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AN

APPEAL

IN FAVOR OF THAT CLASS

OF

AMERICANS CALLED AFRICANS. 

BY MRS. CHILD, AUTHOR OF THE MOTHER'S BOOK, THE GIRL'S OWN BOOK, THE FRUGAL HOUSEWIFE, ETC. 

 "We have offended, Oh! my countrymen! We have offended very grievously, And been most tyrannous. From east to west A groan of accusation pierces Heaven! The wretched plead against us; multitudes, Countless and vehement, the sons of God, Our brethren!"

 COLERIDGE. 

NEW-YORK:

PUBLISHED BY JOHN S. TAYLOR. 

1836. 

PREFACE. 

Reader, I beseech you not to throw down this volume as soon as you haveglanced at the title. Read it, if your prejudices will allow, for thevery truth's sake:--If I have the most trifling claims upon your goodwill, for an hour's amusement to yourself, or benefit to your children, read it for _my_ sake:--Read it, if it be merely to find fresh occasionto sneer at the vulgarity of the cause:--Read it, from sheer curiosityto see what a woman (who had much better attend to her householdconcerns) will say upon such a subject:--Read it, on any terms, and mypurpose will be gained. 

The subject I have chosen admits of no encomiums on my country; butas I generally make it an object to supply what is most needed, thiscircumstance is unimportant; the market is so glutted with flattery, that a little truth may be acceptable, were it only for its rarity. 

I am fully aware of the unpopularity of the task I have undertaken; butthough I _expect_ ridicule and censure, it is not in my nature to _fear_them. 

A few years hence, the opinion of the world will be a matter in which Ihave not even the most transient interest; but this book will be abroadon its mission of humanity, long after the hand that wrote it ismingling with the dust. 

Should it be the means of advancing, even one single hour, theinevitable progress of truth and justice, I would not exchange theconsciousness for all Rothchild's wealth, or Sir Walter's fame. 

CONTENTS

 PAGE

 CHAPTER I. 

 BRIEF HISTORY OF NEGRO SLAVERY. --ITS INEVITABLE EFFECT UPON ALL CONCERNED IN IT. 7

 CHAPTER II. 

 COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVERY, IN DIFFERENT AGES AND NATIONS. 38

 CHAPTER III. 

 FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. --POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 76

 CHAPTER IV. 

 INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 105

 CHAPTER V. 

 COLONIZATION SOCIETY, AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 123

 CHAPTER VI. 

 INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 148

 CHAPTER VII. 

 MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 177

 CHAPTER VIII. 

 PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR, AND OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THIS SUBJECT. 195

AN APPEAL, &c. 

CHAPTER I. 

BRIEF HISTORY OF NEGRO SLAVERY. --ITS INEVITABLE EFFECT UPON ALLCONCERNED IN IT. 

 The lot is wretched, the condition sad, Whether a pining discontent survive, And thirst for change; or habit hath subdued The soul depressed; dejected--even to love Of her dull tasks and close captivity. 

 WORDSWORTH. 

 My ear is pained, My soul is sick with every day's report Of wrong and outrage, with which this earth is filled. There is no flesh in man's obdurate heart, It does not feel for man. 

 COWPER. 

While the Portuguese were exploring Africa, in 1442, Prince Henryordered Anthony Gonsalez to carry back certain Moorish prisoners, whomhe had seized two years before near Cape Bajador: this order was obeyed, and Gonsalez received from the Moors, in exchange for the captives, tennegroes, and a quantity of gold dust. Unluckily, this wicked speculationproved profitable, and other Portuguese were induced to embark in it. 

In 1492, the West India islands were discovered by Columbus. TheSpaniards, dazzled with the acquisition of a new world and eager to comeinto possession of their wealth, compelled the natives of Hispaniolato dig in the mines. The native Indians died rapidly, in consequence ofhard work and cruel treatment; and thus a new market was opened forthe negro slaves captured by the Portuguese. They were accordinglyintroduced as early as 1503. Those who bought and those who sold werealike prepared to trample on the rights of their fellow-beings, by thatmost demoralizing of all influences, the accursed love of gold. 

Cardinal Ximenes, while he administered the government, before theaccession of Charles the Fifth, was petitioned to allow a regularcommerce in African negroes. But he rejected the proposal withpromptitude and firmness, alike honorable to his head and heart. Thisearliest friend of the Africans, living in a comparatively unenlightenedage, has peculiar claims upon our gratitude and reverence. In 1517, Charles the Fifth granted a patent for an annual supply of four thousandnegroes to the Spanish islands. He probably soon became aware of thehorrible and ever-increasing evils, attendant upon this traffic; fortwenty-five years after he emancipated every negro in his dominions. But when he resigned his crown and retired to a monastery, the colonistsresumed their shameless tyranny. 

Captain Hawkins, afterward Sir John Hawkins, was the first Englishman, who disgraced himself and his country by this abominable trade. Assistedby some rich people in London, he fitted out three ships, and sailed tothe African coast, where he burned and plundered the towns, and carriedoff three hundred of the defenceless inhabitants to Hispaniola. 

