness, incorruptible probity and astrict regard to their duties. The men were always anxious to concealtheir misdemeanors from the _Caipal Mohr_, as they called the chaplain, from his large size. 

When The Black Watch landed in New York they attracted much notice, particularly on the part of the Indians, who, on the march of theregiment to Albany, flocked from all quarters to see strangers, whom, from the somewhat similarity of dress, they believed to be of the sameextraction with themselves, and therefore considered them to bebrothers. 

During the whole of 1756 the regiment remained inactive in Albany. Thewinter and spring of 1757 they were drilled and disciplined forbush-fighting and sharpshooting, a species of warfare then necessary andfor which they were well fitted, being in general good marksmen, andexpert in the management of their arms. 

[Illustration: HIGHLAND OFFICER]

In the month of June, 1757, lord Loudon, who had been appointedcommander-in-chief of the army in North America, with the 22d, 42d, 44th, 48th, 2d and 4th battalions of the 60th, together with six hundredRangers, making in all five thousand and three hundred men, embarked forHalifax, where his force was increased to ten thousand and five hundredmen by the addition of five regiments lately arrived from England, whichincluded Fraser's and Montgomery's Highlanders. When on the eve of hisdeparture for an attack on Louisburg, information was received that theBrest fleet, consisting of seventeen sail of the line, besides frigates, had arrived in the harbor of that fortress. Letters, which had beencaptured in a vessel bound from Louisburg to France, revealed that theforce was too great to be encountered. Lord Loudon abandoned theenterprise and soon after returned to New York taking with him theHighlanders and four other regiments. 

By the addition of three new companies and the junction of seven hundredrecruits "The Black Watch" or 42nd, was now augmented to upwards ofthirteen hundred men, all Highlanders, for at that period, none otherswere admitted. 

During the absence of lord Loudon, Montcalm, the French commander, wasvery active, and collecting all his disposable forces, includingIndians, and a large train of artillery, amounting in all to more thaneight thousand men, laid siege to Fort William Henry, under the commandof Colonel Munro. Some six miles distant was Fort Edward, garrisoned byfour thousand men under General Webb. The siege was conducted with greatvigor and within six days Colonel Munro surrendered, conditioned on notserving again for eighteen months, and allowed to march out of the fortwith their arms and two field pieces. As soon as they were without thegate the Indians fell upon them and committed all sorts of outrages andbarbarities, --the French being unable to restrain them. 

Thus terminated the campaign of 1757 in America, undistinguished by anyact which might compensate for the loss of territory or the sacrifice oflives. With an inferior force the French had been successful at everypoint, and besides having obtained complete control of Lakes George andChamplain, the destruction of Oswego gave the dominion of those lakes, which are connected with the St. Lawrence, to the Mississippi, thusopening a direct communication between Canada and the southwest. 

Lord Loudon having been recalled, the command of the army again devolvedon General James Abercromby. Determined to wipe off the disgrace offormer campaigns, the new ministry, which had just come into power, fitted out, in 1758, a great naval and military force consisting offifty-two thousand men. To the military staff were added Major-GeneralAmherst, and Brigadier-General's Wolfe, Townsend and Murray. Threeexpeditions were proposed: the first to renew the attempt on Louisburg;the second directed against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and the thirdagainst Fort du Quesne. 

General Abercromby took command, in person, of the expedition againstTiconderoga, with a force of fifteen thousand three hundred and ninetymen, of whom over six thousand were regulars, the rest beingprovincials, besides a train of artillery. Among the regulars must bereckoned the 42 Highlanders. Ticonderoga, situated on a point of landbetween Lake George and Lake Champlain is surrounded on three sides bywater, and on one-half of the fourth by a morass. The remaining part ofthe fort was protected by high entrenchments, supported and flanked bythree batteries, and the whole front of that which was accessibleintersected by deep traverses, and blocked up with felled trees, withtheir branches turned outwards, and their points sharpened. 

On July 5th the army struck their tents at daybreak, and in nine hundredsmall boats and one hundred and thirty-five whale-boats, with artillerymounted on rafts, embarked on Lake George. The fleet in statelyprocession, bright with banners and cheered by martial music, moved downthe beautiful lake, beaming with hope and pride. The solemn forests werebroken by the echoes of the happy soldiery. There was no one to molestthem, and victory was their one desire. Over the broader expanse theypassed to the first narrows, witnessing the mountains rising from thewater's edge, the dark forest, and the picturesque loveliness of thescene. Long afterwards General John Stark recounted that when they hadhalted at Sabbathday Point at twilight, lord Howe, reclining in his tenton a bearskin, and bent on winning a hero's name, questioned him closelyas to the position of Ticonderoga and the fittest modes of attack. 

After remaining five hours at their resting place, the army, an hourbefore midnight, moved once more down the lake, and by nine the nextmorning, disembarked on the west side, in a cove sheltered by a pointwhich still keeps the name of Lord Howe. The troops were formed into twoparallel columns and marched on the enemy's advanced posts, which wereabandoned without a shot. The march was continued in the same order, butthe guides proving ignorant, the columns came in contact, and werethrown into confusion. A detachment of the enemy which had also becomebewildered in the woods, fell in with the right column, at the head ofwhich was lord Howe, and during the skirmish which ensued, Howe waskilled. Abercromby ordered the army to march back to the landing place. 

Montcalm, ever alert, was ready to receive the English army. On July 6thhe called in all his parties, and when united amounted to two thousandeight hundred French and four hundred and fifty Canadians. On the 7ththe whole army toiled incredibly in strengthening their defenses. On thesame evening De Levi returned from the projected expedition against theMohawks, bringing with him four hundred chosen men. On the morning ofthe 8th, the drums of the French beat to arms, that the troops, nowthirty-six hundred and fifty in number, might know their stations andresume their work. 

The strongest regiment in the army of Abercrombie was the 42ndHighlanders, fully equipped, in their native dress. The officers wore anarrow gold braiding round their tunics, all other lace being laid asideto make them less conspicuous to the French and Canadian riflemen. Thesergeants wore silver lace on their coats, and carried the Lochaber axe, the head of which was fitted for hewing, hooking or spearing an enemy, or such other work as might be found before the ramparts of Ticonderoga. Many of the men had been out in the Rising of the Forty-five. 

When Abercrombie received information from some prisoners that De Leviwas about to reinforce Montcalm, he determined, if possible to strike ablow before a junction could be effected. Report also having reached himthat the entrenchments were still unfinished, and might be assaultedwith prospects of success, he immediately made the necessarydispositions for attack. The British commander, remaining far behindduring the action, put the army in motion, on the 8th, the regularsadvancing through the openings of the provincials, and taking the lead. The pickets were followed by the grenadiers, supported by the battalionsand reserve, which last consisted of the Highlanders and 55th regiment, advanced with great alacrity towards the entrenchments, which they foundmuch more formidable than they expected. As the British advanced, Montcalm, who stood just within the trenches, threw off his coat for thesunny work of the July afternoon, and forbade a musket to be fired untilhe had given the order. When the British drew very near, in threeprincipal columns, to attack simultaneously the left, the center, andthe right, they became entangled among the rubbish and broken intodisorder by clambering over logs and projecting limbs. The quick eye ofMontcalm saw the most effective moment had come, and giving the word ofcommand, a sudden and incessant fire of swivels and small arms moweddown brave officers and men by hundreds. The intrepidity of the Englishmade the carnage terrible. With the greatest vivacity the attacks werecontinued all the afternoon. Wherever the French appeared to be weak, Montcalm immediately strengthened them. Regiment after regiment washurled against the besieged, only to be hurled back with the loss ofhalf their number. 

The Scottish Highlanders, held in the reserve, from the very first wereimpatient of the restraint; but when they saw the column fall back, unable longer to control themselves, and emulous of sharing the danger, broke away and pushed forward to the front, and with their broadswordsand Lochaber axes endeavored to cut through the abattis andchevaux-de-frize. For three hours the Highlanders struggled without theleast appearance of discouragement. After a long and deadly strugglethey penetrated the exterior defences and reached the breastwork; havingno scaling ladders, they attempted to gain the summit by mounting oneach others shoulders and partly by fixing their feet in holes they madewith their swords, axes and bayonets in the face of the work, but nosooner did a man appear on top than he was hurled down by the defendingtroops. Captain John Campbell, with a few men, at length forced theirway over the breastwork, but were immediately dispatched with thebayonet. 

While the Highlanders and grenadiers were fighting without faltering andwithout confusion on the French left, the columns which had attacked thecenter and right, at about five o'clock, concentrated themselves at apoint between the two; but De Levi advanced from the right and Montcalmbrought up the reserve. At six the two parties nearest the water turneddesperately against the center, and being repulsed, made a last efforton the left, where, becoming bewildered, the English fired on anadvanced party of their own, producing hopeless dejection. 

The British general, during the confusion of battle cowered safely atthe saw-mills, and when his presence was needed to rally the fugitives, was nowhere to be found. The second in command, unable to seize theopportunity, gave no commands. The Highlanders persevered in theirundertaking and did not relinquish their labors until they received thethird order to retreat, when they withdrew, unmolested, and carryingwith them the whole of their wounded. 

The loss sustained by the 42nd was as follows: eight officers, ninesergeants and two hundred and ninety-seven men killed; and seventeenofficers, ten sergeants and three hundred and six soldiers wounded. Theofficers killed were Major Duncan Campbell of Inveraw, Captain JohnCampbell, Lieutenants George Farquharson, Hugh MacPherson, WilliamBaillie, and John Sutherland; Ensigns Patrick Stewart of Bonskied andGeorge Rattray. The wounded were Captains Gordon Graham, Thomas Grahamof Duchray, John Campbell of Strachur, James Stewart of Urrad, JamesMurray; Lieutenants James Grant, Robert Gray, John Campbell of Melford, William Grant, John Graham, brother of Duchray, Alexander Campbell, Alexander Mackintosh, Archibald Campbell, David Miller, PatrickBalneaves; and Ensigns John Smith and Peter Grant. 

The intrepid conduct of the Highlanders, in the storming of Ticonderoga, was made the topic of universal panegyric throughout the whole of GreatBritain, the public prints teeming with honorable mention of, andtestimonies to their bravery. Among these General Stewart copies[137]the two following:

 "With a mixture of esteem, grief and envy (says an officer of the 55th, lord Howe's regiment), I consider the great loss and immortal glory acquired by the Scots Highlanders in the late bloody affair. Impatient for orders, they rushed forward to the entrenchments, which many of them actually mounted. They appeared like lions, breaking from their chains. Their intrepidity was rather animated than damped by seeing their comrades fall on every side. I have only to say of them, that they seemed more anxious to revenge the cause of their deceased friends, than careful to avoid the same fate. By their assistance, we expect soon to give a good account of the enemy and of ourselves. There is much harmony and friendship between us. " "The attack (says Lieutenant William Grant of the 42nd) began a little past one in the afternoon, and, about two, the fire became general on both sides, which was exceedingly heavy, and without any intermission, insomuch that the oldest soldier present never saw so furious and incessant a fire. The affair at Fontenoy was nothing to it. I saw both. We labored under insurmountable difficulties. The enemy's breastwork was about nine or ten feet high, upon the top of which they had plenty of wall pieces fixed, and which was well lined in the inside with small arms. But the difficult access to their lines was what gave them the fatal advantage over us. They took care to cut down monstrous large oak trees, which covered all the ground from the foot of their breastwork about the distance of a cannon shot every way in their front. This not only broke our ranks, and made it impossible for us to keep our order, but put it entirely out of our power to advance till we cut our way through. I have seen men behave with courage and resolution before now, but so much determined bravery can hardly be equalled in any part of the history of ancient Rome. Even those that were mortally wounded cried aloud to their companions, not to mind or lose a thought upon them, but to follow their officers, and to mind the honor of their country. Nay, their ardor was such, that it was difficult to bring them off. They paid dearly for their intrepidity. The remains of the regiment had the honor to cover the retreat of the army, and brought off the wounded, as we did at Fontenoy. When shall we have so fine a regiment again? I hope we shall be allowed to recruit. "

The English outnumbered the French four-fold, and with their artillery, which was near at hand, could have forced a passage. "Had I to besiegeTiconderoga, " said Montcalm, "I would ask for but six mortars and twopieces of artillery. " But Abercrombie, that evening, hurried the army tothe landing place, with such precipitancy, that but for the alertness ofColonel Bradstreet, it would at once have rushed in a mass into theboats. On the morning of the 9th the army embarked and Abercrombie didnot rest until he had placed the lake between himself and Montcalm, andeven then he sent the artillery and ammunition to Albany for safety. 

The expedition against Louisburg, under Major-General Jeffrey Amherst, set sail from Halifax on May 28, 1758. It was joined by the fleet underAdmiral Boscawen. The formidable armament consisted of twenty-five sailof the line, eighteen frigates, and a number of bomb and fire ships, with the Royals, 15th, 17th, 22nd, 28th, 35th, 40th, 45th, 47th, 48th, 58th, the 2d and 3d battalions of the 60th, 78th Highlanders, and NewEngland Rangers, --in all, thirteen thousand and nine men. On June 2ndthe vessels anchored in Garbarus Bay, seven miles from Louisburg. Thegarrison, under the Chevalier Ducour, consisted of twenty-five hundredregulars, six hundred militia, and four hundred Canadians and Indians. The harbor was protected by six ships of the line and five frigates, three of the latter being sunk at its mouth. The English ships were sixdays on the coast before a landing could be attempted, on account of aheavy surf continually rolling with such violence, that no boat couldapproach the shore. The violence of the surf having somewhat abated, alanding was effected on June 8th. The troops were disposed for landingin three divisions. That on the left, which was destined for the realattack, commanded by Brigadier General Wolfe, was composed of thegrenadiers and light infantry, and the 78th, or Fraser's Highlanders. While the boats containing this division were being rowed ashore, theother two divisions on the right and center, commanded by BrigadierGenerals Whitmore and Lawrence, made a show of landing, in order todivide and distract the enemy. The landing place was occupied by twothousand men entrenched behind a battery of eight pieces of cannon andswivels. The enemy wisely reserved their fire till the boats were closeto the shore, and then directed their discharge of cannon and musketrywith considerable execution. The surf aided the fire. Many of the boatswere upset or dashed to pieces on the rocks, and numbers of the men werekilled or drowned before land was reached. Captain Baillie andLieutenant Cuthbert of the Highlanders, Lieutenant Nicholson of Amherts, and thirty-eight men were killed. Notwithstanding the greatdisadvantages, nothing could stop the troops when led by such a generalas Wolfe. Some of the light infantry and Highlanders were first ashore, and drove all before them. The rest followed, and soon pursued the enemyto a distance of two miles, when they were checked by the cannonadingfrom the town. 

In this engagement the French lost seventeen pieces of cannon, twomortars, and fourteen swivels, besides seventy-three prisoners. Thecannonading from the town enabled Wolfe to prove the range of theenemy's guns, and to judge of the exact distance at which he might makehis camp for investing the town. The regiments then took post at thepositions assigned them. For some days operations went on slowly. Thesea was so rough that the landing of stores from the fleet was muchretarded; and it was not until the 11th that the six pounder fieldpieces were landed. Six days later a squadron was fairly blown out tosea by the tempest. By the 24th the chief engineer had thirteentwenty-four pounders in position against the place. The first operationwas to secure a point called Lighthouse Battery, the guns from whichcould play upon the ships and on the batteries on the opposite side ofthe harbor. On the 12th this point was captured by Wolfe at the head ofhis gallant Fraser's and flank companies, with but little loss. On the25th, the fire from this post silenced the island battery immediatelyopposite. An incessant fire, however, was kept up from the otherbatteries and shipping of the enemy. On July 9th the enemy made a sortieon General Lawrence's brigade, but were quickly repulsed. In thisaffair, the earl of Dundonald was killed. There were twenty othercasualities. The French captain who led the attack, with seventeen ofhis men, was also killed. On the 16th, Wolfe pushed forward somegrenadiers and Highlanders, and took possession of the hills in front ofthe Lighthouse battery, where a lodgement was made under a fire from thetown and the ships. On the 21st one of the French ships was set on fireby a bombshell and blew up, and the fire being communicated to twoothers, they were burned to the water's edge. The fate of the town wasnow almost decided, the enemy's fire nearly silenced and thefortifications shattered to the ground. All that now remained in thereduction was to get possession of the harbor, by taking or burning thetwo ships of the line which remained. For this purpose the admiral, onthe night of July 25th sent six hundred seamen in boats, with orders totake, or burn, the two ships of the line that remained in the harbor, resolving if they succeeded to send in some of his larger vessels tobombard the town. This enterprise was successfully executed by theseamen under Captains Laforey and Balfour, in the face of a terriblefire of cannon and musketry. One of the ships was set on fire and theother towed off. On the 26th the town surrendered; the garrison andseamen amounted to five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven, besidesone hundred and twenty pieces of cannon, eighteen mortars, seventhousand five hundred stand of arms, eleven colors, and eleven ships ofwar. The total loss of the English army and fleet, during the siegeamounted to five hundred and twenty-five. Besides Captain Baillie andLieutenant Cuthbert the Highlanders lost Lieutenant J. Alexander Fraserand James Murray, killed; Captain Donald MacDonald, Lieutenant AlexanderCampbell (Barcaldine) and John MacDonald, wounded; and sixty-seven rankand file killed and wounded. 

The third expedition was against Fort du Quesne, undertaken by BrigadierGeneral John Forbes. Although the point of attack was less formidableand the enemy inferior in numbers to those at either Ticonderoga orLouisburg, yet the difficulties were greater, owing to the great extentof country to be traversed, through woods without roads, over mountainsand through almost impassable morasses. The army consisted of sixthousand two hundred and thirty-eight men, composed of Montgomery'sHighlanders, twelve hundred and eighty-four strong, five hundred andfifty-five of the Royal Americans, and four thousand four hundredprovincials. Among the latter were the two Virginia regiments, nineteenhundred strong, under the command of Washington. Yet vast as were thepreparations of the army, Forbes never would have seen the Ohio had itnot been for the genius of Washington, although then but twenty-sixyears of age. The army took up its line of march from Philadelphia inJuly, and did not reach Raystown until the month of September, when theywere still ninety miles distant from Fort du Quesne. It was Washington'searnest advice that the army should advance with celerity alongBraddock's road; but other advice prevailed, and the army commemoratedits march by moving slowly and constructing a new route to the Ohio. Thus the summer was frittered away. While Washington's forces joined themain army, Boquet was detached with two thousand men to take post atLoyal Hanna, fifty miles in advance. Here intelligence was received thatthe French garrison consisted of but eight hundred men, of whom threehundred were Indians. The vainglory of Boquet, without the consent orknowledge of his superior officer urged him to send forward a party offour hundred Highlanders and a company of Virginians, under Major JamesGrant to reconnoitre. Major Grant divided his troops, and when near thefort, advanced with pipes playing and drums beating, as if he was on avisit to a friendly town. The enemy did not wait to be attacked, butinstantly marched out of their works and invited the conflict. TheHighlanders threw off their coats and charged sword in hand. At firstthe French gave way, but rallied and surrounded the detachment on allsides. Being concealed in the thick foliage, their heavy and destructivefire could not be returned with any effect. Major Grant was taken in anattempt to force into the woods, where he observed the thickest of thefire. On losing their commander, and so many officers killed andwounded, the Highlanders dispersed, and were only saved from utter ruinby the provincials. Only one hundred and fifty of the Highlanderssucceeded in making their way back to Loyal Hanna. 

In this battle, fought September 14, 1758, two hundred and thirty-oneHighlander's were killed and wounded. The officers killed were CaptainWilliam Macdonald and George Munro; Lieutenants Alexander Mackenzie, William Mackenzie; Robert Mackenzie, Colin Campbell, and AlexanderMacdonald; and the wounded were Captain Hugh Mackenzie, LieutenantsAlexander Macdonald, Archibald Robertson, Henry Munro, and Ensigns JohnMacdonald and Alexander Grant. 

General Forbes did not reach Loyal Hanna until November 5th, and there acouncil of war determined that no farther advance should be made forthat season. But Washington had plead that owing to his long intimacywith these woods, and his familiarity with the difficulties and all thepasses should be allowed the responsibility of commanding the firstparty. This having been denied him, he prevailed on the commander to beallowed to make a second advance. His brigade was of provincials, andthey toiled cheerfully by his side, infusing his own spirit into the menhe commanded. Over the hills white with snow, his troops poorly fed andpoorly clothed toiled onward. His movements were rapid: on November 15thhe was at Chestnut Ridge; and the 17th at Bushy Run. As he drew nearFort du Quesne, the disheartened garrison, about five hundred in number, set fire to the fort, and by the light of the conflagration, descendedthe Ohio. On the 25th Washington could point out to the army thejunction of the rivers, and entering the fortress, they planted theBritish colors on the deserted ruins. As the banner of England floatedover the Ohio, the place was with one voice named Pittsburg, in honor ofthe great English premier William Pitt. 

The troops under Washington were accompanied by a body of Highlanders. On the morning of November 25th, the army advanced with the provincialsin the front. They entered upon an Indian path. "Upon each side of whicha number of stakes, with the bark peeled off, were stuck into the earth, and upon each stake was fixed the head and kilt of a Highlander who hadbeen killed or taken prisoner at Grant's defeat. The provincials, beingfront, obtained the first view of these horrible spectacles, which itmay readily be believed, excited no kindly feelings in their breasts. They passed along, however, without any manifestation of their violentwrath. But as soon as the Highlanders came in sight of the remains oftheir countrymen, a slight buzz was heard in their ranks, which rapidlyswelled and grew louder and louder. Exasperated not only by thebarbarous outrages upon the persons of their unfortunate fellow soldierswho had fallen only a few days before, but maddened by the insult whichwas conveyed by the exhibition of their kilts, and which they wellunderstood, as they had long been nicknamed the 'petticoat warriors' bythe Indians, their wrath knew no bounds. Directly a rapid and violenttramping was heard, and immediately the whole corps of the Highlanders, with their muskets abandoned, and broad swords drawn, rushed by theprovincials, foaming with rage, and resembling, as Captain Craigheadcoarsely expressed it, 'mad boars engaged in battle, ' swearing vengeanceand extermination upon the French troops who had permitted suchoutrages. Their march was now hastened--the whole army moved forwardafter the Highlanders, and when they arrived somewhere about where thecanal now passes, the Fort was discovered to be in flames, and the lastof the boats, with the flying Frenchmen, were seen passing down the Ohioby Smoky Island. Great was the disappointment of the exasperatedHighlanders at the escape of the French, and their wrath subsided into asullen and relentless desire for vengeance. "[138]

The Highlanders passed the winter of 1758 in Pittsburg, and in Mayfollowing marched to the assistance of General Amherst in hisproceedings at Ticonderoga, Crown Point and the Lakes. 

Before the heroic action of The Black Watch at Ticonderoga was known inEngland, a warrant was issued conferring upon the regiment the title ofRoyal, so that it became known also by the name of 42d Royal HighlandRegiment, and letters were issued to raise a second battalion. Sosuccessful were the recruiting officers that within three months, sevencompanies, each one hundred and twenty men strong were embodied at Perthin October 1758. Although Highlanders only were admitted, yet twoofficers, anxious to obtain commissions, enlisted eighteen Irishmen, several of whom were O'Donnels, O'Lachlans, O'Briens, &c. The O waschanged to Mac, and the Milesians passed muster as true Macdonels, Maclachlans, and Macbriars, without being questioned. 

The second battalion immediately embarked at Greenock for the WestIndies, under the convoy of the Ludlow Castle; and after the reductionof Guadaloupe, it was transferred to New York, and in July, 1759, wascombined with the first battalion, in order to engage in the operationsthen projected against the French settlements in Canada. General Wolfewas to proceed up the St. Lawrence and besiege Quebec. General Amherst, who had succeeded Abercromby as commander-in-chief, was to attempt thereduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and then effect a junctionwith General Wolfe before Quebec. Brigadier General John Prideaux was toproceed against the French fort near the falls of Niagara, the mostimportant post of all French America. 

The army first put in motion was that under Amherst, which assembled atFort Edward on June 19th. It included the 42nd and Montgomery'sHighlanders, and when afterwards joined by the second battalion of the42nd, numbered fourteen thousand five hundred men. On the 21st, precededby The Black Watch the army moved forward and encamped on Lake George, where, during the previous year, the army rested prior to the attack onTiconderoga. Considerable time was spent in preparations for assaultingthis formidable post, but on seeing the preparations made by the Englishgenerals for a siege, the French set fire to the magazines andbuildings, and retired to Crown Point. 

The plan of campaign on the part of the French appeared to have been toembarrass Amherst by retarding the advance of his army, but not tohazard any considerable engagement, nor to allow themselves to be socompletely invested as to cut off all retreat. The main object of theirtactics was so to delay the advance of the English that the season foraction on the Lakes would pass away without showing any decisiveadvantage on the part of the invaders, whilst their own forces could begradually concentrated, and thus arrest the progress of Amherst down theSt. Lawrence. 

On taking possession of Ticonderoga, which effectually covered thefrontiers of New York, General Amherst proceeded to repair thefortifications; and, while superintending this work, was indefatigablein preparing batteaux and other vessels for conveying his troops, andobtaining the superiority on the Lakes. Meanwhile the French abandonedCrown Point and retired to Isle aux Noix, on the northern extremity ofLake Champlain. General Amherst moved forward and took possession of thefort which the French had abandoned, and the second battalion of the42nd was ordered up. Having gained a naval superiority on Lake Champlainthe army went into winter quarters at Crown Point. 

The main undertaking of the campaign was the reduction of Quebec, by farthe most difficult operation, where General Wolfe was expected toperform an important part with not more than seven thousand effectivemen. The movement commenced at Sandy Hook, Tuesday May 8, 1759 when theexpedition set sail for Louisburg, under convoy of the Nightingale, thefleet consisting of about twenty-eight sail, the greater part of whichwas to take in the troops from Nova Scotia, and the rest having on boardFraser's Highlanders. They arrived at Louisburg on the 17th. And thereremained until June 4th, when the fleet again set sail, consisting ofone hundred and fifty vessels, twenty-two of which were ships of theline. They entered the St. Lawrence on the 13th, and on the 23rdanchored near Isle aux Coudres. On the 26th, the whole armament arrivedoff the Isle of Orleans, and the next day disembarked. Montcalm dependedlargely on the natural position of the city of Quebec for defence, although he neglected nothing for his security. Every landing-place wasintrenched and protected. At midnight on the 28th a fleet of fireshipscame down the tide, but was grappled by the British soldiers and towedthem free of the shipping. Point Levi, on the night of the 29th wasoccupied, and batteries constructed, from which red-hot balls weredischarged, demolishing the lower town of Quebec and injuring the upper. But the citadel and every avenue from the river to the cliff were toostrongly entrenched for an assault. 

General Wolfe, enterprising, daring, was eager for battle. Perceivingthat the eastern bank of the Montmorenci was higher than the position ofMontcalm, on July 9th he crossed the north channel and encamped there;but not a spot on the line of the Montmorenci was left unprotected bythe vigilant Montcalm. General Wolfe planned that two brigades shouldford the Montmorenci at the proper time of the tide, while Monckton'sregiments should cross the St. Lawrence in boats from Point Levi. Thesignal was given and the advance made in the face of shot and shell. Those who got first on shore, not waiting for support, ran hastilytowards the entrenchments, and were repulsed in such disorder that theycould not again come into line. Wolfe was compelled to order a retreat. Intrepidity and discipline could not overcome the heavy fire of a wellprotected enemy. In that assault, which occurred on July 31st, Wolfelost four hundred in killed. 

General Murray was next sent with twelve hundred men, above the town, todestroy the French ships and open communication with General Amherst. They learned that Niagara had surrendered and that Ticonderoga and CrownPoint had been abandoned. But General Wolfe looked in vain for GeneralAmherst. The commander-in-chief, opposed by no more than three thousandmen, was loitering at Crown Point; nor was even a messenger receivedfrom him. The heroic Wolfe was left to struggle alone against odds anddifficulties which every hour made more appalling. Everyone able to beararms was in the field fighting for their homes, their language, andtheir religion. Old men of seventy and boys of fifteen fired at theEnglish detachments from the edges of the woods. 

The feeble frame of General Wolfe, disabled by fever, began to sinkunder the fearful strain. He laid before his chief officers threedesperate methods of attacking Montcalm, all of which they opposed, butproposed to convey five thousand men above the town, and thus drawMontcalm from his intrenchments. General Wolfe acquiesced and preparedto carry it into effect. On the 5th and 6th of September he marched thearmy from Point Levi, and embarked in transports, resolving to land atthe point that ever since has borne his name, and take the enemy bysurprise. Every officer knew his appointed duty, when at one o'clock onthe morning of the 13th, about half the army glided down with the tide. When the cove was reached, General Wolfe and the troops with him leapedashore, and clambered up the steep hill, holding by the roots and boughsof the maple, spruce and ash trees, that covered the declivity, and withbut little difficulty dispersed the picket which guarded the height. Atdaybreak General Wolfe, with his battalions, stood on the plains ofAbraham. When the news was carried to Montcalm, he said, "They have atlast got to the weak side of this miserable garrison; we must givebattle, and crush them before mid-day. " Before ten o'clock the twoopposing armies were ranged in each other's presence. The English, fivethousand strong, were all regulars, perfect in discipline, terrible intheir fearless enthusiasm, and commanded by a man whom they obeyed withconfidence and admiration. Montcalm had but five weak battalions of twothousand men, mingled with disorderly peasantry. The French with threeand the English with two small pieces of artillery cannonaded each otherfor nearly an hour. 

Montcalm led the French army impetuously to the attack. Theill-disciplined companies broke by their precipitation and theunevenness of the ground, fired by platoons without unity. The Englishreceived the shock with calmness, reserving their fire until the enemywere within forty yards, when they began a regular, rapid firing. Montcalm was everywhere, braving dangers, though wounded, cheered othersby his example. The Canadians flinching from the hot fire, gave way whenGeneral Wolfe placing himself at the head of two regiments, charged withbayonets. General Wolfe was wounded three times, the third timemortally. "Support me, " he cried to an officer near him; "let not mybrave fellows see me drop. " He was carried to the rear. "They run, theyrun, " cried the officer on whom he leaned. "Who run?" asked Wolfe, ashis life was fast ebbing. "The French, " replied the officer, "give wayeverywhere. " "What, " cried the dying hero, "do they run already? Go, oneof you, to Colonel Burton; bid him march Webb's regiment with all speedto Charles River to cut off the fugitives. " "Now, God be praised, I diehappy, " were the last words he uttered. The heroic Montcalm, struck by amusket ball, continued in the engagement, till attempting to rally abody of fugitive Canadians, was mortally wounded. On September 17th, thecity surrendered. 

The rapid sketch thus given does not represent the part taken byFraser's Highlanders. Fortunately Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser kept ajournal, and from it the following is gleaned: June 30th, theHighlanders with Kennedy's or the 43rd, crossed the river and joined the15th, or Amhersts', with some Rangers, marched to Point Levi, havingnumerous skirmishes on the way. Captain Campbell posted his company inSt. Joseph's church, and there fired a volley upon an assaulting party. On Sunday, July 1st, the regiment was cannonaded by some floatingbatteries, losing four killed and eight wounded. On the 9th, beforedaylight, the Highlanders struck tents at Point Levi, and marched out ofsight of the town. On the 11th three men were wounded by the fire of thegreat guns from the city. On the 21st, it was reported that fourteenprivates of Fraser's Highlanders were wounded by the Royal Americans, having, in the dark, mistaken them for the enemy. On the night of July24th, Colonel Fraser, with a detachment of about three hundred and fiftymen of his regiment, marched down the river, in order to take up suchprisoners and cattle as might be found. Lieutenant Alexander Fraser, Jr. , returned to the camp with the information that Colonel Fraser hadbeen wounded by a shot from some Canadians in ambush; and the same shotwounded Captain MacPherson; both of whom returned that day to camp. Onthe 27th the detachment returned bringing three women and one manprisoners, and almost two hundred cattle. July 31st Fraser's andAmherst's regiments embarked in boats at Point Levi and landed on theMontmorenci, where, on that day, General Wolfe fought the battle ofBeauport Flats, in which he lost seven hundred killed and wounded. Hisretreat was covered by the Highlanders, without receiving any hurt, although exposed to a battery of two cannons which kept a very briskfire upon them. The regiment went to the island of Orleans, and onAugust 1st to Point Levi. On Wednesday, August 15th, Captain JohnMacDonell, seven subalterns, eight sergeants, eight corporals and onehundred and forty-four men of Fraser's regiment, crossed from PointLevi to the Island of Orleans and lodged in the church of St. Peter's, and the next day marched to the east end of the island, and on the 17thcrossed to St. Joachim, where they met with slight resistance. Theyfortified the Priest's house, and were not reinforced until the 23rd, and then all marched to attack the village, which was captured, with "afew prisoners taken, all of whom the barbarous Captain Montgomery, whocommanded us, ordered to be butchered in a most inhuman and cruelmanner. .. . After this skirmish we set about burning the houses withgreat success, setting all in flames till we came to the church of St. Anne's, where we put up for this night, and were joined by Captain Ross, with about one hundred and twenty men of his company. " The work ofdevastation continued the following day, until the forces reached AngeGardien. August 28, Captain MacDonell with Captain Ross took post atChateau Richer. September 1st, Chateau Richer was burned, and the forcemarched to Montmorenci, burning all the houses on the way. On the 2ndthe Highlanders returned to their camp at Point Levi. Captain AlexanderCameron of Dungallon died on the 3rd. On the 4th Captain AlexanderFraser of Culduthell arrived with a fourteenth company to the regiment. On the 6th a detachment of six hundred Highlanders with the 15th and43rd regiments, marched five miles above Point Levi and then crossed theriver in crowded vessels, but for several days remained mostly on boardthe ships. On September 17th, the Highlanders landed at Wolfe's Cove, with the rest of the army, and were soon on the plains of Abraham. Whenthe main body of the French commenced to retreat "our regiment were thenordered by Brigadier General Murray to draw their swords and pursuethem; which I dare say increased their panic but saved many of theirlives. * * * In advancing we passed over a great many dead and wounded(French regulars mostly) lying in the front of our regiment, who, --Imean the Highlanders--to do them justice behaved extremely well all day, as did the whole of the army. After pursuing the French to the verygates of the town, our regiment was ordered to form fronting the town, on the ground whereon the French formed first. At this time the rest ofthe army came up in good order. General Murray having then put himselfat the head of our regiment ordered them to face to the left and marchthro' the bush of wood, towards the General Hospital, when they got agreat gun or two to play upon us from the town, which however did nodamage, but we had a few men killed and officers wounded by someskulking fellows, with small arms, from the bushes and behind the housesin the suburbs of St. Louis and St. John's. After marching a short waythrough the bush, Brigadier Murray thought proper to order us to returnagain to the high road leading from Porte St. Louis, to the heights ofAbraham, where the battle was fought, and after marching till we gotclear of the bushes, we were ordered to turn to the right, and go alongthe edge of them towards the bank at the descent between us and theGeneral Hospital, under which we understood there was a body of theenemy who, no sooner saw us, than they began firing on us from thebushes and from the bank; we soon dispossessed them from the bushes, andfrom thence kept firing for about a quarter of an hour on those undercover of the bank; but, as they exceeded us greatly in numbers, theykilled and wounded a great many of our men, and killed two officers, which obliged us to retire a little, and form again, when the 58thRegiment with the 2nd Battalion of Royal Americans having come up to ourassistance, all three making about five hundred men, advanced againstthe enemy and drove them first down to the great meadow between thehospital and town and afterwards over the river St. Charles. It was atthis time and while in the bushes that our regiment suffered most;Lieutenant Roderick, McNeill of Barra, and Alexander McDonell, and JohnMcDonell, and John McPherson, volunteer, with many of our men, werekilled before we were reinforced; and Captain Thomas Ross having gonedown with about one hundred men of the 3rd Regiment to the meadow, afterthe enemy, when they were out of reach, ordered me up to desire those onthe height would wait till he would come up and join them, which I did, but before Mr. Ross could get up, he unfortunately was mortally wounded. * * * We had of our regiment three officers killed and ten wounded, oneof whom Captain Simon Fraser, afterwards died. Lieutenant ArchibaldCampbell was thought to have been mortally wounded, but to the surpriseof most people recovered, Captain John McDonell thro' both thighs;Lieut. Ronald McDonell thro' the knee; Lieutenant Alexander Campbellthro' the leg; Lieutenant Douglas thro' the arm, who died of this woundsoon afterwards; Ensign Gregorson, Ensign McKenzie and LieutenantAlexander Fraser, all slightly, I received a contusion in the rightshoulder or rather breast, before the action become general, whichpained me a good deal, but it did not disable me from my duty then, orafterwards. 

The detachment of our regiment consisted, at our marching from PointLevi, of six hundred men, besides commissioned and non commissionedofficers; but of these, two officers and about sixty men were left onboard for want of boats, and an officer and about thirty men left at thelanding place; besides a few left sick on board, so that we had aboutfive hundred men in the action. We suffered in men and officers morethan any three regiments in the field. We were commanded by Captain JohnCampbell; the Colonel and Captain McPherson having been unfortunatelywounded on the 25th July, of which they were not yet fully recovered. Welay on our arms all the night of the 13th September. "

On the 14th the Highlanders pitched their tents on the battlefield, within reach of the guns of the town. On the following; day they wereordered to camp near the wood, at a greater distance from the town. Here, within five hundred yards of the town, they commenced to makeredoubts. After the surrender of Quebec the Highlanders marched into thecity and there took up their quarters. On February 13, 1760, in anengagement with the French at Point Levi, Lieutenant McNeil was killed, and some of the soldiers wounded. March 18th Captain Donald McDonald, with some detachments, in all five hundred men, attacked the Frenchposts at St. Augustin, and without loss took eighty prisoners, and thatnight returned to Quebec. 

Scurvy, occasioned by salt provisions and cold, made fierce work in thegarrison, and in the army scarce a man was free from it. On April 30th areturn of Fraser's Highlanders, in the garrison at Quebec, showed threehundred and fourteen fit for duty, five hundred and eighty sick, and onehundred and six dead since September 18, 1759. 

April 27th, the French under De Levi, in strong force advanced againstthe English, the latter being forced to withdraw within the walls ofQuebec. Fraser's Highlanders was one of the detachments sent to coverthe retreat of the army, which was effected without loss. At half-pastsix, the next morning General Murray marched out and formed his army onthe heights of Abraham. The left wing was under Colonel Simon Frasercomposed of the Highlanders, the 43rd, and the 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. TheHighlanders were exposed to a galling fire from the bushes in front andflank and were forced to fall back; and every regiment made the best ofits way into the city. The British loss was two hundred and fifty-sevenkilled and seven hundred and sixty-one wounded. 

The Highlanders had about four hundred men in the field, nearly one-halfof whom had that day, of their own accord, come out of the hospital. Among the killed were Captain Donald Macdonald, Lieutenant Cosmo Gordonand fifty-five non-commissioned officers, pipers and privates; theirwounded were Colonel Fraser, Captains John Campbell of Dunoon, AlexanderFraser, Alexander MacLeod, Charles Macdonell; Lieutenants ArchibaldCampbell, son of Glenlyon, Charles Stewart, Hector Macdonald, JohnMacbean, Alexander Fraser, senior, Alexander Campbell, John Nairn, Arthur Rose, Alexander Fraser, junior, Simon Fraser, senior, ArchibaldMcAlister, Alexander Fraser, John Chisholm, Simon Fraser, junior, Malcolm Fraser, and Donald McNeil; Ensigns Henry Munro, Robert Menzies, Duncan Cameron, of Fassifern, William Robertson, Alexander Gregorson andMalcolm Fraser, and one hundred and twenty-nine non-commissionedofficers and privates. 

Lieutenant Charles Stewart, engaged in the Rising of the Forty-Five, inStewart of Appin's regiment, was severely wounded at Culloden. As he layin his quarters after the battle on the heights of Abraham, speaking tosome brother officers on the recent actions, he exclaimed, "From Aprilbattles, and Murray generals, good Lord deliver me!" alluding to hiswound at Culloden, where the vanquished blamed lord George Murray forfighting on the best field in the country for regular troops, cavalryand artillery; and likewise alluding to his present wound, and toGeneral Murray's conduct in marching out of a garrison to attack anenemy, more than treble his numbers, in an open field, where their wholestrength could be brought to act. No time was lost in repeating to thegeneral what the wounded officer had said; but Murray, who was a man ofhumor and of a generous mind, on the following morning called on hissubordinate, and heartily wished him better deliverance in the nextbattle, when he hoped to give him occasion to pray in a differentmanner. 

On the night of the battle De Levi opened trenches within six hundredyards of the walls of the city, and proceeded to besiege the city, whileGeneral Murray made preparations for defence. On May 1st the largest ofthe English blockhouses accidentally blew up, injuring Captain Cameron. On the 17th the French suddenly abandoned their entrenchments. LordMurray pursued but was unable to overtake them. He formed a junction, inSeptember with General Amherst. 

General Amherst had been notified of the intended siege of Quebec by DeLevi; but only persevered in the tardy plans which he had formed. Canadanow presented no difficulties only such as General Amherst might create. The country was suffering from four years of scarcity, a disheartened, starving peasantry, and the feeble remains of five or six battalionswasted by incredible hardships. Colonel Haviland proceeded from CrownPoint and took the deserted fort at Isle aux Noix. Colonel Haldimand, with the grenadiers, light infantry and a battalion of The Black Watch, took post at the bottom of the lake. General Amherst led the main bodyof ten thousand men by way of Oswego; why, no one can tell. The labor ofgoing there was much greater than going direct to Montreal. Aftertoiling to Oswego, he proceeded cautiously down the St. Lawrence, treating the people humanely, and without the loss of life, save whilepassing the rapids, he met, on September 7th, the army of lord Murraybefore Montreal, the latter on his way up from Quebec, intimidated thepeople and amused himself by burning villages and harrying Canadians. Onthe 8th Colonel Haviland joined the forces. Thus the three armies cametogether in overwhelming strength, to take an open town of a few hundredinhabitants who were ready to surrender on the first appearance of theEnglish. 

The Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders remained in America until theclose of the year 1761. The officers were Lieutenant Colonel FrancisGrant; Majors, Gordon Graham and John Reid; Captains, John McNeil, AllanCampbell, Thomas Graeme, James Stewart, James Murray, Thomas Stirling, William Murray, John Stuart, Alexander Reid, William Grant, DavidHaldane, Archibald Campbell, John Campbell, Kenneth Tolmie, WilliamCockburne; Captain-Lieutenant, James Grant; Lieutenants, John Graham, Alexander Turnbull, Alexander McIntosh, James Gray, John Small, Archibald Campbell, James Campbell, Archibald Lamont, David Mills, SimonBlair, David Barclay, Alexander Mackay, Robert Menzies, PatrickBalneaves, John Campbell, senior, John Robertson, John Grant, GeorgeLeslie, Duncan Campbell, Adam Stuart, George Grant, James McIntosh, JohnSmith, Peter Grant, Simon Fraser, Alexander Farquharson, John Campbell, junior, William Brown, Thomas Fletcher, Elbert Herring, John Leith, Archibald Campbell, Alexander Donaldson, Archibald Campbell, PatrickSinclair, John Gregor, Lewis Grant, Archibald Campbell, John Graham, Allan Grant, Archibald McNab; Ensigns, Charles Menzies, John Charles St. Clair, Neil McLean, Thomas Cunison, Alexander Gregor, William Grant, George Campbell, Nathaniel McCulloch, Daniel Robertson, John Sutherland, Charles Grant, Samuel Stull, James Douglass, Thomas Scott, CharlesGraham, James Robertson, Patrick Murray, Lewis Grant; Chaplain, LauchlanJohnston; Adjutants, Alexander Donaldson, John Gregor; Quarter-Masters, John Graham, Adam Stewart; Surgeons, David Hepburn, Robert Drummond. 

At the close of the year 1761 The Black Watch, with ten other regiments, among which was Montgomery's Highlanders, embarked for Barbadoes, thereto join an armament against Martinique and Havanna. After the surrenderof Havanna, the first battalion of the 42nd, and Montgomery'sHighlanders embarked for New York, which they reached in the end ofOctober, 1762. Before leaving Cuba, all the men of the second battalionof the 42nd, fit for service were consolidated with the first, and theremainder shipped to Scotland, where they were reduced the followingyear. 

The 42nd, or The Black Watch was stationed at Albany till the summer of1763 when they, with a detachment of Montgomery's Highlanders andanother of the 60th, under command of Colonel Henry Boquet, were sent tothe relief of Fort Pitt, then besieged by the Indians. This expeditionconsisting of nine hundred and fifty-six men, with its convoy, reachedFort Bedford, July 25, 1763. The whole country in that region wasaroused by the depredations of the Indians. On the 28th Boquet moved hisarmy out of Fort Bedford and marched to Fort Ligonier, where he left histrain, and proceeded with pack-horses. Before them lay a dangerousdefile, several miles in length, commanded the whole distance by highand craggy hills. On August 5th, when within half a mile of Bushy-Run, about one o'clock in the afternoon, after a harrassing march ofseventeen miles, they were suddenly attacked by the Indians; but twocompanies of the 42nd Highlanders drove them from their ambuscade. Whenthe pursuit ceased, the savages returned. These savages fought like mencontending for their homes, and their hunting grounds. To them it was acrisis which they were forced to meet. Again the Highlanders chargedthem with fixed bayonets; but as soon as they were driven from one postthey appeared at another, and at last entirely surrounded the English, and would have entirely cut them off had it not been for the coolbehavior of the troops and the good manoeuvering of the commander. Night came on, and the English remained on a ridge of land, commodiousfor a camp, except for the total want of water. The next morning thearmy found itself still in a critical position. If they advanced to givebattle, then their convoy and wounded would fall a prey to the enemy; ifthey remained quiet, they would be picked off one by one, and thusmiserably perish. Boquet took advantage of the resolute intrepidity ofthe savages by feigning a retreat. The red men hurried to the charge, when two companies concealed for the purpose fell upon their flank;others turned and met them in front; and the Indians yielding to theirresistible shock, were utterly routed. 

The victory was dearly bought, for Colonel Boquet, in killed andwounded, in the two days action, lost about one-fourth of his men, andalmost all his horses. He was obliged to destroy his stores, and washardly able to carry his wounded. That night the English encamped atBushy Run, and four days later were at Fort Pitt. In the skirmishing andfighting, during the march, the 42nd, or The Black Watch, lostLieutenants John Graham and James Mackintosh, one sergeant andtwenty-six rank and file killed; and Captain John Graham of Duchray, Lieutenant Duncan Campbell, two serjeants, two drummers, and thirty rankand file, wounded. Of Montgomery's Highlanders one drummer and fiveprivates were killed; and Lieutenant Donald Campbell and volunteer JohnPeebles, three serjeants and seven privates wounded. 

[Illustration: OLD BLOCK HOUSE, FORT DUQUESNE. ]

The 42nd regiment passed the winter at Fort Pitt, and during the summerof 1764, eight companies were sent with the army of Boquet against theOhio Indians. After a harrassing warfare the Indians sued for peace. Notwithstanding the labors of a march of many hundred miles among denseforests, during which they experienced the extremes of heat and cold, the Highlanders did not lose a single man from fatigue or exhaustion. The army returned to Fort Pitt in January, 1765, during very severeweather. Three men died of sickness, and on their arrival at Fort Pittonly nineteen men were under the surgeon's charge. The regiment was nowin better quarters than it had been for years. It was greatly reducedin numbers, from its long service, the nature and variety of itshardships, amidst the torrid heat of the West Indies, the rigorouswinters of New York and Ohio, and the fatalities on the field of battle. 

