AN HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONIES OF SOUTHCAROLINA AND GEORGIA

In Two Volumes. 

VOL. II. 

By ALEXANDER HEWATT

CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME

CHAP. VII. 

 _The form of legal governments. _ _Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the Indians. _ _Brings with him to England seven Cherokees. _ _Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance. _ _Speech of a Cherokee warrior. _ _Robert Johnson governor. _ _Several indulgences granted the people. _ _Happy effects of peace and security. _ _A project formed for planting a new colony. _ _James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia. _ _He treats with Indians for a share of their lands. _ _Tomochichi's speech to the King. _ _His Majesty's answer. _ _Indians easiest managed by gentle and fair means. _ _The colony of Switzers brought Carolina. _ _Eleven townships marked out. _ _A struggle about lands. _ _State of the colony. _ _The regulation of the Trustees. _ _Their impolitical restrictions. _ _Two colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out. _ _Thomas Broughton Lieut. -governor of Carolina. _ _Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia. _ _Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards. _ _The brave Chickesaws defeat the French. _ _Religious state of the colony. _ _The association of Presbyterians. _ _Remarks on paper currency. _ _Small progress of Georgia. _ _Hardships of the first settlers. _ _An Irish colony planted. _

CHAP. VIII. 

 _Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico. _ _William Bull Lieutenant-governor. _ _Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia. _ _The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks. _ _Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain. _ _Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp. _ _A negro insurrection in Carolina. _ _A war with Spain. _ _A project for invading Florida. _ _Measures concerted for this purpose. _ _General Oglethorpe marches against Florida. _ _Invests Augustine. _ _Raises the siege. _ _A great fire at Charlestown. _ _A petition in favour of the rice trade. _ _Remarks on the treatment of slaves. _ _The hardships of their situation. _ _Oppressed with ignorance and superstition. _ _James Glen governor. _ _Lord Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown. _ _The country much exposed to invasion. _ _The Spaniards invade Georgia. _ _A stratagem to get rid of the enemy. _ _The Spaniards retreat to Augustine. _ _Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe. _ _His character cleared, and conduct vindicated. _ _The Carolineans petition for three independent companies. _ _The colony's advantages from Britain. _ _Its advantage and importance to Britain. _

CHAP. IX. 

 _All commotions and oppressions in Europe favourable to America. _ _Cultivation attended with salutary effects. _ _Mean heat in Carolina. _ _The diseases of the country. _ _Climate favourable to the culture of indigo. _ _The manner of cultivating and making indigo. _ _The common methods of judging of its quality. _ _Nova Scotia settled. _ _The great care of Britain for these colonies. _ _Low state of Georgia. _ _Complaint of the people. _ _Troubles excited by Thomas Bosomworth. _ _With difficulty settled. _ _The charter surrendered to the King. _ _George Whitfield's settlement. _ _Whitfield's orphan-house. _ _Sketch of his character. _ _A congress with Creeks. _ _The Governor's speech to them. _ _Malatchee's answer. _ _A hurricane at Charlestown. _ _The advantages of poor settlers in the province. _ _The advantages of money-lenders. _ _And of the borrowers. _ _Great benefits enjoyed by the colonists. _ _Progress of the province. _

CHAP. X. 

 _A dispute about the limits of British and French territories. _ _A chain of forts raised by the French. _ _The distracted state of the British colonies. _ _General Braddock's defeat in Virginia. _ _Colonel Johnson's success at Lake George. _ _Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees. _ _And purchases a large tract of land from them. _ _Forts built in defence of Carolina. _ _Its excellent fruits and plants. _ _Its minerals undiscovered. _ _The British forces augmented. _ _Their first success in America. _ _The cause of the Cherokee war. _ _Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them. _ _The Cherokees sue for peace. _ _Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees. _ _Holds a congress at Fort Prince George. _ _His speech to Attakullakulla. _ _Attakullakulla's answer. _ _A treaty concluded with six chiefs. _ _The Governor returns to Charlestown. _ _The treaty of peace broken. _ _Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the fort. _ _The war becomes general. _ _Colonel Montgomery arrives. _ _And marches against the Cherokees. _ _Chastises them near Etchoe. _ _And returns to Fort Prince George. _ _The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians. _ _Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon. _ _The terms obtained for the garrison. _ _Treacherously broken by the savages. _ _A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George. _ _Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia. _ _The war continues. _ _The Highlanders return to Carolina. _ _Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees. _ _Engages and defeats them. _ _Destroys their towns. _ _Peace with the Cherokees. _ _A quarrel between the commanding officers. _ _A whirlwind at Charlestown. _ _Of the heat at Savanna. _

CHAP. XI. 

 _A peace, and its happy effects respecting America. _ _Boundaries of East and West Florida. _ _The southern provinces left secure. _ _Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers. _ _Georgia begins to flourish. _ _A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina. _ _A number of Palatines seduced into England. _ _Sent into Carolina. _ _And settled at Londonderry. _ _Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland. _ _And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina. _ _Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians. _ _John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs. _ _Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it. _ _Present state of Indian nations in the southern district. _ _Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians, at Mobile. _ _A description of Charlestown. _ _The number of its inhabitants. _ _A general view of the manners, &c. Of the people. _ _And of their way of living. _ _The arts and sciences only of late encouraged. _ _The militia and internal strength of the province. _ _Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief. _ _Of its merchants and trade. _ _Of its planters and agriculture. _ _An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her colonies, and the causes of it. _ _The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give great offence. _ _A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans. _ _Upon which the people of New England discover their disaffection to government. _ _An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation for the stamp-duty. _ _The stamp-act passes in parliament. _ _Violent measures taken to prevent its execution. _ _The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding the act. _ _Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the British parliament. _ _The people become more violent in opposition to government. _ _The merchants and manufacturers in England join in petitioning for relief. _ _The stamp-act repealed. _ _Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British parliament in America. _ _And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies. _

THE HISTORY OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF THE COLONY OF SOUTH CAROLINA. 

CHAP. VII. 

 [Sidenote] The form of legal governments. 

From that period in which the right and title to the lands of Carolinawere sold, and surrendered to the King, and he assumed the immediate careand government of the province, a new aera commences in the annals ofthat country, which may be called the aera of its freedom, security, andhappiness. The Carolineans who had long laboured under innumerablehardships and troubles, from a weak proprietary establishment, at lastobtained the great object of their desires, a royal government, theconstitution of which depended on commissions issued by the crown to theGovernor, and the instructions which attended those commissions. The formof all provincial governments was borrowed from that of their mothercountry, which was not a plan of systematic rules drawn before-hand byspeculative men, but a constitution which was the result of many ages ofwisdom and experience. Its great object is the public good, in promotingof which all are equally concerned. It is a constitution which has aremedy within itself for every political disorder, which, when properlyapplied, must ever contribute to its stability and duration. After themodel of this British constitution the government of Carolina now assumeda form like the other regal ones on the continent, which were composed ofthree branches, of a Governor, a Council, and an Assembly. The crownhaving the appointment of the Governor, delegates to him; itsconstitutional powers, civil and military, the power of legislation asfar as the King possesses it; its judicial and executive powers, togetherwith those of chancery and admiralty jurisdiction, and also those ofsupreme ordinary: all these powers, as they exist in the crown, are knownby the laws of the realm; as they are entrusted to Governors, they aredeclared and defined by their commissions patent. The council, thoughdiffering in many respects from the house of peers, are intended torepresent that house, and are appointed by the King during pleasure, forsupporting the prerogatives of the crown in the province. The Assemblyconsists of the representatives of the people, and are elected by them asthe House of Commons in Great Britain, to be the guardians of theirlives, liberties, and properties. Here also the constitution confides inthe good behaviour of the representatives; for should they presume in anyrespect to betray their trust, it gives the people more frequentopportunities than even in Britain, of chusing others in their stead. TheGovernor convenes, prorogues, and dissolves these Assemblies, and has anegative on the bills of both houses. After bills have received hisassent, they are sent to Great Britain for the royal approbation, inconsequence of which they have the force of laws in the province. This isa general sketch of the royal governments, which are intended to resemblethe constitution of Great Britain, as nearly as the local circumstancesof the provinces will admit, and which, notwithstanding itsimperfections, is certainly the best form of government upon earth. Bythe instructions which the Governor receives from time to time fromEngland, his power no doubt is greatly circumscribed; but it is his dutyto transmit authentic accounts of the state of his province, in orderthat the instructions given him may be proper, and calculated forpromoting not only the good of the province, but also that of the Britishempire. 

 [Sidenote] Sir Alexander Cumming sent out to treat of peace with the Indians. 

After the purchase of the province, the first object of the royal concernwas, to establish the peace of the colony on the most firm and permanentfoundation; and for this purpose treaties of union and alliance withIndian nations were judged to be essentially necessary. Domestic securitybeing first established, the colonists might then apply themselves toindustry with vigour and success, and while they enriched themselves, they would at the same time enlarge the commerce and trade of themother-country. For this purpose Sir Alexander Cumming was appointed, andsent out to conclude a treaty of alliance with the Cherokees, at thistime a warlike and formidable nation of savages. These Indians occupiedthe lands about the head of Savanna river, and backwards among theApalachian mountains. The country they claimed as their hunting groundswas of immense extent; and its boundaries had never been clearlyascertained. The inhabitants of their different towns were computed toamount to more than twenty thousand, six thousand of whom were warriors, fit on any emergency to take the field. An alliance with such a nationwas an object of the highest consequence to Carolina, and likewise to themother-country, now engaged for its defence and protection. 

 [Sidenote] Brings with him to England seven Cherokees. 

About the beginning of the year 1730, Sir Alexander arrived in Carolina, and made preparations for his journey to the distant hills. For hisguides he procured some Indian traders, well acquainted with the woods, and an interpreter who understood the Cherokee language, to assist him inhis negociations. When he reached Keowee, abort three hundred miles fromCharlestown, the chiefs of the lower towns there met him, and receivedhim with marks of great friendship and esteem. He immediately dispatchedmessengers to the middle, the valley, and over-hill settlements, andsummoned a general meeting of all their chiefs, to hold a congress withhim at Nequassee. Accordingly in the month of April the chief warriors ofall the Cherokee towns assembled at the place appointed. After thevarious Indian ceremonies were over, Sir Alexander made a speech to them, acquainting them by whose authority he was sent, and representing thegreat power and goodness of his sovereign King George; how he, and allhis other subjects, paid a cheerful obedience to his laws, and of coursewere protected by him from all harm: That he had come a great way todemand of Moytoy, and all the chieftains of the nation, to acknowledgethemselves the subjects of his King, and to promise obedience to hisauthority: and as he loved them, and was answerable to his Sovereign fortheir good and peaceable behaviour, he hoped they would agree to what heshould now require of them. Upon which the chiefs, falling on theirknees, solemnly promised fidelity and obedience, calling upon all thatwas terrible to fall upon them if they violated their promise. SirAlexander then, by their unanimous consent, nominated Moytoy commanderand chief of the Cherokee nation, and enjoined all the warriors of thedifferent tribes to acknowledge him for their King, to whom they were tobe accountable for their conduct. To this they also agreed, providedMoytoy should be made answerable to Sir Alexander for his behaviour tothem. After which many useful presents were made them, and the congressended to the great satisfaction of both parties. The crown was broughtfrom Tenassee, their chief town, which with five eagle tails, and fourscalps of their enemies, Moytoy presented to Sir Alexander, requestinghim, on his arrival at Britain, to lay them at his Majesty's feet. ButSir Alexander proposed to Moytoy, that he should depute some of theirchiefs to accompany him to England, there to do homage in person to thegreat King. Accordingly six of them agreed, and accompanied Sir Alexanderto Charlestown, where being joined by another, they embarked for Englandin the Fox man of war, and arrived at Dover in June 1730. 

 [Sidenote] Who enter into a treaty of peace and alliance. 

We shall not pretend to describe their behaviour at the sight of London, or their wonder and astonishment at the greatness of the city, the numberof the people, and the splendour of the army and court. Being admittedinto the presence of the King, they, in the name of their nation, promised to continue for ever his Majesty's faithful and obedientsubjects. A treaty was accordingly drawn up, and signed by Alured Popple, secretary to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, on oneside; and by the marks of the six chiefs, on the other. The preamble tothis treaty recites, "That whereas the six Chiefs, with the consent ofthe whole nation of Cherokees, at a general meeting of their nation atNequassee, were deputed by Moytoy, their chief warrior, to attend SirAlexander Cumming to Great Britain, where they had seen the great KingGeorge: and Sir Alexander, by authority from Moytoy and all theCherokees, had laid the crown of their nation, with the scalps of theirenemies and feathers of glory, at his Majesty's feet, as a pledge oftheir loyalty: And whereas the great King had commanded the LordsCommissioners of trade and plantations to inform the Indians, that theEnglish on all sides of the mountains and lakes were his people, theirfriends his friends, and their enemies his enemies; that he took itkindly the great nation of Cherokees had sent them so far, to brightenthe chain of friendship between him and them, and between his people andtheir people; that the chain of friendship between him and the Cherokeesis now like the sun, which shines both in Britain and also upon the greatmountains where they live, and equally warms the hearts of Indians andEnglishmen; that as there is no spots or blackness in the sun, so neitheris there any rust or foulness on this chain. And as the King had fastenedone end to his breast, he defied them to carry the other end of the chainand fasten it to the breast of Moytoy of Telliquo, and to the breasts ofall their old wise men, their captains, and people, never more to be madeloose or broken. 

"The great King and the Cherokees being thus fastened together by a chainof friendship, he has ordered, and it is agreed, that his children inCarolina do trade with the Indians, and furnish them with all manner ofgoods they want, and to make haste to build houses and plant corn fromCharlestown, towards the towns of Cherokees behind the great mountains:That he desires the English and Indians may live together as children ofone family; that the Cherokees be always ready to fight against anynation, whether white men or Indians, who shall dare to molest or hurtthe English; that the nation of Cherokees shall, on their part, take careto keep the trading path clean, that there be no blood on the path wherethe English tread, even though they should be accompanied with otherpeople with whom the Cherokees may be at war: That the Cherokees shallnot suffer their people to trade with white men of any other nation butthe English, nor permit white men of any other nation to build any fortsor cabins, or plant any corn among them, upon lands which belong to thegreat King: and if any such attempt shall be made, the Cherokees mustacquaint the English Governor therewith, and do whatever he directs, inorder to maintain and defend the great King's right to the country ofCarolina: That if any negroes shall run away into the woods from theirEnglish masters, the Cherokees shall endeavour to apprehend them, andbring them to the plantation from whence they run away, or to theGovernor, and for every slave so apprehended and brought back, the Indianthat brings him shall receive a gun and a watch-coat: and if by anyaccident it shall happen, that an Englishman shall kill a Cherokee, theKing or chief of the nation shall first complain to the English Governor, and the man who did the harm shall be punished by the English laws as ifhe had killed an Englishman; and in like manner, if any Indian happens tokill an Englishman, the Indian shall be delivered up to the Governor, tobe punished by the same English laws as if he were an Englishman. "

This was the substance of the first treaty between the King and theCherokees, every article of which was accompanied with presents ofdifferent kinds, such as cloth, guns, shot, vermilion, flints, hatchets, knives. The Indians were given to understand, "That these were the wordsof the great King, whom they had seen, and as a token that his heart wasopen and true to his children the Cherokees, and to all their people, abelt was given the warriors, which they were told the King desired themto keep, and shew to all their people, to their children, and children'schildren, to confirm what was now spoken, and to bind this agreement ofpeace and friendship between the English and Cherokees, as long as therivers shall run, the mountains shall last, or the sun shall shine. "

 [Sidenote] Speech of a Cherokee warrior. 

This treaty, that it might be the easier understood, was drawn up inlanguage as similar as possible to that of the Indians, which at thistime was very little known in England, and given to them, certified andapproved by Sir Alexander Cumming. In answer to which, Skijagustah, inname of the rest, made a speech to the following effect:--"We are comehither from a mountainous place, where nothing but darkness is to befound--but we are now in a place where there is light. --There was aperson in our country--he gave us a yellow token of warlike honour, whichis left with Moytoy of Telliquo, --and as warriors we received it. --Hecame to us like a warrior from you. --A man he is;--his talk isupright--and the token he left preserves his memory among us. --We lookupon you as if the great King were present;--we love you as representingthe great King;--we shall die in the same way of thinking. --The crown ofour nation is different from that which the great King George wears, andfrom that we saw in the tower. --But to us it is all one. --The chain offriendship shall be carried to our people. --We look upon the great KingGeorge as the Sun, and as our father, and upon ourselves as hischildren. --For though we are red, and you are white, yet our hands andhearts are joined together. --When we shall have acquainted our peoplewith what we have seen, our children from generation to generation willalways remember it. --In war we shall always be one with you. The enemiesof the great King shall be our enemies;--his people and ours shall beone, and shall die together. --We came hither naked and poor as the wormsof the earth, but you have every thing, --and we that have nothing mustlove you, and will never break the chain of friendship which is betweenus. --Here stands the Governor of Carolina, whom we know. --This small ropewe show you is all that we have to bind our slaves with, and it may bebroken. --But you have iron chains for yours. --However, if we catch yourslaves, we will bind them as well as we can, and deliver them to ourfriends, and take no pay for it. --We have looked round for the personthat was in our country--he is not here;--however, we must say he talkeduprightly to us, and we shall never forget him. --Your white people mayvery safely build houses near us;--we shall hurt nothing that belongs tothem, for we are children of one father, the great King, and shall liveand die together. " Then laying down his feathers upon the table he added:"This is our way of talking, which is the same thing to us as yourletters in the book are to you, and to you beloved men we deliver thesefeathers in confirmation of all we have said. "

The Cherokees, however barbarous, were a free and independent people; andthis method of obtaining a share of their lands by the general consent, was fair and honourable in itself, and most agreeable to the generalprinciples of equity, and the English constitution. An agreement is madewith them, in consequence of which the King could not only give a justtitle to Indian lands; but, by Indians becoming his voluntary subjects, the colonists obtained peaceable possession. The Cherokees held abundanceof territory from nature, and with little injury to themselves couldspare a share of it; but reason and justice required that it be obtainedby paction or agreement. By such treaties mutual presents were made, mutual obligations were established, and, for the performance of theconditions required, the honour and faith of both parties were pledged. Even to men in a barbarous state such policy was the most agreeable, aswill afterwards clearly appear; for the Cherokees, in consequence of thistreaty, for many years, remained in a state of perfect friendship andpeace with the colonists, who followed their various employments in theneighbourhood of those Indians, without the least terror or molestation. 

 [Sidenote] Robert Johnson Governor. 

About the beginning of the year 1731, Robert Johnson, who had beenGovernor of Carolina while in the possession of the Lords Proprietors, having received a commission from the King, investing him with the sameoffice and authority, arrived in the province. He brought back theseIndian chiefs, possessed with the highest ideas of the power andgreatness of the English nation, and not a little pleased with the kindand generous treatment they had received. The Carolineans, who had alwaysentertained the highest esteem for this gentleman, even in the time oftheir greatest confusion, having now obtained him in the character ofKing's Governor, a thing they formerly had so earnestly desired, receivedhim with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Sensible of his wisdom andvirtue, and his strong attachment to the colony, they promised themselvesmuch prosperity and happiness under his gentle administration. 

This new Governor, from his knowledge of the province, and thedispositions of the people, was not only well qualified for his highoffice, but he had a council to assist him, composed of the mostrespectable inhabitants. Thomas Broughton was appointedLieutenant-governor, and Robert Wright Chief Justice. The other membersof the council were, William Bull, James Kinloch, Alexander Skene, JohnFenwick, Arthur Middleton, Joseph Wragg, Francis Yonge, John Hamerton, and Thomas Waring. At the first meeting of Assembly, the Governorrecommended to both houses, to embrace the earliest opportunity oftestifying their gratitude to his Majesty for purchasing seven-eightparts of the province, and taking it under his particular care; heenjoined them to put the laws in execution against impiety andimmorality, and as the most effectual means of discouraging vice, toattend carefully to the education of youth. He acquainted them of thetreaty which had been concluded in England with the Cherokees, which hehoped would be attended with beneficial and happy consequences; herecommended the payment of public debts, the establishment of publiccredit, and peace and unanimity among themselves as the chief objects oftheir attention; for if they should prove faithful subjects to hisMajesty, and attend to the welfare and prosperity of their country, hehoped soon to see it, now under the protection of a great and powerfulnation, in as flourishing and prosperous a situation as any of the othersettlements on the continent. They in return presented to him the mostloyal and affectionate addresses, and entered on their publicdeliberations with uncommon harmony and great satisfaction. 

 [Sidenote] Several indulgences granted the people. 

For the encouragement of the people, now connected with the mothercountry both by mutual affection and the mutual benefits of commerce, several favours and indulgences were granted them. The restraint uponrice, an innumerated commodity, was partly taken off; and, that it mightarrive more seasonably and in better condition at the market, thecolonists were permitted to send it to any port southward of CapeFinisterre. A discount upon hemp was also allowed by parliament. Thearrears of quit-rents bought from the Proprietors were remitted by abounty from the Crown. For the benefit and enlargement of trade theirbills of credit were continued, and seventy-seven thousand pounds werestamped and issued by virtue of an act of the legislature, called theAppropriation Law. Seventy pieces of cannon were sent out by the King, and the Governor had instructions to build one fort at Port-Royal, andanother on the river Alatamaha. An independent company of foot wasallowed for their defence by land, and ships of war were stationed therefor the protection of trade. These and many more favours flowed to thecolony, now emerging from the depths of poverty and oppression, andarising to a state of freedom, ease and affluence. 

 [Sidenote] Happy effects of peace and security. 

As a natural consequence of its domestic security, the credit of theprovince in England increased. The merchants of London, Bristol, andLiverpool turned their eyes to Carolina, as a new and promising channelof trade, and established houses in Charlestown for conducting theirbusiness with the greater ease and success. They poured in slaves fromAfrica for cultivating their lands, and manufactures of Britain forsupplying the plantations; by which means the planters obtained greatcredit, and goods at a much cheaper rate than they could be obtained fromany other nation. In consequence of which the planters having greaterstrength, turned their whole attention to cultivation, and cleared thelands with greater facility and success. The lands arose in value, andmen of foresight and judgment began to look out and secure the richestspots for themselves, with that ardour and keenness which the prospectsof riches naturally inspire. The produce of the province in a few yearswas doubled. During this year above thirty-nine thousand barrels of ricewere exported, besides deer-skins, furs, naval stores, and provisions;and above one thousand five hundred negroes were imported into it. Fromthis period its exports kept pace with its imports, and secured itscredit in England. The rate of exchange had now arisen to seven hundred_per cent. I. E. _ seven hundred Carolina money was given for a bill of anhundred pounds sterling on England; at which rate it afterwardscontinued, with little variation, for upwards of forty years. 

Hitherto small and inconsiderable was the progress in cultivationCarolina had made, and the face of the country appeared like a desert, with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely discernible amidst theimmense forest. The colonists were slovenly farmers, owing to the vastquantities of lands, and the easy and cheap terms of obtaining them; fora good crop they were more indebted to the great power of vegetation andnatural richness of the soil, than to their own good culture andjudicious management. They had abundance of the necessaries, and severalof the conveniencies of life. But their habitations were clumsy andmiserable huts, and having no chaises, all travellers were exposed inopen boats or on horseback to the violent heat of the climate. Theirhouses were constructed of wood, by erecting first a wooden frame, andthen covering it with clap-boards without, and plastering it with limewithin, of which they had plenty made from oyster-shells. Charlestown, atthis time, consisted of between five and six hundred houses, mostly builtof timber, and neither well constructed nor comfortable, plainindications of the wretchedness and poverty of the people. However, fromthis period the province improved in building as well as in many otherrespects; many ingenious artificers and tradesmen of different kindsfound encouragement in it, and introduced a taste for brick buildings, and more neat and pleasant habitations. In process of time, as the colonyincreased in numbers, the face of the country changed, and exhibited anappearance of industry and plenty. The planters made a rapid progresstowards wealth and independence, and the trade being well protected, yearly increased and flourished. 

 [Sidenote] A project formed for planting a new colony

At the same time, for the relief of poor and indigent people of GreatBritain and Ireland, and for the farther security of Carolina, thesettlement of a new colony between the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna wasprojected in England. This large territory, situated on the south-west ofCarolina, yet lay waste, without an inhabitant except its originalsavages. Private compassion and public spirit conspired towards promotingthe excellent design. Several persons of humanity and opulence havingobserved many families and valuable subjects oppressed with the miseriesof poverty at home, united, and formed a plan for raising money andtransporting them to this part of America. For this purpose they appliedto the King, obtained from him letters-patent, bearing date June 9th, 1732, for legally carrying into execution what they had generouslyprojected. They called the new province Georgia, in honour of the King, who likewise greatly encouraged the undertaking. A Corporation consistingof twenty-one persons was constituted, by the name of Trustees, forsettling and establishing the Colony of Georgia; which was separated fromCarolina by the river Savanna. The Trustees having first set an examplethemselves, by largely contributing towards the scheme, undertook also tosolicit benefactions from others, and to apply the money towardsclothing, arming, purchasing utensils for cultivation, and transportingsuch poor people as should consent to go over and begin a settlement. They however confined not their views to the subjects of Britain alone, but wisely opened a door also for oppressed and indigent Protestants fromother nations. To prevent any misapplication or abuse of charitabledonations, they agreed to deposit the money in the bank of England, andto enter in a book the names of all the charitable benefactors, togetherwith the sums contributed by each of them; and to bind and obligethemselves, and their successors in office, to lay a state of the moneyreceived and expended before the Lord Chancellor of England, the LordChief Justice of the King's Bench and Common Pleas, the Master of theRolls, and the Lord Chief Baron of the Exchequer. 

When this scheme of the Trustees with respect to the settlement ofGeorgia was made public, the well-wishers of mankind in every part ofBritain highly approved of an undertaking so humane and disinterested. Toconsult the public happiness, regardless of private interest, and tostretch forth a bountiful hand for relief of distressed fellow-creatures, were considered as examples of uncommon benevolence and virtue, andtherefore worthy of general imitation. The ancient Romans, famous fortheir courage and magnanimity, ranked the planting of colonies amongtheir noblest works, and such as added greater lustre to their empirethan their most glorious wars and victories. By the latter old citieswere plundered and destroyed; by the former new ones were founded andestablished. The latter ravaged the dominions of enemies, and depopulatedthe world; the former improved new territories, provided for unfortunatefriends, and added strength to the state. The benevolent founders of thecolony of Georgia perhaps may challenge the annals of any nation toproduce a design more generous and praise-worthy than that they hadundertaken. They voluntarily offered their money, their labour, and time, for promoting what appeared to them the good of others, leavingthemselves nothing for reward but the inexpressible satisfaction arisingfrom virtuous actions. Among other great ends they had also in view theconversion and civilization of Indian savages. If their publicregulations were afterwards found improper and impracticable; if theirplan of settlement proved too narrow and circumscribed; praise, nevertheless, is due to them. Human policy at best is imperfect; but, when the design appears so evidently good and disinterested, the candidand impartial part of the world will make many allowances for them, considering their ignorance of the country, and the many defects thatcleave to all codes of laws, even when framed by the wisest legislators. 

About the middle of July, 1732, the trustees for Georgia held their firstgeneral meeting, when Lord Percival was chosen President of theCorporation. After all the members had qualified themselves, agreeable tothe charter, for the faithful discharge of the trust, a common seal wasordered to be made. The device was, on one side, two figures resting uponurns, representing the rivers Alatamaha and Savanna, the boundaries ofthe province; between them the genius of the colony seated, with a cap ofliberty on his head, a spear in one hand and a cornucopia in the other, with the inscription, COLONIA GEORGIA AUG. : on the other side was arepresention of silk worms, some beginning and others having finishedtheir web, with the motto, NON SIBI SED ALIIS; a very proper emblem, signifying, that the nature of the establishment was such, that neitherthe first trustees nor their successors could have any views of interest, it being entirely designed for the benefit and happiness of others. 

 [Sidenote] James Oglethorpe carries a colony to Georgia. 

In November following, one hundred and sixteen settlers embarked atGravesend for Georgia, having their passage paid, and every thingrequisite for building and cultivation furnished them by the Corporation. They could not properly be called adventurers, as they run no risque butwhat arose from the change of climate, and as they were to be maintaineduntil by their industry they were able to support themselves. JamesOglethorpe, one of the Trustees, embarked along with them, and proved azealous and active promoter of the settlement. In the beginning of theyear following Oglethorpe arrived in Charlestown, where he was receivedby the Governor and Council in the kindest manner, and treated with everymark of civility and respect. Governor Johnson, sensible of the greatadvantage that must accrue to Carolina from this new colony; gave all theencouragement and assistance in his power to forward the settlement. Manyof the Carolineans sent them provisions, and hogs, and cows to begintheir stock. William Bull, a man of knowledge and experience, agreed toaccompany Mr. Oglethorpe, and the rangers and scout-boats were ordered toattend him to Georgia. After their arrival at Yamacraw, Oglethorpe andBull explored the country, and having found an high and pleasant spot ofground, situated on a navigable river, they fixed on this place as themost convenient and healthy situation for the settlers. On this hill theymarked out a town, and, from the Indian name of the river which ran pastit, called it Savanna. A small fort was erected on the banks of it as aplace of refuge, and some guns were mounted on it for the defence of thecolony. The people were set to work in felling trees and building hutsfor themselves, and Oglethorpe animated and encouraged them, by exposinghimself to all the hardships which the poor objects of his compassionendured. He formed them into a company of militia, appointed officersfrom among themselves, and furnished them with arms and ammunition. Toshew the Indians how expert they were at the use of arms, he frequentlyexercised them; and as they had been trained beforehand by the serjeantsof the guards in London, they performed their various parts in a mannerlittle inferior to regular troops. 

 [Sidenote] He treats with Indians for a share of their lands. 

Having thus put his colony in as good a situation as possible, the nextobject of his attention was to treat with the Indians for a share oftheir possessions. The principal tribes that at this time occupied theterritory were the Upper and Lower Creeks; the former were numerous andstrong, the latter, by diseases and war, had been reduced to a smallernumber: both tribes together were computed to amount to about twenty-fivethousand, men, women and children. Those Indians, according to a treatyformerly made with Governor Nicolson, laid claim to the lands lyingsouth-west of Savanna river, and, to procure their friendship for thisinfant colony, was an object of the highest consequence. But as the tribeof Indians settled at Yamacraw was inconsiderable, Oglethorpe judged itnecessary to have the other tribes also to join with them in the treaty. To accomplish this union he found an Indian woman named Mary, who hadmarried a trader from Carolina, and who could speak both the English andCreek languages; and perceiving that she had great influence amongIndians, and might be made useful as an interpreter in forming treatiesof alliance with them; he therefore first purchased her friendship withpresents, and afterwards settled an hundred pounds yearly on her, as areward for her services. By her assistance he summoned a general meetingof the chiefs, to hold a congress with him at Savanna, in order toprocure their consent to the peaceable settlement of his colony. At thiscongress fifty chieftains were present, when Oglethorpe represented tothem the great power, wisdom and wealth of the English nation, and themany advantages that would accrue to Indians in general from a connectionand friendship with them; and as they had plenty of lands, he hoped theywould freely resign a share of them to his people, who were come fortheir benefit and instruction to settle among them. After havingdistributed some presents, which must always attend every proposal offriendship and peace, an agreement was made, and then Tomochichi, in nameof the Creek warriors, addressed him in the following manner: "Here is alittle present, and, giving him a buffaloe's skin, adorned on the insidewith the head and feathers of an eagle, desired him to accept it, becausethe eagle was an emblem of speed, and the buffalo of strength. He toldhim, that the English were as swift as the bird and as strong as thebeast, since, like the former, they flew over vast seas to the uttermostparts of the earth; and, like the latter, they were so strong thatnothing could withstand them. He said, the feathers of the eagle weresoft, and signified love; the buffalo's skin was warm, and signifiedprotection; and therefore he hoped the English would love and protecttheir little families. " Oglethorpe accordingly accepted the present, andafter having concluded this treaty limited by the nature of theirgovernment, was nevertheless great, as they always directed the publiccouncils in all affairs relative to peace and war. It is true their youngmen, fond of fame and glory from warlike exploits, and rejoicing inopportunities of distinguishing themselves, will now and then, incontempt to the power of their old leaders, break out in scalpingparties. To moderate and restrain the fiery passions of the young men, the sages find generally the greatest difficulties, especially as thesepassions are often roused by gross frauds and impositions. Unprincipledand avaricious traders sometimes resided among them, who, that they mightthe more easily cheat them, first filled the savages drunk, and then tookall manner of advantages of them in the course of traffic. When theIndian recovered from his fit of drunkenness, and finding himself robbedof his treasures, for procuring which he had perhaps hunted a whole year, he is filled with fury, and breathes vengeance and resentment. Noauthority can then restrain him within the bounds of moderation. At sucha juncture in vain does the leader of the greatest influence interpose. He spurns at every person that presumes to check that arm by which alonehe defends his property against the hands of fraud and injustice. Amongthemselves indeed theft is scarcely known, and injuries of this kind areseldom committed; and had the traders observed in general the samejustice and equity in their dealings with them, as they commonly practiceamong themselves, it would have been an easy matter with their wise andgrave leaders to maintain peace in all the different intercourses betweenEuropeans and Indians. Tomochichi acknowledged, that the Governor of theworld had given the English great wisdom, power and riches, insomuch thatthey wanted nothing; he had given Indians great territories, yet theywanted every thing; and he prevailed on the Creeks freely to resign suchlands to the English as were of no use to themselves, and to allow themto settle among them, on purpose that they might get instruction, and besupplied with the various necessaries of life. He persuaded them, thatthe English were a generous nation, and would trade with them on the mostjust and honourable terms; that they were brethren and friends, and wouldprotect them from danger, and go with them to war against all theirenemies. 

Some say that James Oglethorpe, when he came out to settle this colony inGeorgia, brought along with him Sir Walter Raleigh's journals, written byhis own hand; and by the latitude of the place, and the traditions of theIndians, it appeared to him that Sir Walter had landed at the mouth ofSavanna river. Indeed during his wild and chimerical attempts for findingout a golden country, it is not improbable that this brave adventurervisited many different places. The Indians acknowledged that theirfathers once held a conference with a warrior who came over the greatwaters. At a little distance from Savanna, there is an high mount ofearth, under which they say the Indian King lies interred, who talkedwith the English warrior, and that he desired to be buried in the sameplace where this conference was held. But having little authority withrespect to this matter, we leave the particular relation of it to men incircumstances more favourable for intelligence. 

 [Sidenote] The colony of Switzers brought to Carolina. 

While the security of Carolina, against external enemies, by thissettlement of Georgia, engaged the attention of British government, themeans of its internal improvement and population at the same time werenot neglected. John Peter Pury, a native of Neufchatel in Switzerland, having formed a design of leaving his native country, paid a visit toCarolina, in order to inform himself of the circumstances, and situationof the province. After viewing the lands there, and procuring all theinformation he could, with respect to the terms of obtaining them, hereturned to Britain. The government entered into a contract with him, and, for the encouragement of the people, agreed to give lands and fourhundred pounds sterling for every hundred effective men he shouldtransport from Switzerland to Carolina. Pury, while in Carolina, havingfurnished himself with a flattering account of the soil and climate, andof the excellence and freedom of the provincial government, returned toSwitzerland, and, published it among the people. Immediately one hundredand seventy poor Switzers agreed to follow him, and were transported tothe fertile and delightful province as he described it; and not longafterwards two hundred more came over, and joined them. The Governor, agreeable to instructions, allotted forty thousand acres of lands for theuse of the Swiss settlement on the north-east side of Savanna river; anda town was marked out for their accommodation, which he calledPurisburgh, from the name of the principal promoter of the settlement. Mr. Bignion, a Swiss minister, whom they had engaged to go with them, having received episcopal ordination from the bishop of London, settledamong them for their religious instruction. On the one hand the Governorand council, happy in the acquisition of such a force, allotted each ofthem his separate tract of land, and gave every encouragement in theirpower to the people: On the other, the poor Swiss emigrants began theirlabours with uncommon zeal and courage, highly elevated with the idea ofpossessing landed estates, and big with the hopes of future success. However, in a short time they felt the many inconveniencies attending achange of climate. Several of them sickened and died, and others foundall the hardships of the first state of colonization falling heavily uponthem. They became discontented with the provisions allowed them, andcomplained to government of the persons employed to distribute them; and, to double their distress, the period for receiving the bounty expiredbefore they had made such progress in cultivation as to raise sufficientprovisions for themselves and families. The spirit of murmur crept intothe poor Swiss settlement, and the people finding themselves oppressedwith indigence and distress, could consider their situation in no otherlight than a state of banishment, and not only blamed Pury for deceivingthem, but also heartily repented their leaving their native country. 

 [Sidenote] Eleven townships marked out. 

According to the new plan adopted in England for the more speedypopulation and settlement of the province; the Governor had instructionsto mark out eleven townships, in square plats, on the sides of rivers, consisting each of twenty thousand acres, and to divide the lands withinthem into shares of fifty acres for each man, woman, and child, thatshould come over to occupy and improve them. Each township was to form aparish, and all the inhabitants were to have an equal right to the river. So soon as the parish should increase to the number of an hundredfamilies, they were to have right to send two members of their ownelection to the Assembly, and to enjoy the same privileges as the otherparishes already established. Each settler was to pay four shillings ayear for every hundred acres of land, excepting the first ten years, during which term they were to be rent free. Governor Johnson issued awarrant to St. John, Surveyor-general of the province, empowering him togo and mark out those townships. But he having demanded an exorbitant sumof money for his trouble, the members of the council agreed amongthemselves to do this piece of service for their country. Accordinglyeleven townships were marked out by them in the following situations; twoon river Alatamacha, two on Savanna, two on Santee, one on Pedee, one onWacamaw, one on Watcree, and one on Black rivers. 

 [Sidenote] A struggle about lands. 

The old planters now acquiring every year greater strength of hands, bythe large importation of negroes, and extensive credit from England, began to turn their attention more closely than ever to the lands of theprovince. A spirit of emulation broke out among them for securing tractsof the richest ground, but especially such as were most convenientlysituated for navigation. Complaints were made to the Assembly, that allthe valuable lands on navigable rivers and Creeks adjacent to Port-Royalhad been run out in exorbitant tracts, under colour of patents granted bythe Proprietors to Cassiques and Landgraves, by which the complainants, who had, at the hazard of their lives, defended the country, werehindered from obtaining such lands as could be useful and beneficial, atthe established quit-rents, though the Attorney and Solicitor-General ofEngland had declared such patents void. Among others, Job Rothmaller andThomas Cooper, having been accused of some illegal practices with respectto this matter, a petition was presented to the Assembly by thirty-nineinhabitants of Granville county in their vindication. When the Assemblyexamined into the matter, they ordered their messenger forthwith to takeinto custody Job Rothmaller and Thomas Cooper, for aiding, assisting, andsuperintending the deputy-surveyor in marking out tracks of land alreadysurveyed, contrary to the quit rent act. But Cooper, being taken intocustody, applied to Chief Justice Wright for a writ of _habeas corpus_, which was granted. The Assembly, however, sensible of the illconsequences that would attend such illegal practices, determined to puta stop to them by an act made on purpose. They complained to the Governorand Council against the Surveyor-General, for encouraging land-jobbers, and allowing such liberties as tended to create litigious disputes in theprovince, and to involve it in great confusion. In consequence of which, the Governor, to give an effectual check to such practices, prohibitedSt. John to survey lands to any person without an express warrant fromhim. The Surveyor-general, however, determined to make the most of hisoffice, and having a considerable number to support him, represented bothGovernor and Council as persons disaffected to his Majesty's government, and enemies to the interest of the country. Being highly offended at theAssembly, he began to take great liberties without doors, and to turnsome of their speeches into ridicule. Upon which an order was issued totake St. John also into custody; and then the Commons came to thefollowing spirited resolutions: "That it is the undeniable privilege ofthis Assembly to commit such persons they may judge to deserve it: Thatthe freedom of speech and debate ought not to be impeached or questionedin any court or place out of that house: That it is a contempt andviolation of the privileges of that house, to call in question any oftheir commitments: That no writ of _habeas corpus_ lies in favour of anyperson committed by that house, and that the messenger attending do yieldno obedience to such; and that the Chief Justice be made acquainted withthese resolutions. " In consequence of which, Wright complained before theGovernor and Council of these resolutions, as tending to the dissolutionof all government, and charged the lower house with disallowing hisMajesty's undoubted prerogative, and with renouncing obedience to hiswrits of _habeas corpus_. But the Council in general approved of theirconduct, and were of opinion, that the Assembly of Carolina had that sameprivilege there, that the House of Commons had in England. In short, thisaffair created some trouble in the colony. For while a strong party, frommotives of private interest, supported the Chief Justice; the Assemblyresolved, "That he appeared to be prejudiced against the people, and wastherefore unworthy of the office he held, and that it would tend to thetranquillity of the province immediately to suspend him. "

In this situation was the colony about the end of the year 1733. Eachplanter, eager in the pursuit of large possessions of land, which wereformerly neglected, because of little value, strenuously vied with hisneighbour for a superiority of fortune, and seemed impatient of everyrestraint that hindered or cramped him in his favourite pursuit. Manyfavours and indulgences had already been granted them from the Crown, forpromoting their success and prosperity, and for securing the provinceagainst external enemies. What farther favours they expected, we maylearn from the following Memorial and Representation of the state ofCarolina, transmitted to his Majesty, bearing date April 9th, 1734, andsigned by the Governor, the President of the Council, and the Speaker ofthe Commons House of Assembly. 

 [Sidenote] State of the colony. 

"Your Majesty's most dutiful subjects of this province, having oftenfelt, with hearts full of gratitude, the many signal instances of yourMajesty's peculiar favour and protection, to those distant parts of yourdominions, and especially those late proofs of your Majesty's mostgracious and benign care, so wisely calculated for the preservation ofthis your Majesty's frontier province on the continent of America, byyour royal charter to the Trustees for establishing the colony ofGeorgia, and your great goodness so timely applied, for the promoting thesettlement of the Swiss at Purisburgh; encouraged by such views of yourMajesty's wise and paternal care, extended to your remotest subjects, andexcited by the duty we owe to your most sacred Majesty, to be alwayswatchful for the support and security of your Majesty's interest, especially at this very critical conjuncture, when the flame of a warbreaking out in Europe may very speedily be lighted here, in this yourMajesty's frontier province, which, in situation, is known to be of theutmost importance to the general trade and traffic in America: we, therefore, your Majesty's most faithful Governor, Council, and Commons, convened in your Majesty's province of South Carolina, crave leave withgreat humility to represent to your Majesty the present state andcondition of this your province, and how greatly it stands in need ofyour Majesty's gracious and timely succour in case of a war, to assistour defence against the French and Spaniards, or any other enemies toyour Majesty's dominions, as well as against the many nations of savageswhich so nearly threaten the safety of your Majesty's subjects. 

"The province of South Carolina, and the new colony of Georgia, are thesouthern frontiers of all your Majesty's dominions on the continent ofAmerica; to the south and south-west of which is situated the strongcastle of St. Augustine, garrisoned by four hundred Spaniards, who haveseveral nations of Indians under their subjection, besides several othersmall settlements and garrisons, some of which are not eighty milesdistant from the colony of Georgia. To the south-west and west of us theFrench have erected a considerable town, near Fort Thoulouse on theMoville river, and several other forts and garrisons, some not abovethree hundred miles distant from our settlements; and at New Orleans onthe Mississippi river, since her late Majesty Queen Anne's war, they haveexceedingly increased their strength and traffic, and have now many fortsand garrisons on both sides of that great river for several hundred milesup the same; and since his most Christian Majesty has taken out of theMississippi Company the government of that country into his own hands, the French natives in Canada come daily down in shoals to settle allalong that river, where many regular forces have of late been sent overby the King to strengthen the garrisons in those places, and, accordingto our best and latest advices, they have five hundred men in pay, constantly employed as wood-rangers, to keep their neighbouring Indiansin subjection, and to prevent the distant ones from disturbing thesettlements; which management of the French has so well succeeded, thatwe are very well assured they have now wholly in their possession andunder their influence, the several numerous nations of Indians that aresituated near the Mississippi river, one of which, called the Choctaws, by estimation consists of about five thousand fighting men, and who werealways deemed a very warlike nation, lies on this side the river, notabove four hundred miles distant from our out-settlements, among whom, aswell as several other nations of Indians, many French Europeans have beensent to settle, whom the priests and missionaries among them encourage totake Indian wives, and use divers other alluring methods to attach theIndians the better to the French alliance, by which means the French arebecome throughly acquainted with the Indian way, warring and living inthe woods, and have now a great number of white men among them, able toperform a long march with an army of Indians upon any expedition. 

"We further beg leave to inform your Majesty, that if the measures ofFrance should provoke your Majesty to a state of hostility against it inEurope, we have great reason to expect an invasion will be here made uponyour Majesty's subjects by the French and Indians from the Mississippisettlements. They have already paved a way for a design of that nature, by erecting a fort called the Albama fort, alias Fort Lewis, in themiddle of the Upper Creek Indians, upon a navigable river leading toMobile, which they have kept well garrisoned and mounted with fourteenpieces of cannon, and have lately been prevented from erecting a secondnearer to us on that quarter. The Upper Creeks are a nation very bold, active and daring, consisting of about two thousand five hundred fightingmen, (and not above one hundred and fifty miles distant from theChoctaws), whom, through we heretofore have traded with, claimed and heldin our alliance, yet the French, on account of that fort and a superiorability to make them liberal presents, have been for some time strivingto draw them over to their interest, and have succeeded with some of thetowns of the Creeks; which, if they can be secured in your Majesty'sinterest, are the only nation which your Majesty's subjects here candepend upon as the best barrier against any attempts either of the Frenchor their confederate Indians. 

"We most humbly beg leave farther to inform your Majesty, that the Frenchat Mobile perceiving that they could not gain the Indians to theirinterest without buying their deer-skins, (which is the only commoditythe Indians have to purchase necessaries with), and the French not beingable to dispose of those skins by reason of their having no vent for themin Old France, they have found means to encourage vessels from hence, New-York, and other places, (which are not prohibited by the acts oftrade), to truck those skins with them for Indian trading goods, especially the British woollen manufactures, which the French dispose ofto the Creeks and Choctaws, and other Indians, by which means the Indiansare much more alienated from our interest, and on every occasion objectto us that the French can supply them with strouds and blankets as wellas the English, which would have the contrary effect if they were whollysupplied with those commodities by your Majesty's subjects trading withthem. If a stop were therefore put to that pernicious trade with theFrench, the chief dependence of the Creek Indians would be on thisgovernment, and that of Georgia, to supply them with goods; by whichmeans great part of the Choctaws, living next the Creeks, would see theadvantage the Creek Indians enjoyed by having British woollenmanufactures wholly from your Majesty's subjects, and thereby be invitedin a short time to enter into a treaty of commerce with us, which theyhave lately made some offers for, and which, if effected, will soonlessen the interest of the French with those Indians, and by degreesattach them to that of your Majesty. 

"The only expedient we can propose to recover and confirm that nation toyour Majesty's interest, is by speedily making them presents to withdrawthem from the French alliance, and by building some forts among them yourMajesty may be put in such a situation, that on the first notice ofhostilities with the French, your Majesty may be able at once to reducethe Albama fort, and we may then stand against the French and theirIndians, which, if not timely prepared for before a war breaks out, wehave too much reason to fear we may be soon over-run by the unitedstrength of the French, the Creeks and Choctaws, with many other nationsof their Indian allies: for, should the Creeks become wholly enemies, whoare well acquainted with all our settlements, we probably should also besoon deserted by the Cherokees, and a few others, small tribes ofIndians, who, for the sake of our booty, would readily join to make us aprey to the French and savages. Ever since the late Indian war, theoffences given us then by the Creeks have made that nation very jealousof your Majesty's subjects of this province. We have therefore concertedmeasures with the honourable James Oglethorpe, Esq; who, being at thehead of a new colony, will (we hope) be successful for your Majesty'sinterest among that people. He has already by presents attached the LowerCreeks to your Majesty, and has laudably undertaken to endeavour thefixing a garrison among the Upper Creeks, the expence of which is alreadyin part provided for in this session of the General Assembly of thisprovince. We hope therefore to prevent the French from encroachingfarther on your Majesty's territories, until your Majesty is graciouslypleased further to strengthen and secure the same. 

"We find the Cherokee nation has lately become very insolent to yourMajesty's subjects trading among them, notwithstanding the many favoursthe chiefs of that nation received from your Majesty in Great-Britain, besides a considerable expence which your Majesty's subjects of thisprovince have been at in making them presents, which inclines us tobelieve that the French, by their Indians, have been tampering with them. We therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that the building andmounting some forts likewise among the Cherokees, and making thempresents will be highly necessary to keep them steady in their duty toyour Majesty, lest the French may prevail in seducing that nation, whichthey may the more readily be inclined to from the prospect of gettingconsiderable plunder in slaves, cattle, _&c. _ commodities which they verywell know we have among us, several other forts will be indispensiblynecessary, to be a cover to your Majesty's subjects settled backwards inthis province, as also to those of the colony of Georgia, both which inlength are very extensive; for though the trustees for establishing thecolony of Georgia, by a particular scheme of good management, painfullyconducted by the gentleman engaged here in that charitable enterprise, has put that small part of the colony, which he has not yet been able toestablish, in a tenable condition, against the Spaniards of Florida whichlie to the southward; yet the back exposition of those colonies to thevast number of French and Indians which border on the westward, must, incase of a war, cry greatly aloud for your Majesty's gracious and timelysuccour. The expense of our safety on such an occasion, we must, with allhumility, acquaint your Majesty, either for men or money, can never beeffected by your Majesty's subjects of this province, who, in conjunctionwith Georgia, do not in the whole amount to more than three thousand fivehundred men, which compose the militia, and wholly consist of planters, tradesmen, and other men of business. 

"Besides the many dangers which by land we are exposed to from so manyenemies that lie on the back of us; we further beg leave to represent toyour Majesty, the defenceless condition of our ports and harbours, whereany enemies of your Majesty's dominions may very easily by sea invade us, there being no fortifications capable of making much resistance. Those inCharlestown harbour are now in a very shattered condition, occasioned bythe late violent storms and hurricanes, which already cost this country agreat deal of money, and now requires several thousands of pounds torepair the old and build new ones, to mount the ordnance which yourMajesty was graciously pleased to send us, which, with great concern, wemust inform your Majesty we have not yet been able to accomplish, beinglately obliged, for the defence and support of this your Majesty'sprovince and government, to raise, by a tax on the inhabitants, a supplyof above forty thousand pounds paper currency _per annum_, which is aconsiderable deal more than a third part of all the currency among us; acharge which your Majesty's subjects of this province are but barely ableto sustain. Since your Majesty's royal instruction to your Majesty'sGovernor here, an entire stop has been put to the duties which beforeaccrued from European goods imported; and if a war should happen, or anything extraordinary, to be farther expensive here, we should be under theutmost difficulties to provide additionally for the same, lest anincrease of taxes with an apprehension of danger, should drive away manyof our present inhabitants, as well as discourage others from coming hereto settle for the defence and improvement of your Majesty's province, there being several daily moving with their families and effects to NorthCarolina, where there are no such fears and burdens. 

"We must therefore beg leave to inform your Majesty, that, amidst ourother perilous circumstances, we are subject to many intestine dangersfrom the great number of negroes that are now among us, who amount atleast to twenty-two thousand persons, and are three to one of all yourMajesty's white subjects in this province. Insurrections against us havebeen often attempted, and would at any time prove very fatal if theFrench should instigate them, by artfully giving them an expectation offreedom. In such a situation we most humbly crave leave to acquaint yourMajesty, that even the present ordinary expences necessary for the careand support of this your Majesty's province and government, cannot beprovided for by your Majesty's subjects of this province, without yourMajesty's gracious pleasure to continue those laws for establishing theduty on negroes and other duties for seven years, and for appropriatingthe same, which now lie before your Majesty for your royal assent andapprobation; and the further expences that will be requisite for theerecting some forts, and establishing garrisons in the several necessaryplaces, so as to form a barrier for the security of this your Majesty'sprovince, we most humbly submit to your Majesty. 