Elizabeth afterwards authorized a similar adventure with one of her ownvessels. "She expressed her concern lest any of the Africans should becarried off without their free consent; declaring that such a thingwould be detestable, and call down the vengeance of Heaven upon theundertakers. " For this reason, it has been supposed that the queen wasdeceived--that she imagined the negroes were transported to the Spanishcolonies as voluntary laborers. But history gives us slight reasons tojudge Elizabeth so favorably. It was her system always to preservean _appearance_ of justice and virtue. She was a shrewd, far-sightedpolitician; and had in perfection the clear head and cold heartcalculated to form that character. Whatever she might believe of thetrade at its beginning, she was too deeply read in human nature, notto foresee the inevitable consequence of placing power in the hands ofavarice. 

A Roman priest persuaded Louis the Thirteenth to sanction slavery forthe sake of converting the negroes to Christianity; and thus thisbloody iniquity, disguised with gown, hood, and rosary, entered thefair dominions of France. To be violently wrested from his home, andcondemned to toil without hope, by Christians, to whom he had done nowrong, was, methinks, a very odd beginning to the poor negro's courseof religious instruction!

When this evil had once begun, it, of course, gathered strength rapidly;for all the bad passions of human nature were eagerly enlisted in itscause. The British formed settlements in North America, and in the WestIndies; and these were stocked with slaves. From 1680 to 1786, _twomillion, one hundred and thirty thousand_ negroes were imported into theBritish colonies!

In almost all great evils there is some redeeming feature--_some_ goodresults, even where it is not intended: pride and vanity, utterlyselfish and wrong in themselves, often throw money into the hands of thepoor, and thus tend to excite industry and ingenuity, while they producecomfort. But slavery is _all_ evil--within and without--root andbranch, --bud, blossom and fruit!

In order to show how dark it is in every aspect--how invariablyinjurious both to nations and individuals, --I will select a few factsfrom the mass of evidence now before me. 

In the first place, its effects upon _Africa_ have been most disastrous. All along the coast, intercourse with Europeans has deprived theinhabitants of their primitive simplicity, without substituting inits place the order, refinement, and correctness of principle, attendant upon true civilization. The soil of Africa is rich in nativeproductions, and honorable commerce might have been a blessing toher, to Europe, and to America; but instead of that, a trade has beensubstituted, which operates like a withering curse, upon all concernedin it. 

There are green and sheltered valleys in Africa, --broad and beautifulrivers, --and vegetation in its loveliest and most magnificentforms. --But no comfortable houses, no thriving farms, no cultivatedgardens;--for it is not safe to possess permanent property, where eachlittle state is surrounded by warlike neighbors, continually sending outtheir armed bands in search of slaves. The white man offers his mosttempting articles of merchandise to the negro, as a price for the fleshand blood of his enemy; and if we, with all our boasted knowledge andreligion, are seduced by money to do such grievous wrong to those whohave never offended us, what can we expect of men just emerging from thelimited wants of savage life, too uncivilized to have formed any habitsof steady industry, yet earnestly coveting the productions they know nothow to earn! The inevitable consequence is, that war is made throughoutthat unhappy continent, not only upon the slightest pretences, butoften without any pretext at all. Villages are set on fire, and thosewho fly from the flames, rush upon the spears of the enemy. Privatekidnapping is likewise carried on to a great extent, for he who cancatch a neighbor's child is sure to find a ready purchaser; and itsometimes happens that the captor and his living merchandise are bothseized by the white slave-trader. Houses are broken open in the night, and defenceless women and children carried away into captivity. If boys, in the unsuspecting innocence of youth, come near the white man's ships, to sell vegetables or fruit, they are ruthlessly seized and carried toslavery in a distant land. Even the laws are perverted to this shamefulpurpose. If a chief wants European commodities, he accuses a parent ofwitchcraft; the victim is tried by the ordeal of poisoned water;[A] andif he sicken at the draught, the king claims a right to punish him byselling his whole family. In African legislation, almost all crimes arepunished with slavery; and thanks to the white man's rapacity, there isalways a very powerful motive for finding the culprit guilty. He mustbe a very good king indeed, that judges his subjects impartially, whenhe is sure of making money by doing otherwise!

[Footnote A: Judicial trials by the ordeal of personal combat, in whichthe vanquished were always pronounced guilty, occurred as late as thesixteenth century, both in France and England. ]

The king of Dahomy, and other despotic princes, do not scruple to seizetheir own people and sell them, without provocation, whenever theyhappen to want anything, which slave-ships can furnish. If a chief hasconscience enough to object to such proceedings, he is excited bypresents of gunpowder and brandy. One of these men, who could not resistthe persuasions of the slave-traders while he was intoxicated, wasconscience-stricken when he recovered his senses, and bitterlyreproached his _Christian_ seducers. One negro king, debarred by hisreligion from the use of spirituous liquors, and therefore lessdangerously tempted than others, abolished the slave-trade throughouthis dominions and exerted himself to encourage honest industry; buthis people must have been as sheep among wolves. 