The regiment remained in Pennsylvania until the month of July, 1767, when it embarked at Philadelphia for Ireland. Such of the men whopreferred to remain in America were permitted to join other regiments. These volunteers were so numerous, that, along with those who had beenpreviously sent home disabled, and others discharged and settled inAmerica, the regiment that returned was very small in proportion of thatwhich had left Scotland. 

The 42nd Royal Highlanders, or The Black Watch, made a very favorableimpression in America. The _Virginia Gazette_, July 30, 1767, publishedan article from which the following extracts have been taken:

 "Last Sunday evening, the Royal Highland Regiment embarked for Ireland, which regiment, since its arrival in America, has been distinguished for having undergone most amazing fatigues, made long and frequent marches through an unhospitable country, bearing excessive heat and severe cold with alacrity and cheerfulness, frequently encamping in deep snow, such as those that inhabit the interior parts of this province do not see, and which only those who inhabit the most northern parts of Europe can have any idea of, continually exposed in camp and on their marches to the alarms of a savage enemy, who, in all their attempts, were forced to fly. * * * And, in a particular manner, the freemen of this and the neighboring provinces have most sincerely to thank them for that resolution and bravery with which they, under Colonel Boquet, and a small number of Royal Americans, defeated the enemy, and ensured to us peace and security from a savage foe; and, along with our blessings for these benefits, they have our thanks for that decorum in behavior which they maintained during their stay in this city, giving an example that the most amiable behavior in civil life is no way inconsistent with the character of the good soldier; and for their loyalty, fidelity, and orderly behavior, they have every wish of the people for health, honor, and a pleasant voyage. "

The loss sustained by the regiment during the seven years it wasemployed in America and the West Indies was as follows:

 | KILLED || WOUNDED |-------------------------------------------------- | F | C | S | S | D | P || F | C | S | S | D | P | e | a | u | e | r | r || e | a | u | e | r | r | d. | p | b | r | u | i || d. | p | b | r | u | i | O | t | a | j | m | v || O | t | a | j | m | v | f | a | l | e | m | a || f | a | l | e | m | a | f | i | t | a | e | t || f | i | t | a | e | t | i | n | e | n | r | e || i | n | e | n | r | e | c | s | r | t | s | s || c | s | r | t | s | s | e | | n | s | | || e | | n | s | | | r | | s | | | || r | | s | | | | s | | | | | || s | | | | | --------------------------------------------------------------------- Ticonderoga, | | | | | | || | | | | | July 7, 1758 | 1 | 1 | 6 | 9 | |267|| | 5 | 12| 10| |306 Martinique, | | | | | | || | | | | | January, 1759 | | | | | | 8 || | | 1 | 2 | | 22 Guadeloupe, | | | | | | || | | | | | February and | | | | | | || | | | | | March, 1759 | | | 1 | 1 | | 25|| | | 4 | 3 | |57 General Amherst's | | | | | | || | | | | | Expedition to | | | | | | || | | | | | the Lakes, July | | | | | | || | | | | | and August, 1759 | | | | | | 3 || | | | 1 | | 4 Martinique, | | | | | | || | | | | | January and | | | | | | || | | | | | February, 1762 | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | 12|| 1 | 1 | 7 | 3 | 1 |72 Havanna, June | | | | | | || | | | | | and July, 1762, | | | | | | || | | | | | both battalions. | | | | | 1 | 3 || | | | | 1 | 4 Expedition under | | | | | | || | | | | | Colonel Boquet, | | | | | | || | | | | | August, 1763 | | 1 | 1 | 1 | | 26|| | 1 | 1 | 2 | 2 | 30 Second Expedition | | | | | | || | | | | | under Boquet, | | | | | | || | | | | | in 1764 and 1765 | | | | | | 7|| | | | 1 | | 9 Total in the Seven| | | | | | || | | | | | Years War | 1 | 3 | 9 | 12| 1 |381|| 1 | 7 | 25| 22| 4 |504

Comparing the loss sustained by the 42nd in the field with that of othercorps, it has generally been less than theirs, except at the defeat atTiconderoga. The officers who served in the corps attributed thecomparative loss to the celerity of their attack and the use of thebroadsword, which the enemy could never withstand. 

Of the officers who were in the regiment in 1759 seven rose to begeneral officers, viz. , Francis Grant of Grant, John Reid of Strathloch, Allan Campbell of Glenure, James Murray, son of lord George Murray, JohnCampbell of Strachur, Thomas Stirling of Ardoch, and John Small. Thosewho became field officers were, Gordon Graham, Duncan Campbell ofInneraw, Thomas Graham of Duchray, John Graham his brother, WilliamMurray of Lintrose, William Grant, James Abercromby of Glassa, JamesAbercromby junior, Robert Grant, James Grant, Alexander Turnbull ofStrathcathro, Alexander Donaldson, Thomas Fletcher of Landertis, DonaldRobertson, Duncan Campbell, Alexander Maclean and James Eddington. Acorp of officers, respectable in their persons, character and rank inprivate society, was of itself sufficient to secure esteem and lead aregiment where every man was a soldier. 

It has already been noticed that in the spring of 1760, the thought ofGeneral Amherst was wholly engrossed on the conquest of Canada. He wasappealed to for protection against the Cherokees who were committingcruelties, in their renewed warfare against the settlements. In April hedetached, from the central army, that had conquered Ohio, ColonelMontgomery with six hundred Highlanders of his own regiment and sixhundred Royal Americans to strike a blow at the Cherokees and thenreturn. The force embarked at New York, and by the end of April was inCarolina. At Ninety-six, near the end of May, the army was joined bymany gentlemen of distinction, as volunteers, besides seven hundredCarolina rangers, which constituted the principal strength of thecountry. On June 1st, the army crossed Twelve-mile River; and leavingtheir tents standing on advantageous ground, at eight in the eveningmoved onward through the woods to surprise Estatoe, about twenty milesfrom the camp. On the way Montgomery surprised Little Keowee and putevery man to the sword, sparing only women and children. Early the nextmorning they reached Estatoe only to find it abandoned, except by a fewwho could not escape. The place was reduced to ashes, as was Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation destroyed. For years, thehalf-charred rafters of their houses might be seen on the desolatehill-sides. "I could not help pitying them a little, " wrote Major Grant;"their villages were agreeably situated; their houses neatly built;there were everywhere astonishing magazines of corn, which were allconsumed. " The surprise in every town was almost equal, for the wholewas the work of only a few hours; the Indians had no time to save whatthey valued most; but left for the pillagers money and watches, wampumand furs. About sixty Cherokees were killed; forty, chiefly women andchildren, were made prisoners; but the warriors had generally escaped tothe mountains. 

Meanwhile Fort Prince George had been closely invested, and Montgomerymarched to its relief. From this place he dispatched two friendly chiefsto the middle settlements, to offer terms of peace, and orders were sentto Fort London to bring about accommodations for the upper towns. TheIndians would not listen to any overtures, so Montgomery was constrainedto march against them. The most difficult part of the service was now tobe performed; for the country to be passed through was covered by darkthickets, numerous deep ravines, and high river banks; where a smallnumber of men might distress and even wear out the best appointed army. 

Colonel Montgomery began his march June 24, 1760, and at night encampedat the old town of Oconnee. The next evening he arrived at theWar-Woman's Creek; and on the 20th, crossed the Blue Mountains, and madehis encampment at the deserted town of Stecoe. The army trod the ruggeddefiles, which were as dangerous as men had ever penetrated, withfearless alacrity, and the Highlanders were refreshed by coming into thepresence of the mountains. "What may be Montgomery's fate in theCherokee country, " wrote Washington, "I cannot so readily determine. Itseems he has made a prosperous beginning, having penetrated into theheart of the country, and he is now advancing his troops in high healthand spirits to the relief of Fort Loudon. But let him be wary. He has acrafty, subtle enemy to deal with, that may give him most trouble whenhe least expects it. "[139]

The morning of the 27th found the whole army early on the march to thetown of Etchowee, the nearest of the Cherokee settlements, and eighteenmiles distant. When within five miles of the town, the army was attackedin a most advantageous position for the Indians. It was a low valley, inwhich the bushes were so thick that the soldiers could see scarcelythree yards before them; and through this valley flowed a muddy river, with steep clay banks. Captain Morrison, in command of a company ofrangers, was in the advance. When he entered the ravine, the Indiansemerged from their ambush, and, raising the war-whoop, darted fromcovert to covert, at the same time firing at the whites. CaptainMorrison was immediately shot down, and his men closely engaged. TheHighlanders and provincials drove the enemy from their lurking-places, and, returning to their yells three huzzas and three waves of theirbonnets and hats, they chased them from height and hollow. The armypassed the river at the ford; and, protected by it on their right, andby a flanking party on the left, treading a path, at times so narrow asto be obliged to march in Indian file, fired upon from both front andrear, they were not collected at Etchowee until midnight; after a lossof twenty killed and seventy-six wounded. Of these, the Highlanders hadone Serjeant, and six privates killed, and Captain Sutherland, Lieutenants Macmaster and Mackinnon, and Assistant-Surgeon Munro, andone Serjeant, one piper, and twenty-four rank and file wounded. 

 "Several soldiers of this (Montgomery's) and other regiments fell into the hands of the Indians, being taken in an ambush. Allan Macpherson, one of these soldiers, witnessing the miserable fate of several of his fellow-prisoners, who had been tortured to death by the Indians, and seeing them preparing to commence the same operations upon himself, made signs that he had something to communicate. An interpreter was brought. Macpherson told them, that, provided his life was spared for a few minutes, he would communicate the secret of an extraordinary medicine, which, if applied to the skin, would cause it to resist the strongest blow of a tomahawk, or sword, and that, if they would allow him to go to the woods with a guard, to collect the plants proper for this medicine, he would prepare it, and allow the experiment to be tried on his own neck by the strongest and most expert warrior among them. This story easily gained upon the superstitious credulity of the Indians, and the request of the Highlander was instantly complied with. Being sent into the woods, he soon returned with such plants as he chose to pick up. Having boiled these herbs, he rubbed his neck with their juice, and laying his head upon a log of wood, desired the strongest man among them to strike at his neck with his tomahawk, when he would find he could not make the smallest impression. An Indian, levelling a blow with all his might, cut with such force, that the head flew off to a distance of several yards. The Indians were fixed in amazement at their own credulity, and the address with which the prisoner had escaped the lingering death prepared for him; but, instead of being enraged at this escape of their victim, they were so pleased with his ingenuity that they refrained from inflicting farther cruelties on the remaining prisoners. "[140]

Only for one day did Colonel Montgomery rest in the heart of theAlleghanies. On the following night, deceiving the Indians by kindlinglights at Etchowee, the army retreated, and, marching twenty-five miles, never halted, till it came to War-Woman's Creek. On the 30th, it crossedthe Oconnee Mountain, and on July 1st reached Fort Prince George, andsoon after returned to New York. 

The retreat of Colonel Montgomery was the knell of the famished FortLondon, situated on the borders of the Cherokee country. The garrisonwas forced to capitulate to the Indians, who agreed to escort the men insafety to another fort. They were, however, made the victims oftreachery; for the day after their departure a body of savages waylaidthem, killed some, and captured others, whom they took back to FortLoudon. 

The expedition of Montgomery but served to inflame the Indians. July11th the General Assembly represented their inability to prevent theravages made by the savages on the back settlements, and by unanimousvote entreated the lieutenant governor "to use the most pressinginstances with Colonel Montgomery not to depart with the king's troops, as it might be attended with the most pernicious consequences. "Montgomery, warned that he was but giving the Cherokees room to boastamong the other tribes, of their having obliged the English army toretreat, not only from the mountains, but also from the province, shunned the path of duty, and leaving four companies of the Royal Scots, sailed for Halifax by way of New York, coldly writing "I cannot help thepeople's fears. " Afterwards, in the House of Commons, he acted as onewho thought the Americans factious in peace and feeble in war. 

In 1761 the Montgomery Highlanders were in the expedition againstDominique, and the following year against Martinique and Havanna. At theend of October were again in New York. Before the return of the sixcompanies to New York, the two companies that had been sent against theIndians in 1761, were sent, with a small force, to retake St. John's, New Foundland, which was occupied by a French force. The English armyconsisted of the flank companies of the Royals, a detachment of the45th, two companies of Fraser's Highlanders, a small party ofprovincials, besides Montgomery's. The army landed on September 12, 1762, seven miles northward of St. John's. On the 17th the Frenchsurrendered. Of Montgomery's Highlanders, Captain Mackenzie and fourprivates were killed, and two privates wounded. After this service thetwo companies joined the regiment at New York and there passed thewinter. As already noticed a detachment was with Colonel Boquet to therelief of Fort Pitt in 1763. After the termination of hostilities anoffer was made to the officers and men either to settle in America, orreturn to their own country. Those who remained obtained a grant of landin accordance to their rank. [141]

The following table shows the number of killed and wounded ofMontgomery's Highlanders during the war:--

====================================================================== | KILLED || WOUNDED |------------------------------------- | O | S |D &| R || O | S |D &| R | f | e |r | a || f | e |r | a | f | r |u P| n || f | r |u P| n | i | j |m i| k || i | j |m i| k | c | e |m p| & || c | e |m p| & | e | a |e e| F || e | a |e e| F | r | n |r r| i || r | n |r r| i | s | t |s s| l || s | t |s s| l | | s | | e || | s | | e----------------------------------------------------------------------Fort du Quesne, Sept. 11, 1758 | 7 | 3 | 2 | 92|| 9 | 7 | 3 | 201Little Keowe, June 1, 1760 | | | | 2|| | | |Etchowee, June 27, 1760 | | 2 | | 6|| 4 | 1 | 1 | 24Martinique, 1761 | 1 | | | 4|| 1 | 1 | | 26Havanna, 1762 | 1 | | | 2|| | | | 6St. John's, September, 1762 | 1 | | | 4|| | | | 2On Passage to West Indies | 1 | | | || | | | --------------------------------------Total during the war |11 | 5 | 2 |110|| 14| 9 | 4 |259======================================================================

After the surrender of Montreal, Fraser's Highlanders were not calledinto action, until the fall of 1762, when the two companies were withthe expedition under Colonel William Amherst, against St. John's, Newfoundland. In this service Captain Macdonell was mortally wounded, three rank and file killed, and seven wounded. At the conclusion of thewar, a number of the officers and men having expressed a desire toremain in America, had their wishes granted, and an allowance of landgranted them. The rest returned to Scotland and were discharged. 

The following is a return of the killed and wounded of Fraser'sHighlanders during the war from 1756 to 1763:--

====================================================================== | KILLED || WOUNDED |-------------------------------------------------- | F | C | S | S | D | R || F | C | S | S | D | R | d | a | u | e | r | a || d | a | u | e | r | a | . | p | b | r | u | n || . | p | b | r | u | n | O | t | a | j | m | k || O | t | a | j | m | k | f | a | l | e | m | || f | a | l | e | m | | f | i | t | a | e | & || f | i | t | a | e | & | i | n | e | n | r | || i | n | e | n | r | | c | s | r | t | s | F || c | s | r | t | s | F | e | | n | s | | i || e | | n | s | | i | r | | s | | | l || r | | s | | | l | s | | | | | e || s | | | | | e ---------------------------------------------------------------------Louisburg, | | | | | | || | | | | | July 1758 | | 1 | 3 | | | 17|| | 1 | 2| | | 41Montmorency, | | | | | | || | | | | | Sept. 2, 1759 | | | 2 | | 1 | 18|| 1 | 2 | 3 | | | 85Heights of Abraham, | | | | | | || | | | | | Sept 13, 1769 | | 1 | 2 | 1 | | 14|| | 2 | 8 | 7 | |131Quebec, April, 1760| | 1 | 3 | 3 | 1 | 51|| 1 | 4 |22 |10 | |119St. John's, Sept. | | | | | | || | | | | | 1762 | | 1 | | | | 3|| | | | | | 7 --------------------------------------------------- Total during the war | | 4 |10 | 4| 2 |103|| 2 | 9 | 35| 17| |383

Whatever may be said of the 42nd, or The Black Watch, concerning itssoldierly bearing may also be applied to both Montgomery's and Fraser'sregiments. Both officers and men were from the same people, having thesame manners, customs, language and aspirations. The officers were fromamong the best families, and the soldiers respected and loved those whocommanded them. 

For three years after the fall of Montreal the war between France andEngland lingered on the ocean. The Treaty of Paris was signed February10, 1763, which gave to England all the French possessions in Americaeastward of the Mississippi from its source to the river Iberville, andthence through Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain to the Gulf of Mexico. Spain, with whom England had been at war, at the same time ceded Eastand West Florida to the English Crown. France was obliged to cede toSpain all that vast territory west of the Mississippi, known as theprovince of Louisiana. The Treaty deprived France of all her possessionsin North America. To the genius of William Pitt must be ascribed theconquest of Canada and the deprivation of France of her possessions inthe New World. 

The acquisition of Canada, by keen sighted observers, was regarded as asource of danger to England. As early as the year 1748, the Swedishtraveller Kalm, having described in vivid language the commercialoppression under which the colonists were suffering, added theseremarkable words:

 "I have been told, not only by native Americans, but by English emigrants publicly, that within thirty or fifty years the English colonies in North America may constitute a separate state entirely independent of England. But as this whole country towards the sea is unguarded, and on the frontier is kept uneasy by the French, these dangerous neighbors are the reason why the love of these colonies for their metropolis does not utterly decline. The English government has, therefore, reason to regard the French in North America as the chief power which urges their colonies to submission. "[142]

On the definite surrender of Canada, Choiseul said to those around him, "We have caught them at last"; his eager hopes anticipating an earlystruggle of America for independence. The French ministers consoledthemselves for the Peace of Paris by the reflection that the loss ofCanada was a sure prelude to the independence of the colonies. Vergennes, the sagacious and experienced ambassador, then atConstantinople, a grave, laborious man, remarkable for a calm temper andmoderation of character, predicted to an English traveller, withstriking accuracy, the events that would occur. "England, " he said, "will soon repent of having removed the only check that could keep hercolonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection. Shewill call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they havehelped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking off alldependence. "

It is not to be presumed that Englishmen were wholly blind to thisdanger. There were advocates who maintained that it would be wiser torestore Canada and retain Guadaloupe, with perhaps Martinico and St. Lucia. This view was supported with distinguished ability in ananonymous paper, said to have been written by William Burke, the friendand kinsman of the great orator. The views therein set forth were saidto have been countenanced by lord Hardwicke. The tide of English opinionwas, however, very strongly in the opposite direction. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 136: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 66. ]

[Footnote 137: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. I, p. 289. ]

[Footnote 138: The Olden Time, Vol. I, p. 181. ]

[Footnote 139: Spark's Writings of Washington, Vol. II, p. 332. ]

[Footnote 140: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 61. ]

[Footnote 141: See Appendix, Note L. ]

[Footnote 142: Pinkerton's Travels, Vol. XIII. ]

CHAPTER XII. 

SCOTCH HOSTILITY TO AMERICA. 

The causes which led to the American Revolution have been set forth inworks pertaining to that event, and fully amplified by those desiring togive a special treatise on the subject. Briefly to rehearse them, thefollowing may be pointed out: The general cause was the right ofarbitrary government over the colonies claimed by the Britishparliament. So far as the claim was concerned as a theory, but littlewas said, but when it was put in force an opposition at once arose. Thepeople had long been taught to act and think upon the principle ofeternal right, which had a tendency to mould them in a channel thatlooked towards independence. The character of George III. Was such as toirritate the people. He was stubborn and without the least conception ofhuman rights; nor could he conceive of a magnanimous project, orappreciate the value of civil liberty. His notions of government weredespotic, and around him, for advisers, he preferred those asincompetent and as illiberal as himself. Such a king could not deal witha people who had learned freedom, and had the highest conceptions ofhuman rights. The British parliament, composed almost entirely of theruling class, shared the views of their master, and servilely did hisbidding, by passing a number of acts destructive of colonial liberty. The first of these was a strenuous attempt to enforce in 1761 THEIMPORTATION ACT, which gave to petty constables the authority to enterany and every place where they might suspect goods upon which a duty hadnot been levied. In 1763 and 1764 the English ministers attempted toenforce the law requiring the payment of duties on sugar and molasses. In vain did the people try to show that under the British constitutiontaxation and representation were inseparable. Nevertheless Englishvessels were sent to hover around American ports, and soon succeeded inparalyzing the trade with the West Indies. 

The close of the French and Indian war gave to England a renewedopportunity to tax America. The national debt had increased from£52, 092, 238 in 1727 to £138, 865, 430 in 1763. The ministers began to urgethat the expenses of the war ought to be borne by the colonies. TheAmericans contended, that they had aided England as much as she hadaided them; that the cession of Canada had amply remunerated England forall her losses; and, further, the colonies did not dread the payment ofmoney, but feared that their liberties might be subverted. Early inMarch 1765, the English parliament, passed the celebrated STAMP ACT, which provided that every note, bond, deed, mortgage, lease, licence, all legal documents of every description, every colonial pamphlet, almanac, and newspaper, after the first day of the following November, should be on paper furnished by the British government, the stamp costbeing from one cent to thirty dollars. When the news of the passage ofthis act was brought to America the excitement was intense, and actionwas resolved on by the colonies. The act was not formally repealed untilMarch 18, 1766. On June 29, 1767, another act was passed to tax America. On October 1, 1768, seven hundred troops, sent from Halifax, marchedwith fixed bayonets into Boston, and quartered themselves in the StateHouse. In February 1769 parliament declared the people of Massachusettsrebels, and the governor was directed to arrest those deemed guilty oftreason, and send them to England for trial. In the city of New York, in1770, the soldiers wantonly cut down a liberty pole, which had forseveral years stood in the park. The most serious affray occurred onMarch 5th, in Boston between a party of citizens and some soldiers, inwhich three citizens were shot down and several wounded. This massacreinflamed the city with a blaze of excitement. On that day lord Northsucceeded in having all the duties repealed except that on tea; and thattax, in 1773, was attempted to be enforced by a stratagem. On theevening of December 16th, the tea, in the three tea-ships, then inBoston harbor, was thrown overboard, by fifty men disguised as Indians. Parliament, instead of using legal means, hastened to find revenge. OnMarch 31, 1774, it was enacted that Boston port should be closed. 

The final act which brought on the Revolution was the firing upon theseventy minute men, who were standing still at Lexington, by the Englishsoldiers under Major Pitcairn, on April 19, 1775, sixteen of thepatriots fell dead or wounded. The first gun of the Revolution fired theentire country, and in a few days Boston was besieged by the militiatwenty thousand strong. Events passed rapidly, wrongs upon wrongs wereperpetrated, until, finally, on July 4, 1776, the Declaration ofIndependence was published to the world. By this act all hope ofreconciliation was at an end. Whatever concessions might be made byEngland, her own acts had caused an impassable gulf. 

America had done all within her power to avert the impending storm. Herpetitions had been spurned from the foot of the English throne. Even theillustrious Dr. Franklin, venerable in years, was forced to listen to avile diatribe against him delivered by the coarse and brutal Wedderburn, while members of the Privy Council who were present, with the singleexception of lord North, "lost all dignity and all self-respect. Theylaughed aloud at each sarcastic sally of Wedderburn. 'The indecency oftheir behaviour, ' in the words of Shelburne, 'exceeded, as is agreed onall hands, that of any committee of elections;' and Fox, in a speechwhich he made as late as 1803, reminded the House how on that memorableoccasion 'all men tossed up their hats and clapped their hands inboundless delight at Mr. Wedderburn's speech. '"[143]

George III. , his ministers and his parliament hurled the countryheadlong into war, and that against the judgment of her wisest men, andher best interests. To say the least the war was not popular in England. The wisest statesmen in both Houses of Parliament plead forreconciliation, but their efforts fell on callous ears. The ruling classwas seized with the one idea of humbling America. They preferred tolisten to such men as Major James Grant, --the same who allowed his men, (as has been already narrated) to be scandalously slaughtered beforeFort du Quesne, and had made himself offensive in South Carolina underColonel Montgomery. This braggart asserted, in the House of Commons, "amidst the loudest cheering, that he knew the Americans very well, andwas certain they would not fight; 'that they were not soldiers andnever could be made so, being naturally pusillanimous and incapable ofdiscipline; that a very slight force would be more than sufficient fortheir complete reduction'; and he fortified his statement by repeatingtheir peculiar expressions, and ridiculing their religious enthusiasm, manners and ways of living, greatly to the entertainment of thehouse. "[144]

The great Pitt, then earl of Chatham, in his famous speech in January1775, declared:

 "The spirit which resists your taxation in America is the same that formerly opposed loans, benevolences, and ship-money in England. * * * This glorious spirit of Whiggism animates three millions in America who prefer poverty with liberty to gilded chains and sordid affluence, and who will die in defence of their rights as freemen. * * * For myself, I must declare that in all my reading and observation--and history has been my favorite study; I have read Thucydides, and have studied and admired the master states of the world--that for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion under such a complication of difficult circumstances, no nation or body of men can stand in preference to the General Congress at Philadelphia. * * * All attempts to impose servitude upon such men, to establish despotism over such a mighty continental nation, must be vain, must be fatal. We shall be forced ultimately to retreat. Let us retreat while we can, not when we must. "

In accordance with these sentiments Chatham withdrew his eldest son fromthe army rather than suffer him to be engaged in the war. LordEffingham, finding his regiment was to serve against the Americans, threw up his commission and renounced the profession for which he hadbeen trained and loved, as the only means of escaping the obligation offighting against the cause of freedom. Admiral Keppel, one of the mostgallant officers in the British navy, expressed his readiness to serveagainst the ancient enemies of England, but asked to be released fromemployment against the Americans. It is said that Amherst refused tocommand the army against the Americans. In 1776 it was openly debated inparliament whether British officers ought to serve their sovereignagainst the Americans, and no less a person then General Conway leaneddecidedly to the negative, and compared the case to that of Frenchofficers who were employed in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. Justafter the battle of Bunker Hill, the duke of Richmond declared inparliament that he "did not think that the Americans were in rebellion, but that they were resisting acts of the most unexampled cruelty andoppression. " The Corporation of London, in 1775, drew up an addressstrongly approving of the resistance of the Americans, and similaraddresses were expressed by other towns. A great meeting in London, andalso the guild of merchants in Dublin, returned thanks to lord Effinghamfor his recent conduct. When Montgomery fell at the head of the Americantroops before Quebec, he was eulogized in the British parliament. 

The merchants of Bristol, September 27, 1775, held a meeting and passedresolutions deprecating the war, and calling upon the king to put a stopto it. The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Livery of London, September 29th, issued an address to the Electors of Great Britain, against carrying onthe war. A meeting of the merchants and traders of London was heldOctober 5th, and moved an address to the king "relative to the unhappydispute between Great Britain and her American Colonies, " and that heshould "cause hostilities to cease. " The principal citizens, manufacturers and traders of the city of Coventry, October 10th, addressed the sovereign beseeching him "to stop the effusion of blood, to recommend to your Parliament to consider, with all due attention, thepetition from America lately offered to be presented to the throne. " Themayor and burgesses of Nottingham, October 20th, petitioned the king inwhich they declared that "the first object of our desires and wishes isthe return of peace and cordial union with our Americanfellow-subjects, " and humbly requested him to "suspend thosehostilities, which, we fear, can have no other than a fatal issue. " Thiswas followed by an address of the inhabitants of the same city, in whichthe king was asked to "stay the hand of war, and recall into the bosomof peace and grateful subjection your American subjects, by arestoration of those measures which long experience has shown to beproductive of the greatest advantages to this late united andflourishing Empire. " The petition of the free burgesses, traders andinhabitants of Newcastle-upon-Tyne declared that "in the presentunnatural war with our American brethren, we have seen neitherprovocation nor object; nor is it, in our humble apprehension, consonantwith the rights of humanity, sound policy, or the Constitution of ourCountry. " A very great majority of the gentlemen, clergy and freeholdersof the county of Berks signed an address, November 7th, to the king inwhich it was declared that "the disorders have arisen from a complaint(plausible at least) of one right violated; and we can never be broughtto imagine that the true remedy for such disorders consists in an attackon all other rights, and an attempt to drive the people either tounconstitutional submission or absolute despair. " The gentlemen, merchants, freemen and inhabitants of the city of Worcester alsoaddressed the king and besought him to adopt such measures as shall"seem most expedient for putting a stop to the further effusion ofblood, for reconciling Great Britain and her Colonies, for reuniting theaffections of your now divided people, and for establishing, on apermanent foundation, the peace, commerce, and prosperity of all yourMajesty's Dominions. "

It is a fact, worthy of special notice, that in both England and Irelandthere was a complete absence of alacrity and enthusiasm in enlisting forthe army and navy. This was the chief reason why George III. Turned tothe petty German princes who trafficked in human chattels. There peoplewere seized in their homes, or while working the field, and sold toEngland at so much per head. On account of the great difficulty inEngland in obtaining voluntary recruits for the American war, thepress-gang was resorted to, and in 1776, was especially fierce. In lessthan a month eight hundred men were seized in London alone, and severallives were lost in the scuffles that took place. The press-gang wouldhang about the prison-gates, and seize criminals whose sentences hadexpired and force them into the army. 

"It soon occurred to the government that able-bodied criminals might bemore usefully employed in the coercion of the revolted colonists, andthere is reason to believe that large numbers of criminals of all butthe worst category, passed at this time into the English army and navy. In estimating the light in which British soldiers were regarded inAmerica, and in estimating the violence and misconduct of which Britishsoldiers were sometimes guilty, this fact must not be forgotten. " InIreland criminals were released from their prisons on condition ofenlisting in the army or navy. [145]

The regular press-gang was not confined to England, and it formed one ofthe grievances of the American colonists. One of the most terrible riotsever known in New England, was caused, in 1747, by this nefariouspractice, under the sanction of Admiral Knowles. An English vessel wasburnt, and English officers were seized and imprisoned by the crowd; thegovernor was obliged to flee to the castle; the sub-sheriffs wereimpounded in the stocks; the militia refused to act against the people;and the admiral was compelled to release his captives. Resistance, inAmerica, was shown in many subsequent attempts to impress the people. 

The king and his ministers felt it was necessary to sustain the acts ofparliament in the American war by having addresses sent to the kingupholding him in the course he was pursuing. Hence emissaries were sentthroughout the kingdom who cajoled the ignorant into signing suchpapers. The general sentiment of the people cannot be estimated by thenumber of addresses for they were obtained by the influence of theministers of state. Every magistrate depending upon the favor of thecrown could and would exert his influence as directed. Hence there werenumerous addresses sent to the king approving the course he was bentupon. When it is considered that the government had the advantage ofmore than fifty thousand places and pensions at its disposal, theimmense lever for securing addresses is readily seen. From no section ofthe country, however, were these addresses so numerous as from Scotland. 

It is one of the most singular things in history that the people ofScotland should have been so hostile to the Americans, and so forward inexpressing their approbation of the attitude of George III. And hisministers. The Americans had in no wise ever harmed them or crossedtheir path. The emigrants from Scotland had been received with open armsby the people. If any had been mistreated, it was by the appointees ofthe crown. With scarcely an exception the whole politicalrepresentation in both Houses of Parliament supported lord North, andwere bitterly opposed to the Americans. Lecky has tried to soften thematter by throwing the blame on the servile leaders who did notrepresent the real sentiment of the people:

 "Scotland, however, is one of the very few instances in history, of a nation whose political representation was so grossly defective as not merely to distort but absolutely to conceal its opinions. It was habitually looked upon as the most servile and corrupt portion of the British Empire; and the eminent liberalism and the very superior political qualities of its people seem to have been scarcely suspected to the very eve of the Reform Bill of 1832. That something of that liberalism existed at the outbreak of the American war, may, I think, be inferred from the very significant fact that the Government were unable to obtain addresses in their favor either from Edinburgh or Glasgow. The country, however, was judged mainly by its representatives, and it was regarded as far more hostile to the American cause than either England or Ireland. "[146]

A very able editor writing at the time has observed:

 "It must however be acknowledge, that an unusual apathy with respect to public affairs, seemed to prevail with the people, in general, of this country; of which a stronger proof needs not to be given, that than which will probably recur to every body's memory, that the accounts of many of the late military actions, as well as of political procedings of no less importance, were received with as much indifference, and canvassed with as much coolness and unconcern, as if they had happened between two nations with whom they were scarcely connected. We must except from all these observations, the people of North Britain (Scotland), who, almost to a man, so far as they could be described or distinguished under any particular denomination, not only applauded, but proffered life and fortune in support of the present measures. "[147]

The list of addresses sent from Scotland to the king against theColonies is a long one, --unbroken by any remonstrance or correction. Itembraces those sent by the provost, magistrates, and common (or town)council of Aberbrothock, Aberdeen, Annan, Ayr, Burnt-Island, Dundee, Edinburgh, Forfar, Forres, Inverness, Irvine, Kirkaldy, Linlithgow, Lochmaben, Montrose, Nairn, Peebles, Perth, Renfrew, Rutherglen, andStirling; by the magistrates and town council of Brechine, Inverary, St. Andrews, Selkirk, Jedburgh, Kirkcudbright, Kirkwall, and Paisley; by themagistrates, town council and all the principal inhabitants of Fortrose;by the provost, magistrates, council, burgesses and inhabitants ofElgin; by the chief magistrates of Dunfermline, Inverkeithing andCulross; by the magistrates, common council, burgesses, and inhabitantsof Dumfries; by the lord provost, magistrates, town council and deaconsof craft of Lanark; by the magistrates, incorporated societies, andprincipal inhabitants of the town and port of Leith; by the principalinhabitants of Perth; by the gentlemen, clergy, merchants, manufacturers, incorporated trades and principal inhabitants of Dundee;by the deacon convenier, deacons of fourteen incorporated trades andother members of trades houses of Glasgow; by the magistrates, counciland incorporations of Cupar in Fife, and Dumbarton; by the freeholdersof the county of Argyle and Berwick; by the noblemen, gentlemen andfreeholders of the counties of Aberdeen and Fife; by the noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders and others of the county of Linlithgow; by thenoblemen and gentlemen of the county of Roxburgh; by the noblemen, justices of the peace, freeholders, and commissioners of supply of thecounties of Perth and Caithness; by the noblemen, freeholders, justicesof the peace, and commissioners of the land-tax of the counties of Banffand Elgin; by the freeholders and justices of the peace of the county ofDumbarton; by the gentlemen, justices of the peace, clergy, freeholdersand committee of supply of the county of Clackmanan; by the gentlemen, justices of the peace and commissioners of land tax of the counties ofKincardine, Lanark and Renfrew; by the freeholders, justices of thepeace and commissioners of supply of the counties of Kinross and Orkney;by the justices of the peace, freeholders and commissioners of land taxof the county of Peebles; by the gentlemen, freeholders, justices of thepeace and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn; by thegentlemen, heretors, freeholders and clergy of the counties of Ross andCromarty; by the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland; by theministers and elders of the provincial synod of Angus and Mearns; alsoof the synod of Glasgow and Ayr; by the provincial synod of Dumfries, and by the ministers of the presbytery of Irvine. 

The list ascribes but eight of the addresses to the Highlands. This doesnot signify that they were any the less loyal to the pretensions ofGeorge III. The probability is that the people generally stood ready tofollow their leaders, and these latter exerted themselves against thecolonists. The addresses that were proffered, emanating from theHighlands, in chronological order, may be thus summarized: Thefreeholders of Argyleshire, on October 17, 1775, met at Inverary withRobert Campbell presiding, and through their representative inParliament, Colonel Livingston, presented their "humble Address" to theking, in which they refer to their predecessors who had "suffered earlyand greatly in the cause of liberty" and now judge it incumbent uponthemselves "to express our sense of the blessings we enjoy under yourMajesty's mild and constitutional Government; and, at the same time, todeclare our abhorrence of the unnatural rebellion of our deludedfellow-subjects in America, which, we apprehend, is encouraged andfomented by several discontented and turbulent persons at home. " Theyearnestly desire that the measures adopted by parliament may be"vigorously prosecuted;" "and we beg leave to assure your Majesty, that, in support of such measures, we are ready to risk our lives andfortunes. "

The address of the magistrates, town council, and all the principalinhabitants of Fortrose, is without date, but probably during the monthof October of the same year. They met with Colonel Hector Munro, theirrepresentative in parliament, presiding, and addressing the kingdeclared their "loyal affection" to his person; are "filled with a justsense of the many blessings" they enjoy, and "beg leave to approach thethrone, and express our indignation at, and abhorrence of, the measuresadopted by our unhappy and deluded fellow-subjects in America, in directopposition to law and justice, and to every rational idea ofcivilization;" "with still greater indignation, if possible, we beholdthis rebellious disposition, which so fatally obtains on the other sideof the Atlantic, fomented and cherished by a set of men in GreatBritain;" that the "deluded children may quickly return to their duty, "and if not, "we hope your Majesty will direct such vigorous, speedy, andeffectual measures to be pursued, as may bring them to a due sense oftheir error. "

The provost, magistrates and town council of Nairn met November 6, 1775, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as his "most faithfulsubjects" and it was their "indispensable duty" to testify their"loyalty and attachment;" they were "deeply sensible of the manyblessings" they enjoyed; they viewed with "horror and detestation" the"audacious attempts that have been made to alienate the affections ofyour subjects. " "Weak as our utmost efforts may be deemed, and limitedour powers, each heart and hand devoted to your service will, with themost ardent zeal, contribute in promoting such measures as may be nowthought necessary for re-establishing the violated rights of the BritishLegislature, and bringing back to order and allegiance your Majesty'sdeluded and unhappy subjects in America. "

On the same day, the same class of men at Inverness made their addressas "dutiful and loyal subjects, " and declared "the many blessings" theyenjoyed; and expressed their "utmost detestation and abhorrence of thatspirit of rebellion which has unhappily broke forth among your Majesty'ssubjects in America, " and "the greatest sorrow we behold the seditiousdesigns of discontented and factious men so far attended with success asto seduce your infatuated and deluded subjects in the colonies fromtheir allegiance and duty, " and they declared their "determinedresolution of supporting your Majesty's Government, to the utmost of ourpower, against all attempts that may be made to disturb it, either athome or abroad. "

The following day, or November 7th, the gentlemen, freeholders, justicesof the peace, and commissioners of supply of the county of Nairn, met inthe city of Nairn, and addressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign, "declaring themselves the "most dutiful and loyal subjects, " and it wastheir "indispensable duty" "to declare our abhorrence of the presentunnatural rebellion carried on by many of your infatuated subjects inAmerica. " "With profound humility we profess our unalterable attachmentto your Majesty's person and family, and our most cordial approbationof the early measures adopted for giving a check to the first dawningsof disobedience. This county, in the late war, sent out many of its sonsto defend your Majesty's ungrateful colonies against the invasion offoreign enemies, and they will now, when called upon, be equally readyto repel all the attempts of the traitorous and disaffected, against thedignity of your crown, and the just rights of the supreme Legislature ofGreat Britain. "

The gentlemen, heretors, freeholders, and clergy of the Counties of Rossand Cromarty assembled at Dingwall, November 23, 1775, and alsoaddressed their "Most Gracious Sovereign" as the "most faithful andloyal subjects, " acknowledging "the protection we are blessed with inthe enjoyment of our liberties, " it is "with an inexpressible concern webehold many of our fellow-subjects in America, incited and supported byfactions and designing men at home, " and that "we shall have nohesitation in convincing your rebellious and deluded subjects inAmerica, that with the same cheerfulness we so profusely spilled ourblood in the last war, in defending them against their and our naturalenemies, we are now ready to shed it, if necessary, in bringing themback to a just sense of their duty and allegiance to your Majesty, andtheir subordination to the Mother Country. "

The magistrates and town council of Inverary met on November 28, 1775, and to their "Most Gracious Sovereign" they were also the "most dutifuland loyal subjects, " and further "enjoyed all the blessings of the bestGovernment the wisdom of man ever devised, we have seen withindignation, the malignant breath of disappointed faction, byprostituting the sacred sounds of liberty, too successful in blowing thesparks of a temporary discontent into the flames of a rebellion in yourMajesty's Colonies, that we from our souls abhor;" and they desired tobe applied "such forcive remedies to the affected parts, as shall benecessary to restore that union and dependency of the whole on thelegislative power. "

At Thurso, December 6, 1775, there met the noblemen, gentlemen, freeholders, justices of the peace and commissioners of supply of thecounty of Caithness, and in an address to their

"Most Gracious Sovereign" declared themselves also to be the "mostdutiful and loyal subjects;" they approved the "lenient measures" whichhad hitherto been taken in America by parliament, "and that they willsupport with their lives and fortunes, the vigorous exertions which theyforsee may soon be necessary to subdue a rebellion premeditated, unprovoked, and that is every day becoming more general, untainted bythe vices that too often accompany affluence, our people have beeninured to industry, sobriety, and, when engaged in your Majesty'sservice, have been distinguished for an exact obedience to discipline, and a faithful discharge of duty; and we hope, if called forth to actionin one combined corps, it will be their highest ambition to merit afavorable report to your Majesty from their superior officers. At thesame time, it is our most ardent prayer to Almighty God, that the eyesof our deluded fellow-subjects in America may soon be opened, to seewhether it is safe to trust in a Congress unconstitutionally assembled, in a band of officers unconstitutionally appointed, or in a British Kingand Parliament whose combined powers have indeed often restrained thelicentiousness, but never invaded the rational liberties of mankind. "

A survey of the addresses indicates that they were composed by oneperson, or else modelled from the same formula. All had the same sourceof inspiration. This, however, does not militate against the moraleffect of those uttering them. So far as Scotland is concerned, it mustbe regarded as a fair representation of the sentiment of the people. While only an insignificant part of the Highlands gave their humblepetitions, yet the subsequent acts must be the criterion from which ajudgment must be formed. 

It is possible that some of the loyal addresses were accelerated by theprohibition placed on Scotch emigration to America. Early in September, 1775, Henry Dundas, lord-advocate for Scotland, urged the board ofcustoms to issue orders to all inferior custom houses enjoining them togrant no clearances for America of any ship which had more than thecommon complement of hands on board. On September 23, 1775, ArchibaldCockburn, sheriff deputy of Edinburgh, issued the following order:

 "Whereas a letter[148] was received by me some time ago, from His Majesty's Advocate for Scotland, intimating that, on account of the present rebellion in America, it was proper a stop should be put for the present to emigrations to that Country, and that the necessary directions were left at the different sea-ports in Scotland to that purpose; I think it my duty, in obedience to his Lordship's requisition contained in that letter, to take this publick method of notifying to such of the inhabitants within my jurisdiction, if any such there be, who have formed resolutions to themselves of leaving this Country, and going in quest of settlements in America, that they aught not to put themselves to the unnecessary trouble and expense of preparing for a removal of their habitations, which they will not, so far as it lies in my power to prevent, be permitted to effectuate. "

The British government had every assurance of the undivided support ofall Scotland in its attempt to subjugate America. It also put a strongdependence in enlisting in the army such Highlanders as had emigrated, and especially those who had belonged to the 42nd, Fraser's, andMontgomery's regiments, but remained in the country after the peace of1763. This alone would make a very unfavorable impression on the mindsof Americans. But when to this is added the efforts of British officersto organize the emigrants from the Highlands into a special regiment, asearly as November, 1775, the rising of the Highlanders both in NorthCarolina and on the Mohawk, the enlisting of emigrants on board vesselsbefore landing and sailing by Boston to join their regiments at Halifax, and on the passage listening to the booming of the cannon at BunkerHill; and the further fact that both the 42nd and Fraser's Highlanderswere ordered to embark at Greenock for America, five days before thebattle of Lexington, it is not a matter of surprise that a strongresentment should be aroused in the breasts of many of the most devotedto the cause of the Revolution. 

The feeling engendered by the acts of Scotland towards those engaged inthe struggle for human liberty crops out in the original draft of theDeclaration of Independence as laid before Congress July 1, 1776. In thememorable paper appeared the following sentence: "At this very time, too, they are permitting their chief magistrate to send over, not onlysoldiers of our common blood, but Scotch and foreign mercenaries toinvade and destroy us. " The word "Scotch" was struck out, on motion ofDr. John Witherspoon, himself a native of Scotland; and subsequently thewhole sentence was deleted. 

The sentence was not strictly true, for there were thousands ofAmericans of Scotch ancestry, but principally Lowland. There were alsothousands of Americans, true to the principles of the Revolution, ofHighland extraction. If the sentence had been strictly true, it wouldhave served no purpose, even if none were alienated thereby. But, therecords show that in the American army there were men who rendereddistinguished services who were born in the Highlands; and others, fromthe Lowlands, rendered services of the highest value in their civilcapacities. 

The armies of the Colonies had no regiments or companies composed ofHighland Scotch, or even of that extraction, although their names aboundscattered through a very large percentage of the organized forces. Theonly effort[149] which appears to have been made in that direction restson two petitions by Donald McLeod. The first was directed to theCommittee for the City and County of New York, dated at New York, June7, 1775:

 "That your petitioner, from a deep sense of the favors conferred on himself, as well as those shown to many of his countrymen when in great distress after their arrival into this once happy city, is moved by a voluntary spirit of liberty to offer himself in the manner and form following, viz: That your said petitioner understands that a great many Companies are now on foot to be raised for the defence of our liberties in this once happy land, which he thinks to be a very proper maxim for the furtherance of our rights and liberty; that your said petitioner (although he has nothing to recommend himself but the variety of calling himself a Highlander, from North-Britain) flatters himself that if this honorable Committee were to grant him a commission, under their hand and seal, that he could, without difficulty, raise one hundred Scotch Highlanders in this City and the neighboring Provinces, provided they were to be put in the Highland dress, and under pay during their service in defence of our liberties. Therefore, may it please your Honors to take this petition under your serious consideration; and should your Honors think proper to confer the honor upon him as to have the command of a Highland Company, under the circumstances proposed, your petitioner assures you that no person shall or will be more willing to accept of the offer than your humble petitioner. "

On the following day Donald McLeod sent a petition, couched in thefollowing language to the Congress for the Colony of New York:

 "That yesterday your said petitioner presented a petition before this honorable body, and as to the contents of which he begs leave to give reference. That since, a ship arrived from Scotland, with a number of Highlanders passengers. That your petitioner talked to them this morning, and after informing them of the present state of this as well as the neighboring Colonies, they all seemed to be very desirous to form themselves into companies, with the proviso of having liberty to wear their own country dress, commonly called the Highland habit, and moreover to be under pay for the time they are in the service for the protection of the liberties of this once happy country, but by all means to be under the command of Highland officers, as some of them cannot speak the English language. That the said Highlanders are already furnished with guns, swords, pistols, and Highland dirks, which, in case of occasion, is very necessary, as all the above articles are at this time very difficult to be had. Therefore may it please your Honors to take all and singular the premises under your serious and immediate consideration; and as your petitioner wants an answer as soon as possible, he further prays that as soon as they think it meet, he may be advised. And your petitioner, is in duty bound, shall ever pray. "

This petition was presented during the formative state of the army, andwhen the colonies were in a state of anarchy. Congress had not yetassumed control of the army, although on the very eve of it. With anempire to found and defend, the continental Congress had not at itsdisposal a single penny. When Washington was offered the command of thearmy there was little to bring out the unorganized resources of thecountry. At the very time of Donald McLeod's petition, the provincialcongress of New York was engaged with the distracted state of its owncommonwealth. Order was not brought out of chaos until the strong handand great energy of Washington had been felt. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 143: Lecky's History of England, Vol. IV. P. 151. ]

[Footnote 144: Bancroft's History United States, Vol. VI, p. 136;American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. I, p. 1543. ]

[Footnote 145: Leeky's History of England, Vol. IV. P. 346]

[Footnote 146: History of England, Vol. IV, p. 338. ]

[Footnote 147: Annual Register, 1776, p. 39. ]

[Footnote 148: See Appendix, Note M. ]

[Footnote 149: See Appendix, Note N. ]

CHAPTER XIII. 