"Your Majesty's subjects of this province, with fulness of zeal, duty andaffection to your most gracious and sacred Majesty, are so highlysensible of the great importance of this province to the French, that wemust conceive it more than probable, if a war should happen, they willuse all endeavours to bring this country under their subjection; theywould be thereby enabled to support their sugar islands with all sorts ofprovisions and lumber by an easy navigation, which to our great advantageis not so practicable from the present French colonies, besides thefacility of gaining then to their interest most of the Indian trade onthe northern continent; they might then easily unite the Canadees andChoctaws, with the many other nations of Indians which are now in theirinterest. And the several ports and harbours of Carolina and Georgia, which now enable your Majesty to be absolute master of the passagethrough the Gulf of Florida, and to impede, at your pleasure, thetransportation home of the Spanish treasure, would then prove for manyconvenient harbours for your Majesty's enemies, by their privateers orships of war to annoy a great part of the British trade to America, aswell as that which is carried on through the Gulf from Jamaica; besidesthe loss which Great Britain must feel in so considerable a part of itsnavigation, as well as the exports of masts, pitch, tar, and turpentine, which, without any dependence on the northern parts of Europe, are fromhence plentifully supplied for the use of the British shipping. 

"This is the present state and condition of your Majesty's province ofSouth Carolina, utterly incapable of finding funds sufficient for thedefence of this wide frontier, and so destitute of white men, that evenmoney itself cannot here raise a sufficient body of them. 

"With all humility we therefore beg leave to lay ourselves at the feet ofyour Majesty, humbly imploring your Majesty's most gracious care in theextremities we should be reduced to on the breaking out of a war; andthat your Majesty would be graciously pleased to extend your protectionto us, as your Majesty, in your great wisdom, shall think proper. "

 [Sidenote] The regulations of the Trustees. 

In the mean time the Trustees for Georgia had been employed in framing aplan of settlement and establishing such public regulations as theyjudged most proper for answering the great end of the corporation. Inthis general plan they considered each inhabitant both as a planter and asoldier who must be provided with arms and ammunition for defence, aswell as with tools and utensils for cultivation. As the strength of theprovince was their chief object in view, they agreed to establish suchtenures for holding lands in it as they judged most favourable for amilitary establishment. Each tract of land granted was considered as amilitary fief, for which the possessor was to appear in arms, and takethe field, when called upon for the public defence. To prevent largetracts from falling in process of time into one hand, they agreed togrant their lands in tail male in preference to tail general. On thetermination of the estate in tail male, the lands were to revert to thetrust; and such lands thus reverting were to be granted again to suchpersons, as the common council of the trust should judge mostadvantageous for the colony; only the Trustees in such a case were to payspecial regard to the daughters of such persons as had made improvementson their lots, especially when not already provided for by marriage. Thewives of such persons as should survive them, were to be during theirlives entitled to the mansion-house, and one-half of the lands improvedby their husbands. No man was to be permitted to depart the provincewithout licence. If any part of the lands granted by the Trustees, shallnot by cultivated, cleared, and fenced round about with a worm fence, orpales, six feet high, within eighteen years from the date of the grant, such part was to revert to the trust, and the grant with respect to it tobe void. All forfeitures for non-residence, high-treason, felonies, _&c. _were to the Trustees for the use and benefit of the colony. The use ofnegroes was to be absolutely prohibited, and also the importation of rum. None of the colonists were to be permitted to trade with Indians, butsuch as should obtain a special licence for that purpose. 

 [Sidenote] Their impolitical restrictions. 

These were some of the fundamental regulations established by theTrustees of Georgia, and perhaps the imagination of man could scarcelyhave framed a system of rules worse adapted to the circumstances andsituation of the poor settlers, and of more pernicious consequence to theprosperity of the province. Yet, although the Trustees were greatlymistaken, with respect to their plan of settlement, it must beacknowledged their views were generous. As the people sent out by themwere the poor and unfortunate, who were to be provided with necessariesat their public store, they received their lands upon condition ofcultivation, and by their personal residence, of defence. Silk and winebeing the chief articles intended to be raised, they judged negroes werenot requisite to these purposes. As the colony was designed to be abarrier to South Carolina, against the Spanish settlement at Augustinethey imagined that negroes would rather weaken than strengthen it, andthat such poor colonists would run into debt, and ruin themselves bypurchasing them. Rum was judged pernicious to health, and ruinous to theinfant settlement. A free trade with Indians was considered as a thingthat might have a tendency to involve the people in quarrels and troubleswith the powerful savages, and expose them to danger and destruction. Such were probably the motives which induced those humane and generouspersons to impose such foolish and ridiculous restrictions on theircolony. For by granting their small estates in tail male, they drove thesettlers from Georgia, who soon found that abundance of lands could beobtained in America upon a larger scale, and on much better terms. By theprohibition of negroes, they rendered it impracticable in such a climateto make any impression on the thick forest, Europeans being utterlyunqualified for the heavy task. By their discharging a trade with theWest Indies, they not only deprived the colonists of an excellent andconvenient market for their lumber, of which they had abundance on theirlands, but also of rum, which, when mixed with a sufficient quantity ofwater, has been found in experience the cheapest, the most refreshing, and nourishing drink for workmen in such a soggy and burning climate. TheTrustees, like other distant legislators, who framed their regulationsupon principles of speculation, were liable to many errors and mistakes, and however good their design, their rules were found improper andimpracticable. The Carolineans plainly perceived, that they would proveunsurmountable obstacles to the progress and prosperity of the colony, and therefore from motives of pity began to invite the poor Georgians tocome over Savanna river, and settle in Carolina, being convinced thatthey could never succeed under such impolitic and oppressiverestrictions. 

 [Sidenote] Two Colonies of Highlanders and Germans sent out. 

Besides the large sums of money which the Trustees had expended for thesettlement of Georgia, the Parliament had also granted during the twopast years thirty-six thousand pounds towards carrying into execution thehumane purpose of the corporation. But after the representation andmemorial from the legislature of Carolina reached Britain, the nationconsidered Georgia to be of the utmost importance to the Britishsettlements in America, and began to make still more vigorous efforts forits speedy population. The first embarkations of poor people fromEngland, being collected from towns and cities, were found equally idleand useless members of society abroad, as they had been at home. An hardyand bold race of man, inured to rural labour and fatigue, they werepersuaded would be much better adapted both for cultivation and defence. To find men possessed of these qualifications, the Trustees turned theireyes to Germany and the Highlands of Scotland, and resolved to send overa number of Scotch and German labourers to their infant province. Whenthey published their terms at Inverness, an hundred and thirtyHighlanders immediately accepted them, and were transported to Georgia. Atown-ship on the river Alatamaha, which was considered as the boundarybetween the British and Spanish territories, was allotted for theHighlanders, on which dangerous situation they settled, and built a town, which they called New Inverness. About the same time an hundred andseventy Germans embarked with James Oglethorpe, and were fixed in anotherquarter; so that, in the space of three years, Georgia received abovefour hundred British subjects, and about an hundred and seventyforeigners. Afterwards several adventurers, both from Scotland andGermany, followed their countrymen, and added further strength to theprovince, and the Trustees flattered themselves with the hopes of soonseeing it in a promising condition. 

 [Sidenote] Thomas Broughton Lieut. -governor of Carolina. 

The same year Carolina lost Robert Johnson, her favourite Governor, whosedeath was as much lamented by the people, as during his life he had beenbeloved and respected. The province having been much indebted to hiswisdom, courage and abilities, to perpetuate his memory among them, and, in testimony of their esteem, a monument was erected in their church atthe public expence. After his decease the government devolved on ThomasBroughton, a plain honest man, but little distinguished either for hisknowledge or valour. As the welfare of the province depended greatly onits government, no man ought to be entrusted with such a charge but menof approved virtue and capacity. There is as much danger arising to acommunity from a feeble and contemptible government, as from an excess ofpower committed to its rulers. Weak and unexperienced hands hold thereins of government with awkwardness and difficulty, and being easilyimposed upon, their authority sinks into contempt. At this time many ofthe leading men of the colony scrupled not to practise impositions, andbeing eagerly bent on engrossing lands, the Lieutenant-Governor freelygranted them warrants; and the planters, provided they acquired largepossessions, were not very scrupulous about the legality of the way andmanner in which they were obtained. 

 [Sidenote] Oglethorpe fortifies Georgia. 

James Oglethorpe having brought a number of great guns with him fromEngland, now began to fortify Georgia, by erecting strong-holds on itsfrontiers, where he judged they might be useful for its safety andprotection. At one place, which he called Augusta a fort was erected onthe banks of Savanna river, which was excellently situated for protectingthe Indian trade, and holding treaties of commerce and alliance withseveral of the savage nations. At another place, called Frederica, on anisland nigh the mouth of the river Alatamaha, another fort, with fourregular bastions, was erected, and several pieces of cannon were mountedon it. Ten miles nearer the sea a battery was raised, commanding theentrance into the sound, through which all ships of force must come thatmight be sent against Frederica. To keep little garrisons in these forts, to help the Trustees to defray the expences of such public works, tenthousand pounds were granted by the parliament of Great Britain. 

 [Sidenote] Which gives umbrage to the Spaniards. 

While James Oglethorpe was thus busily employed in strengthening Georgia, he received a message from the Governor of Augustine, acquainting himthat a Spanish Commissioner from Havanna had arrived there, in order tomake certain demands of him, and would meet him at Frederica for thatpurpose. At the same time he had advice, that three companies of foot hadcame along with him to that Spanish settlement. A few days afterwardsthis Commissioner came to Georgia by sea, and Oglethorpe, unwilling topermit him to come to Frederica, dispatched a sloop to bring him intoJekyl Sound, where he intended to hold a conference with him. Here theCommissioner had the modesty to demand, that Oglethorpe and his peopleshould immediately evacuate all the territories to the southward of St. Helena Sound, as they belonged to the King of Spain, who was determinedto maintain his right to them; and if he refuted to comply with hisdemand, he had orders to proceed to Charlestown and lay the same beforethe Governor and Council of that province. Oglethorpe endeavoured toconvince him that his Catholic Majesty had been misinformed with respectto those territories, but to no purpose; his instructions wereperemptory, and the conference broke up without coming to any agreement. After which Oglethorpe embarked with all possible expedition, and sailedfor England. 

During his absence the strict law of the Trustees, respecting the rumtrade, had like to have created a quarrel between the Carolineans andGeorgians. The fortification at Augusta had induced some traders ofCarolina to open stores at that place, so conveniently situated forcommerce with Indian nations. For this purpose, land carriage beingexpensive, they intended to force their way by water with loaded boats upSavanna river to their stores at Augusta. But as they passed the town ofSavanna, the magistrates rashly ordered the boats to be stopt, thepackages to be opened, the casks of rum to be staved, and the people tobe confined. Such injurious treatment was not to be suffered; theCarolineans determined to give a check to their insolence, and for thatpurpose deputed two persons, one from the Council and another from theAssembly, to demand of the Georgians by what authority they presumed toseize and destroy the effects of their traders, or to compel them tosubmit to their code of laws. The magistrates of Georgia, sensible oftheir error, made great concessions to the deputies, and treated themwith the utmost civility and respect. The goods were instantly ordered tobe returned, the people to be set at liberty, and all manner ofsatisfaction was given to the deputies they could have expected. Strictorders were sent to the agents of Georgia among Indians not to molest thetraders from Carolina, but to give them all the assistance and protectionin their power. The Carolineans, on the other hand, engaged not tosmuggle any strong liquors among the settlers of Georgia, and thenavigation on the river Savanna was declared equally open and free toboth provinces. 

 [Sidenote] The brave Chickesaws defeat the French. 

About the same time the French took the field against the Emperor; andthe flames of war kindling between such powerful potentates, would, itwas thought, inevitably spread, and involve all Europe in the quarrel. Incase Great Britain should interfere in this matter; and declare in favourof the Emperor, orders were sent out to the Governors of Quebec and NewOrleans to invade the weakest frontiers of the British settlements ofAmerica. For this purpose an army was formed in New France, andpreparations were made for uniting the force of Canada and Louisiana toattack Carolina. But before this design was put in execution, advicecame, that the clouds of war which threatened Europe were dispersed, anda general peace was restored, by the mediation of Britain and Holland. This put a stop to the motions of the main body in Canada; however, adetachment of two hundred French and four hundred Indians were sent downthe Mississippi, to meet a party from New Orleans to cut off theChickesaw Indians. This tribe were the firm allies of Britain, and thebravest nation of savages on the continent, but consisted only of betweensix and eight hundred gun-men. The French having encroached in theirlands, and built some forts nigh them, had on that account drawn uponthemselves their invincible enmity and resentment. The Chickesaws hadlong obstinately opposed their progress up the river Mississippi, andwere now the chief obstacle that prevented a regular communicationbetween Louisiana and Canada. The French determined to remove it, byextirpating this troublesome nation, and for this purpose fell down theriver in boats to the place where they expected to meet their friendsfrom New Orleans. But the party from the southward not coming up at thetime appointed, and the Canadians thinking themselves strong enough forthe enterprize, began the war by attacking the Chickesaw towns. Uponwhich the savages gathered together above three hundred warriors, gavethe French battle in an open field, and, though with considerable loss, compleatly defeated them. Above forty Frenchmen and eight Indians werekilled on the spot, and the rest were taken prisoners, among whom wastheir commander, and chief, brother to Mons. Bienville, Governor of NewOrleans. Hard was the fate of the unfortunate prisoners, who for severaldays were kept almost perishing with hunger in the wilderness, and atlast were tied to a stake, tortured, and burned to death. Another partyof French from Mobile, in the same year, advanced against the Creeks, whowere also unsuccessful, and obliged to retreat with considerable loss. Carolina rejoiced at those disasters, and began now more than ever tocourt the friendship and interest of these rude nations in theirneighbourhood, considering them as the best barrier against their naturalenemies. 

 [Sidenote] Religious state of the colony. 

By this time the Episcopalian form of divine worship had gained ground inCarolina, and was more countenanced by the people than any other. Thatzeal for the right of private judgment had much abated, and thoseprejudices against the hierarchy, which the first emigrants carried fromEngland with them, were now almost entirely worn off from the succeedinggeneration. To bring about this change, no doubt the well-timed zeal andextensive bounty of the society, incorporated for the propagation of theGospel, had greatly contributed. At this time the corporation had no lessthan twelve missionaries in Carolina, each of whom shared of theirbounty. Indeed, a mild church-government, together with able, virtuous, and prudent teachers, in time commonly give the establishment in everycountry a superiority over all sectaries. Spacious churches had beenerected in the province, which were pretty well supplied with clergymen, who were paid from the public treasury, and countenanced by the civilauthority, all which favoured the established church. The dissenters ofCarolina were not only obliged to erect and uphold their churches, andmaintain their clergy by private contributions, but also to contributetheir share in the way of taxes, in proportion to their ability, equallywith their neighbours; towards the maintenance of the poor, and thesupport of the establishment. This indeed many of them considered as agrievance, but having but few friends in the provincial assembly, noredress could be obtained for them. Besides, the establishment gave itsadherents many advantageous privileges in point of power and authorityover persons of other denominations. It gave them the best chance forbeing elected members of the legislature, and of course of beingappointed to offices, both civil and military in their respectivedistricts. Over youthful minds, fond of power, pomp and military parade, such advantages have great weight. Dissenters indeed had the free choiceof their ministers, but even this is often the cause of division. Whendifferences happen in a parish, the minority must yield, and thereforethrough private pique, discontent or resentment, they often conform tothe establishment. It is always difficult, and often impossible for aminister to please all parties, especially where all claim an equal rightto judge and chuse for themselves, and divisions and subdivisions seldomfail to ruin the power and influence of all sectaries. This was evidentlythe case in Carolina for many of the posterity of rigid Dissenters werenow found firm adherents to the church of England, which had grownnumerous on the ruins of the dissenting interest. 

 [Sidenote] The association of Presbyterians. 

However, the emigrants from Scotland and Ireland, most of whom werePresbyterians, still composed a considerable party of the province, andkept up the Presbyterian form of worship in it. Archibald Stobo, of whomI have formerly taken notice, by great diligence and ability stillpreserved a number of followers. An association had been formed in favourof this mode of religious worship, by Messrs. Stobo, Fisher, andWitherspoon, three ministers of the church of Scotland, together withJoseph Stanyarn, and Joseph Blake, men of respectable characters andconsiderable fortunes. The Presbyterians had already erected churches atCharlestown, Wiltown, and in three of the maritime islands, for the useof the people adhering to that form of religious worship. As theinhabitants multiplied, several more in different parts of the provinceafterwards joined them, and built churches, particularly at Jacksonburgh, Indian Town, Port-Royal, and Williamsburgh. The first clergymen havingreceived their ordination in the church of Scotland, the fundamentalrules of the association were framed according to the forms, doctrines, and discipline of that establishment, to which they agreed to conform asclosely as their local circumstances would admit. These ministers adoptedthis mode of religious worship, not only from a persuasion of itsconformity to the primitive Apostolic form, but also from a conviction ofits being, of all others, the most favourable to civil liberty, equality, and independence. Sensible that not only natural endowments, but also acompetent measure of learning and acquired knowledge were necessary toqualify men for the sacred function, and enable them to discharge theduties of it with honour and success, they associated on purpose toprevent deluded mechanics, and illiterate novices from creeping into thepulpit, to the disgrace of the character, and the injury of religion. Indifferent parts of the province, persons of this stamp had appeared, whocried down all establishments, both civil and religions, and seduced weakminds from the duties of allegiance, and all that the Presbytery could dowas to prevent them from teaching under the sanction of their authority. But this association of Presbyterians having little countenance fromgovernment, and no name or authority in law, their success dependedwholly on the superior knowledge, popular talents and exemplary life oftheir ministers. From time to time clergymen were afterwards sent out atthe request of the people from Scotland and Ireland; and the colonistscontributed to maintain them, till at length funds were established intrust by private legacies and donations, to be appropriated for thesupport of Presbyterian ministers, and the encouragement of that mode ofreligious worship and government. 

 [Sidenote] Remarks on paper-currency. 

I have several times made remarks on the paper-currency of the province, which the planters were always for increasing, and the merchants andmoney lenders for sinking. The exchange of London, like a commercialthermometer, served to measure the rise or fall of paper-credit inCarolina; and the price of bills of exchange commonly ascertained thevalue of their current money. The permanent riches of the countryconsisted in lands, houses, and negroes; and the produce of the lands, improved by negroes, raw materials, provisions, and naval stores, wereexchanged for what the province wanted from other countries. Theattention of the mercantile part was chiefly employed about staplecommodities; and as their great object was present profit it was naturalfor them to be governed by that great axiom in trade, whoever bringscommodities cheapest and in the best order to market, must always meetwith the greatest encouragement and success. The planters, on the otherhand, attended to the balance of trade, which was turned in their favour, and concluded, that when the exports of any province exceeded itsimports, whatever losses private persons might now and then sustain, yetthat province upon the whole was growing rich. Let us suppose, what wasindeed far from being the case, that Georgia so far advanced inimprovement as to rival Carolina in raw materials, and exchangeablecommodities, and to undersell her at the markets in Europe: Thisadvantage could only arise from the superior quality of her lands, thecheapness of her labour, or her landed men being contented with smallerprofits. In such a case it was the business of the Carolina merchants tolower the price of her commodities, in order to reap the same advantageswith her neighbours; and this could only be done by reducing the quantityof paper-money in circulation. If gold and silver only past current inGeorgia, which by general consent was the medium of commerce throughoutthe world, if she had a sufficient quantity of them to answer thepurposes of trade, and no paper-currency had been permitted to passcurrent; in such case her commodities would bring their full value at theprovincial market, and no more, according to the general standard ofmoney in Europe. Supposing also that Carolina had a quantity of gold andsilver in circulation, sufficient for the purposes of commerce, and thatthe planters, in order to raise the value of their produce, should issuepaper-money equal to the quantity of gold and silver in circulation, theconsequence would be, the price of labour, and of all articles ofexportation would be doubled. But as the markets of Europe remained thesame, and her commodities being of the same kind and quality with thoseof Georgia, they would not bring an higher price. Some persons must belosers, and in the fist instance this loss must fall on the mercantileinterest, and moneyed men. Therefore this superabundance of paper-credit, on whose foundation the deluded province built its visionary fabric ofgreat wealth, was not only useless, but prejudicial with respect to thecommunity. Paper-money in such large quantities is the bane of commerce, a kind of fictitious wealth, making men by high founding language imaginethey are worth thousands and millions, while a ship's load of it wouldnot procure for the country a regiment of auxiliary troops in time ofwar, nor a suit of clothes at an European market in time of peace. HadAmerica, from its first settlement, prohibited paper-money altogether, her staple commodities must have brought her, in the course of commerce, vast sums of gold and silver, which would have circulated through thecontinent, and answered all the purposes of trade both foreign anddomestic. It is true the value of gold and silver is equally nominal, andrises and falls like the value of other articles of commerce, inproportion to the quantity in circulation. But as nations in general havefixed on these metals as the medium of trade, this has served to stamp avalue on them, and render them the means not only of procuring everywhere the necessaries of life, but by supporting public credit, the chiefmeans also of national protection. 

However, some distinction in point of policy should perhaps be madebetween a colony in its infancy, and a nation already possessed ofwealth, and in an advanced state of agriculture and commerce, especiallywhile the former is united to, and under the protection of the latter. Toa growing colony, such as Carolina, paper-credit, under certainlimitations, was useful in several respects; especially as the gold andsilver always left the country, when it answered the purpose of themerchant for remittance better than produce. This credit served toprocure the planter strength of hands to clear and cultivate his fields, from which the real wealth of the province arose. But in an improvedcountry such as England, supported by labourers, manufacturers and trade, large emissions of paper-money lessen the value of gold and silver, andboth cause them to leave the country, and its produce and manufactures tocome dearer to market. Adventurous planters in Carolina, eager to obtaina number of negroes, always stretched their credit with the traders toits utmost pitch; for as negroes on good lands cleared themselves in afew years, they by this means made an annual addition to their capitalstock. After obtaining this credit, it then became their interest tomaintain their superiority in assembly, and discharge their debt to themerchants in the easiest manner they could. The increase of paper-moneyalways proved to them a considerable assistance, as it advanced the priceof those commodities they brought to the market, by which they cancelledtheir debts with the merchants; so that however much this currency mightdepreciate, the loss occasioned by it from time to time fell not on theadventurous planters, but on the merchants and money-lenders, who wereobliged to take it in payment of debts, or produce, which always arose inprice in proportion to its depreciation. 

In excuse for increasing provincial paper-money the planters always pledthe exigencies of the public, such as warlike expeditions, raisingfortifications, providing military stores, and maintaining garrisons;those no doubt rendered the measure sometimes necessary, and oftenreasonable, but private interest had also considerable weight in adoptingit, and carrying it into execution. In the year 1737, a bill of exchangeon London, for a hundred pounds sterling, sold for seven hundred andfifty pounds Carolina currency. Of this the merchants might complain, butfrom this period they had too little weight in the public councils toobtain any redress. The only resource left for them was to raise theprice of negroes, and British articles of importation, according to theadvanced price of produce, and bills of exchange. However, the exchangeagain fell to seven hundred _per cent. _ at which standard it afterwardsrested and remained. 

 [Sidenote] Small progress of Georgia. 

By this time the poor colonists of Georgia, after trial, had become fullyconvinced of the impropriety and folly of the plan of settlement framedby the Trustees, which, however well intended, was ill adapted to theircircumstances, and ruinous to the settlement. In the province ofCarolina, which lay adjacent, the colonists discovered that there theycould obtain lands not only on better terms, but also liberty to purchasenegroes to assist in clearing and cultivating them. They found labour inthe burning climate intolerable, and the dangers and hardships to whichthey were subjected unsurmountable. Instead of raising commodities forexportation, the Georgians, by the labour of several years, were not yetable to raise provisions sufficient to support themselves and families. Under each discouragements, numbers retired to the Carolina side of theriver, where they had better prospects of success, and the magistratesobserved the infant colony sinking into ruin, and likely to be totallydeserted. The freeholders in and round Savanna assembled together, anddrew up a state of their deplorable circumstances, and transmitted it tothe Trustees, in which they represented their success in Georgia as athing absolutely impossible, without the enjoyment of the same libertiesand privileges with their neighbours in Carolina. In two respects theyimplored relief from the Trustees; they desired a fee-simple or freetitle to their lands, and liberty to import negroes under certainlimitations, without which they declared they had neither encouragementto labour, nor ability to provide for their posterity. But the colony ofHighlanders, instead of joining in this application, to a manremonstrated against the introduction of slaves. As they lay contiguousto the Spanish dominions, they were apprehensive that these enemies wouldentice their slaves from them in time of peace, and in time of warinstigate them to rise against their masters. Besides, they consideredperpetual slavery as shocking to human nature, and deemed the permissionof it as a grievance, and which in some future day might also prove ascourge, and make many feel the smart of that oppression they soearnestly desired to introduce. For as the Spaniards had proclaimedfreedom to them, they alledged that slaves would run away, and ruin poorplanters; and at all events would disqualify them the more for defendingthe province against external enemies, while their families were exposedto barbarous domestics, provoked perhaps by harsh usage, or growndesperate through misery and oppression. 

 [Sidenote] Hardships of the first settlers. 

Few persons who are acquainted with the country will wonder at thecomplaints of the poor settlers in Georgia; for if we consider theclimate to which they were sent, and the labours and hardships they hadto undergo, we may rather be astonished that any of them survived thefirst year after their arrival. When James Oglethorpe took possession ofthis wilderness, the whole was an immense thick forest, exceptingsavannas, which are natural plains where no trees grow, and a few Indianfields, where the savages planted maize for their subsistence. In theprovince there were the same wild animals, fishes, reptiles and insects, which were found in Carolina. The country in the maritime parts waslikewise a spacious plain, covered with pine trees, where the lands werebarren and sandy; and with narrow slips of oaks, hickory, cypress, cane, &c. Where the lands were of a better quality. Rains, thunder-storms, hurricanes, and whirlwinds, were equally frequent in the one province asin the other. Little difference could be perceived in the soil, which inboth was barren or swampy; and the same diseases were common to both. Thelands being covered with wood, through which the sea-breezes could notpenetrate, there was little agitation in the air, which at some seasonswas thick, heavy and foggy, and at others clear, close, and suffocating, both which are very pernicious to health. The air of the swampy land waspregnant with innumerable noxious qualities, insomuch that a moreunwholesome climate was not perhaps to be found in the universe. The poorsettlers considered this howling wilderness to which they were brought, to have been designed by nature rather for the habitation of wild beaststhan human creatures. They found that diseases, or even misfortunes werein effect equally fatal: for though neither of them might prove mortal, yet either would disable them from living, and reduce them to a state inwhich they might more properly be said to perish than to die. 

Nothing has retarded the progress and improvement of these southernsettlements more than the inattention shewn to the natural productions ofthe soil, and the preference which has commonly been given to articlestransplanted from Europe. Over the whole world different articles ofproduce are suited to different soils and climates. As Georgia lay soconvenient for supplying the West Indies with maize, Indian pease, andpotatoes, for which the demand was very great, perhaps the first planterscould scarcely have turned their attention to more profitable articles, but without strength of hands little advantage could be reaped from them. It is true the West-India Islands would produce such articles, yet theplanters would never cultivate them, while they could obtain them bypurchase: the lands there suited other productions more valuable andadvantageous. Abundance of stock, particularly hogs and black cattle, might have been raised in Georgia for the same market. Lumber was also indemand, and might have been rendered profitable to the province, butnothing could succeed there under the foolish restrictions of theTrustees. European grain, such as wheat, oats, barley, and rye, thrivedvery ill on the maritime parts; and even silk and wine were found upontrial by no means to answer their expectations. The bounties given forraising the latter were an encouragement to the settlers, but either nopains were taken to instruct the people in the proper methods of raisingthem, or the soil and climate were ill adapted for the purpose. The poorand ignorant planters applied themselves to those articles of husbandryto which probably they had been formerly accustomed, but which poorlyrewarded them and left them, after all their toil, in a starved andmiserable condition. 

The complaints of the Georgians, however ignorant they might be, oughtnot to have been entirely disregarded by the Trustees. Experiencesuggested those inconveniencies and troubles from which they imploredrelief. The hints they gave certainly ought to have been improved towardscorrecting errors in the first plan of settlement, and framing anothermore favourable and advantageous. Such scattered thoughts of individualssometimes afford wise men materials for forming just judgments, andimproving towards the establishment of the best and most beneficialregulations. The people governed ought never to be excluded from theattention and regard of their Governors. The honour of the Trusteesdepended on the success and happiness of the settlers, and it wasimpossible for the people to succeed and be happy without thoseencouragements, liberties and privileges absolutely necessary to thefirst state of colonization. A free title to their land, liberty to chuseit, and then to manage it in such a manner as appeared to themselves mostconducive to their interest, were the principal incentives to industry;and industry, well directed, is the grand source of opulence to everycountry. 

It must be acknowledged, for the credit of the benevolent Trustees, thatthey sent out these emigrants to Georgia under several very favourablecircumstances. They paid the expences of their passage, and furnishedthem with clothes, arms, ammunition, and instruments of husbandry. Theygave them lands, and bought for some of them cows and hogs to begin theirflock. They maintained their family during the first year of theiroccupancy, or until they should receive some return from their lands. Sothat if the planters were exposed to hazards from the climate, andobliged to undergo labour, they certainly entered on their task withseveral advantages. The taxes demanded, comparatively speaking, were amere trifle. For their encouragement they wrought entirely forthemselves, and for some time were favoured with a free and generousmaintenance. 

 [Sidenote] An Irish colony planted. 

By this time an account of the great privileges and indulgences grantedby the crown for the encouragement of emigration to Carolina, had beenpublished through Britain and Ireland, and many industrious people indifferent parts had resolved to take the benefit of his Majesty's bounty. Multitudes of labourers and husbandmen in Ireland, oppressed by landlordsand bishops, and unable by their utmost diligence to procure acomfortable subsistence for their families, embarked for Carolina. Thefirst colony of Irish people had lands granted them near Santee river, and formed the settlement called Williamsburgh township. Butnotwithstanding the bounty of the crown, these poor emigrants remainedfor several years in low and miserable circumstances. The rigours of theclimate, joined to the want of precaution, so common to strangers, provedfatal to numbers of them. Having but scanty provisions in the first ageof cultivation, vast numbers, by their heavy labour, being bothdebilitated in body and dejected in spirit, sickened and died in thewoods. But as this township received frequent supplies from the samequarter, the Irish settlement, amidst every hardship, increased innumber; and at length they applied to the merchants for negroes, whoentrusted them with a few, by which means they were relieved from theseverest part of the labour, then, by their great diligence and industry, spots of land were gradually cleared, which in the first place yieldedthem provisions, and in process of time became moderate and fruitfulestates. 

CHAP. VIII. 

 [Sidenote] Trade obstructed by the Spaniards of Mexico. 

For several years before an open rupture took place between Great Britainand Spain, no good understanding subsisted between those two differentcourts, neither with respect to the privileges of navigation on theMexican seas, nor to the limits between the provinces of Georgia andFlorida. On one hand, the Spaniards pretended that they had an exclusiveright to some latitudes in the bay of Mexico; and, on the other, thoughthe matter had never been clearly ascertained by treaty, the Britishmerchants claimed the privilege of cutting logwood on the bay ofCampeachy. This liberty indeed had been tolerated on the part of Spainfor several years, and the British merchants, from avaricious motives, had begun a traffic with the Spaniards, and supplied them with goods ofEnglish manufacture. To prevent this illicit trade, the Spaniardsdoubled the number of ships stationed in Mexico for guarding the coast, giving them orders to board and search every English vessel found inthose seas, to seize on all that carried contraband commodities, andconfine the sailors. At length not only smugglers, but fair traders weresearched and detained, so that all commerce in those seas was entirelyobstructed. The British merchants again and again complained to theministry of depredations committed, and damages sustained; which indeedproduced one remonstrance after another to the Spanish court; all whichwere answered only by evasive promises and delays. The Spaniardsflattered the British minister, by telling him, they would enquire intothe occasion of such grievances, and settle all differences by way ofnegotiation. Sir Robert Walpole, fond of pacific measures, and trustingto such proposals of accommodation, for several years suffered thegrievances of the merchants to remain unredressed, and the trade of thenation to suffer great losses. 

 [Sidenote] William Bull Lieut. -governor. 

In the year 1738, Samuel Horsley was appointed Governor of SouthCarolina, but he dying before he left England, the charge of the provincedevolved on William Bull, a man of good natural abilities, and wellacquainted with the state of the province. The garrison at Augustinehaving received a considerable reinforcement, it therefore became thebusiness of the people of Carolina, as well as those of Georgia, to watchthe motions of their neighbours. As the Spaniards pretended a right tothat province, they were pouring in troops into Augustine, which gave theBritish colonists some reason to apprehend they had resolved to asserttheir right by force of arms. William Bull despatched advice to Englandof the growing power of Spain in East Florida, and at the same timeacquainted the Trustees, that such preparations were making there asevidently portended approaching hostilities. The British ministers werewell acquainted with the state of Carolina, from a late representationtransmitted by its provincial legislature. The Trustees for Georgiapresented a memorial to the king, giving an account of the Spanishpreparations, and the feeble and defenceless condition of Georgia, andimploring his Majesty's gracious assistance. In consequence of which, aregiment of six hundred effective men was ordered to be raised, with aview of sending them to Georgia. The King having made James OglethorpeMajor-General of all the forces of the two provinces, gave him thecommand of this regiment and ordered him out for the protection of thesouthern frontiers of the British dominions in America. 

 [Sidenote] Oglethorpe's regiment sent to Georgia. 

About the middle of the same year, the Hector, and Blandford ships of warsailed, to convoy the transports which carried General Oglethorpe and hisregiment to that province. Forty supernumeraries followed the General tosupply the place of such officers or soldiers as might sicken and die bythe change of the climate. Upon the arrival of this regiment, the peopleof Carolina and Georgia rejoiced, and testified their grateful sense ofhis Majesty's paternal care in the strongest terms. The Georgians, whohad been for some time harassed with frequent alarms, now foundthemselves happily relieved, and placed in such circumstances as enabledthem to bid defiance to the Spanish power. Parties of the regiment weresent to the different garrisons, and the expence the Trustees hadformerly been at in maintaining them of course ceased. The General heldhis head-quarters at Frederica, but raised forts on some other islandslying nearer the Spaniards, particularly in Cumberland and Jekyl islands, in which he also kept garrisons to watch the motions of his enemies. 

 [Sidenote] The Spaniards try in vain to seduce the Creeks. 

While these hostile preparations were going on, it behoved GeneralOglethorpe to cultivate the firmest friendship with Indian nations, thatthey might be ready on every emergency to assist him. During his absencethe Spaniards had made several attempts to seduce the Creeks, who weremuch attached to Oglethorpe, by telling them he was at Augustine, andpromised them great presents in case they would pay him a visit at thatplace. Accordingly some of their leaders went down to see the belovedman, but not finding him there, they were highly offended, and resolvedimmediately to return to their nation. The Spanish Governor, in order tocover the fraud, or probably with a design of conveying those leaders outof the way, that they might the more easily corrupt their nation; toldthem, that the General lay sick on board of a ship in the harbour, wherehe would be extremely glad to see them. But the savages were jealous ofsome bad design, and refused to go, and even rejected their presents andoffers of alliance. When they returned to their nation, they found aninvitation from General Oglethorpe to all the chieftains to meet him atFrederica, which plainly discovered to them the insidious designs of theSpaniards, and helped not a little to increase his power and influenceamong them. A number of their head warriors immediately set out to meethim at the place appointed, where the General thanked them for theirfidelity, made them many valuable presents, and renewed the treaty offriendship and alliance with them. At this congress the Creeks seemedbetter satisfied than usual, agreed to march a thousand men to theGeneral's assistance whenever he should demand them, and invited him upto see their towns. But as he was then busy, he excused himself, bypromising to visit them next summer, and accordingly dismissed them noless pleased with his kindness, than incensed against the Spaniards fortheir falsehood and deceit. 

 [Sidenote] Matters hastening to a rupture with Spain. 

By this time the King of England had resolved to vindicate the honour ofhis crown, and maintain his right to those territories in Georgia, together with the freedom of commerce and navigation in the Mexican seas. The pacific system of Sir Robert Walpole had drawn upon him thedispleasure of the nation, particularly of the mercantile part; and thatamazing power and authority he had long maintained began to decline. Thespirit of the nation was rouzed, insomuch that the administration couldno longer wink at the insults, depredations, and cruelties of Spain. Instructions were sent to the British ambassador at the court of Madrid, to demand in the most absolute terms a compensation for the injuries oftrade, which, upon calculation, amounted to two hundred thousand poundssterling; and at the same time a squadron of ten ships of the line, underthe command of Admiral Haddock, were sent to the Mediterranean sea. Thisproduced an order from the Spanish Court to their ambassador, to allowthe accounts of the British merchants, upon condition that the Spanishdemand on the South-Sea Company be deducted: and that Oglethorpe berecalled from Georgia, and no more employed in that quarter, as he hadthere made great encroachments on his Catholic Majesty's dominions. Theseconditions were received at the court of Britain with that indignationwhich might have been expected from an injured and incensed nation. Inanswer to which the Spanish ambassador was given to understand, that theKing of Great Britain was determined never to relinquish his right to asingle foot of land in the province of Georgia; and that he must allowhis subjects to make reprisals, since satisfaction for their losses intrade could in no other way be obtained. In this unsettled situation, however, matters remained for a little while between those two powerfulpotentates. 

 [Sidenote] Mutiny in Oglethorpe's camp. 

In the mean time preparations were making both in Georgia and Florida, byraising fortifications on the borders of the two provinces, to hold eachother at defiance. The British soldiers finding themselves subjected to anumber of hardships in Georgia, to which they had not been accustomed inBritain, several of them were discontented and ungovernable. At length aplot was discovered in the camp for assassinating their general. Twocompanies of the regiment had been drawn from Gibraltar, some of whomcould speak the Spanish language. While stationed on Cumberland island, the Spanish out-posts on the other side could approach so near as toconverse with the British soldiers, one of whom had even been in theSpanish service, and not only understood their language, but also had somuch of a Roman Catholic spirit as to harbour an aversion to Protestantheretics. The Spaniards had found means to corrupt this villain, whodebauched the minds of several of his neighbours, insomuch that theyunited and formed a design first to murder General Oglethorpe, and thenmake their escape to Augustine. Accordingly, on a certain day a number ofsoldiers under arms came up to the General, and made some extraordinarydemands; which being refused, they instantly cried out, one and all, andimmediately one of them discharged his piece at him: and being only atthe distance of a few paces, the ball whizzed over his shoulder, but thepowder singed his clothes, and burnt his face. Another presented hispiece, which flashed in the pan; a third drew his hanger and attempted tostab him, but the General parrying it off, an officer standing by run theruffian through the body, and killed him on the spot. Upon which themutineers ran, but were caught and laid in irons. A court-martial wascalled to try the ringleaders of this desperate conspiracy, some of whomwere found guilty and condemned to be shot, in order to deter others fromsuch dangerous attempts. 

Nor was this the only concealed effort of Spanish policy, another of amore dangerous nature soon followed in Carolina, which might have beenattended with much more bloody and fatal effects. At this time there wereabove forty thousand negroes in the province, a fierce, hardy and strongrace, whose constitutions were adapted to the warm climate, whose nerveswere braced with constant labour, and who could scarcely be supposed tobe contented with that oppressive yoke under which they groaned. Long hadliberty and protection been promised and proclaimed to them by theSpaniards at Augustine, nor were all the negroes in the provincestrangers to the proclamation. At different times Spanish emissaries hadbeen found secretly tampering with them, and persuading them to fly fromslavery to Florida, and several had made their escape to that settlement. Of these negro refugees the Governor of Florida had formed a regiment, appointing officers from among themselves, allowing them the same pay andclothing them in the same uniform with the regular Spanish soldiers. Themost sensible part of the slaves in Carolina were not ignorant of thisSpanish regiment, for whenever they run away from their masters, theyconstantly directed their course to this quarter. To no place could negroserjeants be sent for enlisting men where they could have a betterprospect of success. Two Spaniards were caught in Georgia, and committedto jail, for enticing slaves to leave Carolina and join this regiment. Five negroes, who were cattle hunters at Indian Land, some of whombelonged to Captain McPherson, after wounding his son and killing anotherman, made their escape. Several more attempting to get away were taken, tried, and hanged at Charlestown. 

 [Sidenote] A negro insurrection in Carolina. 

While Carolina was kept in a state of constant fear and agitation fromthis quarter, an insurrection openly broke out in the heart of thesettlement which alarmed the whole province. A number of negroes havingassembled together at Stono, first surprised and killed two young men ina warehouse, and then plundered it of guns and ammunition. Being thusprovided with arms, they elected one of their number captain, and agreedto follow him, marching towards the south-west with colours flying anddrums beating, like a disciplined company. They forcibly entered thehouse of Mr. Godfrey, and having murdered him, his wife, and children, they took all the arms he had in it, set fire to the house, and thenproceeded towards Jacksonsburgh. In their way they plundered and burntevery house, among which were those of Sacheveral, Nash, and Spry, killing every white person they found in them, and compelling the negroesto join them. Governor Bull returning to Charlestown from the southward, met them, and, observing them armed, quickly rode out of their way. Hespread the alarm, which soon reached the Presbyterian church at Wiltown, where Archibald Stobo was preaching to a numerous congregation ofplanters in that quarter. By a law of the province all planters wereobliged to carry their arms to church, which at this critical junctureproved a very useful and necessary regulation. The women were left inchurch trembling with fear while the militia, under the command ofCaptain Bee, marched in quest of the negroes, who by this time had becomeformidable from the number that joined them. They had marched abovetwelve miles, and spread desolation through all the plantations in theirway. Having found rum in some houses, and drank freely of it, they haltedin an open field, and began to sing and dance, by way of triumph. Duringthese rejoicings the militia discovered them, and stationed themselves indifferent places around them, to prevent them from making their escape. The intoxication of several of the slaves favoured the assailants. Oneparty advanced into the open field and attacked them, and, having killedsome negroes, the remainder took to the woods, and were dispersed. Manyran back to their plantations, in hopes of escaping suspicion from theabsence of their masters; but the greater part were taken and tried. Suchas had been compelled to join them contrary to their inclination werepardoned, but all the chosen leaders and first insurgents suffered death. 

All Carolina was struck with terror and consternation by thisinsurrection, in which above twenty persons were murdered before it wasquelled, and had not the people in that quarter been fortunatelycollected together at church, it is probable many more would havesuffered. Or had it become general, the whole colony must have fallen asacrifice to their great power and indiscriminate fury. It was commonlybelieved, and not without reason, that the Spaniards were deeplyconcerned in promoting the mischief, and by their secret influence andintrigues with slaves had instigated them to this massacre. Havingalready four companies of negroes in their service, by penetrating intoCarolina, and putting the province into confusion, they might no doubthave raised many more. But, to prevent farther attempts, Governor Bullsent an express to General Oglethorpe with advice of the insurrection, desiring him to double his vigilance in Georgia, and seize all stragglingSpaniards and negroes. In consequence of which a proclamation was issuedto stop all slaves found in that province, offering a reward for everyone they might catch attempting to run off. At the same time a company ofrangers were employed to patrole the frontiers, and block up all passagesby which they might make their escape to Florida. 

 [Sidenote] A war with Spain. 

In the mean time things were hastening to a rupture in Europe, and a warbetween England and Spain was thought unavoidable. The plenipotentiariesappointed for settling the boundaries between Georgia and Florida, andother differences and misunderstandings subsisting between the twocrowns, had met at Pardo in convention, where preliminary articles weredrawn up; but the conference ended to the satisfaction of neither party. Indeed the proposal of a negotiation, and the appointment ofplenipotentiaries, gave universal offence to the people of Britain, whobreathed nothing but war and vengeance against the proud and arrogantSpaniards. The merchants had lost all patience under their sufferings, and became clamorous for letters of reprisal, which at length theyobtained. Public credit arose, and forwarded hostile preparations. Allofficers of the navy and army were ordered to their stations, and withthe unanimous voice of the nation war was declared against Spain on the23rd of October, 1739. 

 [Sidenote] A project for invading Florida. 

While Admiral Vernon was sent to take the command of a squadron in theWest-India station, with orders to act offensively against the Spanishdominions in that quarter, to divide their force, General Oglethorpe wasordered also to annoy the subjects of Spain in Florida by every method inhis power. In consequence of which, the General immediately projected anexpedition against the Spanish settlement at Augustine. His design hecommunicated by letter to Lieutenant Governor Bull, requesting thesupport and assistance of Carolina in the expedition. Mr. Bull laid hisletter before the provincial assembly, recommending to them to raise aregiment, and give him all possible assistance in an enterprize of suchinteresting consequence. The assembly, sensible of the vast advantagesthat must accrue to them from getting rid of such troublesome neighbours, resolved that so soon as the General should communicate to them his planof operations, together with a state of the assistance requisite, at thesame time making it appear that there was a probability of success, theywould most cheerfully assist him. The Carolineans, however, wereapprehensive, that as that garrison had proved such a painful thorn intheir side in time of peace, they would have more to dread from it intime of war; and although the colony had been much distressed by thesmall-pox and the yellow fever for two years past, which had cut off thehopes of many flourishing families; the people, nevertheless, lent a veryfavourable ear to the proposal, and earnestly wished to give all theassistance in their power towards dislodging an enemy so malicious andcruel. 

 [Sidenote] Measures concerted for this purpose. 

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was industrious in picking up all theintelligence he could respecting the situation and strength of thegarrison, and finding it in great straits for want of provisions, heurged the speedy execution of his project, with a view to surprise hisenemy before a supply should arrive. He declared, that no personal toilor danger should discourage him from exerting himself towards freeingCarolina from such neighbours as had instigated their slaves to massacrethem, and publicly protected them after such bloody attempts. To concertmeasures with the greater secrecy and expedition, he went to Charlestownhimself, and laid before the legislature of Carolina an estimate of theforce, arms, ammunition, and provisions, which he judged might berequisite for the expedition. In consequence of which, the Assembly votedone hundred and twenty thousand pounds, Carolina money, for the serviceof the war. A regiment, consisting of four hundred men, was raised, partly in Virginia and partly in North and South Carolina, with thegreatest expedition, and the command was given to Colonel Vanderdussen. Indians were sent for from the different tribes in alliance with Britain. Vincent Price, commander of the ships of war on that station, agreed toassist with a naval force consisting of four ships of twenty guns each, and two sloops, which proved a great encouragement to the Carolineans, and induced them to enter with double vigour on military preparations. General Oglethorpe appointed the mouth of St. John's river, on theFlorida shore, for the place of rendezvous, and having finished hispreparations in Carolina, set out for Georgia to join his regiment, andmake all ready for the expedition. 

 [Sidenote] General Oglethorpe marches against Florida. 

On the 9th of May 1740, the General passed over to Florida with fourhundred select men of his regiment, and a considerable party of Indians;and on the day following invested Diego, a small fort, about twenty-fivemiles from Augustine, which after a short resistance surrendered bycapitulation. In this fort he left a garrison of sixty men, under thecommand of Lieutenant Dunbar, and returned to the place of generalrendezvous, where he was joined by Colonel Vanderdussen, with theCarolina regiment, and a company of Highlanders, under the command ofCaptain M'Intosh. But by this time six Spanish half-galleys, with longbrass nine pounders, and two sloops loaded with provisions, had got intothe harbour at Augustine. A few days afterwards, the General marched withhis whole force, consisting of above two thousand men, regulars, provincials and Indians, to Fort Moosa, situated within two miles ofAugustine, which on his approach the Spanish garrison evacuated, andretired into the town. He immediately ordered the gates of this fort tobe burnt, three breaches to be made in its walls, and then proceeded toreconnoitre the town and castle. 

Notwithstanding the dispatch of the British army, the Spaniards, duringtheir stay at Fort Diego, had collected all the cattle in the woodsaround them, and drove them into the town; and the General found, bothfrom a view of the works, and the intelligence he had received fromprisoners, that more difficulty would attend this enterprize than he atfirst expected. Indeed, if he intended a surprize, he ought not to havestopped at Fort Diego, for by that delay the enemy had notice of hisapproach, and time to gather their whole force, and put themselves in aposture of defence. The castle was built of soft stone, with fourbastions; the curtain was sixty yards in length, the parapet nine feetthick; the rampart twenty feet high, casemated underneath for lodgings, arched over, and newly made bomb-proof. Fifty pieces of cannon weremounted, several of which were twenty-four pounders. Besides the castle, the town was entrenched with ten salient angles, on each of which somesmall cannon were mounted. The garrison consisted of seven hundredregulars, two troops of horse, four companies of armed negroes, besidesthe militia of the province, and Indians. 

 [Sidenote] Invests Augustine. 

The General now plainly perceived that an attack by land upon the town, and an attempt to take the castle by storm would cost him dear before hecould reduce the place, and therefore changed his plan of operations. With the assistance of the ships of war, which were now lying at anchoroff Augustine-bar, he resolved to turn the siege into a blockade, and tryto shut up every channel by which provisions could be conveyed to thegarrison. For this purpose he left Colonel Palmer with ninety-fiveHighlanders, and forty-two Indians at Fort Moosa, with orders to scourthe woods around the town, and intercept all supplies of cattle from thecountry by land. And, for the safety of his men, he at the same timeordered him to encamp every night in a different place, to keep strictwatch around his camp, and by all means avoid coming to any action. Thissmall party was the whole force the General left for guarding the landside. Then he sent Colonel Vanderdussen, with the Carolina regiment, overa small creek, to take possession of a neck of land called Point Quartel, above a mile distant from the castle, with orders to erect a battery uponit; while he himself, with his regiment, and the greatest part of theIndians, embarked in boats, and landed on the island of Anastatia. Inthis island the Spaniards had a small party of men stationed for a guard, who immediately fled to town, and as it lay opposite to the castle, fromthis place, the General resolved to bombard the town. Captain Piercestationed one of his ships to guard the passage, by way of the Motanzas, and with the others blocked up the mouth of the harbour, so that theSpaniards were cut off from all supplies by sea. On the island ofAnastatia batteries were soon erected, and several cannon mounted by theassistance of the active and enterprising sailors. Having made thesedispositions, General Oglethorpe then summoned the Spanish Governor to asurrender; but the haughty Don, secure in his strong hold, sent him foranswer, that he would be glad to shake hands with him in his castle. 

This insulting answer excited the highest degree of wrath and indignationin the General's mind, and made him resolve to exert himself to theutmost for humbling his pride. The opportunity of surprizing the placebeing now lost, he had no other secure method left but to attack it atthe distance in which he then stood. For this purpose he opened hisbatteries against the castle, and at the same time threw a number ofshells into the town. The fire was returned with equal spirit both fromthe Spanish fort and from six half-gallies in the harbour, but so greatwas the distance, that though they continued the cannonade for severaldays, little execution was done on either side. Captain Warren, a bravenaval officer, perceiving that all efforts in this way for demolishingthe castle were vain and ineffectual, proposed to destroy the Spanishgallies in the harbour, by an attack in the night, and offered to gohimself and head the attempt. A council of war was held to consider ofand concert a plan for that service; but, upon sounding the bar, it wasfound it would admit no large ship to the attack, and with small ones itwas judged rash and impracticable, the gallies being covered by thecannon of the castle, and therefore that design was dropt. 

 [Sidenote] Raises the siege. 