Relentless bigotry brings its aid to darken the horrors of the scene. The Mohammedans deem it right to subject the heathen tribes to perpetualbondage. The Moors and Arabs think Alla and the prophet have given theman undisputed right to the poor Caffre, his wife, his children, and hisgoods. But mark how the slave-trade deepens even the fearful gloom ofbigotry! These Mohammedans are by no means zealous to enlighten theirPagan neighbors--they do not wish them to come to a knowledge of whatthey consider the true religion--lest they should forfeit the onlyground, on which they can even pretend to the right of driving them bythousands to the markets of Kano and Tripoli. 

This is precisely like our own conduct. We say the negroes are soignorant that they must be slaves; and we insist upon keeping themignorant, lest we spoil them for slaves. The same spirit thatdictates this logic to the Arab, teaches it to the European and theAmerican:--Call it what you please--it is certainly neither of heavennor of earth. 

When the slave-ships are lying on the coast of Africa, canoes well armedare sent into the inland country, and after a few weeks they return withhundreds of negroes, tied fast with ropes. Sometimes the white men lurkamong the bushes, and seize the wretched beings who incautiously venturefrom their homes; sometimes they paint their skins as black as theirhearts, and by this deception suddenly surprise the unsuspectingnatives; at other times the victims are decoyed on board the vessel, under some kind pretence or other, and then lashed to the mast, orchained in the hold. Is it not very natural for the Africans to say"devilish white?"

All along the shores of this devoted country, terror and distrustprevail. The natives never venture out without arms, when a vessel is insight, and skulk through their own fields, as if watched by a panther. All their worst passions are called into full exercise, and all theirkindlier feelings smothered. Treachery, fraud and violence desolate thecountry, rend asunder the dearest relations, and pollute the veryfountains of justice. The history of the negro, whether national ordomestic, is written in blood. Had half the skill and strength employedin the slave-trade been engaged in honorable commerce, the nativeprinces would long ago have directed their energies towards clearingthe country, destroying wild beasts, and introducing the arts andrefinements of civilized life. Under such influences, Africa mightbecome an earthly paradise;--the white man's avarice has made it a denof wolves. 

Having thus glanced at the miserable effects of this system on thecondition of Africa, we will now follow the poor _slave_ through hiswretched wanderings, in order to give some idea of his physicalsuffering, his mental and moral degradation. 

Husbands are torn from their wives, children from their parents, whilethe air is filled with the shrieks and lamentations of the bereaved. Sometimes they are brought from a remote country; obliged to wander overmountains and through deserts; chained together in herds; driven by thewhip; scorched by a tropical sun; compelled to carry heavy bales ofmerchandise; suffering with hunger and thirst; worn down with fatigue;and often leaving their bones to whiten in the desert. A large troop ofslaves, taken by the Sultan of Fezzan, died in the desert for want offood. In some places, travellers meet with fifty or sixty skeletons ina day, of which the largest proportion were no doubt slaves, on theirway to European markets. Sometimes the poor creatures refuse to go astep further, and even the lacerating whip cannot goad them on; in suchcases, they become the prey of wild beasts, more merciful than white men. 

Those who arrive at the seacoast, are in a state of desperation anddespair. Their purchasers are so well aware of this, and so fearfulof the consequences, that they set sail in the night, lest the negroesshould know when they depart from their native shores. 

And here the scene becomes almost too harrowing to dwell upon. But wemust not allow our nerves to be more tender than our consciences. Thepoor wretches are stowed by hundreds, like bales of goods, between thelow decks, where filth and putrid air produce disease, madness andsuicide. Unless they die in _great_ numbers, the slave-captain does noteven concern himself enough to fret; his live stock cost nothing, and heis sure of such a high price for what remains at the end of the voyage, that he can afford to lose a good many. 

The following account is given by Dr. Walsh, who accompanied ViscountStrangford, as chaplain, on his embassy to Brazil. The vessel in whichhe sailed chased a slave-ship; for to the honor of England be it said, she has asked and obtained permission from other governments, to treatas pirates such of their subjects as are discovered carrying on thisguilty trade north of the equator. Doctor Walsh was an eyewitness ofthe scene he describes; and the evidence given, at various times, beforethe British House of Commons, proves that the frightful picture is byno means exaggerated. 

"The vessel had taken in, on the coast of Africa, three hundred andthirty-six males, and two hundred and twenty-six females, making in allfive hundred and sixty-two; she had been out seventeen days, duringwhich she had thrown overboard fifty-five. They were all inclosed undergrated hatchways, between decks. The space was so low, and they werestowed so close together, that there was no possibility of lying down, or changing their position, night or day. The greater part of them wereshut out from light and air; and this when the thermometer, exposed tothe open sky, was standing, in the shade on our deck, at eighty-ninedegrees. 