HIGHLAND REGIMENTS IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. 

The great Pitt, in his famous eulogy on the Highland regiments, delivered in 1766, in Parliament, said: "I sought for merit wherever itcould be found. It is my boast that I was the first minister who lookedfor it, and found it, in the mountains of the north. I called it forth, and drew into your service a hardy and intrepid race of men; men who, when left by your jealousy, became a prey to the artifices of yourenemies, and had gone nigh to have overturned the State, in the warbefore the last. These men, in the last war, were brought to combat onyour side; they served with fidelity, as they fought with valor, andconquered for you in every quarter of the world. "

ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANT REGIMENT. 

These same men were destined to be brought from their homes and helpswell the ranks of the oppressors of America. The first attempt made wasto organize the Highland regiments in America. The MacDonald fiasco inNorth Carolina and the Highlanders of Sir John Johnson have already beennoticed. But there were other Highlanders throughout the inhabiteddistricts of America, who had emigrated, or else had belonged to the42nd, Fraser's or Montgomery's Highlanders. It was desired to collectthese, in so far as it was possible, and organize them into a distinctregiment. The supervision of this work was given to Colonel AllanMacLean of Torloisk, Mull, an experienced officer who had seen hardservice in previous wars. The secret instructions given by George III. To William Tryon, governor of New York, is dated April 3, 1775:

 "Whereas an humble application hath been made to us by Allen McLean Eqre late Major to our 114th Regiment, and Lieut Col: in our Army setting forth, that a considerable number of our subjects, who have, at different times, emigrated from the North West parts of North Britain, and have transported themselves, with their families, to New York, have expressed a desire, to take up Lands within our said Province, to be held of us, our heirs and successors, in fee simple; and whereas it may be of public advantage to grant lands in manner aforesaid to such of the said Emigrants now residing within our said province as may be desirous of settling together upon some convenient spot within the same. It is therefore our Will and pleasure, that upon application to you by the said Allen McLean, and upon his producing to you an Association of the said Emigrants to the effect of the form hereunto annexed, subscribed by the heads of the several families of which such Emigrants shall consist, you do cause a proper spot to be located and surveyed in one contiguous Tract within our said Province of New York, sufficient in quantity for the accommodation of such Emigrants, allowing 100 acres to each head of a family, and 500 acres for every other person of which the said family shall consist; and it is our further will and pleasure that when the said Lands shall have been located as aforesaid, you do grant the same by letters patent under the seal of our said Province unto the said Allen Maclean, in trust, and upon the conditions, to make allotments thereof in Fee Simple to the heads of Families, whose names, together with the number of persons in each family, shall have been delivered in by him as aforesaid, accompanied with the said association, and it is Our further will and pleasure that it be expressed in the said letters patent, that the lands so to be granted shall be exempt from the payment of quit-rents for 20 years from the date thereof, with a proviso however that all such parts of the said Tracts as shall not be settled in manner aforesaid within two years from the date of the grant shall revert to us, and be disposed of in such manner as we shall think fit; and it is our further will and pleasure, that neither yourself, nor any other of our Officers, within our said Province, to whose duty it may appertain to carry these our orders into execution do take any Fee or reward for the same, and that the expense of surveying and locating any Tract of Land in the manner and for the purpose above mentioned be defrayed out of our Revenue of Quit rents and charged to the account thereof. And we do hereby, declare it to be our further will and pleasure, that in case the whole or any part of the said Colonists, fit to bear Arms, shall be hereafter embodied and employed in Our service in America, either as Commission or non Commissioned Officers or private Men, they shall respectively receive further grants of Land from us within our said province, free of all charges, and exempt from the payment of quit rents for 20 years, in the same proportion to their respective Ranks, as is directed and prescribed by our Royal Proclamation of the 7th of October 1763 in regard to such officers and soldiers as were employed in our service during the last War. "

This paltry scheme concocted to raise men for the royal cause could havebut very little effect. The Highlanders, it proposed to reach, werescattered, and the work proposed must be done secretly and withexpedition. To raise the Highlanders required address, a number ofagents, and necessary hardships. Armed with the warrant Colonel Macleanand some followers preceded to New York and from there to Boston, wherethe object of the visit became known through a sergeant by name ofMcDonald who was trying to enlist "men to join the King's Troops; theyseized him, and on his examination found that he had been employed byMajor Small for this Purpose; they sent him a Prisoner into Connecticut. This has raised a violent suspicion against the Scots and Highlandersand will make the execution of Coll Maclean's Plan more difficult. "[150]

The principal agents engaged with Colonel Maclean in raising the newregiment were Major John Small and Captain Alexander McDonald. Thelatter met with much discouragement and several escapes. His"Letter-Book" is a mine of information pertaining to the regiment. Asearly as November 15, 1775, he draws a gloomy picture of the straits ofthe Macdonalds on whom so much was relied by the English government. "Asfor all the McDonalds in America they may Curse the day that was born asbeing the means of Leading them to ruin from my Zeal and attachment forgovernment poor Glanaldall I am afraid is Lost as there is no account ofhim since a small Schooner Arrived which brought an account of hishaving Six & thirty men then and if he should Not be Lost he isunavoidably ruined in his Means all those up the Mohawk river will betore to pieces and those in North Carolina the same so that ifGovernment will Not Consider them when Matters are Settled I think theyare ill treated. "[151]

The commissions of Colonel Maclean, Major John Small and CaptainWilliam Dunbar bear date of June 13, 1775, and all the other captainsone day later. 

The regiment raised was known as the Royal Highland Emigrant Regimentand was composed of two battalions, the first of which was commanded byLieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean, and was composed of Highland emigrantsin Canada, and the discharged men of the 42nd, of Fraser's andMontgomery's Highlanders who had settled in North America after thepeace of 1763. Great difficulty was experienced in conveying the troopswho had been raised in the back settlements to their respectivedestinations. This battalion made the following return of its officers:

Isle Aux Noix, 15th April, 1778. 

----------------------------------------------------------------------Rank | NAMES |Former Rank in the Army-------------+------------------------------+-------------------------Lieut. -Col |Allan McLean |Lieutenant-ColonelMajor |Donald McDonald |Captain |William Dunbar |Capt. Late 78th Regt |John Nairne | |Alexander Fraser |Lieut. Late 78th Regt |George McDougall |Lieut. 60th Regt |Malcolm Fraser |Lieut. Late 8th Regt |Daniel Robertson |Lieut. 42nd Regt |George Laws |Lieutenant |Neil McLean, (prisoner) |Lieut. 7th Regt |John McLean |Ensign late 114th Regt |Alexander Firtelier | |Lachlan McLean | |Fran. Damburgess, (prisoner) |Ensign, 21 Nov. 1775 |David Cairns |Ensign, 1st June 1775 |Don. McKinnon |Ensign, 20th Nov. 1775 |Ronald McDonald |Ensign, 14th June 1775 |John McDonell |Ensign, 14th June 1775 |Alexander Stratton, (prisoner)| |Hector McLean |Ensign |Ronald McDonald | |Archibald Grant | |David Smith | |George Darne | |Archibald McDonald | |William Wood |-------------+------------------------------+-------------------------

---------------------------------------------------------------------- Rank | NAMES | Former Rank in the Army--------------------------------------------+------------------------- Ensign | John Pringle | " | Hector McLean, (prisoner) | Chaplain | John Bethune | Adjutant | Ronald McDonald | Qr. Master | Lachlan McLean | Surgeon | James Davidson | Surg's Mate | James Walker |--------------------------------------------+-------------------------

The second battalion was commanded by Major John Small, formerly of the42nd, and then of the 21st regiment, which was raised from emigrantsarriving in the colonies and discharged Highland soldiers who hadsettled in Nova Scotia. Each battalion was to consist of seven hundredand fifty men, with officers in proportion. In speaking of the raisingof the men Captain Alexander McDonald, in a letter to General SirWilliam Howe, under date of Halifax, November 30, 1775, says:

 "Last October was a year when I found the people of America were determind on Rebellion, I wrote to Major Small desiring he would acquaint General Gage that I was ready to join the Army with a hundred as good men as any in America, the General was pleased to order the Major to write and return his Excellency's thanks to me for my Loyalty and spirited offers of Service, but that he had not power at that time to grant Commissions or raise any troops; however the hint was improved and A proposal was Sent home to Government to raise five Companies and I was in the meantime ordered to ingeage as many men as I possibly Could, Accordingly I Left my own house on Staten Island this same day year and travelled through frost snow & Ice all the way to the Mohawk river, where there was two hundred Men of my own Name, who had fled from the Severity of their Landlords in the Highlands of Scotland, the Leading men of whom most Cheerfully agreed to be ready at a Call, but the affair was obliged to be kept a profound Secret till it was Known whether the government approved of the Scheme and otherwise I could have inlisted five hundred men in a months time, from thence I proceeded straight to Boston to know for Certain what was done in the affair when General Gage asur'd me that he had recommended it to the Ministry and did not doubt of its Meeting with approbation. I Left Boston and went home to my own house and was ingeaging as Many men as I Could of those that I thought I could intrust but it was not possible to keep the thing Long a Secret when we had to make proposals to five hundred men; in the Mean time Coll McLean arrived with full power from Government to Collect all the Highlanders who had Emigrated to America Into one place and to give Every man the hundred Acres of Land and if need required to give Arms to as many men as were Capable of bearing them for His Majesty's Service. Coll McLean and I Came from New York to Boston to know how Matters would be Settled by Genl Gage: it was then proposed and Agreed upon to raise twenty Companies or two Battalions Consisting of one Lt Colonl Commandant two Majors and Seventeen Captains, of which I was to be the first or oldest Captain and was confirmed by Coll McLean under his hand Writeing. "[152]

At the time of the beginning of hostilities a large number ofHighlanders were on their way from Scotland to settle in the colonies. In some instances the vessels on which were the emigrants, were boardedfrom a man-of-war before their arrival. In some families there is atradition that they were captured by a war vessel. Those who did arrivewere induced partly by threats and partly by persuasion to enlist forthe war, which they were assured would be of short duration. Thesepeople were not only in poverty, but many were in debt for theirpassage, and they were now promised that by enlisting their debts shouldbe paid, they should have plenty of food as well as full pay for theirservices, besides receiving for each head of a family two hundred acresof land and fifty more for each child, while, in the event of refusal, there was presented the alternative of going to jail to pay their debts. The result of the artifices used can be no mystery. Under suchconditions most of the able-bodied men enlisted, in some instancesfather and son serving together. Their wives and children were sent toHalifax, hearing the cannon of Bunker Hill on their passage. 

These enlistments formed a part of the Battalion under MajorSmall, --five companies of which remained in Nova Scotia during the war, and the remaining five joining Sir Henry Clinton and Lord Cornwallis tothe southward. That portion of which remained in Nova Scotia, wasstationed at Halifax, Windsor, and Cumberland, and were distinguished bytheir uniform good behavior. 

The men belonging to the first battalion were assembled at Quebec. Onthe approach of the American army by Lake Champlain, Colonel Maclean wasordered to St. Johns with a party of militia, but got only as far as St. Denis, where he was deserted by his men. When Quebec was threatened bythe American army under Colonel Arnold, Colonel Maclean with hisregiment consisting of three hundred and fifty men, was at Sorel, andbeing forced to decamp from that place, by great celerity of movement, evaded the army of Colonel Arnold and passed into Quebec with onehundred of his regiment. He arrived just in time, for the citizens wereabout to surrender the city to the Americans. On Colonel Maclean'sarrival, November 13, 1775, the garrison consisted only of fifty men ofthe Fusiliers and seven hundred militia and seamen. There had also justlanded one hundred recruits of Colonel Maclean's corps fromNewfoundland, which had been raised by Malcolm Fraser and CaptainCampbell. Also, at the same time, there arrived the frigate Lizard, with£20, 000 cash, all of which put new spirits into the garrison. Thearrival of the veteran Maclean greatly diminished the chances of ColonelArnold. Colonel Maclean now bent his energies towards saving the town;strengthened every point; enthused the lukewarm, and by emulation keptup a good spirit among them all. When General Carleton, leaving his armybehind him, arrived in Quebec he found that Colonel Maclean had not onlywithstood the assaults of the Americans but had brought order and systemout of chaos. In the final assault on the last day of the year, when thebrave General Montgomery fell, the Highlanders were in the midst of thefray. 

Many of the Americans were captured at this storming of Quebec. One ofthem narrates that "January 4th, on the next day, we were visited byColonel Maclean, an old man, attended by other officers, for a peculiarpurpose, that is, to ascertain who among us were born in Europe. We hadmany Irishmen and some Englishmen. The question was put to each; thosewho admitted a British birth, were told they must serve his majesty inColonel Maclean's regiment, a new corps, called the emigrants. Our poorfellows, under the fearful penalty of being carried to Britain, there tobe tried for treason, were compelled by necessity, and many of them didenlist. "[153]

Such men could hardly prove to be reliable, and it can be noastonishment to read what Major Henry Caldwell, one of the defenders ofQuebec says of it:

 "Of the prisoners we took, about 100 of them were Europeans, chiefly from Ireland; the greatest part of them engaged voluntarily in Col. McLean's corps, but about a dozen of them deserting in the course of a month, the rest were again confined, and not released till the arrival of the Isis, when they were again taken into the corps. "[154]

Colonel Arnold despairing of capturing the town by assault, establishedhimself on the Heights of Abraham, with the intention of cutting offsupplies and blockading the town. In this situation he reduced thegarrison to great straits, all communication with the country being cutoff. He erected batteries and made several attempts to get possession ofthe lower town, but was foiled at every point by the vigilance ofColonel Maclean. On the approach of spring, Colonel Arnold, despairingof success, raised the siege. 

The battalion remained in the province of Canada during the war, and wasprincipally employed in small, but harrassing enterprises. In one ofthese, Captain Daniel Robertson, Lieutenant Hector Maclean, and EnsignArchibald Grant, with the grenadier company, marched twenty days throughthe woods with no other direction than the compass, and an Indian guide. The object being to surprise a small post in the interior, which wassuccessful and attained without loss. By long practice in the woods themen had become very intelligent and expert in this kind of warfare. 

The reason why this regiment was not with the army of General Burgoyne, and thus escaped the humiliation of the surrender at Saratoga, has beenstated by that officer in the following language: that he proposed toleave in Canada "Maclean's Corps, because I very much apprehenddesertions from such parts of it as are composed of Americans, shouldthey come near the enemy. In Canada, whatsoever may be theirdisposition, it is not so easy to effect it. "[155]

Notwithstanding the conduct of Colonel Allan Maclean at the siege ofQuebec and his great zeal in behalf of Britain his corps was not yetrecognized, though he had at the outset been promised establishment andrank for it. He therefore returned to England where he arrived onSeptember 1, 1776, to seek justice for himself and men. They were notreceived until the close of 1778, when the regiment was numbered the84th, at which time Sir Henry Clinton was appointed its Colonel, and thebattalions ordered to be augmented to one thousand men each. The uniformwas the full Highland garb, with purses made of raccoons' instead ofbadger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the mena half basket sword. 

"On a St. Andrew's day a ball was given by the officers of the garrisonin which they were quartered to the ladies in the vicinity. When one ofthe ladies entered the ball-room, and saw officers in the Highlanddress, her sensitive delicacy revolted at what she though an indecency, declaring she would quit the room if these were to be her company. Thisoccasioned some little embarrassment. An Indian lady, sister of theChief Joseph Brant, who was present with her daughters, observing thebustle, inquired what was the matter, and being informed, she cried out, 'This must be a very indelicate lady to think of such a thing; she showsher own arms and elbows to all the men, and she pretends she cannot lookat these officers' bare legs, although she will look at my husband'sbare thighs for hours together; she must think of other things, or shewould see no more shame in a man showing his legs, than she does inshowing her neck and breast. ' These remarks turned the laugh against thelady's squeamish delicacy, and the ball was permitted to proceed withoutthe officers being obliged to retire. "[156]

With every opportunity offered the first battalion to desert, inconsequence of offers of land and other inducements held out by theAmericans, not one native Highlander deserted; and only one Highlanderwas brought to the halberts during the time they were embodied. 

The history of the formation of the two battalions is dissimilar; thatof the second was not attended with so great difficulties. In theformation of the first all manner of devices were entered into, andvarious disguises were resorted to in order to escape detection. Eventhis did not always protect them. 

"It is beyond the power of Expression to give an Idea of the expence &trouble our Officers have Undergone in these expeditions into theRebellious provinces. Some of them have been fortunate enough to get offUndiscovered--But Many have been taken abused by Mobs in an Outragiousmanner & cast into prisons with felons, where they have Suffered all theEvils that revengeful Rage ignorance Bigotry & Inhumanity couldinflict--There has been even Skirmishes on such Occasions. ***** It wasan uncommon Exertion in one of our Offrs. To make his Escape with fortyhighlanders from the Mohawk river to Montreal havg. Had nothing to eatfor ten days but their Dogs & herbs & in another to have on his privateCredit & indeed ruin, Victualled a Considerable Number of Soldiers hehad engaged in hopes of getting off with them to Canada, but being atlast taken & kept in hard imprisonmt for near a year by the Rebels tohave effected his escape & Collecting his hundred men to have brot themthro' the Woods lately from near Abany to Canada. "[157]

Difficulties in the formation of the regiment and placing it on theestablishment grew out of the opposition of Governor Legge, and fromhim, through General Gage transmitted to the ministry, when allenlistments, for the time being were prohibited. The officers, from thestart had been assured that the regiment should be placed on theestablishment, and each should be entitled to his rank and in case ofreduction should go on half pay. The officers should consist of those onhalf pay who had served in the last war, and had settled in America. When the regiment had been established and numbered, through theexertions of Colonel Maclean the ranks were rapidly filled, and theprevious difficulties overcome. 

The winter of 1775-1776, was very severe on the second battalion. Although stationed in Halifax they were without sufficient clothing orproper food, or pay, and the officer in charge--Captain AlexanderMcDonald--without authority to draw money, or a regular warrant toreceive it. In January "the men were almost stark naked for want ofclothing, " and even bare-footed. The plaids and Kilmarnocks could not behad. As late as March 1st there was "not a shoe nor a bit of leather tobe had in Halifax for either love or money, " and men were suffering fromtheir frosted feet. "The men made a horrid and scandalous appearance onduty, insulted and despised by the soldiers of the other corps. " InApril 1778, clothing that was designed for the first battalion, havingbeen consigned to Halifax, was taken by Captain McDonald and distributedto the men of the second. Out of this grew an acrimoniouscorrespondence. Of the food, Captain McDonald writes:

 "We are served Served Since prior to September last with Flower that is Rank poison at lest Bread made of Such flower--The Men of our Regiment that are in Command at the East Battery brought me a Sample of the fflower they received for a Months provision, it was exactly like Chalk & as Sower as Vinegarr I asked the Doctors opinion of it who told me it was Sufficient to Destroy all the Regiment to eatt Bread made of Such fflower; it is hard when Mens Lives are So precious and so much wanted for the Service of their King and country, that they Should thus wantonly be Sported with to put money in the pocket of any individuall. "[158]

It appears to have been the policy to break up the second battalion andhave it serve on detached duty. Hence a detachment was sent toNewfoundland, another to Annapolis, at Cumberland, Fort Howe, FortEdward, Fort Sackville and Windsor, but rallying at Halifax as theheadquarters--to say nothing of those sent to the Southern States. Nowonder Captain McDonald complains, "We have absolutely been worse usedthan any one Regiment in America and has done more duty and Drudgery ofall kinds than any other Bn. In America these thre Years past and it isbut reasonable Just and Equitable that we should now be Suffered to Jointogether at least as early as possible in the Spring and let some OtherRegimt relieve the difft. Posts we at present Occupy. "[159]

But it was not all garrison duty. Writing from Halifax, under date ofJuly 13th, 1777, Captain McDonald says:

 "Another Attempt has been made from New England to invade this province wch. Is also defeated by a detachmt from our Regt & the Marines on board of Captn Hawker. Our Detachmt went on board of him here & he having a Quick passage to the River St John's wch. Divides Nova Scotia from New England & where the Rebells were going to take post & Rebuild the old fort that was there the last War. Immediately on Captn Hawker's Arrival there Our men under the Commd. Of Ensn. Jno McDonald & the Marines under that of a Lieut were landed & Engaged the Enemy who were abt. A hundred Strong & after a Smart firing & some killed & wounded on both Sides the Rebells ran with the greatest precipitation & Confusion to their boats. Some of our light Armed vessells pursued them & I hope before this time they are either taken or starving in the Woods. "[160]

Whatever may be said of the good behavior of the men of the secondbattalion, there were three at least whom Captain McDonald describes as"rascales. " He also gives the following severe rebuke to one of theofficers:

 "Halifax 16th Febry 1777 Mr. Jas. McDonald. 

 I am sorry to inform you that every Accot I receive from Windsor is very unfavorable in regard to you. Your Cursed Carelessness & slovenlyness about your own Body and your dress Nothing going on but drinking Calybogus Schewing Tobacco & playing Cards in place of that decentness & Cleanliness that all Gentlemen who has the least Regard for themselves & Character must & does observe. I am afraid from your Conduct that you will be no Credit or honor to the Memories of those Worthies from whom you are descended & if you have no regard for them or your self I need not expect you'll be at any pains to be of Any Credit to me for anything I can do for you. I am about Giving you Rank agreeable to Col. McLean's plan & on Accot. Of your having bro't more men to the Regimt. Than either Mr. Fitz Gerd. Or Campbell You are to be the Second in Command at that post Lt. Fitz Ger'd. The third & Campbell the fourth. And I hope I shall never have Occasion to write to you in this Manner again. I beg you will begin now to mend your hand to write & learn to keep Accots. That you may be able to do Some thing like an officer if ever you expect to make a figure in the Army You must Change your plan & lay yr. Money out to Acquire such Accomplishm'ts befitting an officer rather than Tobacco, Calybogus and the Devil knows what. I am tired of Scolding of you, so will say no more. "[161]

But little has been recorded of the five companies of the secondbattalion that joined Sir Henry Clinton and lord Cornwallis. The companycalled grenadiers was in the battle of Eutaw Springs, South Carolina, fought September 8, 1781. This was one of the most closely contestedbattles of the Revolution, in which the grenadier company was in thethickest and severest of the fight. The British army, under ColonelAlexander Stuart, of the 3rd regiment was drawn up in a line extendingfrom Eutaw creek to an eighth of a mile southward. The Irish Buffs(third regiment) formed the right; Lieutenant Colonel Cruger's Loyaliststhe center; and the 63rd and 64th regiments the left. Near the creek wasa flank battalion of infantry and the grenadiers, under MajorMajoribanks, partially covered and concealed by a thicket on the bank ofthe stream. The Americans, under General Greene, having routed twoadvanced detachments, fell with great spirit on the main body. After thebattle had been stubbornly contested for some time, Major Majoribank'scommand was ordered up, and terribly galled the American flanks. Inattempting to dislodge them, the Americans received a terrible volleyfrom behind the thicket. Soon the entire British line fell back, MajorMajoribanks covering the movement. They abandoned their camp, destroyedtheir stores and many fled precipitately towards Charleston, while MajorMajoribanks halted behind the palisades of a brick house. The Americansoldiers, in spite of the orders of General Greene and the efforts oftheir officers began to pillage the camp, instead of attempting todislodge Major Majoribanks. A heavy fire was poured upon the Americanswho were in the British camp, from the force that had taken refuge inthe brick house, while Major Majoribanks moved from his covert on theright. The light horse or legion of Colonel Henry Lee, remaining underthe control of that officer, followed so closely upon those who had fledto the house that the fugitives in closing the doors shut out two orthree of their own officers. Those of the legion who had followed to thedoor seized each a prisoner, and interposing him as a shield retreatedbeyond the fire from the windows. Among those captured was CaptainBarre, a brother of the celebrated Colonel Barre of the Britishparliament, having been seized by Captain Manning. In the terror of themoment Barre began to recite solemnly his titles: "I am Sir Henry Barredeputy adjutant general of the British army, captain of the 52ndregiment, secretary of the commandant at Charleston--" "Are you indeed?"interrupted Captain Manning; "you are my prisoner now, and the very manI was looking for; come along with me. " He then placed his titledprisoner between him and the fire of the enemy, and retreated. 

The arrest of the Americans by Major Majoribanks and the party that hadfled into the brick house, gave Colonel Stuart an opportunity to rallyhis forces, and while advancing, Major Majoribanks poured a murderousfire into the legion of Colonel Lee, which threw them into confusion. Perceiving this, he sallied out seized the two field pieces and ran themunder the windows of the house. Owing to the crippled condition of hisarmy, and the shattering of his cavalry by the force of MajorMajoribanks, General Greene ordered a retreat, after a conflict of fourhours. The British repossessed the camp, but on the following daydecamped, abandoning seventy-two of their wounded. Considering thenumbers engaged, both parties lost heavily. The Americans had onehundred and thirty rank and file killed, three hundred and eighty-fivewounded, and forty missing. The loss of the British, according to theirown report, was six hundred and ninety-three men, of whom eighty-fivewere killed. 

At the conclusion of the war the transports bearing the companies wereordered to Halifax, where the men were discharged; but, owing to theviolence of the weather, and a consequent loss of reckoning, they madethe island of Nevis and St. Kitt's instead of Halifax. This delayed thefinal reduction till 1784. In the distant quarters of the firstbattalion, they were forgotten. By their agreement they should have beendischarged in April 1783, but orders were not sent until July 1784. 

It is possible that a roll of the officers of the second battalion maybe in existence. The following names of the officers are preserved inMcDonald's "Letter-Book":

Major John Small, commandant; Captains Alexander McDonald, DuncanCampbell, Ronald McKinnon, Murdoch McLean, Alexander Campbell, JohnMcDonald and Allan McDonald; Lieutenants Gerald Fitzgerald, RobertCampbell, James McDonald and Lachlan McLean; Ensign John Day; chaplain, Doctor Boynton. 

The uniform of the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment was the fullHighland garb, with purses made of raccoon's instead of badger's skins. The officers wore the broad sword and dirk, and the men a half basketsword, as previously stated. 

At the conclusion of the war grants of land were given to the officersand men, in the proportion of five thousand acres to a field officer, three thousand to a captain, five hundred to a subaltern, two hundred toa serjeant and one hundred to each soldier. All those who had settled inAmerica previous to the war, remained, and took possession of theirlands, but many of the others returned to Scotland. The men of MajorSmall's battalion went to Nova Scotia, where they settled a township, and gave it the name of Douglas, in Hants County; but a number settledon East River. 

The first to come to East River, of the 84th, was big James Fraser, incompany with Donald McKay and fifteen of his comrades, and took up atract of three thousand four hundred acres extending along both sides ofthe river. Their discharges are dated April 10, 1784, but the grantNovember 3, 1785. About the same time of the occupation of the EastRiver, in Pictou County, the West Branch was occupied by men of the sameregiment; the first of whom were David McLean and John Fraser. 

The settlers of East Branch, or River, of the 84th, on the East sidewere Donald Cameron, a native of Urquhart, Scotland; served eight years;possessed one hundred and fifty acres; his son Duncan served two yearsas a drummer boy in the regiment. Alexander Cameron, one hundred acres. Robert Clark, one hundred acres. Finlay Cameron, four hundred. SamuelCameron, one hundred acres. James Fraser, a native of Strathglass, threehundred and fifty acres. Peter Grant, James McDonald, Hugh McDonald, onehundred acres. 

On the west side of same river: James Fraser, one hundred acres. DuncanMcDonald, one hundred acres. John McDonald, two hundred and fifty acres. Samuel Cameron, three hundred acres. John Chisholm, sen. , three hundredacres. John Chisholm, jun. , two hundred acres. John McDonald, twohundred and fifty acres. 

Those who settled at West Branch and other places on East River were, William Fraser, from Inverness, three hundred and fifty acres. JohnMcKay, three hundred acres. John Robertson, four hundred and fifty. William Robertson, two hundred acres. John Fraser, from Inverness, threehundred acres. Thomas Fraser, from Inverness, two hundred acres. ThomasMcKinzie, one hundred acres. David McLean, a sergeant in the army, fivehundred acres. Alexander Cameron, three hundred acres. Hector McLean, four hundred acres. John Forbes, from Inverness, four hundred acres. Alexander McLean, five hundred acres. Thomas Fraser, Jun. , one hundredacres. James McLellan, from Inverness, five hundred acres. DonaldChisholm, from Strathglass, three hundred and fifty acres. Robert Dundas(four hundred and fifty acres), Alexander Dunbar (two hundred acres), and William Dunbar, (three hundred acres), all three brothers, fromInverness, and of the 84th regiment. James Cameron, 84th regiment, threehundred acres. John McDougall, two hundred and fifty acres. JohnChisholm, three hundred acres. Donald Chisholm, Jun. , from Inverness, four hundred acres. Robert Clark, 84th, one hundred acres. Donald Shaw, from Inverness, three hundred acres. Alexander McIntosh, from Inverness, five hundred acres, and John McLellan, from Inverness, one hundredacres. Of the grantees of the West Branch, those designated fromInverness, were from the parish of Urquhart and served in the 84th, asdid also those so specified. It is more than probable that all theothers were not in the Royal Highland Emigrant regiment, or even servedin the war. 

The members of the first, or Colonel MacLean's battalion settled inCanada, many of whom at Montreal, where they rallied around theirchaplain, John Bethune. This gentleman acted as chaplain of theHighlanders in North Carolina, and was taken prisoner at the battle ofMoore's Creek Bridge. After remaining a prisoner for about a year, hewas released, and made his way to Nova Scotia and for some time residedat Halifax. He received the appointment of chaplain in the RoyalHighland Emigrant regiment. He received a grant of three thousand acres, located in Glengarry, and having a growing family to provide for, eachof whom was entitled to two hundred acres, he removed to Williamstown, then the principal settlement in Glengarry. Besides his allotment ofland, he retired from the army on half pay. In his new home he evermaintained an honorable life. 

FORTY-SECOND OR ROYAL HIGHLAND REGIMENT. 

The 42nd, or Black Watch, or Royal Highlanders, left America in 1767, and sailed direct for Cork, Ireland. In 1775 the regiment embarked atDonaghadee, and landed at Port Patrick, after an absence of thirty-twoyears from Scotland. From Port Patrick it marched to Glasgow. Shortlyafter its arrival in Glasgow two companies were added, and all thecompanies were augmented to one hundred rank and file, and whencompleted numbered one thousand and seventy-five men, includingserjeants and drummers. 

Hitherto the officers had been entirely Highlanders and Scotch. Contraryto the remonstrances of lord John Murray, the lord lieutenant of Irelandsucceeded in admitting three English officers into the regiment, Lieutenants Crammond, Littleton, and Franklin, thus cancelling thecommissions of Lieutenants Grant and Mackenzie. Of the soldiers ninehundred and thirty-one were Highlanders, seventy-four Lowland Scotch, five English, one Welsh and two Irish. 

On account of the breaking out of hostilities the regiment was orderedto embark for America. The recruits were instructed in the use of thefirelock, and, from the shortness of the time allowed, were even drilledby candle-light. New arms and accoutrements were supplied to the men, and the Colonel, at his own expense, furnished them with broad swordsand pistols. 

April 14, 1776, the Royal Highlanders, in conjunction with Fraser'sHighlanders, embarked at Greenock to join an expedition under GeneralHowe against the Americans. After some delay, both regiments sailed onMay 1st under the convoy of the Flora, of thirty-two guns, and a fleetof thirty-two ships, the Royal Highlanders being commanded by ColonelThomas Stirling of Ardoch. Four days after they had sailed, thetransports separated in a gale of wind. Some of the scattered transportsof both regiments fell in with General Howe's army on their voyage fromHalifax; and others, having received information of this movement, followed the main body and joined the army at Staten Island. 

When Washington took possession of Dorchester heights, on the night ofMarch 4, 1776, the situation of General Howe, in Boston, becamecritical, and he was forced to evacuate the city with precipitation. Heleft no cruisers in Boston bay to warn expected ships from England thatthe city was no longer in his possession. This was very fortunate forthe Americans, for a few days later several store-ships sailed into theharbor and were captured. The Scotch fleet also headed that way, andsome of the transports, not having received warning, were also taken inthe harbor, but principally of Fraser's Highlanders. By the last ofJune, about seven hundred and fifty Highlanders belonging to the Scotchfleet, were prisoners in the hands of the Americans. 

The Royal Highlanders lost but one of their transports, the Oxford, andat the same time another transport in company with her, having on boardrecruits for Fraser's Highlanders, in all two hundred and twenty men. They were made prizes of by the Congress privateer, and all theofficers, arms and ammunition were taken from the Oxford, and all thesoldiers were placed on board that vessel with a prize crew of ten mento carry her into port. In a gale of wind the vessels became separated, and then the carpenter of the Oxford formed a party and retook her, andsailed for the Chesapeake. On June 20th, they sighted Commodore JamesBarron's vessel, and dispatched a boat with a sergeant, one private andone of the men who were put on board by the Congress to make inquiry. The latter finding a convenient opportunity, informed Commodore Barrenof their situation, upon which he boarded and took possession of theOxford, and brought her to Jamestown. The men were marched toWilliamsburgh, Virginia, where every inducement was held out to them tojoin the American cause. When the promise of military promotion failedto have an effect, they were then informed that they would have grantsof fertile land, upon which they could live in happiness and freedom. They declared they would take no land save what they deserved bysupporting the king. They were then separated into small parties andsent into the back settlements; and were not exchanged until 1778, whenthey rejoined their regiments. 

Before General Sir William Howe's army arrived, or even any vessels ofhis fleet, the transport Crawford touched at Long Island. Under date ofJune 24, 1776, General Greene notified Washington that "the Scotchprisoners, with their baggage, have arrived at my Quarters. " The list ofprisoners are thus given:

 "Forty second or Royal Highland Regiment: Captain John Smith and Lieutenant Robert Franklin. Seventy-first Regiment: Captain Norman McLeod and lady and maid; Lieutenant Roderick McLeod; Ensign Colin Campbell and lady; Surgeon's Mate, Robert Boyce; John McAlister, Master of the Crawford transport; Norman McCullock, a passenger: two boys, servants; McDonald, servant to Robert Boyce; Shaw, servant to Captain McLeod. Three boys, servants, came over in the evening. "[162]

General Howe, on board the frigate Greyhound, arrived in the Narrows, from Halifax, on June 25th, accompanied by two other ships-of-war. Hecame in advance of the fleet that bore his army, in order to consultwith Governor Tryon and ascertain the position of affairs at New York. For three or four days after his arrival armed vessels kept coming, andon the twenty-ninth the main body of the fleet arrived, and the troopswere immediately landed on Staten Island. General Howe was soon afterreinforced by English regulars and German mercenaries, and at about thesame time Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Parker, with their broken forcescame from the south and joined them. Before the middle of August all theBritish reinforcements had arrived at Staten Island and General Howe'sarmy was raised to a force of thirty thousand men. On August 22nd, alarge body of troops, under cover of the guns of the Rainbow, landedupon Long Island. Soon after five thousand British and Hessian troopspoured over the sides of the English ships and transports and in smallboats and galleys were rowed to the Long Island shore, covered by theguns of the Phoenix, Rose and Greyhound. The invading force on LongIsland numbered fifteen thousand, well armed and equipped, and havingforty heavy cannon. 

The three Highland battalions were first landed on Staten Island, andimmediately a grenadier battalion was formed by Major Charles Stuart. The staff appointments were taken from the Royal Highlanders. The threelight companies also formed a battalion in the brigade underLieutenant-Colonel Abercromby. The grenadiers were remarkable forstrength and height, and considered equal to any company in the army. The eight battalion companies were formed into two temporary battalions, the command of one was given to Major William Murray, and that of theother to Major William Grant. These small battalions were brigaded underSir William Erskine, and placed in the reserve, with the grenadiers andlight infantry of the army, under command of lord Cornwallis. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Stirling, from the moment of landing, was active indrilling the 42d in the methods of fighting practiced in the French andIndian war, in which he was well versed. The Highlanders made rapidprogress in this discipline, being, in general, excellent marksmen. 

It was about this time that the broadswords and pistols received atGlasgow were laid aside. The pistols were considered unnecessary, exceptin the field. The broadswords retarded the men when marching by gettingentangled in the brushwood. 

The reserve of Howe's army was landed first at Gravesend Bay, and beingmoved immediately forward to Flat Bush, the Highlanders and a corps ofHessians were detached to a little distance, where they encamped. Thewhole army encamped in front of the villages of Gravesend and Utrecht. Awoody range of hills, which intersected the country from east to west, divided the opposing armies. 

General Howe resolved to bring on a general action and make the attackin three divisions. The right wing under General Clinton seized, on thenight of August 26th, a pass on the heights, about three miles fromBedford. The main body pushed into the level country which lay betweenthe hills and the lines of General Israel Putnam. Whilst these movementswere in process, Major-General Grant of Ballindalloch, with his brigade, supported by the Royal Highlanders from the reserve, was directed tomarch from the left along the coast to the Narrows, and make an attackin that quarter. At nine o'clock, on the morning of the 22nd, the rightwing having reached Bedford, attacked the left of the American army, which, after a short resistance, quitted the woody grounds, and inconfusion retired to their lines, pursued by the British troops, ColonelStuart leading with his battalion of Highland grenadiers. When thefiring at Bedford was heard at Flat Bush, the Hessians advanced, and, attacking the center of the American army, drove them through the woods, capturing three cannon. Previously, General Grant, with the left of thearmy, commenced the attack with a cannonade against the Americans underlord Stirling. The object of lord Stirling was to defend the pass andkeep General Grant in check. He was in the British parliament when Grantmade his speech against the Americans, and addressing his soldiers said, in allusion to the boasting Grant that he would "undertake to march fromone end of the continent to the other, with five thousand men. " "He mayhave his five thousand men with him now--we are not so many--but I thinkwe are enough to prevent his advancing further on his march over thecontinent, than that mill-pond, " pointing to the head of Gowanus bay. This little speech had a powerful effect, and in the action showed howkeenly they felt the insult. General Grant had been instructed not topress an attack until informed by signal-guns from the right wing. These signals were not given until eleven o'clock, at which time lordStirling was hemmed in. When the truth flashed upon him he hurled a fewof his men against lord Cornwallis, in order to keep him at bay while apart of his army might escape. Lord Cornwallis yielded, and when on thepoint or retreating received large reinforcements which turned thefortunes of the day against the Americans. General Grant drove theremains of lord Stirling's army before him, which escaped across Gowanuscreek, by wading and swimming. 

The victorious troops, made hot and sanguinary by the fatigues andtriumphs of the morning, rushed upon the American lines, eager to carrythem by storm. But the day was not wholly lost. Behind the entrenchmentswere three thousand determined men who met the advancing British army bya severe cannonade and volleys of musketry. Preferring to win theremainder of the conquest with less bloodshed, General Howe called backhis troops to a secure place in front of the American lines, beyondmusket shot, and encamped for the night. 

During the action Washington hastened over from New York to Brooklyn andgalloped up to the works. He arrived there in time to witness thecatastrophe. All night he was engaged in strengthening his position; andtroops were ordered from New York. When the morning dawned heavy massesof vapor rolled in from the sea. At ten o'clock the British opened acannonade on the American works, with frequent skirmishes throughout theday. Rain fell copiously all the afternoon and the main body of theBritish kept their tents, but when the storm abated towards evening, they commenced regular approaches within five hundred yards of theAmerican works. That night Washington drew off his army of nine thousandmen, with their munitions of war, transported them over a broad ferry toNew York, using such consummate skill that the British were not aware ofhis intention until next morning, when the last boats of the rear guardwere seen out of danger. 

The American loss in the battle of Long Island did not exceed sixteenhundred and fifty, of whom eleven hundred were prisoners. General Howestated his own loss to have been, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, three hundred and sixty-seven. The loss of the Highlanders was, Lieutenant Crammond and nine rank and file wounded, of the 42d; andthree rank and filed killed, and two sergeants and nine rank and filewounded, of the 71st regiment. 

In a letter to lord George Germaine, under date of September 4, 1776, lord Dunmore says:

 "I was with the Highlanders and Hessians the whole day, and it is with the utmost pleasure I can assure your lordship that the ardour of both these corps on that day must have exceeded his Majesty's most sanguine wish. "[163]

Active operations were not resumed until September 15th, when theBritish reserve, which the Royal Highlanders had rejoined after theaction at Brooklyn, crossed the river in flat boats from Newtown creek, and landed at Kip's bay covered by a severe cannonade from theships-of-war, whose guns played briskly upon the American batteries. Washington, hearing the firing, rode with speed towards the scene ofaction. To him a most alarming spectacle was presented. The militia hadfled, and the Connecticut troops had caught the panic, and ran withoutfiring a gun, when only fifty of the British had landed. Meeting thefugitives he used every endeavor to stop their flight. In vain theirgenerals tried to rally them; but they continued to flee in the greatestconfusion, leaving Washington alone within eighty yards of the foe. Soincensed was he at their conduct that he cast his chapeau to the ground, snapped his pistols at several of the fugitives, and threatened otherswith his sword. So utterly unconscious was he of danger, that heprobably would have fallen had not his attendants seized the bridle ofhis horse and hurried him away to a place of safety. Immediately he tookmeasures to protect his imperilled army. He retreated to Harlem heights, and sent an order to General Putnam to evacuate the city instantly. Thiswas fortunately accomplished, through the connivance of Mrs. RobertMurray. General Sir William Howe, instead of pushing forward andcapturing the four thousand troops under General Putnam, immediatelytook up his quarters with his general officers at the mansion of RobertMurray, and sat down for refreshments and rest. Mrs. Murray knowing thevalue of time to the veteran Putnam, now in jeopardy, used all her artto detain her uninvited guests. With smiles and pleasant conversation, and a profusion of cakes and wine, she regaled them for almost twohours. General Putnam meanwhile receiving his orders, immediatelyobeyed, and a greater portion of his troops, concealed by the woods, escaped along the Bloomingdale road, and before being discovered hadpassed the encampment upon the Ineleberg. The rear-guard was attacked bythe Highlanders and Hessians, just as a heavy rain began to fall; andthe drenched army, after losing fifteen men killed, and three hundredmade prisoners, reached Harlem heights. 

 "This night Major Murray was nearly carried off by the enemy, but saved himself by his strength of arm and presence of mind. As he was crossing to his regiment from the battalion which he commanded, he was attacked by an American officer and two soldiers, against whom he defended himself for some time with his fusil, keeping them at a respectful distance. At last, however, they closed upon him, when unluckily his dirk slipped behind, and he could not, owing to his corpulence, reach it. Observing that the rebel (American) officer had a sword in his hand, he snatched it from him, and made so good use of it, that he compelled them to fly, before some men of the regiment, who had heard the noise, could come up to his assistance. He wore the sword as a trophy during the campaign. "[164]

On the 16th the light infantry was sent out to dislodge a party ofAmericans who had taken possession of a wood facing the left of theBritish. Adjutant-General Reed brought information to Washington thatthe British General Leslie was pushing forward and had attacked ColonelKnowlton and his rangers. Colonel Knowlton retreated, and the Britishappeared in full view and sounded their bugles. Washington ordered threecompanies of Colonel Weedon's Virginia regiment, under Major Leitch, tojoin Knowlton's rangers, and gain the British rear, while a feignedattack should be made in front. The vigilant General Leslie perceivedthis, and made a rapid movement to gain an advantageous position uponHarlem plains, where he was attacked upon the flank by Knowlton andLeitch. A part of Leslie's force, consisting of Highlanders, that hadbeen concealed upon the wooded hills, now came down, and the entireBritish body changing front, fell upon the Americans with vigor. A shortbut severe conflict ensued. Major Leitch, pierced by three balls, wasborne from the field, and soon after Colonel Knowlton was brought to theground by a musket ball. Their men fought on bravely, contesting everyfoot of the ground, as they fell back towards the American camp. Beingreinforced by a part of the Maryland regiments of Griffiths andRichardson, the tide of battle changed. The British were driven backacross the plain, hotly pursued by the Americans, till Washington, fearing an ambush, ordered a retreat. 

In the battle of Harlem the British loss was fourteen killed, and fiftyofficers and seventy men wounded. The 42nd, or Royal Highlanders lostone sergeant and three privates killed, and Captains Duncan Macphersonand John Mackintosh, Ensign Alexander Mackenzie (who died of hiswounds), and three sergeants, one piper, two drummers, and forty-sevenprivates wounded. 

This engagement caused a temporary pause in the movements of theBritish, which gave Washington an opportunity to strengthen both hiscamp and army. The respite was not of long duration for on October 12th, General Howe embarked his army in flat-bottomed boats, and on theevening of the same day landed at Frogsneck, near Westchester; but onthe next day he re-embarked his troops and landed at Pell's Point, atthe mouth of the Hudson. On the 14th he reached the White Plains infront of Washington's position. General Howe's next determination was tocapture Fort Washington, which cut off the communication between NewYork and the continent, to the eastward and northward of Hudson river, and prevented supplies being sent him by way of Kingsbridge. Thegarrison consisted of over two thousand men under Colonel Magaw. Adeserter informed General Howe of the real condition of the garrison andthe works on Harlem Heights. General Howe was agreeably surprised by theinformation, and immediately summoned Colonel Magaw to surrender withinan hour, intimating that a refusal might subject the garrison tomassacre. Promptly refusing compliance, he further added: "I ratherthink it a mistake than a settled resolution in General Howe, to act apart so unworthy of himself and the British nation. " On November 16ththe Hessians, under General Knyphausen, supported by the whole of thereserve under earl Percy, with the exception of the 42nd, who were tomake a feint on the east side of the fort, were to make the principalattack. Before daylight the Royal Highlanders embarked in boats, andlanded in a small creek at the foot of the rock, in the face of a severefire. Although the Highlanders had discharged the duties which had beenassigned them, still determined to have a full share in the honors ofthe day, resolved upon an assault, and assisted by each other, and bythe brushwood and shrubs which grew out of the crevices of the rocks, scrambled up the precipice. On gaining the summit, they rushed forward, and drove back the Americans with such rapidity, that upwards of twohundred, who had no time to escape, threw down their arms. Pursuingtheir advantage, the Highlanders penetrated across the table of thehill, and met lord Percy as he was coming up on the other side. Byturning their feint into an assault, the Highlanders facilitated thesuccess of the day. The result was that the Americans surrendered atdiscretion. They lost in killed and wounded one hundred and abouttwenty-seven hundred prisoners. The loss of the British was twentykilled and one hundred and one wounded; that of the Royal Highlandersbeing one sergeant and ten privates killed, and Lieutenants PatrickGraeme, Norman Macleod, and Alexander Grant, and for sergeants andsixty-six rank and file, wounded. 

The hill, up which the Highlanders charged, was so steep, that the ballwhich wounded Lieutenant Macleod, entering the posterior part of hisneck, ran down on the outside of his ribs, and lodged in the lower partof his back. One of the pipers, who began to play when he reached thepoint of a rock on the summit of the hill, was immediately shot, andtumbled from one piece of rock to another till he reached the bottom. Major Murray, being a large and corpulent man, could not attempt thesteep assent without assistance. The soldiers eager to get to the pointof duty, scrambled up, forgetting the position of Major Murray, when he, in a supplicating tone cried, "Oh soldiers, will you leave me!" A partyleaped down instantly and brought him up, supporting him from one ledgeof rocks to another till they got him to the top. 

The next object of General Howe was to possess Fort Lee. LordCornwallis, with the grenadiers, light infantry, 33rd regiment and RoyalHighlanders, was ordered to attack this post. But on their approach thefort was hastily abandoned. Lord Cornwallis, re-enforced by the twobattalions of Fraser's Highlanders, pursued the retreating Americans, into the Jerseys, through Elizabethtown, Neward and Brunswick. In thelatter town he was ordered to halt, where he remained for eight days, when General Howe, with the army, moved forward, and reached Princetonin the afternoon of November 17th. 