In the mean time the Spanish commander observing the besiegersembarrassed, and their operations beginning to relax, sent out adetachment of three hundred men against Colonel Palmer, who surprised himat Fort Moosa, and, while most of his party lay asleep, cut them almostentirely to pieces. A few that accidentally escaped, went over in a smallboat to the Carolina regiment at Point Quartel. Some of the ChickesawIndians coming from that fort having met with a Spaniard, cut off hishead, agreeable to their savage manner of waging war, and presented it tothe General in his camp: but he rejected it with abhorrence, calling thembarbarous dogs, and bidding them begone. At this disdainful behaviour, however, the Chickesaws were offended, declaring, that if they hadcarried the head of an Englishman to the French, they would not havetreated them so: and perhaps the General discovered more humanity thangood policy by it, for these Indians, who knew none of the Europeancustoms and refinements in war, soon after deserted him. About the sametime the vessel stationed at the Metanzas being ordered off, some smallships from the Havanna with provisions, and a reinforcement of men, gotinto Augustine, by that narrow channel, to the relief of the garrison. Aparty of Creeks having surprised one of their small boats, brought fourSpanish prisoners to the General, who informed him, that the garrison hadreceived seven hundred men, and a large supply of provisions. Then allprospects of starving the enemy being lost, the army began to despair offorcing the place to surrender. The Carolinean troops, enfeebled by theheat, dispirited by sickness, and fatigued by fruitless efforts, marchedaway in large bodies. The navy being short of provisions, and the usualseason of hurricanes approaching, the commander judged it imprudent tohazard his Majesty's ships, by remaining longer on that coast. Last ofall, the General himself, sick of a fever, and his regiment worn out withfatigue, and rendered unfit for action by a flux, with sorrow and regretfollowed, and reached Frederica about the 10th of July 1740. 

Thus ended the unsuccessful expedition against Augustine, to the greatdisappointment of both Georgia and Carolina. Many heavy reflections wereafterwards thrown out against General Oglethorpe for his conduct duringthe whole enterprize. Perhaps the only chance of success he had from thebeginning was by surprising this garrison in the night by some suddenattempt. He was blamed for remaining so long at fort Diego, by whichmeans the enemy had full intelligence of his approach, and time toprepare for receiving him. He was charged with timidity afterwards, inmaking no bold attempt on the town. It was said, that the officer whomeans to act on the offensive, where difficulties must be surmounted, ought to display some courage; and that too much timidity in war is oftenas culpable as too much temerity. Great caution he indeed used for savinghis men, for excepting those who fell by the sword in fort Moosa, he lostmore men by sickness than by the hands of the enemy. Though the disasterof Colonel Palmer, in which many brave Highlanders were massacred, wasperhaps occasioned chiefly by want of vigilance and a disobedience oforders, yet many were of opinion, that it was too hazardous to have leftso small a party on the main land, exposed to sallies from a superiorenemy, and entirely cut off from all possibility of support andassistance from the main body. In short, the Carolineans called inquestion the General's military judgment and skill in many respects; andprotested that he had spent the time in barren deliberations, harassedthe men with unnecessary marches, allowed them not a sufficient quantityof provisions, and poisoned them with breakish water. He, on the otherhand, declared he had no confidence in the firmness and courage of theprovincials; for that they refused obedience to his orders, and at lastabandoned his camp, and retreated to Carolina. The truth was, so stronglyfortified was the place, both by nature and art, that probably theattempt must have failed, though it had been conducted by the ablestofficer, and executed by the best disciplined troops. The miscarriage, however, was particularly ruinous to Carolina, having not only subjectedthe province to a great expence, but also left it in a worse situationthan it was before the attempt. 

 [Sidenote] A great fire at Charlestown. 

The same year stands distinguished in the annals of Carolina, not onlyfor this unsuccessful expedition against the Spaniards, but also for adesolating fire, which in November following broke out in the capital, and laid the half of it in ruins. This fire began about two o'clock inthe afternoon, and burnt with unquenchable violence until eight at night. The houses being built of wood, and the wind blowing hard at north-west, the flames spread with astonishing rapidity. From Broad-street, where thefire kindled, to Granville's Bastion, almost every house was at one timein flames, and exhibited an awful and striking scene. The vast quantitiesof deerskins, rum, pitch, tar, turpentine and powder, in the differentstores, served to increase the horror, and the more speedily to spreadthe desolation. Amidst the cries and shrieks of women and children, andthe bursting forth of flames in different quarters, occasioned by theviolent wind, which carried the burning shingles to a great distance, themen were put into confusion, and so anxious were they about the safety oftheir families, that they could not be prevailed upon to unite theirefforts for extinguishing the fire. The sailors from the men of war, andships in the harbour were the most active and adventurous hands engagedin the service. But such was the violence of the flames, that it baffledall the art and power of man, and burnt until the calmness of the eveningclosed the dreadful scene. Three hundred of the best and most convenientbuildings in the town were consumed, which, together with lots of goods, and provincial commodities, amounted to a prodigious sum. Happily fewlives were lost, but the lamentations of ruined families were heard inevery quarter. In short, from a flourishing condition the town wasreduced in the space of six hours to the lowest and most deplorablestate. All those inhabitants whose houses escaped the flames, went aroundand kindly invited their unfortunate neighbours to them, so that two andthree families were lodged in places built only for the accommodation ofone. After the legislature met, to take the miserable state of the peopleunder consideration, they agreed to make application to the Britishparliament for relief. The British parliament voted twenty thousandpounds sterling, to be distributed among the sufferers at Charlestown, which relief was equally seasonable and useful on the one side, as it wasgenerous and noble on the other. No time should obliterate theimpressions of such benevolent actions. This gift certainly deserved tobe wrote on the table of every heart, in the most indelible characters. For all men must acknowledge, that it merited the warmest returns ofgratitude, not only from the unfortunate objects of such bounty, but fromthe whole province. 

 [Sidenote] A petition in favour of the rice trade. 

While the war between Great Britain and Spain continued, a bill wasbrought into parliament to prevent the exportation of rice, among otherarticles of provision, to France or Spain, with a view to distress theseenemies as much as possible. In consequence of which, a representation tothe following effect, in behalf of the province of Carolina, and themerchants concerned in that trade, was presented to the House of Commonswhile the bill was depending before them, praying that the article ofrice might be excepted out of the bill, and endeavouring to prove, thatthe prohibiting its importation would be highly detrimental to GreatBritain, and in no respect to her enemies: "The inhabitants of SouthCarolina have not any manufactures of their own, but are supplied fromGreat Britain with all their clothing, and the other manufactures by themconsumed, to the amount of one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterlinga-year. The only commodity of consequence produced in South Carolina isrice, and they reckon it as much their staple commodity as sugar is toBarbadoes and Jamaica, or tobacco to Virginia and Maryland; so that ifany stop be put to the exportation of rice from South Carolina to Europe, it will not only render the planters there incapable of paying theirdebts, but also reduce the government of that province to suchdifficulties for want of money, as at this present precarious time mayrender the whole colony an easy prey to their neighbours the Indians andSpaniards, and also to those yet more dangerous enemies their ownnegroes, who are ready to revolt on the first opportunity, and are eighttimes as many in number as there are white men able to bear arms, and thedanger in this respect is greater since the unhappy expedition toAugustine. 

"From the year 1729, when his Majesty purchased South Carolina, the tradeof it hath so increased, that their annual exports and imports of latehave been double the value of what they were in the said year; and theirexports of rice in particular have increased in a greater proportion:for, from the year 1720 to 1729, being ten years, both included, thewhole export of rice was 264, 488 barrels, making 44, 081 tons. From the1730 to 1739, being also ten years, the whole export of rice was 499, 525barrels, making 99, 905 tons; so that the export of the latter ten yearsexceeded the former by 235, 037 barrels, or 55, 824 tons: and of the vastquantities of rice thus exported, scarcely one fifteenth part is consumedeither in Great Britain or in any part of the British dominions; so thatthe produce of the other fourteen parts is clear gain to the nation;whereas almost all the sugar, and one fourth part of the tobacco, exported from the British colonies, are consumed by the people of GreatBritain, or by British subjects; from whence it is evident, that thenational gain arising from rice is several times as great in proportion, as the national gain arising from either sugar or tobacco. 

"This year, _viz. _ 1740, in particular, we shall export from SouthCarolina above ninety thousand barrels of rice, of which quantity therewill not be three thousand barrels used here, so that the clear nationalgain upon that export will be very great; for at the lowest computation, of twenty-five shillings sterling _per_ barrel, the eighty-seven thousandbarrels exported will amount in value to one hundred and eight thousandseven hundred and fifty pounds, at the first hand; whereto there must beadded the charge of freight, _&c. _ from South Carolina to Europe, whichamount to more than the first cost of the rice, and are also gain toGreat Britain; so that the least gain upon this article for the presentyear will be two hundred and twenty thousand pounds, over and above thenaval advantage of annually employing more than one hundred and sixtyships of one hundred tons each. "

"Rice being an enumerated commodity, it cannot be exported from SouthCarolina without giving bond for double the value that the same shall belanded in Great Britain, or in some of the British plantations, exceptingto the southward of Cape Finisterre, which last was permitted by a lawmade in the year 1729; and the motive for such permission was, that therice might arrive more seasonably and in better condition at market. Wehave hereunto added an account of the several quantities of rice whichhave been exported from South Carolina to the different European marketssince the said law was made; and it will thereby appear, that we have notin those ten years been able to find sale for any considerable quantityof rice in Spain; for in all that time we have not sold above threethousand five hundred and seventy barrels to the Spaniards, making onlythree hundred and fifty-seven barrels annually upon a medium; nor can wein the time to come expect any alteration in favour of our rice tradethere, because the Spaniards are supplied with an inferior sort of ricefrom Turkey, _&c. _ equally agreeable to them and a great deal cheaperthan ours; the truth whereof appears by the rice taken in a ship calledthe Baltic Merchant and carried into St. Sebastians, where it was sold ata price so much under the market rate here, or in Holland, as toencourage the sending of it thence to Holland and Hamburgh. 

"In France the importation of Carolina rice without licence isprohibited; and though during the last and present years there hath, bypermission, been some consumption of it there, yet the whole did notexceed nine thousand barrels, and they have received from Turkey so muchrice of the present year's growth, as to make that commodity fiveshillings _per_ 100 _lb. _ cheaper at Marseilles than here, and even atDunkirk it is one shilling and sixpence _per_ 100 _lb. _ cheaper thanhere; so that there is not any prospect of a demand for Carolina rice inFrance, even if liberty could be obtained for sending the same to anyport of that kingdom. 

"Germany and Holland are the countries where we find the best market forour rice, and there the greater part of it is consumed; so that thepresent intended embargo, or prohibitory law, cannot have any othereffect, in relation to rice, than that of preventing our allies fromusing what our enemies do not want, nor we ourselves consume more than atwentieth part of, and which is of so perishable a nature, that even in acold climate it doth not keep above a year without decaying, and in awarm climate it perishes entirely. The great consumption of rice inGermany and Holland is during the winter season, when pease and all kindsof pulse, _&c. _ are scarce; and the rice intended for those markets oughtto be brought there before the frost begins, time enough to be carried upthe rivers; so that preventing the exportation only a few days may beattended with this had consequence, that by the frost the winter sale maybe lost. 

"And as we have now, _viz. _ since November 11th, above ten thousandbarrels of old rice arrived, so we may in a few weeks expect double thatquantity, besides the new crop now shipping off from Carolina; thestopping of all which, in a country where there is not any sale for it, instead of permitting the same to be carried to the only places ofconsumption, must soon reduce the price thereof to so low a rate, thatthe merchants who have purchased that rice will not be able to sell itfor the prime cost, much less will they be able to recover the money theyhave paid for duty, freight, and other charges thereon, which amount todouble the first cost: for the rice that an hundred pounds sterling willpurchase in South Carolina, costs the importer two hundred more inBritish duties, freight, and other charges[1]. "

[1] An Account of Rice exported in Ten Years after the Province was purchased for the King. 

 _Barrels. _ To Portugal, - - - - - - - 83, 379 To Gibraltar, - - - - - - 958 To Spain, - - - - - - - - 3, 570 To France, - - - - - - - - 9, 500 To Great Britain, Ireland, and the British Plantations, - - - 30, 000 To Holland, Hamburgh and Bremen, including 7000 barrels to Sweden and Denmark, - - - - - - - 372, 118 ------- Total quantity exported in those ten years, - - - 499, 525

"Thus it appears, that by prohibiting the exportation of rice from thiskingdom, the merchants who have purchased the vast quantities beforementioned will not only lose the money it cost them, but twice as muchmore in duties, freight, and other charges, by their having a perishablecommodity embargoed in a country where it is not used. Or if, instead oflaying the prohibition here, it be laid in South Carolina; that province, the planters there, and the merchants who deal with them, must all beinvolved in ruin; the province, for want of means to support the expenseof government; the planters, for want of the means to pay their debts andprovide future supplies; and the merchants, by not only losing thosedebts, but twice as much more in the freight, duties, and other charges, upon rice which they cannot sell. So that, in either case, a veryprofitable colony, and the merchants concerned in the trade of it, wouldbe ruined for the present, if not totally lost to this kingdom, byprohibiting the exportation of rice; and all this without doing anynational good in another way, for such prohibition could not in any shapedistress our enemies. It is therefore humbly hoped, that rice will beexcepted out of the bill now before the honourable House of Commons. "

As this representation contains a distinct account of the produce andtrade of the province, and shews its usefulness and importance to GreatBritain, we judged it worthy of the particular attention of our readers, and therefore have inserted it. With respect to the internal dangersarising from the savage nature and vast number of the slaves, mentionedin this and a former state of the province, we shall now make someremarks, in which we will be naturally led to consider their miserablecondition, and the harsh treatment to which slavery necessarily subjectsthem. 

 [Sidenote] Remarks on the treatment of slaves. 

That slavery has been practiced by many of the most civilized nations inthe world, is indeed a truth evident from the history of them. In war theconquerors were supposed to have a right to the life of their captives, insomuch that they might kill, torture or enslave them, as they thoughtproper. Yet, though war may be justifiable on the principles ofself-preservation and defence, it is no easy matter to vindicate theconqueror's right to murder or enslave a disarmed enemy. Slavery ingeneral, like several other enormities, ought to be ascribed to thecorruption and avarice of men, rather than to any principles of natureand humanity, which evidently testify against it; and that vindicationwhich is drawn from the custom and practice of ancient nations in favourof such an institution, is equally applicable to many other enormitieswhich are a shame and disgrace to human nature. Helpless children havebeen exposed to the fury of wild beasts; pride and ambition have spreadtheir desolations far and wide; but such practices are not thereforehumane and just. That many nations have encouraged slavery, and that theremains of it are still observable among the freest of them, are argumentwhich none will plead for their honour and credit. That species ofservitude which still remains in Britain among the labourers in the coalmines, _&c. _ is very different from that to which the natives of Africaare subjected in the western world; because such labourers voluntarilyenter on such servitude, they acquire wages as their reward, and boththeir persons and properties are under the protection of the laws of therealm. 

Upon the slightest reflection all men must confess, that those Africans, whom the powers of Europe have conspired to enslave, are by natureequally free and independent, equally susceptible of pain and pleasure, equally averse from bondage and misery, as Europeans themselves. Like allrude nations, they have a strong attachment to their native country, andto those friends and relations with whom they spent the early years oflife. By this trade being torn from those nearest connections, andtransported to a distant land, it is no easy thing to describe theuneasiness and pain they must endure from such violence and banishment. During the passage being loaded with irons, and cooped up in a ship, oppressed with the most gloomy apprehensions, many of them sicken and diethrough fear and regret. The provisions made for the voyage by themerchants and masters of ships, who consult their worldly interest morethan the dictates of humanity, we may be sure are neither of the bestkind, nor distributed among them in the most plentiful manner. Aftertheir arrival they are sold and delivered over to the colonists, to whosetemper, language and manners they are utter strangers; where theirsituation for some time, in case of harsh usage, is little better thanthat of the dumb beasts, having no language but groans in which they canexpress their pains, nor any friend to pity or relieve them. Some destroythemselves through despair, and from a persuasion they fondly entertain, that, after death, they will return to their beloved friends and nativecountry. 

 [Sidenote] The hardships of their situation. 

After the sale the purchasers become vested with the absolute property ofthem, according to the laws, usages, and customs of the trade, andwhatever hardships are thereby imposed on those foreigners, the plantersare so far excusable, having the sanction of the supreme legislature forthe purchase they make. The laws of England, from necessity orexpediency, have permitted such labourers to be imported among them; andtherefore, on their part, the purchase, however injurious, cannot beillegal. Having acquired this kind of property, it then lies with thecolonists to frame laws and regulations for the future management oftheir slaves. In doing this, absolute obedience and non-resistance arefundamental principles established for the government of them, andenforced by the severest penalties. All laws framed with respect to them, give their masters such authority over them as is under few limitations. Their power of correction may be said to be only not allowed to extend todeath. However severely beat and abused, no negro can bring an actionagainst his owner, or appear as an evidence against white men, in anycourt of law or justice. Their natural rights as human creatures areentirely disregarded, and punishments are commonly inflicted according tothe will of their master, however cruel and barbarous his disposition maybe. A common place of correction is instituted, to which they are sent toreceive such a number of stripes as their owners shall order, and suchblunders have been committed in giving and executing those orders, thatthe innocent sometimes have suffered along with the guilty. In short, such is their miserable condition, that they are exposed defenceless tothe insolence, caprice, and passions of owners, obliged to labour alltheir life without any prospect of reward, or any hope of an end of theirtoil until the day of their death. At the decease of their masters theydescend, like other estates of inheritance, to the heir at law, andsometimes to thoughtless and giddy youth, habituated from their earliestdays to treat them like brutes. At other times, no doubt, they are morefortunate, but their condition of life evidently subjects them to harshusage even from the best of masters, and we leave the world to judge whatthey have to expect from the worst. 

Indeed it must be acknowledged, in justice to the planters of Carolina ingeneral, that they treat their slaves with as much, and perhaps moretenderness, than those of any British colony where slavery exists; yet adisinterested stranger must observe, even among the best of masters, several instances of cruelty and negligence in the manner of managingtheir slaves. Comparatively speaking, they are well clothed and fed inthat province, which while they continue in health fits and qualifiesthem for their task. When they happen to fall sick, they are carefullyattended by a physician; in which respect their condition is better thanthat of the poorest class of labourers in Europe. But in the West Indies, we have been told, they are both covered with rags and have a scantyportion of provisions allowed them, in which case urgent necessity andpinching hunger must often urge them to pilfer, and commit many injuriesto which otherwise they would have no inclination, and for which theyincur severe punishment. In cases of violence and murder committed onthese wretched creatures, it is next to impossible to have thedelinquents brought to punishment; for either the grand jury refuse tofind the bill, or the petty jury bring in the verdict not guilty. Whenthey are tempted to fly to the woods to shun severe labour or punishmentthen they may be hunted down or shot as wild beasts. When whipped todeath, the murderer, after all, is only subjected to an inconsiderablefine, or a short imprisonment, by the provincial laws. It is impossiblethat the Author of nature ever intended human beings for such a wretchedfate; for surely he who gave life, gave also an undoubted right to themeans of self-preservation and happiness, and all the common rights andprivileges of nature. 

But there is another circumstance which renders their case still morewretched and deplorable. Good masters and mistresses, whose humanity anda sense of interest will not permit them to treat their negroes in aharsh manner, do not always reside at their plantations. Many plantershave several settlements at considerable distances from the place wherethey usually live, which they visit perhaps only three or four times in ayear. In their absence the charge of negroes is given to overseers, manyof whom are ignorant and cruel, and all totally disinterested in thewelfare of their charge. In such a case it can scarcely be expected thatjustice will be equally dispensed, or punishments properly inflicted. Thenegroes, however, ly entirely at the mercy of such men, and such monstersthey sometimes are, as can inflict misery in sport, and hear the groansextorted from nature with laughter and triumph. All slaves under theircare must yield absolute obedience to their orders, however unreasonableand difficult, or suffer punishment for their disobedience. It wouldrouze the anguish and indignation of a humane person to stand by while apuny overseer chastises those slaves, and behold with what piercingstripes he furrows the back of an able negro, whose greatness of soulwill not suffer him to complain, and whose strength could crush histormentor to atoms. The unmerciful whip with which they are chastised ismade of cow-skin, hardened, twisted, and tapering, which brings the bloodwith every blow, and leaves a scar on their naked back which they carrywith them to their grave. At the arbitrary will of such managers, many ofthem with hearts of adamant, this unfortunate race are brought to thepost of correction, often no doubt through malice and wantonness, oftenfor the most trifling offences, and sometimes, O horrid! when entirelyinnocent. Can it be deemed wonderful, that such unhappy creatures shouldnow and then be tempted to assert the rights of nature? Must not suchharsh usage often fire them with desires of liberty and vengeance? Whatcan be expected but that they should sometimes give those oppressorsgrounds of fear, who have subjected them to such intolerable hardships. 

But from those labourers in the field the colonials have perhaps lessdanger to dread, than from the number of tradesmen and mechanics intowns, and domestic slaves. Many negroes discover great capacities, andan amazing aptness for learning trades, where dangerous tools are used;and many owners, from motives of profit and advantage, breed them to becoopers, carpenters, bricklayers, smiths, and other trades. Out of mereostentation the colonists also keep a number of them about theirfamilies, who attend their tables, and hear their conversation, whichvery often turns upon their own various arts, plots, and assassinations. From such open and imprudent conversation those domestics may no doubttake dangerous hints, which, on a fair opportunity, may be applied totheir owners hurt. They have also easy access to fire arms, which givesthem a double advantage for mischief. When they are of a passionate andrevengeful disposition, such domestic slaves seldom want an opportunityof striking a sudden blow, and avenging themselves, in case of ill usage, by killing or poisoning their owners. Such crimes have often beencommitted in the colonies, and punished; and there is reason to believethey have also frequently happened, when they have passed undiscovered. Prudence and self-preservation strongly dictate to the Carolineans thenecessity of guarding against those dangers which arise from domesticslaves, many of whom are idle, cunning and deceitful. 

 [Sidenote] Oppressed with ignorance and superstition. 

In other respects the policy of the colonists, with respect to themanagement and treatment of slaves is extremely defective. The hardshipsto which their bodies are exposed, would be much more tolerable andjustifiable, were any provision made for civilizing and improving theirminds. But how grievous their circumstances when we consider, that, together with their bodily toil and misery, they are also kept in heathenignorance and darkness, destitute of the means of instruction, andexcluded in a manner from the pale of the Christian church. Humanityplaces every rational creature upon a level, and gives all an equal titlethose rights of nature, which are essential to life and happiness. Christianity breathes a spirit of benevolence, gentleness, and compassionfor mankind in general, of what nation or complexion soever they be. Asgovernment has tolerated and established slavery in the plantations, thesupreme charge of these creatures may be regarded rather as a nationalthan a provincial concern. Being members of a great empire, living underits supreme care and jurisdiction, and contributing to the increase oftrade and commerce, to the improvement and opulence of the Britishdominions, they are unquestionably entitled to a share of nationalbenevolence and Christian charity. An institution for their religiousinstruction was an object of such usefulness and importance, that itmerited the attention of the supreme legislature; and the expence of afew superb and perhaps empty churches in England, would certainly havebeen better employed in erecting some neat buildings in the plantationsfor this beneficial purpose. To such an institution the merchants ofBritain, especially those who owe a great part of their opulence to thelabours of Africans, and whose plea for the trade was the bringing themwithin the pale of the Christian church, ought certainly to havecontributed in the most liberal manner. The profits of the trade, abstracting from other considerations, could well admit of it; but everyprinciple of compassion for the ignorant, the poor, and the unfortunate, powerfully dictates the same duty, the neglect of which, to everyimpartial judge, must appear in a very inexcusable and criminal light. Masters of slaves under the French and Spanish jurisdictions, are obligedby law to allow them time for instruction, and to bring them up in theknowledge and practice of the Catholic religion. Is it not a reproach tothe subjects of Britain, who profess to be the freest and most civilizedpeople upon earth, that no provision is made for this purpose, and thatthey suffer so many thousands of these creatures, residing in the Britishdominions, to live and die the slaves of ignorance and superstition? Howcan they expect the blessing of heaven on the riches flowing from theirforeign plantations, when they are at no pains to introduce those objectsof their care to the knowledge of the true God, and to make thempartakers of the benefits and hopes of Christianity. 

The advantages of religion, like the other gifts of heaven, ought to befree and common as the air we breathe to every human creature, capable ofmaking a proper use and improvement of them. To the honour of the societyfor the propagation of the Gospel it must indeed be acknowledged, thatthey have made some efforts for the conversion and instruction of thoseheathens. Not many years ago they had no less than twelve missionaries inCarolina, who had instructions to give all the assistance in their powerfor this laudable purpose, and to each of whom they allowed fifty poundsa-year, over and above their provincial salaries. But it is well known, that the fruit of their labours has been very small and inconsiderable. Such feeble exertions were no ways equal to the extent of the workrequired, nor to the greatness of the end proposed. Whether their smallsuccess ought to be ascribed to the rude and untractable dispositions ofthe negroes, to the discouragements and obstructions thrown in the way bytheir owners, or to the negligence and indolence of the missionariesthemselves we cannot pretend to determine. Perhaps we may venture toassert, that it has been more or less owing to all these differentcauses. One thing is very certain, that the negroes of that country, afew only excepted, are to this day as great strangers to Christianity, and as much under the influence of Pagan darkness, idolatry andsuperstition, as they were at their first arrival from Africa. 

But, though neglected by the British nation, they are entitled to a shareof the common privileges of humanity and Christianity, from theirprovincial owners. It is their duty and interest to use slaves withtenderness and compassion, and render them as happy and contented astheir situation will admit. Were they to allow them certain portions oftime from their labours of body for the improvement of their mind, andopen the way for, and provide the means of instruction, would not kindusage be productive of many beneficial effects? The loss of labour nonebut avaricious wretches would grudge, and the day of rest allotted forman and beast since the beginning of the world, and properly improved forthat purpose, might of itself be attended with good consequences;whereas, to encourage them to labour on that day for themselves, is notonly robbing them of the opportunities of instruction, but abusing theSunday, by making it to them the most laborious day of the week. It wouldstrike a stranger with astonishment and indignation, to hear the excusesplanters make for this criminal neglect. Some will tell you they arebeings of an inferior rank, and little exalted above brute creatures;that they have no souls, and therefore no concern need be taken abouttheir salvation. Others affirm, that they would become more expert invice by being taught, and greater knaves by being made Christians. Butsuch advocates for heathen ignorance and barbarism merit no seriousnotice, being enemies to all improvements in human nature, and all thebenefits resulting to society from civilization and Christianity. Certainit is, the inhabitants of Africa have the same faculties with those ofEurope. Their minds are equally capable of cultivation, equallysusceptible of the impressions of religion. Ridiculous is it to imagine, that the black tincture of their skin, or the barbarous state in whichthey were there found, can make any material alteration. Though fortunehas put the former under the power of the latter, and assigned them theportion of perpetual labour to procure the mere luxuries of life forother men; yet, if such a traffic be reasonable and just, there is nocrime negroes can commit that may not be defended and justified upon thesame principles. If Europe, to obtain sugar, rum, rice, and tobacco, hasa right to enslave Africa; surely Africa, if she had the power, has amuch better right to rob Europe of those commodities, the fruits of herchildren's labour. Every argument that can be brought in support of theinstitution of slavery, tends to the subversion of justice and moralityin the world. The best treatment possible from the colonists cannotcompensate for so great a loss. Freedom, in its meanest circumstances, isinfinitely preferable to slavery, though it were in golden fetters, andaccompanied with the greatest splendour, ease, and abundance. 

If then the greatest advantages are not a sufficient compensation for theloss of liberty, what shall we think of those who deny them the smallest?But one would imagine that, exclusive of every other motive, personalsafety would even induce the colonists to provide for them thoseadvantages which would render them as easy and contented as possible withtheir condition. Were they duly impressed with a sense of their duty toGod and man; were they taught the common rules of honesty, justice, andtruth; were their dispositions to humility, submission, and obedience, cultivated and improved; would not such advantages place them more on alevel with hired servants, who pay a ready and cheerful obedience totheir masters? Were they favoured with the privileges of Christianity, would they not be more faithful and diligent, and better reconciled totheir servile condition? Besides, Christianity has a tendency to tamefierce and wild tempers. It is not an easy thing to display the great andextensive influence which the fear of God, and the expectation of afuture account, would have upon their minds: Christianity enforces theobligations of morality, and produces a more regular and uniformobedience to its laws. A due sense of the divine presence, the hopes ofhis approbation, and the fears of his displeasure, are motives thatoperate powerfully with the human mind, and in fact would prove strongerbarriers against trespasses, murders, plots, and conspiracies, than anynumber of stripes from the hands of men, or even the terrors of certaindeath. Whereas, to keep the minds of human creatures under clouds ofdarkness, neither disciplined by reason, nor regulated by religion, is areproach to the name of Protestants, especially in a land of Christianlight and liberty. Sundays and holidays are indeed allowed the negroes inCarolina, the former cannot consistent with the laws be denied them; thelatter, as they are commonly spent are nuisances to the province. Holidays there are days of idleness, riot, wantonness and excess; inwhich the slaves assemble together in alarming crowds, for the purposesof dancing, feasting and merriment. At such seasons the inhabitants havethe greatest reason to dread mischief from them; when let loose fromtheir usual employments, they have fair opportunities of hatching plotsand conspiracies, and of executing them with greater facility, from theintemperance of their owners and overseers. 

After all, it must be confessed, that the freemen of Carolina themselveswere for many years in a destitute condition with respect to religiousinstruction; partly owing to their own poverty and the unhealthiness ofthe climate, and partly owing to troubles and divisions subsisting amongthem during the proprietary government. At that time the first object oftheir concern would no doubt be to provide for themselves and theirchildren: but since the province has been taken under the royal care, their circumstances in every respect have changed for the better, insomuch that they are not only able to provide instruction forthemselves and families, but also to extend the benefit to those livingin a state of servitude among them. Now they are arrived to such an easyand flourishing situation, as renders their neglect entirely withoutexcuse. The instruction of negroes would no doubt be a difficult, but byno means an impracticable undertaking, and the more difficult the end, the more praise and merit would be due to those who should effectuallyaccomplish it. Even the Catholics of Spain pitied the miserable conditionof negroes living among the protestant colonies, and to induce them torevolt, proffered them the advantages of liberty and religion atAugustine. Is it not a shame to a Protestant nation to keep such a numberof human creatures so long among them, beings of the same nature, subjects of the same government, who have souls to be saved, and capableof being eternally happy or miserable in a future world, not only in amiserable state of slavery, but also of pagan darkness and superstition. What could be expected from creatures thus doomed to endless labour, anddeprived of the natural rights of humanity and the privileges ofChristianity, but that they should snatch at the least glimmering hopesand prospects of a better state, and give their task-masters reason todread, that they would lay hold of some opportunity of forcing their wayto it. This inexcusable negligence with respect to them may be consideredof itself as no small source of danger to the colonists, as the hazard isgreater from savage and ferocious, than mild and civilized dispositions, and, as the restraints of terror and temporal punishments are lessconstant and powerful than those of conscience and religion. Thepolitical and commercial connection subsisting between the mother countryand the colonies, makes the charge of negroes, in reason and justice, tofall equally upon both. And whatever other men may think, we are ofopinion, that an institution for their instruction was an object of thehighest consequence, and that, by all the laws of God and man, thatnation which brought this unfortunate race into such a situation, wasbound to consult both their temporal and eternal felicity. 

 [Sidenote] James Glen governor. 

About this time James Glen received a commission from his majesty, investing him with the government of South Carolina, and at the same timewas appointed Colonel of a new regiment of foot to be raised in theprovince. He was a man of considerable knowledge, courteous, and polite;exceedingly fond of military parade and ostentation, which commonly havegreat force on ordinary minds, and by these means he maintained hisdignity and importance in the eyes of the people. All governors investedwith extensive powers ought to be well acquainted with the common andcivil laws of their country; and every wise prince will guard againstnominating weak or wicked persons to an high office, which affords themmany opportunities of exercising their power to the prejudice of thepeople. When men are promoted to the government of provinces on accountof their abilities and merit, and not through the interest of friends, then we may expect to see public affairs wisely managed, authorityrevered, and every man sitting secure under his vine, and enjoying thefruits of his industry with contentment and satisfaction. But when suchoffices are bestowed on ignorant or needy persons, because they happen tobe favourites of some powerful and clamorous Lord at court, without anyview to the interest and happiness of the people, then avarice andoppression commonly prevail on one hand, and murmur and discontent on theother. The appointment of Governor Glen was so far proper, as hepossessed those qualifications which rendered his government respectable, and the people living under it for several years happy and contented. Hiscouncil, consisting of twelve men, were appointed also by the King, underhis sign manual. The assembly of representatives consisted of forty-fourmembers, and were elected every third year by the freeholders of sixteenparishes. The court of chancery was composed of the Governor and Council, to which court belonged a master of chancery and a register. There was acourt of vice-admiralty, the Judge, Register, and Marshal of which wereappointed by the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty in England. TheCourt of King's Bench consisted of a Chief Justice appointed by the King, who sat with some assistant justices of the province; and the same judgesconstituted the Court of Common Pleas. There were likewise anAttorney-General, a Clerk, and Provost-Marshal. The Secretary of theprovince, who was also Register, the Surveyor-general of the lands, andthe Receiver-general of the quit-rents, were all appointed by the Crown. The Comptroller of the customs, and three Collectors, at the ports ofCharlestown, Port-Royal, and Georgetown, were appointed by theCommissioners of the Customs in England. The provincial Treasurer wasappointed by the General Assembly. The clergy were elected by thefreeholders of the parish. All Justices of the peace, and officers of themilitia, were appointed by the Governor in Council. This is the nature ofthe provincial government and constitution, and in this way were theprincipal officers of each branch appointed or elected, under the royalestablishment. 

 [Sidenote] Ld. Carteret's property divided from that of the Crown. 

About the same time John Lord Carteret (now Earl of Granville) applied bypetition to his Majesty, praying that the eighth part of the lands andsoil granted by King Charles, and referred to him by the act ofparliament establishing an agreement with the other seven LordsProprietors for the surrender of their title and interest to his Majesty, might be set apart and allotted to him and his heirs for ever, andproposing to appoint persons to divide the same; at the same timeoffering to resign to the King his share of, and interest in thegovernment, and to convey, release and confirm to his Majesty, and hisheirs, the other seven parts of the province. This petition beingreferred to the Lords Commissioners of trade and plantations, theyreported, that it would be for his Majesty's service that Lord Carteret'sproperty should be separated from that of his Majesty, and that themethod proposed by his Lordship would be the most proper and effectualfor the purpose. Accordingly five commissioners were appointed on thepart of the King, and five on that of Lord Carteret for separating hisLordship's share, and making it one entire district by itself. Theterritory allotted him was divided on the north-east by the line whichseparated North Carolina from Virginia; on the east by the Atlanticocean; on the south by a point on the sea-shore, in latitude thirty-fivedegrees and thirty-four minutes; and, agreeable to the charter, westwardfrom these points on the sea-shore it extended, in a line parallel to theboundary line of Virginia, to the Pacific Ocean. Not long afterwards, agrant of the eighth part of Carolina, together with all yearly rents andprofits arising from it, passed the great seal, to John Lord Carteret andhis heirs. But the power of making laws, calling and holding assemblies, erecting courts of justice, appointing judges and justices, pardoningcriminals, granting titles of honour, making ports and havens, takingcustoms or duties on goods, executing the martial law, exercising theroyal rights of a county palatine, or any other prerogatives relating tothe administrations of government, were all excepted out of the grant. Lord Carteret was to hold this estate upon condition of yielding andpaying to his Majesty and his heirs and successors, the annual-rent ofone pound thirteen shillings and fourpence, on the feast of All-Saints, for ever, and also one fourth part of all the gold and silver ore foundwithin this eighth part of the territory so separated and granted him. 

 [Sidenote] The country much exposed to invasion. 

As Carolina abounds with navigable rivers, while it enjoys manyadvantages for commerce and trade, it is also much exposed to foreigninvasions. The tide on that coast flows from six to ten feetperpendicular, and makes its way up into the flat country by a variety ofchannels. All vessels that draw not above seventeen feet water, maysafely pass over the bar of Charlestown, which at spring-tides will admitships that draw eighteen feet. This bar lies in thirty-two degrees andforty minutes north latitude, and seventy-eight degrees and forty-fiveminutes west longitude from London. Its situation is variable, owing to asandy foundation and the rapid flux and reflux of the sea. The channelleading to George-town is twelve or thirteen feet deep, and likewisethose of North and South Edisto rivers, and will admit all ships thatdraw not above ten or eleven feet of water. At Stono there is also alarge creek, which admits vessels of the same draught of water; but Seweeand Santee rivers, and many others of less note, are for smaller craftwhich draw seven, eight, or nine feet. The channel up to Port Royalharbour is deep enough for the largest ships that sail on the sea; andthe whole royal navy of England may ride with safety in it. Nature hasevidently ordained this place for trade and commerce, by the manyadvantages with which she hath favoured it. It lies in thirty-two degreesand five minutes north latitude, and in longitude seventy-nine degreesfive minutes. Its situation renders it an excellent station for asquadron of ships in time of war, as the run from it is short to thewindward islands, but especially as it lies so convenient for distressingthe immense trade coming through the Gulf of Florida. From this harbourships may run out to the Gulf stream in one day, and return with equalease the next, so that it would be very difficult to escape a sufficientnumber of cruisers stationed at Beaufort. The harbour is also defended bya small fort, built of tappy, which is a kind of cement composed ofoyster-shells beat small, and mixed with lime and water, which when drybecomes hard and durable. The fort has two demi-bastions to the river, and one bastion to the land, with a gate and ditch, mounting sixteenheavy cannon, and containing barracks for an hundred men. 

Several leagues to the southward of Port-Royal, Savanna river emptiesitself into the ocean, which is also navigable for ships that draw notabove fourteen feet water. At the southern boundary of Georgia the greatriver Alatamaha falls into the Atlantic sea, about sixteen leaguesnorth-east of Augustine, which lies in twenty-nine degrees fifty minutes. This river admits ships of large burden as far as Frederica, a small townbuilt by General Oglethorpe, on an eminence in Simon's Island. The islandon the west end is washed by a branch of the river Alatamaha, before itempties itself into the sea at Jekyl sound. At Frederica the river formsa kind of bay. The fort General Oglethorpe erected here for the defenceof Georgia had several eighteen pounders mounted on it and commanded theriver both upwards and downwards. It was built of tappy, with fourbastions, surrounded by a quadrangular rampart, and a palisadoed ditch, which included also the King's stores, and two large buildings of brickand timber. The town was surrounded with a rampart, in the form of apentagon, with flankers of the same thickness with that at the fort, anda dry ditch. On this rampart several pieces of ordnance were alsomounted. In this situation General Oglethorpe had pitched his camp, whichwas divided into streets, distinguished by the names of the severalCaptains of his regiment. Their little huts were built of wood, andconstructed for holding each four or five men. At some distance fromFrederica was the colony of Highlanders, situated on the same river, awild and intrepid race, living in a state of rural freedom andindependence. Their settlement being near the frontiers, afforded themabundance of scope for the exercise of their warlike temper; and havingreceived one severe blow from the garrison at Augustine, they seemed tolong for an opportunity of revenging the massacre of their belovedfriends. 

 [Sidenote] The Spaniards invade Georgia. 

The time was fast approaching for giving them what they desired. Foralthough the territory granted by the second charter to the proprietorsat Carolina extended far to the south-west of the river Alatamaha, theSpaniards had never relinquished their pretended claim to the province ofGeorgia. Their ambassador at the British court had even declared that hisCatholic Majesty would as soon part with Madrid as his claim to thatterritory. The squadron commanded by Admiral Vernon had for some timeoccupied their attention in the West Indies so much, that they couldspare none of their forces to maintain their supposed right. But nosooner had the greatest part of the British fleet left those seas, andreturned to England, than they immediately turned their eyes to Georgia, and began to make preparations for dislodging the English settlers inthat province. Finding that threats could not terrify General Oglethorpeto compliance with their demands, an armament was prepared at the Havannato go against him, and expel him by force of arms from their frontiers. With this view two thousand forces, commanded by Don Antonio de Rodondo, embarked at the Havanna, under the convoy of a strong squadron, andarrived at Augustine in May 1742. 

But before this formidable fleet and armament had reached Augustine, theywere observed by Captain Haymer, of the Flamborough man of war, who wascruising on that coast; and advice was immediately sent to GeneralOglethorpe of their arrival in Florida. Georgia now began to tremble inher turn. The General sent intelligence to Governor Glen at Carolina, requesting him to collect all the forces he could with the greatestexpedition, and send them to his assistance; and at the same time todispatch a sloop to the West Indies, to acquaint Admiral Vernon with theintended invasion. 

Carolina by this time had found great advantage from the settlement ofGeorgia, which had proved an excellent barrier to that province, againstthe incursions of Spaniards and Spanish Indians. The southern parts beingrendered secure by the regiment of General Oglethorpe in Georgia, thelands backward of Port-Royal had become much in demand, and risen fourtimes their former value. But though the Carolineans were equallyinterested with their neighbours in the defence of Georgia, having littleconfidence in General Oglethorpe's military abilities, since hisunsuccessful expedition against Augustine, the planters, struck withterror, especially those on the southern parts, deserted theirhabitations, and flocked to Charlestown with their families and effects. The inhabitants of Charlestown, many of whom being prejudiced against theman, declared against sending him any assistance, and determined ratherto fortify their town, and stand upon their own grounds in a posture ofdefence. In this resolution, however, it is plain they acted from badmotives, in leaving that officer to stand alone against such a superiorforce. At such an emergency, good policy evidently required the firmestunion, and the utmost exertion of the force of both colonies; for so soonas General Oglethorpe should be crushed, the reduction of Georgia wouldopen to the common enemy an easy access into the bowels of Carolina, andrender the force of both provinces, thus divided, unequal to the publicdefence. 

In the mean time General Oglethorpe was making all possible preparationsat Frederica for a vigorous stand. Message after message was sent to hisIndian allies, who were greatly attached to him, and crowded to his camp. A company of Highlanders joined him on the first notice; and seemedjoyful at the opportunity of retorting Spanish vengeance on their ownheads. With his regiment, and a few rangers, Highlanders, and Indians, the General fixed his head quarters at Frederica, never doubting of areinforcement from Carolina, and expecting their arrival every day; butin the mean time determined, in case he should be attacked, to sell hislife as dear as possible in defence of the province. 

About the end of June, 1742, the Spanish fleet, amounting to thirty-twosail; and carrying above three thousand men, under the command of DonManuel de Monteano, came to anchor off Simons's bar. Here they continuedfor some time sounding the channel, and after finding a depth of watersufficient to admit their ships, they came in with the tide of flood intoJekyl sound. General Oglethorpe, who was at Simons's fort, fired at themas they passed the sound, which the Spaniards returned from their ships, and proceeded up the river Alatamaha, out of the reach of his guns. Therethe enemy having hoisted a red flag at the mizen top-mast-head of thelargest ship, landed their forces upon the island, and erected a battery, with twenty eighteen pounders mounted on it. Among their land forces theyhad a fine company of artillery, under the command of Don Antonio deRodondo, and a regiment of negroes. The negro commanders were clothed inlace, bore the same rank with white officers, and with equal freedom andfamiliarity walked and conversed with their commander and chief. Such anexample might justly have alarmed Carolina. For should the enemypenetrate into that province, where there were such numbers of negroes, they would soon have acquired such a force, as must have rendered allopposition fruitless and ineffectual. 

General Oglethorpe having found that he could not stop the progress ofthe enemy up the river, and judging his situation at Fort Simons toodangerous, nailed up the guns, burst the bombs and coehorns, destroyedthe stores, and retreated to his head quarters at Frederica. So great wasthe force of the enemy, that he plainly perceived that nothing remainedfor him to achieve, with his handful of men, and therefore resolved touse his utmost vigilance, and to act only on the defensive. On all sideshe sent out scouting parties to watch the motions of the Spaniards, whilethe main body were employed in working at the fortifications, making themas strong as circumstances would admit. Day and night he kept his Indianallies ranging through the woods, to harass the outposts of the enemy, who at length brought in five Spanish prisoners, who informed him oftheir number and force, and that the Governor of Augustine was commanderin chief of the expedition. The General, still expecting a reinforcementfrom Carolina, used all his address in planning measures for gainingtime, and preventing the garrison from sinking into despair. For thispurpose he sent out the Highland company also to assist the Indians, andobstruct as much as possible the approach of the enemy till he shouldobtain assistance and relief. His provisions for the garrison wereneither good nor plentiful, and his great distance from all settlements, together with the enemy keeping the command of the river, cut offentirely all prospects of a supply. To prolong the defence, however, heconcealed every discouraging circumstance from his little army, which, besides Indians, did not amount to more than seven hundred men; and toanimate them to perseverance, exposed himself to the same hardships andfatigues with the meanest soldier in his garrison. 

 [Sidenote] A stratagem to get rid of the enemy. 

While Oglethorpe remained in this situation, the enemy made severalattempts to pierce through the woods, with a view to attack the fort; butmet with such opposition from deep morasses, and dark thickets, linedwith fierce Indians, and wild Highlanders, that they honestly confessedthat the devil himself could not pass through them to Frederica. DonManuel de Monteano, however, had no other prospect left, and thesedifficulties must either be surmounted, or the design dropt; andtherefore one party after another was sent out to explore the thickets, and to take possession of every advantageous post to be found in them. Intwo skirmishes with the Highlanders and Indians, the enemy had onecaptain, and two lieutenants killed, with above one hundred men takenprisoners. After which the Spanish commander changed his plan ofoperations, and keeping his men under cover of his cannon, proceeded withsome gallies up the river with the tide of flood, to reconnoitre thefort, and draw the General's attention to another quarter. To this placeOglethorpe sent a party of Indians, with orders to lie in ambuscade inthe woods, and endeavour to prevent their landing. About the same time anEnglish prisoner escaped from the Spanish camp, and brought advice toGeneral Oglethorpe of a difference subsisting in it, in so much that theforces from Cuba, and those from Augustine encamped in separate places. Upon which the General resolved to attempt a surprise on one of theSpanish camps, and taking the advantage of his knowledge of the woods, marched out in the night with three hundred chosen men, the Highlandcompany, and some rangers. Having advanced within two miles of theenemy's camp, he halted, and went forward with a small party to take aview of the posture of the enemy. But while he wanted above all things toconceal his approach, a Frenchman fired his musket, run off and alarmedthe enemy. Upon which Oglethorpe finding his design defeated, retreatedto Frederica, and being apprehensive that the deserter would discover hisweakness, began to study by what device he might most effectually defeatthe credit of his informations. For this purpose he wrote a letter, addressing it to the deserter, in which he desired him to acquaint theSpaniards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how easy andpracticable it would be to cut him and his small garrison to pieces. Hebegged him, as his spy, to bring them forward to the attack, and assurethem of success; but if he could not prevail with them to make thatattempt, to use all his art and influence to persuade them to stay atleast three days more at Fort Simons, for within that time, according tothe advice he had just received from Carolina, he would have areinforcement of two thousand land-forces, and six British ships of war, with which he doubted not he would be able to give a good account of theSpanish invaders. He intreated the deserter to urge them to stay, andabove all things cautioned him against mentioning a single word of Vernoncoming against Augustine, assuring him, that for such services he shouldbe amply rewarded by his Britannic Majesty. This letter he gave to one ofthe Spanish prisoners, who for the sake of liberty and a small reward, promised to deliver it to the French deserter; but, instead of that, asOglethorpe expected, he delivered it to the commander and chief of theSpanish army. 

 [Sidenote] The Spaniards retreat to Augustine. 

Various were the speculations and conjectures which this letteroccasioned in the Spanish camp, and the commander, among others, was nota little perplexed what to infer from it. In the first place he orderedthe French deserter to be put in irons, to prevent his escape, and thencalled a council of war, to consider what was most proper to be done inconsequence of intelligence, so puzzling and alarming. Some officers wereof opinion, that the letter was intended to deceive, and to prevent themfrom attacking Frederica; others thought that the things mentioned in itappeared so feasible, that there were good grounds to believe, theEnglish General wished them to take place, and therefore gave their voicefor consulting the safety of Augustine, and dropping a plan of conquestattended with so many difficulties, and which, in the issue, mightperhaps hazard the loss of both army and fleet, if not of the wholeprovince of Florida. While the Spanish leaders were employed in thesedeliberations, and much embarrassed, fortunately three ships of force, which the Governor of South Carolina had sent out, appeared at somedistance on the coast. This corresponding with the letter, convinced theSpanish commander of its real intent, and struck such a panic into thearmy, that they immediately set fire to their fort, and in great hurryand confusion embarked, leaving behind them several cannon, and aquantity of provisions and military stores. The wind being contrary, theEnglish ships could not, during that day, beat up to the mouth of theriver, and before next morning the invaders got past them, and escaped toAugustine. 

In this manner was the province of Georgia delivered, when brought to thevery brink of destruction by a formidable enemy. Fifteen days had DonManuel de Monteano been on the small island on which Frederica wassituated, without gaining the smallest advantage over an handful of men, and in different skirmishes lost some of his bravest troops. What numberof men Oglethorpe lost we have not been able to learn, but it must havebeen very inconsiderable. In this resolute defence of the country hedisplayed both military skill and personal courage, and an equal degreeof praise was due to him from the Carolineans as from the Georgians. Itis not improbable that the Spaniards had Carolina chiefly in their eye, and had meditated an attack where rich plunder could have been obtained, and where, by an accession of slaves, they might have increased theirforce in proportion to their progress. Never did the Carolineans make sobad a figure in defence of their country. When union, activity anddispatch were so requisite, they ingloriously stood at a distance, andsuffering private pique to prevail over public spirit, seemed determinedto risk the safety of their country, rather than General Oglethorpe, bytheir help, should gain the smallest degree of honour and reputation. Money, indeed, they voted for the service, and at length sent some ships, but, by coming so late, they proved useful rather from the fortunateco-operation of an accidental cause, than from the zeal and public spiritof the people. The Georgians with justice blamed their more powerfulneighbours, who, by keeping at a distance in the day of danger, hadalmost hazarded the loss of both provinces. Had the enemy pursued theiroperations with vigour and courage, the province of Georgia must havefallen a prey to the invaders, and Carolina had every thing to dread inconsequence of the conquest. Upon the return of the Spanish troops to theHavanna, the commander was imprisoned, and ordered to take his trial forhis conduct during this expedition, the result of which proved soshameful and ignominious to the Spanish arms. Though the enemy threatenedto renew the invasion, yet we do not find that after this repulse theymade any attempts by force of arms to gain possession of Georgia. 

 [Sidenote] Ill treatment of General Oglethorpe. 

The Carolineans having had little or no share of the glory gained by thisbrave defence, were also divided in their opinions with respect to theconduct of General Oglethorpe. While one party acknowledged his signalservices, and poured out the highest encomiums on his wisdom and courage;another shamefully censured his conduct, and meanly detracted from hismerit. None took any notice of his services, except the inhabitants inand about Port-Royal, who addressed him in the following manner: "We theinhabitants of the southern parts of Carolina beg leave to congratulateyour Excellency on your late wonderful success over your and ourinveterate enemies the Spaniards, who so lately invaded Georgia, in sucha numerous and formidable body, to the great terror of his Majesty'ssubjects in these southern parts. It was very certain, had the Spaniardssucceeded in those attempts against your Excellency, they would also haveentirely destroyed us, laid our province waste and desolate, and filledour habitations with blood and slaughter; so that his Majesty must havelost the fine and spacious harbour of Port-Royal, where the largest shipsof the British nation may remain in security on any occasion. We are verysensible of the great protection and safety we have long enjoyed, by yourExcellency being to the southwards of us, and keeping your armed sloopscruising on the coast, which has secured our trade and fortunes more thanall the ships of war ever stationed at Charlestown; but more by your lateresolution in frustrating the attempts of the Spaniards, when nothingcould have saved us from utter ruin, next to the Providence of AlmightyGod, but your Excellency's singular conduct, and the bravery of thetroops under your command. We think it our duty to pray God to protectyour Excellency, and send you success in all your undertakings for hisMajesty's service; and we assure your Excellency, that there is not a manof us but would most willingly have ventured his all, in support of yourExcellency and your gallant troops, had we been assisted, and put in acondition to have been of service to you; and that we always looked uponour interest to be so united to that of the colony of Georgia, that hadyour Excellency been cut off, we must have fallen of course. "

But while the inhabitants in and about Port-Royal were thus addressingGeneral Oglethorpe, reports were circulating in Charlestown to hisprejudice, insomuch that both his honour and honesty were called inquestion. Such malicious rumours had even reached London, and occasionedsome of his bills to return to America protested. Lieutenant-ColonelWilliam Cook, who owed his preferment to the General's particularfriendship and generosity, and who, on pretence of sickness, had leftGeorgia before this invasion, had filed no less than nineteen articles ofcomplaint against him, summoning several officers and soldiers fromGeorgia to prove the charge. As the General had, in fact, stretched hiscredit, exhausted his strength, and risqued his life for the defence ofCarolina in its frontier colony, such a recompence must have been equallyprovoking, as it was unmerited. We are apt to believe, that suchinjurious treatment could not have arisen from the wiser and better partof the inhabitants, and therefore must be solely ascribed to some enviousand malicious spirits, who are to be found in all communities. Envycannot bear the blaze of superior virtue, and malice rejoices in thestains which even falsehood throws on a distinguished character; and suchis the extensive freedom of the British form of government that everyone, even the meanest, may step forth as an enemy to great abilities andan unblemished reputation. The charges of envy and malice, Oglethorpemight have treated with contempt; but to vindicate himself against therude attacks of an inferior officer, he thought himself at this timebound in honour to return to England. 