"The space between decks was divided into two compartments, three feetthree inches high. Two hundred and twenty-six women and girls werethrust into one space two hundred and eighty-eight feet square; andthree hundred and thirty-six men and boys were crammed into anotherspace eight hundred feet square; giving the whole an average oftwenty-three inches; and to each of the women not more than thirteeninches; though several of them were in a state of health, whichpeculiarly demanded pity. --As they were shipped on account of differentindividuals, they were branded like sheep, with the owner's marksof different forms; which, as the mate informed me with perfectindifference, had been burnt in with red-hot iron. Over the hatchwaystood a ferocious looking fellow, the slave-driver of the ship, witha scourge of many-twisted thongs in his hand; whenever he heard theslightest noise from below, he shook it over them, and seemed eagerto exercise it. 

"As soon as the poor creatures saw us looking down at them, theirmelancholy visages brightened up. They perceived something of sympathyand kindness in our looks, to which they had not been accustomed; andfeeling instinctively that we were friends, they immediately began toshout and clap their hands. The women were particularly excited. Theyall held up their arms, and when we bent down and shook hands with them, they could not contain their delight; they endeavored to scramble upontheir knees, stretching up to kiss our hands, and we understood theyknew we had come to liberate them. Some, however, hung down their headsin apparently hopeless dejection: some were greatly emaciated; andsome, particularly children, seemed dying. The heat of these horridplaces was so great, and the odor so offensive, that it was quiteimpossible to enter them, even had there been room. 

"The officers insisted that the poor, suffering creatures, should beadmitted on deck to get air and water. This was opposed by the mate ofthe slaver, who (from a feeling that they deserved it, ) declared theyshould be all murdered. The officers, however, persisted, and the poorbeings were all turned out together. It is impossible to conceive theeffect of this eruption--five hundred and seventeen fellow-creatures, ofall ages and sexes, some children, some adults, some old men and women, all entirely destitute of clothing, scrambling out together to taste theluxury of a little fresh air and water. They came swarming up, like beesfrom a hive, till the whole deck was crowded to suffocation from stemto stern; so that it was impossible to imagine where they could all havecome from, or how they could have been stowed away. On looking into theplaces where they had been crammed, there were found some children nextthe sides of the ship, in the places most remote from light and air;they were lying nearly in a torpid state, after the rest had turned out. The little creatures seemed indifferent as to life or death; and whenthey were carried on deck, many of them could not stand. After enjoyingfor a short time the unusual luxury of air, some water was brought; itwas then that the extent of their sufferings was exposed in a fearfulmanner. They all rushed like maniacs towards it. No entreaties, orthreats, or blows, could restrain them; they shrieked, and struggled, and fought with one another, for a drop of this precious liquid, as ifthey grew rabid at the sight of it. There is nothing from which slavesin the mid-passage suffer so much as want of water. It is sometimesusual to take out casks filled with sea-water as ballast, and when theslaves are received on board, to start the casks, and re-fill them withfresh. On one occasion, a ship from Bahia neglected to change thecontents of their casks, and on the mid-passage found to their horror, that they were filled with nothing but salt water. All the slaves onboard perished! We could judge of the extent of their sufferings fromthe afflicting sight we now saw. When the poor creatures were ordereddown again, several of them came, and pressed their heads against ourknees, with looks of the greatest anguish, with the prospect ofreturning to the horrid place of suffering below. "

Alas! the slave-captain proved by his papers that he confined histraffic strictly to the south of the Line, where it was yet lawful;perhaps his papers were forged; but the English officers were afraid toviolate an article of the treaty, which their government had made withBrazil. Thus does cunning wickedness defeat benevolence and justice inthis world! Dr. Walsh continues: "With infinite regret, therefore, wewere obliged to restore his papers to the captain, and permit him toproceed, after nine hours' detention and close investigation. It wasdark when we separated, and the last parting sounds we heard from theunhallowed ship, were the cries and shrieks of the slaves, sufferingunder some bodily infliction. "

I suppose the English officers acted politically right; but not for theworld's wealth, would I have acted politically right, under suchcircumstances![B]

[Footnote B: Dr. Walsh's book on Brazil was published in 1831. He says;"Notwithstanding the benevolent and persevering exertions of England, this horrid traffic in human flesh is nearly as extensively carried onas ever, and under circumstances perhaps of a more revolting character. The very shifts at evasion, the necessity for concealment, and thedesperate hazard, cause inconvenience and sufferings to the poorcreatures in a very aggravated degree. "]

Arrived at the place of destination, the condition of the slave isscarcely less deplorable. They are advertised with cattle; chained indroves, and driven to market with a whip; and sold at auction, with thebeasts of the field. They are treated like brutes, and all theinfluences around them conspire to make them brutes. 

"Some are employed as domestic slaves, when and how the owner pleases;by day or by night, on Sunday or other days, in any measure or degree, with any remuneration or with none, with what kind or quantity of foodthe owner of the human beast may choose. Male or female, young or old, weak or strong, may be punished with or without reason, as caprice orpassion may prompt. When the drudge does not suit, he may be sold forsome inferior purpose, like a horse that has seen his best days, tilllike a worn-out beast he dies, unpitied and forgotten! Kept in ignoranceof the holy precepts and divine consolations of Christianity, he remainsa Pagan in a Christian land, without even an object of idolatrousworship--'having no hope, and without God in the world. '"

From the moment the slave is kidnapped, to the last hour he drawshis miserable breath, the white man's influence directly cherishesignorance, fraud, treachery, theft, licentiousness, revenge, hatred andmurder. It cannot be denied that human nature thus operated upon, _must_necessarily yield, more or less, to all these evils. --And thus do wedare to treat beings, who, like ourselves, are heirs of immortality!