The army now went into winter quarters. The Royal Highlanders werestationed at Brunswick, and Fraser's Highlanders quartered at Amboy. Afterwards the Royal Highlanders were ordered to the advanced posts, being the only British regiment in the front, and forming the line ofdefence at Mt. Holly. After the disaster to the Hessians at Trenton, theRoyal Highlanders were ordered to fall back on the light infantry atPrinceton. 

Lord Cornwallis, who was in New York at the time of the defeat of theHessians, returned to the army and moved forward with a force consistingof the grenadiers, two brigades of the line, and the two Highlandregiments. After much skirmishing in advance he found Washington postedon some high ground beyond Trenton. Lord Cornwallis declaring "the foxcannot escape me, " planned to assault Washington on the followingmorning. But while he slept the American commander, marched to his rearand fell upon that part of the army left at Princeton. Owing to thesuddenness of Washington's attacks upon Trenton and Princeton and thevigilance he manifested the British outposts were withdrawn andconcentrated at Brunswick where lord Cornwallis established hisheadquarters. 

The Royal Highlanders, on January 6, 1777 were sent to the village ofPisquatua on the line of communication between New York and Brunswickby Amboy. This was a post of great importance, for it kept open theroute by which provisions were sent for the forces at Brunswick. Theduty was severe and the winter rigorous. As the homes could notaccommodate half the men, officers and soldiers sought shelter in barnsand sheds, always sleeping in their body-clothes, for the Americans gavethem but little quietude. The Americans, however, did not make anyregular attack on the post till May 10th, when, at four in the morning, the divisions of Generals Maxwell and Stephens, attempted to surprisethe Highlanders. Advancing with great caution they were not preceiveduntil they rushed upon the pickets. Although the Highlanders weresurprised, they held their position until the reserve pickets came totheir assistance, when they retired disputing every foot, to afford theregiment time to form, and come to their relief. Then the Americans weredriven back with precipitation, leaving upwards of two hundred men, inkilled and wounded. The Highlanders, pursuing with eagerness, wererecalled with great difficulty. On this occasion the Royal Highlandershad three sergeants and nine privates killed; and Captain DuncanMacpherson, Lieutenant William Stewart, three sergeants, and thirty-fiveprivates wounded. 

 "On this occasion, Sergeant Macgregor, whose company was immediately in the rear of the picquet, rushed forward to their support, with a few men who happened to have their arms in their hands, when the enemy commenced the attack. Being severely wounded, he was left insensible on the ground. When the picquet was overpowered, and the few survivors forced to retire, Macgregor, who had that day put on a new jacket with silver lace, having besides, large silver buckles in his shoes, and a watch, attracted the notice of an American soldier, who deemed him a good prize. The retreat of his friends not allowing him time to strip the sergeant on the spot, he thought the shortest way was to take him on his back to a more convenient distance. By this time Macgregor began to recover; and, perceiving whither the man was carrying him, drew his dirk, and, grasping him by the throat, swore that he would run him through the breast, if he did not turn back and carry him to the camp. The American, finding this argument irresistible, complied with the request, and, meeting Lord Cornwallis (who had come up to the support of the regiment when he heard the firing) and Colonel Stirling, was thanked for his care of the sergeant; but he honestly told him, that he only conveyed him thither to save his own life. Lord Cornwallis gave him liberty to go whithersoever he chose. "[165]

Summer being well advanced, Sir William Howe made preparations fortaking the field. The Royal Highlanders, along with the 13th, 17th, and44th regiments were put under the command of General Charles Gray. Failing to draw Washington from his secure position at Middlebrook, General Howe resolved to change the seat of war, and accordinglyembarked thirty-six battalions of British and Hessians, and sailed forthe Chesapeake. Before the embarkation, the Royal Highlanders receivedone hundred and seventy recruits from Scotland, who, as they were all ofthe best description, more than supplied the loss that had beensustained. 

After a tedious voyage the army, on August 24th, landed at Elk Ferry. Itdid not begin the march until September 3rd, for Philadelphia. In themeantime Washington marched across the country and took up a position atRed Clay Creek, but having his headquarters at Wilmington. His effectiveforce was about eleven thousand men while that of General Howe waseighteen thousand strong. 

The two armies met on September 11th, and fought the battle ofBrandywine. During the battle, lord Cornwallis, with four battalions ofBritish grenadiers and light infantry, the Hessian grenadiers, a partyof the 71st Highlanders, and the third and fourth brigades, made acircuit of some miles, crossed Jefferis' Ford without opposition, andturned short down the river to attack the American right. Washington, being apprised of this movement, detached General Sullivan, with all theforce he could spare, to thwart the design. General Sullivan, havingadvantageously posted his men, lord Cornwallis was obliged to consumesome time in forming a line of battle. An action then took place, whenthe Americans were driven through the woods towards the main army. Meanwhile General Knyphausen, with his division, made demonstrations forcrossing at Chad's Ford, and as soon as he knew from the firing ofcannon that lord Cornwallis had succeeded, he crossed the river andcarried the works of the Americans. The approach of night ended theconflict. The Americans rendezvoused at Chester, and the next dayretreated towards Philadelphia, and encamped near Germantown. 

The British had fifty officers killed and wounded and four hundred andthirty-eight rank and file. The battalion companies of the 42nd being inthe reserve, sustained no loss, as they were not brought into action;but of the light company, which formed part of the light brigade, sixprivates were killed, and one sergeant and fifteen privates wounded. 

On the night of September 20th, General Gray was detached with the 2ndlight infantry and the 42nd and 44th regiments to cut off and destroythe corps of General Wayne. They marched with great secrecy and cameupon the camp at midnight, when all were asleep save the pickets andguards, who were overpowered without causing an alarm. The troops thenrushed forward, bayoneted three hundred and took one hundred Americansprisoners. The British loss was three killed and several wounded. 

On the 26th the British army took peaceable possession of Philadelphia. In the battle of Germantown, fought on the morning of October 4, 1777, the Highlanders did not participate. 

The next enterprise in which the 42nd was engaged was under GeneralGray, who embarked with that regiment, the grenadiers and the lightinfantry brigade, for the purpose of destroying a number of privateers, with their prizes at New Plymouth. On September 5, 1778, the troopslanded on the banks of the Acushnet river, and having destroyed seventyvessels, with all the cargoes, stores, wharfs, and buildings, along thewhole extent of the river, the whole were re-embarked the following dayand returned to New York. 

The British army during the Revolutionary struggle took the winterseason for a period of rest, although engaging more or less in maraudingexpeditions. On February 25, 1779, Colonel Stirling, with a detachmentconsisting of the light infantry of the Guards and the 42nd, was orderedto attack a post at Elizabethtown, in New Jersey, which was takenwithout opposition. In April following the Highland regiment wasemployed on an expedition to the Chesapeake, to destroy the stores andmerchandise at Portsmouth, in Virginia. They were again employed withthe Guards and a corps of Hessians in another expedition under GeneralMathews, which sailed on the 30th, under the convoy of Sir GeorgeCollier, in the Reasonable, and several ships of war, and reached theirdestination on May 10th, when the troops landed on the glebe on thewestern bank of Elizabeth. After fulfilling the object of the expeditionthey returned to New York in good time for the opening of the campaign, which commenced by the capture, on the part of the British, of Verplanksand Stony Point. A garrison of six hundred men, among whom were twocompanies of Fraser's Highlanders, took possession of Stony Point. Washington planned its capture which was executed by General Wayne. Soonafter General Wayne moved against Verplanks, which held out till theapproach of the light infantry and the 42nd, then withdrew his forcesand evacuated Stony Point. Shortly after, Colonel Stirling was appointedaide-de-camp to the king, when the command of the 42nd devolved on MajorCharles Graham, to whom was entrusted the command of the posts of StonyPoint and Verplanks, together with his own regiment, and a detachment ofFraser's Highlanders, under Major Ferguson. This duty was the moreimportant, as the Americans surrounded the posts in great numbers, anddesertion had become so frequent among a corps of provincials, sent as areinforcement, that they could not be trusted on any military duty, particularly on those duties which were most harassing. In the month ofOctober these posts were withdrawn and the regiment sent to Greenwich, near New York. 

The winter of 1779 was the coldest that had been known for forty years;and the troops, although in quarters, suffered more from thatcircumstance than in the preceding winter when in huts. But theHighlanders met with a misfortune that greatly grieved them, and whichtended to deteriorate, for several years, the heretofore irreproachablecharacter of the Royal Highland Regiment. In the autumn of this year adraft of one hundred and fifty men, recruits raised principally from therefuse of the streets of London and Dublin, was embarked for theregiment by orders from the inspector-general at Chatham. These men wereof the most depraved character, and of such dissolute habits, thatone-half of them were unfit for service; fifteen died in the passage, and seventy-five were sent to the hospital from the transport as soon asthey disembarked. The infusion of such immoral ingredients mustnecessarily have a deleterious effect. General Stirling made a strongremonstrance to the commander-in-chief, in consequence of which thesemen were removed to the 26th regiment, in exchange for the same numberof Scotchmen. The introduction of these men into the regiment dissolvedthe charm which, for nearly forty years, had preserved the Highlandersfrom contamination. During that long period there were but fewcourts-martial, and, for many years, no instance of corporal punishmentoccurred. 

With the intention of pushing the war with vigor, the newcommander-in-chief, Sir Henry Clinton, who had succeeded Sir WilliamHowe, in May, 1778, resolved to attack Charleston, the capital of SouthCarolina. Having left General Knyphausen in command at New York, GeneralClinton with his army set sail December 26, 1779. Such was the severityof the weather, however, that, although the voyage might have beenaccomplished in ten days, it was February 11, 1780, before the troopsdisembarked on John's Island, thirty miles from Charleston. So greatwere the impediments to be overcome, and so cautious was the advance ofthe general, that it was March 29th before they crossed the Ashleyriver. The following day they encamped opposite the American lines. Ground was broken in front of Charleston on April 1st. General Lincoln, who commanded the American forces, had strengthened the place in all itsdefences, both by land and water, in such a manner as to threaten asiege that would be both tedious and difficult. When General Clinton, anticipating the nature of the works he desired to capture, sent for theRoyal Highlanders and Queen's Rangers to join him, which they did onApril 18th, having sailed from New York on March 31st. The siegeproceeded in the usual way until May 12th, when the garrison surrenderedprisoners of war. The loss of the British forces on this occasionconsisted of seventy-six killed and one hundred and eighty-ninewounded; and that of the 42nd, Lieutenant Macleod and nine privateskilled, and Lieutenant Alexander Grant and fourteen privates wounded. 

After Sir Henry Clinton had taken possession of Charleston, the 42nd andlight infantry were ordered to Monck's Corner as a foraging party, and, returning on the 2nd, they embarked June 4th for New York, along withthe Grenadiers and Hessians. After being stationed for a time on StatenIsland, Valentine's Hill, and other stations in New York, went intowinter quarters in the city. About this time one hundred recruits werereceived from Scotland, all young men, in the full vigor of health, andready for immediate service. From this period, as the regiment was notengaged in any active service during the war, the changes in encampmentsare too trifling to require notice. 

On April 28, 1782, Major Graham succeeded to the lieutenant-colonelcy ofthe Royal Highland Regiment, and Captain Walter Home of the fusileersbecame major. 

While the regiment was stationed at Paulus Hook several of the mendeserted to the Americans. This unprecedented and unlooked for eventoccasioned much surprise and various causes were ascribed for it; butthe prevalent opinion was that the men had received from the 26thregiment, and who had been made prisoners at Saratoga, had been promisedlands and other indulgences while prisoners to the Americans. One ofthese deserters, a man named Anderson, was soon afterwards taken, triedby court-martial, and shot. This was the first instance of an executionin the regiment since the mutiny of 1743. The regiment remained atPaulus Hook till the conclusion of the war, when the establishment wasreduced to eight companies of fifty men each. The officers of the ninthand tenth companies were not put on half-pay, but kept assupernumeraries to fill up vacancies as they occurred in the regiment. Anumber of the men were discharged at their own request, and their placessupplied by those who wished to remain in the country, instead of goinghome with their regiments. These were taken from Fraser's andMacdonald's Highlanders, and from the Edinburgh and duke of Hamilton'sregiments. 

The 42nd left New York for Halifax, Nova Scotia, on October 22, 1783, where they remained till the year 1786, when the battalion embarked andsailed for Cape Breton, two companies being detached to the island ofSt. John. In the month of August, 1789, the regiment embarked forEngland, and landed in Portsmouth in October. In May, 1790, they arrivedin Glasgow. 

During the American Revolutionary War the loss of the Royal Highlanderswas as follows:

----------------------------------------------------------------------- |Killed ||Wounded |--------||--------- |O |S |DR||O |S |DR |f |e |ra||f |e |ra |f |r |un||f |r |un |i |j |mk||i |j |mk |c |e |m ||c |e |m |e |a |ea||e |a |ea |r |n |rn||r |n |rn |s |t |sd||s |t |sd | |s | || |s | | | |aF|| | |aF | | |ni|| | |ni | | |dl|| | |dl | | | e|| | | e---------------------------------------------------+--+--+--++--+--+---1776, August 22nd and 27th, Long Island, including | | | || | |the battle of Brooklyn | | | 5|| 1| 1|19September 16th, York Island Supporting | | | || | |Light Infantry | 1| 1| 3|| 3| 3|47November 16th, Attack on Fort Washington | | 1|10|| 3| 4|66December 22nd, At Black Horse, on the | | | || | |Delaware | | | 1|| | 1| 61777, February 13th, At Amboy, Grenadier | | | || | |Company | | | 3|| | 3|17May 10th, Piscataqua, Jerseys | | 3| 9|| 2| 3|30September 11th, Battle of Brandywine | | | 6|| | 1|15October 5th, Battle of Germantown, the | | | || | |light company | | 1| || | | 41778, March 22nd, Foraging parties, Jerseys | | | || | | 4June 28th, Battle of Monmouth, Jerseys | | 2|20|| 1| 1|171779, February 26th, Elizabethtown, Jerseys | | | || | | 91780, April and May to 12th, Siege of Charleston | 1| |12|| 1| |14March 16th, Detachment sent to forage from | | | || | |New York to the Jerseys | | | || 1| | 31781, September and October. Yorktown, in | | | || | |Virginia, light company | | 1| 5|| | | 6 |__|__|__||__|__|__TOTAL | 2| 9|74||12|17|257=======================================================================

FRASER'S HIGHLANDERS. 

The breaking out of hostilities in America in 1775 determined theEnglish government to revive Fraser's Highlanders. Althoughdisinherited of his estates Colonel Fraser, through the influence ofclan feeling, was enabled to raise twelve hundred and fifty men in 1757, it was believed, since his estates had been restored in 1772, he couldreadily raise a strong regiment. So, in 1775, Colonel Fraser receivedletters for raising a Highland regiment of two battalions. With ease heraised two thousand three hundred and forty Highlanders, who weremarched up to Stirling, and thence to Glasgow in April, 1776. This corpshad in it six chiefs of clans besides himself. The regiment consisted ofthe following nominal list of officers:

FIRST BATTALION. 

Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat; Lieutenant-Colonel: Sir William Erskineof Torry; Majors: John Macdonell of Lochgarry and Duncan Macpherson ofCluny; Captains: Simon Fraser, Duncan Chisholm of Chisholm, ColinMackenzie, Francis Skelly, Hamilton Maxwell, John Campbell, NormanMacleod of Macleod, Sir James Baird of Saughtonhall and Charles Cameronof Lochiel; Lieutenants: Charles Campbell, John Macdougall, ColinMackenzie, John Nairne, William Nairne, Charles Gordon, David Kinloch, Thomas Tause, William Sinclair, Hugh Fraser, Alexander Fraser, ThomasFraser, Dougald Campbell, Robert Macdonald, Alexander Fraser, RoderickMacleod, John Ross, Patrick Cumming, and Thomas Hamilton; Ensigns:Archibald Campbell, Henry Macpherson, John Grant, Robert Campbell, AllanMalcolm, John Murchison, Angus Macdonell, Peter Fraser; Chaplain: HughBlair, D. D. ; Adjutant: Donald Cameron; Quarter-Master: David Campbell;Surgeon: William Fraser. 

SECOND BATTALION. 

Colonel: Simon Fraser of Lovat; Lieutenant-Colonel: Archibald Campbell;Majors: Norman Lamont and Robert Menzies; Captains: Angus Mackintosh ofKellachy, Patrick Campbell, Andrew Lawrie, Aeneas Mackintosh ofMackintosh, Charles Cameron, George Munro, Boyd Porterfield and LawRobert Campbell; Lieutenants: Robert Hutchison, Alexander Sutherland, Archibald Campbell, Hugh Lamont, Robert Duncanson, George Stewart, Charles Barrington Mackenzie, James Christie, James Fraser, ThomasFraser, Archibald Balnevis, Dougald Campbell, Lodovick Colquhoun, JohnMackenzie, Hugh Campbell, John Campbell, Arthur Forbes, PatrickCampbell, Archibald Maclean, David Ross, Robert Grant and Thomas Fraser;Ensigns: William Gordon, Charles Main, Archibald Campbell, DonaldCameron, Smollet Campbell, Gilbert Waugh, William Bain, and John Grant;Chaplain: Malcolm Nicholson; Adjutant: Archibald Campbell;Quarter-Master: J. Ogilvie; Surgeon: Colin Chisholm. 

At the time Fraser's Regiment, or the 71st, was mustered in Glasgow, there were nearly six thousand Highlanders in that city, of whom threethousand, belonging to the 42nd, and 71st, were raised and brought fromthe North in ten weeks. More men had come up than were required. Whenthe corps marched for Greenock, these were left behind. So eager werethey to engage against the Americans that many were stowed away, who hadnot enlisted. On none of the soldiers was there the appearance ofdispleasure at going. 

Sometime after the sailing of the fleet it was scattered by a violentgale, and several of the single ships fell in with, and were scatteredby, American privateers. A transport having Captain, afterward SirAeneas Mackintosh, and his company on board, with two six pounders, madea resolute defence against a privateer with eight guns, till all theammunition was expended, when they bore down with the intention ofboarding; but, the privateer not waiting to receive the shock, set sail, the transport being unable to follow. 

As has been previously noticed, General Howe, on evacuating Boston, didnot leave a vessel off the harbor to warn incoming British ships. Owingto this neglect, the transport with Colonel Archibald Campbell and MajorMenzies on board sailed into Boston Harbor. The account of the captureof this transport and others is here subjoined by the participants. Captain Seth Harding, commander of the Defence, in his report toGovernor Trumbull, under date of June 19, 1776, said:

 "I sailed on Sunday last from Plymouth. Soon after we came to sail, I heard a considerable firing to the northward. In the evening fell in with four armed schooners near the entrance of Boston harbor, who informed me they had been engaged with a ship and brig, and were obliged to quit them. Soon after I came up into Nantasket Roads, where I found the ship and brig at anchor. I immediately fell in between the two, and came to anchor about eleven o'clock at night. I hailed the ship, who answered, from Great Britain. I ordered her to strike her colors to America. They answered me by asking, What brig is that? I told them the Defence. I then hailed him again, and told him I did not want to kill their men; but have the ship I would at all events, and again desired them to strike; upon which the Major (since dead) said, Yes, I'll strike, and fired a broadside upon me, which I immediately returned, upon which an engagement begun, which continued three glasses, when the ship and brig both struck. In this engagement I had nine wounded, but none killed. The enemy had eighteen killed, and a number wounded. My officers and men behaved with great bravery; no man could have outdone them. We took out of the above vessels two hundred and ten prisoners, among whom is Colonel Campbell, of General Frazer's Regiment of Highlanders. The Major was killed. 

 Yesterday a ship was seen in the bay, which came towards the entrance of the harbor, upon which I came to sail, with four schooners in company. We came up with her, and took her without any engagement. There were on board about one hundred and twelve Highlanders. As there are a number more of the same fleet expected every day, and the General here urges my stay, I shall tarry a few days, and then proceed for New London. My brig is much damaged in her sails and rigging. "

Colonel Campbell made the following report to Sir William Howe, dated atBoston, June 19, 1776:

 "Sir: I am sorry to inform you that it has been my unfortunate lot to have fallen into the hands of the Americans in the middle of Boston harbor; but when the circumstances which have occasioned this disaster are understood, I flatter myself no reflection will arise to myself or my officers on account of it. On the 16th of June the George and Annabella transports, with two companies of the Seventy-First Regiment of Highlanders, made the land off Cape Ann, after a passage of seven weeks from Scotland, during the course of which we had not the opportunity of speaking to a single vessel that could give us the smallest information of the British troops having evacuated Boston. On the 17th, at daylight, we found ourselves opposite to the harbor's mouth at Boston; but, from contrary winds, it was necessary to make several tacks to reach it. Four schooners (which we took to be pilots, or armed vessels in the service of his Majesty, but which were afterwards found to be four American privateers, of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty men each) were bearing down upon us at four o'clock in the morning. At half an hour thereafter two of them engaged us, and about eleven o'clock the other two were close alongside. The George transport (on board of which were Major Menzies and myself, with one hundred and eight of the Second Battalion, the Adjutant, the Quartermaster, two Lieutenants, and five volunteers, were passengers) had only six pieces of cannon to oppose them; and the Annabella (on board of which was Captain McKenzie, together with two subalterns, two volunteers, and eighty-two private men of the First Battalion) had only two swivels for her defence. Under such circumstances, I thought it expedient for the Annabella to keep ahead of the George, that our artillery might be used with more effect and less obstruction. Two of the privateers having stationed themselves upon our larboard quarter and two upon our starboard quarter, a tolerable cannonade ensued, which, with very few intermissions, lasted till four o'clock in the evening, when the enemy bore away, and anchored in Plymouth harbor. Our loss upon this occasion was only three men mortally wounded on board the George, one killed and one man slightly wounded on board the Annabella. As my orders were for the port of Boston, I thought it my duty, at this happy crisis, to push forward into the harbor, not doubting I should receive protection either from a fort or some ship of force stationed there for the security of our fleet. 

 Towards the close of the evening we perceived the four schooners that were engaged with us in the morning, joined by the brig Defence, of sixteen carriage-guns, twenty swivels, and one hundred and seventeen men, and a schooner of eight carriage-guns, twelve swivels, and forty men, got under way and made towards us. As we stood up for Nantasket Road, an American battery opened upon us, which was the first serious proof we had that there could scarcely be many friends of ours at Boston; and we were too far embayed to retreat, especially as the wind had died away, and the tide of flood not half expended. After each of the vessels had twice run aground, we anchored at George's Island, and prepared for action; but the Annabella by some misfortune, got aground so far astern of the George we could expect but a feeble support from her musketry. About eleven o'clock four of the schooners anchored right upon our bow, and one right astern of us. The armed brig took her station on our starboard side, at the distance of two hundred yards, and hailed us to strike the British flag. Although the mate of our ship and every sailor on board (the Captain only excepted) refused positively to fight any longer, I have the pleasure to inform you that there was not an officer, non-commissioned officer, or private man of the Seventy-First but what stood to their quarters with a ready and cheerful obedience. On our refusing to strike the British flag, the action was renewed with a good deal of warmth on both sides, and it was our misfortune, after the sharp combat of an hour and a half, to have expended every shot that we had for our artillery. Under such circumstances, hemmed in as we were with six privateers, in the middle of an enemy's harbor, beset with a dead calm, without the power of escaping, or even the most distant hope of relief, I thought it became my duty not to sacrifice the lives of gallant men wantonly in the arduous attempt of an evident impossibility. In this unfortunate affair Major Menzies and seven private soldiers were killed, the Quartermaster and twelve private soldiers wounded. The Major was buried with the honors of war at Boston. 

 Since our captivity, I have the honor to acquaint you that we have experienced the utmost civility and good treatment from the people of power at Boston, insomuch, sir, that I should do injustice to the feelings of generosity did I not make this particular information with pleasure and satisfaction. I have now to request of you that, so soon as the distracted state of this unfortunate controversy will admit, you will be pleased to take an early opportunity of settling a cartel for myself and officers. 

 I have the honor to be, with great respect, sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, Archibald Campbell, Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment. 

 P. S. On my arrival at Boston I found that Captain Maxwell, with the Light-Infantry of the first battalion of the Seventy-First Regiment, had the misfortune to fall into the hands of some other privateers, and were carried into Marblehead the 10th instant. Captain Campbell, with the Grenadiers of the second battalion, who was ignorant, as we were, of the evacuation of Boston, stood into the mouth of this harbor, and was surrounded and taken by eight privateers this forenoon. 

 In case of a cartel is established, the following return is, as near as I can effect, the number of officers, non-commissioned officers, and private men of the Seventy-First Regiment who are prisoners-of-war at and in the neighborhood of Boston:

 The George transport: Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant and Adjutant Archibald Campbell; Lieutenant Archibald Balneaves; Lieutenant Hugh Campbell; Quartermaster William Ogilvie; Surgeon's Mate, David Burns; Patrick McDougal, private, and acting Sergeant-Major; James Flint, volunteer; Dugald Campbell, ditto; Donald McBane, John Wilson, three Sergeants, four corporals, two Drummers, ninety private men. 

 The Annabella transport: Captain George McKinzie; Lieutenant Colin McKinzie; Ensign Peter Fraser; Mr. McKinzie and Alexander McTavish, volunteers; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, eighty-one private men. 

 Lord Howe transport: Captain Lawrence Campbell; Lieutenant Robert Duncanson; Lieutenant Archibald McLean; Lieutenant Lewis Colhoun; Duncan Campbell, volunteer; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men. 

 Ann transport: Captain Hamilton Maxwell; Lieutenant Charles Campbell; Lieutenant Fraser; Lieutenant----; four Sergeants, four Corporals, two Drummers, ninety-six private men. 

 Archibald Campbell, Lieut. Col. 2d Bat. 71st Regiment. "[166]

On account of the treatment received by General Charles Lee, a prisonerin the hands of Sir William Howe, and the covert threat of condignpunishment on the accusation of treason, Congress resolved, January 6, 1777, that "should the proffered exchange of General Lee, for sixHessian field-officers, not be accepted, and the treatment of him asaforementioned be continued, then the principles of retaliation shalloccasion first of the said Hessian field-officers, together withLieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, or any other officers that are ormay be in our possession, equivalent in number or quality, to bedetained, in order that the same treatment, which general Lee shallreceive, may be exactly inflicted upon their persons. "

In consequence of this act Colonel Campbell was thrown into Concordgaol. On February 4th he addressed a letter to Washington giving ahighly colored account of his severe treatment, making it equal to thatinflicted upon the most atrocious criminals; and for the reasons he wasso treated declaring that "the first of this month, I was carried andlodged in the common gaol of Concord, by an order of Congress, throughthe Council of Boston, intimating for a reason, that a refusal ofGeneral Howe to give up General Lee for six field-officers, of whom Iwas one, and the placing of that gentleman under the charge of theProvost at New York, were the motives of their particular ill treatmentof me. "

Washington, on February 28, 1777, wrote to the Council of Massachusettsremonstrating with them and directing Colonel Campbell's enlargement, ashis treatment was not according to the resolve of Congress. Thefollowing day he wrote Colonel Campbell stating that he imagined therewould be a mitigation of what he now suffered. At the same timeWashington wrote to the Congress on the impolicy of so treating ColonelCampbell, declaring that he feared that the resolutions, if adhered to, might "produce consequences of an extensive and melancholy nature. " OnMarch 6th he wrote to the president of Congress reaffirming his positionon the impolicy of their attitude towards Colonel Campbell. To the samehe wrote May 28th stating that "notwithstanding my recommendation, agreeably to what I conceived to be the sense of Congress, Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell's treatment continues to be such as cannotbe justified either on the principles of generosity or strictretaliation; as I have authentic information, and I doubt not you willhave the same, that General Lee's situation is far from being rigorousor uncomfortable. " To Sir William Howe, he wrote June 10th, that"Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field-officers, will bedetained till you recognise General Lee as a prisoner of war, and puthim on the footing of claim. * * * The situation of Lieutenant-ColonelCampbell, as represented by you, is such as I neither wished norapprove. Upon the first intimation of his complaints, I wrote upon thesubject, and hoped there would have been no further cause of uneasiness. That, gentleman, I am persuaded, will do me the justice to say, he hasreceived no ill treatment at my instance. Unnecessary severity and everyspecies of insult I despise, and, I trust, none will ever have justreason to censure me in this respect. " At this time Colonel Campbell wasnot in the gaol but in the jailer's house. On June 2d Congress orderedthat Colonel Campbell and the five Hessian officers should be treated"with kindness, generosity, and tenderness, consistent with the safecustody of their persons. "

Congress finally decided that General Prescott, who had been recentlycaptured, should be held as a hostage for the good treatment of GeneralLee, and Washington was authorized to negotiate an exchange ofprisoners. 

March 10, 1778, in a letter addressed to Washington by Sir William Howe, he concludes as follows:

 "When the agreement was concluded upon to appoint commissioners to settle a general exchange, I expected there would have been as much expedition used in returning Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, and the Hessian field-officers, as in returning Major-General Prescott, and that the cartel might have been finished by the time of the arrival of General Lee. If, however, there should be any objection to General Prescott's remaining at New York, until the aforementioned officers are sent in, he shall, to avoid altercation, be returned upon requisition. "

To this Washington replied:

 "Valley Forge, 12 March, 1778. 

 Sir:--Your letter of the 10th came to hand last night. The meeting of our commissioners cannot take place till the time appointed in my last. 

 I am not able to conceive on what principle it should be imagined, that any distinction, injurious to Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell and the Hessian field officers, still exists. That they have not yet been returned on parole is to be ascribed solely to the remoteness of their situation. Mr. Boudinot informs me, that he momentarily expects their arrival, in prosecution of our engagement. You are well aware, that the distinction originally made, with respect to them, was in consequence of your discrimination to the prejudice of General Lee. On your receding from that discrimination, and agreeing to a mutual releasement of officers on parole, the difficulty ceased, and General Prescott was sent into New York, in full expectation, that General Lee would come out in return. So far from adhering to any former exception, I had particularly directed my commissary of prisoners to release Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, in lieu of Lieutenant Colonel Ethan Allen. "

It was not, however, until May 5, 1778 that Washington succeeded inexchanging Colonel Campbell for Colonel Ethan Allen. [167] Hisimprisonment did not have any effect on his treatment of those whoafterwards fell into his hands. 

The death of Major Menzies was an irreparable loss to the corps, for hewas a man of judgment and experience, and many of the officers and allthe sergeants and soldiers totally inexperienced. Colonel Campbell wasexperienced as an engineer, but was a stranger to the minor and interiordiscipline of the line. But when it is considered that the force opposedto Fraser's regiment was also undisciplined, the duty and responsibilitybecame less arduous. 

The greater part of the 71st safely landed towards the end of July, 1776on Staten Island and were immediately brought to the front. Thegrenadiers were placed in the battalion under Lieutenant-Colonel CharlesStuart, and the light infantry in Lieutenant-Colonel Robert Abercromby'sbrigade; the other companies were formed into three small battalions inbrigades, under Sir William Erskine, then appointed Brigadier-General. In this manner, and, as has been noticed, without training, these menwere brought into action at Brooklin. Nine hundred men of the 42nd, engaged on this occasion, were as inexperienced as those of the 71st, but they had the advantage of the example of three hundred old soldiers, on which to form their habits, together with officers of longexperience. 

The first proof of their capacity, energy and steadfastness was at thebattle of Brooklin, where they fully met the expectations of theircommander. They displayed great eagerness to push the Americans toextremities, and to compel them to abandon their strong position. General Howe, desiring to spare their lives, called them back. The losssustained by this regiment, in the engagement was three rank and filekilled, and two sergeants and nine rank and file wounded. 

The regiment passed the winter at Amboy, and in the skirmishing warfareof the next campaign was in constant employment, particularly so in theexpeditions against Willsborough and Westfield, with which theoperations for 1777 commenced. Immediately afterwards the army embarkedfor the Chesapeake. In the battle of Brandywine, a part of the 71st wasactively engaged, and the regiment remained in Pennsylvania untilNovember, when they embarked for New York. Here they were joined by twohundred recruits who had arrived from Scotland in September. These menalong with one hundred more recovered from the hospital, formed a smallcorps under Captain Colin Mackenzie and acted as light infantry in anexpedition up the North river to create a diversion in favor of GeneralBurgoyne's movements. This corps led a successful assault on FortMontgomery on October 6th, in which they displayed great courage. Captain Mackenzie's troops led the assault, and although so many wererecruits, it was said that they exhibited conduct worthy of veterans. 

In the year 1778, the 71st regiment accompanied lord Cornwallis on anexpedition into the Jerseys, distinguished by a series of movements andcountermovements. Stewart says that on the excursion into the Jerseys "acorps of cavalry, commanded by the Polish count Pulaski, were surprisedand nearly cut to pieces by the light infantry under Sir JamesBaird. "[168] This must refer to the expedition against Little EggHarbor, on the eastern coast of New Jersey, which was a noted place ofrendezvous for American privateers. The expedition was commanded byCaptain Patrick Ferguson, many of whose troops were American royalists. They failed in their design, but made extensive depredations on bothpublic and private property. A deserter from count Pulaski's commandinformed Captain Ferguson that a force had been sent to check theseravages and was now encamped twelve miles up the river. Captain Fergusonproceeded to surprise the force, and succeeded. He surrounded the housesat night in which the unsuspecting infantry were sleeping, and in hisreport of the affair said:

 "It being a night-attack, little quarter, of course, could be given; so there were only five prisoners!"

He had butchered fifty of the infantry on the spot, when the approach ofcount Pulaski's horse caused him to make a rapid retreat to his boats, and a flight down the river. [169] Such expeditions only tended to arousethe Americans and express the most determined hatred towards theiroppressors. They uttered vows of vengeance which they sought in everyway to execute. 

An expedition consisting of the Highlanders, two regiments of Hessians, a corps of provincials, and a detachment of artillery, commanded byLieutenant-Colonel Archibald Campbell, sailed from Sandy Hook, November29, 1778, and after a stormy passage reached the Savannah river by theend of December. The 1st battalion of the 71st, and the light infantry, under the immediate command of Lieutenant-Colonel Maitland, landed, without opposition a short distance below the town of Savannah. CaptainCameron, without delay, advanced to attack the American advanced posts, when he and three of his men were killed by a volley. The rest instantlycharged and drove the Americans back on the main body, drawn up in aline on an open plain in the rear of the town. The disembarkation, withthe necessary arrangements for an attack was soon completed. At thattime Savannah was an open town, without any natural strength, save thatof the woods which covered both sides. Colonel Campbell formed histroops in line, and detached Sir James Baird with the light infantrythrough a narrow path, to get round the right flank of the Americans, while the corps, which had been Captain Cameron's, was sent round theleft. The main army in front made demonstrations to attack. TheAmericans were so occupied with the main body that they did not perceivethe flanking movements, and were thus easily surrounded. When theyrealized the situation they fled in great confusion. The light infantryclosing in upon both flanks of the retreating Americans, they greatlysuffered, losing upwards of one hundred killed and five hundred woundedand prisoners, with a British loss of but four soldiers killed and fivewounded. The town then surrendered and the British took possession ofall the shipping, stores, and forty-five cannon. 

Flushed with success Colonel Campbell made immediate preparations toadvance against Augusta, situated in the interior about one hundred andfifty miles distant. No opposition was manifested, and the wholeprovince of Georgia, apparently submitted. Colonel Campbell establishedhimself in Augusta, and detached Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, with twohundred men to the frontiers of Georgia. Meanwhile General Prevost, having arrived at Savannah from Florida, assumed command. Judging theground occupied to be too extensive, he ordered Augusta evacuated andthe lines narrowed. This retrograde movement emboldened the Americansand they began to collect in great numbers, and hung on the rear of theBritish, cutting off stragglers, and frequently skirmishing with therear guard. Although uniformly maintaining themselves, this retreatdispirited the royalists (commonly called tories), and left themunprotected and unwilling to render assistance. 

It appears that the policy of General Prevost was not to encourage theestablishing of a provincial militia, so that the royalists were leftbehind without arms or employment, and the patriots formed bands andtraversed the country without control. To keep these in check, inroadswere made into the interior, and in this manner the winter monthspassed. Colonel Campbell, who had acted on a different system, obtainedleave of absence and embarked for England, leaving Lieutenant-ColonelMaitland in command of the 71st regiment. 

The regiment remained inactive till the month of February 1779, when itwas employed in an enterprise against Brier Creek, forty miles belowAugusta, a strong position defended by upwards of two thousand men, besides one thousand occupied in detached stations. In front was a deepswamp, rendered passable only by a narrow causeway, and on each flankthick woods nearly impenetrable, but the position was open to the rear. In order to dislodge the Americans from this position Lieutenant-ColonelDuncan Macpherson, with the first battalion of the Highlanders, wasdirected to march upon the front of the position; whilst Colonel Prevostand Lieutenant Colonels Maitland and Macdonald, with the 2d battalion ofthe Highlanders, the light infantry, and a detachment of provincials, were ordered to attempt the rear by a circuitous route of forty-ninemiles. Notwithstanding the length of the march through a difficultcountry, the movements were so well regulated, that in ten minutes afterColonel Macpherson appeared at the head of the causeway in front, Colonel Maitland's fire was heard in the rear, and Sir James Baird, withthe light infantry rushed through the openings in the swamp on the leftflank. The attack was made on March 3rd. The Americans under GeneralAshe were completely surprised. The entire army was lost by death, captivity and dispersion. On this occasion one fourth of GeneralLincoln's army was destroyed. The loss of the Highlanders being fivesoldiers killed, and one officer and twelve rank and file wounded. 

General Prevost was active and next determined to invade South Carolina. Towards the close of April he crossed the Savannah river, with thetroops engaged at Brier's Creek, and a large body of royalists and CreekIndians, and made slow marches towards Charleston. In the meantimeGeneral Lincoln had been active and recruited vigorously, and nowmustered five thousand men under his command. Whilst General Prevostmarched against General Lincoln's front, the former ordered the 71st tomake a circuitous march of several miles and attack the rear. Guided bya party of Creek Indians the Highlanders entered a woody swamp at eleveno'clock at night, in traversing which they were frequently up to theshoulders in the swamp. They emerged from the woods the next morning ateight o'clock with their ammunition destroyed. They were now within ahalf mile of General Lincoln's rear guard which they attacked and drovefrom their position without sustaining loss. Reaching Charleston on May11th General Prevost demanded instantly its surrender, but a dispatchfrom General Lincoln notified the people that he was coming to theirrelief. General Prevost, fearing that General Lincoln would cut off hiscommunication with Savannah, commenced his retreat towards that city, atmidnight, along the coast. This route exposed his troops to muchsuffering, having to march through unfrequented woods, salt watermarshes and swamps. Lieutenant-Colonel Prevost, the Quartermaster-General, and a man of the name of Macgirt, and a person under his orders, had goneon a foraging expedition, and were not returned from their operations; andin order to protect them Colonel Maitland, with a battalion of Highlandersand some Hessians, was placed in a hastily constructed redoubt at StonoFerry, ten miles below Charleston. On June 20th these men were attacked bya part of General Lincoln's force. When their advance was reported, Captain Colin Campbell, with four officers and fifty-six men, was sentout to reconnoitre. A thick wood covered the approach of the Americans tillthey reached a clear field on which Captain Campbell's party stood. Immediately he attacked the Americans and a desperate resistance ensued;all the officers and non-commissioned officers of the Highlanders fell, seven soldiers alone remaining on their feet. It was not intended thatthe resistance should be of such a nature, but most of the men had beencaptured in Boston Harbor, and had only been recently exchanged, andthis being their first appearance before an enemy, and thought it wasdisgraceful to retreat when under fire. When Captain Campbell fell hedirected his men to make the best of their way to the redoubt; but theyrefused to obey, and leave their officers on the field. The Americans, at this juncture ceased firing, and the seven soldiers carried theirofficers along with them, followed by such as were able to walk. TheAmericans advanced on the redoubts with partial success. The Hessianshaving got into confusion in the redoubt, which they occupied, theAmericans forced an entrance, but the 71st having driven back those whoattacked their redoubt, Colonel Maitland was enabled to detach twocompanies of Highlanders to the support of the Hessians. The Americanswere instantly driven out of the redoubt at the point of the bayonet, and while preparing for another attempt, the 2d battalion of Highlanderscame up, when despairing of success they retreated at all points, leaving many killed and wounded. 

The resistance offered by Captain Campbell afforded their friends in theredoubts time to prepare, and likewise to the 2d battalion in the islandto march by the difficult and circuitous route left open for them. Thedelay in the 2d battalion was also caused by a want of boats. Twotemporary ferry-boats had been established, but the men in charge ranaway as soon as the firing began. The Americans opened a galling fire onthe men as they stood on the banks of the river. Lieutenant RobertCampbell plunged into the water and swam across, followed by a fewsoldiers, returned with the boats, and thus enabled the battalion tocross over to the support of their friends. Five hundred and twentyHighlanders and two hundred Hessians successfully resisted all theefforts of the Americans twelve hundred strong, and this with a triflingloss in comparison to the service rendered. When the Americans fellback, the whole garrison sallied out, but the light troops covered theretreat so successfully, that all the wounded were brought off. Inkilled and wounded the Americans lost one hundred and forty-six and onehundred and fifty missing. The British loss was three officers andthirty-two soldiers killed and wounded. Three days afterwards, theforaging party having returned, the British evacuated Stono Ferry, andretreated from island to island, until they reached Beaufort, on PortRoyal, where Colonel Maitland was left with seven hundred men, whileGeneral Prevost, with the main body of the army, continued his difficultand harrassing march to Savannah. 

In the month of September 1779, the count D'Estaing arrived on the coastof Georgia with a fleet of twenty sail of the line, two fifty gun ships, seven frigates, and transports, with a body of troops on board for theavowed purpose of retaking Savannah. The garrison consisted of twocompanies of the 16th regiment, two of the 60th, one battalion ofHighlanders, and one weak battalion of Hessians; in all about elevenhundred effective men. The combined force of French and Americans wasfour thousand nine hundred and fifty men. While General Lincoln and hisforce were approaching the French effected a landing at Beuley andThunderbolt, without opposition. General McIntosh urged count D'Estaingto make an immediate assault upon the British works. This advice wasrejected, and count D'Estaing advanced within three miles of Savannahand demanded an unconditional surrender to the king of France. GeneralPrevost asked for a truce until next day which was granted, and in themeanwhile twelve hundred white men and negroes were employed instrengthening the fortifications and mounting additional ordnance. Thistruce General Lincoln at once perceived was fatal to the success of thebeseigers, for he had ascertained that Colonel Maitland, with histroops, was on his way from Beaufort, to reinforce General Prevost, andthat his arrival within twenty-four hours, was the object which wasdesigned by the truce. Colonel Maitland, conducted by a negro fisherman, passed through a creek with his boats, at high water, and concealed by afog, eluded the French, and entered the town on the afternoon ofSeptember 17th. His arrival gave General Prevost courage, and towardsevening he sent a note to count D'Estaing, bearing a positive refusal tocapitulate. All energies were now bent towards taking the town byregular approaches. Ground was broken on the morning of September 23rd, and night and day the besiegers plied the spade, and so vigorously wasthe work prosecuted, that in the course of twelve days fifty-threecannon and fourteen mortars were mounted. During these days two sortieswere made. The morning of September 24th, Major Colin Graham, with thelight company of the 16th regiment, and the two Highland battalions, dashed out, attacked the besiegers, drove them from their works, andthen retired with the loss of Lieutenant Henry Macpherson of the 71st, and three privates killed, and fifteen wounded. On September 27th, MajorMacarthur, with the pickets of the Highlanders advanced with suchcaution and address, that, after firing a few rounds, the French andAmericans, mistaking their object, commenced a fire on each other, bywhich they lost fifty men; and, in the meantime Major Macarthur retired. These sorties had no effect on the general operations. 

On the morning of October 4th, the batteries having been all completedand manned, a terrible bombardment was opened upon the British works andthe town. The French frigate Truite also opened a cannonade. Houses wereshattered, men, women and children were killed or maimed, and terrorreigned. Day and night the cannonade was continued until the 9th. Victory was within the grasp of the besiegers, when count D'Estaingbecame impatient and determined on an assault. Just before dawn on themorning of the 9th four thousand five hundred men of the combined armiesmoved to the assault, in the midst of a dense fog and under cover of aheavy fire from the batteries. They advanced in three columns, theprincipal one commanded by count D'Estaing in person, assisted byGeneral Lincoln; another column by count Dillon. The left column takinga great circuit got entangled in a swamp, and, being exposed to the gunsof the garrison, was unable to advance. The others made the advance inthe best manner, but owing to the fire of the batteries sufferedseverely. Many entered the ditch, and even ascended and planted thecolors on the parapet, where several were killed. Captain Tawse, of the71st, who commanded the redoubt, plunged his sword into the first manwho mounted, and was himself shot dead by the man who followed. CaptainArchibald Campbell then assumed the command, and maintained his posttill supported by the grenadiers of the 60th, when the assaulting columnbeing attacked on both sides, was completely broken, and driven backwith such expedition, that a detachment of the 71st, ordered by ColonelMaitland to hasten and assist those who were so hard pressed by superiornumbers, could not overtake them. The other columns, seeing thediscomfiture of the principal attack, retired without any furtherattempt. 

It is the uniform testimony of those who have studied this siege that ifcount D'Estaing had immediately on landing made the attack, the garrisonmust have succumbed. General Lincoln, although his force was greatlydiminished by the action just closed, wished to continue the siege; butcount D'Estaing resolved on immediate departure. General Lincoln wasindignant, but concealed his wrath; and being too weak to carry on thesiege alone, he at last consented to abandon it. 

The French loss, in killed and wounded, was six hundred and thirty-sevenmen, and the American four hundred and fifty-seven. The British lost onecaptain, two subalterns, four sergeants, and thirty-two soldiers, killed; and two captains, two sergeants, two drummers, and fifty-sixsoldiers, wounded. Colonel Maitland was attacked with a bilious diseaseduring the siege and soon after died. The British troops had been sicklybefore Savannah was attacked; but the soldiers were reanimated, andsickness, in a manner, was suspended, during active operations. But whenthe Americans withdrew, and all excitement had ceased, sickness returnedwith aggravated violence, and fully one fourth the men were sent to thehospital. 

While these operations were going on in Georgia and South Carolina adisaster overtook the grenadiers of the 71st who were posted at StonyPoint and Verplanks, in the state of New York. Washington planned theattack on Stony Point and deputed General Wayne to execute it. Sosecretly was the whole movement conducted, that the British garrison wasunsuspicious of danger. At eight o'clock, on the evening of July 15, 1779, General Wayne took post in a hollow, within two miles of the forton Stony Point, and there remained unperceived until midnight, when heformed his men into two columns, Lieutenant-Colonel Fleury leading onedivision and Major Stewart the other. At the head of each was a forlornhope of twenty men. Both parties were close upon the works before theywere discovered. A skirmish with the pickets at once ensued, theAmericans using the bayonet only. In a few moments the entire works weremanned, and the Americans were compelled to press forward in the face ofa terrible storm of grape shot and musket balls. Over the ramparts andinto the fort both columns pushed their way. At two o'clock the morningof the 16th, General Wayne wrote to Washington:

 "The fort and garrison, with Colonel Johnson, are ours. The officers and men behaved like men who were determined to be free. "

The British lost nineteen soldiers killed, and one captain, twosubalterns, and seventy two soldiers, wounded; and, in all, includingprisoners, six hundred. The principal part of this loss fell upon thepicket, commanded by Lieutenant Cumming of the 71st, which resisted oneof the columns till almost all of the men of the picket, were eitherkilled or wounded, Lieutenant Cumming being among the latter. TheAmericans lost fifteen killed and eighty-three wounded. 