 [Sidenote] His character cleared, and conduct vindicated. 

Soon after his arrival a court-martial of general officers was called, who sat two days at the Horse Guards, examining one by one the variousarticles of complaint lodged against him. After the most matureexamination, the board adjudged the charge to be false, malicious, andgroundless, and reported the same to his Majesty. In consequence of whichLieutenant-Colonel Cook was dismissed from the service, and declaredincapable of serving his Majesty in any military capacity whatever. Bythis means the character of General Oglethorpe was divested of those darkstains with which it had been overclouded, and began to appear to theworld in its true and favourable light. Carolina owed this benefactor herfriendship and love. Georgia was indebted to him for both her existenceand protection. Indeed his generous services for both colonies deservedto be deeply imprinted on the memory of every inhabitant and the benefitsresulting from them to be remembered to the latest age with joy andgratitude. 

After this period General Oglethorpe never returned to the province ofGeorgia, but upon all occasions discovered in England an uncommon zealfor its prosperity and improvement. From its first settlement the colonyhad hitherto been under a military government, executed by the Generaland such officers as he thought proper to nominate and appoint. But nowthe Trustees thought proper to establish a kind of civil government, andcommitted the charge of it to a president and four assistants, who wereto act agreeable to the instructions they should receive from them, andto be accountable to that corporation for their public conduct. WilliamStephens was made chief magistrate, and Thomas Jones, Henry Parker, JohnFallowfield, and Samuel Mercer, were appointed assistants. They wereinstructed to hold four general courts at Savanna every year, forregulating public affairs, and determining all differences relating toprivate property. No public money could be disposed of but by a warrantunder the seal of the President and major part of the Assistants incouncil assembled, who were enjoined to send monthly accounts to Englandof money expended, and of the particular services to which it wasapplied. All officers of militia were continued, for the purpose ofholding musters, and keeping the men properly trained for militaryservices; and Oglethorpe's regiment was left in the colony for itsdefence. 

By this time the Trustees had transported to Georgia, at different times, above one thousand five hundred men, women and children. As the colonywas intended as a barrier to Carolina, by their charter the Trustees wereat first laid under several restraints with respect to the method ofgranting lands, as well as the settlers with respect to the terms ofholding and disposing of them. Now it was found expedient to relieve boththe former and latter from those foolish and impolitic restrictions. Under the care of General Oglethorpe the infant province had surmountedmany difficulties, yet still it promised a poor recompense to Britain forthe vast sums of money expended for its protection. The indigentemigrants, especially those from England, having little acquaintance withhusbandry, and less inclination to labour, made bad settlers; and asgreater privileges were allowed them on the Carolina side of the river, they were easily decoyed away to that colony. The Highlanders and Germansindeed, being more frugal and industrious, succeeded better, but hithertohad made very small progress, owing partly to wars with the Spaniards, and to severe hardships attending all kinds of culture in such anunhealthy climate and woody country. The staple commodities intended tobe raised in Georgia were silk and wine, which were indeed veryprofitable articles; but so small was the improvement made in them, thatthey had hitherto turned out to little account. The most industrious andsuccessful settlers could as yet scarcely provide for their families, andthe unfortunate, the sick, and indolent part, remained in a starved andmiserable condition. 

 [Sidenote] The Carolineans petition for three independent companies. 

Soon after the departure of General Oglethorpe, the Carolineanspetitioned the King, praying that three independent companies, consistingeach of an hundred men, might be raised in the colonies, paid by GreatBritain, and stationed in Carolina, to be entirely under the command ofthe Governor and Council of that province. This petition was referred tothe Lords of his Majesty's Privy-council, and a time appointed forconsidering, whether the present state of Carolina was such as renderedthis additional charge to the nation proper and necessary. Two reasonswere assigned by the colonists for the necessity of this military force:the first was, to preserve peace and security at home; the second, toprotect the colony against foreign invasions. They alledged, that as thecountry was overstocked with negroes, such a military force was requisiteto overawe them, and prevent insurrections; and as the coast was soextensive, and the ports lay exposed to every French and Spanishplunderer that might at any time invade the province, their securityagainst such attempts was of the highest consequence to the nation. Butthough they afterwards obtained some independent companies, thosereasons, at this time, did not appear to the Privy-council of weightsufficient to induce them to give their advice for this militaryestablishment. It was their opinion, that it belonged to the provinciallegislature to make proper laws for limiting the importation of negroes, and regulating and restraining them when imported; rather than put themother country to the expence of keeping a standing force in the provinceto overawe them: that Georgia, and the Indians on the Apalachian hills, were a barrier against foreign enemies on the western frontiers: thatFort Johnson, and the fortifications in Charlestown, were a sufficientprotection for that port; besides, that as the entrance over the bar wasso difficult to strangers, before a foreign enemy could land five hundredmen in that town, half the militia in the province might be collected forits defence. Georgetown and Port-Royal indeed were exposed, but theinhabitants being both few in number and poor, it could not be worth thepains and risque of a single privateer to look into those harbours. Forwhich reasons it was judged, that Carolina could be in little danger tilla foreign enemy had possession of Georgia; and therefore it was agreed tomaintain Oglethorpe's regiment in that settlement complete; and giveorders to the commandant to send detachments to the forts in James'sIsland, Port-Royal, and such other places where their service might bethought useful and necessary to the provincial safety and defence. 

 [Sidenote] The colony's advantages from Britain. 

Many are the advantages Carolina has derived from its political andcommercial connection with Britain. Its growing and flourishing state thecolony owes almost entirely to the mother-country, without the protectionand indulgence of which, the people had little or no encouragement to beindustrious. Britain first furnished a number of bold and enterprisingsettlers, who carried with them the knowledge, arts, and improvements ofa civilized nation. This may be said to be the chief favour for whichCarolina stands indebted to the parent state during the proprietarygovernment. But since the province has been taken under the royal care, it has been nursed and protected by a rich and powerful nation. Itsgovernment has been stable, private property secure, and the privilegesand liberties of the people have been extensive. Lands the plantersobtained from the King at a cheap rate. To cultivate them themother-country furnished them with labourers upon credit. Each person hadentire liberty to manage his affairs for his own profit and advantage, and having no tythes, and very trifling taxes to pay, reaped almost thewhole fruits of his industry. The best and most extensive market wasallowed to the commodities he produced, and his staples increased invalue in proportion to the quantity raised, and the demand for them inEurope. All British manufactures he obtained at an easy rate, anddrawbacks were allowed on articles of foreign manufacture, that theymight be brought the cheaper to the American market. In consequence ofwhich frugal planters, every three or four years, doubled their capital, and their progress towards independence and opulence was rapid. Indeed, the colonists had many reasons for gratitude, and none for fear, exceptwhat arose from their immoderate haste to be rich, and from purchasingsuch numbers of slaves, as exposed them to danger and destruction. 

The plan of settling townships, especially as it came accompanied withthe royal bounty, had proved beneficial in many respects. It encouragedmultitudes of poor oppressed people in Ireland, Holland and Germany toemigrate, by which means the province received a number of frugal andindustrious settlers. As many of them came from manufacturing towns inEurope, it might have been expected that they would naturally havepursued those occupations to which they had been bred, and in which theirchief skill consisted. But this was by no means the case; for, exceptinga few of them that took up their residence in Charlestown, they procuredlands, applied to pasturage and agriculture, and by raising hemp, wheatand maize in the interior parts of the country, and curing hams, bacon, and beef, they supplied the market with abundance of provision, while atthe same time they found that they had taken the shortest way of arrivingat easy and independent circumstances. 

 [Sidenote] Its advantage and importance to Britain. 

Indeed while such vast territories in Carolina remained unoccupied, itwas neither for the interest of the province, nor that of themother-country, to employ any hands in manufactures. So long as labourbestowed on lands was most profitable, no prudent colonist would directhis attention or strength to any other employment, especially as themother-country could supply him with all kinds of manufactures at a muchcheaper rate than he could make them. The surplus part of Britishcommodities and manufactures for which there was no vent in Britain, found in Carolina a good market, and in return brought the Englishmerchant such articles as were in demand at home, by which means theadvantages were mutual and reciprocal. The exclusive privilege ofsupplying this market encouraged labour in England, and augmented theannual income of the nation. From the monopoly of this trade withAmerica, which was always increasing, Britain derived many substantialadvantages. These colonies consumed all her superfluities which lay uponhand, and enlarged her commerce, which, without such a market, must havebeen confined to its ancient narrow channel. In the year 1744, twohundred and thirty vessels were loaded at the port of Charlestown, sothat the national value of the province was not only considerable inrespect of the large quantity of goods it consumed, but also in respectto the naval strength it promoted. Fifteen hundred seamen at least foundemployment in the trade of this province, and, besides other advantages, the profits of freight must make a considerable addition to the accountin favour of Britain. 

Nor is there the smallest reason to expect that manufactures will beencouraged in Carolina, while landed property can be obtained on sucheasy terms. The cooper, the carpenter, the brick-layer, the shipbuilder, and every other artificer and tradesman, after having laboured for a fewyears at their respective employments, and purchased a few negroes, commonly retreat to the country, and settle tracts of uncultivated land. While they labour at their trades, they find themselves dependent ontheir employers; this is one reason for their wishing at least to betheir own masters; and though the wages allowed them are high, yet themeans of subsistence in towns are also dear, and therefore they long tobe in the same situation with their neighbours, who derive an easysubsistence from a plantation, which they cultivate at pleasure, and areanswerable to no master for their conduct. Even the merchant becomesweary of attending the store, and risking his flock on the stormy seas, or in the hands of men where it is often exposed to equal hazards, andtherefore collects it as soon as possible, and settles a plantation. Uponthis plantation he sets himself down, and being both landlord and farmer, immediately finds himself an independent man. Having his capital in landsand negroes around him, and his affairs collected within a narrow circle, he can manage and improve them as he thinks fit. He soon obtains plentyof the necessaries of life from his plantation; nor need he want any ofits conveniencies and luxuries. The greatest difficulties he has tosurmount arise from the marshy soil, and unhealthy climate, which oftencut men off in the midst of their days. Indeed in this respect Carolinais the reverse of most countries in Europe, where the rural life, whencompared with that of the town, is commonly healthy and delightful. 

CHAP. IX. 

 [Sidenote] All commotions and oppressions in Europe favourable to America. 

The war between England and France still raged in Europe, and beingcarried on under many disadvantages on the side of the allied army, wasalmost as unsuccessful as their enemies could have desired. The battle ofFontenoy was obstinate and bloody, and many thousands were left on thefield on the side of the vanquished. The victorious army had littlereason for boasting, having likewise bought their victory very dear. Though bad success attended the British arms on the continent at thistime, yet that evil being considered as remote, the people seemed only tofeel it as affecting the honour of the nation, which by some fortunatechange might retrieve the glory of its arms; but a plot of a moreinteresting nature was discovered, which added greatly to the nationalperplexity and distress. A civil war broke out within the bowels of thekingdom, the object of which was nothing less than the recovery of theBritish crown from the house of Brunswick. Charles Edward Stuart, theyoung pretender, stimulated by the fire of youth, encouraged by thedeceitful promises of France, and invited by a discontented party of theScotch nation, had landed in North Britain to head the rash enterprise. Multitudes of bold and deluded Highlanders, and several Lowlanders, whoowed their misfortunes to their firm adherence to that family, joined hisarmy. He became formidable both by the numbers that followed him, and thesuccess that at first attended his arms. But at length, after havingstruck a terror into the nation, he was routed at Culloden field, and hisparty were either dispersed, or made prisoners of war. 

What to make of the prisoners of war became a matter of publicdeliberation. To punish all, without distinction, would have beenunjustifiable cruelty in any government, especially where so many wereyoung, ignorant, and misled: to pardon all, on the other hand, woulddiscover unreasonable weakness, and dangerous lenity. The prisoners hadnothing to plead but the clemency of the King, and the tenderness of theBritish constitution. Examples of justice were necessary to deter menfrom the like attempts; but it was agreed to temper justice with mercy, in order to convince the nation of the gentleness of that constitution, which made not only a distinction between the innocent and guilty, buteven among the guilty themselves, between those who were more, and thosewho were less criminal. The King ordered a general pardon to pass theGreat Seal, in which he extended mercy to the ignorant, and misled amongthe rebels, which pardon comprehended nineteen out of twenty, who drewlots for this purpose, were exempted from trial, and transported to theBritish plantations. Among other settlements in America, the southernprovinces had a share of these bold and hardy Caledonians, who afterwardsproved excellent and industrious settlers. 

As every family of labourers is an acquisition to a growing colony, suchas Carolina, where lands are plenty, and hands only wanted to improvethem; to encourage emigration, a door was opened there to Protestants ofevery nation. The poor and distressed subjects of the British dominions, and those of Germany and Holland, were easily induced to leaveoppression, and transport themselves and families to that province. Landsfree of quit-rents, for the first ten years, were allotted to men, women, and children. Utensils for cultivation, and hogs and cows to begin theirstock, they purchased with their bounty-money. The like bounty wasallowed to all servants after the expiration of the term of theirservitude. From this period Carolina was found to be an excellent refugeto the poor, the unfortunate, and oppressed. The population andprosperity of her colonies engrossed the attention of the mother-country. His Majesty's bounty served to alleviate the hardships inseparable fromthe first years of cultivation, and landed property animated the pooremigrants to industry and perseverance. The different townships yearlyincreased in numbers. Every one upon his arrival obtained his grant ofland, and sat down on his freehold with no taxes, or very trifling ones, no tythes, no poor rates, with full liberty of hunting and fishing, andmany other advantages and privileges he never knew in Europe. It is truethe unhealthiness of the climate was a great bar to his progress, andproved fatal to many of these first settlers; but to such as surmountedthis obstacle, every year brought new profits, and opened moreadvantageous prospects. All who escaped the dangers of the climate, ifthey could not be called rich during their own life, by improving theirlittle freeholds, they commonly left their children in easy or opulentcircumstances. Even in the first age being free, contented, andaccountable to man for their labour and management, their condition inmany respects was preferable to that of the poorest class of labourers inEurope. In all improved countries, where commerce and manufactures havebeen long established, and luxury prevails, the poorest ranks of citizensare always oppressed and miserable. Indeed this must necessarily be thecase, otherwise trade and manufactures, which flourish principally by thelow price of labour and provisions, must decay. In Carolina, thoughexposed to more troubles and hardships for a few years, such industriouspeople had better opportunities than in Europe for advancing to an easyand independent state. Hence it happened that few emigrants ever returnedto their native country; on the contrary, the success and prosperity ofthe most fortunate, brought many adventurers and relations after them. Their love to their former friends, and their natural partiality fortheir countrymen, induced the old planters to receive the new settlersjoyfully, and even to assist and relieve them. Having each his ownproperty and possession, this independence produced mutual respect andbeneficence, and such general harmony and industry reigned among them, that those townships, formerly a desolate wilderness, now stocked withdiligent labourers, promised soon to become fruitful fields. 

 [Sidenote] Cultivation attended with salutary effects. 

It has been observed, that in proportion as the lands have been clearedand improved, and scope given for a more free circulation of air, theclimate has likewise become more salubrious and pleasant. This change wasmore remarkable in the heart of the country than in the maritime parts, where the best plantations of rice are, and where water is carefullypreserved to overflow the fields; yet even in those places cultivationhas been attended with salutary effects. Time and experience had nowtaught the planters, that, during the autumnal months, their living amongthe low rice plantations subjected them to many disorders, from which theinhabitants of the capital were entirely exempted. This induced thericher part to retreat to town during this unhealthy season. Those whowere less able to bear the expences of this retreat, and had learned toguard against the inconveniencies of the climate, sometimes escaped; butlaborious strangers suffered much during these autumnal months. Accustomed as they were in Europe to toil through the heat of the day, and expose themselves in all weathers, they followed the same practicesin Carolina, where the climate would by no means admit of such liberties. Apprehensive of no ill consequences from such exposure, they began theirimprovement with vigour and resolution, and persevered until the hotclimate and heavy toil exhausted their spirits, and brought home to themthe unwelcome intimations of danger. 

 [Sidenote] Mean heat in Carolina. 

In the months of July, August, and September, the heat in the shaded air, from noon to three o'clock, is often between ninety and an hundreddegrees; and as such extreme heat is of short duration, being commonlyproductive of thunder-showers, it becomes on that account the moredangerous. I have seen the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer arise inthe shade to ninety-six in the hottest, and fall to sixteen in thecoolest season of the year; others have observed it as high as anhundred, and as low as ten; which range between the extreme heat ofsummer and cold in winter is prodigious, and must have a great effectupon the constitution of all, even of those who are best guarded againstthe climate; what then must be the situation of such as are exposed tothe open air and burning sky in all seasons? The mean diurnal heat of thedifferent seasons has been, upon the most careful observation, fixed atsixty-four in spring, seventy-nine in summer, seventy-two in autumn, andfifty-two in winter; and the mean nocturnal heat in those seasons atfifty-six degrees in spring, seventy-five in summer, sixty-eight inautumn, and forty-six in winter. 

 [Sidenote] The diseases of the country. 

As this climate differs so much from that of Britain, Ireland, andGermany, and every where has great influence on the human constitution, no wonder that many of these settlers should sicken and die by thechange, during the first state of colonization. In the hot season thehuman body is relaxed by perpetual perspiration, and becomes feeble andsickly, especially during the dog-days, when the air is one whilesuffocating and sultry, and another moist and foggy. Exhausted of fluids, it is perhaps not at all, or very improperly, supplied. Henceintermittent, nervous, putrid and bilious fevers, are common in thecountry, and prove fatal to many of its inhabitants. Young children arevery subject to the worm-fever, which cuts off multitudes of them. Thedry belly-ache, which is a dreadful disorder, is no stranger to theclimate. An irruption, commonly called the Prickly Heat, often breaks outduring the summer, which is attended with troublesome itching andstinging pains; but this disease being common, and not dangerous, islittle regarded; and if proper caution be used to prevent it fromstriking suddenly inward, is thought to be attended even with salutaryeffects. In the spring and winter pleurisies and peripneumonies arecommon, often obstinate, and frequently fatal diseases. So changeable isthe weather, that the spirits in the thermometer will often rise or falltwenty, twenty-five, and thirty degrees, in the space of twenty fourhours, which must make havock of the human constitution. In autumn thereis sometimes a difference of twenty degrees between the heat of the dayand that of the night, and in winter a greater difference between theheat of the morning and that of noon-day. We leave it to physicians moreparticularly to describe the various disorders incident to this climate, together with the causes of them; but if violent heat and continualperspiration in summer, noxious vapours and sudden changes in autumn, piercing cold nights, and hot noon-days in winter, affect the humanconstitution, the inhabitants of Carolina, especially in the maritimeparts, have all these and many more changes and hardships during the yearto undergo. Not only man, but every animal, is strongly affected by thesultry heat of summer. Horses and cows retire to the shade, and there, though harassed with insects, they stand and profusely sweat through theviolence of the day. Hogs and dogs are also much distressed with it. Poultry and wild fowls droop their wings, hang out their tongues, and, with open throats, pant for breath. The planter who consults his healthis not only cautious in his dress and diet, but rises early for thebusiness of the field, and transacts it before ten o'clock, and thenretreats to the house or shade during the melting heat of the day, untilthe coolness of the evening again invites him to the field. Such is hisfeebleness of body and languor of spirit at noon, that the greatestpleasure of life consists in being entirely at rest. Even during thenight he is often restless and depressed, insomuch that refreshing sleepis kept a stranger to his eyes. If unfortunately the poor labourer istaken sick in such weather, perhaps far removed from, or unable toemploy, a physician, how great must be his hazard. In towns this heat isstill rendered more intolerable by the glowing reflection from houses, and the burning sand in the streets. But how it is possible for cooks, blacksmiths, and other tradesmen, to work at the side of a fire, as manyin the province do during such a season, we must leave to the world tojudge. 

 [Sidenote] Climate favourable to the culture of indigo. 

This hot weather, however, has been found favourable to the culture ofindigo, which at this time was introduced into Carolina, and has sinceproved one of its chief articles of commerce. About the year 1745 afortunate discovery was made, that this plant grew spontaneously in theprovince, and was found almost every where among the wild weeds of theforest. As the soil naturally yielded a weed which furnished the worldwith so useful and valuable a dye, it loudly called for cultivation andimprovement. For this purpose some indigo seed was imported from theFrench West Indies, where it had been cultivated with great success, andyielded the planters immense profit. At first the seed was planted by wayof experiment, and it was found to answer the most sanguine expectations. In consequence of which several planters turned their attention to theculture of indigo and studied the art of extracting the dye from it. Every trial brought them fresh encouragement. In the year 1747 aconsiderable quantity of it was sent to England, which induced themerchants trading to Carolina to petition parliament for a bounty onCarolina indigo. The parliament, upon examination, found that it was oneof the most beneficial articles of French commerce, that their West Indiaislands supplied all the markets of Europe; and that Britain aloneconsumed annually six hundred thousand weight of French indigo, which, atfive shillings a pound, cost the nation the prodigious sum of one hundredand fifty thousand pounds sterling. It was demonstrated by the merchants, that this vast expence might be saved, by encouraging the cultivation ofindigo in Carolina, and commonly believed that in time the colony mightbring it to such perfection, as to rival the French at the markets ofEurope. This petition of the merchants was soon followed by another fromthe planters and inhabitants of Carolina, and others to the same effectfrom the clothiers, dyers, and traders of different towns in Britain. Itwas proved, that the demand for indigo annually increased, and it couldnever he expected that the planters in the West Indies would turn theirhands to it, while the culture of sugar canes proved more profitable. Accordingly, an act of parliament passed, about the beginning of the year1748, for allowing a bounty of sixpence _per_ pound on all indigo raisedin the British American plantations, and imported directly into Britainfrom the place of its growth. In consequence of which act the plantersapplied themselves with double vigour and spirit to that article, andseemed to vie with each other who should bring the best kind and greatestquantity of it to the market. Some years indeed elapsed before theylearned the nice art of making it as well as the French, whom longpractice and experience had taught it to perfection; but every year theyacquired greater skill and knowledge in preparing it, and receivedincredible profit as the reward of their labours. While many of themdoubled their capital every three or four years by planting indigo, theyin process of time brought it to such a degree of perfection, as not onlyto supply the mother-country, but also to undersel the French at severalEuropean markets. 

 [Sidenote] The manner of cultivating and making indigo. 

Here it may not be improper to give the reader some account of the mannerin which the people of Carolina cultivate this plant, and extract the dyefrom it. As we pretend to little knowledge of this matter ourselves, weshall give the following rules and directions of an ingenious person, whopractised them for several years with great success. "As both thequantity and quality of indigo greatly depend on the cultivation of theplant, it is proper to observe, that it seems to thrive best in a rich, light soil, unmixed with clay or sand. The ground to be planted should beplowed, or turned up with hoes, some time in December, that the frost mayrender it rich and mellow. It must also be well harrowed, and cleansedfrom all grass, roots, and stumps of trees, to facilitate the hoeingafter the weed appears above ground. The next thing to be considered isthe choice of the seed, in which the planters should be very nice; thereis great variety of it, and from every sort good indigo may be made; butnone answers so well in this colony as the true Guatimala, which if goodis a small oblong black seed, very bright and full, and when rubbed inthe hand will appear as if finely polished. 

"In Carolina we generally begin to plant about the beginning of April, inthe following manner: The ground being well prepared, furrows are madewith a drill-plow, or hoe, two inches deep, and eighteen inches distantfrom each other, to receive the seed, which is sown regularly, and notvery thick, after which it is lightly covered with earth. A bushel ofseed will sow four English acres. If the weather proves warm and serene, the plant will appear above ground in ten or four-teen days. After theplant appears, the ground, though not grassy, should be hoed to loosenthe earth about it, which otherwise would much hinder its growth. In goodseasons it grows very fast, and must all the while be kept perfectlyclean of weeds. Whenever the plant is in full bloom it must be cut down, without paying any regard to its height, as its leaves are then thick andfull of juice, and this commonly happens in about four months afterplanting. But, previous to the season for cutting, a complete set of vatsof the following dimensions, for every twenty acres of weed, must beprovided, and kept in good order. The steeper or vat in which the weed isfirst put to ferment, must be sixteen feet square in the clear, and twoand a half feet deep; the second vat or battery twelve feet long, tenfeet wide, and four and a half feet deep from the top of the plate. Thesevats should be made of the best cypress or yellow-pine plank, two and ahalf inches thick, well fastened to the joints and studs with seven-inchspikes, and then caulked, to prevent their leaking. Vats thus made willlast in Carolina, notwithstanding the excessive heat, at least sevenyears. When every thing is ready, the weed must be cut and laid regularlyin the steeper with the stalk upward, which will hasten the fermentation;then long rails must be laid the length of the vat, at eighteen inchesdistance from one another, and wedged down to the weed, to prevent itsbuoying up when the water is pumped into the steeper. For this purposethe softest water answers best, and the quantity of it necessary must bejust sufficient to cover all the weed. In this situation it is left toferment, which will begin sooner or later in proportion to the heat ofthe weather, and the ripeness of the plant, but for the most part takestwelve or fifteen hours. After the water is loaded with the salts andsubstance of the weed, it must be let out of the steeper into thebattery, there to be beat; in order to perform which operation, manydifferent machines have been invented: but for this purpose anyinstrument that will agitate the water with great violence may be used. When the water has been violently agitated for fifteen or twenty minutesin the battery, by taking a little of the liquor up in a plate it willappear full of small grain or curdled; then you are to let in a quantityof lime-water kept in a vat for the purpose, to augment and precipitatethe faeculae, still continuing to stir and beat vehemently the indigowater, till it becomes of a strong purple colour, and the grain hardlyperceptible. Then it must be left to settle, which it will do in eight orten hours. After which the water must be gently drawn out of the batterythrough plug-holes contrived for that purpose, so that the faeculae mayremain at the bottom of the vat. It must then be taken up, and carefullystrained through a horse-hair sieve, to render the indigo perfectlyclean, and put into bags made of Osnaburghs, eighteen inches long, andtwelve wide, and suspended for six hours, to drain the water out of it. After which the mouths of these bags being well fastened, it must be putinto a press to be entirely freed from any remains of water, which wouldotherwise greatly hurt the quality of the indigo. The press commonly usedfor this purpose is a box of five feet in length, two and a half wide, and two deep, with holes at one end to let out the water. In this box thebags must be laid, one upon another, until it is full, upon which a plankmust be laid, fitted to go within the box, and upon all a sufficientnumber of weights to squeeze out the water entirely by a constant andgradual pressure, so that the indigo may become a fine stiff paste; whichis then taken out and cut into small pieces, each about two inchessquare, and laid out to dry. A house made of logs must be prepared onpurpose for drying it, and so constructed that it may receive all theadvantages of an open and free air, without being exposed to the sun, which is very pernicious to the dye. For here indigo placed in the sun, in a few hours will be burnt up to a perfect cinder. While the indigoremains in the drying house, it must be carefully turned three or fourtimes in a day, to prevent its rotting. Flies should likewise becarefully kept from it, which at this season of the year are hatched inmillions, and infest an indigo plantation like a plague. After all, greatcare must also be taken, that the indigo be sufficiently dry before it ispacked, lest after it is headed up in barrels it should sweat, which willcertainly spoil and rot it. "

In this manner indigo is cultivated and prepared in Carolina, and therichest land in the heart of the country is found to answer best for it. The maritime islands, however, which are commonly sandy, are notunfavourable for this production, especially those that contain spots ofland covered with oak, and hickory trees. It is one of those rank weedswhich in a few years will exhaust the strength and fertility of the bestlands in the world. It is commonly cut in the West Indies six and seventimes in the year, but in Carolina no more than two or three times beforethe frost begins. Our planters have been blamed by the English merchantsfor paying too much attention to the quantity, and too little to thequality of their indigo, hence the West-India indigo brings an higherprice at the market. He that prefers the quality to the quantity, is verycareful to cut the plant at the proper season, that is, when the weedbegins to bloom; for the more luxuriant and tender the plant, the morebeautiful the indigo. While it is curing, indigo has an offensive anddisagreeable smell, and as the dregs of the weed are full of salts, andmake excellent manure, therefore they should be immediately buried underground when brought out of the steeper. It is commonly observed, that allcreatures about an indigo plantation are starved, whereas, about a riceone, which abounds with provisions for man and beast, they thrive andflourish. The season for making indigo in Carolina ends with the firstfrosty weather, which puts a stop to fermentation, and then double labouris not only requisite for beating it, but when prepared it is commonlygood for nothing. 

 [Sidenote] The common methods of judging of its quality. 

The planters bring their indigo to market about the end of the year, andfrequently earlier. The merchant judges of its quality by breaking it, and observing the closeness of its grain, and its brilliant copper, orviolet blue colour. The weight in some measure proves its quality, forheavy indigo of every colour is always bad. Good indigo almost entirelyconsumes away in the fire, the bad leaves a quantity of ashes. In wateralso pure and fine indigo entirely melts and dissolves, but theheterogeneous and solid parts of the bad sink to the bottom like sand. From this period it became a staple to Carolina, and proved equallyprofitable as the mines of Mexico or Peru. To the mother country it wasno less beneficial, in excluding the French indigo entirely from hermarket, and promoting her manufactures, and trade. I shall afterwardstake notice of the rapid progress made in the cultivation of thisarticle; particularly with respect to the quantity produced and yearlyshipped to Britain, to supply the markets in Europe. 

 [Sidenote] Nova Scotia settled. 

The great bounty and indulgence of Britain towards her American coloniesincreased with their progress in cultivation, and favour after favour wasextended to them. Filled with the prospect of opening an excellent marketfor her manufactures, and enlarging her commerce and navigation, in whichher strength in a great measure consisted, these colonies were become thechief objects of her care, and new ones were planted for the protectionof the old. At this time the peace of Aix la Chapelle left a number ofbrave sailors and soldiers without employment. Good policy required thatthey should be rendered useful to the nation, and at the same timefurnished with employment for their own subsistence. Acadia, which wasceded to Britain by the treaty of peace, changed its name to Nova Scotia, and was capable of producing every species of naval stores. The sea thereabounded with excellent fish, which might furnish employment for a numberof sailors, and be made an useful and advantageous branch of trade. Butthe excellent natural harbours which the country afforded, of all otherthings proved the greatest inducement for establishing a colony in it, the possession of which would not only promote trade in the time ofpeace, but also prove a safe station for British fleets in time of war. Besides, for the sake of commercial advantage, it was judged proper toconfine the settlements in America as much as possible to the sea-coast. The parliament therefore determined to send out a colony to Nova Scotia, and, to forward the settlement, voted forty thousand pounds. Thefollowing advantageous terms were held forth to the people by government, and a number of adventurers agreed to accept them. Fifty acres of landwere to be allowed to every soldier and sailor, two hundred to everyensign, three hundred to every lieutenant, four hundred and sixty toevery captain, and six hundred to all officers of higher rank; togetherwith thirty for every servant they should carry along with them. Noquit-rents were to be demanded for the first ten years. They were also tobe furnished with instruments for fishing and agriculture, to have theirpassage free, and provisions found them for the first year after theirarrival. Three thousand seven hundred and sixty adventurers embarked forAmerica on these favourable terms, and settled at Halifax, which placewas fixed on as the seat of government, and fortified. The Acadians, theformer inhabitants of the country, were allowed peaceably to remain init, and having sworn never to bear arms against their countrymen, submitted to the English government, and passed under the denomination ofFrench neutrals. The greatest difficulty which the new settlers of NovaScotia had to surmount at this time arose from the Micmac Indians, whoheld that territory from nature, and for some time obstinately defendedtheir right to their ancient possessions; and it was not withoutconsiderable loss that the British subjects at length, by force of arms, drove them away from those territories. 

 [Sidenote] The great care of Britain for these colonies. 

Nor did this new settlement engross the whole attention and liberality ofthe parent state; the province of Georgia also every year sharedplentifully from the same hands. Indeed the bounty of the mother countrywas extensive as her dominions, and, like the sun, cherished andinvigorated every object on which it shone. All the colonies might havebeen sensible of her constant attention to their safety and prosperity, and had great reason to acknowledge themselves under the strongestobligations to her goodness. If she expected a future recompense by thechannel of commerce, which is for the most part mutually advantageous, itwas no more than she had justly merited. The colonists, we allow, carriedwith them the rights and liberties of the subjects of Britain, and theyowed in return the duties of obedience to her laws and subjection to hergovernment. The privileges and duties of subjects in all states have beenreciprocal, and as the mother country had incurred great expence for theestablishment and support of these foreign settlements; as she hadmultiplied her burdens for their defence and improvement; surely suchprotection and kindness laid a foundation for the firmest union, and themost dutiful returns of allegiance and gratitude. 

 [Sidenote] Low state of Georgia. 

However, the province of Georgia, notwithstanding all that Britain haddone for its population and improvement, still remained in a poor andlanguishing condition. Its settlers consisted of two sorts of people;first, of indigent subjects and foreigners, whom the Trustees transportedand maintained; secondly, of men of some substance, whom flatteringdescriptions of the province had induced voluntarily to emigrate to it. After the peace Oglethorpe's regiment being disbanded, a number ofsoldiers accepted the encouragement offered them by government, and tookup their residence in Georgia. All those adventurers who had brought somesubstance along with them, having by this time exhausted their smallstock in fruitless experiments, were reduced to indigence, so thatemigrants from Britain, foreigners, and soldiers, were all on a level inpoint of poverty. From the impolitic restrictions of the Trustees, thesesettlers had no prospects during life but those of hardship and poverty, and of consequence, at their decease, of bequeathing a number of orphansto the care of Providence. Nor was the trade of the province in a bettersituation than its agriculture. The want of credit was an unsurmountableobstacle to its progress in every respect. Formerly the inhabitants inand about Savanna had transmitted to the Trustees a representation oftheir grievous circumstances, and obtained from them some partial relief. But now, chagrined with disappointments, and dispirited by the severitiesof the climate, they could view the design of the Trustees in no otherlight than that of having decoyed them into misery. Even though they hadbeen favoured with credit, and had proved successful, which was far frombeing their case; as the tenure of their freehold was restricted to heirsmale, their eldest son could only reap the benefit of their toil, and therest must depend on his bounty, or be left wholly to the charge of thatBeing who feeds the fowls of the air. They considered their youngerchildren and daughters as equally entitled to paternal regard, and couldnot brook their holding lands under such a tenure, as excluded them fromthe rights and privileges of other colonists. They saw numbers dailyleaving the province through mere necessity, and frankly told theTrustees, that nothing could prevent it from being totally deserted, butthe same encouragements with their more fortunate neighbours in Carolina. 

[Sidenote: Complaint of the people. ]

That the Trustees might have a just view of their condition, theGeorgians stated before them their grievances, and renewed theirapplication for redress. They judged that the British constitution, zealous for the rights and liberties of mankind, could not permitsubjects who had voluntarily risked their lives, and spent theirsubstance on the public faith, to effect a settlement in the mostdangerous frontiers of the British empire, to be deprived of the commonprivileges of all colonists. They complained that the land-holders inGeorgia were prohibited from selling or leasing their possessions; that atract containing fifty acres of the best lands was too small an allowancefor the maintenance of a family, and much more so when they were refusedthe freedom to chuse it; that a much higher quit-rent was exacted fromthem than was paid for the best lands in America; that the importation ofnegroes was prohibited, and white people were utterly unequal to thelabours requisite; that the public money granted yearly by parliament, for the relief of settlers and the improvement of the province, wasmisapplied, and therefore the wise purposes for which it was granted wereby no means answered. That these inconveniencies and hardships kept themin a state of poverty and misery, and that the chief cause of all theircalamities was the strict adherence of the Trustees to their chimericaland impracticable scheme of settlement, by which the people were refusedthe obvious means of subsistence, and cut off from all prospects ofsuccess. 

We have already observed, that the laws and regulations even of thewisest men, founded on principles of speculation, have often proved to beforeign and impracticable. The Trustees had an example of this in thefundamental constitutions of John Locke. Instead of prescribing narrowerlimits to the industry and ambition of the Georgians, they ought to havelearned wisdom from the case of the Proprietors of Carolina, and enlargedtheir plan with respect to both liberty and property. By such indulgencealone they could encourage emigrations, and animate the inhabitants todiligence and perseverance. The lands in Georgia, especially such as werefirst occupied, were sandy and barren; the hardships of clearing andcultivating them were great, the climate was unfavourable for labourers, and dangerous to European constitutions. The greater the difficultieswere with which the settlers had to struggle, the more encouragement wasrequisite to surmount them. The plan of settlement ought to have arisenfrom the nature of the climate, country, and soil, and the circumstancesof the settlers, and been the result of experience and not ofspeculation. 

Hitherto Georgia had not only made small improvement in agriculture andtrade, but her government was feeble and contemptible. At this time, bythe avarice and ambition of a single family, the whole colony was broughtto the very brink of destruction. As the concerns of these settlementsare closely connected and interwoven with the affairs of Indian nations, it is impossible to attain proper views of the circumstances andsituation of the people, without frequently taking notice of the relationin which they stood to their savage neighbours. A considerable branch ofprovincial commerce, as well as the safety of the colonists, depended ontheir friendship with Indians; and, to avoid all danger from their savagetemper, no small share of prudence and courage was often requisite. Thiswill appear more obvious from the following occurrence, which, because itis somewhat remarkable, we shall the more circumstantially relate. 

 [Sidenote] Troubles excited by Thomas Bosomworth. 

I have already observed, that during the time General Oglethorpe had thedirection of public affairs in Georgia, he had, from maxims of policy, treated an Indian woman, called Mary, with particular kindness andgenerosity. Finding that she had great influence among the Creeks, andunderstood their language, he made use of her as an interpreter, in orderthe more easily to form treaties of alliance with them, allowing her forher services an hundred pounds sterling a-year. This woman ThomasBosomworth, who was chaplain to Oglethorpe's regiment, had married, andamong the rest had accepted a track of land from the crown, and settledin the province. Finding that his wife laid claim to some islands on thesea-coast, which, by treaty, had been allotted the Indians as part oftheir hunting lands; to stock them he had purchased cattle from theplanters of Carolina, from whom he obtained credit to a considerableamount. However, this plan not proving so successful as the proud andambitious clergyman expected, he took to audacious methods of supportinghis credit, and acquiring a fortune. His wife pretended to be descendedin a maternal line from an Indian king, who held from nature theterritories of the Creeks, and Bosomworth now persuaded her to assert herright to them, as superior not only to that of the Trustees, but also tothat of the King. Accordingly Mary immediately assumed the title of anindependent empress, disavowing all subjection or allegiance to the Kingof Great Britain, otherwise than by way of treaty and alliance, such asone independent sovereign might make with another. A meeting of all theCreeks was summoned, to whom Mary made a speech, setting forth thejustice of her claim, and the great injury done to her and them by takingpossession of their ancient territories, and stirring them up to defendtheir property by force of arms. The Indians immediately took fire, andto a man declared they would stand by her to the last drop of their bloodin defence of their lands. In consequence of which Mary, with a largebody of savages at her back, set out for Savanna, to demand a formalsurrender of them from the president of the province. A messenger wasdespatched before hand, to acquaint him that Mary had assumed her rightof sovereignty over the whole territories of the upper and lower Creeks, and to demand that all lands belonging to them be instantly relinquished;for as she was the hereditary and rightful queen of both nations, andcould command every man of them to follow her, in case of refusal, shehad determined to extirpate the settlement. 

The president and council, alarmed at her high pretensions and boldthreats, and sensible of her great power and influence with the savages, were not a little embarrassed what steps to take for the public safety. They determined to use soft and healing measures until an opportunitymight offer of privately laying hold of her, and shipping her off toEngland. But, in the mean time, orders were sent to all the captains ofthe militia, to hold themselves in readiness to march to Savanna at anhour's warning. The town was put in the best posture of defence, but thewhole militia in it amounted to no more than one hundred and seventy men, able to bear arms. A messenger was sent to Mary at the head of theCreeks, while several miles distant from town, to know whether she wasserious in such wild pretensions, and to try to persuade her to dismissher followers, and drop her audacious design. But finding her inflexibleand resolute, the president resolved to put on a bold countenance, andreceive the savages with firmness and resolution. The militia was orderedunder arms, to overawe them as much as possible, and as the Indiansentered the town, Captain Jones, at the head of his company of horse, stopped them, and demanded whether they came with hostile or friendlyintentions? But receiving no satisfactory answer, he told them they mustthere ground their arms, for he had orders not to suffer a man of themarmed to set his foot within the town. The savages with great reluctancesubmitted, and accordingly Thomas Bosomworth, in his canonical robes, with his queen by his side, followed by the various chiefs according totheir rank, marched into town, making a formidable appearance. All theinhabitants were struck with terror at the sight of the fierce and mightyhost. When they advanced to the parade, they found the militia drawn upunder arms to receive them, who saluted them with fifteen cannon, andconducted them to the president's house. There Thomas and Adam Bosomworthbeing ordered to withdraw, the Indian chiefs, in a friendly manner, werecalled upon to declare their intention of visiting the town in so large abody, without being sent for by any person in lawful authority. Thewarriors, as they had been previously instructed, answered, that Mary wasto speak for them, and that they would abide by her words. They hadheard, they said, that she was to be sent like a captive over the greatwaters, and they were come to know on what account they were to losetheir queen. They assured the president they intended no harm, and beggedtheir arms might be restored; and, after consulting with Bosomworth andhis wife, they would return and settle all public affairs. To please themtheir muskets were accordingly given back, but strict orders were issuedto allow them no ammunition, until the council should see more clearlyinto their dark designs. 

On the day following, the Indians having had some private conferenceswith their queen, began to be very surly, and to run in a mad andtumultuous manner up and down the streets, seemingly bent on somemischief. All the men being obliged to mount guard, the women wereterrified to remain by themselves in their houses, expecting every momentto be murdered or scalped. During this confusion, a false rumour wasspread, that they had cut off the president's head with a tomahawk, whichso exasperated the inhabitants, that it was with difficulty the officerscould prevent them from firing on the savages. To save a town fromdestruction, never was greater prudence requisite. Orders were given tothe militia to lay hold of Bosomworth, and carry him out of the way intoclose confinement. Upon which Mary became outrageous and frantic, andinsolently threatened vengeance against the magistrates and whole colony. She ordered every man of them to depart from her territories, and attheir peril to refuse. She cursed General Oglethorpe and his fraudulenttreaties, and, furiously stamping with her feet upon the ground, swore byher Maker that the whole earth on which she trode was her own. To preventbribery, which she knew to have great weight with her warriors, she keptthe leading men constantly in her eye, and would not suffer them to speaka word respecting public affairs but in her presence. 

The president finding that no peaceable agreement could be made with theIndians while under the baleful eye and influence of their pretendedqueen privately laid hold of her, and put her under confinement with herhusband. This step was necessary, before any terms of negotiation couldbe proposed. Having secured the chief promoters of the conspiracy, hethen employed men acquainted with the Indian tongue to entertain thewarriors in the most friendly and hospitable manner, and explain to themthe wicked designs of Bosomworth and his wife. Accordingly a feast wasprepared for all the chief leaders; at which they were informed, that Mr. Bosomworth had involved himself in debt, and wanted not only their lands, but also a large share of the royal bounty, to satisfy his creditors inCarolina: that the King's presents were only intended for Indians, onaccount of their useful services and firm attachment to him during theformer wars: that the lands adjoining the town were reserved for them toencamp upon, when they should come to visit their beloved friends atSavanna, and the three maritime islands to hunt upon, when they shouldcome to bathe in the salt waters: that neither Mary nor her husband hadany right to those lands, which were the common property of the Creeknations: that the great King had ordered the president to defend theirright to them, and expected that all his subjects, both white and red, would live together like brethren; in short that he would suffer no manor woman to molest or injure them, and had ordered these words to be lefton record, that their children might know them when they were dead andgone. 

Such policy produced the desired effect, and many of the chieftains beingconvinced that Bosomworth had deceived them, declared they would trusthim no more. Even Malatchee, the leader of the Lower Creeks, and arelation to their pretended empress, seemed satisfied, and was not alittle pleased to hear, that the great King had sent them some valuablepresent. Being asked why he acknowledged Mary as the Empress of the greatnation of Creeks, and resigned his power and possessions to a despicableold woman, while all Georgia owned him as a chief of the nation, and thepresident and council were now to give him many rich clothes and medalsfor his services? He replied, that the whole nation acknowledged her astheir Queen, and none could distribute the royal presents but one of herfamily. The president by this answer perceiving more clearly the designof the family of Bosomworth, to lessen their influence, and shew theIndians that he had power to divide the royal bounty among the chiefs, determined to do it immediately, and dismiss them, and the hardships theinhabitants underwent, in keeping guard night and day for the defence ofthe town. 

In the mean time Malatchee, whom the Indians compared to the wind, because of his fickle and variable temper, having, at his own request, obtained access to Bosomworth and his wife, was again seduced and drawnover to support their chimerical claim. While the Indians were gatheredtogether to receive their respective shares of the royal bounty; he stoodup in the midst of them, and with a frowning countenance, and in violentagitation of spirit, delivered a speech fraught with the most dangerousinsinuations. He protested, that Mary possessed that country beforeGeneral Oglethorpe; and that all the lands belonged to her as Queen, andhead of the Creeks; that it was by her permission Englishmen were atfirst allowed to set their foot on them; that they still held them of heras the original proprietor; that her words were the voice of the wholenation, consisting of above three thousand warriors, and at her commandevery one of them would take up the hatchet in defence of her right; andthen pulling out a paper out of his pocket, he delivered it to thepresident in confirmation of what he had said. This was evidently theproduction of Bosomworth, and served to discover in the plainest manner, his ambitious views and wicked intrigues. The preamble was filled withthe names of Indians, called kings, of all the towns of the Upper andLower Creeks, none of whom, however, were present, excepting two. Thesubstance of it corresponded with Malatchee's speech; styling Mary therightful princess and chief of their nation, descended in a maternal linefrom the emperor, and invested with full power and authority from them tosettle and finally determine all public affairs and causes, relating tolands and other things, with King George and his beloved men on bothsides of the sea, and whatever should be said or done by her, they wouldabide by, as if said or done by themselves. 

After reading this paper in council, the whole board were struck withastonishment; and Malatchee, perceiving their uneasiness, begged to haveit again, declaring he did not know it to be a bad talk, and promising hewould return it immediately to the person from whom he had received it. To remove all impression made on the minds of the Indians by Malatchee'sspeech, and convince them of the deceitful and dangerous tendency of thisconfederacy into which Bosomworth and his wife had betrayed them, had nowbecome a matter of the highest consequence; happy was it for the provincethis was a thing neither difficult nor impracticable; for as ignorantsavages are easily misled on the one hand, so, on the other, it wasequally easy to convince them of their error. Accordingly, havinggathered the Indians together for this purpose, the president addressedthem to the following effect. "Friends and brothers, when Mr. Oglethorpeand his people first arrived in Georgia, they found Mary, then the wifeof John Musgrove, living in a small hut at Yamacraw, having a licencefrom the Governor of South Carolina to trade with Indians. She thenappeared to be in a poor ragged condition, and was neglected and despisedby the Creeks. But Mr. Oglethorpe finding that she could speak both theEnglish and Creek languages, employed her as an interpreter, richlyclothed her, and made her the woman of the consequence she now appears. The people of Georgia always respected her until she married ThomasBosomworth, but from that time she has proved a liar and a deceiver. Infact, she was no relation of Malatchee, but the daughter of an Indianwoman of no note, by a white man. General Oglethorpe did not treat withher for the lands of Georgia, she having none of her own, but with theold and wise leaders of the Creek nation, who voluntarily surrenderedtheir territories to the King. The Indians at that time having much wasteland, that was useless to themselves, parted with a share of it to theirfriends, and were glad that white people had settled among them to supplytheir wants. He told them that the present bad humour of the Creeks hadbeen artfully infused into them by Mary, at the instigation of herhusband, who owed four hundred pounds sterling in Carolina for cattle;that he demanded a third part of the royal bounty, in order to rob thenaked Indians of their right; that he had quarrelled with the presidentand council of Georgia for refusing to answer his exorbitant demands, andtherefore had filled the heads of Indians with wild fancies andgroundless jealousies, in order to breed mischief, and induce them tobreak their alliances with their best friends, who alone were able tosupply their wants, and defend them against all their enemies. " Here theIndians desired him to stop, and put an end to the contest, declaringthat their eyes were now opened, and they saw through his insidiousdesign. But though he intended to break the chain of friendship, theywere determined to hold it fast, and therefore begged that all mightimmediatly smoke the pipe of peace. Accordingly pipes and rum werebrought, and the whole congress, joining hand in hand, drank and smokedtogether in friendship, every one wishing that their hearts might beunited in like manner as their hands. Then all the royal presents, exceptammunition, with which is was judged imprudent to trust them until theywere at some distance from town, were brought and distributed among them. The most disaffected were purchased with the largest presents. EvenMalatchee himself seemed fully contented with his share, and the savagesin general perceiving the poverty and insignificance of the family ofBosomworth, and their total inability to supply their wants, determinedto break off all connection with them for ever. 

While the president and council flattered themselves that all differenceswere amicably compromised, and were rejoicing in the re-establishment oftheir former friendly intercourse with the Creeks, Mary, drunk withliquor, and disappointed in her views, came rushing in among them like afury, and told the president that these were her people, that he had nobusiness with them, and he should soon be convinced of it to his cost. The president calmly advised her to keep to her lodgings, and forbear topoison the minds of Indians, otherwise he would order her again intoclose confinement. Upon which turning about to Malatchee in great rage, she told him what the president had said, who instantly started from hisseat, laid hold of his arms, and then calling upon the rest to follow hisexample, dared any man to touch his queen. The whole house was filled ina moment with tumult and uproar. Every Indian having his tomahawk in hishand, the president and council expected nothing but instant death. During this confusion Captain Jones, who commanded the guard, veryseasonably interposed, and ordered the Indians immediately to deliver uptheir arms. Such courage was not only necessary to overawe them, but atthe same time great prudence was also requisite, to avoid coming toextremities with them. With reluctance the Indians submitted, and Marywas conveyed to a private room, where a guard was set over her, and allfurther intercourse with savages denied her during their stay in Savanna. Then her husband was sent for, in order to reason with him and convincehim of the folly of his chimerical pretensions, and of the dangerousconsequences that might result from persisting in them. But no sooner didhe appear before the president and council, than he began to abuse themto their face. In spite of every argument used to persuade him tosubmission, he remained obstinate and contumacious, and protested hewould stand forth in vindication of his wife's right to the lastextremity, and that the province of Georgia should soon feel the weightof her vengeance. Finding that fair means were fruitless and ineffectual, the council then determined to remove him also out of the way of thesavages, and to humble him by force. After having secured the twoleaders, it only then remained to persuade the Indians peaceably to leavethe town, and return to their settlements. Captain Ellick, a youngwarrior, who had distinguished himself in discovering to his tribe thebase intrigues of Bosomworth, being afraid to accompany Malatchee and hisfollowers, thought fit to set out among the first: the rest followed himin different parties, and the inhabitants, wearied out with constantwatching, and harassed with frequent alarms, were at length happilyrelieved. 