And now let us briefly inquire into the influence of slavery on the_white man's_ character; for in this evil there is a mighty re-action. "Such is the constitution of things, that we cannot inflict an injurywithout suffering from it ourselves: he who blesses another, benefitshimself; but he who sins against his fellow-creature, does his ownsoul a grievous wrong. " The effect produced upon _slave-captains_ isabsolutely frightful. Those who wish to realize it in all its awfulextent, may find abundant information in Clarkson's History of Slavery:the authenticity of the facts there given cannot be doubted; for settingaside the perfect honesty of Clarkson's character, these facts wereprincipally accepted as evidence before the British Parliament, wherethere was a very strong party of slave-owners desirous to prove themfalse. 

Indeed when we reflect upon the subject, it cannot excite surprise thatslave-captains become as hard-hearted and fierce as tigers. The veryfirst step in their business is a deliberate invasion of the rights ofothers; its pursuit combines every form of violence, bloodshed, tyrannyand anguish; they are accustomed to consider their victims as cattle, orblocks of wood;[C] and they are invested with perfectly despotic powers. 

[Footnote C: I have read letters from slave-captains to their employers, in which they declare that they shipped such a number of _billets ofwood_, or _pieces of ebony_, on the coast of Africa. 

Near the office of the Richmond Inquirer in Virginia, an auctionflag was hoisted one day this last winter, with the following curiousadvertisement: "On Monday the 11th inst. , will be sold in front of theHigh Constable's office, one bright mulatto woman, about twenty-sixyears of age; also, _some empty barrels, and sundry old candle-boxes_. "]

There is a great waste of life among white seamen employed in thistraffic, in consequence of the severe punishment they receive, anddiseases originating in the unwholesome atmosphere on board. Clarkson, after a long and patient investigation, came to the conclusion that twoslave voyages to Africa, would destroy more seamen than eighty-three toNewfoundland; and there is this difference to be observed, that the lossin one trade is generally occasioned by weather or accident, in theother by cruelty or disease. The instances are exceedingly numerousof sailors on board slave-ships, that have died under the lash, or inconsequence of it. Some of the particulars are so painful that it hasmade me sicken to read them; and I therefore forbear to repeat them. Ofthe Alexander's crew, in 1785, no less than eleven deserted at Bonny, onthe African coast, because life had become insupportable. They chose allthat could be endured from a most inhospitable climate, and the violenceof the natives, rather than remain in their own ship. Nine others diedon the voyage, and the rest were exceedingly abused. This state ofthings was so universal that seamen were notoriously averse to enterthe hateful business. In order to obtain them it became necessaryto resort to force or deception. (Behold how many branches there areto the tree of crime!) Decoyed to houses where night after night wasspent in dancing, rioting and drunkenness, the thoughtless fellowsgave themselves up to the merriment of the scene, and in a moment ofintoxication the fatal bargain was sealed. Encouraged to spend morethan they owned, a jail or the slave-ship became the only alternatives. The superiority of wages was likewise a strong inducement; but thiswas a cheat. The wages of the sailors were half paid in the currencyof the country where the vessel carried her slaves; and thus theywere actually lower than in other trades, while they were nominallyhigher. 

In such an employment the morals of the seamen of course became corrupt, like their masters; and every species of fraud was thought allowableto deceive the ignorant Africans, by means of false weights, falsemeasures, adulterated commodities, and the like. 

Of the cruelties on board slave-ships, I will mention but a fewinstances; though a large volume might be filled with such detestableanecdotes perfectly well authenticated. 

"A child on board a slave-ship, of about ten months old, took sulkand would not eat; the captain flogged it with a cat-o'-nine-tails;swearing that he would make it eat, or kill it. From this, and otherill-treatment, the limbs swelled. He then ordered some water to be madehot to abate the swelling. But even his tender mercies were cruel. Thecook, on putting his hand into the water, said it was too hot. Upon thisthe captain swore at him, and ordered the feet to be put in. This wasdone. The nails and skin came off. Oiled cloths were then put aroundthem. The child was at length tied to a heavy log. Two or three daysafterwards, the captain caught it up again, and repeated that he wouldmake it eat, or kill it. He immediately flogged it again, and in aquarter of an hour it died. And after the babe was dead, whom should thebarbarian select to throw it overboard, but the wretched mother! In vainshe tried to avoid the office. He beat her, till he made her take up thechild and carry it to the side of the vessel. She then dropped it intothe sea, turning her head the other way, that she might not see it. "[D]

[Footnote D: Clarkson's History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. ]