The force which had so ably defended Savannah remained there in quartersduring the winter of 1779 and 1780. In the month of March 1780, SirHenry Clinton arrived before Charleston with a force from New York, which he immediately invested and rigorously pushed the siege. The chiefengineer, Captain Moncrieff was indefatigable, and being fearless ofdanger, was careless of the lives of others. Having served two yearswith the 71st, and believing it would gratify the Highlanders to selectthem for dangerous service, he generally applied for a party of thatcorps for all exposed duties. 

After the surrender of Charleston, on May 12, 1780, to the army underSir Henry Clinton, the British forces in the southern states were placedunder the command of lord Cornwallis. The 71st composed a part of thisarmy, and with it advanced into the interior. In the beginning of June, the army amounting to twenty-five hundred, reached Camden, a centralplace fixed upon for headquarters. The American general, Horatio Gates, having, in July, assembled a force marched towards Camden. The peoplegenerally were in arms and the British officers perplexed. MajorMacarthur who was at Cheraw to encourage the royalists, was ordered tofall back towards Camden. Lord Cornwallis, seeing the gathering stormhastily left Charleston and joined lord Rawdon at Camden, arriving thereon August 13th. Both generals of the opposing forces on the night ofAugust 15th moved towards each other with the design of making anattack. The British troops consisted of the 23d and 33d regiments, underLieutenant-Colonel Webster; Tarleton's legion; Irish volunteers; a partof Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton's North Carolina Regiment; Bryan's corpsof royalists, under lord Rawdon, with two six and two three pounderscommanded by Lieutenant McLeod; and the 71st regiment. Camden was leftin the care of Major Macarthur, with the sick and convalescents. 

Both armies were surprised, and each fired at the same moment, whichoccurred at three o'clock on the morning of August 16th. Both generals, ignorant of each other's force, declined general action, and lay ontheir arms till morning. When the British army formed in line of battle, the light infantry of the Highlanders, and the Welsh fusileers were onthe right; the 33d regiment and the Irish volunteers occupied thecenter; the provincials were on the left, with the marshy ground intheir front. While the army was thus forming, Captain Charles Campbell, who commanded the Highland light companies on the right, placed himselfon the stump of an old tree to reconnoitre, and observing the Americansmoving as with the intention of turning his flank, leaped down, andgiving vent to an oath, called to his men, "Remember you are lightinfantry; remember you are Highlanders: Charge!" The attack was rapidand irresistible, and being made before the Americans had completedtheir movement by which they were to surround the British right, theywere broken and driven from the field, prior to the beginning of thebattle in other parts of the line. When the battle did commence theAmerican center gained ground. Lord Cornwallis opened his center to theright and left, till a considerable space intervened, and then directedthe Highlanders to move forward and occupy the vacant space. When thiswas done, he cried out, "My brave Highlanders, now is your time. " Theyinstantly rushed forward accompanied by the Irish volunteers and the33d, and penetrated and completely overthrew the American column. However the American right continued to advance and gained the ground onwhich the Highlanders had been placed originally as a reserve. They gavethree cheers for victory; but the smoke clearing up they saw theirmistake. A party of Highlanders turning upon them, the greater partthrew down their arms, while the remainder fled in all directions. Thevictory was complete. The loss of the British was one captain, onesubaltern, two sergeants, and sixty-four soldiers killed; and two fieldofficers, three captains, twelve subalterns, thirteen sergeants, and twohundred and thirteen soldiers wounded. The Highlanders lost LieutenantArchibald Campbell and eight soldiers killed; and Captain Hugh Campbell, Lieutenant John Grant, two sergeants, and thirty privates wounded. Theloss of the Americans was never ascertained, but estimated at sevenhundred and thirty two. 

General Sumter, with a strong corps, occupied positions on the Catawbariver, which commanded the road to Charleston, and from which lordCornwallis found it necessary to dislodge him. For this purpose ColonelTarleton was sent with the cavalry and a corps of light infantry, underCaptain Charles Campbell of the 71st regiment. The heat was excessive;many of the horses failed on the march, and not more than forty of theinfantry were together in front, when, on the morning of the 18th, theycame in sight of Fishing Creek, and on their right saw the smoke at ashort distance. The sergeant of the advanced guard halted his party andthen proceeded to ascertain the cause of the smoke. He saw theencampment, with arms piled, but a few sentinels and no pickets. Hereturned and reported the same to Captain Campbell who commanded infront. With his usual promptness Captain Campbell formed as many of thecavalry as had come up, and with the party of Highland infantry, rushedforward, and directing their route to the piled arms, quickly securedthem and surprised the camp. The success was complete; a few werekilled; nearly five hundred taken prisoners, and the rest dispersed. Butthe victory was dampened by the loss of the gallant Captain Campbell, who was killed by a random shot. 

These partial successes were soon counterbalanced by defeats of greaterimportance. From what had been of great discouragement, the Americanssoon rallied, and threatened the frontiers of South Carolina, and onOctober 7th overthrew Major Ferguson at King's Mountain, who sustained atotal loss of eleven hundred and five men, out of eleven hundred andtwenty-five. At the plantation of Blackstocks, November 20th, ColonelTarleton, with four hundred of his command, engaged General Sumter, whenthe former was driven off with a loss of ninety killed, and about onehundred wounded. The culminating point of these reverses was the battleof the Cowpens. 

A new commander for the southern department took charge of the Americanforces, in the person of Major-General Nathaniel Greene, who stood, inmilitary genius, second only to Washington, and who was thoroughlyimbued with the principles practiced by that great man. Lord Cornwallis, the ablest of the British tacticians engaged in the American Revolution, found more than his equal in General Greene. He had been appointed tothe command of the Southern Department, by Washington, on October 30, 1780, and immediately proceeded to the field of labor, and on December3rd, took formal command of the army, and was exceedingly active in thearrangement of the army, and in wisely directing its movements. Hisfirst arrangement was to divide his army into two detachments, thelarger of which, under himself was to be stationed opposite Cheraw Hill, on the east side of the Pedee river, about seventy miles to the right ofthe British army, then at Winnsborough. The other, composed of about onethousand troops, under General Daniel Morgan, was placed some fiftymiles to the left, near the junction of Broad and Parcolet rivers. Colonel Tarleton was detached to disperse the little army of GeneralMorgan, having with him, the 7th or Fusileers, the 1st battalion ofFraser's Highlanders, or 71st, two hundred in number, a detachment ofthe British Legion, and three hundred cavalry. Intelligence wasreceived, on the morning of January 17, 1781, that General Morgan wasdrawn up in front on rising ground. The British were hastily formed, with the Fusileers, the Legion, and the light infantry in front, and theHighlanders and cavalry forming the reserve. As soon as formed the linewas ordered to advance rapidly. Exhausted by running, it received theAmerican fire at the distance of thirty or forty paces. The effect wasso great as to produce something of a recoil. The fire was returned; andthe light infantry made two attempts to charge, but were repulsed withloss. The Highlanders next were ordered up, and rapidly advancing incharge, the American front line gave way and retreated through an openspace in the second line. This manoeuvre was made without interferingwith the ranks of those who were now to oppose the Highlanders, who ranin to take advantage of what appeared to them to be a confusion of theAmericans. The second line threw in a fire upon the 71st, when withinforty yards which was so destructive that nearly one half their numberfell; and those who remained were so scattered, having run a space offive hundred yards at full speed, that they could not be united to forma charge with the bayonet. They did not immediately fall back, butengaged in some irregular firing, when the American line pushed forwardto the right flank of the Highlanders, who now realized that there wasno prospect of support, and while their number was diminishing that oftheir foe was increasing. They first wavered, then began to retire, andfinally to run. This is said to have been the first instance of aHighland regiment running from an enemy. [170] This repulse struck apanic into those whom they left in the rear, and who fled in thegreatest confusion. Order and command were lost, and the rout becamegeneral. Few of the infantry escaped, and the cavalry saved itself byputting their horses to full speed. The Highlanders reformed in therear, and might have made a soldier-like retreat if they had beensupported. 

The battle of the Cowpens was disastrous in its consequences to theBritish interests, as it inspired the Americans with confidence. ColonelTarleton had been connected with frequent victories, and his name wasassociated with that of terror. He was able on a quick dash, but by nomeans competent to cope with the solid judgment and long experience ofGeneral Morgan. The disposition of the men under General Morgan wasjudicious; and the conduct of Colonels Washington and Howard, inwheeling and manoeuvering their corps, and throwing in suchdestructive volleys on the Highlanders, would have done credit to anycommander. To the Highlanders the defeat was particularly unfortunate. Their officers were perfectly satisfied with the conduct of their men, and imputing the disaster altogether to the bad dispositions of ColonelTarleton, made representations to lord Cornwallis, not to be employedagain under the same officer, a request with which compliance was made. This may be the reason that Colonel Tarleton gives them no credit in his"History of the Campaigns, " published in 1787. He admits his loss tohave been three hundred killed and wounded and near four hundredprisoners. [171]

After the battle of the Cowpens lord Cornwallis with increased exertionsfollowed the main body of the Americans under General Greene, whoretreated northward. The army was stripped of all superfluous baggage. The two battalions of the 71st now greatly reduced, were consolidatedinto one, and formed in a brigade with the 33d and Welsh Fusileers. Muchskirmishing took place on the march, when, on March 16th, General Greenebelieving his army sufficiently strong to withstand the shock of battledrew up his force at Guilford Court House, in three lines. 

The British line was formed of the German regiment of De Bos, theHighlanders, and guards, under General Leslie, on the right; and theWelsh Fusileers, 33d regiment, and second battalion of guards, underGeneral Charles O'Hara, on the left; the cavalry was in the rearsupported by the light infantry of the guards and the German Yagers. Atone o'clock the battle opened. The Americans, covered by a fence intheir front, maintained their position with confidence, and withheldtheir fire till the British line was within forty paces, when adestructive fire was poured into Colonel Webster's brigade, killing andwounding nearly one-third. The brigade returned the fire, and rushedforward, when the Americans retreated on the second line. The regimentof De Bos and the 33d met with a more determined resistance, havingretreated and advanced repeatedly before they succeeded in driving theAmericans from the field. In the meantime, a party of the guards pressedon with eagerness, but were charged on their right flank by a body ofcavalry which broke their line. The retreating Americans seeing theeffect of this charge, turned and recommenced firing. The Highlanders, who had now pushed round the flank, appeared on a rising ground in rearof the left of the enemy, and, rushing forward with shouts, made such animpression on the Americans, that they immediately fled, abandoningtheir guns and ammunition. 

This battle, although nominally a victory for the British commander, washighly beneficial to the patriots. Both armies displayed consummateskill. Lord Cornwallis on the 19th decamped, leaving behind him betweenseventy and eighty of his wounded soldiers, and all the Americanprisoners who were wounded, and left the country to the mercy of hisenemy. The total loss of the British was ninety-three killed, and fourhundred and eleven wounded. The Highlanders lost Ensign Grant, andeleven soldiers killed, and four sergeants and forty-six soldierswounded. It was long a tradition, in the neighborhood, that many of theHighlanders, who were in the van, fell near the fence, from behind whichthe North Carolinians rose and fired. 

The British army retreated in the direction of Cross Creek, theAmericans following closely in the rear. At Cross Creek, the heart ofthe Highland settlement in North Carolina, lord Cornwallis had hoped torest his wearied army, a third of whom was sick and wounded and wasobliged to carry them in wagons, or on horseback. The remainder werewithout shoes and worn down with fatigue. Owing to the surroundingconditions, the army took up its weary march to Wilmington, where it wasexpected there would be supplies, of which they were in great need. Herethe army halted from April 17th to the 26th, when it proceeded on theroute to Petersburg, in Virginia, and to form a junction with GeneralPhillips, who had recently arrived there with three thousand men. Themarch was a difficult one. Before them was several hundred miles ofcountry, which did not afford an active friend. No intelligence could beobtained, and no communication could be established. On May 25th thearmy reached Petersburg, where the united force amounted to six thousandmen. The army then proceeded to Portsmouth, and when preparing to crossthe river at St. James' Island, the Marquis de Lafayette, ignorant oftheir number, with two thousand men, made a gallant attack. After asharp resistance he was repulsed, and the night approaching favored hisretreat. After this skirmish the British army marched to Portsmouth, andthence to Yorktown, where a position was taken on the York river onAugust 22nd. 

From the tables given by lord Cornwallis, in his "Answer to theNarrative of Sir Henry Clinton"[172] the following condition of the 71stat different periods on the northward march, is extracted:

 January 15, 1781, 1st Battalion 249 2nd Battalion 237 Light Company 69 February 1, 1781, " --- " 234 ---- March 1, 1781, " --- " 212 ---- April 1, 1781, " --- " 161 ---- May 1, 1781, Two Battalions 175 June 1, 1781, Second Battalion 164 July 1, 1781, " " 161 August 1, 1781, " " 167 Sept. 1, 1781, " " 162 Oct. 1, 1781, " " 160

The encampment at Yorktown was formed on an elevated platform, nearlylevel, on the bank of the river, and of a sandy soil. On the right ofthe position, extended from the river, a ravine of about forty feet indepth, and more than one hundred yards in breadth; the center was formedby a horn-work of entrenchments; and an extensive redoubt beyond theravine on the right, and two smaller redoubts on the left, also advancedbeyond the entrenchments, constituted the principal defences of thecamp. 

On the morning of September 28, 1781, the combined French and Americanarmies, twelve thousand strong, left Williamsburg by different roads, and marched towards Yorktown, and on the 30th the allied armies hadcompletely invested the British works. Batteries were erected, andapproaches made in the usual manner. During the first four days the firewas directed against the redoubt on the right, which was reduced to aheap of sand. On the left the redoubts were taken by storm and the gunsturned on the other parts of the entrenchments. One of these redoubtshad been manned by some soldiers of the 71st. Although the defence ofthis redoubt was as good and well contested as that of the others, theregiment thought its honor so much implicated, that a petition was drawnup by the men, and carried by the commanding officer to lord Cornwallis, to be permitted to retake it. The proposition was not acceded to, forthe siege had reached such a stage that it was not deemed necessary. 

Among the incidents related of the Highlanders during the siege, is thatof a soliloquy, overheard by two captains, of an old Highland gentleman, a lieutenant, who, drawing his sword, said to himself, "Come, on, Maister Washington, I'm unco glad to see you; I've been offered moneyfor my commission, but I could na think of gangin' hame without a sightof you. Come on. "[173]

The situation of the besieged daily grew more critical, the wholeencampment was open to assault, and exposed to a constant and enfiladingfire. In this dilemma lord Cornwallis resolved to decamp with the eliteof his army, by crossing the river and leaving a small force tocapitulate. The first division embarked and some had reached theopposite shore at Gloucester Point, when a violent storm of windrendered the passage dangerous, and the attempt was consequentlyabandoned. The British army then surrendered to Washington, and thetroops marched out of their works on October 20th. 

The loss of the garrison was six officers, thirteen sergeants, fourdrummers and one hundred and thirty-three rank and file killed; sixofficers, twenty-four sergeants, eleven drummers, and two hundred andeighty-four wounded. Of these the 71st lost Lieutenant Thomas Fraser andnine soldiers killed; three drummers and nineteen soldiers wounded. Thewhole number surrendered by capitulation was a little more than seventhousand making a total loss of about seven thousand eight hundred. Ofthe arms and stores there were seventy-five brass, and one hundred andsixty iron cannon; seven thousand seven hundred and ninety-four muskets;twenty-eight regimental standards; a large quantity of cannon andmusket-balls, bombs, carriages, &c. , &c. The military chest containednearly eleven thousand dollars in specie. 

Thus ended the military service of an army, proud and haughty, that had, within a year marched and counter-marched nearly two thousand miles, hadforded streams, some of them in the face of an enemy, had fought twopitched battles and engaged in numerous skirmishes. With all theirlabors and achievements, they accomplished nothing of real value to thecause they represented. 

Fraser's Highlanders remained prisoners until the conclusion ofhostilities. During their service their character was equal to theircourage. Among them disgraceful punishments were unknown. When prisonersand solicited by the Americans to join their standard and settle amongthem, not one of them broke the oath he had taken, a virtue notgenerally observed on that occasion, for many soldiers joined theAmericans. On the conclusion of hostilities the 71st was released, ordered to Scotland, and discharged at Perth in 1783. 

SEVENTY-FOURTH OR ARGYLE HIGHLANDERS. 

The particulars of the 74th or Argyle Highlanders, and the 76th, orMacdonald's Highlanders, are but slightly touched upon by Colonel DavidStewart of Garth, in his "Sketches of the Highlanders, " by Dr. JamesBrowne, in his "History of the Highlands, " and by John S. Keltie, in his"History of the Scottish Highlands. " Even Lieutenant-General SamuelGraham, who was a captain in the 76th, in his "Memoirs, " gives but aslight account of his regiment. So a very imperfect view can only beexpected in this narration. 

The 74th or Argyle Highlanders was raised by Colonel John Campbell ofBarbreck, who had served as captain and major of Fraser's Highlanders inthe Seven Years' War. In the month of December 1777 letters of servicewere granted to him, and the regiment was completed in May 1778. In thisregiment were more Lowlanders, than in any other of the same descriptionraised during that period. All the officers, except four, wereHighlanders, while of the soldiers only five hundred and ninety were ofthe same country, the others being from Glasgow, and the westerndistricts of Scotland. The name of Campbell mustered strong; the threefield-officers, six captains, and fourteen subalterns, being of thatname. Among the officers was the chief of the Macquarries, beingsixty-two years of age when he entered the army in 1778. 

The regiment mustering nine hundred and sixty, rank and file, embarkedat Greenock in August, and landed at Halifax in Nova Scotia, where itremained garrisoned with the 80th and the 82d regiments; the whole beingunder the command of Brigadier-General Francis Maclean. In the spring of1779, the grenadier company, commanded by Captain Ludovick Colquhoun ofLuss, and the light company by Captain Campbell of Bulnabie, were sentto New York, and joined the army immediately before the siege ofCharleston. 

In June of the same year, the battalion companies, with a detachment ofthe 82d regiment, under the command of Brigadier-General Maclean, embarked from Halifax, and took possession of Penobscot, with theintention of establishing a post there. Before the defences werecompleted, a hostile fleet from Boston, with two thousand troops onboard, under Brigadier-General Solomon Lovell, appeared in the bay, andon July 28th effected a landing on a peninsula, where the British wereerecting a fort, and immediately began to construct batteries for aregular siege. These operations were frequently interrupted by salliesof parties from the fort. General Maclean exerted himself to the utmostto strengthen his position, and not only kept the Americans in check, but preserved communication with the shipping, which they endeavored tocut off. Both parties kept skirmishing till August 13th, when Sir GeorgeCollier appeared in the bay, with a fleet intended for relief of thepost. This accession of strength disconcerted the Americans, andcompletely destroyed their hopes, so that they quickly decamped andretired to their boats. Being unable to re-embark all the troops, thosewho remained, along with the sailors of several vessels which had runaground in the hurry of escaping, formed themselves into a body, andendeavored to penetrate through the woods. In the course of this attemptthey ran short of provisions, quarrelled among themselves, and, comingto blows, fired on each other till their ammunition was expended. Upwards of sixty men were killed and wounded; the rest dispersed throughthe woods, numbers perishing before they could reach an inhabitedcountry. 

The conduct of General Maclean and his troops met with approbation. Inhis dispatch, giving an account of the attack and defeat of his foes, heparticularly noticed the exertions and zeal of Lieutenant-ColonelAlexander Campbell of the 74th. The loss of this regiment was twosergeants, and fourteen privates killed, and seventeen rank and filewounded. 

General Maclean returned to Halifax with the detachment of the 82d, leaving Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Campbell of Monzie with the 74th atPenobscot, where they remained till the termination of hostilities, whenthey embarked for England. They landed at Portsmouth whence they marchedfor Stirling, and, after being joined by the flank companies, werereduced in the autumn of 1783. 

SEVENTY-SIXTH OR MACDONALD'S HIGHLANDERS. 

In the month of December 1777, letters of service were granted to lordMacdonald to raise a regiment in the Highlands and Isles. On hisrecommendation Major John Macdonell of Lochgarry was appointedlieutenant-colonel commandant of the regiment. The regiment wasnumbered the 76th, but called Macdonald's Highlanders. Lord Macdonaldexerted himself in the formation of the regiment, and selected theofficers from the families of the Macdonalds of Glencoe, Morar, Boisdale, and others of his own clan, and likewise from those of others, as Mackinnon, Fraser of Culduthel, Cameron of Callart, &c. A body ofseven hundred and fifty Highlanders was raised. The company of CaptainBruce was principally raised in Ireland; and Captains Cunningham ofCraigend, and Montgomery Cunningham, as well as Lieutenant SamuelGraham, raised their men in the low country. These amounted to nearlytwo hundred men, and were kept together in two companies; while Bruce'scompany formed a third. In this manner each race was kept distinct. Thewhole number, including non-commissioned officers and men, amounted toone thousand and eighty-six. The recruits assembled at Inverness, and inMarch 1778 the regiment was reported complete. The men on their arrivalwere attested by a justice of the peace, and received the king's bountyof five guineas. As Major John Macdonell, who had been serving inAmerica in the 71st or Fraser's Highlanders, was taken prisoner, on hispassage home from that country, the command devolved on CaptainDonaldson, of the 42d or Royal Highland Regiment. Under this officer theregiment was formed, and a code of regulations established for theconduct of both officers and men. 

Soon after its formation the 76th was sent to Fort George where itremained a year. It so happened that few of the non-commissionedofficers who understood the drill were acquainted with the Gaeliclanguage, and as all words of command were given in English, thecommander directed that neither officers nor non-commissioned officersignorant of the former language should endeavor to learn it. Theconsequence was that the Highlanders were behind-hand in being drilled, as they had, besides other duties, to acquire a new language. But theHighlanders took uncommon pains to learn their duties, and so exact werethey in the discharge of them that upon one occasion, Colonel Campbell, the lieutenant-governor, was seized and made prisoner by the sentryposted at his own door, because the man conceived a trespass had beencommitted on his post, nor would the sentinel release the colonel untilthe arrival of the corporal of the guard. 

In March 1779 the regiment was removed to Perth, and from there marchedto Burnt Island, where they embarked on the 17th. Major Donaldson'shealth not permitting him to go abroad, the command devolved on lordBerridale, second major, who accompanied them to New York, where theylanded in August. The fleet sailed from the Firth of Forth forPortsmouth, and in a short time anchored at Spithead. While waitingthere for the assembling of a fleet with reinforcements of men andstores for the army in America, an order was received to set sail forthe island of Jersey, as the French had made an attempt there. But theFrench having been repulsed before the 70th reached Jersey, the regimentreturned to Portsmouth, and proceeded on the voyage to America, andarrived in New York on August 27th. 

On the arrival of the regiment in New York the flank companies wereattached to the battalion of that description. The battalion companiesremained between New York and Staten Island till February 1781, whenthey embarked with a detachment of the army, commanded by GeneralPhillips, for Virginia. The light company, being in the 2d battalion oflight infantry, also formed a part of the expedition. The grenadiersremained at New York. 

This year, lord Berridale, on the death of his father, became earl ofCaithness, and being severely wounded at the siege of Charleston, soonafter returned to Scotland. The command of the 70th regiment devolved onMajor Needham, who had purchased Major Donaldson's commission. 

General Phillips landed at Portsmouth, in Virginia, in March. A numberof boats had been constructed under the superintendence of GeneralBenedict Arnold, for the navigation of the rivers, most of themcalculated to hold one hundred men. Each boat was manned by a fewsailors, and was fitted with a sail as well as oars. Some of themcarried a piece of ordnance in their bows. In these boats the lightinfantry, and detachments of the 76th and 80th regiments, with theQueen's Rangers, embarked, leaving the remainder of the 76th, with othertroops, to garrison Portsmouth. The detachment of the 76th whichembarked consisted of one major, three captains, twelve subalterns, andthree hundred men, under Major Needham. The troops proceeded up theJames river destroying warlike stores, shipping, barracks, foundariesand private property. After making many excursions the troops marched toBermuda Hundreds, opposite City Point, where they embarked, on May 2d;but receiving orders from lord Cornwallis, returned and enteredPetersburg on May 10th. 

When the 76th regiment found themselves with an army which had beenengaged in the most incessant and fatiguing marches through difficultand hostile countries, they considered themselves as inferiors and ashaving done nothing which could enable them to return to their owncountry. They were often heard murmuring among themselves, lamentingtheir lot, and expressing the strongest desire to signalize themselves. This was greatly heightened when visited by men of Fraser's Highlanders. The opportunity presented itself, and their behavior proved they weregood soldiers. On the evening of July 6th, the Marquis de Lafayettepushed forward a strong corps, forced the pickets, and drew up in frontof the British lines. The pickets in front of the army that morningconsisted of twenty men of the 70th and ten of the 80th. When the attackon the pickets commenced, they were reinforced by fifteen Highlanders. The pickets defended the post till every man was either killed orwounded. 

A severe engagement took place between the contending armies, the weightof which was sustained on the part of the British by the left of ColonelDundas's brigade, consisting of the 76th and 80th, and it so happenedthat while the right of the line was covered with woods they were drawnup in an open field, and exposed to the attack of the Americans with achosen body of troops. The 76th being on the left, and lord Cornwallis, coming up in rear of the regiment, gave the word to charge, which wasimmediately repeated by the Highlanders, who rushed forward withimpetuosity, and instantly decided the contest. The Americans retired, leaving their cannon and three hundred men killed and wounded behindthem. 

Soon after this affair lord Cornwallis ordered a detachment of fourhundred chosen men of the 76th to be mounted on such horses as could beprocured and act with the cavalry. Although four-fifths of the men hadnever before been on horseback, they were mounted and marched withTarleton's Legion. After several forced marches, far more fatiguing tothe men than they had ever performed on foot, they returned heartilytired of their new mode of travelling. No other service was performed bythe 76th until the siege and surrender of Yorktown. During the siege, while the officers of this regiment were sitting at dinner, theAmericans opened a new battery, the first shot from which entered themess-room, killed Lieutenant Robertson on the spot, and woundedLieutenant Shaw and Quartermaster Barclay. It also struck AssistantCommissary General Perkins, who happened to dine there that day. 

The day following the surrender of lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown (October20th), the British prisoners moved out in two divisions, escorted byregiments of militia; one to the direction of Maryland, the other, towhich the 76th belonged, moved to the westward in Virginia forWinchester. On arriving at their cantonment, the officers were lodged inthe town on parole, and the soldiers were marched several miles off to acleared spot in the woods, on which stood a few log huts, some of themoccupied by prisoners taken at the Cowpens. From Winchester the regimentwas removed to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. After peace was declared theyembarked for New York, sailed thence for Scotland, and were disbanded inMarch 1784 at Stirling Castle. 

This regiment maintained a very high standard for their behavior. Theftsand other crimes, implying moral turpitude, were totally unknown. Therewere only four instances of corporal punishment inflicted on theHighlanders of the regiment, and these were for military offences. Moralsuasion and such coercion as a father might use towards his childrenwere deemed sufficient to keep them in discipline or self-restraint. 

In the year 1775, George III. Resolved to humble the thirteen colonies. In the effort put forth he created a debt of £121, 267, 993, with anannual charge of £5, 088, 336, besides sacrificing thousands of humanlives, and causing untold misery; and, at last, weary of the war, onJuly 25, 1782, he issued a warrant to Richard Oswald, commissioning himto negotiate a peace. The definite articles of peace were signed atParis, September 3, 1783. Then the United States of America took herposition among the nations of the earth. George III. And his ministershad exerted themselves to the utmost to subjugate America. Besides thetroops raised in the British Isles there were of the German mercenariestwenty-nine thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven. The mercenaries andBritish troops were well armed, clothed and fed. But the task undertakenwas a gigantic one. It would have required a greater force than thatsent to America to hold and garrison the cities alone. The fault was notwith the army, the navy, or the commanding officers. The impartialstudent of that war will admit that the army fought well, likewise thenavy, and the generals and admirals were skilled and able in the art ofwar. The British foreign office was weak. Nor was this all. TheAmericans had counted the cost. They were singularly fortunate in theirleader. Thirty-nine years after his death, lord Brougham wrote ofWashington that he was "the greatest man of our own or of any age. * * *This eminent person is presented to our observation clothed inattributes as modest, as unpretending, as little calculated to strike orto astonish, as if he had passed unknown through some secluded region ofprivate life. But he had a judgment sure and sound; a steadiness of mindwhich never suffered any passion or even any feeling to ruffle its calm;a strength of understanding which worked rather than forced its waythrough all obstacles, --removing or avoiding rather than over-leapingthem. His courage, whether in battle or in council, was as perfect asmight be expected from this pure and steady temper of soul. A perfectlyjust man, with a thoroughly firm resolution never to be misled by othersany more than by others over-awed; never to be seduced or betrayed, orhurried away by his own weaknesses or self-delusions, and more than byother men's arts, nor ever to be disheartened by the most complicateddifficulties any more than to be spoilt on the giddy heights offortune--such was this great man, --whether we regard him sustainingalone the whole weight of campaigns, all but desperate, or gloriouslyterminating a just warfare by his resources and his courage. "[174]

The British generals proved themselves unable to cope with this greatand good man. More than six thousand five hundred Highlanders left theirhomes amidst the beautiful scenery of their native land, crossed abarrier of water three thousand miles in width, that they might fightagainst such a man and the cause he represented. Their toils, sacrificesand sufferings were in vain. Towards them Washington bore good will. Forgetting the wrongs they had done, he could write of them:

 "Your idea of bringing over Highlanders appears to be a good one. They are a hardy, industrious people, well calculated to form new settlements, and will, in time, become valuable citizens. "[175]

War is necessarily cruel and barbarous; and yet there were innumerableinstances of wanton cruelty during the American Revolution. No instancesof this kind have been recorded against the soldiers belonging to theHighland regiments. There were cruelties perpetrated by those born inthe Highlands of Scotland, but they were among those settled by SirWilliam Johnson on the Mohawk and afterwards joined either Butler'sRangers or else Sir John Johnson's regiment. Even this class was few innumbers. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 150: Governor Golden to Earl of Dartmouth. New York Docs. Relating to Colonial History, Vol. VIII, p. 588. ]

[Footnote 151: Letter Book, p. 221. ]

[Footnote 152: _Ibid_, p. 223. ]

[Footnote 153: Henry's Campaign Against Quebec, 1775, p. 136. ]

[Footnote 154: Invasion of Canada 1775, p. 14. ]

[Footnote 155: State of the Expedition, p. VI. ]

[Footnote 156: Stewart's Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 186. ]

[Footnote 157: Letter-Book, p. 856. ]

[Footnote 158: _Ibid_, p. 303. ]

[Footnote 159: _Ibid_, p. 472. ]

[Footnote 160: _ibid_, p. 350. ]

[Footnote 161: _Ibid_, p. 330. ]

[Footnote 162: Am. Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. VI, p. 1055. ]

[Footnote 163: _Ibid_, Series V. Vol. II, p. 159. ]

[Footnote 164: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. I, p. 360. ]

[Footnote 165: _Ibid_, p. 867]

[Footnote 166: Am. Archives, Series 4, Vol. VI, p. 982. ]

[Footnote 167: For Correspondence see Spark's Washington's Writings, Vols. IV, V. ]

[Footnote 168: Sketches, Vol. II, p. 97. ]

[Footnote 169: Lossing's Washington and American Republic, Vol. II, p. 643. ]

[Footnote 170: Stewart's Sketches, Vol. II, p. 116. ]

[Footnote 171: History of Campaigns, p. 218. ]

[Footnote 172: Pages 53, 77, 137. ]

[Footnote 173: Memoir of General Graham, p. 59. ]

[Footnote 174: Edinburg Review, October, 1838; Collected Contributions, Vol. I, p. 344. ]

[Footnote 175: Letter to Robert Sinclair, May 6, 1792. Spark's Writingsof Washington, Vol. XII, p. 304. ]

CHAPTER XIV. 

DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS WHO SERVED IN AMERICA IN THE INTERESTS OFGREAT BRITAIN. 

If the list of distinguished Highlanders who served in America in theinterests of Great Britain was confined to those who rose to eminencewhile engaged in said service, it certainly would be a short one. Ifamplified to those who performed feats of valor or rendered valuableservice, then the list would be long. The measure of distinction is toolargely given to those who have held prominent positions, or elseadvanced in military rank. In all probability the names of some havebeen overlooked, although care has been taken in finding out even thosewho became distinguished after the American Revolution. The followingbiographical sketches are limited to those who were born in theHighlands of Scotland:

GENERAL SIR ALAN CAMERON, K. C. B. 

Sir Alan Cameron of the Camerons of Fassifern, known in the Highlands asAilean an Earrachd, almost a veritable giant, was born in Glen Loy, Lochaber, about the year 1745. In early manhood, having fought a duelwith a fellow clansman, he fled to the residence of his mother'sbrother, Maclean of Drimnim, who, in order to elude his pursuers, turnedhim over to Maclean of Pennycross. Having oscillated between Morvern andMull for a period of two years, he learned that another relative of hismother's, Colonel Allan Maclean of Torloisk, was about to raise aregiment for the American war. He embarked for America, and was kindlyreceived by his relative who made him an officer in the 84th or HighlandEmigrant regiment. During the siege of Quebec, he was taken prisoner andsent to Philadelphia, where he was kept for two years, but finallyeffected his escape, and returned to his regiment. Being unfit forservice, in 1780, he returned to England on sick leave. In London hecourted the only heir of Nathaniel Philips, and eloping with her theywere married at Gretna Green. Soon after he received an appointment onthe militia staff of one of the English counties. In 1782 he was electeda member of the Highland Society of London. In August 1793 Alan wasappointed major-commandant, and preceded to Lochaber to raise aregiment, which afterwards was embodied as the 79th, or CameronHighlanders. Not unmindful of his brother-officers of the Royal HighlandEmigrant Regiment, he named two of his own, and five officers of theClan Maclean. The regiment in January 1794 numbered one thousand, whichadvanced Alan to the lieutenant-colonelcy. The regiment was thenembarked for Flanders to reinforce the British and Austrians against theFrench. It was in the disastrous retreat to Westphalia, and lost twohundred men. From thence it was sent to the Isle of Wight, and ColonelCameron was ordered to recruit his regiment to the extent of its lossesin Flanders. The regiment was sent to the island of Martinique, and inless than two years, from the unhealthy location, it was reduced to lessthan three hundred men. But few of the men ever returned to Scotland. Colonel Cameron having been ordered to recruit for eight hundred men, fixed his headquarters at Inverness. Within less than nine months afterhis return from Martinique he produced a fresh body of seven hundred andeighty men. In 1798 he was ordered with his regiment to occupy theChannel Islands. He was severely wounded at Alkmaar. Colonel Cameron wassent to help drive the French out of Egypt. From Egypt he wastransferred to Minorca and from there to England. He took part in thecapture of the Danish fleet--a neutral power--and entered Copenhagen. Soon after the battle of Vimiera, Alan was made a brigadier andcommandant of Lisbon. He was in command of a brigade at Oporto when thatcity was besieged. He was twice wounded at the battle of Talavera. Aftera military career covering a period of thirty-six years, on account ofill-health, he resigned his position in the army, and for several yearswas not able to meet his friends. He died at Fulham, April 9, 1828. 

GENERAL SIR ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL, K. B. 

[Illustration: GENERAL SIR ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. ]

Sir Archibald Campbell second son of James Campbell of Inverneil wasborn at Inverneil on August 21, 1739. By special recommendation of Mr. Pitt he received, in 1757, a captain's commission in Fraser'sHighlanders, and served throughout the campaign in North America, andwas wounded at the taking of Quebec in 1758. On the conclusion of thewar he was transferred to the 29th regiment, and afterwards major andlieutenant-colonel in the 42nd or Royal Highlanders, with which heserved in India until 1773, when he returned to Scotland, and waselected to Parliament for the Stirling burgs in 1774. In 1775 he wasselected as lieutenant-colonel of the 2nd battalion of Fraser'sHighlanders. He was captured on board the George transport, in BostonHarbor June 17, 1776, and remained a prisoner until May 5, 1778, when hewas exchanged for Colonel Ethan Allen. He was then placed in command ofan expedition against the State of Georgia, which was successful. He wassuperseded the following year by General Augustine Prevost. Disagreeingwith the policy adopted by that officer in regard to the royalistmilitia, Colonel Campbell returned to England, on leave. In 1779 hemarried Amelia, daughter of Allan Ramsay, the artist. November 20, 1782, he was promoted major-general, and the following month commissionedgovernor of Jamaica. His vigilance warded off attacks from the French, besides doing all in his power in sending information, supplies andreinforcements to the British forces in America. For his services, onhis return to England, he was invested a knight of the Bath, onSeptember 30, 1785. The same year he was appointed governor andcommander-in-chief at Madras. On October 12, 1787, he was appointedcolonel of the 74th Highlanders, which had been raised especially forservice in India. In 1789 General Campbell returned to England, and atonce was re-elected to Parliament for the Stirling burghs. He died March31, 1791, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 

JOHN CAMPBELL OF STRACHUR. 

John Campbell was appointed lieutenant in Loudon's Highlanders in June1745; served throughout the Rising of 1745-6; made the campaign inFlanders in 1747, in which year he became a captain; and at the peace of1748 went on half pay. In 1756 he was called into active service andjoined the 42nd. He was wounded at Ticonderoga, and on his recovery wasappointed major of the 17th foot. February 1762, he became alieutenant-colonel in the army, and commanded his regiment in theexpedition against Martinico and Havanna. He became lieutenant-colonelof the 57th foot, May 1, 1773, and returned to America on the breakingout of the Revolution. On February 19, 1779 he was appointedmajor-general; colonel of his regiment November 2, 1780, and commandedthe British forces in West Florida, where he surrendered Pensacola tothe Spaniards, May 10, 1781; became lieutenant-general in 1787, andgeneral January 26, 1797. General Campbell died August 28, 1806. 

LORD WILLIAM CAMPBELL. 

Lord William Campbell was the youngest son of the 4th duke of Argyle. Heentered the navy, and became a captain August 20, 1762, when he was putin command of the Nightingale, of twenty guns. In May 1763, he marriedSarah, daughter of Ralph Izard, of Charleston, South Carolina, and in1764, was elected to represent Argyleshire in parliament. On November27, 1766 he became governor of Nova Scotia, whose affairs headministered until 1773, when he was transferred to the government ofSouth Carolina, in which province he arrived in June 1775, during thesitting of the first Provincial Congress, which presented him acongratulatory address, but he refused to acknowledge that body. Forthree months after his arrival he was undisturbed, though indefatigablein fomenting opposition to the popular measures; but in September, distrustful of his personal safety, and leaving his family behind, heretired on board the Tamar sloop-of-war, where he remained, althoughinvited to return to Charleston. Lady Campbell was treated with greatrespect, but finally went on board the vessel, and was landed atJamaica. In the attack on the city of Charleston, in June 1776, underSir Henry Clinton, lord Campbell served as a volunteer on board theBristol, on which occasion he received a wound that ultimately provedmortal. Presumably he returned with the fleet and died September 5, 1778. 

GENERAL SIMON FRASER

Brigadier Simon Fraser was the tenth son of Alexander Fraser, second ofBalnain. The lands of Balnain had been acquired from Hugh, tenth lord ofLovat, by Big Hugh, grandfather of Simon. Alexander was in possessionof the lands as early as 1730, and for his first wife had Jane, daughterof William Fraser, eighth of Foyers, by whom he had issue six sons andone daughter. In 1716 he married Jean, daughter of Angus, tenthMackintosh of Kyllachy, by whom he had issue five sons and threedaughters, Simon being the fourth son, and born May 26th, 1729. 

[Illustration: GENL FRASER. ]

In all probability it would be a difficult task to determine the date ofGeneral Fraser's first commission in the British army owing to the factthat no less than eight Simon Frasers appear in the Army List of 1757, six of whom belonged to Fraser's Highlanders. The subsequent commissionsmay positively be traced as follows: In the 78th Foot, lieutenantJanuary 5, 1757, captain-lieutenant September 27, 1758, captain April22, 1759; major in the army March 15, 1761; in the 24th Foot, majorFebruary 8, 1762, and lieutenant-colonel July 14, 1768. January 10, 1776, General Carleton appointed him to act as a brigadier till theking's pleasure could be known, which in due time was confirmed. Hislast commission was that of colonel in the army, being gazetted July 22, 1777. He served in the Scots Regiment in the Dutch service and waswounded at Bergen ap-Zoon in 1747. He was with his regiment in theexpedition against Louisburg in 1758 and accompanied General Wolfe toQuebec in 1759, and was the officer who answered the hail of the enemy'ssentry in French and made him believe that the troops who surprised theHeights of Abraham were the Regiment de la Rhine. 

After the fall of Quebec, for a few years he did garrison duty atGibraltar. Through the interest of the marquis of Townshend, whoappointed him his aide-de-camp in Ireland, he was selected asquartermaster-general to the troops then stationed in that country. While in Ireland he was selected by General Burgoyne as one of hiscommanders for his expedition against the Americans. On April 5, 1776, he embarked with the 24th Foot, and arrived in Quebec on the 28th of thefollowing May. He commanded the light brigade on General Burgoyne'scampaign, and was thus ever in advance, rendering throughout the mostefficient services, and had the singular good fortune to increase hisreputation. He assisted in driving the Americans out of Canada, anddefeated them in the battle of Three Rivers, followed by that ofHubbardton, July 7, 1777. Had his views prevailed, the blunder ofsending heavy German dismounted dragoons to Bennington, and theconsequent disaster would never have been committed. 

The career of this dauntless hero now rapidly drew near to its close. Upto the battle of Bennington almost unexampled success had attended theexpedition of Burgoyne. The turning point had come. The battle ofBennington infused the Americans with a new and indomitable spirit; themurder, by savages, of the beautiful Miss Jane MacRae aroused thepassions of war; the failure of Sir Henry Clinton to co-operate withGeneral Burgoyne; the rush of the militia to the aid of General Gates, and the detachment of Colonel Morgan's riflemen by Washington from hisown army to the assistance of the imperiled north, all conspired to turnthe tide of success, and invite the victorious army to a disaster, rendered famous in the annals of history. 

On September 13, the British army crossed the Hudson, by a bridge ofrafts with the design of forming a junction with Sir Henry Clinton atAlbany. The army was in excellent order and in the highest spirits, andthe perils of the expedition seemed practically over. The army marched ashort distance along the western bank of the Hudson, and on the 14thencamped on the heights of Saratoga, distant about sixteen miles fromAlbany. On the 19th a battle was fought between the British right wingand a strong body of Americans. In this action the right column was ledby General Fraser, who, on the first onset, wheeled his troops andforced Colonel Morgan to give way. Colonel Morgan was speedilyre-enforced, when the action became general. When the battle appeared tobe in the grasp of the British, and just as General Fraser and ColonelBreymann were preparing to follow up the advantage, they were recalledby General Burgoyne and reluctantly forced to retreat. Both GeneralsFraser and Riedesel (commander of the Brunswick contingent) bitterlycriticised the order, and in plain terms informed General Burgoyne thathe did not know how to avail himself of his advantage. The next dayGeneral Burgoyne devoted himself to the laying out of a fortified camp. The right wing was placed under the command of General Fraser. Thesituation now began to grow critical. Provisions became scarce. October5th a council of war was held, and the advice of both Generals Fraserand Riedesel was to fall back immediately to their old position beyondthe Batten Kil. General Burgoyne finally determined on a reconnaissancein force. So, on the morning of October 7th, with fifteen hundred men, accompanied by Generals Fraser, Riedesel and Phillips, the divisionadvanced in three columns towards the left wing of the Americanposition. In advance of the right wing, General Fraser had command offive hundred picked men. The Americans fell upon the British advancewith fury, and soon a general battle was engaged in. Colonel Morganpoured down like a torrent from the ridge that skirted the flankingparty of General Fraser, and forced the latter back; and then by arapid movement to the left fell upon the flank of the British right withsuch impetuosity that it wavered. General Fraser noticing the criticalsituation of the center hurried to its succor the 24th Regiment. Dressedin full uniform, General Fraser was conspicuously mounted on an irongrey horse. He was all activity and vigilance, riding from one part ofthe division to another, and animated the troops by his example. At acritical point, Colonel Morgan, who, with his riflemen was immediatelyopposite to General Fraser's corps, perceiving that the fate of the dayrested upon that officer, called a few of his sharpshooters aside, amongwhom was the famous marksman, Timothy Murphy, men on whose precision ofaim he could rely, and said to them, "That gallant officer yonder isGeneral Fraser; I admire and respect him, but it is necessary for ourgood that he should die. Take you station in that cluster of bushes anddo your duty. " A few moments later, a rifle ball cut the crouper ofGeneral Fraser's horse, and another passed through the horse's mane. General Fraser's aid, calling attention to this, said: "It is evidentthat you are marked out for particular aim; would it not be prudent foryou to retire from this place?" General Fraser replied, "My duty forbidsme to fly from danger. " The next moment he fell wounded by a ball fromthe rifle of Timothy Murphy, and was carried off the field by twogrenadiers. After he was wounded General Fraser told his friends "thathe saw the man who shot him, and that he was a rifleman posted in atree. " From this it would appear that after Colonel Morgan had given hisorders Timothy Murphy climbed into the forks of a neighboring tree. 

General Burgoyne's surgeons were reported to have said had not GeneralFraser's stomach been distended by a hearty breakfast he had eaten justbefore going into action he would doubtless have recovered from hiswound. 

Upon the fall of General Fraser, dismay seized the British. A retreattook place exactly fifty-two minutes after the first shot was fired. General Burgoyne left the cannon on the field, except two howitzers, besides sustaining a loss of more than four hundred men, and among themthe flower of his officers. Contemporary military writers affirmed thathad General Fraser lived the British would have made good their retreatinto Canada. It is claimed that he would have given such advice as wouldhave caused General Burgoyne to have avoided the blunders which finallyresulted in his surrender. 

The closing scene of General Fraser's life has been graphicallydescribed by Madame Riedesel, wife of the German general. It has beenoft quoted, and need not be here repeated. General Burgoyne hasdescribed the burial scene with his usual felicity of expression andeloquence. 

Burgoyne was not unmindful of the wounded general. He was directing theprogress of the battle, and it was not until late in the evening that hecame to visit the dying man. A tender scene took place between him andGeneral Fraser. The latter was the idol of the army and upon him GeneralBurgoyne placed most reliance. The spot where General Fraser lies buriedis on an elevated piece of ground commanding an extensive view of theHudson, and a great length of the interval on either side. The grave ismarked by a tablet placed there by an American lady. 

The American reader has a very pleasant regard for the character ofGeneral Fraser. His kindly disposition attracted men towards him. As anillustration of the humane disposition the following incident, takenfrom a rare work, may be cited: "Two American officers taken atHubbardstown, relate the following anecdote of him. He saw that theywere in distress, as their continental paper would not pass with theEnglish; and offered to loan them as much as they wished for theirpresent convenience. They took three guineas each. He remarked tothem--Gentlemen take what you wish--give me your due bills and when wereach Albany, I trust to your honor to take them up; for we shalldoubtless overrun the country, and I shall, probably, have anopportunity of seeing you again. '" As General Fraser fell in battle, "the notes were consequently never paid; but the signers of them couldnot refrain from shedding tears at the fate of this gallant and generousenemy. "[176]

GENERAL SIMON FRASER OF LOVAT. 