 [Sidenote] With difficulty settled. 

By this time Adam Bosomworth, another brother of the family, who wasagent for Indian affairs in Carolina, had arrived from that province, andbeing made acquainted with what had passed in Georgia, was filled withshame and indignation. He found his ambitious brother, not contented withthe common allowance of land granted by the crown, aspiring aftersovereignty, and attempting to obtain by force one of the largest landedestates in the world. His plot was artfully contrived, and had it beenexecuted with equal courage, fatal must the consequence have been. Had hetaken possession of the provincial magazine on his arrival at Savanna, and supplied the Creeks with ammunition, the militia must soon have beenoverpowered, and every family must of course have fallen a sacrifice tothe indiscriminate vengeance of savages. Happily, by the interposition ofhis brother, all differences were peaceably compromised. ThomasBosomworth at length having returned to sober reflection, began to repentof his folly, and to ask pardon of the magistrates and people. He wroteto the president, acquainting him that he was now deeply sensible of hisduty as a subject, and of the respect he owed to civil authority, andcould no longer justify the conduct of his wife; but hoped that herpresent remorse, and past services to the province, would entirely blotout the remembrance of her unguarded expressions and rash design. Heappealed to the letters of General Oglethorpe for her formerirreproachable conduct, and steady friendship to the settlement, andhoped her good behaviour for the future would atone for her pastoffences, and reinstate her in the public favour. For his own part, heacknowledged her title to be groundless, and for ever relinquished allclaim to the lands of the province. The colonists generously forgave andforgot all that had past; and public tranquillity being re-established, new settlers applied for lands as usual, without meeting any moreobstacles from the idle claims of Indian queens and chieftains. 

 [Sidenote] The charter surrendered to the King. 

The Trustees of Georgia finding that the province languished under theircare, and weary of the complaints of the people, in the year 1752surrendered their charter to the King, and it was made a royalgovernment. In consequence of which his Majesty appointed John Reynolds, an officer of the navy, Governor of the province, and a legislaturesimilar to that of the other royal governments in America was establishedin it. Great had been the expence which the mother country had alreadyincurred, besides private benefactions, for supporting this colony; andsmall had been the returns yet made by it. The vestiges of cultivationwere scarcely perceptible in the forest, and in England all commerce withit was neglected and despised. At this time the whole annual exports ofGeorgia did not amount to ten thousand pounds sterling. Though the peoplewere now favoured with the same liberties and privileges enjoyed by theirneighbours under the royal care, yet several years more elapsed beforethe value of the lands in Georgia was known, and that spirit of industrybroke out in it which afterwards diffused its happy influence over thecountry. 

 [Sidenote] George Whitfield's settlement. 

In the annals of Georgia the famous George Whitfield may not be unworthyof some notice, especially as the world through which he wandered hasheard so much of his Orphan-house built in that province. Actuated byreligious motives, this wanderer several times passed the Atlantic toconvert the Americans, whom he addressed in such a manner as if they hadbeen all equal strangers to the privileges and benefits of religion withthe original inhabitants of the forest. However, his zeal never led himbeyond the maritime parts of America, through which he travelled, spreading what he called the true evangelical faith among the mostpopulous towns and villages. One would have imagined that the heathens, or at least those who were most destitute of the means of instruction, would have been the primary and most proper objects of his zeal andcompassion; but this was far from being the case. However, wherever hewent in America, as in Britain, he had multitudes of followers. When hefirst visited Charlestown, Alexander Garden, a man of some sense anderudition, who was the episcopal clergyman of that place, to put thepeople upon their guard, took occasion to point out to them thepernicious tendency of Whitfield's wild doctrines and irregular manner oflife. He represented him as a religious impostor or quack, who had anexcellent knack of setting off to advantage his poisonous tenets. On theother hand, Whitfield, who had been accustomed to bear reproach and faceopposition, recriminated with double acrimony and greater success. WhileAlexander Garden, to keep his flock from straying after this strangepastor, expatiated on the words of Scripture, "Those that have turned theworld upside down are come hither also. " Whitfield, with all the force ofcomic humour and wit for which he was so much distinguished, by way ofreply, enlarged on these words, "Alexander the coppersmith hath done memuch evil, the Lord reward him according to his works. " In short, thepulpit was perverted by both into the mean purposes of spite andmalevolence, and every one catching a share of the infection, spoke ofthe clergymen as they were differently affected. 

 [Sidenote] Whitfield's Orphan-house. 

In Georgia Whitfield having obtained a track of land from the Trustees, erected a wooden house two stories high, the dimensions of which wereseventy feet by forty, upon a sandy beach nigh the sea-shore. This house, which he called the Orphan-House, he began to build about the year 1740, and afterwards finished it at a great expense. It was intended to be alodging for poor children, where they were to be clothed and fed bycharitable contributions, and and trained up in the knowledge andpractice of the Christian religion. The design, beyond doubt, was humaneand laudable; but, perhaps, had he travelled over the whole earth, hecould scarcely have found out a spot of ground upon it more improper forthe purpose. The whole province of Georgia could not furnish him with atrack of land of the same extent more barren and unprofitable. To thishouse poor children were to be sent from at least a healthy country, tobe supported partly by charity, and partly by the produce of this landcultivated by negroes. Nor was the climate better suited to the purposethan the soil, for it is certain, before the unwholesome marshes aroundthe house were fertilized, the influences of both air and water must haveconspired to the children's destruction. 

However, Whitfield having formed his chimerical project, determined toaccomplish it, and, instead of bring discouraged by obstacles anddifficulties, gloried in despising them. He wandered through the Britishempire, persuaded the ignorant and credulous part of the world of theexcellence of his design, and obtained from them money, clothes, andbooks, to forward his undertaking, and supply his poor orphans inGeorgia. About thirty years after this wooden house was finished it wasburned to the ground; during which time, if I am well informed, few ornone of the children educated in it have proved either useful members ofsociety, or exemplary in respect to religion. Some say the fire wasoccasioned by a foul chimney, and others by a flash of lightning; butwhatever was the cause, it burnt with such violence that little of eitherthe furniture or library escaped the flames. When I saw the ruins of thisfabric, I could not help reflecting on that great abuse of the fruits ofcharity too prevalent in the world. That money which was sunk here hadbeen collected chiefly from the poorest class of mankind. Most of thosebibles which were here burnt had been extorted from indigent andcredulous persons, who perhaps had not money to purchase more forthemselves. Happy was it for the zealous founder of this institution, that he did not live to see the ruin of his works. After his death he wasbrought from New-England, above eight hundred miles, and buried at thisOrphan-house. In his last will he left Lady Huntingdon sole executrix, who has now converted the lands and negroes belonging to the poorbenefactors of Great Britain and her dominions, to the support ofclergymen of the same irregular stamp with the deceased, but void of hisshining talents, and it is become a seminary of dissension and sedition. 

 [Sidenote] Sketch of his character. 

As George Whitfield appeared in such different lights in the successivestages of life, it is no easy matter to delineate his character withoutan uncommon mixture and vast variety of colours. He was in the Britishempire not unlike one of those strange and erratic meteors which appearnow and then in the system of nature. In his youth, as he often confessedand lamented, he was gay, giddy and profligate; so fondly attached to thestage, that he joined a company of strolling actors and vagabonds, andspent a part of his life in that capacity. At this period it is probablehe learned that grimace, buffoonery and gesticulation which he afterwardsdisplayed from the pulpit. From an abandoned and licentious course oflife he was converted; and, what is no uncommon thing, from one extremehe run into the other, and became a most zealous and indefatigableteacher of religion. Having studied some time at Oxford, he receivedordination in the church of England; yet he submitted to none of theregulations of that or any other church, but became a preacher inchurches, meeting-houses, halls, fields, in all places, and to alldenominations, without exception. Though little distinguished for geniusor learning, yet he possessed a lively imagination, much humour, and hadacquired considerable knowledge of human nature and the manners of theworld. His pretensions to humanity and benevolence were great, yet hewould swell with venom, like a snake, against opposition andcontradiction. His reading was inconsiderable, and mankind being theobject of his study, he could, when he pleased, raise the passions, andtouch the tone of the human heart to great perfection. By this affectingeloquence and address he impressed on the minds of many, especially ofthe more soft and delicate sex, such a strong sense of sin and guilt asoften plunged them into dejection and despair. As his custom was tofrequent those larger cities and towns, that are commonly best suppliedwith the means of instruction, it would appear that the love of fame andpopular applause was his leading passion; yet in candour it must beacknowledged, that he always discovered a warm zeal for the honour of Godand the happiness of men. While he was almost worshipped by the vulgar, men of superior rank and erudition found him the polite gentleman, andthe facetious and jocular companion. Though he loved good cheer, andfrequented the houses of the rich or more hospitable people of America, yet he was an enemy to all manner of excess and intemperance. While hisvagrant temper led him from place to place, his natural discernmentenabled him to form no bad judgment of the characters and manners of menwherever he went. Though he appeared a friend to no established church, yet good policy winked at all his irregularities, as he every whereproved a steady friend to monarchy and the civil constitution. He knewwell how to keep up the curiosity of the multitude, and his roving mannerstamped a kind of novelty on his instructions. When exposed to the tauntsof the scoffer, and the ridicule of the flagitious, he remained firm tohis purpose, and could even retort these weapons with astonishing easeand dexterity, and render vice abashed under the lash of his satire andwit. Sometimes, indeed, he made little scruple of consigning over todamnation such as differed from him or despised him; yet he was notentirely devoid of liberality of sentiment. To habitual sinners hisaddress was for the most part applicable and powerful, and with equalease could alarm the secure, and confirm the unsteady. Though, in prayer, he commonly addressed the second person of the Trinity in a familiar andfulsome style, and in his sermons used many ridiculous forms of speech, and told many of his own wonderful works, yet these seemed only shades toset off to greater advantage the lustre of his good qualities. In short, though it is acknowledged he had many oddities and failings, and was toomuch the slave of party and vain-glory, yet in justice it cannot bedenied, that religion in America owed not a little to the zeal, diligence, and oratory, of this extraordinary man. 

Having said so much with respect to the character which Mr. Whitfieldbore in America, if we view the effects of his example and manner of lifein that country, he will appear to us in a less favourable light. Hisgreat ambition was to be the founder of a new sect, regulated entirely bypopular fancy and caprice, depending on the gifts of nature, regardlessof the improvements of education and all ecclesiastical laws andinstitutions. Accordingly, after him a servile race of ignorant anddespicable imitators sprung up, and wandered from place to place, spreading doctrines subversive of all public order and peace. Weacknowledge the propriety and justice of allowing every reasonableindulgence to men in matters of religion. The laws of toleration beingpart of our happy constitution, it lies with men to learn their duty fromthem, and claim protection under them. But after a church has beenerected and established by the most skilful architects, and for agesreceived the approbation of the wisest and best men, it serves only tocreate endless confusion to be making alterations and additions togratify the fancy of every Gothic pretender to that art. Though Whitfieldwas in fact a friend to civil government, yet his followers on thatcontinent have been distinguished for the contrary character, and havefor the most part discovered an aversion to our constitution both ofchurch and state. Toleration to men who remain peaceable subjects to thestate is reasonable; but dissention, when it grows lawless andheadstrong, is dangerous, and summons men in general to take shelterunder the constitution, that the salutary laws of our country may beexecuted by its united strength. No man ought to claim any lordship overthe conscience; but when the consciences of obstinate sectaries becomecivil nuisances, and destructive of public tranquillity, they ought to berestrained by legal authority. For certainly human laws, if they have notthe primary, have, or ought to have, a secondary power to restrain theirregular and wild excesses of men in religious as well as in civilmatters. 

 [Sidenote] A congress with Creeks. 

About the year 1752 the flames of war broke out among some Indiannations, which threatened to involve the province of Carolina in thecalamity. The Creeks having quarrelled with their neighbours forpermitting some Indians to pass through their country to wage war againstthem, by way of revenge had killed some Cherokees nigh the gates ofCharlestown. A British trader to the Chickesaw nation had likewise beenscalped by a party of warriors belonging to the same nation. GovernorGlen, in order to demand satisfaction for these outrages, sent amessenger to the Creeks, requesting a conference at Charlestown withtheir leading men. The Creeks returned for answer, that they were willingto meet him, but as the path had not been open and safe for some time, they could not enter the settlement without a guard to escort them. Uponwhich the Governor sent fifty horsemen, who met them at the confines oftheir territories, and convoyed Malatchee, with above an hundred of hiswarriors, to Charlestown. 

 [Sidenote] The governor's speech to them. 

As they arrived on Sunday the Governor did not summon his council untilthe day following, to hold a congress with them. At this meeting a numberof gentlemen were present, whom curiosity had drawn together to see thewarriors and hear their speeches. When they entered the council-chamberthe Governor arose and took them by the hand, signifying that he was gladto see them, and then addressed them to the following effect: "Being tiedtogether by the most solemn treaties, I call you by the beloved names offriends and brothers. In the name of the great King George I have sentfor you, on business of the greatest consequence to your nation. I wouldhave received you yesterday on your arrival, but it was a beloved day, dedicated to repose and the concerns of a future life. I am sorry to hearthat you have taken up the hatchet, which I flattered myself had been forever buried. It is my desire to have the chain brightened and renewed, not only between you and the English, but also between you and otherIndian nations. You are all our friends, and I could wish that allIndians in friendship with us were also friends one with another. Youhave complained to me of the Cherokees permitting the northern Indians tocome through their country to war against you, and supplying them withprovisions and ammunition for that purpose. The Cherokees, on the otherhand, alledge, that it is not in their power to prevent them, anddeclare, that while their people happen to be out hunting those northernIndians come in to their towns well armed, and in such numbers that theyare not able to resist them. 

"I propose that a treaty of friendship and peace be concluded first withthe English, and then with the Cherokees, in such a manner as may renderit durable. Some of your people have from smaller crimes proceeded togreater. First, they waylaid the Cherokees, and killed one of them in themidst of our settlements; then they came to Charlestown, where someCherokees at the same time happened to be, and though I cautioned them, and they promised to do no mischief, yet the next day they assaulted andmurdered several of them nigh the gates of this town. For these outragesI have sent for you, to demand satisfaction; and also for the murdercommitted in one of your towns, for which satisfaction was made by thedeath of another person, and not of the murderer. For the future, Iacquaint you, that nothing will be deemed as satisfaction for the livesof our people, but the lives of these persons themselves who shall beguilty of the murder. The English never make treaties of friendship butwith the greatest deliberation, and when made observe them with thestrictest punctuality. They are, at the same time vigilant, and will notsuffer other nations to infringe the smallest article of such treaties. It would tend to the happiness of your people were you equally careful towatch against the beginnings of evil; for sometimes a small spark, if notattended to, may kindle a great fire; and a slight sore, if suffered tospread, may endanger the whole body. Therefore, I have sent for you toprevent farther mischief, and I hope you come disposed to givesatisfaction for the outrages already committed, and to promise and agreeto maintain peace and friendship with your neighbours for the future. "

[Sidenote: Malatchee's answer. ] This speech delivered to the Indians wasinterpreted by Lachlan McGilvray, an Indian trader, who understood theirlanguage. After which Malatchee, the king of the Lower Creek nation, stood forth, and with a solemnity and dignity of manner that astonishedall present, in answer, addressed the Governor to the following effect:"I never had the honour to see the great King George, nor to hear histalk--But you are in his place--I have heard yours, and I like itwell--Your sentiments are agreeable to my own--The great King wiselyjudged, that the best way of maintaining friendship between white and redpeople was by trade and commerce: --He knew we are poor, and want manythings, and that skins are all we have to give in exchange for what wewant--I have ordered my people to bring you some as a present, and, inthe name of our nation, I lay them at your Excellency's feet--You havesent for us--we are come to hear what you have to say--But I did notexpect to hear our whole nation accused for the faults of a few privatemen--Our head-men neither knew nor approved of the mischief done--Weimagined our young men had gone a-hunting as usual--When we heard whathad happened at Charlestown, I knew you would send and demandsatisfaction--When your agent came and told me what satisfaction yourequired, I owned the justice of it--But it was not adviseable for mealone to grant it--It was prudent to consult with our beloved men, andhave their advice in a matter of such importance--We met--we found thatthe behaviour of some of our people had been bad--We found that blood hadbeen spilt at your gates--We thought it just that satisfaction should hemade--We turned our thoughts to find out the chief persons concerned;(for a man will sometimes employ another to commit a crime he does notchuse to be guilty of himself) --We found the Acorn Whistler was thechief contriver and promoter of the mischief--We agreed that he was theman that ought to suffer--Some of his relations, who are here present, then said he deserved death, and voted for it--Accordingly he was put todeath--He was a very great warrior, and had many friends and relations indifferent parts of the country--We thought it prudent to conceal for sometime the true reason of his death, which was known only to the head menthat concerted it--We did this for fear some of his friends in the heatof fury would take revenge on some of your traders--At a general meetingall matters were explained--The reasons of his death were made known--Hisrelations approved of all that was done. --Satisfaction being made, I sayno more about that matter--I hope our friendship with the English willcontinue as heretofore. 

"As to the injuries done to the Cherokees, which you spoke of, we aresorry for them--We acknowledge our young men do many things they oughtnot to do, and very often act like madmen--But it is well known I and theother head warriors did all we could to oblige them to makerestitution--I rode from town to town with Mr. Bosomworth and his wife toassist them in this matter--Most of the things taken have beenrestored--When this was over, another accident happened which createdfresh troubles--A Chickesaw who lived in our nation; in a drunken fitshot a white man--I knew you would demand satisfaction--I thought it bestto give it before it was asked--The murder was committed at a greatdistance from me--I mounted my horse and rode through the towns with youragent--I took the head men of every town along with me--We went to theplace and demanded satisfaction--It was given--The blood of the Indianwas spilt for the blood of a white man--The uncle of the murdererpurchased his life, and voluntarily killed himself in his stead--Now Ihave done--I am glad to see you face to face to settle those matters--itis good to renew treaties of friendship--I shall always be glad to callyou friends and brothers. "

This speech throws no small light on the judicial proceedings ofbarbarous nations, and shews that human nature in its rudest statepossesses a strong sense of right and wrong. Although Indians have littleproperty, yet here we behold their chief magistrate protecting what theyhave, and, in cases of robbery, acknowledging the necessity of makingrestitution. They indeed chiefly injure one another in their persons orreputations, and in all cases of murder the guilty are brought to trialand condemned to death by the general consent of the nation. Even thefriends and relations of the murderer here voted for his death. But whatis more remarkable, they give us an instance of an atonement made, andjustice satisfied, by the substitution of an innocent man in place of theguilty. An uncle voluntarily and generously offers to die in the place ofhis nephew, the savages accept of the offer, and in consequence of hisdeath declare that satisfaction is made. Next to personal defence, theIndian guards his character and reputation; for as it is only from thegeneral opinion his nation entertains of his wisdom, justice and valour, that he can expect to arrive at rank and distinction, he is exceedinglywatchful against doing any thing for which he may incur public blame ordisgrace. In this answer to Governor Glen, Malatchee discoversconsiderable talents as a public speaker, and appears to be insensibleneither to his own dignity and freedom, not to the honour andindependence of his nation. Genius and liberty are the gifts of heaven;the former is universal as that space over which it has scope to range, the latter inspires confidence, and gives a natural confidence to ourwords and actions. 

During the months of June, July, and August, 1752, the weather inCarolina was warmer than any of the inhabitants then alive had ever feltit, and the mercury in the shade often arose above the nintieth, and atone time was observed at the hundred and first degree of the thermometer;and, at the same time, when exposed to the sun, and suspended at thedistance of five feet from the ground, it arose above the hundred andtwentieth division. By this excessive heat the air becomes greatlyrarified, and a violent hurricane commonly comes and restores the balancein the atmosphere. In such a case the wind usually proceeds from thenorth-east, directly opposite to the point from which it had long blownbefore. Those storms indeed seldom happen except in seasons when therehas been little thunder, when the weather has been long exceeding dry andintolerably hot, and though they occasion damages to some individuals, there is reason to believe that they are wisely ordered, and productiveupon the whole of good and salutary effects. Among the close and darkrecesses of the woods the air stagnates, and requires some violent stormto clear it of putrid effluvia, and render it fit for respiration. At thesame time the earth emits vapours which in a few days causes the finestpolished metals to rust. To penetrate through the thick forest, andrestore the air to a salubrious state, hurricanes may be useful andnecessary. And as such storms have been observed to be productive of goodeffects, the want of them for many years together may be deemed a greatmisfortune by the inhabitants, especially such as are exposed to thenoon-day heat, to the heavy fogs that fall every morning and evening, andall the severities of the climate. 

It is not improbable that the maritime parts of Carolina have beenforsaken by the sea. Though you dig ever so deep in those places you findno stones or rocks, but every where sand or beds of shells. As a smalldecrease of water will leave so flat a country entirely bare, so a smallincrease will again cover it. The coast is not only very level, but thedangerous hurricanes commonly proceed from the north-east; and as thestream of the Gulf of Florida flows rapidly towards the same point, thislarge body of water, when obstructed by the tempest, recurs upon theshore, and overflows the country. 

 [Sidenote] A hurricane at Charlestown. 

In the month of September, 1752, a dreadful hurricane happened atCharlestown. In the night before, it was observed by the inhabitants thatthe wind at north-east began to blow hard, and continued increasing inviolence till next morning. Then the sky appeared wild and cloudy, and itbegan to drizzle and rain. About nine o'clock the flood came rolling inwith great impetuosity, and in a little time rose ten feet above highwater mark at the highest tides. As usual in such cases, the town wasoverflown, and the streets were covered with boats, boards, and wrecks ofhouses and ships. Before eleven all the ships in the harbour were drivenashore, and sloops and schooners were dashing against the houses ofBay-Street, in which great quantities of goods were damaged anddestroyed. Except the Hornet man of war, which by cutting away her masts, rode out the storm, no vessel escaped being damaged or wrecked. Thetremor and consternation which seized the inhabitants may be more easilyconceived than expressed. Finding themselves in the midst of atempestuous sea, and expecting the tide to flow till one o'clock, itsusual hour, at eleven they retired to the upper stories of their houses, and there remained despairing of life. At this critical time Providencehowever mercifully interposed, and surprised them with a sudden andunexpected deliverance. Soon after eleven the wind shifted, inconsequence of which the waters fell five feet in the space of tenminutes. By this happy change the Gulf stream, stemmed by the violentblast, had freedom to run in its usual course, and the town was savedfrom imminent danger and destruction. Had the water continued to rise, and the tide to flow until its usual hour, every inhabitant ofCharlestown must have perished. Almost all the tiled and slated houseswere uncovered, several persons were hurt, and some were drowned. Thefortifications and wharfs were almost entirely demolished: the provisionsin the field, in the maritime parts, were destroyed, and numbers ofcattle and hogs perished in the waters. The pest-house in Sullivan'sisland, built of wood, with fifteen persons in it, was carried severalmiles up Cooper river, and nine out of the fifteen were drowned. Inshort, such is the low situation of Charlestown, that it is subject to bedestroyed at any time by such an inundation, and the frequent warningsthe people have had may justly fill them with a deep sense of theirdependent condition, and with constant gratitude to Providence for theirpreservation. 

 [Sidenote] The advantages of poor settlers in the province. 

We have seen the hardships under which the Carolineans laboured from thehot climate and low situation of the province, it may not be improper totake a view of those advantages afforded them which served to animatethem amidst such difficulties to industry and perseverance. In thatgrowing colony, where there are vast quantities of land unoccupied, thepoorest class of people have many opportunities and advantages, fromwhich they are entirely excluded in countries fully peopled and highlyimproved. During the first years of occupancy they are indeed exposed tomany dangers in providing for themselves and families an habitation for ashelter against the rigours of the climate, and in clearing fields forraising the necessaries of life. But when they have the good fortune tosurmount the hardships of the first years of cultivation, theinconveniencies gradually decrease in proportion to their improvements. The merchants being favoured with credit from Britain, are enabled toextend it to the swarm of labourers in the country. The planters havingestablished their characters for honesty and industry, obtain hands toassist them in the harder tasks of clearing and cultivation. Their wealthconsists in the increase of their slaves, stock and improvements. Havingabundance of waste land, they can extend their culture in proportion totheir capital. They live almost entirely on the produce of their estates, and consequently spend but a small part of their annual income. Thesurplus is yearly added to the capital, and they enlarge their prospectsin proportion to their wealth and strength. At market if there be a greatdemand for the commodities they raise, this is an additional advantage, and renders their progress rapid beyond their most sanguine expectations;they labour, and they receive more and more encouragement to persevere, until they advance to an easy and comfortable state. It has beenobserved, on the other hand, that few or none of those emigrants thatbrought much property along with them have ever succeeded in thatcountry. 

 [Sidenote] The advantages of money lenders. 

Or, if the poor emigrant be an artificer, and chuses to follow his trade, the high price of labour is no less encouraging. By the indulgence of themerchants, or by the security of a friend, he obtains credit for a fewnegroes. He learns them his trade, and a few good tradesmen, wellemployed, are equal to a small estate. Having got some hands, instead ofa labourer he becomes an undertaker, and enters into contract with hisemployer, to erect his house; to build his ship; to furnish hisplantations with shoes, or the capital with bricks. In a little time heacquires some money, and, like several others in the city whose yearlygain exceeds what is requisite for the support of themselves andfamilies, lays it out on interest. Ten and eight _per cent. _ being givenfor money, proved a great temptation, and induced many, who were aversefrom the trouble of settling plantations, or were unable to bestow thatattention to them which they demanded, to take this method of increasingtheir fortune. If the moneylender followed his employment in the capital, or reserved in his hands a sufficiency for family use, and allowed theinterest to be added yearly to the capital stock, his fortune increasedfast, and soon became considerable. Several persons preferred this methodof accumulating riches to that of cultivation, especially those whom ageor infirmity had rendered unfit for action and fatigue. 

Notwithstanding the extensive credit commonly allowed the plantinginterest by the merchants, the number of borrowers always exceeded thatof the lenders of money. Having vast extent of territory, the planterswere eager to obtain numbers of labourers, which raised the demand formoney, and kept up the high rate of interest. The interest of money inevery country is for the most part according to the demand, and thedemand according to the profits made by the use of it. The profits mustalways be great where men can afford to take money at the rate of eightand ten _per cent. _ and allow it to remain in their hands upon compoundinterest. In Carolina labourers on good lands cleared their first costand charges in a few years, and therefore great was the demand for moneyin order to procure them. 

 [Sidenote] And of the borrowers. 

Let us next take a view of those advantages in favour of the borrower ofmoney. His landed estate he obtained from the Crown. The quit-rents andtaxes were trifling and inconsiderable. Being both landlord and farmer hehad perfect liberty to manage and improve his plantation as he pleased, and was accountable to none but himself for any of the fruits of hisindustry. His estate furnished him with game and fish, which he hadfreedom to kill and use at pleasure. In the woods his cattle, hogs andhorses grazed at their ease, attended perhaps only by a negro boy. If hissheep did not thrive well, he had calves, hogs and poultry in abundancefor the use of his family. All his able labourers he could turn to thefield, and exert his strength in railing his staple commodity. The lowcountry being every where interspersed with navigable rivers and creeks, the expence of conveying his rice to the market, which otherwise wouldhave been intolerable, was thereby rendered easy. Having provisions fromhis estate to support his family and labourers, he applies his wholestaple commodities for the purposes of answering the demands of themerchant and moneylender. He expects that his annual produce will notonly answer those demands against him, but also bring an addition to hiscapital, and enable him to extend his hand still farther in the way ofimprovement. Hence it happened, that in proportion as the merchantsextended credit to the planters, and supplied them with labourers fortheir lands, the profits returned to the capital yearly according to theincreased number of hands employed in cultivation. 

It is no easy thing to enumerate all the advantages of water carriage toa fruitful and commercial province. The lands are rendered more valuableby being situated on navigable creeks and rivers. The planters who livefifty miles from the capital, are at little more expence in sending theirprovisions and produce to its market, than those who live within fivemiles of it. The town is supplied with plenty of provisions, and itsneighbourhood prevented from enjoying a monopoly of its market. By thisgeneral and unlimited competition the price of provisions is kept low, and while the money arising from them circulates equally and universallythrough the country, it contributes, in return, to its improvement. Theplanters have not only water carriage to the market far their staplecommodities, but on their arrival the merchant again commits them to thegeneral tide of commerce, and receives in return what the world affordsprofitable to himself, and useful to the country in which he lives. Henceit happened, that no town was better supplied than Charlestown with allthe necessaries, conveniencies, and luxuries of life. 

 [Sidenote] Great benefits enjoyed by colonists. 

Besides these advantages arising from good lands given them by the Crown, the Carolineans received protection to trade, a ready market, drawbacksand bounties, by their political and commercial connection with themother country. The duties laid on many articles of foreign manufactureon their importation into Britain were drawn back, sometimes the whole, almost always a great part, on their exportation to the colonies. Thesedrawbacks were always in favour of the consumers, and supplied theprovincial markets with foreign goods at a rate equally cheap as if theyhad been immediately imported from the place where they weremanufactured. Hence the colonists were exempted from those heavy dutieswhich their fellow-subjects in Britain were obliged to pay, on mostarticles of foreign manufacture which they consumed. Besides, upon thearrival of such goods in the country, the planters commonly had twelvemonths credit from the provincial merchant, who was satisfied withpayment once in the year from all his customers. So that to the consumersin Carolina, East-India goods, German manufactures, Spanish, Portugal, Madeira and Fyal wines came cheaper than to those in Great Britain. Wehave known coals, salt, and other articles brought by way of ballast, sold cheaper in Charlestown than in London. 

But the colonists had not only those drawbacks on foreign goods imported, but they were also allowed bounties on several articles of produceexported. For the encouragement of her colonies Great Britain laid highduties on several articles imported from foreign countries, and gave thecolonists premiums and bounties on the same commodities. The plantingtobacco was prohibited in England, in order to encourage it in America. The bounties on naval stores, indigo, hemp, and raw silk, while theyproved an encouragement to industry, all terminated in favour of theplantations. Nor ought the Carolineans to forget the perfect freedom theyenjoyed with respect to their trade with the West Indies, where theyfound a convenient and most excellent market for their Indian corn, rice, lumber, and salt provisions, and in return had rum, unclayed sugar, coffee and molasses much cheaper than their fellow-subjects in Britain. Imention these things because many of the colonists are ignorant of theprivileges and advantages they enjoy; for, upon a general view of theircircumstances, and a comparison of their case with that of theirfellow-subjects in Britain and Ireland, they must find they had muchground for contentment, and none for complaint. 

Another circumstance we may mention to which few have paid sufficientattention. It is true, Great Britain had laid the colonists under somerestraints with respect to their domestic manufactures and their trade toforeign ports, but however much such a system of policy might affect themore northern colonies, it was at this time rather serviceable thanprejudicial to Carolina. It served to direct the views of the people tothe culture of lands, which was both more profitable to themselves andbeneficial to the mother country. Though they had plenty of beaver skins, and a few hats were manufactured from them, yet the price of labour wasso high, that the merchant could send the skins to England, import hatsmade of them, and undersell the manufacturers of Carolina. The provincealso furnished some wool and cotton, but before they could be made intocloth, they cost the consumer more money than the merchant demanded forthe same goods imported. The province afforded leather, but before itcould be prepared and made into shoes, the price was equally high, andoften higher, than that of shoes imported from Britain. In like manner, with respect to many other articles, it would be for the advantage of theprovince as well as mother country to export the raw materials and importthe goods manufactured. For while the inhabitants of Carolina can employtheir hands to more advantage in cultivating waste land, it will be theirinterest never to wear a woollen or linen rag of their own manufacture, to drive a nail of their own forging, nor use any sort of plate, iron, brass or stationary wares of their own making. Until the province shallgrow more populous, cultivation is the most profitable employment, andthe labourer injures himself and family by preferring the less to themore profitable branch of industry. 

Few also are the restrictions upon trade, which, in effect, could bedeemed hurtful; for, excepting the vessels which traded to the southwardof Cape Finisterre, and were obliged to return to England to cancel theirbond before they sailed for Carolina, every other restraint may be saidto be ultimately in favour of the province. It was the interest of such aflourishing colony to be always in debt to Great Britain, for the morelabourers that were sent to it, the more rapidly it advanced in riches. Suppose the planters this year stand much indebted to the merchants, and, by reason of an unfavourable season, are rendered unable to answer thedemands against them; the merchants, instead of ruining them, indulgedthem for another year, and perhaps intrusted them with double the sum forwhich they stood indebted. This has frequently been found the mostcertain method of obtaining payment. In like manner the merchants musthave indulgence from England, the primary source of credit. If theprovince could not obtain such indulgence from any part of the world asfrom the mother country, it must be for its interest to support itscredit with those generous friends who were both able and disposed togive it. To lodge the yearly produce of the province in the hands ofthose English creditors as soon as possible, is the surest means ofsupporting this credit. Besides, the London merchants being the bestjudges of the markets of Europe, can of course sell the staplecommodities to the best advantage. The centrical situation of that citywas favourable for intelligence; her merchants are famous over the worldfor their extensive knowledge in trade; they well knew the ports wherethere was the greatest demand for the commodity; all which weremanifestly in favour of the province in which it was raised. Were theplanters to have the choice of their market, it is very doubtful whethersuch liberty would be for their interest. Were they to export theirproduce on their own bottom, they would certainly be great losers. Somewho have made the attempt have honestly confessed the truth: While itdivided their attention, it engaged them in affairs to which they were ingeneral very great strangers. Even the provincial merchants themselvesare not always perfect judges of the markets in Europe, nor could theyhave obtained such unlimited credit in any other channel than thatcircumscribed by the laws of their country. Here is a co-operation of anumber of persons united for promoting the interest and advantage of oneanother, and placed in circumstances and situations well adapted for thatpurpose. So that, in fact, it is not for the interest of Carolina, in itspresent advancing state, to be free from debt, far less of its plantersto engage in trade, or its inhabitants in manufactures. 

 [Sidenote] Progress of the province. 

To form a right judgment of the progress of the province, and the mutualadvantages resulting from its political and commercial connection withBritain, we need only attend to its annual imports and exports. We cannotexactly say what its imports amounted to at this time; but if theyamounted to above one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling in theyear 1740, as we have already seen, they must have arisen at least to twohundred thousand pounds sterling in 1754. The quantities of rice exportedthis year were 104, 682 barrels; of indigo, 216, 924 pounds weight, which, together with naval stores, provisions, skins, lumber, _&c. _ amounted invalue to two hundred and forty-two thousand, five hundred and twenty-ninepounds sterling. This shews the great value and importance of theprovince to Britain. And while she depends on the mother country for allthe manufactures she uses, and applies her attention to such branches ofbusiness as are most profitable to herself and most beneficial toBritain, Carolina must in the nature of things prosper. Without thisdependence, and mutual exchange of good offices, the colony might havesubsisted, but could never have thrived and flourished in so rapid amanner. 

CHAP. X. 

 [Sidenote] A dispute about the limits of British and French territories. 

Although the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle extended to the subjects of bothBritain and France residing in America, yet the boundaries of therespective territories claimed by those rival states were by no meansfixed in so clear and precise a manner as to preclude all grounds offuture dispute. The limits of Nova Scotia in particular, and those of theextensive back settlements of Virginia and Pennsylvania, were neitherclearly understood nor accurately marked. In consequence of which, as thecolonists extended their culture backwards encroachments were made, orsupposed to be made, which created jealousies and differences between theBritish and French subjects on that continent. Some merchants trading toVirginia and Pennsylvania having formed a project for a settlement on theOhio, obtained a grant of six hundred thousand acres of land from theKing, together with an exclusive privilege of trafficking with Indiannations nigh that river. To these territories the French claimed a right;and, to keep possession, as well as to engross the Indian trade, built afort on the banks of the Ohio river, which they called Fort Duquesne. This situation was very convenient for preserving the friendship ofIndian nations, an object of the utmost importance to the French, as thesubjects of Britain in America were at that time vastly more numerous andpowerful than those of France. 

Tobacco being a plant which quickly exhausts the richest lands, theplanters of Virginia were accustomed gradually to stretch backward, andoccupy such fresh spots of ground as promised them the greatest returns. Some had even crossed the Allegany mountains, where they found richvallies lying waste, upon which they settled plantations; and though theland-carriage of such a heavy and bulky commodity was expensive, yet theyfound that the superiority of their crops made them some compensation. Tothis territory beyond the mountains, as well as the other marked andmeasured out for the Ohio Company, the French laid claim, and sent aconsiderable garrison from Montreal to Fort Duquesne, to defend theirpretended right. The commander in chief of Canada wrote a letter to theGovernor of Virginia, complaining of encroachments made on his mostChristian Majesty's territories, and demanding that such British plantersand traders as had settled on those lands should withdraw, otherwise hewould be obliged to seize both their properties and persons. No regardbeing paid to his complaints, the commandant of Fort Duquesne seized byforce three British traders, and goods to a large amount, and carriedthem to Montreal. Upon which the Governor of Virginia determined toresent the injury, and immediately began to concert measures for theprotection of the frontiers. He raised a body of militia, and sent themmet the mountains to watch the motions of their troublesome neighbours, and obtained reinforcements from North and South Carolina to assist themagainst the French garrison. This detachment, under the command of MajorWashington, encamped near Fort Duquesne, between whom and the Frenchgarrison hostilities commenced in America; and the flame of warafterwards spreading, involved Europe in the quarrel. 

 [Sidenote] A chain of forts raised by the French. 

From this period the great object which the French kept in view was tostrengthen their frontiers, and make all possible preparations fordefending themselves against the storm which they foresaw gathering inAmerica. Though they seemed averse from an open declaration of war, yetthey continued pouring troops into the continent, and raising a line offorts to secure a communication between their colony at the mouth of theMississippi and their great settlement in Canada. They amused the Britishadministration with fruitless negotiations about the limits of NovaScotia, while they were busily employed in the execution of this greatplan. Their design, however, was no secret to the more discerning part ofthe Americans, who plainly perceived from such preparations thathostilities were approaching. In Acadia they erected a fort at Chinecto, to confine the British subjects of Nova Scotia within the peninsula. AtCrown Point another was raised, on lands claimed by the King of GreatBritain, well situated for harassing the back settlements of New York andConnecticut. Another was built at Niagara, on land belonging to the SixNations in alliance with Britain. While the Canadians were falling downthe Ohio river, and raising strong-holds, the forces at Pensacola and NewOrleans were also forcing their way up the Mississippi, and establishinggarrisons on the most advantageous posts, on purpose to meet theirfriends from Canada, and confine the British settlements to the spacebetween the mountains and the Atlantic sea. The more easily to accomplishthis great design, it was necessary to secure by all possible means theinterest of the savage nations. For this purpose missionaries were sentamong the different tribes, who conformed to the dress, manners andcustoms of the savages, and represented the British heretics in the mostodious light, making the Indians believe that their safety and happinessdepended on the total extirpation of such men from America. Though sometribes rejected their friendship, yet it is certain that many were wonover by their insinuating arts and intrigues, and entered into allianceswith them. When a general congress was held at Albany fewer Indians thanusual at such meetings attended, which afforded grounds of suspicion, andobliged the governors of the British colonies to double their diligencefor watching the motions of their enterprising neighbours. 

 [Sidenote] The distracted state of the British colonies. 

At the same time the situation of some of the British colonies provedfavourable to the hostile preparations and attempts of their enemies. Their clashing interests had bred jealousies and animosities among them, insomuch that it was no easy matter to bring them firmly to unite, inorder to oppose a common enemy with vigour and spirit. They believedthemselves unable to withstand the militia of Canada supported by someregiments of regular troops from France, and therefore in the most humblemanner implored the protection of Britain. They were filled with terribleapprehensions of the French power, declaring that their vanity andambition had nothing less in view at this period than to divide thewestern world with Spain, and make all its riches center in the house ofBourbon. But whether they had such a view or not, one thing is plain, that the reduction of the British empire in America would facilitate theaccomplishment of such a design, as the Portuguese dominions mustafterwards fall an easy prey to those two powerful potentates. 

Though Great Britain was sensible of the danger which threatened hercolonies, yet as the number of British settlers on the continent exceededthat of the French, being not less than twenty to one, she expected thatthey would unite among themselves, and raise a fund for the commondefence. Hitherto she had nursed and protected them, and many of thecolonies had arrived at a considerable degree of opulence and strength. They had the easiest taxes of any civilized people upon earth. They hadenjoyed many civil privileges, and commercial advantages, from theirconnection with the mother country. As their resources were considerable, it was hoped their zeal would not be wanting for their own defence. Togive a check to any encroachments of the French in that quarter, GreatBritain was more remotely, America herself more immediately, concerned. Instructions were therefore sent to the governors of the differentprovinces, to recommend unanimity to the people, and the necessity of anassociation for their mutual defence. But when the raising of men andmoney was proposed to the assemblies they fell into disputes amongthemselves, which became more violent in proportion as the enemyapproached their habitations. Some pleaded extraordinary privileges fromtheir charters; others started frivolous and absurd objections, insistingon punctilios as pretences for delay. In short, so different were theirconstitutions and forms of government, so divided were they in theirviews and interests, that it was found impossible to unite them together, in order to give their force its due weight. The frontiers were naked andextensive, the inhabitants upon them were thin and scattered, and utterlyunequal to the service requisite without the assistance of theirneighbours. The flames of war had broke out on some of them, and theneighbouring provinces could no otherwise be safe than by stretchingforth their hands in helping to extinguish them. Thus, while the Frenchwere acting in concert under one commander and chief, the Britishcolonists were spending that time in barren deliberations and privatedisputes which they ought to have employed in fortifying their bordersand checking the progress of their enemy. What was in fact the businessof every man seemed to engage the attention of none, and all kept theireyes fixed on the mother country for protection, regarding themselves asdisinterested in the general safety of the empire, and very unequal totheir own defence. 

 [Sidenote] General Braddock's defeat in Virginia. 

While thus one province refused help to another, Great Britain, notwithstanding the extensive dominions she had to guard in differentquarters of the globe, generously undertook the protection of America. Asthe greatest dangers seemed to hang over the province of Virginia, General Braddock was sent out with a considerable body of men to assistthe Virginians in driving the French from their frontiers. This haughtyand rash leader, being possessed of considerable skill in the Europeanarts of war, entertained a sovereign contempt for an American enemy, andadvanced against Fort Duquesne without even the smallest doubt ofsuccess. However, the French had intelligence of his approach, and wereprepared to receive him. Having collected a large body of Indians, theyhad taken possession of an advantageous ground, and placed the regularson a rising hill in front, and the savages in the dark woods on eachside. General Braddock, instead of keeping small parties before the mainbody, to scour the woods as he advanced, and explore every dangerouspass, marched his men, according to the custom in Europe, in a closecompacted body, and unfortunately fell into the snare which his enemieshad laid for him. The French regulars in the front began the attack frombehind a breast-work, while the Indians kept up an irregular andscattered fire from the dark thickets on each side, which surprized andconfounded the British soldiers, who were utter strangers to such methodsof attack. Almost every shot took effect, and the brave men observingtheir neighbours falling by their side, were put into confusion and fled, refusing to return to the charge against invisible assailants, notwithstanding every effort used by the officers for that purpose. Braddock with many brave officers and men fell in this field, and theremainder retreated with precipitation to Philadelphia, leaving thesefrontiers in a worse condition than they were in before. 

 [Sidenote] Colonel Johnston's success at Lake George. 

Colonel Johnston, who marched with about three thousand men against CrownPoint, was indeed more successful than this rash commander in Virginia. Being better acquainted with the woods, and the various methods ofattack, he could both avail himself of the advantages, and guard againstthe dangers arising from the nature of the country. With cautious stepshe advanced against the enemy, until he reached Lake George, where aparty of his advanced guard being attacked retreated to the main body. The French pursued them, and a bloody battle ensued between the twoarmies, equally skilled in bush-fighting, which terminated much to thehonour of the British officer. The enemy was repulsed with considerableloss, leaving Baron de Diescau wounded in the field, who, with manyothers, fell into Johnston's hands, and were made prisoners of war. Thisfinall advantage gained over the French served in some measure to revivethe drooping spirits of the colonists; yet still they entertained themost discouraging apprehensions of the French power in the woods, andseemed ardently to long for the relief and assistance of the mothercountry. 

While these hostilities were openly carrying on in the northern parts ofAmerica, it was judged prudent to consult the safety of the provinces tothe south, and put them in the best posture of defence. To prevent thefatal influence of French emissaries among the Indian tribes, it wasthought necessary to build some small forts in the heart of theircountry. The Indians on the Ohio river, from the success which attendedtheir arms at Fort Duquesne, entertained the highest ideas of Frenchcourage and conduct, and were trying to seduce the Cherokees, who were atthis time the firmest allies of Britain. A message was sent to GovernorGlen from the chief warrior of the over-hill settlements, acquainting himthat some Frenchmen and their allies were among their people, endeavouring to poison their minds, and that it would be necessary tohold a general congress with the nation, and renew their former treatiesof friendship. He assured the Governor, that though he had been woundedin his younger years, and was now old, yet he would meet him half way forthis purpose, if he should even be carried on the backs of his people. Accordingly, Governor Glen appointed a place for holding a congress, andagreed to meet the warrior; for as the clouds were gathering every whereon the American horizon, the friendship of the Cherokees at such a timewas an object of too much importance to Carolina to be overlooked orneglected. 

It may be remarked, that the Cherokees differ in some respects from otherIndian nations that have wandered often from place to place, and fixedtheir habitations on separate districts. From time immemorial they havehad possession of the same territory which at present they occupy. Theyaffirm, that their forefathers sprung from that ground, or descended fromthe clouds upon those hills. These lands of their ancestors they valueabove all things in the world. They venerate the places where their boneslie interred, and esteem it disgraceful in the highest degree torelinquish these sacred repositories. The man that would refuse to takethe field in defence of these hereditary possessions, is regarded by themas a coward, and treated as an outcast from their nation. To theover-hill villages the French had an easy access by means of rivers thatemptied themselves into the Ohio and Mississippi. Their middlesettlements and towns in the valley lay more convenient for trading withthe Carolineans. Hitherto they despised the French, whom they calledlight as a feather, fickle as the wind, and deceitful as serpents; and, being naturally of a very grave cast, they considered the levity of thatpeople as an unpardonable insult. They looked upon themselves as a greatand powerful nation, and though their number was much diminished, yetthey could bring from their different towns about three thousand men tothe field. At this time they had neither arms nor ammunition to defendthemselves against their enemy, and the Governor of Carolina wantedliberty to build two forts on their lands, in order to secure theirfriendship and trade. As the French were tampering with them, and hadshewn a keenness more than common to gain some footing with them, itbehoved the province to exert itself, in order to prevent if possible anyalliance with its enemies. 

 [Sidenote] Governor Glen holds a congress with the Cherokees. 

Accordingly, in 1755, Governor Glen met the Cherokee warriors in theirown country, with a view to purchase some lands from them; and, after theusual ceremonies previous to such solemn treaties were over, the Governorsat down under a spreading tree, and Chulochcullah being chosen speakerfor the Cherokee nation, came and took his seat beside him. The otherwarriors, about five hundred in number, stood around them in solemnsilence and deep attention. Then the Governor arose, and made a speech inname of his king, representing his great power, wealth and goodness, andhis particular regard for his children the Cherokees. He reminded them ofthe happiness they had long enjoyed by living under his protection; andadded, that he had many presents to make them, and expected they wouldsurrender a share of their territories in return for them. He acquaintedthem of the great poverty and wicked designs of the French, and hopedthey would permit none of them to enter their towns. He demanded lands tobuild two forts in their country, to protect them against their enemies, and to be a retreat to their friends and allies, who furnished them witharms, ammunition, hatchets, clothes, and every thing that they wanted. 

When the Governor had finished his speech, Chulochcullah arose, andholding his bow in one hand, his shaft of arrows and other symbols usedby them on such occasions in the other, in answer spoke to the followingeffect. "What I now speak our father the great king should hear--We arebrothers to the people of Carolina--one house covers us all. " Then takinga boy by the hand he presented him to the Governor, saying, "We, ourwives and our children, are all children of the great King George--I havebrought this child, that when he grows up he may remember our agreementon this day, and tell it to the next generation, that it may be known forever. " Then opening his bag of earth, and laying the same at theGovernor's feet, he said, "We freely surrender a part of our lands to thegreat King--The French want our possessions, but we will defend themwhile one of our nation shall remain alive. " Then shewing his bows andarrow, he added, "These are all the arms we can make for our defence--Wehope the King will pity his children the Cherokees, and send us guns andammunition--We fear not the French--Give us arms and we will go to waragainst the enemies of the great King. " Then delivering the Governor astring of wampum in confirmation of what he had said, he added, "Myspeech is at an end--It is the voice of the Cherokee nation--I hope theGovernor will send it to the King, that it may be kept for ever. "

 [Sidenote] And purchases a large tract of land from them. 

At this congress a territory of prodigious extent was ceded andsurrendered to the King. Deeds of conveyance were drawn up, and formallyexecuted by their head men in name of the whole people. It contained notonly much rich land, but there the air was more serene, and the climatemore healthy, than in the maritime parts. It exhibited many pleasant andromantic scenes, formed by an intermixture of beautiful hills, fruitfulvallies, rugged rocks, clear streams, and gentle water-falls. The hillswere of a stiff and tenacious clay, but the vallies of a deep, fat mould, and were covered with perpetual verdure. The acquisition at that time wasso far of importance to Carolina, as it removed the savages at a greaterdistance from the settlements, and allowed the inhabitants liberty toextend backwards, in proportion as their number increased. 

 [Sidenote] Forts built in defence of Carolina. 

Soon after the cession of these lands, Governor Glen built a fort aboutthree hundred miles from Charlestown, afterwards called Fort PrinceGeorge, which was situated on the banks of the river Savanna, and withingun-shot of an Indian town called Keowee. This fort was made in the formof a square, and had an earthen rampart about six feet high, on whichstockades were fixed, with a ditch, a natural glacis on two sides, andbastions at the angles, on each of which four small cannon were mounted. It contained barracks for an hundred men, and was designed for a defenceto the western frontiers of the province. About an hundred and seventymiles further down there was another strong-hold, called Fort Moore, in abeautiful commanding situation on the banks of the same river. In theyear following another fort was erected, called Fort Loudon, among theUpper Cherokees, situated on Tenassee river upwards of five hundred milesdistant from Charlestown; to which place it was very difficult at alltimes, but, in case of a war with the Cherokees, utterly impracticable toconvey necessary supplies. These strong-holds, together with those ofFrederica and Augusta in Georgia, were garrisoned by his Majesty'sindependent companies of foot, stationed there for the protection of thetwo provinces. 

After having fortified these frontiers, the settlers of Carolina began tostretch backward, and occupied lands above an hundred and fifty milesfrom the shore. New emigrants from Ireland, Germany and the northerncolonies obtained grants in these interior parts, and introduced thecultivation of wheat, hemp, flax and tobacco, for which the soil answeredbetter there than in the low lands nearer the sea. The cattle, sheep, hogs and horses multiplied fast, and having a country of vast extent torange over, they found plenty of provisions in it through the whole year. From different parts new settlers were invited to those hilly and morehealthy parts of Carolina, where they laboured with greater safety thanamong the swamps, and success crowned their industry. By degrees publicroads were made, and they conveyed their produce in waggons to thecapital, where they found an excellent market for all their productions, but especially the provisions which they raised. 

 [Sidenote] Its excellent fruits and plants. 