"In 1780, a slave-trader, detained by contrary winds on the Americancoast, and in distress, selected one hundred and thirty-two of his sickslaves, and threw them into the sea, tied together in pairs, that theymight not escape by swimming. He hoped the Insurance Company wouldindemnify him for his loss; and in the law-suit, to which this gavebirth, he observed that 'negroes cannot be considered in any other lightthan as beasts of burden; and to lighten a vessel it is permitted tothrow overboard its least valuable effects. '

"Some of the unhappy slaves escaped from those who attempted to tiethem, and jumped into the sea. One of them was saved by means of a cordthrown by the sailors of another vessel; and the monster who murderedhis innocent companions had the audacity to claim him as his property. The Judges, either from shame, or a sense of justice, refused hisdemand. "[E]

[Footnote E: The Abbé Grégoire's Inquiry into the Intellect and Moralsof Negroes. ]

Some people speculate in what are called refuse slaves; i. E. The poordiseased ones. Many of them die in the piazzas of the auctioneers; andsometimes, in the agonies of death, they are sold as low as a dollar. 

Even this is better than to be unprotected on the wide ocean, in thepower of such wild beasts as I have described. It may seem incredibleto some that human nature is capable of so much depravity. But theconfessions of pirates show how habitual scenes of blood and violenceharden the heart of man; and history abundantly proves that despoticpower produces a fearful species of moral insanity. The wanton crueltiesof Nero, Caligula, Domitian, and many of the officers of theInquisition, seem like the frantic acts of madmen. 

The public has, however, a sense of justice, which can never be entirelyperverted. Since the time when Clarkson, Wilberforce and Fox madethe horrors of the slave-trade understood, the slave-captain, orslave-jockey, is spontaneously and almost universally regarded withdislike and horror. Even in the slaveholding states it is deemeddisreputable to associate with a professed slave-trader, though fewperhaps would think it any harm to bargain with him. This public feelingmakes itself felt so strongly, that men engaged in what is called theAfrican traffic, kept it a secret, if they could, even before the lawsmade it hazardous. 

No man of the least principle could for a moment think of engaging insuch enterprises; and if he have any feeling, it is soon destroyed byfamiliarity with scenes of guilt and anguish. The result is, that theslave-trade is a monopoly in the hands of the very wicked; and this isone reason why it has always been profitable. 

Yet even the slave-_trade_ has had it champions--of course among thosewho had money invested in it. Politicians have boldly said that it wasa profitable branch of commerce, and ought not to be discontinued onaccount of the idle dreams of benevolent enthusiasts. They have arguedbefore the House of Commons, that others would enslave the negroes, ifthe English gave it up--as if it were allowable for one man to commita crime because another was likely to do it! They tell how merciful itis to bring the Africans away from the despotism and wars, whichdesolate their own continent; but they do not add that the white manis himself the cause of those wars, nor do they prove our right tojudge for another man where he will be the happiest. If the Turks, orthe Algerines saw fit to exercise this right, they might carry awaycaptive all the occupants of our prisons and penitentiaries. 

Some of the advocates of this traffic maintained that the voyagefrom Africa to the slave-market, called the Middle Passage, was anexceedingly comfortable portion of existence. One went so far as todeclare it "the happiest part of a negro's life. " They aver that theAfricans, on their way to slavery, are so merry, that they dance andsing. But upon a careful examination of witnesses, it was found thattheir singing consisted of dirge-like lamentations for their nativeland. One of the captains threatened to flog a woman, because themournfulness of her song was too painful to him. After meals theyjumped up in their irons for exercise. This was considered so necessaryfor their health, that they were whipped, if they refused to do it. And this was their dancing! "I, " said one of the witnesses, "wasemployed to dance the men, while another person danced the women. "

These pretences, ridiculous as they appear, are worth about as much asany of the arguments that can be brought forward in defence of any partof the slave system. 

The engraving on the next page will help to give a vivid idea of theElysium enjoyed by negroes, during the Middle Passage. Fig. A representsthe iron hand-cuffs, which fasten the slaves together by means of alittle bolt with a padlock. 

[Illustration: Iron Hand-Cuffs]

[Illustration: Iron Shackles]

[Illustration: Thumb-Screw and Speculum Oris]

B represents the iron shackles by which the ancle of one is made fastto the ancle of his next companion. Yet even thus secured, they do oftenjump into the sea, and wave their hands in triumph at the approach ofdeath. E is a thumb-screw. The thumbs are put into two rounds holes atthe top; by turning a key a bar rises from C to D by means of a screw;and the pressure becomes very painful. By turning it further, the bloodis made to start; and by taking away the key, as at E, the torturedperson is left in agony, without the means of helping himself, orbeing helped by others. This is applied in case of obstinacy, at thediscretion of the captain. I, F, is a speculum oris. The dotted linesrepresent it when shut; the black lines when open. It opens at G, H, by a screw below with a knob at the end of it. This instrument was usedby surgeons to wrench open the mouth in case of lock-jaw. It is used inslave-ships to compel the negroes to take food; because a loss to theowners would follow their persevering attempts to die. K represents themanner of stowing in a slave-ship. 