General Simon Fraser, thirteenth of Lovat, born October 19, 1726, wasthe son of the notorious Simon, twelfth lord Lovat, who was executed in1747. With six hundred of his father's vassals he joined prince Charlesbefore the battle of Falkirk, January 17, 1746, and was one of theforty-three persons included in the act of attainder of June 4, 1746. Having surrendered to the government he was confined in Edinburgh Castlefrom November, [Illustration: GENERAL SIMON FRASER OF LOVAT. ]

1746, to August 15, 1747, when he was allowed to reside in Glasgowduring the king's pleasure. He received a full pardon in 1750, and twoyears later entered as an advocate. At the commencement of the sevenyears' war, by his influence with his clan, without the aid of land ormoney he raised eight hundred recruits in a few weeks, in which as manymore were shortly added. His commission as colonel was dated January 5, 1757. Under his command Fraser's Highlanders went to America, where hewas at the siege of Louisburg in 1758, and in the expedition underGeneral Wolfe against Quebec, where he was wounded at Montmorenci. Hewas again wounded at Sillery, April 28, 1760. In 1762 he was abrigadier-general in the British force sent to Portugal; in thePortuguese army he held the temporary rank of major-general, and in 1768a lieutenant-general. In 1771 he was a major-general in the Britisharmy. By an act of parliament, on the payment of £20, 983, all hisforfeited lands, lordships, &c. , were restored to him, on account of themilitary services he had rendered the country. On the outbreak of theAmerican Revolution General Fraser raised another regiment of twobattalions, known as Fraser's Highlanders or 71st, but did not accompanythe regiment. When, in Canada, in 1761, he was returned to parliament, and thrice re-elected, representing the constituency of the county ofInverness until his death, which occurred in Downing Street, London, February 8, 1782. 

GENERAL SIMON FRASER. 

Lieutenant-General Simon Fraser, son of a tacksman, born in 1738, wassenior of the Simon Frasers serving as subalterns in Fraser'sHighlanders in the campaign in Canada in 1759-1761. He was wounded atthe battle of Sillery, April 28, 1760, and three years later was placedon half-pay as a lieutenant. In 1775 he raised a company for the 71st orFraser's Highlanders; became senior captain and afterwards major of theregiment, with which he served in America in the campaigns of 1778-1781. In 1793 he raised a Highland regiment which was numbered 133rd foot orFraser's Highlanders, which after a brief existence, was broken up anddrafted into other corps. He became a major-general in 1795, commanded aBritish force in Portugal in 1797-1800. In 1802 he becamelieutenant-general, and for several years second in command in Scotland, in which country he died March 21, 1813. 

GENERAL JAMES GRANT OF BALLINDALLOCH. 

General James Grant was born in 1720, and after studying law obtained acommission in the army in 1741, and became captain in the Royal Scots, October 24, 1744. General Grant served with his regiment in Flanders andin Ireland, and became major in Montgomery's Highlanders, with which hewent to America in 1757. In the following year he was surprised beforeFort Duquesne, and lost a third of his command in killed, wounded andmissing, besides being captured himself with nineteen of his officers. He became lieutenant-colonel of the 40th foot in 1760, and governor ofEast Florida. In May, 1761, he led an expedition against the CherokeeIndians, and defeated them in the battle of Etchoe. On the death of hisnephew he succeeded to the family estate; became brevet-colonel in 1772;in 1773 was returned to parliament for Wick burghs, and the year afterfor Sutherlandshire; and in 1775 was appointed colonel of the 55thfoot. As a brigadier, in 1776, he went to America with the reinforcementunder Sir William Howe; commanded two brigades at the battle of LongIsland, Brandywine and Germantown. In May, 1778, was unsuccessful in hisattempt to cut off the marquis de Lafayette on the Schuylkill. InDecember, 1778, he captured St. Lucia, in the West Indies. In 1777, hebecame major-general, in 1782 lieutenant-general, and in 1796 general;and, in succession became governor of Dumbarton and Stirling Castles. In1787, 1790, 1796, and 1801, he was again returned to parliament forSutherlandshire. He was noted for his love of good living, and in hislatter years was immensely corpulent. He died at Ballindalloch April 13, 1806. 

GENERAL ALLAN MACLEAN OF TORLOISK. 

General Allan Maclean, son of Torloisk, Island of Mull, was born therein 1725, and began his military career in the service of Holland, in theScots brigade. At the siege of Bergen-op-Zoom, in 1747, a portion of thebrigade cut its way with great loss through the French. LieutenantsAllan and Francis Maclean, having been taken prisoners, were carriedbefore General Lowendahl, who thus addressed them: "Gentlemen, consideryourselves on parole. If all had conducted themselves as your bravecorps have done, I should not now be master of Bergen-op-Zoom. " January8, 1756, Allan became lieutenant in the 62nd regiment, and on July 8, 1758, was severely wounded at Ticonderoga. He became captain of anindependent company, January 16, 1759, and was present at the surrenderof Niagara, where he was again dangerously wounded. Returning to GreatBritain, he raised the 114th foot or Royal Highland Volunteers, of whichhe was appointed major commandant October 18, 1761. The regiment beingreduced in 1763, Major Maclean went on half-pay. He becamelieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and early in 1775 devised acolonization scheme which brought him to America, landing in New York ofthat year. At the outbreak of the Revolution he identified himself withthe British king; was arrested in New York; was released by denying hewas taking a part in the dispute; thence went to the Mohawk, and on toCanada, where he began to set about organizing a corps, which became thenucleus of the Royal Highland Emigrants. Of this regiment Major Allanwas appointed lieutenant-colonel of the first battalion which he hadraised. On the evidence of American prisoners taken at Quebec, ColonelMaclean resorted to questionable means to recruit his regiment. Allthose of British birth who had been captured were given permission tojoin the regiment or else be carried to England and tried for treason. But these enforced enlistments proved of no value. Quebec unquestionablywould have fallen into the hands of General Arnold had not ColonelMaclean suddenly precipitated himself with a part of his corps into thebeleaguered city. Had Quebec fallen, Canada would have become a part ofthe United States. To Colonel Allan Maclean Great Britain owes thepossession of Canada. During the prolonged siege Colonel Macleansuffered an injury to his leg, whereby he partially lost the use of itduring the remainder of his life. On May 11, 1776, Colonel Maclean wasappointed adjutant-general of the army, which he held until June 6, 1777, when he became brigadier-general, and placed in command atMontreal. As dangers thickened around General Burgoyne, General Macleanwas ordered, October 20th, with the 31st and his battalion of the RoyalHighland Emigrants, to Chimney Point, but the following month wasordered to Quebec. He left Quebec July 27, 1776, for England, in orderto obtain rank and establishment for his regiment which had beenpromised. He returned to Canada, arriving in Quebec May 28, 1777. In1778 he again went to England and made a personal appeal to the king inbehalf of his regiment, which proved successful. May 1, 1779, he sailedfrom Spithead and arrived at Quebec on August 16th. He became colonel inthe army November 17, 1780, and in the winter of 1782 had command fromthe ports at Oswegatchie to Michilimackinac. Soon after the peace of1783, General Maclean retired from the service. He married Janet, daughter of Donald Maclean of Brolass, and died without issue, inLondon, in March, 1797. From the contents of many letters directed toJohn Maclean of Lochbuie, it is to be inferred that he died incomparative poverty. His correspondence during his command of theHighland Emigrants is among the Haldimand MSS, in the British Museum. 

[Illustration: SIR ALLAN MACLEAN, BART. ]

General Allan Maclean of Torloisk has been confused by somewriters--notably by General Stewart in his "Sketches of the Highlands"and Dr. James Brown in his "History of the Highlands and HighlandClans"--with Sir Allan Maclean, twenty-second chief of his clan. SirAllan served in different parts of the globe. The first notice of hismilitary career is as a captain under the earl of Drumlanrig in theservice of Holland. July 16, 1757, he became a captain in Montgomery'sHighlanders, and June 25, 1762, major in the 119th foot or the Prince'sOwn. He obtained the rank of lieutenant-colonel May 25, 1772, and diedon Inch Kenneth, December 10, 1783. He married Anna, daughter of HectorMaclean of Coll. Dr. Samuel Johnson visited him during his tour of theHebrides, and was so delighted with the baronet and his amiabledaughters that he broke out into a Latin sonnet. 

GENERAL FRANCIS MACLEAN. 

General Francis Maclean, of the family of Blaich, as soon as he was ableto bear arms, obtained a commission in the same regiment with hisfather; was at the defence of Bergen-op Zoom in 1747, and was detainedprisoner in France for some time; was appointed captain in the 2ndbattalion of the 42nd Highlanders on its being raised in October, 1758. At the capture of the island of Guadaloupe, he was severely wounded, butowing to his gallant conduct was promoted to the rank of major, andappointed governor of the island of Marie Galante. In January, 1761, heexchanged into the 97th regiment, and April 13, 1762, was appointedlieutenant-colonel in the army. In the war in Canada, he commanded abody of troops under General Wolfe, and participated in the capture ofMontreal. He was sent, in 1762, to aid the Portuguese against thecombined attack of France and Spain, and was made commander of Almeida, a fortified town on the Spanish frontier, which he held for severalyears; and on being promoted to the rank of major-general, was nominatedto the government of Estremadura and the city of Lisbon. On leavingPortugal in 1778, the king presented him with a handsomely mountedsword, and the queen gave him a valuable diamond ring. On his return toEngland--having been gazetted colonel of the 82nd foot, December 16, 1777--he was immediately dispatched with a corps of the army forAmerica, and appointed to the government of Halifax in Nova Scotia, where he held the rank of brigadier-general. During the month of June, 1779, with a part of his army, General Maclean repaired to thePenobscot, and there proceeded to erect defenses. The American armyunder General Lovell, from Boston, appeared in the bay on July 28th, andbegan to erect batteries for a siege. Commodore Sir George Collier, August 13th, entered the bay with a fleet and raised the siege. GeneralMaclean returned to Halifax, where he died, May 4, 1781, in thesixty-fourth year of his age, and unmarried. 

GENERAL JOHN SMALL. 

General John Small was born in Strathardale in Athole, in the year 1726, and entered the army early in life, his first commission being in theScotch Brigade. He obtained an ensigncy in 1747, and was on half-pay in1756, when appointed lieutenant in the 42nd Highlanders on the eve ofits departure for America. He accompanied the regiment in 1759 in theexpedition to northern New York, and in 1760 went down from Oswego toMontreal. In 1762 he served in the expedition to the West Indies, and onAugust 6th of the same year was promoted to a company. On the reductionof the regiment in 1763, Captain Small went on half-pay until April, 1765, when he was appointed to a company in the 21st or Royal NorthBritish Fusileers, which soon after was sent to America. With thisregiment he continued until 1775, when he received a commission to raisea corps of Highlanders in Nova Scotia. Having raised the 2nd battalionof the Royal Highland Emigrants, he was appointed major commandant, witha portion of which he joined the army with Sir Henry Clinton at New Yorkin 1779, and in 1780, became lieutenant-colonel of the regiment. In 1782he was quartered on Long Island. November 18, 1790, he was appointedcolonel in the army, and in 1794, lieutenant-governor of the island ofGuernsey; he was promoted to the rank of major-general October 3, 1794, and died at Guernsey on March 17, 1796, in the seventieth year of hisage. 

FLORA MACDONALD. 

No name in the Scottish Highlands bears such a charm as that of FloraMacdonald. Her praise is frequently sung, sketches of her lifepublished, and her portrait adorns thousands of homes. While herdistinction mainly rests on her efforts in behalf of the luckless princeCharles, after the disastrous battle of Culloden; yet, in reality, hercharacter was strong, and she was a noble type of womanhood in hernative isle. 

[Illustration: FLORA MACDONALD. ]

Flora Macdonald--or "Flory, " as she always wrote her name, even in hermarriage contract--born in 1722, was a daughter of Ranald Macdonald, tacksman of Milton, in South Uist, an island of the Hebrides. Her fatherdied when she was about two years old, and when six years old she wasdeprived of the care of her mother, who was abducted and married by HughMacdonald of Armadale in Skye. Flora remained in Milton with her brotherAngus till her thirteenth year, when she was taken into the mansion ofthe Clanranalds, where she became an accomplished player on the spinet. In 1739 she went to Edinburgh to complete her studies where, until 1745, she resided in the family of Sir Alexander Macdonald of the Isles. While on a visit to the Clanranalds in Benbecula, prince Charles Edwardarrived there after the battle of Culloden in 1746. She enabled theprince to escape to Skye. For this she was arrested and thrown into theTower of London. On receiving her liberty, in 1747, she stayed for atime in the house of Lady Primrose, where she was visited by manypersons of distinction. Before leaving London she was presented with£1500. On her return to Scotland she was entertained at Monkstadt inSkye, at a banquet, to which the principal families were invited. November 6, 1750, she married Allan Macdonald, younger of Kingsburgh. Atfirst they resided at Flodigarry; but on the death of her father-in-lawthey went in 1772 to Kingsburgh. Here she was visited, in 1773, by thecelebrated Samuel Johnson. Her husband, oppressed by debts, was caughtin that great wave of emigration from the Highlands to America. In themonth of August, 1774, leaving her two youngest children with friends athome, Flora, her husband and older children, sailed in the ship Baliol, from Campbelton, Kintyre, for North Carolina. Flora's fame had precededher to that distant country, and her departure from Scotland havingbecome known to her countrymen in Carolina, she was anxiously expectedand joyfully received on her arrival. Demonstrations on a large scalewere made to welcome her to America. Soon after her landing, a largelyattended ball was given in her honor at Wilmington. On her arrival atCross Creek she received a truly Highland welcome from her old neighborsand kinsfolk, who had crossed the Atlantic years before her. The strainsof the Piobaireachd, and the martial airs of her native land, greetedher on her approach to the capital of the Scottish settlement. Manyfamilies of distinction pressed upon her to make their dwellings herhome, but she respectfully declined, preferring a settled place of herown. As the laird of Kingsburgh intended to become a planter, he lefthis family in Cross Creek until he could decide upon a location. Thehouse in which they lived during this period was built immediately onthe brink of the creek, and for many years afterwards was known as"Flora Macdonald's house. " Northwest of Cross Creek, a distance oftwenty miles, is a hill about six hundred feet in height, now calledCameron's hill, but then named Mount Pleasant. Around and about thishill, in 1775, many members of the Clan Macdonald had settled, all ofwhom were of near kin to the laird and lady of Kingsburgh. Hard by arethe sources of Barbeque Creek, and not many miles down that stream stoodthe old kirk, where the clansmen worshipped, and where Flora inscribedher name on the membership roll. 

Mount Pleasant stands in the very midst of the pinery region, and fromit in every direction stretches the great pine forest. Near this centerAllan Macdonald of Kingsburgh purchased of Caleb Touchstone a plantationembracing five hundred and fifty acres on which were a dwelling houseand outhouses which were more pretentious than was then customary amongHighland settlers. The sum paid, as set forth in the deed, was fourhundred and sixty pounds. Here Flora established herself, that with herfamily she might spend the rest of her days in peace and quiet. But thetimes were not propitious. There was commotion which soon ended in along and bitter war. Even this need not have materially disturbed thefamily had not Kingsburgh precipitated himself into the conflict, needlessly and recklessly. With blind fatuity he took the wrong side inthe controversy; and even then by the exercise of patience might haveovercome the effects of his folly. Before Flora and her family weresettled in America the storm gave its ominous rumble. When GovernorMartin, who had deserted his post and fled to an armed cruiser in themouth of the Cape Fear river, issued his proclamation, Allan Macdonaldwas among the first to respond. The war spirit of Flora was stirredwithin her, and she partook of the enthusiasm of her husband. Accordingto tradition, when the Highlanders gathered around the standard Floramade them an address in their own Gaelic tongue that excited them to thehighest pitch of warlike enthusiasm. With the due devotion of anaffectionate wife, Flora followed her husband for several days, andencamped one night with him in a dangerous place, on the brow ofHaymount, near the American forces. For a time she refused to listen toher husband's entreaties to return home, for he thought his life wasenough to be in jeopardy. Finally when the army took up its march withbanners flying and martial music, she deemed it time to retrace hersteps, and affectionately embraced her husband, her eyes dimmed withtears as she breathed an earnest prayer to heaven for his safe andspeedy return to his family and home. But alas! she never saw him againin America. 

The rebellion of the Highlanders in North Carolina, which ended in afiasco, has already been narrated. Flora was soon aroused to the factthat the battle was against them, and her husband and one son wereconfined in Halifax jail. It appears that even she was brought beforethe Committee of Safety, where she exhibited a "spirited behavior. "[177]Sorrows, indeed, had accumulated rapidly upon her: a severe typhus feverattacked the younger members of the family and two of her children died, a boy and a girl aged respectively eleven and thirteen, and herdaughter, Fanny, was still in precarious health, from the dregs of arecent fever. By the advice of her imprisoned husband she resolved toreturn to her native country. Fortunately for her she secured the favorand good offices of Captain Ingram, an American officer, who promised toassist her. He furnished her with a passport to Wilmington, and fromthence she found her way to Charleston, from which port she sailed toher native land, in 1779. In this step she was partly governed by thestate of health of her daughter Fanny. Crossing the Atlantic with noneof her family but Fanny--her five sons and son-in-law actively engagedin the war--the Scottish heroine met with the last of her adventures. The vessel in which she sailed engaged a French privateer, and duringthe conflict her left arm was broken. So, in after years, she truthfullysaid that she had served both the House of Stuart and the House ofHanover, but had been worsted in the cause of each. For some time sheresided at Milton, where her brother built her a cottage: but on thereturn of her husband they again settled at Kingsburgh, where she diedMarch 5, 1790. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 176: Memoir General Stark, 1831, p. 252. ]

[Footnote 177: Captain Alexander McDonald's Letter-Book, p. 387. ]

CHAPTER XV. 

DISTINGUISHED HIGHLANDERS IN AMERICAN INTERESTS

The attitude of the Highlanders during the Revolutionary War was not ofsuch a nature as to bring them prominently into view in the cause offreedom. Nor was it the policy of the American statesmen to cater torace distinctions and prejudices. They did not regard their cause to bea race war. They fought for freedom without regard to their origin, believing that a just Providence would smile upon their efforts. Manynationalities were represented in the American army. Men left theirhomes in the Old World, purposely to engage in the cause ofIndependence, some of whom gained immortal renown, and will beremembered with honor by generations yet unborn. As has been alreadynoted, there were natives of the Highlands of Scotland, who had madeAmerica their home and imbibed the principles of political liberty, andearly identified themselves with the cause of their adopted country. Thelives of some of these patriots are herewith imperfectly sketched. 

GENERAL ALEXANDER McDOUGALL. 

[Illustration: GEN. ALEXANDER MCDOUGALL. ]

There are few names in the annals of the American Revolution upon whichone can linger with more satisfaction than that of the gallant andtrue-hearted Alexander McDougall. As early as August 20, 1775, Washington wrote to General Schuyler concerning him: his "zeal isunquestionable. "[178] Writing to General McDougall, May 23, 1777, Washington says: "I wish every officer in the army could appeal to Hisown heart and find the same principles of conduct, that I am persuadedactuate you. "[179] The same writing to Thomas Jefferson, August 1, 1786, lamented the brave "soldier and disinterested patriot, " andexclaimed, "Thus some of the pillars of the revolution fall. "[180]

Alexander McDougall was born in the island of Islay in Scotland, in1731, being the son of Ranald McDougall, who emigrated to the provinceof New York in 1735. The father purchased a small farm near the city ofNew York, and there peddled milk, in which avocation he was assisted byhis son, who never was ashamed of the employment of his youth. Alexanderwas a keen observer of passing events and took great interest in thegame of politics. With vigilance he watched the aggressive steps of theroyal government; and when the Assembly, in the winter of 1769, falteredin its opposition to the usurpations of the crown and insulted thepeople by rejecting a proposition authorizing the vote by ballot, and byentering on the favorable consideration of a bill of supplies for troopsquartered in the city to overawe the inhabitants, he issued an address, under the title of "A Son of Liberty to the Betrayed Inhabitants of theColony, " in which he contrasted the Assembly with the legislative bodiesin other parts of the country, and held up their conduct to unmitigatedand just indignation. The bold and deserved rebuke was laid before thehouse by its speaker, and, with the exception of Philip Schuyler, everymember voted that it was "an infamous and seditious libel. " Aproclamation for the discovery of the author was issued by the governor, and it being traced to Alexander McDougall, he was arrested in February, 1770, and refusing to give bail was committed to prison by order ofchief justice Horsmanden. As he was being carried to prison, clearlyreading in the signs about him the future of the country, he exclaimed, "I rejoice that I am the first sufferer for liberty since thecommencement of our glorious struggle. " During the two months of hisconfinement he was overrun with visitors. He poured forth continuedappeals to the people, and boldly avowed his revolutionary opinions. Inevery circle his case was the subject of impassioned conversation, andin an especial manner he became the idol of the masses. A packed juryfound an indictment against him, and on December 20th he was arraignedat the bar of the Assembly on the same charge, on which occasion he wasdefended by George Clinton, afterwards the first governor of the Stateof New York. In the course of the following month a writ of habeascorpus was sued out, but without result, and he was not liberated untilMarch 4, 1771, when the assembly was prorogued. When the Assemblyattempted to extort from him a humiliating recantation, he undauntinglyanswered their threat, that "rather than resign my rights and privilegesas a British subject, I would suffer my right hand to be cut off at thebar of the house. " When set at liberty he entered into correspondencewith the master-spirits in all parts of the country; and when thecelebrated meetings in the fields were held, on July 6, 1774, preparatory to the election of the New York delegates to the FirstGeneral Congress, he was called to preside, and resolutions prepared byhim were adopted, pointing out the mode of choosing deputies, inveighingagainst the Boston Port Bill, and urging upon the proposed congress theprohibition of all commercial intercourse with Great Britain. In March1775, he was a member of the Provincial Convention, and was nominated asone of the candidates for the Continental Congress at Philadelphia, butwas not elected. In the same year he received a commission as colonel ofthe 1st New York regiment, and on August 9, 1776, was createdbrigadier-general. On the evening of the 29th of the same month he wasselected by Washington to superintend the embarkation of the troops fromBrooklyn; was actively engaged on Chatterton's Hill and in variousplaces in New Jersey; and when General William Heath, in the spring of1777, left Peekskill to assume the command of the eastern department, hesucceeded that officer, but was compelled, by a superior force under SirWilliam Howe, to retreat from the town, after destroying a considerablesupply of stores, on March 23rd. After the battle of Germantown, inwhich he participated, Washington, writing to the president of Congress, under date of October 7, 1777, says:

"I cannot however omit this opportunity of recommending GeneralMcDougall to their notice. This gentleman, from the time of hisappointment as brigadier, from his abilities, military knowledge, andapproved bravery, has every claim to promotion. "[181]

On the 20th of the same month he was commissioned major-general. OnMarch 16, 1778, he was directed to assume the command of the differentposts on the Hudson, and, with activity, pursued the construction of thefortifications in the Highlands, and, after the flight of GeneralArnold, was put in command of West Point, October 5, 1780. Near theclose of that year he was called upon by New York to repair to Congressas one of their representatives. It was a critical moment, andWashington urged his acceptance of the post; accordingly he took hisseat in the Congress the next January. Congress having organized anexecutive department, in 1781, General McDougall was appointed Ministerof Marine. He did not remain long in Philadelphia, for his habits, friendships, associations and convictions of duty recalled him to thecamp. The confidence felt in his integrity and good judgment by allclasses in the service, was such, that when the army went into winterquarters at Newburgh, in 1783, he was chosen at the head of thedelegation to Congress to represent their grievances. The same year, after the close of the war, he was elected to represent the SouthernDistrict in the senate of New York and continued a member of that bodyuntil his death, which occurred in the city of New York June 8, 1786. Atthe time of his decease, General McDougall was president of the Bank ofNew York. In politics he adhered to the Hamilton party. 

GENERAL LACHLAN M'INTOSH. 

The history of the emigration of John Mohr McIntosh to Georgia, and thesettlement upon the Alatamaha, where now stands the city of Darien, hasalready been recorded. The second son of John Mohr was Lachlan, bornnear Raits in Badenoch, Scotland, March 17, 1725, and consequently waseleven years old at the time he emigrated to America. As has beenalready noted John Mohr McIntosh was captured by the Spaniards at FortMoosa, carried to Spain, and after several years, returned in brokenhealth. 

Both Lachlan and his elder brother William were placed as cadets in theregiment by General Oglethorpe. When General Oglethorpe made his finalpreparations for his return to England, the two young brothers werefound hid away in the hold of another vessel, for they had heard of theattempts then being made by prince Charles to regain the throne of hisancestors, and they hoped to regain something that the family of Borlamhad lost, of which they were members. General Oglethorpe had the twoboys brought to his cabin; he spoke to them of the friendship he hadentertained for their father, of the kindness he had shown tothemselves, of the hopelessness of every attempt of the house of Stuart, of their own folly in engaging in this wild and desperate struggle, ofhis own duty as an officer of the house of Brunswick; but if they wouldgo ashore, their secret should be his. He received their pledge and theynever saw him again. 

[Illustration: GENERAL LACHLAN MCINTOSH. ]

At that time the means of education in Georgia were limited, yet underhis mother's care Lachlan McIntosh was well instructed in English, mathematics and other branches necessary for future military use. Lachlan sought the promising field of enterprise in Charleston, SouthCarolina, where the fame of his father's gallantry and misfortunessecured to him a kind reception from Henry Laurens, afterwards presidentof Congress, and the first minister of the United States to Holland. Inthe house of that patriot he remained several years, and contractedfriendships that lasted while he lived, with some of the leadingcitizens of the southern colonies. Having adopted the profession ofsurveyor, and married, he returned to Georgia, where he acquired a wideand honorable reputation. On account of his views concerning certainlands between the Alatamaha and St. Mary's rivers which did not coincidewith those of Governor Wright of Georgia, it afforded the latter apretence, for a long and deliberate opposition to the interests ofLachlan McIntosh, which gradually schooled him for the approachingconflict between England and her American colonies. When that eventbegan to dawn upon the people every eye in Georgia was turned to GeneralMcIntosh as the leader of whatever force that province might bring intothe struggle. When, therefore, the revolutionary government wasorganized and an order was made for raising a regiment was adopted, Lachlan McIntosh was made colonel commandant; and when the order wasissued for raising three other regiments, in September, 1776, he wasimmediately appointed brigadier-general commandant. About this timeButton Gwinnett was elected governor, who had been an unsuccessfulcompetitor for the command of the troops. He was a man unrestrained byany honorable principles, and used his official authority in pettypersecutions of General McIntosh and his family. The general bore allthis patiently until his opponent ceased to be governor, when hecommunicated to him the opinion he entertained of his conduct. Hereceived a challenge, and in a duel wounded him mortally. GeneralMcIntosh now applied, through his friend Colonel Henry Laurens, for aplace in the Continental army, which was granted, and with his staff wasinvited to join the commander-in-chief. He soon won the confidence ofWashington, and for a long time was placed in his front, while watchingthe superior forces of Sir William Howe in Philadelphia. 

While the army was in winter quarters at Valley Forge, the attention ofthe government was called to the exposed condition of the westernfrontier, upon which the British was constantly exciting the Indians tothe most terrible atrocities. It was determined that General McIntoshshould command an expedition against the Indians on the Ohio. In aletter to the President of Congress, dated May 12, 1778, Washingtonsays:

"After much consideration upon the subject, I have appointed GeneralMcIntosh to command at Fort Pitt, and in the western country, for whichhe will set out as soon as he can accommodate his affairs. I part withthis gentleman with much reluctance, as I esteem him an officer of greatworth and merit, and as I know his services here are and will bematerially wanted. His firm disposition and equal justice, his assiduityand good understanding, added to his being a stranger to all parties inthat quarter, pointed him out as a proper person. "[182]

With a reinforcement of five hundred men General McIntosh marched toFort Pitt, of which he assumed the command, and in a short time he gaverepose to all western Pennsylvania and Virginia. In the spring of 1779, he completed arrangements for an expedition against Detroit, but inApril was recalled by Washington to take part in the operations proposedfor the south, where his knowledge of the country, added to his stirlingqualities, promised him a useful field. He joined General Lincoln inCharleston, and every preparation in their power was made for theinvasion of Georgia, then in possession of the British, as soon as theFrench fleet under count D'Estaing should arrive on the coast. GeneralMcIntosh marched to Augusta, took command of the advance of the troops, and proceeding down to Savannah, drove in all the British outposts. Expecting to be joined by the French, he marched to Beauly, where countD'Estaing effected a landing on September 12th, 13th, and 14th, and onthe 15th was joined by General Lincoln. General McIntosh pressed for animmediate attack, but the French admiral refused. In the very midst ofthe siege the French fleet put to sea, leaving Generals Lincoln andMcIntosh to retreat to Charleston, where they were besieged by anoverwhelming force under Sir Henry Clinton, to whom the city wassurrendered on May 12, 1780. With this event the military life ofGeneral McIntosh closed. He was long detained a prisoner of war, andwhen finally released, retired with his family to Virginia, where heremained until the British troops were driven from Savannah. Upon hisreturn to Georgia, he found his personal property wasted and his realestate much diminished in value. From that time to the close of hislife, in a great measure, he lived in retirement and comparativepoverty until his death, which took place at Savannah, February 20, 1806. 

GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. 

[Illustration: GENERAL ARTHUR ST. CLAIR. ]

The life of Major General Arthur St. Clair was a stormy one, full ofdisappointments, shattered hopes, and yet honored and revered for thedistinguished and disinterested services he performed. He was a nearrelative of the then earl of Roslin, and was born in 1734, in the townof Thurso, Caithness in Scotland. He inherited the fine personalappearance and manly traits of the St. Clairs. After graduating at theUniversity of Edinburgh, he entered upon the study of medicine under thecelebrated Doctor William Hunter of London; but receiving a large sum ofmoney from his mother's estate in 1757, he changed his purpose andsought adventures in a military life, and the same year entered theservice of the king of Great Britain, as ensign in the 60th or RoyalAmerican Regiment of Foot. In May of the succeeding year he was withGeneral Amherst before Louisburg. Gathered there were men soon to becomefamous among whom were Wolfe, Montcalm, Murray and Lawrence. For gallantconduct Arthur St. Clair received a lieutenant's commission, April 17, 1759, and was with General Wolfe in that brilliant struggle beforeQuebec, in September of the same year, and soon after was made acaptain. In 1760 he married at Boston, Miss Phoebe Bayard, with afortune of £40, 000, which added to his own made him a man of wealth. OnApril 16. 1762 he resigned his commission in the army, and soon afterled a colony of Scotch settlers to the Ligonier Valley, inPennsylvania, where he purchased for himself one thousand acres of land. Improvements everywhere sprang up under his guiding genius. He heldvarious offices, among which was member of the Proprietory Council ofPennsylvania, and colonel of militia. The mutterings which preceded theAmerican Revolution were early heard in the beautiful valley of theLigonier. Colonel St. Clair was not slow to take action, and espousedthe cause of the patriots with all the intensity of his character, andnever, even for a moment, swerved in the cause. He was destined toreceive the enduring friendship of Washington, La Fayette, Hamilton, Schuyler, Wilson, Reed, and others of the most distinguished patriots ofthe Revolution. Early in the year 1776, he resigned his civil offices, and led the 2nd Pennsylvania Regiment in the invasion of Canada, and onaccount of the remarkable skill there displayed in saving from capturethe army of General Sullivan, he received the rank of brigadier-general, August 6, 1776. He claimed to have pointed out the Quaker road toWashington on the night before the battle of Princeton. On account ofhis meritorious services in that battle, he was made a major-general, February 19, 1777. On the advance of General Burgoyne, who nowthreatened the great avenue from the north, General St. Clair was placedin command of Ticonderoga. Discovering that he could not hold theposition, with great reluctance he ordered the fort evacuated. A greatclamor was raised against him, especially in the New England States, andon account of this he was suspended, and a court-martial ordered. Retaining the confidence of Washington he was a volunteer aid to thatcommander at the battle of Brandywine. In September 1778, thecourt-martial acquitted him of all the charges. He was on thecourt-martial that condemned Major John Andre, adjutant-general of theBritish army, as a spy, who had been actively implicated in the treasonof Benedict Arnold, and soon after was placed in command of West Point. He assisted in quelling the mutiny of the Pennsylvania line, and sharedin the crowning glory of the Revolution, the capture of the British armyunder lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. Soon afterwards General St. Clairretired to private life, but his fellow-citizens soon determinedotherwise. In 1783 he was on the board of censors for Pennsylvania, andafterwards chosen vendue-master of Philadelphia; in 1786 was elected amember of Congress, and in 1787 was president of that body, which atthat time, was the highest office in America. In 1788 he was electedgovernor of the North West Territory, which imposed upon him the duty ofgoverning, organizing, and bringing order out of chaos, over that regionof country. In 1791, Washington made him commander-in-chief of the army, and in the autumn, with an ill-appointed force, set out, under thedirect orders from Henry Knox, then Secretary of War, on an expeditionagainst the Indians, but met with an overwhelming defeat on November4th. The disaster was investigated by Congress, and the general wasjustly exonerated from all blame. He resigned his commission as generalin 1792, but continued in office as governor until 1802, when he wassummarily dismissed by Thomas Jefferson, then president. In poverty heretired to a log-house which overlooked the valley he had once owned. Invain he pressed his claims against the government for the expenditureshe had made during the Revolution, in aid of the cause. In 1812 hepublished his "Narrative. " In 1813 the legislature of Pennsylvaniagranted him an annuity of $400, and finally the general government gavehim a pension of $60 per month. He died at Laural Hill, Pennsylvania, August 31, 1818, from injuries received by being thrown from a wagon. 

Years afterwards Judge Burnet wrote, declaring him to have been"unquestionably a man of superior talents, of extensive information, andof great uprightness of purpose, as well as suavity of manners. * * * Hehad been accustomed from infancy to mingle in the circles of taste andrefinement, and had acquired a polish of manners, and a habitual respectfor the feelings of others, which might be cited as a specimen ofgenuine politeness. "[183]

In 1870 the State of Ohio purchased the papers of General St. Clair, andin 1882 these were published in two volumes, containing twelve hundredand seventy pages. 

SERGEANT DONALD M'DONALD

The lives of men who have won a great name on the field of battle throwa glamor over themselves which is both interesting and fascinating; andthose treading the same path but cut off in their career are forgotten. However, the American Revolution affords many acts of heroism performedby those who did not command armies, some of whom performed many actsworthy of record. Perhaps, among the minor officers none had such asuccessful run of brilliant exploits as Sergeant Macdonald, many ofwhich are sufficiently well authenticated. Unfortunately the essentialparticulars relating to him have not been preserved. The warlike deedswhich he exhibited are recorded in the "Life of General Francis Marion"by General Horry, of Marion's brigade, and Weems. Just how far Weemsromanced may never be known, but in all probability what is relatedconcerning Sergeant Macdonald is practically true, save the shaping upof the story. 

Sergeant Macdonald is represented to have been a son of General DonaldMacdonald, who headed the Highlanders in North Carolina, and met with anoverwhelming defeat at Moore's Creek Bridge. The son was a remarkablystout, red-haired young Scotsman, cool under the most tryingdifficulties, and brave without a fault. Soon after the defeat andcapture of his father he joined the American troops and served underGeneral Horry. One day General Horry asked him why he had entered theservice of the patriots. In substance he made the following reply:

"Immediately on the misfortune of my father and his friends at the GreatBridge, I fell to thinking what could be the cause; and then it struckme that it must have been owing to their own monstrous ingratitude. 'Here now, ' said I to myself, 'is a parcel of people, meaning my poorfather and his friends, who fled from the murderous swords of theEnglish after the massacre at Culloden. Well, they came to America, withhardly anything but their poverty and mournful looks. But among thisfriendly people that was enough. Every eye that saw us, had pity; andevery hand was reached out to assist. They received us in their housesas though we had been their own unfortunate brothers. They kindled hightheir hospitable fires for us, and spread their feasts, and bid us eatand drink and banish our sorrows, for that we were in a land offriends. And so indeed, we found it; for whenever we told of the woefulbattle of Culloden, and how the English gave no quarter to ourunfortunate countrymen, but butchered all they could overtake, thesegenerous people often gave us their tears, and said, O! that we had beenthere to aid with our rifles, then should many of these monsters havebit the ground. ' They received us into the bosoms of their peacefulforests, and gave us their lands and their beauteous daughters inmarriage, and we became rich. And yet, after all, soon as the Englishcame to America, to murder this innocent people, merely for refusing tobe their slaves, then my father and friends, forgetting all that theAmericans had done for them, went and joined the British, to assist themto cut the throats of their best friends! Now, ' said I to myself, 'ifever there was a time for God to stand up to punish ingratitude, thiswas the time. ' And God did stand up; for he enabled the Americans todefeat my father and his friends most completely. But, instead ofmurdering the prisoners as the English had done at Culloden, theytreated us with their usual generosity. And now these are the people Ilove and will fight for as long as I live. "

The first notice given of the sergeant was the trick which he played ona royalist. As soon as he heard that Colonel Tarleton was encamped atMonk's Corner, he went the next morning to a wealthy old royalist ofthat neighborhood, and passing himself for a sergeant in the Britishcorps, presented Colonel Tarleton's compliments with the request that hewould send him one of his best horses for a charger, and that he shouldnot lose by the gift. 

"Send him one of my finest horses!" cried the old traitor with eyessparkling with joy. "Yes, Mr. Sergeant, that I will, by gad! and wouldsend him one of my finest daughters too, had he but said the word. Agood friend of the king, did he call me, Mr. Sergeant? yes, God save hissacred majesty, a good friend I am indeed, and a true. And, faith, I amglad too, Mr. Sergeant, that colonel knows it. Send him a charger todrive the rebels, hey? Yes, egad will I send him one, and as proper aone too as ever a soldier straddled. Dick! Dick! I say you Dick!"

"Here, massa, here! here Dick!"

"Oh, you plaguey dog! so I must always split my throat with bawling, before I can get you to answer hey?"

"High, massa, sure Dick always answer when he hear massa hallo!"

"You do, you villain, do you? Well then run! jump, fly, you rascal, flyto the stable, and bring me out Selim, my young Selim! do you hear? youvillain, do you hear?"

"Yes, massa, be sure!"

Then turning to the sergeant he went on:

"Well, Mr. Sergeant, you have made me confounded glad this morning, youmay depend. And now suppose you take a glass of peach; of good oldpeach, Mr. Sergeant? do you think it would do you any harm?"

"Why, they say it is good of a rainy morning, sir, " replied thesergeant. 

"O yes, famous of a rainy morning, Mr. Sergeant! a mighty antifogmatic. It prevents you the ague, Mr. Sergeant; and clears a man's throat of thecobwebs, sir. "

"God bless your honor!" said the sergeant as he turned off a bumper. 

Scarcely had this conversation passed when Dick paraded Selim; a proud, full-blooded, stately steed, that stepped as though he were too lofty towalk upon the earth. Here the old man brightening up, broke out again:

"Aye! there, Mr. Sergeant, there is a horse for you! isn't he, my boy?"

"Faith, a noble animal, sir, " replied the sergeant. 

"Yes, egad! a noble animal indeed; a charger for a king, Mr. Sergeant!Well, my compliments to Colonel Tarleton; tell him I've sent him ahorse, my young Selim, my grand Turk, do you hear, my son of thunder?And say to the colonel that I don't grudge him either, for egad! he'stoo noble for me, Mr. Sergeant. I've no work that's fit for him, sir; nosir, if there's any work in all this country that's good enough for himbut just that which he is now going on; the driving the rebels out ofthe land. "

He had Selim caparisoned with his elegant new saddle and holsters, withhis silver-mounted pistols. Then giving Sergeant Macdonald a warmbreakfast, and loaning him his great coat, he sent him off, with thepromise that he would, the next morning, come and see how ColonelTarleton was pleased with Selim. Accordingly he waited on the Englishcolonel, told him his name with a smiling countenance; but, to hismortification received no special notice. After partially recoveringfrom his embarrassment he asked Colonel Tarleton how he liked hischarger. 

"Charger, sir?" said the colonel. 

"Yes, sir, the elegant horse I sent you yesterday. "

"The elegant horse you sent me, sir?"

"Yes, sir, and by your sergeant, sir, as he called himself. "

"An elegant horse! and by my sergeant? Why really, sir, I-I-I don'tunderstand all this. "

"Why, my dear, good sir, did you not send a sergeant yesterday with yourcompliments to me, and a request that I would send you my very besthorse for a charger, which I did?"

"No, sir, never!" replied the colonel; "I never sent a sergeant on anysuch errand. Nor till this moment did I ever know that there existed onearth such a being as you. "

The old man turned black in the face; he shook throughout; and as soonas he could recover breath and power of speech, he broke out into atorrent of curses, enough to make one shudder at his blasphemy. Nor wasColonel Tarleton much behind him when he learned what a valuable animalhad slipped through his hands. 

When Sergeant Macdonald was asked how he could reconcile the taking ofthe horse he replied:

"Why, sir, as to that matter, people will think differently; but for mypart I hold that all is fair in war; and besides, sir, if I had nottaken him Colonel Tarleton, no doubt, would have got him. And then, withsuch a swift strong charger as this he might do us as much harm as Ihope to do to them. "

Harm he did with a vengeance; for he had no sense of fear; and forstrength he could easily drive his sword through cap and skull of anenemy with irresistible force. He was fond of Selim, and kept him to thetop of his metal; Selim was not much his debtor; for, at the firstglimpse of a red-coat, he would paw, and champ his iron bit with rage;and the moment of command, he was off among them like a thunderbolt. Thegallant Highlander never stopped to count the number, but would dashinto the thickest of the fight, and fall to hewing and cutting down likean uncontrollable giant. 

General Horry, when lamenting the death of his favorite sergeant saidthat the first time he saw him fight was when the British heldGeorgetown; and with the sergeant the two set out alone to reconnoitre. The two concealed themselves in a clump of pines near the road, with theenemy's lines in full view. About sunrise five dragoons left the townand dashed up the road towards the place where the heroes wereconcealed. The face of Sergeant Macdonald kindled up with the joy ofbattle. "Zounds, Macdonald, " said General Horry, "here's an odds againstus, five to two. " "By my soul now captain, " he replied, "and let 'emcome on. Three are welcome to the sword of Macdonald. " When the dragoonswere fairly opposite, the two, with drawn sabres broke in upon them likea tornado. The panic was complete; two were immediately overthrown, andthe remaining three wheeled about and dashed for the town, applying thewhip and spur to their steeds. The sergeant mounted upon theswift-footed Selim out-distanced his companion, and single-handed cutdown two of the foe. The remaining one would have met a like fate hadnot the guns of the fort protected him. Although quickly pursued by therelief, the sergeant had the address to bring off an elegant horse ofone of the dragoons whom he had killed. 

A day or two after the victory of General Marion over Colonel Tynes, near the Black river, General Horry took Captain Baxter, LieutenantPostell and Sergeant Macdonald, with thirty privates, to see if someadvantage could not be gained over the enemy near the lines ofGeorgetown. While partaking of a meal at the house of a planter, aBritish troop attempted to surprise them. The party leaped to theirsaddles and were soon in hot pursuit of the foe. While all wereexcellently mounted, yet no horse could keep pace with Selim. He was thehindmost when the race began, but with widespread nostrils, longextended neck, and glaring eyeballs, he seemed to fly over the course. Coming up with the enemy Sergeant Macdonald drew his claymore, andrising on his stirrups, with high-uplifted arm, he waved it three timesin circles over his head, and then with terrific force brought it downupon the fleeing dragoon. One of the British officers snapped his pistolat him, but before he could try another the sergeant cut him down. Immediately after, at a blow apiece, three more dragoons were brought tothe earth by the resistless claymore. Of the twenty-five, not a manescaped, save one officer, who struck off at right angles, for a swamp, which he gained, and so cleared himself. So frightened was CaptainMeriot, the British officer, that his hair, from a bright auburn, before night, had turned gray. 

[Illustration: SERGEANT MACDONALD AND COLONEL GAINEY. ]

On the following day General Horry encountered one third of ColonelGainey's men, and in the encounter the latter lost one half his men whowere in the action. In the conflict, as usual the sergeant performedprodigies of valor. Later in the day Colonel Gainey's regiment againcommenced the attack, when Sergeant Macdonald made a dash for theleader, in full confidence of getting a gallant charger. Colonel Gaineyproved to have been well mounted; but the sergeant, regarding but theone enemy passed all others. He afterwards said he could have slainseveral in the charge, but wished for no meaner object than theirleader. Only one, who threw himself in the way, became his victim, whomhe shot down as they went at full speed along the Black river road. Whenthey reached the corner of Richmond fence, the sergeant had gained sofar upon his enemy, as to be able to plunge his bayonet into his back. The steel parted from the gun, and, with no time to extricate it, Colonel Gainey rushed into Georgetown, with the weapon stillconspicuously showing how close and eager had been the charge, and hownarrow the escape. The wound was not fatal. 

On another occasion General Marion ordered Captain Withers to takeSergeant Macdonald, with four volunteers, and search out the intentionsof the enemy in Georgetown. On the way they stopped at a wayside houseand drank too much brandy. Sergeant Macdonald, feeling the effects ofthe potion, with a red face, reined up Selim, and drawing his claymore, began to pitch and prance about, cutting and slashing the empty air, andcried out, "Huzza, boys! let's charge!" Then clapping spurs to theirsteeds these six men, huzzaing and flourishing their swords, charged atfull tilt into a town garrisoned by three hundred British. The enemysupposing this was the advance guard of General Marion, fled to theirredoubts; but all were not fortunate enough to reach that haven, forseveral were overtaken and cut down in the streets, among whom was asergeant-major, who fell from a back-handed stroke of a claymore dealtby Sergeant Macdonald. Out of the town the young men galloped withoutreceiving any injury. 

Not long after the above incident, the sergeant, as usual employinghimself in watching the movements of the British, climbed up into abushy tree, and thence, with a musket loaded with pistol bullets, firedat the guard as they passed by; of whom he killed one man and badlywounded Lieutenant Torquano; then sliding down the tree, mounted Selim, and was soon out of harm's was. Repassing the Black river he left hisclothes behind him, which were seized by the enemy. He sent word toColonel Watson if he did not immediately send back his clothes, he wouldkill eight of his men to compensate for them. He felt it was a point ofhonor that he should recover his clothes. Colonel Watson greatlyirritated by a late defeat, was furious at the audacious message. Hecontemptuously ordered the messenger to return; but some of hisofficers, aware of the character of the sergeant, urged that theclothes might be returned to the partisan, as he would positively keephis word. Colonel Watson yielded, and when the messenger returned to thesergeant, he said, "You may now tell Colonel Watson that I will kill butfour of his men. "

The last relation of Sergeant Macdonald, as given by General PeterHorry, is in reference to Captains Snipes and McCauley, with thesergeant and forty men, having surprised and cut to pieces a large partyof the enemy near Charleston. 

Sergeant Macdonald did not live to reap the fruit of his labors, or evento see his country free. He was killed at the siege of Fort Motte, May12, 1781. In this fort was stationed a British garrison of one hundredand fifty men under Captain McPherson, which had been reinforced by asmall force of dragoons sent from Charleston with dispatches for lordRawdon. General Marion, with the assistance of Colonel Henry Lee, laidsiege to the fortress, which was compelled to surrender, owing to theburning of the mansion in the center of the works. Mrs. Rebecca Motte, the lady that owned the mansion, furnished the bow and arrows used tocarry the fire to the roof of the building. Nathan Savage, a private inthe ranks of General Marion's men, winged the arrow with the lightedtorch. The British did not lose a man, and General Marion lost two ofhis bravest, --Lieutenant Cruger and Sergeant Macdonald. His restingplace is unknown. No monument has been erected to his memory; but hisname will endure so long as men shall pay respect to heroism anddevotion to country. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 178: Spark's Washington's Writings, Vol. III, p. 62. ]

[Footnote 179: _Ibid_, Vol. IV, p. 430. ]

[Footnote 180: _Ibid_, Vol. IX, p. 186. ]

[Footnote 181: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 85. ]

[Footnote 182: _Ibid_, Vol. V, p. 361. ]

[Footnote 183: Notes on the North-Western Territory, p. 378]

APPENDIX. 