Although the soil and climate of the province suited the finest fruitsand vegetable productions, yet the garden had long been neglected, andthe orchard had engaged the attention only of a few. The people ofBermuda, not many years ago, carried to the market in Charlestowncabbages raised on that island, and the northern colonies their applesand Irish potatoes. But now the Carolineans found, by chusing a spot ofland with judgment for the garden, that it would furnish them with allnecessaries of this kind. Every spring and autumn brought them a crop ofEuropean peas and beans. Musk and water melons thrive exceedingly welleven on the sandy maritime islands, and arrive at a degree of perfectionunknown in many parts of Europe. All kinds of sallad, such as lettuce, endive, cresses, parsley, radishes, onions, will grow there in allseasons of the year, excepting one, and as nature has denied the peoplethis kind of nourishment during the summer months, it is probable it muston that account be unwholesome. The garden also yielded abundance ofcabbages, brocoli, cauliflower, turnips, spinage, cucumbers, squashes, artichokes, pompions, asparagus, _&c. _ in great perfection. The climateindeed refuses the people of Carolina currants and gooseberries, as everyattempt to raise them has failed; but they have oranges, figs, peaches, apricots, nectarines and strawberries in plenty, which are exceedinglyagreeable and refreshing in the summer season. Olives, grapes, cherries, citrons and plumbs will grow, though not cultivated in common; butapples, pears, pomegranates, chesnuts and walnuts are, or at least maybe, raised in abundance. Many physical roots and herbs, such asChina-root, snake-root, sassafras, are the spontaneous growth of thewoods; and sage, balm and rosemary thrive well in the gardens. Theplanters distil brandy of an inferior quality from peaches; and gatherberries from the myrtle bushes of which they make excellent candles. Thewoods will also supply them with a variety of cherries, mulberries, wildgrapes and nuts. In short, nature hath denied the diligent and skilfulplanter few of the most useful vegetables, and many delicious fruits growto a degree of perfection exceeded by no country in Europe. 

Ar the same time it must be acknowledged, that some disadvantages attendthe climate with respect to the vegetable kingdom. European grapes havebeen transplanted, and several attempts made to raise wine in Carolina;but so overshaded are the vines planted in the woods, and so foggy is theseason of the year when they begin to ripen, that they seldom come tomaturity. But as excellent grapes have been raised in gardens where theyare exposed to the sun, we are apt to believe that proper methods havenot been taken for encouraging that branch of agriculture, consideringits great importance in a national view. Some tolerable wine has beenmade from the native vines, which do not ripen so early in the season asthose transplanted from Europe; and perhaps in some future day, when theplanters have acquired greater skill, and made trials of different soilsand situations, the vineyard culture may succeed better than it has yetdone, and turn to some national account, like other profitable articlesof American husbandry. 

In some seasons the cold blast from the north-west proves verydestructive to the orange, the olive and peach trees. In mild winters thetrees blossom early, sometimes by the beginning of February, often beforethe middle of it. After the juices begin to rise, should the north westwind bring a cold frosty night, it commonly kills every tender shoot. Governor Glen makes mention of a frost which happened on the 7th ofFebruary, 1747, which killed almost all the orange trees in the country. The trees being ready to blossom about the time the frost came, it burstall their vessels, insomuch that not only the bark, but even the bodiesof many of them were split, and all on the side next the sun. Such blastsare incredibly sharp and piercing. The Governor says he found severalbirds frozen to death near his house. We cannot vouch for the truth ofthis assertion, but we know no climate where the cold is more severelyfelt by the human body. 

 [Sidenote] Its minerals undiscovered. 

With respect to the mineral kingdom we may say, who can tell what richmines lie hid in Carolina, when no person has sought for them? If it betrue that mountainous countries are favorable to mines, it may bepresumed that this province, in which there are many extensive and highmountains, is not without its hidden treasures, no more than the otherparts of the continent. Pennsylvania hath already exhibited to the worldsome useful minerals, and Carolina in time will probably do the same. Butwhile the surface of the earth yields abundance of vegetable productionsfor the use of the inhabitants, and a plentiful livelihood can beobtained by easier means than that of digging into its bowels, it canscarcely be expected that they will apply themselves to deep anduncertain researches. It remains for a more populous and improved state, when ingenious men will probably attempt to explore those subterraneanriches, which as yet lie neglected. Mineral water has been found inseveral parts, and such springs will help both to lead men to theimportant discovery, and animate them with the hopes of success. 

The province of Georgia, with respect to improvement, still remainedlittle better than a wilderness, and the vast expence it had cost themother country might perhaps have been laid out to greater advantage inother parts of the continent. In the government of that colony JohnEllis, a Fellow of the Royal Society, succeeded Captain John Reynolds. The rich swamps on the sides of the rivers lay uncultivated; and theplanters had not yet found their way into the interior parts of thecountry, where the lands not only exceeded those in the maritime parts infertility, but where the climate was also more healthy and pleasant. Excepting vagabonds and fraudulent debtors, who fled to them fromCarolina, few of the Georgians had any negroes to assist them incultivation; so that, in 1756, the whole exports of the country were 2997barrels of rice, 9335 lb. Of indigo, 268 lib. Of raw silk, which, together with skins, furs, lumber and provisions amounted only to 16, 776pounds sterling. 

Although the hostilities which had commenced between Great Britain andFrance still continued, yet both potentates remained averse from an opendeclaration of war. William Lyttleton, now Lord Westcot, being appointedgovernor of South Carolina, in his way through the Bay of Biscay, wasintercepted by a French squadron under the command of Count de Guay, andcarried into France; but an order from the French court came to releasethe ship, and permit the Governor to return to England. The Britishcommanders at sea indeed had orders to seize all French ships and bringthem into port, yet as some hopes of an accommodation still remained, thecrews were only confined, and the cargoes remained entire. But so soon asthe news of the bare-faced invasions of our dominions in theMediterranean, joined with the many encroachments in America, had reachedthe British court, all prospects of an accommodation vanished at once, and war was publicly declared against France on the 17th of May, 1756. 

Before the end of that year William Pitt, who had long been distinguishedin the House of Commons for a bold and powerful orator, was called to thehelm, and to his uncommon popularity added the whole influence ofadministration. After his preferment such bold plans of operation wereintroduced to the council, as were calculated at once to rouze theBritish nation and to alarm her enemies. The city of London, having thegreatest confidence in the spirit and abilities of the minister, pouredin its treasures to his assistance, and so great were his resources, thathis schemes, however vast, never failed for want of money. From thisperiod vigour and decision attended almost every warlike enterprize; amartial spirit pervaded the navy and army, and every officer seemedemulous of distinction and glory in the service of his country. This newminister gave the enemy so much employment, that for the future they hadscarce time to breathe, and extended the powerful arm of Britain from thecentre to the extremities of the empire. 

In America John Earl of London had been appointed commander in chief; butsuch was the state of affairs on that continent, that all he could do wasnot sufficient to prevent the encroachments of the enemy. So disunitedwere the provincials, and so different were their principles, views andinterests, that each colony seemed concerned only for its own defence, and determined to act independent of its neighbour; while the French werefirmly united under one commander in chief, the Governor of Canada. LordLoudon plainly saw that nothing remained for him to achieve, andtherefore pitched his camp at Albany, and there determined to continuewith his little army on the defensive, until a reinforcement shouldarrive from Britain. The French still wore the laurel, and triumphed inthe forest, having every possible advantage their heart could desire fromthe divided state of British America. 

But although the campaign under Lord Loudon was opened under manydisadvantages, this gallant officer was not idle during the year. Havingmade himself master of the state of affairs on the continent, heperceived that the French, though united and strong, were neverthelessvulnerable, and drew up a plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, which he transmitted to the minister in Britain. Immediately preparationswere made for carrying it into execution. It had been proposed to raisesome regiments in America, but the levies went on slowly. As many of thecolonists fit for service were foreigners, and only understood theirnative language, it was thought proper to allow them foreign officers tocommand them upon their taking the oaths to government, which contributednot a little to the more speedy completion of the Royal Americanregiments. 

[Sidenote: The British forces augmented. ]

Early in the year following a considerable reinforcement from Britainarrived at New York. The Indians in alliance with us were furnished witharms, and encouraged to join the army. Among the British forces sent outthere was a regiment of Highlanders, who were in many respects wellqualified for the service. It is impossible to describe how much thesavages were delighted with the dress, manners and music of thisregiment. Their sprightly manner of dancing, their dexterity in the useof arms, and natural vivacity and intrepidity, the savages greatlyadmired, and expressed a strong inclination for attending the Scotchwarriors to the field. To prevent them from joining the enemy it was notonly necessity to employ those warriors, but it was thought they might berendered useful for scouring the dark thickets before the regular army. Lieutenant Kennedy, to encourage them, entered into their humour, and, inorder to head them, dressed and painted himself like an Indian. They gavehim a squaw, and the nation to which she belonged having made him a king, no small service was expected from the new alliance. 

 [Sidenote] Their first success in America. 

When General Abercrombie succeded Lord Loudon as commander in chief inAmerica, the British force being considerably augmented, bolderenterprises were undertaken. It was agreed to attack the Frenchsettlements in different places. Though this commander met with a sharprepulse at Ticonderago, the French paid dear for this advantage by theloss of Cape Breton, which opened the way into Canada. Fort Frontenacnext surrendered to Colonel Bradstreet, in which were found vastquantities of provision and ammunition, that had been designed for theFrench forces on the Ohio. The great loss sustained by the enemy at thisplace facilitated the reduction of Fort Duquesne, against which GeneralForbes was advancing with great vigilance and considerable force. Thisfortress the enemy, after a few skirmishes, determined to abandon; andhaving burnt their houses, and destroyed their works, fell down the Ohioriver in boats to their strong-holds erected beyond the Cherokeemountains. No sooner was the British flag erected on Fort Duquesne, thanthe numerous tribes of Indians came in and made their submission; and, from a conviction of the superior valour and strength of the Britisharmy, joined the conquerors. Although the enemy lost few men at thisplace, yet their power in America received a heavy stroke by the divisionof their force which the loss of it occasioned. All communication betweentheir settlements on the south parts and those of Canada being cut off, they could no longer act in concert, and their future exertions wererendered more feeble and ineffectual. 

 [Sidenote] The cause of the Cherokee war. 

However, the flight of this French garrison to the south promised littlegood to Carolina. The scene of action was changed only from one place toanother, and the baleful influence of those active and enterprisingenemies soon appeared among the upper tribes of Cherokees. An unfortunatequarrel with the Virginians helped to forward their designs, by openingto them an easier access into the towns of the savages. In the differentexpeditions against Fort Duquesne, the Cherokees, agreeable to treaty, had sent considerable parties of warriors to the assistance of theBritish army. As the horses in those parts run wild in the woods, it wascustomary, both among Indians and white people on the frontiers, to layhold on them and appropriate them to their own purposes. While thesavages were returning home through the back parts of Virginia, many ofthem having lost their horses, laid hold of such as came in their way, never imagining that they belonged to any individual in the province. TheVirginians however, instead of asserting their right in a legal way, resented the injury by force of arms, and killed twelve or fourteen ofthe unsuspicious warriors, and took several more prisoners. TheCherokees, with reason, were highly provoked at such ungrateful usagefrom allies, whose frontiers they had helped to change from a field ofblood into peaceful habitations, and when they came home told what hadhappened to their nation. The flame soon spread through the upper towns, and those who had lost their friends and relations were implacable, andbreathed nothing but fury and vengeance against such perfidious friends. In vain did the chieftains interpose their authority, nothing couldrestrain the furious spirits of the young men, who were determined totake satisfaction for the loss of their relations. The emissaries ofFrance among them added fuel to the flame, by telling them that theEnglish intended to kill every man of them, and make slaves of theirwives and children. They instigated them to bloodshed, and for thatpurpose furnished them with arms and ammunition. The scattered familieson the frontiers of Carolina lay much exposed to scalping parties ofthese savages, who commonly make no distinction of age or sex, but pourtheir vengeance indiscriminately on the innocent and guilty. 

The garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of about two hundred men, underthe command of Captains Demere and Stuart, first discovered the illhumour in which the Cherokee warriors returned from the northernexpedition. The soldiers, as usual, making excursions into the woods, tohunt for fresh provisions, were attacked by them, and some of them werekilled. From this time such dangers threatened the garrison, that everyone was confined within the small boundaries of the fort. Allcommunication with the distant settlement from which they receivedsupplies being cut off, and the soldiers being but poorly provided, hadno other prospects left but those of famine or death. Parties of youngIndians took the field, and, rushing down among the settlements, murderedand scalped a number of people on the frontiers. 

 [Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton prepares to march against them. 

The commanding officer at Fort Prince George having received intelligenceof those acts of hostility, dispatched a messenger to Charlestown toinform Governor Lyttleton that the Cherokees were gone to war, and thatit would be necessary speedily to warn the people of their danger. Inconsequence of which orders were given to the commanders of the militiaimmediately to collect their men, and stand in a posture of defence, while the Governor was making preparations in Charlestown for marchingagainst them, in order to give a speedy check to their progress. Partiesof the independent companies were brought to Charlestown for thispurpoise. The militia of the country had orders to rendezvous atCongarees, where the Governor, with such a force as he could procure fromthe lower parts, resolved to join them, and march to the relief of thefrontier settlements. 

 [Sidenote] The Cherokees sue for peace. 

No sooner had the Cherokees heard of these warlike preparations atCharlestown, than thirty-two of their chiefs set out for that place; inorder to settle all differences, and prevent if possible a war with theCarolineans. For although they could not restrain some of their young menfrom acts of violence, yet the nation in general was still inclined tofriendship and peace. As they arrived at Charlestown before the Governorhad set out on the intended expedition, a council was called, and thechiefs being sent for, Mr. Lyttleton, among other things, told them, "That he was well acquainted with all the acts of hostility of whichtheir people had been guilty, and likewise those they intended againstthe English, and enumerated some of them; then he added, That he wouldsoon be in their country, where he would let them know his demands, andthe satisfaction he required, which he would certainly take if theyrefused it. As they had come to Charlestown to treat with him as friends, they should go home in safety, and not a hair of their head should betouched; but as he had many warriors in arms in different parts of theprovince, he could not be answerable for what might happen to them unlessthey marched along with his army. " After this speech Occonostota, who wasdistinguished by the name of the Great Warrior of the Cherokee nation, began to speak by way of reply; but the Governor being determined thatnothing should prevent his military expedition, declared, he would hearno talk he had to make, neither in vindication of his nation, nor anyproposals with regard to peace. Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who was betteracquainted with the manners of Indians, and the dangers to which theprovince would be exposed from a war with them, urged the necessity ofhearing the Great Warrior, and the happy consequences of an agreementbefore more blood was spilt. But Mr. Lyttleton remained inflexible, andput an end to the conference; with which behaviour the chiefs, however, were not a little displeased. For as they had travelled so far to obtainpeace, and, after all, to be not only denied liberty to speak, but alsoto be disappointed with respect to the chief end of their journey, chagrined them much, and created many uneasy fears and suspicions. 

 [Sidenote] Governor Lyttleton marches against the Cherokees. 

A few days after holding this conference with the chieftains the governorset out for Congarees, the place of general rendezvous for the militia, and about one hundred and forty miles distant from Charlestown, where hemustered in all about one thousand four hundred men. To this place theCherokees marched along with the army, and were to appearance contented, but in reality burning with fury and resentment. When the army moved fromthe Congarees, the chieftains, very unexpectedly, were all madeprisoners, and, to prevent their escape to the nation, a captain's guardwas mounted over them, and in this manner they were obliged to march toFort Prince George. Being not only deprived of their liberty, which anIndian values above all things, but also compelled to accompany an enemygoing against their families and friends, they could now no longerconceal their resentment. They turned exceedingly sullen, and shewed thatthey were stung to the heart by such base treatment. The breach ofpromise an Indian holds an atrocious crime. To requite good intended withreal evil, they with reason deemed an unpardonable injury. But whatcompleated the ill usage, the thirty-two Indians, upon the arrival of thearmy at Fort Prince George, were all shut up in a hut scarcely sufficientfor the accommodation of six soldiers, where they spent their time inconcerting plots for obtaining their liberty, and satisfaction for theinjuries done them. 

 [Sidenote] Holds a congress a Fort Prince George. 

Governor Lyttleton's little army being not only ill armed anddisciplined, but also discontented and mutinous, he therefore judged itdangerous to proceed farther into the enemy's country. Having beforehandsent for Attakullakulla, who was esteemed both the wisest man of thenation and the most steady friend of the English, to meet him at FortPrince George, this warrior hastened to his camp from an excursionagainst the French, in which he had taken some prisoners, one of whom hepresented to the Governor. Mr Lyttleton knew, that, for obtaining are-establishment of peace, there was not a man in the whole nation betterdisposed to assist him than this old warrior, though it was observed thathe cautiously avoided making any offer of satisfaction. But so small washis influence among the Cherokees at this time, that they considered himas no better than an old woman on account of his attachment to theirEnglish enemies, and his aversion from going to war against them. 

 [Sidenote] His speech to Attakullakulla. 

About the 18th of December, 1759, the Governor held a congress with thiswarrior, and by an interpreter spoke to him to the following effect: "Youtold me yesterday that you had a good talk to make, and expected the samefrom me. You know it is the will of the great King that his subjects andyour people should live together in friendship, and you have said youdesire not to break the chain thereof. It is a chain which our mostgracious sovereign holds at one end, and you hold at the other. You knowthat, in order to keep this chain from contracting rust, and hinder itfrom being broken, it was necessary certain conditions should be made;and as all acts of the great king are kept till time shall be no more, soI now have in my hand those very conditions made with you and yourpeople. It was agreed, that if an Indian should kill an Englishman, heshall be delivered up to be punished as the law requires. This was theancient talk of our fathers and your fathers, and when King George tookyour nation under his protection he so ordered it for the future. Thistreaty has been since renewed by several of our King's governors of thisprovince from time to time. It was the mercy of the great King that thisway of restitution should be established, to prevent a war which mightdestroy your nation; whereas, at any time, by delivering up of the guiltyperson, the innocent might escape, and your people be suffered to live infriendship with ours. 

"In the month of November, 1758, six deputies from your nation came toCharlestown, to make up all differences between our people and yours. They did then engage to observe the words of the treaty I have here, andwhich you know are the same with those formerly made by the great King. They received a large quantity of goods as a full compensation for theinjuries done them by white people, and did solemnly promise to continuein strict friendship with all the King's subjects. Notwithstanding whichthey went to Statiquo under Moytoy and killed many white men, though noprovocation had been given them. Thereupon I demanded satisfaction, according to the words of the great King, but they have given me none. AsKing Gorge loves mercy better than war, I was willing to wait; and whileour people lay quietly in their houses, the Indians came, killed andscalped them. Last of all they put to death three men in the Uppernation, and drove our people, who lived in their towns to furnish themwith goods, into the forts. As you know that your people have been guiltyof all these crimes, and many more, I expected you would not only comedown with a good talk, but also would have offered satisfaction for them. I am now come here with a great number of warriors, to take thatsatisfaction I have more than once demanded. Perhaps some of you thought, that, as our people put up with such injuries, they were apprehensive ofyour power; but you shall now see that this was owing to their patience, and not to their want of resolution. You know well the strength of ourprovince, and that one third part of it is sufficient to destroy yournation. Besides, the white people in all the provinces are brothers, andlinked together: we come not alone against you because we have suffered, for the Virginians and North Carolineans are prepared to march againstyou, unless satisfaction be given me. My brother the Governor of Georgiawill also prevent any ammunition from coming to you. Some time ago yousent to Virginia, offering to trade with that province, and goods were ontheir way to you which I have stopt and they shall not proceed hitheruntil I send directions for them. It is not necessary for me to say moreto you, until you make satisfaction for killing the white people. 

"Attakullakulla, you have been in England, and seen the power of thegreat King, and the number of his warriors. You also know, that, duringthese five years and more, we have been at war with the French, who wereonce numerous over all parts of America. You know I disdain to tell you afalsehood, and I will now inform you what success our army has had. Someof the last ships that arrived at Charlestown brought me a good deal ofnews. Our fleet has taken many ships of war belonging to the French. Amessenger has arrived with an account that the great city of Quebec isreduced, as also, that the warriors of the great king have taken all theforts on the lakes and upon the Ohio, and beat down all things in theirway, as a hurricane would have done in its passage. The Indians in thoseparts, fearing his power, have made their peace with the great King. TheDelawares, Shawanese, and all of them that live near Fort Duquesne, havedesired to be in friendship with us. The Choctaws also beg to be receivedunder the King's protection by his beloved man Mr. Aitken, upon which agreat number of traders are gone into their country with all sorts ofgoods. If you will not believe what I say, and imagine that the Frenchare able to supply you with the necessaries which you want, you will bedeceived, for they themselves are starving, and so much undone that theycannot furnish a blanket or a gun to the Choctaws, much less to you, whoare removed at so great a distance from them. 

"These things I have mentioned to show you that the great King will notsuffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction, and to let youknow the people of this province are determined to have it. What I say iswith a merciful intention. If I make war with you, you will suffer foryour rashness; your men will be destroyed, and your women and childrencarried into captivity. What few necessaries you now have will soon bedone, and you will get no more. But if you give the satisfaction I shallask, the trade will be again opened with you, and all things go right. Ihave twice given you a list of the murderers; I will now tell you thereare twenty-four men of your nation whom I demand to be delivered up tome, to be put to death, or otherwise disposed of as I shall think fit. Your people have killed that number of ours and more, therefore it is theleast I will accept of. I shall give you till to-morrow morning toconsider of it, and then I shall expect your answer. You know best theIndians concerned; several gangs at different times have been out, and Iexpect the twenty-four you shall deliver up will be those who havecommitted the murders. "

 [Sidenote] Attakullakulla's answer. 

To this long speech Attakullakulla replied in words to the followingeffect: "That he remembered the treaties mentioned, as he had a share inmaking them: He owned the kindness of the province of South Carolina, butcomplained much of the bad treatment his countrymen had received inVirginia, which, he said, was the immediate cause of our presentmisunderstanding: That he had always been the firm friend of the English, of which he hoped his late fatiguing march against their enemies theFrench was a sufficient proof: That he would ever continue such, andwould use all the influence he had to persuade his countrymen to give theGovernor the satisfaction he demanded, though he believed it neitherwould nor could be complied with, as they had no coercive authority oneover another: He desired the Governor to release some of the head menthen confined in the fort to assist him; and added, that he was pleasedto hear of the successes of his brothers the English, but could not helpmentioning, that they shewed more resentment against the Cherokees thanthey had used to other nations that had disobliged them; that heremembered some years ago several white people belonging to Carolina werekilled by the Choctaws, for whom no satisfaction had either been given ordemanded. "

 [Sidenote] A treaty concluded with six chiefs. 

Agreeable to the request of Attakullakulla, the Governor releasedOcconostota, Fiftoe the chief man of Keowee town, and the head warrior ofEstaloe, who next day delivered up two Indians, whom Mr. Lyttletonordered to be put in irons. After which all the Cherokees present, whoknew their connections to be weak, being alarmed, fled out of the way, sothat it was impossible to complete the number demanded. Attakullakulla, being then convinced that peace could not be obtained on such terms asthe Governor required, resolved to go home and patiently wait the event;but no sooner was Mr. Lyttleton made acquainted with his departure, thanhe dispatched a messenger after him to bring him back to his camp; andbeing desirous of finishing the campaign with as much credit as possible, immediately on his return began to treat of peace. Accordingly a treatywas drawn up and signed by the Governor and six of the head men; in whichit was agreed, that those twenty-two chieftains of the Cherokees shouldbe kept as hostages confined in the fort, until the same number ofIndians guilty of murder be delivered up to the commander in chief of theprovince; that trade should be opened and carried on as usual; that theCherokees should kill, or take every Frenchman prisoner, who shouldpresume to come into their nation during the continuance of the war; andthat they should hold no intercourse with the enemies of Great Britain, but should apprehend every person, white or red, found among them, thatmay be endeavouring to set the English and Cherokees at variance, andinterrupt the friendship and peace established between them. 

After having concluded this treaty with the Cherokees, the Governorresolved to return to Charlestown. But whether the Indians who put theirmark to it understood the articles of agreement or not, we cannot pretendto affirm; one thing is certain, that few or none of the nation afterwardpaid the smallest regard to it. The treacherous act of confining theirchiefs, against whom no charge could be brought, and who had travelledseveral hundred miles in order to obtain peace for their nation, had madea strong impression on their minds, but particularly on that ofOcconostota, who breathed nothing but fury and vengeance against suchfalse friends. Instead of permitting them to return home without hurtinga hair of their head, as the Governor promised in Charlestown, they wereclose confined in a miserable hut, having permission neither to see theirfriends nor even the light of day. It was said they were kept only ashostages, until the number of criminals he demanded was completed bytheir nation; but if they were robbed of their liberty, it was of littleconsequence to them under what denomination they were confined. It wassaid to be done by the consent of the nation, as six of its chiefs hadsigned the articles of peace; but in whatever light we view the act, itappears to be one of those base and unjustifiable advantages which policyand craft commonly take of the weakness and simplicity of moreunfortunate neighbours; and nothing less could have been expected, thanthat these wild and independent warriors would resent such base andunmerited usage on the first opportunity that offered. 

 [Sidenote] The Governor returns to Charlestown. 

Scarcely had Governor Lyttleton concluded the treaty of Fort PrinceGeorge when the small-pox, which was raging in an adjacent Indian town, broke out in his camp. As few of his little army had ever gone throughthat distemper, and as the surgeons were totally unprovided for such anaccident, his men were struck with terror, and in great haste returned tothe settlements, cautiously avoiding all intercourse one with another, and suffering much from hunger and fatigue by the way. The Governorfollowed them, and arrived in Charlestown about the beginning of the year1760. Though not a drop of blood had been spilt during the expedition, hewas received like a conqueror, with the greatest demonstrations of joy. Addresses the most flattering were presented to him by the differentsocieties and professions, and bonefires and illuminations testified thehigh sense the inhabitants entertained of his merit and services, and thehappy consequences which they believed would result from his expedition. 

 [Sidenote] The treaty of peace broken

However, those rejoicings on account of the peace were scarcely over, when the news arrived that fresh hostilities hod been committed, and theGovernor was informed that the Cherokees had killed fourteen men within amile of Fort Prince George. The Indians had contracted an invincibleantipathy to Captain Coytmore, the officer whom Mr. Lyttleton had leftcommander of that fort. The treatment they had received at Charlestown, but especially the imprisonment of their chiefs, had now converted theirformer desire of peace into the bitterest rage for war. Occonostota, achieftain of great influence, had become a most implacable and vindictiveenemy to Carolina, and determined to repay treachery with treachery. Having gathered a strong party of Cherokees, he surrounded Fort PrinceGeorge, and compelled the garrison to keep within their works; butfinding that he could make no impression on the fort, nor oblige thecommander to surrender, he contrived the following stratagem for therelief of his countrymen confined in it. 

 [Sidenote] Occonostota's stratagem for killing the officer of the fort. 

As that country was every where covered with woods, he placed a party ofsavages in a dark thicket by the river side, and then sent an Indianwoman, whom he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform thecommander that he had something of consequence to communicate to him, andwould be glad to speak with him at the river side. Captain Coytmoreimprudently consented, and without any suspicions of danger walked downtowards the river, accompanied by Lieutenants Bell and Foster. Occonostota appearing on the opposite side, told him he was going toCharlestown to procure a release of the prisoners, and would he glad of awhite man to accompany him as a safeguard; and, the better to cover hisdark design, had a bridle in his hand, and added, he would go and huntfor a horse to him. The captain replied, that he should have a guard, andwished he might find a horse, as the journey was very long. Upon whichthe Indian, turning quickly about, swung the bridle thrice round hishead, as a signal to the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired onthe officers, shot the captain dead on the spot, and wounded the othertwo. In consequence of which orders were given to put the hostages inirons, to prevent any farther danger from them. But while the soldierswere attempting to execute their orders, the Indians stabbed the firstman who had hold of them with a knife, and wounded two more; upon whichthe garrison, exasperated to the highest degree, fell on the unfortunatehostages, and butchered them in a manner too shocking to relate. 

 [Sidenote] The war becomes general. 

There were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lose a friend or arelation by this massacre, and therefore with one voice all immediatelydeclared for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet, tellingtheir followers that the spirits of murdered brothers were flying aroundthem, and calling out for vengeance on their enemies. From the differenttowns large parties of warriors took the field, painted in the mostformidable manner, and arrayed with all their instruments of death. Allsang the song of war, and burning with impatience to imbrue their handsin the blood of their enemies, rushed down among innocent and defencelessfamilies on the frontiers of Carolina, where men, women and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such asfled to the woods, and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger;and those whom they made prisoners were carried into the wilderness, where they suffered inexpressible hardships. Every day brought freshaccounts to the capital of their ravages, murders and desolations. Butwhile the back settlers impatiently looked to their Governor for relief, the small-pox raged to such a degree in town, that few of the militiacould be prevailed on to leave their distressed families to serve thepublic. In this extremity an express was sent to General Amherst, thecommander in chief in America, acquainting him with the deplorablesituation of the province, and imploring his assistance in the mostpressing terms. Accordingly a battalion of Highlanders, and fourcompanies of the Royal Scots, under the command of Colonel Montgomery, now Earl of Eglinton, were ordered immediately to embark, and sail forthe relief of Carolina. 

In the mean time William Lyttleton being appointed Governor of Jamaica, the charge of the province devolved on William Bull, a man of greatintegrity and erudition. Application was made to the neighbouringprovinces of North Carolina and Virginia for relief, and seven troops ofrangers were raised to patrole the frontiers, and prevent the savagesfrom penetrating farther down among the settlements. A considerable sumwas voted for presents to such of the Creeks, Chickesaws and Catabaws asshould join the province and go to war against the Cherokees. Provisionswere sent to the families that had escaped to Augusta and Fort Moore, andthe best preparations possible made for chastising their enemy, so soonas the regulars coming from New York should arrive in the province. 

 [Sidenote] Colonel Montgomery arrives. 

Before the end of April, 1760, Colonel Montgomery landed in Carolina, andencamped at Monk's Corner. Great was the joy of the province upon thearrival of this gallant officer; but as the conquest of Canada was thegrand object of this year's campaign in America, he had orders to strikea sudden blow for the relief of Carolina, and return to head quarters atAlbany without loss of time. Nothing was therefore omitted that wasjudged necessary to forward the expedition. Several gentlemen of fortune, excited by a laudable zeal for the safety of their country, formedthemselves into a company of volunteers, and joined the army. The wholeforce of the province was collected, and ordered to rendezvous atCongarees. Waggons, carts and horses were impressed for the service ofhis Majesty, and the colonists flattered themselves with the hopes thatthey would now be able to punish the insolence of their barbarousenemies. 

 [Sidenote] And marches against the Cherokees. 

A few weeks after his arrival Colonel Montgomery marched to theCongarees, where he was joined by the internal strength of the province, and immediately set out for the Cherokee country. For a guide he wasprovided with an half-blooded Indian, who was well acquainted with theroads though the woods, and the passages through the rivers. Havinglittle time allowed him, his march was uncommonly spirited andexpeditious. After reaching a place called Twelve-mile River, he encampedon an advantageous ground, and marched with a party of his men in thenight to surprize Estatoe, an Indian town about twenty miles from hiscamp. The first noise he heard by the way was the barking of a dog beforehis men, where he was informed there was an Indian town called LittleKeowee, which he ordered the light infantry to surround, and, exceptwomen and children, to put every Indian in it to the sword. Having donethis piece of service, he proceeded to Estatoe, which he found abandonedby all the savages, excepting a few who had not had time to make theirescape. This town, which consisted of at least two hundred houses, andwas well provided with corn, hogs, poultry, and ammunition, he reduced toashes. Sugar Town, and every other settlement in the lower nation, afterwards shared the same fate. The surprize to every one of them wasnearly equal; for as the army darted upon them like lightning, thesavages could scarcely save themselves, far less any little property thatthey had. In these lower towns about sixty Indians were killed and fortymade prisoners, and the rest driven to seek for shelter among themountains. Having finished his business among these lower settlementswith the small loss of three or four men, he then marched to the reliefof Fort Prince George, which had been for some time invested by savages, insomuch that no soldier durst venture beyond the bounds of the fort, andwhere the garrison was in distress, not for the want of provisions, butof wood to prepare them. 

 [Sidenote] Chastises them near Etchoe. 

While the army rested at Fort Prince George, Edmund Atkin, agent forIndian affairs, dispatched two Indian chiefs to the middle settlements, to inform the Cherokees that by suing for peace they might obtain it, asthe former friends and allies of Britain. At the same time he sent amessenger to Fort Loudon, requesting Captains Demere and Stuart, thecommanding officers at that place, to use their best endeavours forobtaining peace with the Cherokees in the upper towns. Colonel Montgomeryfinding that the savages were as yet disposed to listen to no terms ofaccommodation, determined to carry the chastisement a little farther. Dismal was the wilderness into which he entered, and many were thehardships and dangers he had to encounter, from dark thickets, ruggedpaths, and narrow passes; in which a small body of men, properly posted, might harass and tire out the bravest army that ever took the field. Having on all hands suspicious grounds, he found occasion for constantvigilance and circumspection. While he was piercing through the thickforest he had numberless difficulties to surmount, particularly fromrivers fordable only at one place, and overlooked by high banks on eachside, where an enemy might attack him with advantage, and retreat withsafety. When he had advanced within five miles of Etchoe, the nearesttown in the middle settlements, he found there a low valley, covered sothick with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards beforethem, and in the middle of which there was a muddy river, with steep claybanks. Through this dark place, where it was impossible for any number ofmen to act together, the army must necessarily march; and thereforeCaptain Morison, who commanded a company of rangers, well acquainted withthe woods, had orders to advance and scour the thicket. He had scarcelyentered it, when a number of savages sprung from their lurking den, andfiring on them, killed the captain and wounded several of his party. Uponwhich the light infantry and grenadiers were ordered to advance andcharge the invisible enemy, which they did with great courage andalacrity. A heavy fire then began on both sides, and during some time thesoldiers could only discover the places where the savages were hid by thereport of their guns. Colonel Montgomery finding that the number ofIndians that guarded this place was great, and that they were determinedobstinately to dispute it, ordered the Royal Scots, who were in the rear, to advance between the savages and a rising ground on the right, whilethe Highlanders marched towards the left to sustain the light infantryand grenadiers. The woods now resounded with horrible shouts and yells, but these, instead of intimidating the troops, seemed rather to inspirethem with double firmness and resolution. At length the savages gave way, and in their retreat falling in with the Royal Scots, sufferedconsiderably before they got out of their reach. By this time the Royalsbeing in the front and the Highlanders in the rear, the enemy stretchedaway and took possession of a hill, seemingly disposed to keep at adistance, and always retreating as the army advanced. Colonel Montgomeryperceiving that they kept aloof, gave orders to the line to face about, and march directly for the town of Etchoe. The enemy no sooner observedthis movement, than they got behind the hill, and ran to alarm theirwives and children. During the action, which lasted above an hour, Colonel Montgomery, who made several narrow escapes, had twenty menkilled, and seventy-six wounded. What number the enemy lost is uncertain, but some places were discovered into which they had thrown several oftheir slain, from which it was conjectured that they must have lost agreat number, as it is a custom among them to carry their dead off thefield. Upon viewing the ground, all were astonished to see with whatjudgment and skill they had chosen it. Scarcely could the mostexperienced officer have fixed upon a spot more advantageous forway-laying and attacking an enemy, according to the method of fightingpractised among the Indian nations. 

 [Sidenote] And returns to Fort Prince George. 

This action, though it terminated much in favour of the British army, hadnevertheless reduced it to such a situation as made it very imprudent, ifnot altogether impracticable, to penetrate farther into those woods. Therepulse was far from being decisive, for the enemy had only retired fromone to another advantageous situation, in order to renew their attackwhen the army should again advance. Humanity would not suffer thecommander to leave so many wounded men exposed to the vengeance ofsavages, without any strong-hold in which he might lodge them, or somedetachment, which he could not spare, to protect them. Should he proceedfarther, he saw plainly that he must expect frequent skirmishes, whichwould increase the number, and the burning of so many Indian towns wouldbe a poor compensation for the great risque and perhaps wanton sacrificeof so many valuable lives. To furnish horses for the men already woundedobliged him to throw so many bags of flour into the river, and whatremained was no more than sufficient for his army during their return toFort Prince George. Orders were therefore given for a retreat, which wasmade with great regularity, although the enemy continued hovering aroundthem, and annoying them to the utmost of their power. A large train ofwounded men was brought above sixty miles through a hazardous country insafety, for which no small share of honour and praise was due to theofficer that conducted the retreat. Never did men endure greaterhardships and fatigues with fewer complaints than this little army duringthe expedition. Such confidence did they repose in their leader, thatthey seemed to despise all difficulties and dangers which he shared alongwith them in the service of their King and country. 

 [Sidenote] The consternation of the inhabitants from Indians. 

After Colonel Montgomery had returned to the settlements, and waspreparing to embark for New York, agreeable to his orders from GeneralAmherst, the Carolineans were again thrown under the most dreadfulapprehensions from the dangers which hung over the province. This appearsfrom the following address of the General Assembly, presented toLieutenant-Governor Bull on the 11th of July, 1760. "We, his Majesty'smost dutiful and loyal subjects, the Commons House of Assembly of thisprovince, return your Honour our sincere thanks for the advices you havebeen pleased to communicate to us in the morning; and being deeplyaffected with the contents of Colonel Grant's letter, which imports, thatColonel Montgomery will soon embark with his Majesty's troops under hiscommand to join General Amherst; humbly beg leave to represent to yourHonour, that we apprehend the province to be in a much more dangeroussituation at this juncture, than it was at the time when the said troopsarrived here; as the Upper Creek Indians have since murdered severalEnglish traders in their towns, and made no offer to give up themurderers, or make any other satisfaction whatever; whence we have thegreatest reason to believe they will soon break out into open war. And bywhat is mentioned in Colonel Grant's letter, we fear that our implacableenemies the French have already spirited up and prevailed with theChoctaws to assist the Cherokees against us. And notwithstanding thepresent rupture with the Cherokees has cost the province, in less thannine months, near 50, 000 pounds sterling, yet all our endeavours to raisea number of forces capable of preventing the Cherokees from ravaging theback settlements have proved ineffectual. This being the situation of theprovince when we had only the Cherokees to contend with, how deplorablethen must our case be, should Colonel Montgomery depart with the King'stroops under his command, and we have the united attacks of theCherokees, Creeks and Choctaws, (the three most powerful nations ofIndians on the continent), to repel, can be better imagined thandescribed. Being truely sensible of your Honour's good inclinations torender every service in your power to this province, we unanimouslyintreat your Honour to use the most pressing instances with ColonelMontgomery not to depart with the King's troops, as it may be attendedwith the most pernicious consequences. " Accordingly theLieutenant-Governor having given the Colonel the fullest view of thoseextensive dangers to which the province after his departure would beexposed, prevailed with him to leave four companies of the royalregiment, under the command of Major Frederick Hamilton, for covering thefrontiers, while he embarked with the battalion of Highlanders, andsailed for New York. 

 [Sidenote] Great distress of the garrison at Fort Loudon. [Sidenote] The terms obtained for the garrison. 

In the mean time the distant garrison of Fort Loudon, consisting of twohundred men, was reduced to the dreadful alternative of perishing byhunger or submitting to the mercy of the enraged Cherokees. The Governorhaving information that the Virginians had undertaken to relieve it, fora while seemed satisfied, and anxiously waited to hear the news of thathappy event. But the Virginians were equally ill qualified with theirneighbours of Carolina to send them any assistance. So remote was thefort from every settlement, and so difficult was it to march an armythrough the barren wilderness, where the various thickets were lined withenemies, and to carry at the same time sufficient supplies along withthem, that the Virginians had dropped all thoughts of the attempt. Provisions being entirely exhausted at Fort Loudon, the garrison wasreduced to the most deplorable situation. For a whole month they had noother subsistence but the flesh of lean horses and dogs, and a smallsupply of Indian beans, which some friendly Cherokee women procured forthem by stealth. Long had the officers endeavoured to animate andencourage the men with the hopes of relief; but now being blockaded nightand day by the enemy, and having no resource left, they threatened toleave the fort, and die at once by the hands of savages, rather thanperish slowly by famine. In this extremity the commander was obliged tocall a council of war, to consider what was proper to be done; when theofficers were all of opinion that it was impossible to hold out anylonger, and therefore agreed to surrender the fort to the Cherokees onthe best terms that could be obtained from them. For this purpose CaptainStuart, an officer of great sagacity and address, and much beloved by allthe Indians that remained in the British interest, procured leave to goto Chote, one of the principal towns in the neighbourhood, where heobtained the following terms of capitulation, which were signed by thecommanding officer and two of the Cherokee chiefs. "That the garrison ofFort Loudon march out with their arms and drums, each soldier having asmuch powder and ball as their officer shall think necessary for theirmarch, and all the baggage they may chuse to carry: That the garrison bepermitted to march to Virginia, or Fort Prince George, as the commandingofficer shall think proper, unmolested; and that a number of Indians beappointed to escort them, and hunt for provisions during their march:That such soldiers as are lame, or by sickness disabled from marching, bereceived into the Indian towns, and kindly used until they recover, andthen be allowed to return to Fort Prince George: That the Indians doprovide for the garrison as many horses as they conveniently can fortheir march, agreeing with the officers and soldiers for payment: Thatthe fort great guns, powder, ball, and spare arms, be delivered to theIndians without fraud or further delay, on the day appointed for themarch of the troops. "

 [Sidenote] Treacherously broken by the savages. 

Agreeable to those terms stipulated, the garrison delivered up the fort, and marched out with their arms, accompanied by Occonostota, Judd'sfriend, the prince of Chote, and several other Indians, and that day wentfifteen miles on their way to Fort Prince George. At night they encampedon a plain about two miles from Taliquo, an Indian town, when all theirattendants, upon one pretence or another, left them; which the officersconsidered as no good sign, and therefore placed a strict guard roundtheir camp. During the night they remained unmolested, but next morningabout break of day a soldier from an out-post came running in, andinformed them that he saw a vast number of Indians, armed, and painted inthe most dreadful manner, creeping among the bushes, and advancing inorder to surround them. Scarcely had the officer time to order his men tostand to their arms, when the savages poured in upon them a heavy firefrom different quarters, accompanied with the most hideous yells, whichstruck a panic into the soldiers, who were so much enfeebled anddispirited that they were incapable of making any effectual resistance. Captain Demere, with three other officers, and about twenty-five privatemen, fell at the first onset. Some fled into the woods, and wereafterwards taken prisoners and confined among the towns in the valley. Captain Stuart, and those that remained, were seized, pinioned, andbrought back to Fort Loudon. No sooner had Attakullakulla heard that hisfriend Mr. Stuart had escaped, than he hastened to the fort, andpurchased him from the Indian that took him, giving him his rifle, clothes, and all he could command, by way of ransom. He then tookpossession of Captain Demere's house, where he kept his prisoner as oneof his family, and freely shared with him the little provisions his tableafforded, until a fair opportunity should offer for rescuing him fromtheir hands; but the poor soldiers were kept in a miserable state ofcaptivity for some time, and then redeemed by the province at a greatexpence. 

 [Sidenote] A proposal for attacking Fort Prince George. 

During the time these prisoners were confined at Fort Loudon, Occonostotaformed a design of attacking Fort Prince George, and for this purposedispatched a messenger to the settlements in the valley, requesting allthe warriors there to join him at Stickoey old town. By accident adiscovery was made of ten bags of powder, and ball in proportion, whichthe officers had secretly buried in the fort, to prevent their fallinginto the enemy's hands. This discovery had nearly proved fatal to CaptainStuart, and would certainly have cost him his life, had not theinterpreter had so much presence of mind as to assure the enemy thatthese warlike stores had been concealed without his knowledge or consent. The Indians having now abundance of ammunition for the siege, a councilwas called at Chote, to which the captain was brought, and put in mind ofthe obligations he lay under to them for sparing his life; and as theyhad resolved to carry six cannon and two cohorns with them against FortPrince George, to be managed by men under his command, they told him hemust go and write such letters to the commandant as they should dictateto him. They informed him at the same time, that if that officer shouldrefuse to surrender, they were determined to burn the prisoners one afteranother before his face, and try if he could be so obstinate as to holdout while he saw his friends expiring in the flames. Captain Stuart wasmuch alarmed at his situation, and from that moment resolved to make hisescape or perish in the attempt. His design he privately communicated toAttakullakulla, and told him how uneasy he was at the thoughts of beingcompelled to bear arms against his countrymen. He acknowledged that hehad always been a brother, and hoped he would assist him to get out ofhis present perilous circumstances. The old warrior, taking him by thehand, told him he was his friend, he had already given one proof of hisregard, and intended to give another so soon as his brother should returnand help him to concert the measure. He said he was well apprized of theill designs of his countrymen, and should he go and persuade the garrisonof Fort Prince George to do as he had done, what could he expect but thatthey should share the same dismal fate. Strong and uncultivated mindscarry their friendship, as well as their enmity, to an astonishing pitch. Among savages family friendship is a national virtue, and civilizedmortals may blush when they consider how much barbarians have oftensurpassed them in the practice of it. The instance I am going to relateis as singular and memorable as many that have been recorded in theannals of past ages. 

 [Sidenote] Captain Stuart escapes to Virginia. 

Attakullakulla claimed Captain Stuart as his prisoner, and had resolvedto deliver him from danger and for this purpose there was no time to belost. Accordingly he gave out among his countrymen that he intended to goa-hunting for a few days, and carry his prisoner along with him to eatvenison, of which he declared he was exceedingly fond. At the same timethe Captain went through among his soldiers, telling them that they couldnever expect to be ransomed by the province, if they gave the smallestassistance to the Indians against Fort Prince George. Having settled allmatters, they set out on their journey, accompanied by the warrior'swife, his brother, and two soldiers, who were the only persons in thegarrison that knew how to convey great guns through the woods. Forprovisions they depended on what they might kill by the way. The distanceto the frontier settlements was great, and the utmost expeditionnecessary to prevent any surprize from Indians pursuing them. Nine daysand nights did they travel through a dreary wilderness, shaping theircourse by the light of the sun and moon for Virginia, and traversing manyhills, valleys and paths that had never been crossed before but bysavages and wild beasts. On the tenth they arrived at the banks ofHolston's river, where they fortunately fell in with a party of threehundred men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such soldiers asmight make their escape that way from Fort Loudon. On the fourteenth daythe Captain reached Colonel Bird's camp on the frontiers of Virginia, where having loaded his faithful friend with presents and provisions, hesent him back to protect the unhappy prisoners till they should beransomed, and to exert his influence among the Cherokees for therestoration of peace. 

No sooner had Captain Stuart made his escape from the hands of thesavages, than he immediately began to concert ways and means for therelief of his garrison. An express was dispatched to Lieutenant-GovernorBull, informing him of the sad disaster that had happened to the garrisonof Fort Loudon, and of the designs of the enemy against Fort PrinceGeorge. In consequence of which orders were given to Major Thomson, whocommanded the militia on the frontiers, to throw in provisions for tenweeks into that fort, and warn the commanding officer of his danger. Atthe same time a messenger was sent to Attakullakulla desiring him toinform the Cherokees that Fort George was impregnable, having vastquantities of powder buried under ground every where around it, to blowup all enemies that should attempt to come near it. Presents ofconsiderable value were sent to redeem the prisoners at Fort Loudon, afew of whom had by this time made their escape; and afterwards not onlythose that were confined among the towns in the valley, but also all thathad survived the hardships of hunger, disease and captivity in the uppertowns were released, and delivered up to the commanding officer at FortPrince George. 

 [Sidenote] The war continues. 

It might now have been expected that the vindictive spirit of the savageswould be satisfied, and that they would he disposed to listen to someterms of accommodation. This treacherous conduct to the soldiers at FortLoudon, they intended as a satisfaction for the harsh treatment theirrelations had met with at Fort Prince George; and dearly had the provincepaid for the base imprisonment and horrid massacre of the chiefs at thatplace. Still, however, a great majority of the nation spurned at everyoffer of peace. The lower towns had all been destroyed by ColonelMontgomery; the warriors in the middle settlements had lost many friendsand relations; and several Frenchmen had crept in among the uppertowns, and helped to foment their ill humour against Carolina. Lewis Latinac, aFrench officer, was among them, and proved an indefatigable instigator tomischief. He persuaded the Indians that the English had nothing less inview than to exterminate them from the face of the earth; and, furnishingthem with arms and ammunition, urged them on to war. At a great meetingof the nation he pulled out his hatchet, and, striking it into a log ofwood, called out, Who is the man that will take this up for the King ofFrance? Saloue, the young warrior of Estatoe, instantly laid hold of it, and cried out, "I am for war. The spirits of our brothers who have beenslain still call upon us to avenge their death. He is no better than awoman that refuses to follow me. " Many others seized the tomahawk, yetdyed in British blood, and burnt with impatience for the field. 

 [Sidenote] The Highlanders return to Carolina. 

Under the flattering appearance of a calm were those clouds againgathering; however, Lieutenant-Governor Bull, who knew well how littleIndians were to be trusted on any occasion, kept the Royal Scots andmilitia on the frontiers in a posture of defence. But finding theprovince still under the most dreadful apprehensions from their savageneighbours, who continued insolent and vindictive, and ready to renewtheir ravages and murders, he made application a second time to GeneralAmherst for assistance. Canada being now reduced; the commander in chiefcould the more easily spare a force adequate to the purpose intended. Thebrave Colonel Montgomery, who conducted the former expedition, having bythis time embarked for England, the command of the Highlanders devolvedon Lieutenant-Colonel James Grant, who received orders to return to therelief of Carolina. Early in the year 1761 he landed at Charlestown, where he took up his winter quarters, until the proper season shouldapproach for taking the field. Unfortunately during this time many of thesoldiers, by drinking brackish water, were taken sick, which afforded theinhabitants an opportunity of showing their kindness and humanity. Theyconsidered themselves, and with reason, under the strongest obligationsto treat men with tenderness, who came to protect them against theirenemies, and therefore they brought the sick soldiers into their houses, and nursed them with the greatest care and attention. 

In this campaign the province determined to exert itself to the utmost, that, in conjunction with the regular forces, a severe correction mightbe given to those troublesome savages. For this purpose a provincialregiment was raised, and the command of it given to Colonel Middleton. Presents were provided for the Indian allies, and several of theChickesaws and Catabaws engaged to assist them against the Cherokees. Butthe Creeks, whose help was also strongly solicited, played an artful gamebetween the English and the French, and gave the one or the otherencouragement, according to the advantages they reaped from them. Allpossible preparations were made for supplying the army with provisions atdifferent stages, and with such carts and horses as were thoughtnecessary to the expedition. Great had been the expence which thisquarrel with the Cherokees had already occasioned; now they flatteredthemselves that by one resolute exertion more they would tire the savagesof war, and oblige them to accept of such terms of peace as they thoughtproper to dictate. 

As all white men in the province, of the military age, were soldiers aswell as citizens, and trained in some measure to the use of arms, it wasno difficult matter to complete the provincial regiment. Their namesbeing registered in the list of militia; on every emergency they wereobliged to be ready for defence, not only against the incursions ofIndians, but also against the insurrection of negroes; and although thesame prompt obedience to orders could not be expected from them that isnecessary in a regular army, yet the provincials had other advantageswhich compensated for that defect. They were better acquainted thanstrangers with the woods, and the nature of that country in which theirmilitary service was required. They were seasoned to the climate, and hadlearned from experience what clothes, meat and drink were most proper toenable them to do their duty. In common occasions, when the militia wascalled out, the men received no pay, but when employed, as in thisCherokee war, for the public defence, they were allowed the same pay withthe King's forces. 

 [Sidenote] Colonel Grant marches against the Cherokees. 

So soon as the Highlanders had recovered from their sickness, and were ina condition to take the field, Colonel Grant began his march for theCherokee territories. After being joined by the Provincial regiment andIndian allies, he mustered in all about two thousand six hundred men. Having served some years in America, and been in several engagements withIndians, he was now no stranger to their methods of making war. He wassensible how ready they were to take all advantages, by surprize, stratagem, or otherwise, that the nature of their country afforded them. Caution and vigilance were not only necessary on his part, but, toprepare an army for such services, the dress, the arms, and discipline, should all be adapted to the nature of the country, in order to give themen every advantage, according to the Indian manner of attack. The eyeshould be habituated to perpetual watchfulness, the body should beclothed in green, the prevailing colour of the woods, that it may bedifficult to distinguish it, and equipped in such light armour as iseasiest managed in a thicket. The feet and legs should be fortifiedagainst prickly briers and bushes, and those men who have been accustomedto hunt in the woods, being quick-sighted, are best qualified forscouring the dark thickets, and for guards to the main body. Europeans, who are strangers to such things, are ill prepared for military servicesin America. Many brave officers have suffered by inattention to them, andbeing ignorant of the peculiar circumstances of the country, have fallena sacrifice to their own rashness, or the numberless snares to which theyare exposed in it. 