[Illustration: Stowing Slaves]

According to Clarkson's estimate, about two and a half out of ahundred of human beings die annually, in the ordinary course of nature, including infants and the aged; but in an African voyage, where fewbabes and no old people are admitted, so that those shipped are atthe firmest period of life, the annual mortality is forty-three in ahundred. In vessels that sail from Bonny, Benin, and the Calabars, whence a large proportion of slaves are brought, this mortality is somuch increased by various causes, that eighty-six in a hundred dieyearly. He adds, "It is a destruction, which if general but for tenyears, would depopulate the world, and extinguish the human race. "

We next come to the influence of this diabolical system on the_slave-owner_; and here I shall be cautioned that I am treading ondelicate ground, because our own countrymen are slaveholders. But I amyet to learn that wickedness is any the better for being our own. Letthe truth be spoken--and let those abide its presence who can. 

The following is the testimony of Jefferson, who had good opportunitiesfor observation, and who certainly had no New-England prejudices: "Theremust, doubtless, be an unhappy influence on the manners of the people, produced by the existence of slavery among us. The whole commercebetween master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterouspassions; the most unremitting despotism on the one part, and degradingsubmission on the other. Our children see this and learn to imitate it;for man is an imitative animal. The parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in a circle ofsmaller slaves, gives loose to the worst of passions; and thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped by itwith odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy, who can retainhis morals and manners undepraved in such circumstances. "

In a community where all the labor is done by one class there must ofcourse be another class who live in indolence; and we all know how muchpeople that have nothing to do are tempted by what the world callspleasures; the result is, that slaveholding states and colonies areproverbial for dissipation. Hence, too, the contempt for industry, which prevails in such a state of society. --Where none work but slaves, usefulness becomes degradation. The wife of a respectable mechanic, who accompanied her husband from Massachusetts to the South, gave greatoffence to her new neighbors by performing her usual householdavocations; they begged her to desist from it, (offering the servicesof their own blacks, ) because the sight of a white person engaged inany labor was extremely injurious to the slaves; they deemed it veryimportant that the negroes should be taught, both by precept andexample, that they alone were made to work!

Whether the undue importance attached to merely external gentility, andthe increasing tendency to indolence and extravagance throughout thiscountry, ought to be attributed, in any degree, to the same source, Iam unable to say; if _any_ influence comes to us from the example andridicule of the slaveholding states, it certainly must be of this nature. 

There is another view of this system, which I cannot unveil socompletely as it ought to be. I shall be called bold for saying somuch; but the facts are so important, that it is a matter of consciencenot to be fastidious. 

The negro woman is unprotected either by law or public opinion. She isthe property of her master, and her daughters are his property. Theyare allowed to have no conscientious scruples, no sense of shame, noregard for the feelings of husband, or parent; they must be entirelysubservient to the will of their owner, on pain of being whipped as nearunto death as will comport with his interest, or quite to death, if itsuit his pleasure. 

Those who know human nature would be able to conjecture the unavoidableresult, even if it were not betrayed by the amount of mixed population. Think for a moment, what a degrading effect must be produced on themorals of both blacks and whites by customs like these!

Considering we live in the nineteenth century, it is indeed a strangestate of society where the father sells his child, and the brother putshis sister up at auction! Yet these things are often practised in ourrepublic. 

Doctor Walsh, in his account of Brazil, tells an anecdote of one ofthese fathers, who love their offspring at market price. "For manyyears, " says he, "this man kept his son in slavery, and maintained theright to dispose of him, as he would of his mule. Being ill, however, and near to die, he made his will, left his child his freedom, andapprised him of it. Some time after he recovered, and having a disputewith the young man, he threatened to sell him with the rest of hisstock. The son, determined to prevent this, assassinated his father ina wood, got possession of the will, demanded his freedom, and obtainedit. This circumstance was perfectly well known in the neighborhood, but no process was instituted against him. He was not chargeable, asI could hear, with any other delinquency than the horrible one ofmurdering his father to obtain his freedom. " This forms a fine pictureof the effects of slavery upon human relations![F]

[Footnote F: A short time ago a reverend and very benevolentgentleman suggested as the subject of a book, _The Beauty of HumanRelations_. --What a bitter jest it would be, to send him this volume, with the information that I had complied with his request!]

I have more than once heard people, who had just returned from theSouth, speak of seeing a number of mulattoes in attendance where theyvisited, whose resemblance to the head of the family was too strikingnot to be immediately observed. What sort of feeling must be excited inthe minds of those slaves by being constantly exposed to the tyranny orcaprice of their own brothers and sisters, and by the knowledge thatthese near relations, will on a division of the estate, have power tosell them off with the cattle?

But the vices of white men eventually provide a scourge for themselves. They increase the negro race, but the negro can never increase theirs;and this is one great reason why the proportion of colored population isalways so large in slaveholding countries. As the ratio increases moreand more every year, the colored people must eventually be the strongerparty; and when this result happens, slavery must either be abolished, or government must furnish troops, of whose wages the free states mustpay their proportion. 

As a proof of the effects of slavery on the temper, I will relate butvery few anecdotes. 