Since the publication of "Scotch Highlanders in America, " I have securedthe following complete list of the officers of the 2nd Battalion of the84th or Royal Highland Emigrant Regiment, from hon. Aeneas A. MacDonald, Charlottetown, Prince Edward Island. He also has a complete list of theenlisted men. The original document is in private hands in St. John, N. B. 

LIST OF OFFICERS OF 2ND BATTALION OF ROYAL HIGHLAND EMIGRANTS. 

Muster of January 21st, 1778, at Halifax 2nd Battalion of His Majesty'sYoung Royal Highland Regiment of Foot whereof the Honble Lieut. Genl. Thomas Gage is Colonel in Chief. 

_1st Company_, Major Commandant, John Small, Commissioned June 13th, 1715, and April 8th, 1777; Captain Lieutenant, John MacLean, Commissioned April 9th, 1776; Ensign, Lauchlan McQuarrie, CommissionedApril 9th, 1776; Chaplain, Revd Alexr McKenzie, Commissioned July 12th, 1776, Absent by leave, Revd Doctr Brinston officiating; Adjutant, HectorMacLean, Commissioned April 25th, 1776; Quarter Master, Angus Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Surgeon, George Fr. Boyd, Commissioned May8th, 1776; Surgeon's Mate, Donald Cameron, Commissioned Oct 25th, 1776. 3 Sergeants 3 Corporals 2 Drummers and 46 Privates. 

_2nd Company_, Captain, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775:Lieutenant, Gerald Fitzgerald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Onrecruiting service in Newfoundland; Ensign, Kenneth Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and 38Privates. 

_3rd Company_, Captain, Duncan Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;Lieutenant, Thomas Lunden, Commissioned June 14th, 1775; Ensign, ChristrSeaton, Commissioned April 9th, 1777. 8 non-commissioned officers and 48Privates. 

_4th Company_, Captain, Ronald McKinnon, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;Lieutenants, Robert Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, and JamesMcDonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8 non-commissioned officers and50 Privates. 

_5th Company_, Captain, Alexr Campbell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Absent on Comr in Chief's leave; Lieutenant, Samuel Bliss, CommissionedJune 14th, 1775; Ensign, Joseph Hawkins, Commissioned Decr 25th, 1775. 8non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates. 

_6th or Grenadier Company_, Captain, Murdoch McLaine, Commissioned June14th, 1775, Recruiting; Lieutenants, Lauchlin McLaine, Commissioned June14th, 1775, Charles McDonald, Commissioned May 18th, 1776. 8non-commissioned officers and 50 Privates. 

_7th Company_, Captain, Neil McLean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Serving with the Army in Canada and under orders to join; Lieutenant, Hugh Frazier, Commissioned Feby 27th, 1776, Prisoner with the Rebels;Ensign, John Macdonald, Commissioned Octr 7th, 1776. 8 non-commissionedofficers and 32 Privates. 

_8th Company_, Captain, Allen Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with Rebels; Lieutenant, Alexr Macdonald, Commissioned June14th, 1775, Prisoner with Rebels; Ensign, Alexr Maclean, CommissionedDecr 25th, 1776. 8 non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates. 

_9th Company_, Captain, John Macdonald, Commissioned June 14th, 1775;Lieutenant, Alexr McDonell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner withthe Rebels; Ensign, James Robertson, Commissioned Oct 30th, 1776. 8non-commissioned officers and 34 Privates. 

_10th Company_, Captain, Allan Macdonnell, Commissioned June 14th, 1775, Prisoner with the Rebels; Lieutenant, John Macdonnell, Major GenlMassey's leave; Ensign, Hector Maclean, Commissioned June 14th, 1775. 8non-commissioned officers and 40 Privates. 

At this Muster the 3rd or Captain Duncan Campbell's Company and the 5thor Captain Alexr Campbell's Company could not have been present as theMuster Rolls of these Companies, while containing the list of Officersand Men, are not completed and not signed by the officers or by theDeputy Officer taking the Muster. The 5th Company was in Newfoundland atthe time and the 3rd probably there also. 

At a Muster of the Regiment held at Halifax on 2nd of September 1778 theRegiment appears as His Majesty's Royal Highland Regiment of Emigrants. 

APPENDIX. 

NOTE A. 

FIRST EMIGRANTS TO AMERICA. 

Parties bearing Highland names were in America and the West Indiesduring the seventeenth century, none of whom may have been born north ofthe Grampians. The records fail to give us the details. It has beennoted that on May 15, 1635, Henri Donaldson left London for Virginia onthe Plaine Joan, the master of which was Richard Buckam. On May 28, 1635, Melaskus McKay was transported from the same port and to the sameplace, on board the Speedwell, Jo. Chappell, master. Dowgall Campbelland his wife Mary were living in Barbadoes, September 1678, as was alsoPatric Campel, in August 1679. Malcum Fraser was physician on board theBetty, that carried seventy-five "convicted rebells, " one of whom was awoman, in 1685, sailed from Port Weymouth for the Barbadoes, and theresold into slavery. Many persons by name of Morgan also left variousEnglish ports during that century, but as they occur in conjunction withthat of Welsh names it is probable they were from the same country. 

NOTE B. 

LETTER OF DONALD MACPHERSON. 

Communication between the two countries was difficult and uncertain, which would inevitably, in a short time, stop friendly correspondence. More or less effort was made to keep up old friendships. The friends inthe New World did not leave behind them their love for the Highlands, for home, for father and mother. The following curious letter has beenpreserved from Donald MacPherson, a young Highland lad, who had beensent to Virginia with Captain Toline, and was born near the house ofCulloden where his father lived, and addressed to him. It was writtenabout 1727:

 "Portobago in Marilante, 2 June, 17--. Teer Lofen Kynt Fater:

Dis is te lat ye ken, dat I am in quid healt, plessed be Got for dat, houpin te here de lyk frae yu, as I am yer nane sin, I wad a bine illleart gin I had na latten yu ken tis, be kaptin Rogirs skep dat geangste Innernes, per cunnan I dinna ket sika anither apertunti dis towmenagen. De skep dat I kam in was a lang tym o de see cumin oure heir, butplissis pi Got for a'ting wi a kepit our heels unco weel, pat ShonieMagwillivray dat hat ay sair heet. Dere was saxty o's a'kame inte tequintry hel a lit an lim an nane o's a'dyit pat Shonie Magwillivray anan otter Ross lad dat kam oure wi's an mai pi dem twa wad a dyit ginteyhed bitten at hame. Pi mi fait I kanna kamplin for kumin te dis quintry, for mestir Nicols, Lort pliss hem, pat mi till a pra mestir, dey ca himShon Bayne, an hi lifes in Marylant in te rifer Potomak, he nifer gartmi wark ony ting pat fat I lykit mi sel: de meast o a' mi wark iswaterin a pra stennt hors, and pringin wyn an pread ut o de seller te mimestir's tebil. Sin efer I kam til him I nefer wantit a pottle o petterele nor isi m a' Shon Glass hous, for I ay set toun wi de pairns tedennir. Mi mestir seys til mi, fan I kon speek lyk de fouk hier dat Isanna pe pidden di nating pat gar his plackimors wurk, for de fyt foukdinna ise te wurk pat te first yeer aftir dey kum in te de quintry. Teyspeek a' lyk de sogers in Inerness. Lofen fater, fan de sarvants hier hedeen wi der mestirs, dey grou unco rich, an its ne wonter for day mak ahantil o tombako; and des sivites anahels and de sheries an de piresgrou in de wuds wantin tyks apout dem, De Swynes te ducks and durkiesgeangs en de wuds wantin mestirs. De tombako grous shust lyk de dockinsen de bak o de lairts yart an de skeps dey kum fra ilka place an bys deman gies a hantel o silder an gier for dem. Mi nane mestir kam til dequintry a sarfant an weil I wot hi's nou wort mony a susan punt. Fait yemey pelive mi de pirest plantir hire lifes amost as weil as de lairt oCollottin. Mai pi fan mi tim is ut I wel kom hem an sie yu pat not forde fust nor de neest yeir til I gater somtig o mi nane, for I fan I hadun wi mi mestir, hi maun gi mi a plantashon te set mi up, its dequistium hier in dis quintry; an syn I houp te gar yu trink wyn insteato tippeni in Innerness. I wis I hat kum our hier twa or tri yiers seenernor I dit, syn I wad ha kum de seener hame, pat Got bi tanket dat I kamsa seen as I dit. Gin yu koud sen mi owr be ony o yur Innesness skeps, ony ting te mi, an it war as muckle clays as mak a quelt it wad, mey pi, gar mi meistir tink te mere o mi. It's tru I ket clays eneu fe him batout ting fe yu wad luck weel an pony, an ant plese Got gin I life, I salpey yu pack agen. Lofen fater, de man dat wryts dis letir for mi is vanShames Macheyne, hi lifes shust a myl fe mi, hi hes pin unko kyn te misin efer I kam te de quintrie. Hi wes porn en Petic an kom our a sarfantfe Klesgou an hes peen hes nane man twa yeirs, an has sax plockimorswurkin til hem alrety makin tombako ilka tay. Heil win hem, shortly ana' te geir dat he hes wun hier an py a lerts kip at hem. Luck dat yuduina forket te vryt til mi ay, fan yu ket ony occashion: Got Almichteplis yu Fater an a de leve o de hous, for I hana forkoten nane o yu, nordinna yu forket mi, for plise Got I sal kum hem wi gier eneuch te di yua' an mi nane sel guid. I weit yu will be veri vokie, fan yu sii yurnane sins fesh agen, for I heive leirt a hautle hevens sin I sau yu an Iam unco buick leirt. 

 A tis fe yur lofen an Opetient Sin, Tonal Mackaferson. 

Directed--For Shames Mackaferson neir te Lairt o Collottin's hous, neirInnerness en de Nort o Skotlan. "[184]

NOTE C. 

EMIGRATION DURING THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 

The emigration from the Highlands to America was so pronounced that theScottish papers, notably the "Edinburgh Evening Courant, " the"Caledonian Mercury, " and the "Scots Magazine, " made frequent referenceand bemoan its prevalence. It was even felt in London, for the"Gentleman's Magazine" was also forced to record it. While all thesedetails may not be of great interest, yet to obtain a fair idea of thismovement, some record will be of service. 

The "Scots Magazine, " for September 1769, records that the ship Mollysailed from Islay on August 21st of that year full of passengers tosettle in North Carolina; which was the third emigration from Argyle"since the close of the late war. " A subsequent issue of the same paperstates that fifty-four vessels full of emigrants from the WesternIslands and other parts of the Highlands sailed for North Carolina, between April and July 1770, conveying twelve hundred emigrants. Earlyin 1771, according to the "Scots Magazine, " there were five hundredemigrants from Islay, and the adjacent Islands, preparing to sail in thefollowing summer for America "under the conduct of a gentleman of wealthand merit whose predecessors resided in Islay for many centuries past. "The paper farther notes that "there is a large colony of the mostwealthy and substantial people in Skye making ready to follow theexample of the Argathelians in going to the fertile and cheap lands onthe other side of the Atlantic ocean. It is to be dreaded that thesemigrations will prove hurtful to the mother country; and therefore itsfriends ought to use every proper method to prevent them. " These Skyemen to the number of three hundred and seventy, in due time left forAmerica. The September issue states that "several of them are people ofproperty who intend making purchases of land in America. The late greatrise of the rents in the Western Islands of Scotland is said to be thereason of this emigration. "

The "Scots Magazine" states that the ship Adventure sailed from LochErribol, Sunday August 17, 1772, with upwards of two hundred emigrantsfrom Sutherlandshire for North Carolina. There were several emigrationsfrom Sutherlandshire that year. In June eight families arrived inGreenock, and two other contingents--one of one hundred and the other ofninety souls--were making their way to the same place en route toAmerica. The cause of this emigration they assign to be want of themeans of livelihood at home, through the opulent graziers engrossing thefarms, and turning them into pasture. Several contributions have beenmade for these poor people in towns through which they passed. 

During the year 1773, emigrants from all parts of the Highlands sailedfor America. The "Courant" of April 3, 1773, reports that "the unluckyspirit of emigration" had not diminished, and that several of theinhabitants of Skye, Lewis, and other places were preparing to emigrateto America during the coming summer "and seek for the sustenance abroadwhich they allege they cannot find at home. " In its issue for July 3, 1773, the same paper states that eight hundred people from Skye werethen preparing to go to North Carolina and that they had engaged avessel at Greenock to carry them across the Atlantic. In the issue ofthe same paper for September 15th, same year, appears the gloomystatement that the people of Badenoch and Lochaber were in "a mostpitiful situation for want of meal. They were reduced to live on bloodwhich they draw from their cattle by repeated bleedings. Need we wonderto hear of emigrations from such a country. " On September 1, 1773, according to the "Courant, " a ship sailed from Fort William for Americawith four hundred and twenty-five men, women, and children, all fromKnoydart, Lochaber, Appin, Mamore, and Fort William. "They were thefinest set of fellows in the Highlands. It is allowed they carried atleast £6000 sterling in ready cash with them; so that by thisemigration the country is not only deprived of its men, but likewise ofits wealth. The extravagant rents started by the landlords is the solecause given for this spirit of emigration which seems to be only in itsinfancy. " On September 29, 1773, the "Courant, " after stating that therewere from eight to ten vessels chartered to convey Highland emigrantsduring that season across the Atlantic, adds: "Eight hundred and fortypeople sailed from Lewis in July. Alarmed with this Lord Fortrose, theirmaster, came down from London about five weeks ago to treat with theremainder of his tenants. What are the terms they asked of him, thinkyou? 'The land at the old rents; the augmentation paid for three yearsbackward to be refunded; and his factor to be immediately dismissed. '"The "Courant" added that unless these terms were conceded the island ofLewis would soon be an uninhabited waste. Notwithstanding the visit oflord Fortrose, emigration went on. The ship Neptune with one hundred andfifty emigrants from Lewis arrived in New York on August 23, 1773; and, according to the "Scots Magazine, " between seven hundred and eighthundred emigrants sailed from Stornoway for America on June 23rd, of thesame year. 

The "Courant" for September 25, 1773, in a communication from Dornoch, states that on the 10th of that month there sailed from Dornoch Firth, the ship Nancy, with two hundred and fifty emigrants fromSutherlandshire for New York. The freight exceeded 650 guineas. In theprevious year a ship from Sutherlandshire paid a freight of 650 guineas. 

In October 1773, three vessels with seven hundred and seventy-fiveemigrants from Moray, Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness, sailed fromStromness for America. 

The "Courant" for November 10, 1773, records that fifteen hundred peoplehad left the county of Sutherland for America within the two precedingyears. The passage money cost £3 10s each, and it was computed that onan average every emigrant brought £4 with him. "This amounts to £7500, which exceeds a year's rent of the whole county. "

The "Gentleman's Magazine" for June 30, 1775, states that "four vessels, containing about seven hundred emigrants, have sailed for America fromPort Glasgow and Greenock, in the course of the present month, most ofthem from the north Highlands. " The same journal for September 23rd, same year, says, "The ship Jupiter from Dunstaffnage Bay, with twohundred emigrants on board, chiefly from Argyleshire, set sail for NorthCarolina. They declare the oppressions of their landlords are such thatthey can no longer submit to them. "

The perils of the sea did not deter them. Tales of suffering must havebeen heard in the glens. Some idea of these sufferings and what theemigrants were sometimes called upon to endure may be inferred from thefollowing:

"In December (1773), a brig from Dornock, in Scotland, arrived at NewYork, with about 200 passengers, and lost about 100 on thepassage. "[185]

NOTE D. 

APPEAL TO THE HIGHLANDERS LATELY ARRIVED FROM SCOTLAND. 

 Williamsburgh, November 23, 1775. 

"FRIENDS AND COUNTRYMEN:--A native of the same island, and on the sameside of the Tweed with yourselves, begs, for a few moments, your seriousattention. A regard for your happiness, and the security of yourposterity, are the only motives that could have induced me to occupyyour time by an epistolary exhortation. How far I may fall short of theobject I have thus in view, becomes me not to surmise. The same claim, however, has he to praise (though, perhaps, never equally rewarded) whoendeavors to do good, as he who has the happiness to effect his purpose. I hope, therefore, no views of acquiring popular fame, no partial orcircumstantial motives, will be attributed to me for this attempt. Ifthis, however, should be the case, I have the consolation to know that Iam not the first, of many thousands, who have been censured unjustly. 

I have been lately told that our Provincial Congress have appointed aCommittee to confer with you, respecting the differences which atpresent subsist between Great Britain and her American Colonies; thatthey wish to make you their friends, and treat with you for thatpurpose; to convince you, by facts and argumentation, that it isnecessary that every inhabitant of this Colony should concur in suchmeasures as may, through the aid of a superintending Providence, removethose evils under which this Continent is at present depressed. 

The substance of the present contest, as far as my abilities serve me tocomprehend it, is, simply, whether the Parliament of Great Britain shallhave the liberty to take away your property without your consent. Itseems clear and obvious to me that it is wrong and dangerous they shouldhave such a power; and that if they are able to carry this intoexecution, no man in this Country has any property which he may safelycall his own. Adding to the absurdity of a people's being taxed by abody of men at least three thousand miles distant, we need only observethat their views and sentiments are opposite to ours, their manners ofliving so different that nothing but confusion, injustice, andoppression could possibly attend it. If ever we are justly andrighteously taxed, it must be by a set of men who, living amongst us, have an interest in the soil, and who are amenable to us for all theirtransactions. 

It was not to become slaves you forsook your native shores. Nothingcould have buoyed you up against the prepossessions of nature and ofcustom, but a desire to fly from tyranny and oppression. Here you founda Country with open arms ready to receive you; no persecuting landlordto torment you; none of your property exacted from you to support courtfavorites and dependants. Under these circumstances, your virtue andyour interest were equally securities for the uprightness of yourconduct; yet, independent of these motives, inducements are not wantingto attach you to the cause of liberty. No people are better qualifiedthan you, to ascertain the value of freedom. They only can know itsintrinsick worth who have had the misery of being deprived of it. 

From the clemency of the English Nation you have little to expect; fromthe King and his Ministers still less. You and your forefathers havefatally experienced the malignant barbarity of a despotick court. Youcannot have forgot the wanton acts of unparalleled cruelty committedduring the reign of Charles II. Mercy and justice were then strangers toyour land, and your countrymen found but in the dust a sanctuary fromtheir distresses. The cries of age, and the concessions of youth, wereuttered but to be disregarded; and equally with and without theformalities of law, were thousands of the innocent and deserving usheredto an untimely grave. The cruel and unmerited usage given to the Duke ofArgyle, in that reign, cannot be justified or excused. No language canpaint the horrors of this transaction; description falters on her way, and, lost in the labyrinth of sympathy and wo, is unable to perform theduties of her function. This unhappy nobleman had always professedhimself an advocate for the Government under which he lived, and afriend to the reigning monarch. Whenever he deviated from theseprinciples, it must have been owing to the strong impulses of honor, andthe regard he bore to the rights of his fellow-creatures. 'It wereendless, as well as shocking, (says an elegant writer, ) to enumerate allthe instances of persecution, or, in other words, of absurd tyranny, which at this time prevailed in Scotland. Even women were thought properobjects on whom they might exercise their ferocious and wantondispositions; and three of that sex, for refusing to sign some testdrawn up by tools of Administration, were devoted, without the solemnityof a trial, to a lingering and painful death. '

I wish, for the sake of humanity in general and the royal family inparticular, that I could throw a veil over the conduct of the Duke ofCumberland after the last rebellion. The indiscriminate punishmentswhich he held out equally to the innocent and the guilty, are facts ofnotoriety much to be lamented. The intention may possibly, in somemeasure, excuse, though nothing can justify the barbarity of themeasure. 

Let us, then, my countrymen, place our chief dependence on our virtue, and, by opposing the standard of despotism on its first appearance, secure ourselves against those acts in which a contrary conduct willundoubtedly plunge us. I will venture to say, that there is no Americanso unreasonable as even to wish you to take the field against yourfriends from the other side of the Atlantick. All they expect or desirefrom you is, to remain neutral, and to contribute your proportion of theexpenses of the war. This will be sufficient testimony of yourattachment to the cause they espouse. As you participate of theblessings of the soil, it is but reasonable that you should bear aproportionate part of the disadvantages attending it. 

To the virtuous and deserving among the Americans, nothing can be moredisagreeable than national reflections; they are, and must be, in theeyes of every judicious man, odious and contemptible, and bespeak anarrowness of soul which the virtuous are strangers to. Let not, then, any disrespectful epithets which the vulgar and illiterate may throwout, prejudice you against them; and endeavor to observe this generalrule, dictated at least by humanity, 'that he is a good man who isengaged in a good cause. '

Your enemies have said you are friends to absolute monarchy anddespotism, and that you have offered yourselves as tools in the hands ofAdministration, to rivet the chains forging for your brethren inAmerica. I hope and think my knowledge of you authorizes the assertionthat you are friends to liberty, and the natural and avowed enemies oftyranny and usurpation. All of you, I doubt not, came into the Countrywith a determined resolution of finishing here your days; nor dare Idoubt but that, fired with the best and noblest species of humanemulation, you would wish to transmit to the rising generation that bestof all patrimonies, the legacy of freedom. 

Private views, and offers of immediate reward, can only operate on baseand unmanly minds. That soul in which the love of liberty ever dweltmust reject, with honest indignation, every idea of preferment, foundedon the ruins of a virtuous and deserving people. I would have you lookup to the Constitution of Britain as the best and surest safeguard toyour liberties. Whenever an attempt is made to violate its fundamentalprinciples, every effort becomes laudable which may tend to preserve itsnatural purity and perfection. 

The warmest advocates for Administration have candor sufficient to admitthat the people of Great Britain have no right to tax America. If theyhave not, for what are they contending? It will, perhaps, be answered, for the dignity of Government. Happy would it be for those who advancethis doctrine to consider, that there is more real greatness and genuinemagnanimity in acknowledging an error, than in persisting in it. Miserable must that state be, whose rulers, rather than give up a littlepunctilio, would endanger the lives of thousands of its subjects in aquarrel, the injustice and impropriety of which is universallyacknowledged. If the Americans wish for anything more than is set forthin the address of the last Congress to the King and people of GreatBritain--if independence is their aim--by removing their realgrievances, their artificial ones (if any they should avow) will soonappear, and with them will their cause be deserted by every friend tolimited monarchy, and by every well-wisher to the interests of America. I have endeavored, in this uncultivated home-spun essay, to avoidprolixity as much as possibly I could. I have aimed at no flowers ofspeech, no touches of rhetorick, which are too often made use of toamuse, and not to instruct or persuade the understanding. I have noviews but your good, and the credit of the Country from whence you came. 

In case Government should prevail, and be able to tax America withoutthe least show of representation, it would be to me a painful reflectionto think, that the children of the land to which I owe my existence, should have been the cause of plunging millions into perpetual bondage. 

If we cannot be of service to the cause, let us not be an injury to it. Let us view this Continent as a country marked out by the great God ofnature as a receptacle for distress, and where the industrious andvirtuous may range in the fields of freedom, happy under their own figtrees, freed from a swarm of petty tyrants, who disgrace countries themost polished and civilized, and who more particularly infest thatregion from whence you

Scotius Americanus. "[186]

NOTE E. 

INGRATITUDE OF THE HIGHLANDERS. 

"Brigadier-General Donald McDonald was in rebellion in the year 1745, against his lawful sovereign, and headed many of the same clan and name, who are now his followers. These emigrants, from the charity andbenevolence of the Assembly of North-Carolina, received large pecuniarycontributions, and, to encourage them in making their settlements, wereexempted from the payment of taxes for several years. It is a fact, thatnumbers of that ungrateful people, who have been lately in arms, whenthey arrived in Carolina, were without the necessaries of life--theirpassage even paid by the charitable contributions of the inhabitants. They have since, under every encouragement that the Province ofNorth-Carolina could afford them, acquired fortunes very rapidly, andthus they requite their benefactor. --Virginia Gazette. "[187]

NOTE F. 

WERE THE HIGHLANDERS FAITHFUL TO THEIR OATH TAKEN BY THE AMERICANS?

General David Stewart, the faithful and admiring historian of theHighlanders, makes the following strange statements that needcorrection, especially in the view that the Highlander had a very highregard for his oath: After the battle of Guilford Court House "theBritish retired southward in the direction of Cross Creek, the Americansfollowing close in the rear; but nothing of consequence occurred. CrossCreek, a settlement of emigrant Highlanders, had been remarkable for itsloyalty from the commencement of the war, and they now offered to bring1, 500 men into the field, to be commanded by officers from the line, tofind clothing and subsistence for themselves, and to perform all dutieswhether in front, flanks, or rear; and they required nothing but armsand ammunition. This very reasonable offer was not received, but aproposition was made to form them into what was called a provincialcorps of the line. This was declined by the emigrant Highlanders, andafter a negotiation of twelve days, they retired to their settlements, and the army marched for Wilmington, where they expected to findsupplies, of which they now stood in great need. 

There was among these settlers a gentleman of the name of Macneil, whohad been an officer in the Seven Years' War. He joined the army withseveral followers, but soon took his leave, having been rather sharplyreprimanded for his treatment of a republican family. He was a man oftall stature, and commanding aspect, and moved, when he walked among hisfollowers, with all the dignity of a chieftain of old. Retaining hisloyalty, although offended with the reprimand, he offered to surprisethe republican garrison, the governor, and council, assembled atWillisborough. He had three hundred followers, one-half of them oldcountry Highlanders, the other half born in America, and the off-springof Highlanders. The enterprise was conducted with address, and thegovernor, council, and garrison, were secured without bloodshed, andimmediately marched off for Wilmington, Macneil and his party travellingby night, and concealing themselves in swamps and woods by day. However, the country was alarmed, and a hostile force collected. He proceeded inzig-zag directions, for he had a perfect knowledge of the country, butwithout any provisions except what chance threw in his way. When he hadadvanced two-thirds of the route, he found the enemy occupying a passwhich he must open by the sword, or perish in the swamps for want offood. At this time he had more prisoners to guard than followers. 'Hedid not secure his prisoners by putting them to death;' but, leavingthem under a guard of half his force on whom he could least depend, hecharged with the others sword in hand through the pass, and cleared itof the enemy, but was unfortunately killed from too great ardor in thepursuit. The enemy being dispersed, the party continued their marchdisconsolate for the loss of their leader; but their opponents againassembled in force, and the party were obliged to take refuge in theswamps, still retaining their prisoners. The British commander atWilmington, hearing of Macneil's enterprise, marched out to his support, and kept firing cannon, in expectation the report would reach them inthe swamps. The party heard the reports, and knowing that the Americanshad no artillery, they ventured out of the swamps towards the quarterwhence they heard the guns, and meeting with Major (afterwards SirJames) Craig, sent out to support them, they delivered over theirprisoners half famished with hunger, and lodged them safely inWilmington. Such partizans as these are invaluable in activewarfare. "[188]

Dr. James Browne, who follows Stewart very closely, gives[189] the firstparagraph of the above quotation, but makes no reference to the exploitof Macneil. Keltie who copies almost literally from Dr. Browne, alsogives[190] the first paragraph, but no reference to the second. 

General Stewart gives no clue as to the source of his information. Ifthe number of Highlanders reported to have offered their services undersuch favorable conditions was true, lord Cornwallis was not in aposition to refuse. He had been and still was on a very fatiguingcampaign. His army was not only worn down but was greatly decimated bythe fatigues of a long and harrassing march, and the results of twopitched battles. In his letter to Sir Henry Clinton, [191] alreadyquoted, not a word of this splendid relief is intimated. From lordCornwallis' statement he must have made scarcely a stop at Cross Creek, in his flight from Guilford Court House to Wilmington. He says that atCross Creek "there was not four days' forage within twenty miles"; thathe "determined to move immediately to Wilmington, " and that "theHighlanders have not had so much time as the people of the uppercountry, to prove the sincerity of their friendship. "[192] This wouldamount to positive proof that the Highlanders did not offer theirservices. The language of lord Cornwallis to lord George Germain, underdate of Wilmington, North Carolina, April 18th, 1781, is even stronger:"The principal reasons for undertaking the Winter's Campaign were, thedifficulty of a defensive War in South Carolina, & the hopes that ourfriends in North Carolina, who were said to be very numerous, would makegood their promises of assembling & taking an Active part with us, inendeavouring to re-establish His Majesty's Government. Our experiencehas shown that their numbers are not so great as had been representedand that their friendship was only passive; For we have received littleassistance from them since our arrival in the province, and altho' Igave the _strongest & most pulick assurances_ that after refitting &depositing our Sick and Wounded, I _should return to the upper Country_, not above two hundred have been prevailed upon to follow us either asProvincials or Militia. " Colonel Tarleton, the principal officer underlord Cornwallis, observes: "Notwithstanding the cruel persecution theinhabitants of Cross creek had constantly endured for their partialityto the British, they yet retained great zeal for the interest of theroyal army. All the flour and spirits in the neighborhood werecollected and conveyed to camp, and the wounded officers and soldierswere supplied with many conveniences highly agreeable and refreshing tomen in their situation. After some expresses were dispatched to lordRawdon, to advertise him of the movements of the British and Americans, and some wagons were loaded with provisions, earl Cornwallis resumed hismarch for Wilmington. "[193] Not a word is said of the proposedreinforcement by the Highlanders. Stedman, who was an officer under lordCornwallis, and was with him in the expedition, says:[194] "Upon thearrival of the British commander at Cross Creek, he found himselfdisappointed in all his expectations: Provisions were scarce: Four days'forage not to be procured within twenty miles; and the communicationexpected to be opened between Cross Creek and Wilmington, by means ofthe river, was found to be impracticable, the river itself being narrow, its banks high, and the inhabitants, on both sides, for a considerabledistance, inveterately hostile. Nothing therefore now remained to bedone but to proceed with the army to Wilmington, in the vicinity ofwhich it arrived on the seventh of April. The settlers upon Cross Creek, although they had undergone a variety of persecutions in consequence oftheir previous unfortunate insurrections, still retained a warmattachment to their mother-country, and during the short stay of thearmy amongst them, all the provisions and spirits that could becollected within a convenient distance, were readily brought in, and thesick and wounded plentifully supplied with useful and comfortablerefreshments. " Again he says (page 348): "Lord Cornwallis was greatlydisappointed in his expectations of being joined by the loyalists. Someof them indeed came within the lines, but they only remained a fewdays. " Nothing however occurs concerning Highland enlistments or theirdesire so to engage with the army. General Samuel Graham, then anofficer in Fraser's Highlanders, in his "Memoirs, " though speaking ofthe march to Cross Creek, is silent about Highlanders offering theirservices. Nor is it at all likely, that, in the sorry plight the Britisharmy reached Cross Creek in, the Highlanders would unite, especiallywhen the outlook was gloomy, and the Americans were pressing on therear. 

As to the exploit of Macneil, beyond all doubt, that is a confusedstatement of the capture of Governor Burke, at Hillsboro, by thenotorious Colonel David Fanning. This was in September 1781. His reportstates, "We killed 15 of the rebels, and wounded 20; and took upwards of200 prisoners; amongst them was the Governor, his Council, and part ofthe Continental Colonels, several captains and subalterns, and 71continental soldiers out of a church. " Colonel Fanning was a native ofWake County, North Carolina, and had no special connection with theHighlanders; but among his followers were some bearing Highland names. The majority of his followers, who were little better than highwayrobbers, had gathered to his standard as the best representative of theking in North Carolina, after the defeat at Moore's Creek. 

There is not and never has been a Willisborough in North Carolina. Thereis a Williamsboro in Granville county, but has never been the seat ofgovernment even for a few days. Hillsboro, practically, was the capitalin 1781. 

The nearest to an organization of Highlanders, after Moore's Creek, wasHamilton's Loyal North Carolina regiment; but this was made up ofrefugees from over all the state. 

It is a fact, according to both history and tradition, that after thebattle of Moore's Creek, the Highlanders as a race were quiet. The blowat Moore's Creek taught them a needed lesson, and as an organizationgave no more trouble. Whatever numbers, afterwards entered the Britishservice, must have been small, and of little consequence. 

NOTE G. 

MARVELLOUS ESCAPE OF CAPTAIN MCARTHUR. 

The following narration I find in the "Celtic Magazine, " vol. I. 1875-76, pp. 209-213 and 241-245. How much of it is true I am unable todiscover. Undoubtedly the writer, in some parts, draws on hisimagination. Unfortunately no particulars are given concerning eitherthe previous or subsequent life of Captain McArthur. We are evendeprived of the knowledge of his Christian name, and hence cannotidentify him with the same individual mentioned in the text. 

Upon the defeat of the Highlanders at Moore's Creek, "Captain McArthurof the Highland Regiment of Volunteers, was apprehended and committed tothe county jail in the town of Cross-Creek. But the gallant officerdetermined to make a death grasp for effecting his escape, and happilyfor him the walls of his confinement were not of stone and mortar. Inhis lonely prison, awaiting his fate, and with horrid visions of deathhaunting him, he summons up his muscular strength and courage, and withincredible exertion he broke through the jail by night, and once moreenjoyed the sweets of liberty. Having thus made his escape he soon foundhis way to the fair partner of his joys and sorrows. It needs hardly besaid that her astonishment was only equalled by her raptures of joy. She, in fact, became so overpowered with the unexpected sight that shewas for the moment quite overcome, and unable to comply with theproposal of taking an immediate flight from the enemy's country. Shesoon, however, regains her sober senses, and is able to grasp thereality of the situation, and fully prepared with mental nerve andcourage to face the scenes of hardship and fatigue which lay beforethem. The thought of flight was, indeed, a hazardous one. The journey tothe sea board was far and dangerous; roads were miserably constructed, and these, for the most part, had to be avoided; unbroken forests, immense swamps, and muddy creeks were almost impassable barriers; humanhabitations were few and far between, and these few could scarcely belooked to as hospitable asylums; enemies would be on the lookout for thecapture of the 'Old Tory, ' for whose head a tempting reward had beenoffered; and withal, the care of a tender infant lay heavy upon theparental hearts, and tended to impede their flight. Having this sea oftroubles looming before them, the imminent dangers besetting their path, you can estimate the heroism of a woman who was prepared to brave themall. But when you further bear in mind that she had been bred in theease and delicate refinements of a lairdly circle at home, you can atonce conceive the hardships to be encountered vastly augmented, and themoral heroism necessary for such an undertaking to be almost incredible, finding its parallel only in the life of her famous countrywoman, theimmortal 'Flora. ' Still, life is dear, and a desperate attempt must bemade to preserve it--she is ready for any proposal. So off they start atthe dead hour of midnight, taking nothing but the scantiest supply ofprovisions, of which our heroine must be the bearer, while the hardysire took his infant charge in his folded plaid over one shoulder, withthe indispensable musket slung over the other. Thus equipped for themarch, they trudge over the heavy sand, leaving the scattered town ofCross-Creek behind in the distance, and soon find themselves lost to allhuman vision in the midst of the dense forest. There is not a moment tolose; and onward they speed under cover of night for miles and miles, and for a time keeping the main road to the coast. Daylight at lengthlightened their path, and bright sunrays are pouring through the forest. But that which had lightened the path of the weary fugitives had, at thesame time, made wonderful disclosures behind. The morning light hadrevealed to the astonished gaze of the keeper of the prison the flightof his captive. The consternation among the officials is easilyimagined. A detachment of cavalry was speedily dispatched in pursuit; ahandsome reward was offered for the absconded rebel, and a mostbarbarous punishment was in reserve for him in the event of his beingcaptured. With a knowledge of these facts, it will not be matter ofsurprise that the straits and perplexities of a released captive hadalready commenced. Who can fancy their terror when the noise of cavalryin the distance admonished them that the enemy was already in hotpursuit, and had taken the right scent. What could they do! Whithercould they fly? They dart off the road in an instant and began a race. But alas, of what use, for the tall pines of the forest could afford noshelter or concealment before the pursuers could reach the spot. Intheir extremity they change their course, running almost in the face ofthe foe. They rush into the under brush covert of a gum pond whichcrossed the road close by, and there, in terrible suspense, awaitedtheir fate, up to the knees in water. In a few moments the equestrians, in full gallop, are within a gunshot of them. But on reaching the pondthey slacken their speed, and all at once came to a dead halt! Had theyalready discovered their prey? In an instant their fears were relievedon this score. From their marshy lair they were able, imperfectly, toespy the foe, and they saw that the cause of halting was simply to watertheir panting steeds. They could also make out to hear the enemy'svoice, and so far as they could gather, the subject was enough toinspire them with terror, for the escaped prisoner was evidently theexciting topic. Who could mistake the meaning of such detached phrasesand epithets as these--'Daring fellow, ' 'Scotch dog, ' 'British slup, 'and 'Steel fix him. ' And who can realize the internal emotion of himwhom they immediately and unmistakably concerned? But the fates beingpropitious, the posse of cavalry resumed their course, first in a slowpace, and afterwards in a lively canter, until they were out of sightand out of hearing. 

This hair-breadth escape admonished our hero that he must shift hiscourse and avoid the usual route of communication with the coast. Thethought struck him, that he would direct his course towards the CapeFear river, which lay some ten miles to the right; feeling confident, atthe same time, that his knowledge of the water in early days could nowbe made available, if he could only find something in the shape of aboat. And, besides, he saw to his dismay that his fair partner intravel, however ardent in spirit, could not possibly hold out under thehardships incident to the long journey at first meditated. For the CapeFear river then they set off; and after a wearisome march, through swampand marsh, brush and brier, to the great detriment of their scantywardrobe and danger of life and limb, they reached the banks of thatsluggish stream before the sun had set, foot sore and dispirited, exhausted and downcast. But what is their chance of a boat now? Alas, not even the tiniest craft could be seen. There is nothing for it but tocamp in the open air all night and try to refresh their weary limbs andawait to see what luck the following morn had in store. Fortunately forthem the climate was warm, too much so indeed, as they had found, totheir great discomfort, during the day that was now past. In theirpresent homeless situation, however, it was rather opportune; and therewas nothing to fear, unless from the effects of heavy dew, or theexpected invasion of snakes and mosquitoes. But for these there was acounteracting remedy. The thick foliage of a stately tree afforded ampleprotection from dew, while a blazing fire, struck from the musket flint, defied the approach of any infesting vermin or crawling reptiles, andalso answered the needed purpose of setting to rights their hosierydepartment which had suffered so much during the day. Here they are snugand cozy, under the arching canopy, which nature had provided, andprepared to do fair justice to the scanty viands and refreshments intheir possession, before betaking themselves to their nocturnal slumberswhich nature so much craved. But can we take leave of our pilgrims forthe night without taking a glance at the innocent babe as it lay uponthe folded plaid in blissful ignorance of the cares and anxieties whichracked the parental breast. The very thought of its sweet face andthrobbing little heart as it breathed in unconscious repose under theopen canopy of heaven, was enough to entwine a thousand new chords ofaffection around the heart of its keepers, like the clasping ivy aroundthe tree which gave them shelter, and to nerve them anew, for its sake, for the rough and perilous journey upon which they had entered. The fondmother imprints a kiss upon its cheek, and moistens it with tears ofmingled joy and grief, and clasping it to her bosom is instantlyabsorbed in the sweet embrace of Morpheus. The hardy sire, it wasagreed, would keep the first watch and take his rest in turn, the latterpart of the night. He is now virtually alone, in deep and pensivemeditation. He surveys with tender solicitude his precious charge, whichwas dearer to him than his own life, and for whose sake he would riskten lives. He paces the sward during the night watches. He meditates hisplans for the following day. He deliberates and schemes how he can takeadvantage of the flowing sheet of water before him, for the more easyconveyance of his precious belongings. The mode of travel hithertoadopted, he saw, to be simply impossible. The delay involved might beruinous to his hopes. With these cogitations he sat down, withoutbringing any plan to maturity. He gazed at the burning embers as if in areverie, and as he gazed he thought he had seen, either by actual visionor by the 'second sight, ' in which he was a firm believer, the form of acanoe with a single sable steersman coming to his rescue. He felttempted to communicate the vision to his sleeping partner; but, thinkingit unkind to disturb her slumbers, he desists from his resolution, reclines on the ground, and without intending it, he falls fast asleep. But imagine his astonishment and alarm when he came to consciousness, tofind that he had slept for three full hours without interruption. Hecould hardly realize it, the interval seemed like an instant. However, all was well; his wife and babe were still enjoying unbroken rest, andno foe had discovered their retreat; and withal, the gladsome light ofday is now breaking in around them and eclipsing the glare of thesmouldering embers. Up starts our hero much refreshed and invigorated, and exulting in surprising buoyancy of spirit for running the race ofthe new day now ushering in. He withdraws a gunshot from the camp: andwhat does he descry in the grey dawn but, apparently, a small skiff witha single rower crossing the river towards them, but a short distancedown the stream. The advancing light of day soon confirmed his hopes. Heat once started in the direction of the skiff, having armed himself withhis loaded musket, and resolved to get possession of it by fair means orby foul. A few minutes brought him to the spot, and to his greatastonishment he found himself in the undisputed possession of the objectof his wishes, a tiny little canoe drawn up on the beach. In connectionwith the night's vision he would have positively declared that there wassomething supernatural in the affair, but having marked the barefootprints of its late occupant on the muddy soil, and heard therustling of leaves in the distance, calling attention to the woolly headof its owner getting out of sight through the bush, and making his wayfor a neighboring plantation. He could explain the event upon strictnatural principles. The happy coincidence, however, filled him withemotions of joy, in so readily securing the means of an earlier and moreexpeditious transit. He retraces his steps and joins his little circle, and in joyous ecstacy relates to his sympathetic spouse, just arousedfrom her long slumbers, the tenor of his lucky adventure. There is nowno time to lose. The crimson rays of the rising sun peering through adense morning atmosphere and a dense forest, are reflected upon thesurface of the stream to which they are about to commit their fortune, and admonish them to be off. They break their fast upon the remnants ofthe dry morsels with which they last appeased their hunger. Thisdispatched, they hasten to the beach, and speedily embark, seatingthemselves with the utmost caution in the narrow hull, which good luckand Sambo had placed at their disposal, and with less apprehension ofdanger from winds and waves than from the angry billows of humanpassion. A push from the shore and the voyage is fairly and auspiciouslybegun, the good lady seated in the prow in charge of the tender objectof her unremitting care, and giving it the shelter of her parasol fromthe advancing rays of the sun, and the skilful Palinurus himselfsquatted in the stern, with a small paddle in his hand, giving alternatestrokes, first to the right and then to the left, and thus, with the aidof the slow current propelling his diminutive barque at the rate ofabout six knots an hour, and enjoying the simultaneous pleasure of'paddling his own canoe. ' Onward they glide, smoothly and pleasantly, over the unruffled water, the steersman taking occasional rests from hismonotonous strokes, while having the satisfaction of noting someprogress by the flow of the current. Thus, hours passed away without theoccurrence of anything worth noting, except the happy reflection thattheir memorable encampment was left several leagues in the distance. Butlo! here is the first interruption to their navigation! About the hourof noon a mastless hull is seen in the distance. Their first impulse wasfear, but this was soon dispelled on discovering it to be a flat or'pole boat, ' without sail or rigging, used for the conveyance ofmerchandise to the head of navigation, and propelled by long poles whichthe hardy craftsmen handled with great dexterity. It was, in fact, thesteamer of the day, creating upon its arrival the same stir and bustlethat is now caused by its more agreeable and efficient substitute, the'Flora Macdonald. ' The sight of this advancing craft, however, suggestedthe necessity of extreme caution, and of getting out of its way for atime. The Highland royalist felt greatly tempted to wait and hail thecrew, whom he felt pretty sure to be his own friendly countrymen, andwho, like their sires, in the case of prince Charlie, thirty yearsbefore, would scorn to betray their brother Celt, even for the gold ofCarolina. Still, like the royal outlaw in his wanderings, he also deemedit more prudent to conceal his whereabouts even from his mostconfidential friends. He at once quits the river, and thus for a goodwhile suspends his navigation. He takes special precaution to secure hislittle transport by drawing it a considerable distance from the water, afeat which required no great effort. The party stroll out of the way, and up the rising beach, watching for a time the tardy movement of the'flat. ' Tired of this they continue their slow ramble further into theinterior, in hopes, at the same time, of making some accidentaldiscovery by which to replenish their commissariat, which was quiteempty, and made their steps faint and feeble, for it was nowconsiderably past noon. As 'fortune favors the brave' they did succeedin making a discovery. They saw 'the opening' of a small plantation inthe forest, an event which, in Carolina, is hailed with immensesatisfaction by those who chance to lose their way in the woods, assuggestive of kindness and hospitality. Nothing short of such atreatment would be expected by our adventurers as a matter of course, ifthey could only afford to throw themselves upon the hospitality ofsettlers. In their situation, however, they must take their bearingswith anxious circumspection, and weigh the consequences of thepossibility of their falling into the hands of foes. But here, all of asudden, their path is intercepted by the actual presence of a formidablefoe. One of the pursuers? No, but one equally defiant. It is a hugeserpent of the 'Whip snake' species, which never gives way, but alwaystakes a bold and defiant stand. It took its stand about fifty yardsahead, ready for battle, its head, and about a yard of its length, insemi-erect posture, and displaying every sign of its proverbial enmityto Adam's race. It has no poison, but its mode of attack is still morehorrible, by throwing itself with electric speed in coils around itsantagonist, tight as the strongest cord, and lashing with a yard of itstail, till it puts its combatant to death. Knowing its nature, theassailed levels his piece, and in an instant leaves the assailantturning a thousand somersaults until its strength is spent, and, is atlast, wriggling on the ground. 

The discharge of the musket was the signal to those within hearing thatsomebody was about. It awakened to his senses an old negro, the honest'Uncle Ned, ' and brought him to the edge of the 'clearing, ' in order tosatisfy his curiosity, and to see if it was 'old Massa' making anunceremonious visit to the farm of which Ned was virtually overseer. Ourdisconsolate party could not avoid an interview even if they would. Theysummoned their courage and affected to feel at ease. And truly theymight, for Ned, like the class to which he belonged, would never dreamof asking impertinent questions of any respectable white man, his knownduty being to answer, not to ask, questions. Our weary party invitedthemselves to 'Uncle Ned's' cabin, which stood in the edge of theclearing close by, and turned out to be a tidy log cottage. Thepresiding divinity, of its single apartment was our kind hostess, 'AuntLucy, ' Ned's better half, who felt so highly charmed and flattered bythe visit of such distinguished guests that she scarcely knew what shewas saying or doing. She dropt her lighted pipe on the floor, hustledand scraped and curtsied to the gentle lady over and over, and caressedthe beautiful little 'Missie' with emotions which bordered onquestionable kindness. This ovation over, our hungry guests began tothink of the chief object of their visit--getting something in the shapeof warm luncheon--and with this in view they eyed with covetous interestthe large flock of fine plump pullets about the door. There was finematerial for a feast to begin with. The hint was given to 'Aunt Lucy, 'and when that aged dame became conscious of the great honor thus to beconferred upon her, she at once set to work in the culinary departmentwith a dexterity and skill of art which is incredible to those who areignorant of the great speciality of negresses. There was sudden havocamong the poultry, and fruit and vegetables found their way from thecorn field in abundant variety to the large chimney place. Meanwhile thecaptain shouldered his piece and brought, from an adjacent thicket, twolarge fox squirrels to add to the variety of the feast, extorting fromthe faithful Ned the flattering compliment 'b' gollies, Boss, you is thebest shot I ever see'd. ' Preparation is rapidly advancing, and so is theappetite of the longing expectants. But such preparation was not thework of a moment, especially, from the scantiness of Lucy's cookingutensils. So the guests thought they would withdraw for a time in orderto relieve the busy cook of all ceremony, and at the same time relievethemselves of the uncomfortable reflection of three blazing fires in thechimney place. After partaking of a few slices of a deliciouswater-melon, they retired to the shade of a tree in the yard, and thereenjoyed a most refreshing nap. In due course the sumptuous meal isready; the small table is loaded with a most substantial repast, theover plus finding a receptacle upon the board floor of the apartment, which was covered with white sand. It is needless to say that the guestsdischarged their duty with great gusto, notwithstanding the absence ofany condiments, save pepper and salt, in their case hunger being thebest sauce. Who but an epicure could grumble at the repast before them?What better than stewed fowls and squirrels, boiled rice, Indian hoecake and yams smoking hot from the ashes, squashes, pumpkin pies andapple dumpling, and all this followed by a course of fruit, peaches andapples, musk and water-melons, all of a flavor and size inconceivable byany but the inhabitants of the sunny climes which brought them tomaturity. Her ladyship could not help making the contrast with aservice of fruit upon an extra occasion in her home circle, which costseveral golden guineas, and yet was not to be compared with thatfurnished for the merest trifle by these sable purveyors--so much forthe sun rays of the latitude. There was, however, the absence of anybeverage stronger than water, not even tea, a name which the humblehostess scarcely comprehended. But a good substitute was readilypresented, in the form of strong coffee, without cream or sugar. It wasnow drawing late in the afternoon, and our party refreshed and delightedwith their adventure, must begin to retrace their steps towards thecanoe. The reckoning was soon settled. A few shillings, the idex of thelate regime of George in the colony, more than satisfied all demands, and surpassed all expectations. But the fair visitor was not content, without leaving an additional, and more pleasant memento. She took abeautiful gold ring, bearing the initials B. J. C. , and placed it upon theswarthy finger of 'Aunt Lucy, ' with many thanks and blessings for herkindness, on that eventful occasion. This kindly expression was heartilyreciprocated by the negress, and responded by a flood of tears from hereyes, and a volley of blessings from her lips. The party bade a finaladieu to their entertainers, and they had to veto their pressing offerof escorting them to the river. Off they went, leaving the aged couplegazing after them, and lost in amazement as to who they could be, orwhither they were going, and all the more astonished that the mysteriousvisitors had supplied themselves with such a load of the leavings of therepast. 