On the 27th of May, 1761, Colonel Grant arrived at Fort Prince George, and Attakullakulla, having got information that he was advancing againsthis nation with a formidable army, hastened to his camp, to signify hisearnest desire of peace. He told the Colonel that he always had been, andever would continue to be, a firm friend to the English; that theoutrages of his countrymen covered him with shame, and filled his heartwith grief; yet nevertheless he would gladly interpose in their behalf, in order to bring about an accommodation. Often, he said, had he beencalled an old woman by the mad young men of his nation, who delighted inwar and despised his counsels. Often had he endeavoured to get thehatchet buried, and the former good correspondence with the Carolineansestablished. Now he was determined to set out for the Cherokee towns, topersuade them to consult their safety, and speedily agree to terms ofpeace, and again and again begged the Colonel to proceed no farther untilhe returned. 

 [Sidenote] Engages and defeats them. [Sidenote] Defeats them and destroys their towns. 

Colonel Grant, however, gave him no encouragement to expect that hisrequest could be granted; but, on the 7th of June, began his march fromFort Prince George, carrying with him provisions to the army for thirtydays. A party of ninety Indians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians, under the command of Captain Quintine Kennedy, had orders to march infront and scour the woods. After them the light infantry and about fiftyrangers, consisting in all of about two hundred men, followed, by whosevigilance and activity the commander imagined that the main body of thearmy might be kept tolerably quiet and secure. For three days he madeforced marches, in order to get over two narrow and dangerous defiles, which he accomplished without a shot from the enemy, but which might havecost him dear, had they been properly guarded and warmly disputed. On theday following he found suspicious ground on all hands, and thereforeorders were given for the first time to load and prepare for action, andthe guards to march slowly forward, doubling their vigilance andcircumspection. As they frequently spied Indians around them, all wereconvinced that they should that day have an engagement. At length, havingadvanced near to the place where Colonel Montgomery was attacked the yearbefore, the Indian allies in the van-guard, about eight in the morning, observed a large body of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the right flankof the army, and gave the alarm. Immediately the savages, rushing down, began to fire on the advanced guard, which being supported, the enemywere repulsed, and recovered their heights. Under this hill the line wasobliged to march a considerable way. On the left there was a river, fromthe opposite banks of which a large party of Indians fired briskly on thetroops as they advanced. Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up thehill and drive the enemy from the heights, while the line faced about andgave their whole charge to the Indians that annoyed them from the side ofthe river. The engagement became general, and the savages seemeddetermined obstinately to dispute the lower grounds, while those on thehill were dislodged only to return with redoubled ardour to the charge. The situation of the troops was in several respects deplorable; fatiguedby a tedious march, in rainy weather, surrounded with woods, so that theycould not discern the enemy, galled by the scattered fire of savages, whowhen pressed always kept aloof, but rallied again and again, and returnedto the ground. No sooner did the army gain an advantage over them in onequarter, than they appeared in another. While the attention of thecommander was occupied in driving the enemy from their lurking-place onthe river's side, the rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort madefor the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a party back tothe relief of the rear-guard. From eight o'clock in the morning untileleven the savages continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire, sometimes from one place and sometimes from another, while the woodsresounded with hideous shouts and yells, to intimidate the troops. Atlength the Cherokees gave way, and, being pursued for some time, poppingshots continued till two o'clock, when they disappeared. What loss theenemy sustained in this action we have not been able to learn, but ofColonel Grant's army there were between fifty and sixty men killed andwounded; and it is probable the loss of the savages could not be muchgreater, and perhaps not so great, owing to their manner of fighting. Orders were given not to bury the slain, but to sink them in the river, to prevent their being dug up from their graves and scalped. To providehorses for those that were wounded, several bags of flour were throwninto the river. After which the army proceeded to Etchoe, a pretty largeIndian town, which they reached about midnight, and next day reduced toashes. Every other town in the middle settlements, fourteen in number, shared the same fate. Their magazines and corn fields were likewisedestroyed, and those miserable savages, with their families, were drivento seek for shelter and provisions among the barren mountains. 

It would be no easy matter to describe the various hardships which thislittle army endured in the wilderness, from heat, thirst, watching, danger and fatigue. Thirty days did Colonel Grant continue in the heartof the Cherokee territories, and, upon his return to Fort Prince George, the feet and legs of many of his army were so mangled, and their strengthand spirits so much exhausted, that they were utterly unable to marchfarther. He resolved therefore to encamp at that place for a while, bothto refresh his men and wait the resolutions of the Cherokees, inconsequence of the heavy chastisement which they had received. Besidesthe numberless advantages their country afforded for defence, it wassupposed that some French officers had been among them, and given themall the assistance in their power. It is true the savages supported theirattack for some hours with considerable spirit; but being driven fromtheir advantageous posts and thickets they were wholly disconcerted, andthough the repulse was far from being decisive, yet after this engagementthey returned no more to the charge, but remained the tame spectators oftheir towns in flames, and their country laid desolate. 

Such engagements in Europe would be considered as trifling skirmishes, scarcely worthy of relation, but in America a great deal is oftendetermined by them. It is no easy matter to describe the distress towhich the savages were reduced by this severe correction. Even in time ofpeace they are destitute of that foresight, in a great measure, whichprovides for future events; but in time of war, when their villages aredestroyed and their fields laid desolate, they are reduced to extremewant. Being driven to the barren mountains, the hunters furnished withammunition might indeed make some small provision for themselves, butwomen, children, and old men, must perish, being deprived of the means ofsubsistence. 

 [Sidenote] Peace with the Cherokees

A few days after Colonel Grant's arrival at Fort Prince George, Attakullakulla, attended by several chieftains, came to his camp, andexpressed a desire of peace. Severely had they suffered for breakingtheir alliance with Britain, and giving ear to the deceitful promises ofFrance. Convinced at last of the weakness and perfidy of the French, whowere neither able to assist them in time of war, nor supply their wantsin time of peace, they resolved to renounce all connection with them forever. Accordingly terms of peace were drawn up and proposed, which wereno less honourable to Colonel Grant than advantageous to the province. The different articles being read and interpreted, Attakullakulla agreedto them all excepting one, by which it was demanded, That four CherokeeIndians be delivered up to Colonel Grant at Fort Prince George, to be putto death in the front of his camp; or four green scalps be brought to himin the space of twelve nights. The warrior having no authority from hisnation, declared he could not agree to this article, and therefore theColonel sent him to Charlestown, to see whether the Lieutenant-Governorwould consent to mitigate the rigour of it. 

Accordingly Attakullakulla and the other chieftains, being furnished witha safeguard, set out for Charlestown to hold a conference with Mr. Bull, who, on their arrival, called a council to meet at Ashley Ferry, and thenspoke to the following effect. "Attakullakulla, I am glad to see you, andas I have always heard of your good behaviour, that you have been a goodfriend to the English, I take you by the hand, and not only you but allthose with you also, as a pledge for their security whilst under myprotection. Colonel Grant acquaints me that you have applied for peace;now that you are come, I have met with my beloved men to hear what youhave to say, and my ears are open for that purpose. " Then a fire waskindled, the pipe of peace was lighted, and all smoked together for sometime in great silence and solemnity. 

Then Attakullakulla arose, and addressed the Lieutenant-Governor andCouncil to the following effect. "It is a great while since I last sawyour honour; now I am glad to see you, and all the beloved men present--Iam come to you as a messenger from the whole nation--I have now seen you, smoked with you, and hope we shall live together as brothers. --When Icame to Keowee, Colonel Grant sent me to you--You live at the water side, and are in light--We are in darkness, but hope all will be yet clear withus. --I have been constantly going about doing good, and though I amtired, yet I am come to see what can be done for my people, who are ingreat distress. " Here he produced the strings of wampum he had receivedfrom the different towns, denoting their earnest desire of peace; andthen added, "As to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered byour Father above. --We are of a different colour from the whitepeople--They are superior to us--But one God is father of all, and wehope what is past will be forgotten. --God Almighty made all people--Thereis not a day but some are coming into, and others are going out of, theworld. --The great King told me the path should never be crooked, but openfor every one to pass and repass. --As we all live in one land, I hope weshall all live as one people. " After which peace was formally ratifiedand confirmed by both parties, and their former friendship being renewed, all hoped that it would last as long as the sun shall shine and therivers run. 

 [Sidenote] A quarrel between the commanding officers. 

Thus ended the Cherokee war, which was among the last humbling strokesgiven to the expiring power of France in North America, and Colonel Grantreturned to Charlestown to wait further orders. But no sooner was peaceconcluded, and the province secured against external enemies, than anunhappy difference broke out between the two principal commanders of theregular and provincial forces. Colonel Grant, a native of Scotland, wasnaturally of an high spirit, to which he added that pride of rank whichhe held among those British soldiers who had carried their armstriumphant through the continent. During this expedition it is probablethat he scorned to ask the advice of a provincial officer, whom he deemedan improper judge of military operations, and claimed the chief glory ofhaving restored peace to the province. Colonel Middleton was equally warmand proud, and considering such neglect as an affront, resented it, andwhile some reflections were cast upon the provincial troops, being thechief in command, he thought himself bound to stand forth as a championfor the honour of the province. This ill-humour, which appeared betweenthe officers on their return to Charlestown, was encouraged and fomentedby persons delighting in broils, who, by malicious surmises and falsereports, helped to widen the difference. The dispute became serious, andwas carried on for some time in the public papers by mutual charges ofmisconduct, and at length terminated in a duel. Mr. Middleton called outColonel Grant to the single combat, after they had both given the bestproof of their courage against the common enemy. The duel, however, happily terminated without bloodshed, and not a little to the credit ofthe Scots officer, though his antagonist shewed no less spirit in thefield of honour, falsely so called, than in defence of his country. Thecitizens of Charlestown seemed interested in the dispute, and each spokeof the conduct of the two officers as they were differently affected. Indeed, however much we may applaud the brave man who is first in thefield in defence of his country, with justice we with-hold our praisesfrom him that is first at the single combat with a private friend. Colonel Grant, with great reason, considered such treatment, after havingbrought the enemies of the colony to the most advantageous terms ofpeace, as a base recompence for his services. From this period aparty-spirit appeared in Carolina. All the malicious aspersions andinflammatory accusations against the inhabitants of North Britain, whichwere at this time wantonly and wickedly published in England, weregreedily swallowed by one party in the province, and industriouslypropagated. Prejudices were contracted, cherished, and unhappily gainedground among the people. Terms of reproach and abuse were collected fromthose factious publications in London, and poured indiscriminately uponall the natives of Scotland, who were by no means backward in retortingthe abuse. In a growing province, where the utmost harmony and liberalityof sentiment ought to have been cherished by all, as the most certainmeans of promoting the public strength and prosperity, such aparty-spirit was attended, as might have been expected, with the mostpernicious consequence. 

 [Sidenote] A whirlwind at Charlestown. 

I have already observed, that the province is subject to whirlwinds, especially among the hills in the back country; but this year one ofthose, which was indeed the most violent and dreadful that had ever beenknown, passed Charlestown in the month of May. It appeared at first tothe west of the town, like a large column of smoke, approaching fast inan irregular direction. The vapour of which it was composed resembledclouds rolling one over another in violent tumult and agitation, assumingat one time a dark, at another a bright flaming colour. Its motion wasexceedingly swift and crooked. As it approached the inhabitants werealarmed with an uncommon sound, like the continual roaring of distantthunder, or the noise made by a stormy sea beating upon the shore, whichbrought numbers of people to witness the dreadful phenomenon. While itpassed down Ashley river, such was its incredible velocity and force, that it plowed the waters to the bottom, and laid the channel bare. Thetown narrowly and providentially escaped, but it threatened destructionto a fleet consisting of no less than forty sail of loaded ships, lyingat anchor in Rebellion road, about four miles below the town, and waitinga fair wind to sail for England. When it reached the fleet, five vesselswere sunk in an instant by it, and his Majesty's ship the Dolphin, witheleven others, were dismasted. Such was the situation of the fleet, andso rapid was the motion of the whirlwind, that though the seaman observedit approaching, it was impossible to provide against it. In its obliquecourse it struck only a part of the fleet, and the damage, thoughcomputed at L. 20, 000 sterling, was by no means so great as might havebeen expected. Nor were many lives lost, for the channel of the river notbeing very deep, while the ships sat down in the mud and were covered bythe waves, the sailors saved themselves by running up the shrouds. Thewhirlwind passed the town a little before three o'clock, and before fourthe sky was so clear and serene, that we could scarcely have believedsuch a dreadful scene had been exhibited, had it not left many strikingproofs behind it. Its route was not only marked in the woods, havinglevelled the loftiest trees, or swept them away before it like chaff, butits effects were visible in the fleet, by the number of vessels sunk anddismasted. 

It has been also remarked, that the province is subject to violent stormsof lightning and thunder throughout the year; but from the end of Apriluntil October they are very frequent and terrible. There are few nightsduring the summer in which lighting is not visible in some part of thehorizon. Sometimes indeed those storms are of short duration, particularly when they come attended with brisk gales of wind; but whenthat is not the case, they will often last for four or five hours. Whilethe clouds are gathering, it is surprising how quickly the atmosphere, which was formerly serene, will be covered with darkness. To theinhabitants, accustomed to view such appearances, the thunder-shower israther welcome than alarming, as it cools the air and earth, and enablesthem to live comfortably during the remainder of the day; but to everystranger it is exceedingly grand and awful. As the flashes of lightningfrom the clouds commonly strike the highest objects, and the wholecountry is covered with woods, the fury of the storm for the most partfalls upon them, and its amazing effects are visible from the vast numberof blasted trees every where appearing throughout the forest. The countrybeing as yet but thinly peopled, the inhabitants do not suffer soseverely as might be expected, considering the violence of these storms;yet few years pass without some accidents from lightning. I never knewmore than five houses in the town, but others have observed nine, twochurches and five ships struck with lightning during one thunder-shower. Such storms often occasion considerable damage, particularly to the shipsin the harbour, and sometimes they are attended with showers of hail, orrather solid pieces of ice, which fall with such force as to beat downthe corn in the fields, to break glass windows, and occasion danger tochildren exposed to them. But since the inhabitants have found out themethod of erecting iron rods on their houses, less damage has been doneto them, and fewer lives have been lost by lightning in this province. 

 [Sidenote] Of the heat at Savanna. 

The climate of Georgia, like that of Carolina, is more mild and pleasantin the inland than maritime parts. Governor Ellis has left us thefollowing account of the heat of the summer at Savanna. In the 7th ofJuly, while he was writing in his piazza, which was open at each end, hesays the mercury in Fahrenheit's thermometer stood at 102 in the shade. Twice had it risen to that height during the summer, several times to100, and for many days together to 98; and in the night did not sinkbelow 89. He thought it highly probable, that the inhabitants of Savannabreathed a hotter air than any other people upon earth. The town beingsituated on a sandy eminence, the reflection from the dry sand, whenthere is little or no agitation in the air, greatly increases the heat;for by walking an hundred yards from his house upon the sand, under hisumbrella, with the thermometer suspended by a thread to the height of hisnostrils, the mercury rose to 105. The same thermometer he had with himin the equatorial parts of Africa, in Jamaica, and in the LeewardIslands; yet by his journals he found that it had never in any of theseplaces risen so high. Its general station was between 79 and 86. Heacknowledges, however, that he felt those degrees of heat in a moist airmore disagreeable than at Savanna, when the thermometer stood at 81 inhis cellar, at 102 in the storey above it, and in the upper storey of hishouse at 105. On the 10th of December the mercury was up at 86, on then11th down as low as 38, on the same instrument. Such sudden and violentchanges, especially when they happen frequently, must make havock of thehuman constitution; yet he asserts that few people die at Savanna out ofthe ordinary course, though many were working in the open air, exposed tothe sun during this extreme heat. --As this governor was a man of senseand erudition, and no doubt made his observations with great accuracy, weshall not presume to call in question the facts he relates; but we mustsay, we never saw the mercury rise so high in the shade at Charlestown, and believe it very seldom happens to do so in Georgia. We may add, thatsuch is the situation of Savanna, surrounded with low and marshy lands, and so sudden and great are the changes in the weather there, as well asin Carolina, that the maritime parts of both provinces must be rankedamong the most unhealthy climates in the world. 

CHAP. XI. 

 [Sidenote] A peace, and its happy effects respecting America. 

The peace of Paris, though condemned by many in England as inadequate tothe amazing success that attended the British arms during the bloody war, and below the expectation of the British nation, unquestionably placedAmerica in the most advantageous situation. As the flames of war firstkindled in that continent, by a contest about the limits of the Britishand French territories, to prevent all disputes of this kind for thefuture was made one of the first objects of attention in framing a treatyof peace. By the seventh article of this treaty it was agreed, "That, forthe future, the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majestyand those of his most Christian Majesty in that part of the world shouldbe fixed irrevocably, by a line drawn along the middle of the riverMississippi, from its source to the river Iberville, and from thence by aline drawn along the middle of the river and the lakes Maurepas andPontchartrain to the sea. " By the twentieth article, "His CatholicMajesty ceded and guarantied in full right to his Britannic Majesty, Florida, with Fort Augustine and the Bay of Pensacola, as well as allthat Spain possessed on the continent of North America to the east orsouth-east of the river Mississippi, and in general every thing dependingon the said countries and lands, with the sovereignty, property, possession, and all rights acquired by treaties or otherwise, which theCatholic King and the Crown of Spain have had till now over the saidcountries, lands, places, and other inhabitants. " By these articles thesouthern provinces were rendered perfectly secure, and, considering thenature of the country, no frontiers could be more distinctly defined. 

But as the French colonies in the northern district had been the chiefseat of war, the conquest of which had occasioned such an immense wasteof blood and treasure to Britain, it was also judged proper to guardagainst the return of any danger on that side. Experience had shewn thenation, that while France possesses a single stronghold on thatcontinent, the British subjects could never enjoy perfect repose, butmust be in danger of being again plunged into those calamities from whichthey had been with so much difficulty delivered. Therefore it wasdetermined to remove this ambitious and enterprising enemy entirely fromthe neighbourhood of these colonies, and secure them beyond a possibilityof future molestation. Accordingly, by the fourth article of the treaty, "His most Christian Majesty renounced all pretensions which he hadheretofore formed, or might form, to Nova Scotia, or Acadia, in all itsparts, and guarantied the whole of it, with all its dependencies, to theKing of Great Britain; as also Canada, with all its dependencies; CapeBreton, and all the other islands and coasts in the Gulf of St. Laurence, and every thing that depends on these countries, islands, lands, placesand coasts, and their inhabitants; so that the most Christian King cededand made over the whole to the said King and Crown of Great Britain, andthat in the most ample manner and form, without restriction, and withoutany liberty to depart from said cession and guaranty under any pretence, or to disturb Great Britain in the possessions above mentioned; reservingonly the island of New Orleans, and liberty of fishing in the Gulf of St. Laurence, which was granted, upon condition that the subjects of Francedo not execute the said fishery but at the distance of three leagues fromall the coasts belonging to Great Britain, as well those of the continentas those of the islands situated in the Gulf of St. Laurence. "

We do not pretend to pass any judgment on the value of these conquests inAmerica, which were preferred to those of the West India islands at thepeace. By giving up a little of the sugar trade, it was thought thenation lost only a luxury, and could be sufficiently supplied with allthe sugar and rum she wanted from the islands which she possessed beforethe war; and therefore the precious conquests in the West Indies weresacrificed to the security of America. The vast territory to the east andsouth east of the great river Mississippi formed the British empire onthe continent, which, for variety of climate as well as of soil wasexceeded by no empire upon earth. As the trade of the mother country haduniformly increased with the population of her colonies, it was hopedthat by freeing them from all molestation, they must increase in a stillmore rapid manner than they had hitherto done, to the great advantage ofBritain; for while the colonists had liberty to extend their culture tothe remotest desert, the trade of the mother country would be increased, her debt diminished, and at the same time the demand for manufactureswould be so great, that all the hands she employed would scarcely be ableto furnish the supply. These were thought to be the probable consequenceswhich would flow from the security of our American colonies at the peace. 

 [Sidenote] Boundaries of East and West Florida. 

With respect to the new acquisitions, great pains were taken to acquirean exact knowledge of them, not only to establish proper regulations, butalso to render them as useful and flourishing as possible. They weredivided into three separate independent governments, which were given toofficers who had distinguished themselves during the war. The governmentof East Florida was bounded to the westward by the Gulf of Mexico and theriver Apalachicola; to the north by a line drawn from that part of theabove-mentioned river where the Catabouchee and Flint rivers meet, to thesource of St. Mary's river, and by the course of the same river to theAtlantic Ocean; and to the east and south by the Atlantic Ocean; and theGulf of Florida, including all islands within six leagues of the seacoast. The government of West Florida was bounded to the southward by theGulf of Mexico, including all islands within six leagues of the seacoast, from the river Apalachicola to Lake Pontchartrain; to the westwardby the said lake, the lake Maurepas, and the river Mississippi; to thenorth by a line drawn due east from that part of the river Mississippiwhich lies in thirty-one degrees of north latitude, to the riverApalachicola, or Catabouchee; and to the east by the said river. All thelands lying between the rivers Alatamaha and St. Mary's were annexed tothe province of Georgia. 

 [Sidenote] The southern provinces left secure. 

The possession of these two provinces of East and West Florida, though ofthemselves little better than an immense waste, was of great importanceto the neighbouring provinces of Georgia and Carolina. It robbed theSpaniards of a strong-hold from which they could send out an armed forceand harass these provinces, and of an easy avenue through which they hadoften invaded them. It removed troublesome neighbours out of their way, who had often instigated the savages against them, and made Augustine anasylum for fugitive slaves. It opened some convenient ports for tradewith Britain and the West Indies, and for annoying French and Spanishships coming through the Gulf of Florida, in case of any future rupture. It formed a strong frontier to the British dominions in that quarter, andfurnished an immense track of improveable land for reduced officers, soldiers, and others, to settle and cultivate. 

 [Sidenote] Encouragement given to reduced officers and soldiers. 

To testify the high sense his Majesty had of the conduct and bravery ofhis officers and soldiers during the late war, and to encourage thesettlement of the colonies, tracks of land were offered them as therewards of their services. Orders were given to the governors on thecontinent, to grant, without fee or reward, five thousand acres to everyfield officer who had served in America, three thousand to every captain, two thousand to every subaltern, two hundred to every non-commissionedofficer, and fifty to every private man; free of quit-rents for tenyears, but subject, at the expiration of that term, to the same moderatequit-rents as the lands in the other provinces, and to the sameconditions of cultivation and improvement. In the new colonies, for theencouragement of the people, they were to be allowed civilestablishments, similar to those of the other royal governments on thecontinent, so soon as their circumstances would admit, and the sameprovision was made for the security of their lives, liberties andproperties under the new as under the old governments. 

 [Sidenote] Georgia begins to flourish. 

No province on the continent felt the happy effects of this publicsecurity sooner than the province of Georgia, which had long struggledunder many difficulties, arising from the want of credit from friends, and the frequent molestations of enemies. During the late war thegovernment had been given to James Wright, who wanted neither wisdom todiscern, nor resolution to pursue, the most effectual means for itsimprovement. While he proved a father to the people and governed theprovince with justice and equity, he discovered at the same time theexcellence of its low lands and river swamps, by the proper managementand diligent cultivation of which he acquired in a few years a plentifulfortune. His example and success gave vigour to industry, and promoted aspirit of emulation among the planters for improvement. The rich landswere sought for with that zeal, and cleared with that ardour, which theprospect of riches naturally inspired. The British merchants observingthe province safe, and advancing to a hopeful and flourishing state, wereno longer backward in extending credit to it, but supplied it withnegroes, and goods of British manufacture, with equal freedom as theother provinces on that continent. The planters no sooner got thestrength of Africa to assist them than they laboured with success, andthe lands every year yielded greater and greater increase. The trade ofthe province kept pace with its progress in cultivation. The rich swampsattracted the attention not only of strangers, but even of the plantersof Carolina, who had been accustomed to treat their poor neighbours withthe utmost contempt, several of whom sold their estates in that colony, and moved with their families and effects to Georgia. Many settlementswere made by Carolineans about Sunbury, and upon the great riverAlatamaha. The price of produce at Savanna arose as the quantityincreased, a circumstance which contributed much to the improvement ofthe country. The planters situated on the opposite side of Savanna riverfound in the capital of Georgia a convenient and excellent market fortheir staple commodities. In short, from this period the rice, indigo andnaval stores of Georgia arrived at the markets in Europe in equalexcellence and perfection, and, in proportion to its strength, in equalquantities with those of its more powerful and opulent neighbours inCarolina. To form a judgment of the progress of the colony, we need onlyattend to its exports. In the year 1763, the exports of Georgia consistedof 7500 barrels of rice, 9633 libs. Of indigo, 1250 bushels of Indiancorn, which, together with deer and beaver skins, naval stores, provisions, timber, _&c. _ amounted to no more than L. 27, 021 sterling;but afterwards the colony thrived and increased in a manner so rapid, that, in the year 1773, it exported staple commodities to the value of L. 121, 677 sterling. 

 [Sidenote] A plan adopted for encouraging emigrations to Carolina. 

No less favourable and happy were the blessings of peace and security totheir neighbours of Carolina; for never did any country flourish andprosper in a more astonishing degree than this province has done sincethe conclusion of the late war. The government had been given to ThomasBoone, who was not only a native of the province, but had a considerableestate in it, which naturally rendered him deeply interested in itsprosperity. The French and Spaniards being removed out of the way, itsprogress was no more retarded by any molestation from them. The assemblyappropriated a large fund for bounties to foreign Protestants, and suchindustrious poor people of Britain and Ireland as should resort to theprovince within three years, and settle on the inland parts. Twotownships, each containing 48, 000 acres, were laid out; one on the riverSavanna, called Mecklenburgh, and the other on the waters of Santee atLong Canes, called Londonderry; to be divided among emigrants, allowingone hundred acres for every man, and fifty for every woman and child, that should come and settle in the back woods. The face of the country inthose interior parts is variable and beautiful, and being composed ofhills and vallies, rocks and rivers, there is not that stagnation in theair, which is so exceedingly hurtful to the human constitution in theflat marshy parts of the province. The hills occasion an agitation in theatmosphere, and by collecting the air in streams, these run along theearth in pleasant breezes, and mitigate the rigour of the hot season. Theclimate in those inland parts is not only more mild and wholesome, butthe soil, particularly in the vallies, which are covered with lofty treesand luxuriant bushes, is exceedingly fertile, and promised in the amplestmanner to reward the industrious labourer. In consequence of thisencouragement offered, it was hoped that multitudes would resort toCarolina, and settle those extensive and fruitful territories in the backwoods, by which means the frontiers of the province would bestrengthened, its produce increased, and its trade enlarged. 

 [Sidenote] A number of Palatines seduced into England. 

Not long after this a remarkable affair happened in Germany, by whichCarolina received a great acquisition. One Stumpel, who had been anofficer in the King of Prussia's service, being reduced at the peace, applied to the British ministry for a tract of land in America, andhaving got some encouragement returned to Germany, where, by deceitfulpromises, he seduced between five and six hundred ignorant people fromtheir native country. When these poor Palatines arrived in England, theofficer finding himself unable to perform his promises, fled, leavingthem in a strange land, without money, without friends, exposed in theopen fields, and ready to perish through want. While they were in thisstarving condition, and knew no person to whom they could apply forrelief, a humane clergyman, who came from the same country, tookcompassion on them, and published their deplorable case in thenews-papers. He pleaded for the mercy and protection of government tothem, until an opportunity might offer of transporting them to some ofthe British colonies, where he hoped they would prove useful subjects, and in time give their benefactors ample proofs of their gratitude andaffection. No sooner did their unhappy situation reach the ears of agreat personage, than he immediately set an example to his subjects, which served both to warm their hearts and open their hands for therelief of their distressed fellow-creatures. A bounty of three hundredpounds was allowed them; tents were ordered from the Tower for theaccommodation of such as had paid their passage and been permitted tocome ashore; money was sent for the relief of those that were confined onboard. The public-spirited citizens of London, famous for acts ofbeneficence and charity, associated, and chose a committee on purpose toraise money for the relief of these poor Palatines. A physician, asurgeon, and man-midwife, generously undertook to attend the sick gratis. From different quarters benefactions were sent to the committee, and in afew days those unfortunate strangers, from the depth of indigence anddistress, were raised to comfortable circumstances. The committee findingthe money received more than sufficient to relieve their presentdistress, applied to his Majesty to know his royal pleasure with respectto the future disposal of the German Protestants. His Majesty, sensiblethat his colony of South Carolina had not its proportion of whiteinhabitants, and having expressed a particular attachment to it, signified his desire of transporting them to that province. Anothermotive for sending them to Carolina was the bounty allowed to foreignProtestants by the provincial assembly, so that when their source ofrelief from England should be exhausted, another would open after theirarrival in that province, which would help them to surmount thedifficulties attending the first state of cultivation. 

 [Sidenote] Sent into Carolina. 

Accordingly preparations were made for sending the Germans to SouthCarolina. When the news was communicated to them they rejoiced, not onlybecause they were to go to one of the most fertile and flourishingprovinces on the continent, but also because many of them had friends andcountrymen before them. Two ships, of two hundred tons each, wereprovided for their accommodation, and provisions of all kinds laid in forthe voyage. An hundred and fifty stand of arms were ordered from theTower, and given them by his Majesty for their defence after theirarrival in America; all which deserve to be recorded for the honour ofthe British nation, which has at different times set before the worldmany noble examples of benevolence. Every thing being ready for theirembarkation, the Palatines broke up their camp in the fields behindWhite-Chapel, and proceeded to the ships attended by several of theirbenefactors; of whom they took their leave with songs of praise to God intheir mouths, and tears of gratitude in their eyes. 

 [Sidenote] And settled at Londonderry. 

In the month of April, 1764, they arrived at Charlestown, and presented aletter from the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to GovernorBoone, acquainting him that his Majesty had been pleased to take the poorPalatines under his royal care and protection, and as many of them wereversed in the culture of silks and vines, had ordered that a settlementbe provided for them in Carolina, in a situation most proper for thesepurposes. Though their settlement met with some obstructions from adispute subsisting at that time between the Governor and Assembly aboutcertain privileges of the house; yet the latter could not helpconsidering themselves as laid under the strongest obligations to makeprovision for so many useful settlers. Accordingly, in imitation of thenoble example set before them in London, they voted five hundred poundssterling to be distributed among the Palatines, according to thedirections of the Lieutenant-Governor, and their necessities. That theymight be settled in a body, one of the two townships, called Londonderry, was allotted for them, and divided in the most equitable manner intosmall tracts, for the accommodation of each family. Captain Calhoun, witha detachment of the rangers, had orders to meet them by the way, andconduct them to the place where their town was to be built, and allpossible assistance was given towards promoting their speedy andcomfortable settlement. 

 [Sidenote] Some emigrate from Britain, and multitudes from Ireland. 

Besides foreign Protestants, several persons from England and Scotlandresorted to Carolina after the peace. But of all other countries none hasfurnished the province with so many inhabitants as Ireland. In thenorthern counties of that kingdom the spirit of emigration seized thepeople to such a degree, that it threatened almost a total depopulation. Such multitudes of husbandmen, labourers and manufacturers flocked overthe Atlantic, that the landlords began to be alarmed, and to concert waysand means for preventing the growing evil. Scarce a ship sailed for anyof the plantations that was not crowded with men, women and children. Butthe bounty allowed new settlers in Carolina proved a great encouragement, and induced numbers of these people, notwithstanding the severity of theclimate, to resort to that province. The merchants finding this bountyequivalent to the expenses of the passage, from avaricious motivespersuaded the people to embark for Carolina, and often crammed suchnumbers of them into their ships that they were in danger of beingstifled during the passage, and sometimes were landed in such a starvedand sickly condition, that numbers of them died before they leftCharlestown. Many causes may be assigned for this spirit of emigrationthat prevailed so much in Ireland: some, no doubt, emigrated from anatural restlessness of temper, and a desire of roving abroad, withoutany fixed object in view. Others were enticed over by flattering promisesfrom their friends and relations, who had gone before them. But of allother causes of emigration oppression at home was the most powerful andprevalent. Most men have a natural fondness and partiality for theirnative country, and leave it with reluctance while they are able to earna comfortable livelihood in it. That spot where they first drew thebreath of life, that society in which they spent the gay season of youth, the religion, the manners and customs of those among whom they wereeducated, all conspire to affect the heart, and endear their nativecountry to them. But poverty and oppression will break through everynatural tie and endearment, and compel men to rove abroad in search ofsome asylum against domestic hardship. Hence it happened that many poorpeople forsook their native land, and preferred the burning sky andunwholesome climate of Carolina, to the temperate and mild air of theirmother country. The success that attended some friends who had gonebefore them being also industriously published in Ireland, and with allthe exaggerations of travellers, gave vigour to the spirit of adventure, and induced multitudes to follow their countrymen, and run all hazardsabroad, rather than starve at home. Government winked at thoseemigrations, and every year brought fresh strength to Carolina, insomuchthat the lands in Ireland were in danger of lying waste for want oflabourers, and the manufacturers of dwindling into nothing. 

 [Sidenote] And from the northern colonies, resort to Carolina. 

Nor were these the only sources from which Carolina, at this time, derived strength and an increase of population. For, notwithstanding thevast extent of territory which the provinces of Virginia and Pennsylvaniacontained, yet such was the nature of the country, that a scarcity ofimproveable lands began to be felt in these colonies, and poor peoplecould not find spots in them unoccupied equal to their expectations. Mostof the richest vallies in these more populous provinces lying to the eastof the Alleganny mountains were either under patent or occupied, and, bythe royal proclamation at the peace, no settlements were allowed toextend beyond the sources of the rivers which empty themselves into theAtlantic. In Carolina the case was different, for there large tracks ofthe best lands as yet lay waste, which proved a great temptation to thenorthern colonists to migrate to the south. Accordingly, about this timeabove a thousand families, with their effects, in the space of one yearresorted to Carolina, driving their cattle, hogs and horses over landbefore them. Lands were allotted them on the frontiers, and most of thembeing only entitled to small tracks, such as one, two or three hundredacres, the back settlements by this means soon became the most populousparts of the province. The frontiers were not only strengthened andsecured by new settlers, but the old ones on the maritime parts beganalso to stretch backward and spread their branches, in consequence ofwhich the demand for lands in the interior parts every year increased. The Governor and Council met once a-month for the purpose of grantinglands and signing patents, and it is incredible what numbers of peopleattended those meetings in order to obtain them; so that; from the timein which America was secured by the peace, Carolina made rapid progressin population, wealth and trade, which will farther appear when we comeparticularly to consider its advanced state and annual exports. 

 [Sidenote] Regulations for securing the provinces against Indians. 

In proportion as the province increased in the number of whiteinhabitants, its danger from the savage tribes grew less alarming. But toprevent any molestation from Indians, and establish the peace of thecolonies on the most lasting foundation, his Majesty, by his royalproclamations after the peace, took care to fix the boundaries of theirhunting lands, in as clear a manner as the nature of the country wouldadmit. No settlements were allowed to extend any farther backward uponthe Indian territories, than the sources of those great rivers which fallinto the Atlantic Ocean, and all British subjects who had settled beyondthese limits were ordered to remove. In this restriction his Majestyevidently made a distinction between the rights of sovereignty and thoseof property; having excluded his governors from all manner ofjurisdiction over those lands which were not specified within the limitsof their respective provinces. All private subjects were prohibited frompurchasing lands from Indians; but if the latter should at any time beinclined to dispose of their property, it must for the future be done tothe King, by the general consent of their nation, and at a publicassembly held by British governors for that purpose. All traders wereobliged to take out licences from their respective governors for carryingon commerce with Indian nations. 

 [Sidenote] John Stuart made superintendant for Indian affairs. 

Such regulations were in many respects useful and necessary; for theFrench and Spaniards being excluded, it only remained to guard theprovinces against the danger arising from Indians. And as they wereliable to much abuse and oppression from private traders, it was thoughtnecessary that the office of a superintendant should be continued for thesouthern as well as the northern district of America. Accordingly thisoffice was given to Captain John Stuart, who was in every respect wellqualified for the trust. Attakullakulla had signified to the Governor andCouncil, after the Cherokee war, that the province would receive nomolestation from Indians were this officer appointed to reside amongthem, and to advise and direct them. The Assembly had not only thankedhim for his good conduct and great perseverance at Fort Loudon, andrewarded him with fifteen hundred pounds currency, but also recommendedhim to the Governor as a person worthy of preferment in the service ofthe province. After his commission arrived from the King, the Carolineansrejoiced, and promised themselves for the future great tranquillity andhappiness. Plans of lenity were likewise adopted by government withrespect to those Indian tribes, and every possible precaution was takento guard them against oppression, and prevent any rupture with them. Experience had shewn that rigorous measures, such as humbling them byforce of arms, were not only very expensive and bloody, but disagreeableto a humane and generous nation, and seldom accompanied with any goodeffects. Such ill treatment rendered the savages cruel, suspicious anddistrustful, and prepared them for renewing hostilities, by keeping alivetheir ferocious and warlike spirit. Their extirpation, even though itcould easily be compleated, would be a cruel act, and all the while thegrowth and prosperity of the settlements would be much retarded by theattempt. Whereas, by treating Indians with gentleness and humanity, itwas thought they would by degrees lose their savage spirit, and becomemore harmless and civilized. It was hoped that by establishing a fair andfree trade with them, their rude temper would in time be softened, theirmanners altered, and their wants increased; and instead of implacableenemies, ever bent on destruction, they might he rendered good allies, both useful and beneficial to the trade of the nation. 

 [Sidenote] Decrease of Indians, and the causes of it. 

It has been remarked, that those Indians on the continent of America, whowere at the time of its discovery a numerous and formidable people, havesince that period been constantly decreasing, and melting away like snowupon the mountains. For this rapid depopulation many reasons have beenassigned. It is well known that population every where keeps pace withthe means of subsistence. Even vegetables spring and grow in proportionto the richness of the soil in which they are planted, and to thesupplies they receive from the nourishing rains and dews of heaven;animals flourish or decay according as the means of subsistence abound orfail; and as all mankind partake of the nature of both, they alsomultiply or decrease as they are fed, or have provision in plenty, luxuryexcluded. The Indians being driven from their possessions near the sea asthe settlements multiplied, were robbed of many necessaries of life, particularly of oysters, crabs, and fish, with which the maritime partsfurnished them in great abundance, and on which they must haveconsiderably subsisted, as is apparent from a view of their camps, stillremaining near the sea-shore. The women are not only much disregarded anddespised, but also naturally less prolific among rude than polishednations. The men being often abroad, at hunting or war, agriculture, which is the chief means of subsistence among a civilized people, isentirely neglected by them, and looked upon as an occupation worthy onlyof women or slaves. That abstinence and fatigue which the men endure intheir distant excursions, and that gluttony and voraciousness in whichthey indulge themselves in the times of plenty, are equally hurtful tothe constitution, and productive of diseases of different kinds. Now thattheir territories are circumscribed by narrower bounds, the means ofsubsistence derived even from game is less plentiful. Indeed scanty andlimited are the provisions they raise by planting, even in the bestseasons; but in case of a failure of their crops, or of their fieldsbeing destroyed by enemies, they perish in numbers by famine. Theirnatural passion for war the first European settlers soon discovered; andtherefore turned the fury of one tribe against another, with a view tosave themselves. When engaged in hostilities, they always fought not somuch to humble and conquer, as to exterminate and destroy. The British, the French and Spanish nations, having planted colonies in theirneighbourhood, a rivalship for power over them took place, and eachnation having its allies among the savages was zealous and indefatigablein instigating them against the allies of its neighbour. Hence a seriesof bloody and destructive wars has been carried on among these rudetribes, with all the rage and rancour of implacable enemies. 

But famine and war, however destructive, were not the only causes oftheir rapid decay. The smallpox having broke out among them, provedexceedingly fatal, both on account of the contageous nature of thedistemper, and their harsh and injudicious attempts to cure it byplunging themselves into cold rivers during the most violent stages ofthe disorder. The pestilence broke out among some nations, particularlyamong the Pemblicos in North Carolina, and almost swept away the wholetribe. The practice of entrapping them, which was encouraged by the firstsettlers in Carolina, and selling them for slaves to the West Indiaplanters, helped greatly to thin their nations. But, of all other causes, the introduction of spirituous liquors among them, for which theydiscovered an amazing fondness, has proved the most destructive. Excessand intemperance not only undermined their constitution, but also createdmany quarrels, and subjected them to a numerous list of fatal diseases, to which in former times they were entire strangers. Besides thoseEuropeans engaged in commercial business with them, generally speaking, have been so far from reforming them, by examples of virtue and purity ofmanners, that they rather served to corrupt their morals, and render themmore treacherous, distrustful, base and debauched than they were beforethis intercourse commenced. In short, European avarice and ambition havenot only debased the original nature and stern virtue of that savagerace, so that these few Indians that now remain have lost in a greatmeasure their primitive character; but European vice and Europeandiseases, the consequences of vice, have exterminated this people, insomuch that many nations formerly populous are totally extinct, andtheir names entirely forgotten. 

 [Sidenote] Present state of Indian nations in the southern district. 

The principal tribes around Carolina that now remain are, the Cherokees, the Catabaws, the Creeks, the Chickesaws, and Choctaws, and a few othersthat scarcely deserve to be mentioned. In 1765 the Cherokees, who inhabitthe mountains to the north of Charlestown, could scarcely bring twothousand men to the field. The Catabaws have fifteen miles squareallotted them for hunting lands, about two hundred miles north ofCharlestown, with British settlements all around them; but they are somuch reduced by a long war with the Five Nations, that they could notmuster one hundred and fifty warriors. The Creeks inhabit a fine countryon the south-west, between four and five hundred miles distant fromCharlestown, and the number of both the Upper and Lower nations does notexceed two thousand gun-men. The Chickesaw towns lie about six hundredmiles due west from Charlestown, but the nation cannot send three hundredwarriors to the field, owing to the incessant wars which they havecarried on against the French, by which their number has been greatlydiminished. The Choctaws are at least seven hundred miles west-south-westfrom Charlestown, and have between three and four thousand gun-men; andas their settlements border on West Florida, the greatest part of themtill the late peace remained allies of France. But as these artful andinsinuating rivals were removed out of the way, and the Britishgovernment had adopted prudent plans of civilizing and managing thosebarbarous nations, the colonies for the future were in a great measurefreed from all apprehensions of danger from them. I shall thereforeconclude my observations respecting Indians with a speech of Mr. Stuartthe superintendant, delivered at a general congress held in Mobile, atwhich Governor Johnstone and many British officers and soldiers attended. For as he was so well acquainted with the humours, tempers and charactersof these tribes, this speech, in which is exhibited a good specimen ofthe language and manner proper for addressing barbarous nations, may notbe unworthy of the reader's attention. 

 [Sidenote] Mr. Stuart's first speech to the Indians at Mobile. 

"Friends and brothers, the Supreme Being who made the world and all itsinhabitants, has been pleased to permit many great warriors of theBritish and Indian nations to meet together in peace. The great King, whois the father of all white people in Great Britain and America, anddefends them from danger, this day stretches out his arms to receive hisred children into favour. He has been pleased to appoint mesuperintendent of the affairs of all Indian nations to the southward ofVirginia. In his name I speak to you, and as the words you hear are hiswords, I hope you will listen to them with attention, and allow them toremain deeply impressed on your minds. They are calculated to promote notonly your happiness, but that of your children and childrens children forever. 

"When the great kings of Britain and France were at variance, the stormsof war raged through this great forest, the Indian nations were divided, brothers against brothers, and your country was stained with blood. Malice and revenge went forth, all paths were made crooked, and your landwas covered with darkness. Now that it has pleased the Author of life torestore the blessings of light and peace, it is our duty to make a properuse and improvement of them. As fogs gathered in the night are dispersedby the rising sun, so words dictated by the rage of war should beforgotten in the time of peace. The great King, full of wisdom andmagnanimity, knows the frailty of his red children, and forgives theirdisobedience and rebellion. He extends his love to them all, even tothose that lifted up the hatchet against him. To render them secure, hehas resolved that the English and French shall be for ever separated bythe great river Mississippi, and that all nations on this side of itshall have him for their common father. He commands all strife and enmitybetween his white and red children to cease, and expects that the alliesof Britain will take those Indians, the former allies of France, by thehand, and live together like brethren of one family. That his white andred children may be near one other, and mutually supply each other'swants, he has ordered some of his good subjects to come over the greatwaters, and live on the fruits of this land, which the Supreme Being madefor the use of mankind in general. To open this friendly intercourse, Ihave invited you all to meet me at this place, and I rejoice that so manybrothers are come to accept of the royal favour and protection. 

"Ye Chickesaw warriors, I speak first to you, and I know your ears areopen to my words. The great King regards you as children brought up intheir father's house, who from their infancy have been dutiful andobedient, and by that means merited what you have always enjoyed, hisparticular care and affection. While darkness surrounded you on everyside, he has defended you from all those snares and dangers to which youwere exposed. Now the day is clear and unclouded. Your father continuesto love you. The paths from your towns to all nations shall be madestraight and plain, and nothing shall be permitted to hurt your feet. Your children shall rejoice and grow up in safety, and your houses shallbe filled with abundance of corn and venison. I am come to tell you thegood news, and to see that justice be done you in all commercialdealings. 

"In the next place I speak to you, ye warriors of the great party of theChoctaw notion. You were like sons separated from their father, andremoved at a great distance from his protection; but by persisting inobedience you were entitled to his love. The great King alwaysacknowledged you, but now he receives you into his family, and offers youall the favours and privileges of sons. While you continue dutiful andobedient, the eye of your father shall be upon you, and his hand shall beopen to relieve your wants. Under his care you shall enjoy all theblessings of peace and safety. You shall receive no injuries fromfriends, nor be exposed to any dangers from enemies. Your arms shall bekept bright, your hunting lands no man shall be permitted to take fromyou, and there shall be abundance of corn about your village. 

"But as for you, ye Choctaw warriors of the Six Villages, you were likechildren early lost. While you were wandering out of the way, withoutknowing your brothers you blindly struck them. You found a father, indeed, who adopted you, and you have long served him with zeal, andshewn many proofs of your courage. You have received from your Frenchfather such poor rewards for your services as he could bestow; but allthe while you remained under his care you were hungry, naked andmiserable. He gave you many fair words and promises, and having longdeceived you, at last is obliged to leave you in your present forlorn andwretched condition. Now your true father has found you, and this daystretches forth his arms to receive you under his protection. He hasforgotten all your past offences. He knows your weakness, and forgivesyour errors. He knows your wants, and is disposed to relieve them. I havebut one tongue, and always speak the truth; and as I bring you good news, I hope my words shall not be blown away by the wind. The great King iswise, generous and merciful, and I flatter myself with the hopes that youwill never forget your obligations to his goodness. 

"It is my duty to watch over Indians, and protect them against all mannerof danger and oppression. For this purpose my ears shall be always opento your complaints, and it shall be my study to redress your grievances. I must warn you to beware of all quarrels and outrages, by which you willcertainly forfeit the royal favour, and plunge yourselves again intomisery. I hope you will always observe my advice, and conduct yourselvesaccordingly, that I may be able to transmit good accounts of yourbehaviour to England. It is only by the permission of the great King thatyour wants can be supplied, and that traders can come into your villageswith guns, powder, balls, knives, hatchets, flints, hoes, clothes andother necessaries. These things you cannot make for yourselves, and noother nation will be allowed to furnish you with them. Therefore thegreat King has a right to expect your gratitude and obedience, for all herequires is with a view to your own tranquillity and happiness. 

"As you are all received into the family of the great King, it isexpected that Indians will not only live in friendship and peace withwhite men, but also with one another. In imitation of his Majesty's goodexample, you must forget all injuries and offences, and throw aside allnational jealousies and antipathies. The King expects that the greatchieftains, to whom he has given medals and gorgets, will consider themnot merely as ornaments, but as emblems of the high offices they bear, and the great trust reposed in them. All presents made you are inconsideration of the good services expected from you. Therefore, ye wiseand great leaders, I expect you will use your authority like fathers, andrestrain your young men from all acts of violence and injustice, andteach them that the only way to merit honour and preferment is to bejust, honest and peaceable, and that disgrace and punishment will be theconsequences of disorderly practices, such as robbing plantations, andbeating or abusing white people. 

"Ye warriors who have no commissions, I speak to you also in name of theKing, and I hope you will reverence his authority and love your brethren. Listen at all times to your wise rulers, and be careful to follow theiradvice and example. By their wisdom and justice they have arrived at anhigh pitch of preferment, and stand distinguished by great and smallmedals. If, like them, you wish to be great, like them, you must first begood. You must respect them as children do their father, yieldingsubmission to their authority, and obedience to their commands. Withoutthe favour of your chiefs, you will neither get your wants supplied norreach the station of honour. An armourer will be sent into your nation toclean and repair your rifles, but he will have instructions to mend armsto none but such as shall be recommended by their chiefs, it being properthat such leaders should have it in their power to distinguish those thatare peaceable and obedient from the obstinate and perverse. 

"I am to inform you all, that I will send a beloved man into your towns, who will be vested with authority to hear and determine all differencesbetween you and the traders, to deliver all messages from me to you, andall talks from you to me. And as he will come to promote your welfare andtranquillity, I hope you will receive him kindly, protect him against allinsults, and assist him in the execution of his office. 

"When the French governor took his leave of you, he advised you to lookupon yourselves as the children of the King of Great Britain. The advicewas good, I hope you will remember it for ever. The great King haswarriors numerous as the trees of the forest, and stands in no need ofyour assistance; but he desires your friendship and alliance to renderyou happy. He loves peace and justice, but he will punish all murders andrebellion. Be careful, therefore, to keep your feet far from the crookedand bloody path. Shun all communication with Indian tribes who lift thehatchet against their white brethren. Their talks, their calamets, theirbelts of wampum, and their tobacco are all poisonous. If you receive theminto your towns, be assured you will be infected with their madness, andbe in danger of rushing into destruction. Be cautious; above all things, of permitting great quantities of rum to be brought into your villages. It poisons your body, enervates your mind, and, from respectablewarriors, turns you into furious madmen, who treat friends and enemiesalike. Mark those persons, whether they be white or red, that bring rumamong you, for bad men, who violate the laws, and have nothing else inview but to cheat, and render you despicable and wretched. 

"Lastly, I inform you that it is the King's order to all his governorsand subjects, to treat Indians with justice and humanity, and to forbearall encroachments on the territories allotted for them. Accordingly, allindividuals are prohibited from purchasing any of your lands; but as youknow that your white brethren cannot feed you when you visit them unlessyou give them grounds to plant, it is expected that you will cede landsto the King for that purpose. But whenever you shall be pleased tosurrender any of your territories to his majesty, it must be done for thefuture at a public meeting of your nation, when the governors of theprovinces, or the superintendent shall be present, and obtain the consentof all your people. The boundaries of your hunting grounds will beaccurately fixed, and no settlement permitted to be made upon them. Asyou may be assured that all treaties with you will be faithfully kept, soit is expected that you also will be careful strictly to observe them. Ihave now done, and I hope you will remember the words I have spoken. Timewill soon discover to you the generosity, justice and goodness of theBritish nation. By the bounty of the King, and a well-ordered trade withhis subjects, your houses shall be filled with plenty, and your heartswith joy. You will see your men and women well clothed and fed, and yourchildren growing up to honour you, and add strength to your nation; yourpeace and prosperity shall be established, and continue from generationto generation. "

Having now endeavoured to give some account of the rise and progress ofthis colony for the first century after its settlement, or rather fromthe time the Proprietors received their second charter in 1665 to theyear 1765, we shall add a general view of its present state andcondition. I have purposely delayed speaking of several things, particularly of the temper, manners and character of the people, untilthis period, when they come more immediately under my own notice; andsuch observations as I have made shall now be submitted to the publicview for the use of strangers, leaving all men acquainted with provincialaffairs to judge for themselves, according to the different lights inwhich matters may have occurred to them. 