The navigation was at length resumed, and onward they glide as before, without the sight of anything to obstruct their course. Their prosperousvoyaging continued till about midnight, for they resolved to continuetheir course during the whole night, unless necessity compelled them todo otherwise. Long before this hour, the mother and child resignedthemselves to sleep, which was only interrupted by occasional starts, while the indefatigable steersman watched his charge, and plied hisvocation with improving expertness. At this hour again, in the dim lightof the crescent moon, a second 'pole boat' was discovered making towardsthem, but which they easily avoided by rowing to the opposite side ofthe river, thus continuing their course, and escaping observation. Inpassing the 'flat' an animated conversation was overheard among thehands, from which it was easily gathered that the escape of the rebelwas the engrossing topic in the town of Wilmington, the place of theirdeparture, and towards which the rebel himself was now finding his wayas fast as the tide and paddle could carry him. At present, however, hefelt no cause of alarm. One of the hands speaking in vulgar Englishaccent was heard to depone, 'By George if I could only get that prizeI'd be a happy man, and would go back to old h-England. ' To this baseinsinuation a threatening proof was administered by other parties, whoreplied in genuine Gaelic idiom and said, 'It's yourself that would needto have the face and the conscience, the day you would do that;' andthey further signified their readiness to render any assistance to theirbrave countryman should opportunity offer. Those parties were readilyrecognized from their accent to be no other than Captain McArthur'sintimate acquaintances, Sandie McDougall and Angus Ray, and who were sowell qualified from their known strength and courage to render mostvaluable assistance in any cause in which their bravery might beenlisted. If he only gave them the signal of his presence they wouldinstantly fly into his service and share his fate. However, it wasdeemed the wisest course to pass on, and not put their prowess to thetest. Hours had now passed in successful progress without notice orinterruption; and they are at long last approaching Wilmington, theirseaport, but a considerable distance from the mouth of the river. Thequestion is how are they to pass it, whether by land or water, for it isnow approaching towards day. What is to be done must be done without amoment's delay. It is at length resolved to hazard the chance of passingit by canoe rather than encountering the untried perils of a dismalswamp. The daring leader puts his utmost strength to the test, strikingthe water right and left with excited vigor. His feeling is 'now ornever'; for he knew this to be the most critical position of his wholeroute; unless he could get past it before break of day his case washopeless. The dreaded town is at length in view, engendering fear andterror, but not despair. Several large crafts are seen lying at thewharf, and lights are reflected from adjacent shipping offices. Twosmall boats are observed crossing the river, and in rather uncomfortableproximity. With these exceptions the inhabitants are evidently in theenjoyment of undisturbed repose, and quite unconscious of the phenomenonof such a notorious personage passing their doors with triumphantsuccess. Scarcely a word was heard, it was like a city of the dead. Whocan imagine the internal raptures of our lucky hero, on leaving behindhim, in the distance, that spot upon which his fate was suspended, andin having the consciousness that he is now not far from the goal ofsafety. Even now there are signals which cheer his heart. He beginsalready to inhale the ocean breeze, and from that he derives anexhilirating sensation such as he had not experienced for many years. Hegets the benefit of the ocean tide, fortunately, in his favor, andcarrying his little hull upon its bosom at such a rate as to supersedethe use of the paddle except in guiding the course. The ocean wave, however, is scarcely so favorable. It rocks and rolls their frail abodein such a way as to threaten to put a sad finish to the successfullabors of the past. There is no help for it but to abandon the canoe afew miles sooner than intended. There is, however, little cause forcomplaint, for they can now see their way clear to their final terminus, if no untoward circumstance arises. They leave the canoe on the beach, parting with it forever, but not without a sigh of emotion, as ifbidding farewell to a good friend. But the paddle they cling to as amemento of its achievements, the operator remarking--'It did me betterservice than any sword ever put into my hand. ' A few miles walk from thelanding, which is on the southern shore of the estuary, and they are insight of a small hamlet, which lies upon the shore. And what is moreinspiring of hope and courage, they are in sight of a vessel ofconsiderable tonnage, lying at anchor off the shore, and displaying theBritish flag, floating in the morning breeze, evidently preparing tohoist sail. Now is their chance. This must be their ark of safety ifthey are ever to escape such billows of adversity as they have beenstruggling with for some days past. To get on board is that upon whichtheir hearts are set, and all that is required in order to defy allenemies and pursuers. Not thinking that there is anything in the wind, in this pretty hamlet, they make straight for the vessel, but they gobut a few paces in that direction before another crisis turns up. Enemies are still in pursuit. A small body of men, apparently undercommission, are observed a short distance beyond the hamlet as ifanticipating the possibility of the escaped prisoner making his way tothe British ship. Nor is the surmise groundless, as the signal proves. In their perplexity the objects of pursuit have to lie in ambush andawait the course of events. Their military pursuers are now wendingtheir way in the opposite direction until they are almost lost to view. Now is the time for a last desperate effort. They rush for the shore, and there accost a sallow lank-looking boatman followed by a negro, onthe lookout for custom, in their marine calling. A request is made fortheir boat and services, for conveyance to the ship. At first the manlooks suspicious and sceptical, but on expostulation that there was theutmost necessity for an interview with the captain before sailing, andimportant dispatches to be sent home, and a hint given that a fee forservices in such a case was of no object, he at once consents; the ferryboat is launched, and in a few minutes the party are off from the shore. But the military party observing these movements begin to retrace theirsteps in order to ascertain what all this means, and who the party are. They put to their heels and race towards the shore as fast as their feetcan carry them. They feel tantalised to find that they have beensleeping at their post, and that the very object of their search is nowhalfway to the goal of safety. They signal and halloo with all theirmight, but getting no answer they fire a volley of shot in the directionof the boat. This has no effect, except for an instant, to put a stop tothe rowing. The boatman gets alarmed as he now more than guesses who thenoted passenger is, and he signifies his determination to put back andavoid the consequences that may be fatal to himself. The hero puts asudden stop to further parley. He flings a gold sovereign to the swarthyrower, commands him simply to fulfil his promise, but to refund thebalance of change upon their return from the ship--'he must see thecaptain before sailing. ' To enforce his command the sturdy Highlander, who was more than a match for the two, took up his loaded musket andintimated what the consequences would be if they refused to obey orders. This had the desired effect. The rowers pulled with might and main, andin a few minutes the passengers were left safe and sound on board thegallant ship, and surrounded by a sympathising and hospitable crew. Thefugitives were at last safe, despite rewards and sanguine pursuers. Buttheir situation they could scarcely realize, their past life seemed morelike a dream than a reality. Our brave heroine was again quite overcome. The reaction was too much for her nerves. In being led to the cabin shewould have fallen prostrate on the deck had she not been supported. Andwho can wonder, in view of her fatigues and privations, her hair-breadthescapes and mental anxieties. But she survived it all. Sails are nowhoisted to the favoring breeze, anchor weighed, and our now rejoicingpilgrims bade a lasting farewell to the ever memorable shores ofCarolina. In care of the courteous commander they, in due time, reachedtheir island home in the Scottish Highlands, and there lived to a goodold age in peace and contentment. They had the pleasure of seeing thetender object of their solicitude grow up to womanhood, and afterwardsenjoying the blessings of married life. And the veteran officer himselffound no greater pleasure in whiling away the hours of his repose thanin rehearsing to an entranced auditory, among the stirring scenes of theAmerican Revolution, the marvellous story of his own fate: the principalevents of which are here hurriedly and imperfectly sketched from acurrent tradition among his admiring countrymen in the twohemispheres. "--_John Darroch. _

NOTE H. 

HIGHLANDERS IN SOUTH CAROLINA. 

There was no distinctively Highland settlement in South Carolina, although there was quite an influx of emigrants of this class into theprovince. Efforts were made to divert the Highlanders into the newsettlements. As early as 1716 Governor Daniel informed the Assembly thathe had bought thirty of the Highland Scots rebels at £30 per head, forwhom the London agent had petitioned, and requested power to purchasemore. This purchase was sanctioned by the Assembly, but wished no more"till we see how these behave themselves. " On August 4th another issueof £15000 in bills was authorized to be stamped to pay for these Scots, who were to be employed as soldiers in defending the province. 

Inducements were held out to the Highlanders, who had left their homesafter the battle of Culloden, to settle in South Carolina. The "HighHills of Santee, " which lie between Lynche's creek and the Wateree, inwhat is now Sumter County, were designed for them. The exiles, however, baffled by contrary winds, were driven into the Cape Fear, and fromthence a part of them crossed and settled higher up, in what is nowDarlington County, the rest having taken up their abode in NorthCarolina. 

The war fever engendered by the Revolution was exhibited by thesepeople, some of whom, at least, took up arms against their adoptedcountry. October 31, 1776, at Charleston, South Carolina, the following, who had been taken prisoners by the navy, signed their parole, whichalso stipulated that they should go to Salisbury, North Carolina:

Dun McNicol, Cap. R. H. E. , Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R. H. E. , Dun MacDougall, Walter Cunningham, Angus Cameron, Laughlin McDonald, Hector McQuary, Alexr. Chisholm. 

"We also undertake for Neal McNicol, James Fraser, Alexr. McDonald &David Donaldson, that they shall be on the same footing withourselves. "[195]

"Jany 28. 177. 

These are to certify that Duncan Nicol, Hugh Fraser, Alex. Chisholm, Angs. Cameron, Lach. MacDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham. Duncan MacDougall. Alen. McDonald, David Donaldson, Jas. Fraser. NielMcNicol--prisoners of war from the neighboring state of South Carolinahave been on Parole in this town and within ten miles Y. Of for upwardsof ten weeks--during which time they have behaved themselves agreeableto their Parole and that they are now removed to Halifax by order of thecommanding officer of the District, in order to be forwarded to thenorthward agreeable to order of Congress. 

(Signed) Duncan McNicol, Capt. , Hugh Fraser, Lieut. R. H. E. , Alex. McDonald, James Fraser, David Donaldson, Niel McNicol, Alex Chisholm, Angus Cameron, Lach McDonald, Hector McQuarrie, Walter Cunningham, Privates, Dun, McDougall, Ensign. 

N. B. The Parole of the prisoners of war above mentd was sent to theCongress at Halifax, at their last sitting. They are now sent under thedirection of Capt. Martin Fifer--Certified by orders of Committee atSalisbury this 28 Jan'y, 1777. 

 (Signed) May Chambers, Chr. Com. "[196]

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 184: Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland, Vol. I, p. 198. ]

[Footnote 185: Holmes' Annals of America, Vol. II, p. 183. ]

[Footnote 186: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. III, p. 1649. ]

[Footnote 187: _Ibid_, Vol. IV, p. 983. ]

[Footnote 188: Sketches of the Highlanders, Vol. II, p. 119. ]

[Footnote 189: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. IV, p. 274. ]

[Footnote 190: History of the Highland Clans, Vol. II, p. 473. ]

[Footnote 191: See page 141. ]

[Footnote 192: Cornwallis' Letter to Sir Henry Clinton, April 10, 1781. ]

[Footnote 193: Campaigns of 1780-1781, p. 281. ]

[Footnote 194: History of the American War, Vol. II, p. 352. ]

[Footnote 195: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. X, p. 830. ]

NOTE I. 

ALEXANDER MCNAUGHTON. 

Miss Jennie M. Patten of Brush, Colorado, a descendant of AlexanderMcNaughton, in a letter dated Feb. 20th, 1900, gives some veryinteresting facts, among which may be related that at the close of theRevolution all of the Highland settlers of Washington county would havebeen sent to Canada, had it not been for Hon. Edward Savage, son-in-lawof Alexander McNaughton, who had been an officer in the Revolutionaryarmy, and had sufficient influence to prevent his wife's relatives andfriends being sent out of the country on account of their toryproclivities. They considered that they had sworn allegiance to theking, and considered themselves perjured persons if they violated theiroath. This idea appeared to be due from the fact that the land given tothem was in "the name of the king. " From this the colonists thought theland was given to them by the king. 

The colonists did not all come to Washington county to occupy the landallotted to them, for some remained where they had settled after thecollapse of Captain Campbell's scheme, but those who did settle inArgyle were related either by blood, or else by marriage. 

Alexander McNaughton came to America in 1738, accompanied by his wife, Mary McDonald, and his children, John, Moses, Eleanor and Jeannette. They first settled at a place called Kaket, where they lived severalyears, when they removed up the river to Tappan, and there continueduntil the grant was made in Argyle. Alexander McNaughton died at thehome of his son-in-law, Edward Savage, near Salem, and was buried on theland that had been granted him. The first to be interred in the oldArgyle cemetery was the daughter Jeannette. The wife. Mary, died on theway home from Burgoyne's camp. The children of the colonists were loyalAmericans, although many of the colonists had been carried to theBritish camp for protection. 

NOTE J. 

ALLAN MCDONALD'S COMPLAINT TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

 "Philadelphia, March 25, 1776. 

Sir: It is now several weeks since the Scotch inhabitants in and aboutJohnstown, Tryon County, have been required by General Schuyler todeliver up their arms; and that each and all of them should parade inthe above place, that he might take from this small body six prisonersof his own nomination. The request was accordingly complied with, andfive other gentlemen with myself were made prisoners of. As we are notconscious of having acted upon any principle that merits such severeproceedings from Congress, we cannot help being a good deal surprised atsuch treatment; but are willing to attribute this rather to malicious, ill-designing people, than to gentlemen of so much humanity and knowncharacter as the Congress consists of. The many difficulties we met withsince our landing on this Continent, (which is but very lately, )burdened with women and children, we hope merit a share in theirfeeling; and that they would obtain the surest conviction, before wewere removed from our families; as, by a separation of the kind, theyare rendered destitute, and without access to either money or credit. This is the reason why you will observe, in the article of capitulationrespecting the Scotch, that they made such a struggle for having theirrespective families provided for in their absence. The General declaredhe had no discretionary power to grant such, but that he would representit, as he hoped with success, to Congress; and in this opinion two othergentlemen present supported him. The request is so just in itself thatit is but what you daily grant to the meanest of your prisoners. As wecannot, we do not claim it by any agreement. Though, by a littleattention to that part of the capitulation, you will observe that wewere put in the hope and expectation of having them supported in theirdifferent situations. 

As to ourselves, we are put into a tavern, with the proper allowance ofbed and board. This is all that is necessary so far. But what becomes ofthe external part of the body? This requires its necessaries, andwithout the decent part of such, a gentleman must be very intolerable tohimself and others. I know I need not enter so minutely in representingthose difficulties to Congress or you, as your established character andfeelings will induce you to treat us as gentlemen and prisoners, removedfrom all means of relief for ourselves or families, but that ofapplication to Congress. I arrived here last night in order to have thehonor of laying those matters personally, or in writing, before you andthem. Shall accordingly expect to be honored with an answer. 

 I am, most respectfully, sir, your most obedient humble servant, Allan McDonald. "[197]

NOTE K. 

THE GLENGARRY SETTLERS. 

Major General D. McLeod, of the Patriot Army, Upper Canada, in his"Brief Review of the Settlement of Upper Canada, " published in 1841, adds the following interesting statements: "Gen. Howe, the thencommander in chief of the British forces in North America, on hearingthat the Scots in Virginia had joined the continentals, and were amongthe most active of the opposers of British domination, despatched SirJohn Johnstone to the Scots settlement on the Mohawk--Captain JamesCraig, afterwards Governor of Lower Canada, and Lieut. Donald Cameron ofthe Regulars, to other parts, to induce the Highlanders to join theRoyal Standard, and to convince them, that their interest and safetydepended on their doing so. 

They persuaded the uninstructed Highlanders, that the rebels had neithermoney, means, nor allies; that it was impossible they could for anylength of time, withstand the mighty power and means of Great Britain;that their property would be confiscated, and apportioned to theroyalists who should volunteer to reduce them to subjection. TheHighlanders having duly weighed these circumstances, came to theconclusion, that the Americans would, like the Scots, in 1746 beultimately overpowered;--that it was therefore to their interest, asthey would not be permitted to remain neutral, to join the Britishstandard. 

The greater part of them volunteered under the command of Sir. J. Johnstone, and served faithfully with him until the peace of 1783. Onthe exchange of the ratification of peace, these unfortunateHighlanders, saw themselves once more bereft of house and home. Thereward of their loyalty, and attachment to British supremacy, afterfighting the battles of England for seven long and doubtful years, andsacrificing their all, was finally, an ungenerous abandonment by theBritish government of their interests, in not securing their propertyand personal safety in the treaty of peace. The object for which theirservices were required, not being accomplished, they wereunceremoniously left to shift for themselves in the lower Province, among a race of people, whose language they did not understand, andwhose manners and habits of life were quite dissimilar to their own. Col. McDonald, a near kinsman of the chief of that name, and who had, also, taken an active part in the royal army, during the revolution, commiserating their unfortunate condition, collected them together, andin a friendly manner, in their own native language, informed them, thatif it were agreeable to their wishes, he would forthwith apply to thegovernor for a tract of land in the upper Province, where they mightsettle down in a body; and where, as they spoke a language different tothat of the natives, they might enjoy their own society, and be betterable to assist each other. 

This, above all things, was what they wished for, and they thereforereceived the proposal with gratitude. Without much further delay, theColonel proceeded to the Upper Province, pitched upon the eastern partof the eastern District; and after choosing a location for himself, directed his course to head quarters--informed the Governor of his plansand intentions, praying him to confirm the request of his countrymen, and prevent their return to the United States. The governor approved ofhis design, and promised every assistance. Satisfied that all was done, that could be reasonably expected, the Colonel lost no time, incommunicating the result of his mission to his expectant countrymen; andthey, in a short time afterwards, removed with him to their newlocation. The Highlanders, not long after, proposed to the Colonel as amark of their approbation for his services, to call the settlementGlengarry, in honor of the chief of his clan, by which name it isdistinguished to this day. It may be proper, to remember, in this place, that many of these were the immediate descendants of the proscribedHighlanders of 1715, and not a few the descendants of the relatives ofthe treacherously murdered clans of Glencoe (for their faithful andincorruptible adherence to the royal family of Stuart, ) by king Williamthe 3d, of Bloody memory, the Dutch defender of the English christiantory faith. But by far the major part, were the patriots of 1745, --thegallant supporters of the deeply lamented prince Charles Edward, andwho, as before stated, had sought refuge in the colonies, from theBritish dungeons and bloody scaffolds. 

It was not, therefore, their attachment to the British crown, nor theirlove of British institutions, that induced them to take up arms againstthe Americans; but their fears that the insurrection, would prove asdisastrous to the sons of Liberty, as the Rebellion and the fatal fieldof Culloden had been to themselves; and that if any of them were foundin the ranks of the discontented, they would be more severely dealt within consequence of their former rebellion. Their chagrin was greatindeed, especially, when they compared their former comfortablecircumstances, in the state of New York, with their present miserablecondition; and particularly, when they reflected how foolishly they hadpermitted themselves to be duped, out of their once happy homes by thepromises of a government, which they knew from former experience, to beas false and treacherous, as it was cruel and over-bearing. They settleddown, but with no very friendly feelings towards a government which hadallured them to their ruin, and which at last, left them to their ownresources, after fighting their battles for eight sanguinary years. Norare their descendants, at this day, remarkable for either their loyalty, or attachment, to the reigning family. These were the first settlers ofGlengarry. It is a singular circumstance, that, nearly all theHighlanders, who fought for liberty and independence, and who remainedin the U. S. , afterwards became rich and independent, while on the otherhand, with a very few exceptions, every individual, whether American orEuropean, who took up arms against the revolution, became blighted inhis prospects, " (pp. 33-36). 

Having mentioned in particular Butler's Rangers the following fromLossing's "Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812, " may be of someinterest: "Some of Butler's Rangers, those bitter Tory marauders inCentral New York during the Revolution, who in cruelty often shamedBrant and his braves, settled in Toronto, and were mostly men of savagecharacter, who met death by violence. Mr. John Ross knew a Mr. D----, one of these Rangers, who, when intoxicated, once told him that 'thesweetest steak he ever ate was the breast of a woman, which he cut offand broiled, '" (p. 592). 

NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII. 

The method of warfare carried on by Sir John Johnson and his adherentsdid not sway the lofty mind of Washington, as may be illustrated in thefollowing narration furnished the author by Rev. Dr. R. Cameron, grandson of Alexander Cameron, who was a direct descendant of DonaldDubh of Lochiel. This Alexander Cameron came to America in 1773, and onthe outbreak of the Revolution enlisted as a private under Sir JohnJohnson. Three times he was taken prisoner and condemned to be executedas a spy. How he escaped the first time is unknown. The second time, thewife of the presiding officer at the court-martial, informed him inGaelic that he would be condemned, and assisted him in dressing him inher own clothes, and thus escaped to the woods. The third time, hismother, Mary Cameron of Glennevis, rode all the way from Albany toValley Forge on horseback and personally plead her cause beforeWashington. Having listened to her patiently, the mighty chief replied:"Mrs. Cameron, I will pardon your son for your sake, but you mustpromise me that you will take him to Canada at once, or he will beshot. " The whole family left for Canada. 

NOTE L. 

MORAVIAN INDIANS. 

It is now scarcely known that one company of Montgomery's Highlanderstook part in the attempted expatriation of the Christian Indians--betterknown as Moravian Indians--in Pennsylvania. Owing to an attack made bysavages, in 1763, against a Scotch-Irish settlement, those of thatnationality at Paxton became bitterly inflamed against the MoravianIndians and determined upon their extermination. As these Indians wereharmless and never engaged in strife, they appealed to the governor ofPennsylvania for protection. These people, then living at Nazareth, Nainand Bethlehem, under the decree of the Council and the Assembly, wereordered by Governor Penn to be disarmed and taken to Philadelphia. Although their arms were the insignia of their freedom, yet these theysurrendered to Sheriff Jennings, and on the eighth of November theprocession moved towards Philadelphia. On their arrival in Philadelphiathey were ordered to the "British Barracks, " which had been erected soonafter Braddock's defeat. At this time several companies of Montgomery'sHighlanders were there quartered. On the morning of the eleventh, thefirst three wagons, filled with women and children, passed in at thegate. This movement aroused the Highlanders, and seizing their muskets, they rushed tumultuously together, stopped the rest of the wagons, andthreatened to fire among the cowering women and children in the yard ifthey did not instantly leave. Meanwhile a dreadful mob gathered around, the Indians, deriding, reviling, and charging them with all the outragescommitted by the savages, threatening to kill them on the spot. From teno'clock until three these Indians, with the missionaries, endured everyabuse which wild frenzy and ribald vulgarity could clothe in words. Inthe midst of this persecution some Quakers braved the danger of the moband taking the Indians by the hand gave them words of encouragement. During all this tumult the Indians remained silent, but considered "whatinsult and mockery our Savior had suffered on their account. "

The soldiers persisting in their refusal to allow the Moravian Indiansadmission, after five hours, the latter were marched through the city, thousands following them with great clamor, to the outskirts, where themob dispersed. The Indians were from thence conveyed to Province Island. 

The Scotch-Irish of Paxton next turned their attention to a party ofpeaceable Indians who had long lived quietly among white people in thesmall village of Canestoga, near Lancaster, and on the fourteenth ofDecember attacked and murdered fourteen of them in their huts. The restfled to Lancaster and for protection were lodged in the work-house, astrong building and well secured. They were followed by the miscreantswho broke into the building, and though the Indians begged their liveson their knees, yet all were cruelly murdered and their mangled remainsthrown into the court-yard. 

The assassins became emboldened by many hundreds from Paxton and otherparts of the county of Lancaster joining their number, and planned toset out for Philadelphia, and not rest until all the Indians weremassacred. While these troubles were brewing the Moravian Indianscelebrated the Lord's Supper at the commencement of the year 1764, andrenewed their covenant to show forth his death in his walk andconversation. 

In order to protect them the government determined to send them out ofthe colony and place them under the care of Sir William Johnson, in NewYork, as the Indians had expressed their desire to be no longer detainedfrom their families. [198] On January 4, 1764, the Moravian Indiansnumbering about one hundred and forty persons, [199] were placed underthe convoy of Captain James Robertson, of Montgomery's Highlanders, andseventy Highlanders, for New York City. The Highlanders "behaved atfirst very wild and unfriendly, being particularly troublesome to theyoung women by their profane conversation, but were persuaded by degreesto conduct themselves with more order and decency. " On arriving atAmboy, one of the soldiers exclaimed: "Would to God, all the whitepeople were as good Christians, as these Indians. "

The Indians were not allowed to enter New York, but were returned toPhiladelphia under a guard of one hundred and seventy men from GeneralGage's army, commanded by Captain Schloffer, one party leading the van, and the other bringing up the rear. Captain Robertson and hisHighlanders passed over to New York. [200]

NOTE M. 

HIGHLANDERS REFUSED LANDS IN AMERICA. 

"To the King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council, The Humble Petition of James Macdonald, Merchant in Porterie in the Isleof Sky and Normand Macdonald of Slate in the said Island for themselvesand on behalf of Hugh Macdonald Edmund Macqueen John Betton andAlexander Macqueen of Slate. The Reverend Mr. William Macqueen andAlexander Macdonald of the said Island of Sky and county of Inverness

Most Humbly Sheweth

That your petitioners having had in view to form a settlement tothemselves and Families in your Majesty's Province in North Carolinahave for some time been making Dispositions for that purpose by engagingServants and disposing of their effects in this country. 

And being now ready to embark and carry their intentions into Execution. 

They most humbly pray your Majesty will be graciously pleased to Grantunto your petitioners Forty thousand Acres of Land in the said provinceof North Carolina upon the Terms and Conditions it has been usual togive such Grants or as to your Majesty shall seem proper, "And your petitioners shall ever pray, Jas Macdonald, Normand Macdonald. "[201]

 "To the Right Honble the Lords of the Committee of his Majesty's most Honble Privy Council for Plantation Affairs. Whitehall 21st of June 1771. 

My Lords, In obedience to His Majesty's Order in Council, dated June 14th, 1771, we have taken into consideration, the humble Petition of JamesMacdonald, Merchant in Porterie in the Isle of Sky and Normand Macdonaldof Slate in the said Island for themselves and on behalf of HughMacdonald, Edmund Macqueen, John Belton and Alexander Macqueen of Slatethe Reverend Mr William Macqueen and Alexander Macdonald of the saidIsle of Sky and County of Inverness, setting forth that the Petitionershaving had in view to form a Settlement to themselves and their Familiesin His Majesty's province of North Carolina, have for some time beenmaking dispositions for that purpose by engaging servants and disposingof their effects in this Country and being now ready to embark and carrytheir said intention into execution, the Petitioners humbly pray, thatHis Majesty will be pleased to grant them forty thousand Acres of Landin the said Province upon the terms and conditions it hath been usual togrant such Lands. Whereupon We beg leave to report to your Lordships, That the emigration of inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland to theAmerican Colonies is a circumstance which in our opinion cannot fail tolessen the strength and security and to prejudice the landed Interestand Manufactures of these Kingdoms and the great extent to which thisemigration hath of late years prevailed renders it an object welldeserving the serious attention of government. 

Upon the ground of this opinion We have thought it necessary in Caseswhere we have recommended Grants of Land in America, to be made topersons of substance and ability in this Kingdom, to propose amongstother conditions, that they should be settled by foreign Protestants;and therefore We can on no account recommend to your Lordships to adviseHis Majesty to comply with the prayer of a Petition, founded on aresolution taken by a number of considerable persons to abandon theirsettlements in this Kingdom and to pass over into America, with theirFamilies and Dependants in a large Body and which therefore holds out aPlan that we think, instead of meriting the Encouragement, ought ratherto receive the discountenance of government. 

 We are My Lords &c. Hillsborough Ed: Eliot John Roberts Wm Fitzherbert. "[202]

"At the Court of St James's the 19th day of June 1772. Present TheKing's most Excellent Majesty in Council. 

Whereas there was this day read at the Board a Report from the RightHonourable the Lords of the Committee of Council for plantation affairsDated the 17th of this Instant in the words following viz, Your Majesty having been pleased by your order in council of the 14thJune 1771, to refer to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantationsthe humble petition of James Macdonald Merchant of Portrie in the Isleof Sky and Norman Macdonald of Slate in the said Island for themselvesand on behalf of Hugh Macdonald Edmund Macqueen John Betton andAlexander Macqueen of Slate and Reverend Mr Wm Macqueen and AlexanderMacdonald of the said Isle of Sky and County of Inverness setting forththat the petitioners have had in view to form a settlement to themselvesand their families in your Majesty's Province of North Carolina have forsometime been making Dispositions for that purpose by engaging servantsand disposing of their Effects in this Country and being now ready toembark and carry their said intention into execution the petitionershumbly pray that your Majesty will be pleased to grant them Fortythousand acres of Land in the said Province upon the terms andconditions it hath been usual to grant such Lands. The said LordsCommissioners have reported to this Committee "that the emigration ofthe Inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland to the American Colonies isa circumstance which in their opinion cannot fail to lessen the strengthand security and to prejudice the landed Interest and manufactures ofthese Kingdoms and the great extent to which this emigration has of lateyears prevailed renders it an object well deserving the seriousattention of Government that upon the Ground of this opinion they havethought it necessary in cases where they have recommended Grants of Landin America to be made to persons of substance and ability in thisKingdom to propose amongst other conditions that they should be settledby foreign protestants and therefore the said Lords Commissioners can onno account recommend to this committee to advise your Majesty to complywith the prayer of a petition founded on a resolution taken by a numberof considerable persons to abandon their settlements in this Kingdom andto pass over to America with their Families and Dependants in a largebody and which therefore holds out a plan that they think instead ofmeeting the encouragement ought rather to receive the discouragement ofGovernment. The Lords of the Committee this day took the saidRepresentation and petition into consideration and concurring in opinionwith the said Lord Commissioners for Trade and Plantations do agreehumbly to report as their opinion to your Majesty that the said Petitionof the said James and Norman Macdonald ought to be dismissed. 

His Majesty taking the said Report into consideration was pleased withthe advise of his Privy Council to approve thereof and to order as it ishereby ordered that the said Petition of the said James and NormanMacdonald be and it is hereby dismissed this board. "[203]

NOTE N. 

CAPTAIN JAMES STEWART COMMISSIONED TO RAISE A COMPANY OF HIGHLANDERS. 

The Records of the New York Convention of July 25, 1775, contain thefollowing:

"The Committee appointed to take into consideration and report the mostproper mode for employing in the service of this State Mr. JamesStewart, late Lieutenant in Colonel Livingston's Regiment, delivered intheir Report, which was read; and the same being read, paragraph byparagraph, and amended, was agreed to, and is in the words following, towit:

_Resolved_, That the said James Stewart is desiring a Captain'sCommission in the service of this State, and that a Warrant beimmediately given to him to raise a Company with all possible despatch. 

That the said Company ought to consist of Scotch Highlanders, or as manyof them as possible, and that they serve during the war, unless soonerdischarged by this Convention, or a future Legislature of this State. 

That the said Company shall consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, oneEnsign, four Sergeants, four Corporals, one Drum, one Fife, and not lessthan sixty-two Privates. 

That a Bounty of fifteen dollars be allowed to each Non-CommissionedOfficer and Private. 

That they be entitled to Continental Pay and Rations, and subject to theContinental Articles of War, till further orders from this Convention ora future Legislature of this State. 

That the said James Stewart shall not receive pay as a Captain until heshall have returned to this Convention, or a future Legislature of thisState, a regular muster roll, upon oath, of thirty able-bodied men, dulyinlisted. 

That the Treasurer of this Convention be ordered to advance to the saidJames Stewart £144, in order to enable him to advance the bounty tothose he may inlist taking his receipt to account for the same to theTreasurer of this State. 

That as soon as the said James Stewart shall have returned to thisConvention, or a future Legislature of this State, a regular muster-rollof thirty able-bodied men, duly inlisted, certifying that the said menhave been mustered, in the presence of a person to be appointed by theChairman of the Committee of the City and County of Albany, or of aperson to be appointed by the Chairman of the Committee of the City andCounty of New York, that then, and not before, the said James Stewartshall be authorized to draw upon the Chairman of the Committee of theCity and County of Albany for the further sum of £100 in order that hemay be enabled to proceed in his inlistment, giving his receipt toaccount for the same to the Treasurer of this State; and that when thesaid James Stewart shall have been duly inlisted and mustered, in thepresence of a person to be appointed by the Chairman of the Committee ofthe City and County of Albany, the whole of his Company, or as many ashe can inlist, and then he shall be entitled to receive of the saidChairman of the County Committee the remaining proportion of bounty dueto the non-commissioned officers and privates which he shall haveinlisted. 

That if the said James Stewart shall not be able to complete theinlistment of this Company, that he shall make a report of the same, with all dispatch, to the President of this Convention, or to a futureLegislature, who will either order his Commission to issue, or make suchfurther provision for his trouble in recruiting as the equity of thecase shall require. 

That the Treasurer of this Convention be ordered to remit into the handsof John Barclay, Esquire, of the City of Albany, the sum of £288, on orbefore the last day of December next, in order to enable him to makeunto the said James Stewart the disbursements aforesaid. 

That the said James Stewart shall be authorized to engage to each manthe sum of 7s. Per week, billeting money, till such time as furtherprovision is made for the subsistence of his recruits. 

That the said Company, when raised, shall be either employed as anindependent Company, or incorporated into any Battallion as to thisConvention, or to a future proper authority of this State, shall appearadvisable. "[204]

There is no evidence that this action of the Convention terminated inany thing tangible. There was a James Stewart, captain of the thirdcompany, in the Fifth regiment of the New York Line, and while there wasa large percentage in that regiment bearing Highland names, yet CaptainStewart's company had but five. It is not to be assumed that the twonames represented the same person. 

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 196: _Ibid_, Vol. XI, p. 370. ]

[Footnote 197: American Archives, Fourth Series, Vol. V, p. 495. ]

[Footnote 198: Colonial Records of Penna. , Vol. IX, p. 111. ]

[Footnote 199: _Ibid. _]

[Footnote 200: See Loskiel's Hist. Indian Mission, Book II, Chapter XVI. Schweinitz's Life of Zeisberger, Chap, XV. ]

[Footnote 201: North Carolina Colonial Records, Vol. VIII, p. 620. ]

[Footnote 202: _Ibid_, p. 621. ]

[Footnote 203: N. C. Colonial Records, Vol. IX, p. 303. ]

[Footnote 204: American Archives, Fifth Series, Vol. I, p. 1441. ]

LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 

 * * * * *

Adams, Comfort A. , 46 Streator ave. Cleveland, O. Alabama Polytechnic Institute Library. Auburn, Ala. Alexander, M. J, Lilac St, E. E. Pittsburg, Pa. Alexander, William H. , 302 South 31st St. Omaha, Neb. Allread, Hon. J. I. , Attorney-at-Law, Greenville, O. Ammons, Mrs. Harriet McL. , Franklin, O. Bain, James, Jr. , Public Library, Toronto, Ont. Bedford, Miss Florence E. , Springboro, O. Boston Athenĉum, Boston, Mass. Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick, Me. Brown, William, Bookseller, Edinburgh. Scot. (4 copies). Buchanan, Charles J. , 79 Chapel St. , Albany, N. Y. Butte Free Public Library, Butte, Mont. Cameron, Mrs. Angus, La Crosse, Wis. Cameron, Rev. Robert, D. D. , 487 Hope St. , Providence, R. I. Camp, Mrs. B. H. , Brookfield, Conn. Campbell, A. A. , Pharmacist, 235 Rondo St. , St Paul, Minn. Campbell, E. K. , Attorney-at-Law, Birmingham, Ala. Campbell, J. D. , General Solicitor, P. & R. Railway, Wyncote, Pa. Campbell, Mrs. Mary C. , 2 Congress St. , Hartford. Conn. Campbell, Rev. Clement C. , Hartford, Wis. Carnegie Free Library, Braddock, Pa. Carnegie Library, Allegheny, Pa. Carnegie Library, Pittsburgh, Pa. Carruthers, David, New York City. Casselman, Prof. A. C. , 36 St. James ave. , Toronto, Ont. Chisholm, W. P. , M. D. , Brockton, Mass. Colquhoun, Sir James of Luss, Bart. , (2 copies)Colwell, Irving S. , Bookseller, Auburn, N. Y. Cornell University Library, Ithaca, N. Y. Cowan, George, Edinburgh, Scot. Cowles, Dr. Edward, Supt. McLean Hospital, Waverly, Mass. Craig, Allen, Mauch Chunk, Pa. Cumming, J. McGregor, 1 East 39th St. , New York City. Cushing & Co. , Booksellers, Baltimore, Md. Day, Prof. Alfred, Day's School of Shorthand, Cleveland, O. Deacon, Edward, Bridgeport, Conn. Davenport, Benjamin Rush, 83 Halsey, Cleveland, O. Drake, R. Ingalton, Bookseller, Eton. Douglas, Percy, 1002 Walnut St. , Kansas City, Mo. (2 copies). Drummond, Josiah H. , Attorney-at-Law, Portland, Me. Duncan, Rev. Herman C. , S. T. D. , Alexandria, La. Fairbanks, Rev. Edward T. , St Johnsbury. Vt. Ferguson, Henry, 123 Vernon St. , Hartford, Conn. Ferguson, S. P. , Blue Hill Observatory, Hyde Park, Mass. Fiske, Prof. John, LL. D. , 22 Berkeley St. , Cambridge, Mass. Forbes Library, Northampton, Mass. Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles of Drummond, LL. D. , F. S. A. Scot. Free Public Library, Newark, N. J. Free Public Library, Paterson, N. J. Free Public Library, Salt Lake City, UtahFree Public Library, St. Joseph, Mo. Free Public Library, Worcester, Mass. Goulden & Curry, Booksellers, Tunbridge Wells. Graham, Geo. S. , 509 Crozer Building, Philadelphia, Pa. G. P. Putnam's Sons, Publishers & Booksellers, New York City. Grosvenor Public Library, Buffalo, N. Y. Harris, Joseph S. , 168 School Lane, Germantown, Philadelphia, Pa. Herrick, L. C. , M. D. , 106 E. Broad St. , Columbus, O. Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pa. Howard, A. McLean, Toronto, Ont. Humphrey, Geo. P. , Bookseller, Rochester, N. Y. Huntington, Geo. , Librarian Carleton College, Northfield, Minn. Indianapolis Public Library, Indianapolis, Ind. Indiana University Library, Bloomington, Ind. James Prendergast Free Library, Jamestown, N. Y. Johnston, John. , Banker, Milwaukee, Wis. Kenan, Spalding, M. D. , Darien, Ga. Leggat Brothers, Booksellers. New York City. Little, Brown & Co. , Booksellers, Boston, Mass. (2 copies). Macdonald, Aeneas A. , Barrister-at-Law, Charlottetown, P. E. I. Macdonald, Alexander, Town Clerk, Govan, Glasgow, Scot. Macdonald, John Archibald, Traccadie Cross, P. E. I. MacInnis, Rev. J. M. , Hallock, Minn. Mackay, John, C. E. , J. P. , Hereford. Scot. (2 copies). Maclean, Alex. C. , M. D. , 346 S. W. Temple St. , Salt Lake City, Utah. MacLean, Archibald, M. D. , Sarnia, Ont. Maclean, Arthur A. , 712 People's Bank Bldg. , Denver, Colo. MacLean, Daniel. , P. O. Box 65, Durango, Colo. MacLean, Donald, M. D. , LL. D. , 821 Woodward ave. , Detroit, Mich. Maclean, K. T. , Thomasville, Ga. Maclean, Malcolm, P. M. , Walkerton, Ont. MacLean, R. E. , Wells Delta Co. , Mich. MacLean, Rev. James T. , Oakryn, Pa. Macleod, Norman, Bookseller, Edinburgh. MacRae, Capt. Donald, Wilmington. N. C. MacRae, Prof. Jas. C. , Dean of Law School, Chapel Hill, N. C. McAdam, Judge David, New York City. McCarrell, Hon. Sam'l J. M. , Attorney-at-Law, Harrisburg, Pa. McClain, E. L. , Greenfield, O. McClain, Robert A. , No. 9 Central Square, Youngstown, O. McClean, Miss Abby M. , 208 Melrose St. , Melrose Highlands, Mass. McClellan, Prof. H. B. , Prin. Sayre Female Inst. Lexington, Ky. McCook, Colonel John J. , 120 Broadway, New York City. McCook, J. J. , New York City. McCook, Rev. Henry C. , D. D. , The Manse, 3700 Chestnut St. , Phila. , Pa. McCorvey, Prof. Thomas Chalmers, Tuscaloosa, Ala. McCowan, Prof. J. S. , 12 N. 2nd St. , Marshalltown, Iowa. McCulloch, H. M. , Presho, N. Y. McDonald, M. G. , Rome, Ga. McDonald, Wm. , 51 Lancaster St. , Albany, N. Y. McGee, Prof. W. J. , Bureau Am. Ethnology, Washington, D. C. McGlauflin, Rev. W. H. , D. D. , 243 Baker St. , Atlanta, Ga. McGrew, Hon. J. C. , Kingwood, West Va. McIlhenny, John, 1339 Cherry St. , Philadelphia. Pa. McIntosh, William Swinton, Darien, Ga. McIver, Mrs. G. W. , 1611 Larkin St. , San Francisco, Calif. McKeithen, N. A. , Aberdeen, N. C. McKenzie, Alexander A. , Hanover, N. H. McLane, James, Franklin, O. McLaughlin, Rev. D. N. , Chester, S. C. McLaren, Rt. Rev. W. E. , D. D. , D. C. L. , Chicago, Ill. McLean, Angus W. , Attorney-at-Law, Lumberton, N. C. McLean, Col. Hugh H. , Barrister, St. John, N. B. McLean, David, Danbury, Conn. McLean, Harry D. , Souris, P. E. I. McLean, Hon. Donald, Counselor-at-Law, 27 William St. , New York City. McLean, John, Danbury, Conn. McLean, John, M. D. , 3 111th St. , Pullman, Chicago, Ill. McLean, Mrs. C. B. , Winebiddle Ave. , & Harriet St. , Pittsburgh, Pa. McLean, Prof. Andrew C. , Oneida St. , Pittsburgh, Pa. McLean, Rev. J. C. , St. Georges, P. E. I. McLean, Rev. J. K. , D. D. Pres't Pacific Theol. Seminary, Oakland, Calif. McLean, Wm. , Albion, Neb. McLeod, Hugh M. , Attorney-at-Law, Wausa, Neb. McMillan, Rev. D. J. , D. D. , New York City. McNeill, John, New York City. McNeill, Malcolm, Lake Forest, Ill. McQueen, Joseph P. , Attorney-at-Law, Eutaw, Ala. Mercantile Library, Astor Place, New York City. Mercantile Library, St. Louis, Mo. Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul, Minn. Mitchell Library, Glasgow, Scot. Monroe, Prof. Will S. , State Normal School, Westfield, Mass. Montgomery, D. B. , Owensville. Ind. Montgomery, H. P. , Attorney-at-Law, Georgetown, Ky. Morey, Hon. H. L. , Attorney-at-Law, Hamilton, O. Munro, David A. , New York City. Munro, Rev. G. A. , Milford, Neb. Munro, Rev. John J. , 894 Forest ave. , New York City. Munro, Robert F. , New York City. New Hampshire Historical Society, Concord, N. H. New Harmony Working Men's Institute, New Harmony, Ind. New York Historical Society, New York City. New York Public Library, New York City. Nickerson, Sereno D. , Masonic Temple, Boston. Mass. Ohio State Archĉological and Historical Society, Columbus, O. Osterhout Free Library, Wilkes-Barre, Pa. Pardoe, Avern, Legislative Librarian, Toronto, Ont. Patten, Miss Jennie M. , Brush, Colo. Patten, James A. , 51-53 Board of Trade, Chicago. Ill. (3 copies). Peoria Public Library, Peoria, Ill. Preston & Rounds Co. , Booksellers, Providence, R. I. Public Library and Reading Room, Bridgeport, Conn. Public Library, Cincinnati, O. Public Library, Chicago, Ill. Public Library, Detroit, Mich. Public Library, Milwaukee, Wis. Reid, Wm. M. , Kansas City, Mo. Robertson, Major G. C. , of Widmerpool. Robertson, R. S. , Attorney-at-Law, Fort Wayne, Ind. Ross, A. W. , Columbia, B. C. Selby, Prof. J. L. , Greenville, O. Slocum, Chas. E. , M. D. , Ph. D. , Defiance, O. Smith, Mrs. J. Morgan, Birmingham, Ala. State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis. State Library, Columbus, O. State Library, Harrisburg, Pa. Stewart, John A. , New York City. St. Paul Book and Stationary Co. , St. Paul, Minn. Stuart, Henry C. , Custom House, New York City. Syracuse Central Library, Syracuse. N. Y. The Bowen-Merrill Co. , Booksellers, Indianapolis, Ind. (2 copies). The John Crerar Library, Chicago, Ill. The Robert Clarke Co. , Booksellers, Cincinnati, O. Thomson, Hon. Wm. , Judge Judicial District, Burlingame, Kan. Thomson, William, New York City. University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C. Vaughn, Wm. J. , Nashville, Tenn. War Department Library, Washington, D. C. W. B. Clarke Co. , Booksellers, Boston, Mass. Welsh, R. G. , New York City. Western Reserve Historical Society, Cleveland, O. Westfield Athanĉum, Westfield, Mass. Wheeling Public Library, Wheeling, W. Va. Wilkinson, Mrs. Henry W. , 168 Bowen St. , Providence, R. I. Williams College Library, Williamstown, Mass. Wilson, Mrs. Obed J. , 378 Lafayette ave. , Clifton, Cincinnati, O. Wright, Prof. G. Frederick, D. D. , LL. D. , Oberlin, O.