 [Sidenote] A description of Charlestown. 

With respect to the towns in Carolina, none of them, excepting one, meritthe smallest notice. Beaufort, Purisburgh, Jacksonburgh, Dorchester, Camden, and George-town, are all inconsiderable villages, having in eachno more than twenty, thirty, or, at most, forty dwelling houses. ButCharlestown, the capital of the province, may be ranked with the firstcities of British America, and yearly advances in size, riches andpopulation. It is situated upon a neck of land at the continence ofAshley and Cooper rivers, which are large and navigable, and wash atleast two third parts of the town. These rivers mingle their streamsimmediately below the town, and, running six or seven miles farther, empty themselves at Sullivan's island into the Atlantic Ocean. By meansof such broad rivers the sea is laid open from east to southeast, and thetown fanned by gentle breezes from the ocean, which are very refreshingto the inhabitants during the summer months. The tide flows a great wayabove the town, and occasions an agitation in the air which is alsoproductive of salutary effects. So low and level is the ground upon whichCharlestown is built, that the inhabitants are obliged to raise banks ofearth, as barriers, to defend themselves against the higher floods of thesea. The streets from east to west extend from river to river, and, running in a straight line, not only open a beautiful prospect, but alsoafford excellent opportunities, by means of subterranean drains, forremoving all nuisances; and keeping the town clean and healthy. Thesestreets are intersected by others, nearly at right angles, and throw thetown into a number of squares, with dwelling houses on the front, andoffice-houses and little gardens behind them. Some of the streets arebroad, which in such a climate is a necessary and wise regulation, forwhere narrow lanes and alleys have been tolerated, they prove by theirconfined situation a fruitful nursery for diseases of different kinds. The town, which was at first entirely built of wood, as might beexpected, has often suffered from fire; but such calamities, though theyfell heavy on individuals, have given the inhabitants frequentopportunities of making considerable improvements in it. Now most housesare built of brick, three storeys high, some of them elegant, and allneat habitations; within they are genteelly furnished, and withoutexposed as much as possible to the refreshing breezes from the sea. Manyof them are indeed encumbered with balconies and piazzas, but these arefound convenient and even necessary during the hot season, into which theinhabitants retreat for enjoying the benefit of fresh air, which iscommonly occasioned, and always increased, by the flux and reflux of thesea. Almost every family have their pump-wells, but the water in thembeing at no great distance from the salt river, and filtered only throughsand, is brackish, and commonly occasions severe griping and purging toevery person not accustomed to it. The town consisted at this time of, atleast, twelve hundred dwelling houses, and was in at advancing state. Thepublic buildings are, an Exchange, a State-House, an Armoury, twochurches for Episcopalians, one for Presbyterians, two for French andDutch Protestants; to which may be added, meeting-houses for Anabaptists, Independents, Quakers and Jews. Upon the sides of the rivers wharfs arebuilt, to which all ships that come over the bar may lie close; andhaving stores and ware-houses erected upon them, are exceedinglyconvenient for importing and exporting all kinds of merchandise. 

The harbour is also tolerably well fortified, the King having atdifferent times presented the province with great guns for that purpose. Towards Cooper river the town is defended by a number of batteries, insomuch that no ships of an enemy can approach it without considerablehazard. Besides these, the passage up to it is secured by Fort Johnson, built on James's Island, about two miles below the town. This fort standsin a commanding situation, within point-blank shot of the channel, through which every ship, in their way to and from Charlestown, mustpass. The commander of Fort Johnson is commissioned by the King, and hasauthority to stop every ship coming in until the master or mate shallmake oath that there is no malignant distemper on board. It has barracksfor fifty men; but, in case of emergency, it obtains assistance from themilitia of the island. During the late Cherokee war a plan was alsoformed for fortifying the town towards the land, with a horn-work builtof tappy, flanked with batteries and redoubts at proper distances, andextending from river to river; but, after having spent a great sum ofmoney on this work, peace being restored, the design was dropt. 

 [Sidenote] The number of its inhabitants. 

In 1765 the number of white inhabitants in Charlestown amounted tobetween five and fix thousand, and the number of negroes to between sevenand eight thousand. With respect to the number of white inhabitants inthe province we cannot be certain, but we may form some conjecture fromthe militia roll; for as all male persons from sixteen to sixty areobliged by law to bear arms and muster in the regiments, and as the wholemilitia formed a body of between seven and eight thousand, reckoning thefifth person fit for military duty, the whole inhabitants in the provincemight amount to near forty thousand. But the number of negroes was notless than eighty or ninety thousand. As no exact register of the birthsand funerals has been kept at Charlestown for several years, we cannotascertain the proportion between them. Formerly, when bills of mortalitywere annually printed, the common computation was, that, while nocontagious disorder prevailed in town, one out of thirty-five diedyearly, or one out of each family in the space of seven years. However, the list of deaths is often increased by the sailors and transientpersons that die in the town, and by malignant distempers imported intoit. It is generally believed, that the number of births among the settledinhabitants exceeds that of funerals; but we shall affirm nothing withrespect to this matter without better authority than common observationand conjecture. 

 [Sidenote] A general view of the manners _&c. _ of the people. 

With respect to temper and character, the inhabitants of Carolina differlittle from those of Great Britain and Ireland; I mean, such as derivedtheir origin from those islands, for the descendents of other nationsstill retain something of the complexion, manners and customs of thosecountries from whence they came. In stature, the natives of Carolina areabout the middle size; for in Europe we meet with men both taller andshorter. They are, generally speaking, more forward and quick in growththan the natives of cold climates. Indeed we may say, there are no boysor girls in the province, for from childhood they are introduced intocompany, and assume the air and behaviour of men and women. Many of themhave an happy and natural quickness of apprehension, especially in thecommon affairs of life, and manage business with ease and discretion; butwant that steadiness, application and perseverance necessary to thehighest improvements in the arts and sciences. Several natives who havehad their education in Britain, have distinguished themselves by theirknowledge in the laws and constitution of their country; but those whohave been bred in the province, having their ideas confined to a narrowersphere, have as yet made little figure as men of genius or learning. Agriculture being more lucrative than any other employment, all whopossess lands and negroes apply their chief attention to the improvementof their fortune, regardless of the higher walks of science. Theycommonly marry early in life, and of course are involved in domesticcares and concerns before their minds have had time to ripen in knowledgeand judgment. In the progress of society they have not advanced beyondthat period in which men are distinguished more by their external thaninternal accomplishments. Hence it happens, that beauty, figure, agilityand strength form the principal distinctions among them, especially inthe country. Among English people they are chiefly known by the number oftheir slaves, the value of their annual produce, or the extent of theirlanded estate. For the most part they are lively and gay, adapting theirdress to the nature of the climate in which they live, and discover nosmall taste and neatness in their outward appearance. Their intercourseand communication with Britain being easy and frequent, all novelties infashion, dress and ornament are quickly introduced; and even the spiritof luxury and extravagance, too common in England, was beginning to creepinto Carolina. Almost every family kept their chaises for a single horse, and some of the principal planters of late years have imported finehorses and splendid carriages from Britain. They discover no bad tastefor the polite arts, such as music, drawing, fencing and dancing; and itis acknowledged by all, but especially by strangers, that the ladies inthe province considerably outshine the men. They are not only sensible, discreet and virtuous, but also adorned with most of those polite andelegant accomplishments becoming their sex. The Carolineans in generalare affable and easy in their manners, and exceedingly kind andhospitable to all strangers. There are few old men or women to be foundin the province, which is a sure sign of the unhealthiness of theclimate. We cannot say that there are many in the country that arrive attheir sixtieth year, and several at thirty bear the wrinkles, bald headand grey hairs of old age. As every person by diligence and applicationmay earn a comfortable livelihood, there are few poor people in theprovince, except the idle or unfortunate. Nor is the number of richpeople great; most of them being in what we call easy and independentcircumstances. It has been remarked, that there are more personspossessed of between five and ten thousand pounds sterling in theprovince, than are to be found any where among the same number of people. In respect of rank, all men regarded their neighbour as their equal, anda noble spirit of benevolence pervaded the society. In point of industrythe town was like a bee-hive, and there were none that reaped notadvantages more or less from the flourishing state of trade and commerce. Pride and ambition had not as yet crept into this community; but theprovince was fast advancing to that state of power and opulence, whensome distinctions among men necessarily take place. 

 [Sidenote] And of their way of living. 

With respect to the manner of living in Charlestown, it is nearly thesame as in England; and many circumstances concur to render it neithervery difficult nor expensive to furnish plentiful tables. They have teafrom England, and coffee, chocolate and sugar from the West Indies, inplenty. Butter is good, especially at that season when the fields arecleared of rice, and the cows are admitted into them; and it is soplentiful that they export a good deal of it to the Leeward Islands. Theprovince produces some flour for bread; but it being of an inferiorquality, the inhabitants chiefly make use of that imported from New Yorkand Philadelphia. In the market there is plenty of beef, pork, veal, poultry and venison, and a great variety of wild-fowls and salt-waterfish. The mutton from the low lands is not so good as that from the hillsin the interior parts, but as the back country is now well settled, it ishoped that the market in time will be likewise well supplied with muttonfrom it. They have also a variety of the finest fruits and vegetables intheir season. Their principal drink is punch, or grog, which is composedof rum well diluted with water. With respect to wine, Madeira is not onlybest suited to the climate, in which it improves by heat and age, butalso most commonly used by the people in general, though French, Spanishand Portuguese wines are likewise presented at the tables of the mostopulent citizens. Besides these, they have porter and beer from England, and cyder and perry from the northern colonies. Where rum is cheap, excess in the use of it will not be uncommon, especially among the lowerclass of people; but the gentlemen in general are sober, industrious andtemperate. In short, the people are not only blessed with plenty, butwith a disposition to share it among friends and neighbours; and manywill bear me witness, when I say, that travellers could scarcely go intoany city where they could meet with a society of people more agreeable, intelligent and hospitable than that at Charlestown. 

 [Sidenote] The arts and sciences only of late encouraged. 

Though the arts and sciences had been long neglected, and have as yetmade no great progress in the province, yet of late years they have metwith great encouragement. The people in general stand not only muchindebted to an ingenious bookseller, who introduced many of the mostdistinguished authors among them, but several of the most respectablecitizens also united and formed a society for the promotion ofliterature, having obtained a charter of incorporation for that purpose. All the new publications in London, and many of the most valuable books, both ancient and modern, have been imported for the use of this societythe members of which were ambitious of proving themselves the worthydescendants of British ancestors, by transporting not only their inferiorarts of industry and agriculture, but also their higher improvements inphilosophy and jurisprudence. Their design was not confined to thepresent generation, but extended to posterity, having the institution ofa college in view, so soon as the funds of the society should admit ofit. News-papers were also printed, for supplying the province with thefreshest and most useful intelligence of all that passed in the politicaland commercial world. For amusement the inhabitants of Charlestown hadnot only books and public papers, but also assemblies, balls, concertsand plays, which were attended by companies almost equally brilliant asthose of any town in Europe of the same size. 

 [Sidenote] The militia and internal strength of the province. 

Charlestown had its armoury, magazine, and militia, and every citizen, like those of ancient Sparta, joined the military to the civil character. The officers of the militia are appointed by the Governor, who commonlynominates such men from among the inhabitants to command the rest as aremost distinguished for their courage and capacity. All men of themilitary age being registered in the militia roll, each person knows thecompany to which he belongs, the captain who commands it, and isobligated to keep his arms in order, and to appear properly equipped incase of any alarm or other emergency. We cannot say that the militia ingeneral made a good appearance, or seemed expert at the use of arms; butthe companies of grenadiers, light infantry, and artillery, wereextravagantly gay, and tolerably well disciplined. As most of the menwere equally independent as their officers, that prompt obedience toorders, necessary in a regular army, could not be expected from them; butbeing conscious that union of strength was necessary to the commonsafety, on all emergencies they appeared under arms with alacrity andexpedition. By the militia law the merchants and tradesmen of the citywere subjected to some temporary inconveniencies and interruptions ofbusiness; but as agriculture was chiefly carried on by slaves, and naturebrought the fruits of the earth to maturity, the planters in the countryhad abundance of time to spare for military exercises. Their rural life, and the constant use of arms, promoted a kind of martial spirit amongthem, and the great dangers to which they were always exposed, habituatedthem to face an enemy with resolution. Fortunately a natural antipathysubsisted between Indians and negroes, and prevented the two from unitingand conspiring the destruction of the colony. Therefore, while Indiansremained quiet and peaceable, it was not the interest of the province tohave them removed at a great distance; for had they been driven over theMississippi, or extirpated, their place would probably have been suppliedby fugitive slaves, who, by taking shelter in the mountains, would haveproved an enemy equally, if not more, cruel and formidable to Carolinathan the Indians themselves; or had the savage nations givenencouragement to slaves to fly to them for liberty and protection, fatalmust the consequences have been to the settlement. 

 [Sidenote] Of its societies formed for mutual support and relief. 

Thus exposed to barbarians, the members of this little community knewthat union of strength was not only requisite to the common safety, butboth interest and duty naturally led them to establish societies with aparticular view of raising funds for relieving each others wants. Thoughevery person was obliged by law to contribute, in proportion to hisestate, for the relief of the poor of the province, yet, besides this, there were several societies formed and incorporated for the particularpurpose of assisting such families belonging to them as might happen tobe unfortunate in trade, or in any other way reduced to an indigentstate. Among these there is one called The South-Carolina Society, whichmerits particular notice. At first it consisted not of the most opulentcitizens, though many of these afterwards joined it, but of persons inmoderate stations, who held it an essential duty to relieve one anotherin such a manner as their circumstances would admit; accordingly theyunited, elected officers, and, by trifling weekly contributions, donations and legacies, together with good management, in process of timeaccumulated a considerable stock. A common seal was provided, with thedevice of a hand planting a vine, and the motto _Posteritati_. TheHeavens smile on humane and generous designs. Many observing the greatusefulness of this society, petitioned for admission into it; and as itsnumbers increased its stock enlarged. In 1738, their capital amounted tono more than L. 213: 16 s. ; but, in 1776, it had arisen to a sum not lessthan L. 68, 787: 10: 3, current money. All the while their works ofcharity have likewise been conspicuous and extensive. Many unfortunateand sinking families have been supported by them in a decent andrespectable manner. Many helpless orphans have been educated, andprepared for being useful members of society. Several other societies inCharlestown have been founded upon the same plan, and on many occasionsthe inhabitants in general, (it may be mentioned to their honour), havediscovered a benevolent and charitable spirit, not only to poor people inthe province, but also to unfortunate strangers. 

 [Sidenote] Of its merchants and trade. 

The merchants in Carolina are a respectable body of men, industrious andindefatigable in business, free, open and generous in their manner ofconducting it. The whole warehouses in Charlestown were like one commonstore, to which every trader had access for supplying his customers withthose kinds of goods and manufactures which they wanted. The merchants ofEngland, especially since the late peace, observing the coloniesperfectly secure, and depending on the strength of the British navy forthe protection of trade, vied with each other for customers in America, and stretched their credit to its utmost extent for supplying theprovinces. Hence every one of them were well furnished with all kinds ofmerchandise. But as the staples of Carolina were valuable, and in muchdemand, credit was extended to that province almost without limitation, and vast multitudes of negroes, and goods of all kinds, were yearly sentto it. In proportion as the merchants of Charlestown received credit fromEngland, they were enabled to extend it to the planters in the country, who purchased slaves with great eagerness, and enlarged their culture. Though the number of planters had of late years much increased, yet theybore no proportion to the vast extent of territory, and lands were stilleasily procured, either by patent or by purchase. According to the numberof hands employed in labour, agriculture prospered and trade wasenlarged. An uncommon circumstance also attended this rapid progress, which was favourable to the planting interest, and proved an additionalincentive to industry. The price of staple commodities arose as thequantity brought to market increased. In 1761 rice sold at fortyshillings per barrel, and indigo at two shillings per lib. ; but in 1771in so flourishing a state was the commerce of this country, that ricebrought at market three pounds ten shillings per barrel, and indigo threeshillings per lib. At the same time the quantity increased so much, thatthe exports of Carolina amounted, upon an average of three years afterthe peace, to L. 395, 666: 13: 4; but, in 1771, the exports in that yearalone arose to a sum not less than L. 756, 000 sterling. How great thenmust the imports have been, when the province, notwithstanding thisamazing increase, still remained in debt to the mother country. 

 [Sidenote] Of its planters and agriculture. 

To this advanced state had Carolina arrived in point of improvement. Agriculture, beyond doubt, is of such importance to every country, that, next to public security and the distribution of justice and equity, it isthe interest of every government to encourage it. Nothing could moremanifestly promote industry and agriculture, than that fair and equitabledivision of lands among the people which took place in this province. Immense tracts of ground in possession of one man, without hands tocultivate and improve them, are only unprofitable deserts: but when landsare judiciously parcelled out among the people, industry is therebyencouraged, population increased, and trade promoted. The lands firstyield abundance for the inhabitants, and then more than they can consume. When this is the case, the overplus can be spared for procuring foreignarticles of exchange, and the province is thereby furnished with theconveniencies and luxuries of another climate and country. Then theplanter's views are turned to the advantages of trade, and themerchant's, in return, to the success of husbandry. From which time amutual dependence subsists between them, and it is the interest of theone to encourage the other. For when the merchants receive nothing fromthe province, it is impossible they can afford to import anything intoit. Without cultivation commerce must always languish, being deprived ofits chief supplies, the fruits of the earth. Without credit from themerchant there would have been little encouragement to emigrate toCarolina. A single arm could make little impression on the forest. A poorfamily, depending for support on the labour of one man, would have longremained in a starving condition, and scarcely ten of an hundredemigrants, obliged to work in such a climate, would have survived thetenth year after their arrival. To what causes then shall we ascribe theprosperity of the province? The answer is plain. Under the royal care thepeople, being favoured with every advantage resulting from publicsecurity, an indulgent government, abundance of land, large credit, liberty to labour and to reap the whole fruits of it, protection totrade, and an excellent market for every staple, laboured with success. These were powerful motives to emigrate, strong incentives to industry, and the principal causes of its rapid advances towards maturity. Nocolony that ever was planted can boast of greater advantages. Few have, in the space of an hundred years, improved and flourished in an equaldegree. 

Notwithstanding the favourable situation for agriculture in which theCarolineans stood, they remained slovenly husbandmen, and every strangerwas astonished at the negligent manner in which all estates in theprovince were managed. Those planters who had arrived at easy or affluentcircumstances employed overseers; and having little to do but to rideround their fields now and then, to see that their affairs were notneglected, or their slaves abused, indulge themselves in ruralamusements, such as racing, mustering, hunting, fishing, or socialentertainments. For the gun and dog the country affords some game, suchas small partridges, woodcocks, rabbits, _&c. _ but few of the plantersare fond of that kind of diversion. To chace the fox or the deer is theirfavourite amusement, and they are forward and bold riders, and make theirway through the woods and thickets with astonishing speed. The horses ofthe country, though hardy and serviceable animals, make little figure;and therefore, to improve the breed, many have been of late yearsimported from England. The planters being fond of fine horses, have beenat great pains to raise them, so that they now have plenty of anexcellent kind, both for the carriage and the turf. 

In every plantation great care is taken in making dams to preserve water, for overflowing the rice-fields in summer, without which they will yieldno crops. In a few years after this pond is made, the planters find itstocked with a variety of fishes; but in what manner they breed, orwhence they come, they cannot tell, and therefore leave that matter tophilosophical inquirers to determine. Some think that the spawn of fishesis exhaled from the large lakes of fresh water in the continent, andbeing brought in thunder-clouds, falls with the drops of rain into thesereservoirs of water. Others imagine that it must have remained everywhere among the sand since that time the sea left these maritime parts ofthe continent. Others are of opinion, that young fish are brought bywater-fowls, which are very numerous, from one pond to another, and theredropt, by which means the new-made pools receive their supply. But be thecause what it will, the effect is visible and notorious all over thecountry. When the ponds are stocked with fishes, it becomes an agreeableamusement to catch them, by hawling a sene[*] through the pool. Partiesof pleasure are formed for this purpose, so that the young planters, likegentlemen of fortune, being often abroad at these rural sports and socialentertainments, their domestic affairs by such means are much neglected, and their plantations carelessly managed. 

[Transcriber's note: The word 'sene' appears thus in the original. Mightbe an uncommon misprint of 'sieve'. ]

But even among the most diligent and attentive planters we see not thatnice arrangement and order in their fields observable in most places ofEurope, probably owing to the plenty and cheapness of land. In everycountry where landed estates are easily procured, they engross not thatcare and attention requisite for making them yield the greatest returns. The freeholds in Carolina are not only easily obtained by patent orpurchase, but also all alienable at pleasure; so that few of the presentgeneration of planters regulate their system of husbandry upon anyestablished principles or plans, much less with any views to posterity. In no country have the finest improvements been found in the first agesof cultivation. This remains for a future day, and when lands shall bemore scarce and valuable, and the country better peopled; then, it isprobable, Carolina will cover, like other countries, the effects of thenice art and careful management of the husbandman. 

At present the common method of cultivation is as follows. After theplanter has obtained his tract of land, and built a house upon it, hethen begins to clear his field of that load of wood with which the landis covered. Nature points out to him where to begin his labours; for thesoil, however various, is every where easily distinguished, by thedifferent kinds of trees which grow upon it. Having cleared his field, henext surrounds it with a wooden fence, to exclude all hogs, sheep andcattle from it. This field he plants with rice or indigo, year afteryear, until the lands are exhausted or yield not a crop sufficient toanswer his expectations. Then it is forsaken, and a fresh spot of land iscleared and planted, which is also treated in like manner, and insuccession forsaken and neglected. Although there are vast numbers ofcattle bred in the province, yet no manure is provided for improving thesoil. No trials of a different grain are made. No grass seeds are sown inthe old fields for enriching the pastures, so that either shrubs andbushes again spring up in them, or they are overgrown with a kind ofcoarse grass, grateful or nourishing to no animal. Like farmers oftenmoving from place to place, the principal study with the planters is theart of making the largest profit for the present time, and if this end isobtained, it gives them little concern how much the land may beexhausted. The emulation that takes place among the present generation, is not who shall put his estate in the most beautiful order, who shallmanage it with most skill and judgment for posterity; but who shall bringthe largest crop to the market. Let their children provide forthemselves. They will endeavour to leave them plenty of labourers, andthey know they can easily obtain abundance of lands; vain and absurd, therefore, would it be to bestow much pains and time in preparing this orthat landed estate for them, and laying it out in fine order, which theyare certain will be deserted so soon as the lands are exhausted. 

Such is the present method of carrying on agriculture in Carolina, and itmay do for some time, but every one must clearly see that it will beproductive of bad effects. The richness of the soil, and the vastquantity of lands, have deceived many, even those men who had been bredfarmers in England, and made them turn out as careless husbandmen as thenatives themselves. Wherever you go in this province, you may discoverthe ignorance of the people with respect to agriculture, and the smalldegree of perfection to which they have yet attained in this useful art. This will not be the case much longer, for lands will become scarce, andtime and experience, by unfolding the nature of the soil, and discoveringto the planters their errors, will teach them, as circumstances change, to alter also their present rules, and careless manner of cultivation. Inevery country improvements are gradual and progressive. In such aprovince as Carolina, where the lands are good, new staples will beintroduced, new sources of wealth will open; and, if we may judge fromwhat is past, we may conclude, that, if no misunderstandings or quarrelsshall interrupt its future progress, it certainly promises to be one ofthe most flourishing settlements in the world. We have seen that itsexports are already very great, even while the lands are negligentlycultivated and ill managed; but how much greater will they be when theart of agriculture shall hare arrived at the same degree of perfection inthat province as in England. 

 [Sidenote] An interruption of the harmony between Britain and her colonies, and the causes of it. 

Such, at this period, was the happy situation of the people and provinceof South Carolina; safe under the royal care and protection, andadvancing to an opulent state by the unlimited credit and greatindulgence granted by Britain. However, if we proceed a little farther, we shall see the face of things gradually changing. We shall behold themother country, as the wealth of her colonies increased, attempting somealteration in their political and commercial system: and the differentprovinces, infected with pride and ambition, aspiring after independence. Let us take a slight view of the causes of that unhappy quarrel which atthis time began between them, and afterwards proceeded to such a degreeof violence as to threaten a total dissolution of all political union andcommercial intercourse. 

It might have been expected that those colonies would not soon forgettheir obligations to the mother country, by which they had been so longcherished and defended. As all the colonies were in themselves so manyindependent societies, and as in every state protection and allegianceare reciprocal and inseparable duties, one would have thought thatsubjects would yield obedience to the laws, and submission to theauthority of that government under which they claimed protection. Suchwas the constitution of the provinces, that each, by its own legislature, could only regulate the internal police within the bounds of itsterritory. Thus far, and no farther, did its authority extend. Not one ofthem could either make or execute regulations binding upon another. Theyhad no common council, empowered by the constitution, to act for and tobind all, though perhaps good policy now required the establishment ofsuch a council, for the purpose of raising a revenue from them. Everymember of the vast empire might perceive, that some common tax, regularlyand impartially imposed, in proportion to the strength of each division, was necessary to the future defence and protection of the whole. Inparticular, the people of Great Britain, when they looked forward to thepossible contingency of a new war, and considered the burdens under whichthey groaned, had a melancholy and dreadful prospect before them; and theparliament considered it as their indispensible duty to relieve them asmuch as possible, and provide for the safety of the state by aproportionable charge on all its subjects. For as the exemption of onepart from this equal charge was unreasonable and unjust, so it might tendto alienate the hearts of these subjects residing in one corner of theempire from those in another, and destroy that union and harmony in whichthe strength of the whole consisted. 

Such were probably the views and designs of the parliament of GreatBritain at this juncture, with respect to America. At the same time, ifwe consider the genius, temper and circumstances of the Americans, wewill find them jealous of their liberties, proud of their strength, andsensible of their importance to Britain. They had hitherto obeyed thelaws of the British parliament; but their great distance, their vastextent of territory, their numerous ports and conveniencies for trade, their increasing numbers, their various productions, and consequentlytheir growing power, had now prepared and enabled them for resisting suchlaws as they deemed inconsistent with their interest, or dangerous totheir liberty. Some of these colonists even inherited a natural aversionto monarchy from their forefathers, and on all occasions discovered astrong tendency towards a republican form Of government, both in churchand state. So that, before the parliament began to exert its authorityfor raising a revenue from them, they were prepared to shew theirimportance, and well disposed for resisting that supreme power, andloosening by degrees their connection with the parent state. 

America was not only sensible of her growing strength and importance, butalso of the weakness of the mother country, reduced by a tedious andexpensive war, and groaning under an immense load of national debt. Thecolonies boasted of the assistance they had given during the war, andGreat Britain, sensible of their services, was generous enough toreimburse them part of the expences which they had incurred. After thisthey began to over-rate their importance, to rise in their demands, andto think so highly of their trade and alliance, as to deem it impossiblefor Britain to support her credit without them. In vain did the mothercountry rely upon their gratitude for past favours, so as to expectrelief with respect to her present burdens. We allow, that the firstgeneration of emigrants retained some affection for Britain during theirlives, and gloried in calling her their home and their mother country;but this natural impression wears away from the second, and is entirelyobliterated in the third. Among the planters in all the colonies this wasmanifestly the case; the sons of Englishmen in America by degrees losttheir affection for England, and it was remarkable, that the most violentenemies to Scotland were the descendants of Scotchmen. 

But among merchants, the attachment to any particular country is stillsooner lost. Men whose great object is money, and whose business is togather it as fast as possible, in fact retain a predilection for anycountry no longer than it affords them the greatest advantages. They arecitizens of the world at large, and provided they gain money, it is amatter of indifference to them to what country they trade, and from whatquarter of the globe it comes. England is the best country for them, solong as it allows them to reap the greatest profits in the way oftraffic; and when that is not the case, a trade with France, Spain, orHolland will answer better. If the laws of Great Britain interfere withtheir favourite views and interests, merchants will endeavour to eludethem, and smuggle in spite of legal authority. Of late years, althoughthe trade of the colonies with the mother country had increased beyondthe hopes of the most sanguine politicians, yet the American merchantscould not be confined to it, but carried on a contraband trade with thecolonies of France and Spain, in defiance of all the British laws oftrade and navigation. This illicit trade the people had found veryadvantageous, having their returns in specie for their provisions andgoods, and the vast number of creeks and rivers in America provedfavourable to such smugglers. During the late war this trade had beenmade a treasonable practice, as it served to supply those islands whichBritain wanted to reduce; but, after the conclusion of the war, itreturned to its former channel, and increased beyond example in any pastperiod. 

 [Sidenote] The new regulations made in the trade of the colonies give great offence. 

To prevent this illicit commerce, it was found necessary, soon after thepeace, to establish some new regulations in the trade of the colonies. For this purpose some armed sloops and cutters were stationed on thecoasts of America, whose commanders had authority to act as revenueofficers, and to seize all ships employed in that contraband trade, whether belonging to foreigners or fellow-subjects. And to render thesecommercial regulations the more effectual, courts of admiralty wereerected, and invested with a jurisdiction more extensive than usual. Inconsequence of the restrictions laid on this trade, which the smugglersfound so advantageous, it suffered much, and, notwithstanding the numberof creeks and rivers, was almost annihilated. This occasioned some veryspirited representations to be sent across the Atlantic by merchants, whodeclared that the Americans bought annually to the amount of threemillions of British commodities: That their trade with the French andSpanish colonies took off such goods as remained an encumbrance on theirhands, and made returns in specie, to the mutual advantage of bothparties concerned in it. They complained, that the British ships of warwere converted into Guarda Costas, and their commanders into custom-houseofficers; an employment utterly unworthy of the exalted character of theBritish navy: That naval officers were very unfit for this business inwhich they were employed, being naturally imperious in their tempers, andlittle acquainted with the various cases in which ships were liable topenalties, or in which they were exempted from detention: That thatbranch of trade was thereby ruined, by which alone they were furnishedwith gold and silver for making remittances to England; and that thoughthe loss fell first upon them, it would ultimately fall on the commerceand revenue of Great Britain. 

 [Sidenote] A vote passed for charging stamp-duties on the Americans. 

Soon after this an act of parliament was passed, which, while it in somerespects rendered this commercial intercourse with the foreignsettlements legal, at the same time loaded a great part of the trade withduties, and ordered the money arising from them to be paid in specie tothe British exchequer. Instead of giving the colonists any relief, thisoccasioned greater murmurs and complaints among them, as it manifestlytended to drain the provinces of their gold and silver. At the same timeanother act was passed, for preventing such paper bills of credit asmight afterwards be issued for the conveniency of their internalcommerce, from being made a legal tender in the payment of debts. Thisserved to multiply their grievances, and aggravate their distress. Butthat the provinces might he supplied with money for their internal trade, all gold and silver arising from these duties were to be reserved, andapplied to the particular purpose of paying troops stationed in thecolonies for their defence. Several new regulations for encouraging theirtrade with Great Britain were also established. In consequence of apetition for opening more ports for the rice trade, leave was granted tothe provinces of South Carolina and Georgia to carry their rice for alimited time into foreign parts, on its paying British duties at theplace of exportation. A bounty was given on hemp and undressed flaximported into Britain from the American colonies; and a bill was passedfor encouraging the whale-fishery on the coasts of America: whichadvantages, it was thought, would amply compensate for any loss thecolonies might sustain by the duties laid on their foreign trade. But thecolonists, especially those in New England, who had advanced to such adegree of strength as rendered troops unnecessary for their defence, weretoo much soured in their tempers, to allow that Great Britain had anyother than self-interested views in her whole conduct towards them. Theymurmured and complained, and resolved on a plan of retrenchment withrespect to the purchasing of British manufactures; but still theypresumed not openly to call in question the authority of the Britishlegislature over them. But the time was at hand when their affection tothe mother country, which was already considerably weaned, should undergoa greater trial, and when their real dispositions with respect to theobedience due to the British parliament would no longer be concealed. Avote passed in the House of Commons, and very unanimously, "That, towardsthe farther defraying of the necessary expences of protecting thecolonies, it may he proper to charge certain stamp-duties upon them. "

 [Sidenote] Upon which the people of New-England discover their disaffection to government. 

When the news of this determination reached America, all the colonieswere in some degree uneasy at the thoughts of paying taxes; but thecolonists of New England, as if ripe for some commotion, were alarmedwith the most terrible apprehensions and suspicions, openly affirming, that the King, Lords and Commons had formed a design for enslaving them, and had now begun deliberately to put it in execution. Immediately theyentered into associations for distressing the mother country, from aprinciple of resentment, as some thought, agreeing to purchase as fewclothes and goods from her as possible, and to encourage manufactures ofall kinds within themselves. They pretended that they were driven to suchmeasures by necessity; but in reality they had nothing less in view thantheir favourite plan of independence, for the accomplishment of which itrequired time to secure the union and help of the other colonies, withoutwhich they plainly perceived all attempts of their own would be vain andfruitless. Accordingly they established a correspondence with someleading men in each colony, representing the conduct of Great Britain inthe most odious light, and declaring that nothing could prevent them andtheir posterity from being made slaves but the firmest union and mostvigorous opposition of every colony, to all laws made in Great Britain onpurpose to raise a revenue in the plantations. A few discontentedpersons, who are commonly to be found in every legislature, joined thedisaffected colonists of New England; and though at this time the partywas inconsiderable, yet being more firmly cemented together by theprospect of a stamp-act, which equally affected the interest of all, itby degrees gained strength, and at length became formidable. 

 [Sidenote] An opportunity given the colonies to offer a compensation for the stamp-duty. 

Such measures, however, did not intimidate the British ministers, whoimagined that an association entered into from a principle of resentmentwould be of short duration, and that the colonies in general would beaverse from any serious quarrel with the mother country, upon which theydepended for safety and protection. And although they were well apprisedof this sullen and obstinate disposition of the colonists before the billwas introduced, yet they took no measures for preventing that opposition, which they had reason to believe would be made to the execution of theirlaw. On the contrary, time was imprudently given to sound the temper ofthe colonies with respect to it, and to give them an opportunity ofoffering a compensation for it in their own way, in case they weredissatisfied with that method of raising a revenue for their defence. Theminister even signified to the agents of the colonies his readiness toreceive proposals from them for any other tax that might be equivalent tothe stamp-duty. This he did although he thought that the parliament notonly had a right to tax them, but also that it was expedient and properto exercise that right. For as the colonies had no common councilempowered by their constitution to bind all, their taxing themselvesequally and impartially would be a matter of great difficulty, evenalthough they should be disposed to agree to it. But the colonies, instead of making any proposal for raising a revenue by a stamp-duty orany other way, sent home petitions to be presented to King, Lords, andCommons, questioning, in the most direct and positive terms, thejurisdiction of Parliament over their properties. 

 [Sidenote] The stamp-act passes in parliament. 

In this situation of affairs, the Parliament, sensible of the heavyburden which already lay on the people of Great Britain, and of theaddition to it which another war must occasion, thought it theirindispensable duty to exert that authority, which before this time hadnever been called in question, for relieving this oppressed part of thenation, and providing for the common safety, by a charge impartially laidupon all subjects, in proportion to their abilities. The tenderindulgence exercised by a parent over her children in their infant state, was now considered as both unreasonable and unnecessary in that state ofmaturity to which the colonies had advanced. All were obliged to confess, that the people of America were favoured with the same privileges andadvantages with their fellow-subjects of Britain, and justice requiredthat they should contribute to the necessary expences of that governmentunder which they lived, and by which they were protected. A revenue wasnecessary to the future security of America; and on whom should it beraised, but those colonists who were to enjoy the benefit of suchprotection. Therefore the bill for laying a stamp-duty upon the colonieswas brought into parliament; which, after much debate, and many strongarguments urged on both sides, passed through both houses, and receivedthe royal assent by commission, on the 22d of March, 1765. At the sametime, to compensate for the operations of the stamp-act, another was madeto encourage the importation of all kinds of timber from the coloniesinto Britain: and as the estimated produce of the stamp-act amounted onlyto L. 60, 000 _per annum_, and timber was so plentiful over all theplantations, it was thought that the great advantage which the coloniesmust reap from the latter act, would be an ample recompense for the lossthey might sustain from the former. 

 [Sidenote] Violent measures taken to prevent its execution. 

In the mean time the inhabitants of New England were industrious inspreading an alarm of danger over all the continent, and making allpossible preparations for resistance. They had turned a jealous eyetowards the mother country, where they had many friends employed to watchher conduct, who failed not to give them the earliest intelligence ofwhat was doing in parliament. While they received the news that thestamp-act had passed, they at the same time had intelligence of thatviolent opposition it had met with from a strong faction in the House ofCommons. And if their friends in Britain had the boldness to call inquestion both the right of the British legislature to impose taxes on thecolonies, and the expediency of exercising that right, they thought thatthey had much better reason to do so; and that none deserved the blessingof liberty who had not courage to assert their right to it. Accordingly, no means were neglected that could inflame and exasperate the populace. Bold and seditious speeches were made to stir up the people toresistance; by representing the act in the most odious light, andaffirming that it would be attended with consequences subversive of alltheir invaluable rights and privileges. They declared that silence was acrime at such a critical time, and that a tame submission to thestamp-act would leave their liberties and properties entirely at thedisposal of a British parliament. Having obtained a copy of the act, theypublicly burnt it. The ships in the harbours hung out their colourshalf-mast high, in token of the deepest mourning; the bells in thechurches were muffled, and set a-ringing, to communicate the melancholynews from one parish to another. These flames, kindled in New England, soon spread through all the capital towns along the coast; so that therewas scarcely a sea-port town in America in which combinations were notframed for opposing the introduction of stamp-paper. 

When the vessels arrived which carried those stamp-papers to America, thecaptains were obliged to take shelter under the stern of some ships ofwar, or to surrender their cargoes into the hands of the enragedpopulace. The gentlemen appointed to superintend the distribution ofstamps, were met by the mob at their landing, and compelled to resigntheir office. All men suspected of having any desire of complying withthe act, or of favouring the introduction of stamps into America, wereinsulted and abused. The governors of the provinces had no military forceto support civil authority. The magistrates connived at these irregularand riotous proceedings of the people. The assemblies adopted thearguments of the minority in parliament, and took encouragement from themto resist the authority of the supreme legislature. Though each colony inrespect of another was a separate and independent society, without anypolitical connection, or any supreme head to call the representatives ofthe people together, to act in concert for the common good; yet in thiscase almost all, of their own authority, sent deputies to meet incongress at New York, who drew up and signed one general declaration oftheir rights, and of the grievances under which they laboured, andtransmitted a petition to the King, Lords and Commons, imploring relief. 

 [Sidenote] The assembly of Carolina study ways and means of eluding the act. 

Among the rest a party in South Carolina, which province at this time, from inclination, duty and interest, was very firmly attached to themother country, entered warmly into the general opposition. Lieutenant-governor Bull, a native of the province, manifested a desireof complying with the act, and supporting the legal and constitutionaldependency of the colony on the crown and parliament of Great Britain;but wanted power sufficient for maintaining the dignity and authority ofhis government, and carrying that act into execution. Several old andwise men joined him, and declared that they had formerly taken an activepart in bringing the province under his majesty's care, but would now bevery cautious of resisting the authority of parliament, and robbing it ofthat protection which it had so long and so happily enjoyed. The membersof assembly, finding the Lieutenant-governor determined to transact nopublic business but in compliance with the act of parliament, began todeliberate how they might best elude it. For this purpose they addressedhim, begging to be informed whether the stamp act, said to be passed inparliament, had been transmitted to him by the Secretary of State, theLords of Trade; or any other authentic channel, since he consideredhimself as under obligations to enforce it. He replied, that he hadreceived it from Thomas Boone, the Governor of the province. The assemblydeclared, that they could consider Mr. Boone, while out of the bounds ofhis government, in no other light than that of a private gentleman, andthat his receiving it in such a channel was not authority sufficient tooblige him to execute so grievous an act. But Mr. Bull and his councilwere of opinion, that the channel in which he had received it was equallyauthentic with that in which he had formerly received many laws, to whichthey had quietly submitted. Upon which the assembly came to the followingresolutions, which were signed by Peter Manigault their speaker, andordered to be printed, that they might be transmitted to posterity, inorder to shew the sense of that house with respect to the obedience dueby America to the British parliament. 

 [Sidenote] Their resolutions respecting the obedience due to the British parliament. 

"Resolved, That his Majesty's subjects in Carolina owe the sameallegiance to the crown of Great Britain that is due from its subjectsborn there. That his Majesty's liege subjects of this province areentitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural bornsubjects within the kingdom of Great Britain. That the inhabitants ofthis province appear also to be confirmed in all the rightsaforementioned, not only by their character, but by an act of parliament, 13th George II. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom of apeople, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, that no taxes be imposedon them but with their own consent. That the people of this province arenot, and from their local circumstances cannot be represented in theHouse of Commons in Great Britain; and farther, that, in the opinion ofthis house, the several powers of legislation in America were constitutedin some measure upon the apprehension of this impracticability. That theonly representatives of the people of this province are persons chosentherein by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be, constitutionally imposed on them but by the legislature of this province. That all supplies to the Crown being free gifts of the people, it isunreasonable and inconsistent with the principles and spirit of theBritish constitution for the people of Great Britain to grant to hisMajesty the property of the people of this province. That trial by juryis the inherent and invaluable right of every British subject in thisprovince. That the act of parliament, entitled, An act for granting andapplying certain stamp-duties and other duties on the British coloniesand plantations in America, _&c. _ by imposing taxes on the inhabitants ofthis province; and the said act and several other acts, by extending thejurisdiction of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, have amanifest tendency to subvert the rights and liberties of this province. That the duties imposed by several late acts of parliament on the peopleof this province will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and, from thescarcity of gold and silver, the payment of them absolutelyimpracticable. That as the profits of the trade of the people of thisprovince ultimately center in Great Britain, to pay for the manufactureswhich they are obliged to take from thence, they eventually contributevery largely to all the supplies granted to the Crown; and besides, asevery individual in this province is as advantageous at least to GreatBritain as if he were in Great Britain, as they pay their full proportionof taxes for the support of his Majesty's government here, (which taxesare equal, or more, in proportion to our estates, than those paid by ourfellow subjects in Great Britain upon theirs), it is unreasonable forthem to be called upon to pay any further part of the charges ofgovernment there. That the assemblies of this province have from time totime, whenever requisitions have been made to them by his Majesty, forcarrying on military operations, either for the defence of themselves orAmerica in general, most cheerfully and liberally contributed their fullproportion of men and money for these services. That though therepresentatives of the people of this province had equal assurances andreasons with those of the other provinces, to expect a proportionalreimbursement of those immense charges they had been at for his Majesty'sservice in the late war, out of the several parliamentary grants for theuse of America; yet they have obtained only their proportion of the firstof those grants, and the small sum of L. 285 sterling received since. That, notwithstanding, whenever his Majesty's service shall for thefuture require the aids of the inhabitants of this province, and theyshall be called upon for this purpose in a constitutional way, it shallbe their indispensable duty most cheerfully and liberally to grant to hisMajesty their proportion, according to their ability, of men and money, for the defence, security, and other public services of the BritishAmerican colonies. That the restrictions on the trade of the people ofthis province, together with the late duties and taxes imposed on them byact of parliament, must necessarily greatly lessen the consumption ofBritish manufactures amongst them. That the increase, prosperity andhappiness of the people of this province, depend on the full and freeenjoyment of their rights and liberties, and on an affectionateintercourse with Great Britain. That the readiness of the colonies tocomply with his Majesty's requisitions, as well as their inability tobear any additional taxes beyond what is laid on them by their respectivelegislatures, is apparent from several grants of parliament, to reimbursethem part of the heavy expences they were at in the late war in America. That it is the right of the British subjects of this province to petitionthe King, or either house of parliament. Ordered, That these votes beprinted and made public, that a just sense of the liberty, and the firmsentiments of loyalty of the representatives of the people of thisprovince, may be known to their constituents, and transmitted toposterity. "

 [Sidenote] The people become more violent in opposition to government. 

Notwithstanding these resolutions, few of the inhabitants of Carolina, even the most sanguine, entertained the smallest hopes of a repeal; butexpected, after all their struggles, that they would be obliged tosubmit. Indeed a very small force in the province at that time wouldhave been sufficient to quell the tumults and insurrections of thepeople, and enforce obedience to legal authority. But to the imprudenceof ministers, the faction in parliament, and the weakness of the civilpower in America, the resistance of the colonies may be ascribed. Had thestamp-duty been laid on them without any previous notice of theresolution of parliament, it is not improbable that they would havereceived it as they had done other acts of the British legislature. Orhad the parliament been unanimous in passing the act, and taken propermeasures for carrying it into execution, there is little doubt but thecolonies would have submitted to it. For however generally the peoplemight be indisposed for admitting of that or any other tax, yet a greatmajority of them at this time were averse from calling in question thesupreme authority of the British parliament. But a small flame, which atfirst is easily extinguished, when permitted to spread, has often beenproductive of great conflagrations. The riotous and turbulent party, encouraged by the minority in England, set the feeble power of governmentin America at defiance. The better sort of people mingled with therioters, and made use of the arguments of their friends in England toinflame and exasperate them. At length, they not only agreed to adhere totheir former illegal combinations for distressing and starving theEnglish manufactures, but also to with-hold from British merchants theirjust debts. This they imagined would raise such commotions in Britain ascould not fail to overturn the ministry, or intimidate the parliament. 

 [Sidenote] The merchants and manufacturers in England join in petitioning for relief. 

In consequence of these disturbances and combinations in America, greatevils began to be felt in England, and still greater to be feared. Thetemporary interruption of commercial intercourse between the mothercountry and the colonies was very prejudicial to both. That large body ofpeople engaged in preparing, purchasing and sending out goods to thecontinent were deprived of employment, and consequently of the means ofsubsistence; than which nothing could be conceived more likely to excitecommotions in England. The revenue suffered by the want of the export andimport duties. Petitions flowed into parliament from all quarters, notonly from the colonies in America, but also from the trading andmanufacturing towns in Great Britain, praying for such relief as to thathouse might seem expedient, at a juncture so alarming. The ministershaving neglected to take the proper measures to enforce their law, whilethe matter was easy and practicable, were now obliged to yield to therising current, and resign their places. By the interposition of the dukeof Cumberland, such a change in the administration took place as promisedan alteration of measures with respect to America. Mr. Pitt, who highlydisapproved of the scheme for raising a revenue from the colonies, havinglong been detained by indisposition from parliament, had now so muchrecovered as to be able to attend the house. --The history of what followsis disgraceful to Great Britain, being entirely composed of lenientconcessions in favour of a rising usurpation, and of such shamefulweakness and timidity in the ministry, as afterwards rendered theauthority of the British parliament in America feeble and contemptible. 

 [Sidenote] The stamp-act repealed. 

No sooner had this change in administration taken place, than all papersand petitions relative to the stamp-act, both from Great Britain andAmerica, were ordered to be laid before the House of Commons. The houseresolved itself into a committee, to consider of those papers, about thebeginning of the year 1766. Leave was given to bring in a bill forrepealing an act of last session of parliament, entitled, An act forgranting and applying certain stamp-duties and other duties, in theBritish colonies and plantations in America, towards defraying theexpenses of protecting and securing the same. When this bill came intoparliament a warm debate ensued, and Mr. Pitt with several more membersstrongly urged the necessity of a repeal. He made a distinction betweenexternal and internal taxes, and denied not only the right of parliamentto impose the latter on the colonies, but also the justice, equity, policy and expediency of exercising that right. Accordingly, while it wasdeclared that the King, by and with the consent of the Lords spiritualand temporal, and Commons of Great Britain in parliament assembled, had, have, and of right ought to have, full power and authority to make lawsand statutes of sufficient force and validity to bind the colonies andpeople of America, subjects of the crown of Great Britain, in all caseswhatsoever; the stamp-act was repealed, because it appeared that thecontinuance of it would be attended with many inconveniences, and mightbe productive of consequences detrimental to the commercial interest ofthese kingdoms. 

 [Sidenote] Which proves fatal to the jurisdiction of the British parliament in America. 

This concession in favour of the rising usurpation, instead of provingfavourable to the commercial interests of the nation, had rather thecontrary effect, and served to set the colonies in some measure free fromthe legislative authority of Britain. It gave such importance to thelicentious party in America, and such superiority over the good and loyalsubjects as had a manifest tendency to throw the colonies into a state ofanarchy and confusion. It served to promote a doctrine among themsubversive of all good government, which plainly implied, that theobedience of subjects was no longer due to the laws of the supremelegislature, than they in their private judgments might think themagreeable to their interest, or the particular notions which they mayhave framed of a free constitution. While it gave countenance andencouragement to the riotous and turbulent subjects in America, who atthat time were neither an opulent nor respectable party in the colonies, it exposed the real friends of government to popular prejudice, andrendered their affections more cool, and their future endeavours insupport of government more feeble and ineffectual. For after repealingthe stamp-act, without any previous submission on the part of thecolonies, how could it be expected that any gentleman would risque hisdomestic peace, his fortune, or his life, in favour of a distantgovernment ready to desert him, and leave him subjected to all theinsults and outrages of future insurgents? How could it be imagined thatthese colonies, that had set the power of Great Britain at defiance, andobtained what they aimed at by tumults and insurrections, wouldafterwards remain quiet? As they had opposed the stamp-act, assigning forreason that they were not represented in parliament, was it not evidentthat the same reason would extend to all other laws which the parliamentmight enact to bind them in times to come, or had enacted to bind them intimes past? The repeal of the stamp-act upon such a principle, and insuch circumstances of tumult, unquestionably served to encourage thecolonies in disobedience, and to prepare their minds for asserting theirindependence. 

 [Sidenote] And gives occasion of triumph to the colonies. 

When the news of the repeal of this act reached America, it afforded thecolonists, as might have been expected, matter of great triumph. The mostextravagant demonstrations of joy, by bonfires, illuminations and ringingof bells, were exhibited in every capital. The Carolineans sent toEngland for a marble statue of Mr. Pitt, and erected it in the middle ofCharlestown, in grateful remembrance of the noble stand he had made indefence of their rights and liberties. Addresses were sent home to theKing, acknowledging the wisdom and justice of his government in therepeal of the grievous act, and expressing their happiness that theirformer harmony and commercial intercourse, so beneficial to bothcountries, were restored. But soon after it appeared that the power ofGreat Britain in America had received a fatal blow, such as she wouldnever be able to recover without the severest struggles and boldestexertions. For whatever fair professions of friendship some coloniesmight make, the strongest of them retained their natural aversion tomonarchy, and were well disposed for undermining the civilestablishments, and paving the way for their entire subversion. TheBritish government, formerly so much revered, was now deemed oppressiveand tyrannical. The little island, they said, had become jealous of theirdawning power and splendour, and it behoved every one to watch herconduct with a sharp eye, and carefully guard their civil and religiousliberties. Accordingly, for the future, we will find, that the more GreatBritain seemed to avoid, the more the colonies seemed to seek for, grounds of quarrel; and the more the former studied to unite, by the tiesof common interest, the more the latter strove to dissolve everypolitical and commercial connection. Their minds and affections beingalienated from the mother country, they next discovered an uneasinessunder the restraints of legal authority. They quarrelled almost withevery governor, found fault with all instructions from England whichclashed with their leading passions and interests, and made use of everyart for weakening the hands of civil government. Their friends in Britainhad gloried that they had resisted; and now subjection of every kind wascalled slavery, and the spirit of disorder and disobedience which hadbroke out continued and prevailed. At length, even the navigation-act wasdeemed a yoke, which they wished to shake off, and throw their commerceopen to the whole world. Several writers appeared in America in defenceof what they were pleased to call their natural rights, who had a luckytalent of seasoning their compositions to the palate of the bulk of thepeople. Hence the seeds of disaffection which had sprung up in NewEngland spread through the other colonies, insomuch that multitudesbecame infected with republican principles, and aspired afterindependence. --But here we shall stop for the present time, and leave theaccount of their farther struggles towards the accomplishment of thisfavourite plan to some future opportunity.