The first happened in the Bahamas. It is extracted from a despatch ofMr. Huskisson to the governor of those islands: "Henry and Helen Mosshave been found guilty of a _misdemeanor_, for their cruelty to theirslave Kate; and those facts of the case, which seem beyond dispute, appear to be as follows:

"Kate was a domestic slave, and is stated to have been guilty of theft:she is also accused of disobedience, in refusing to mend her clothes anddo her work; and this was the more immediate cause of her punishment. On the twenty-second of July, eighteen hundred and twenty-six, she wasconfined in the stocks, and she was not released till the eighth ofAugust following, being a period of seventeen days. The stocks were soconstructed that she could not sit up or lie down at pleasure, and sheremained in them night and day. During this period she was floggedrepeatedly, one of the overseers thinks about six times; and red pepperwas rubbed upon her eyes to prevent her sleeping. Tasks were given her, which, in the opinion of the same overseer, she was incapable ofperforming; sometimes because they were beyond her powers, at othertimes because she could not see to do them, on account of the pepperhaving been rubbed on her eyes; and she was flogged for failing toaccomplish these tasks. A violent distemper had prevailed on theplantation during the summer. It is in evidence, that on one of the daysof Kate's confinement, she complained of fever; and that one of thefloggings she received was the day after she made the complaint. Whenshe was taken out of the stocks, she appeared to be cramped, and wasthen again flogged. The very day of her release, she was sent to fieldlabor, (though heretofore a house-servant;) and on the evening of thethird day ensuing was brought before her owners, as being ill, andrefusing to work; and she then again complained of having fever. Theywere of opinion that she had none then, but gave directions to thedriver, if she should be ill, to bring her to them for medicines in themorning. The driver took her to the negro-house, and again flogged her;though at this time apparently without orders from her owners to do so. In the morning at seven o'clock she was taken to work in the field, where she died at noon. 

"The facts of the case are thus far incontrovertibly established; andI deeply lament, that, heinous as the offences are which this narrativeexhibits, I can discover no material palliation of them amongst theother circumstances detailed in the evidence. "

A bill of indictment for murder was preferred against Mr. And Mrs. Moss:the grand jury threw it out. Upon two other bills, for misdemeanors, averdict of guilty was returned. Five months' imprisonment, and a fineof three hundred pounds, was the only punishment for this deliberateand shocking cruelty!

In the next chapter, it will be seen that similar _misdemeanors_ arecommitted with equal impunity in this country. 

I do not know how much odium Mr. And Mrs. Moss generally incurred inconsequence of this transaction; but many of "the most respectablepeople in the island petitioned for a mitigation of their punishment, visited them in prison, did every thing to identify themselves withthem, and on their liberation from jail, gave them a public dinner asa matter of triumph!" The witnesses in their favor even went so faras to insist that their character stood high for humanity among theneighboring planters. 

I believe there never was a class of people on earth so determined touphold each other, at all events, as slave-owners. 

The following account was originally written by the Rev. William Dickey, of Bloomingsburgh, to the Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio. It waspublished in 1826, in a little volume of letters, on the subject ofslavery, by the Rev. Mr. Rankin, who assures us that Mr. Dickey was wellacquainted with the circumstances he describes. 

"In the county of Livingston, Kentucky, near the mouth of Cumberlandriver, lived Lilburn Lewis, the son of Jefferson's sister. He was thewealthy owner of a considerable number of slaves, whom he droveconstantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The consequence was, they would run away. Among the rest was an ill-grown boy, aboutseventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was sentto the spring for water, and, in returning, let fall an elegant pitcher, which dashed to shivers on the rocks. It was night, and the slaveswere all at home. The master had them collected into the most roomynegro-house, and a rousing fire made. " (Reader, what follows is veryshocking; but I have already said we must not allow our nerves to bemore sensitive than our consciences. If such things are done in ourcountry, it is important that we should know of them, and seriouslyreflect upon them. ) "The door was fastened, that none of the negroes, either through fear or sympathy, should attempt to escape; he then toldthem that the design of this meeting was to teach them to remain at homeand obey his orders. All things being now in train, George was calledup, and by the assistance of his younger brother, laid on a broad benchor block. The master then cut off his ancles with a broad axe. Invain the unhappy victim screamed. Not a hand among so many dared tointerfere. Having cast the feet into the fire, he lectured the negroesat some length. He then proceeded to cut off his limbs below the knees. The sufferer besought him to begin with his head. It was in vain--themaster went on thus, until trunk, arms, and head, were all in the fire. Still protracting the intervals with lectures, and threatenings of likepunishment, in case any of them were disobedient, or ran away, ordisclosed the tragedy they were compelled to witness. In order toconsume the bones, the fire was briskly stirred until midnight: when, as if heaven and earth combined to show their detestation of the deed, a sudden shock of earthquake threw down the heavy wall, composed of rockand clay, extinguished the fire, and covered the remains of George. Thenegroes were allowed to disperse, with charges to keep the secret, underthe penalty of like punishment. When his wife asked the cause of thedreadful screams she had heard, he said that he had never enjoyedhimself so well at a ball as he had enjoyed himself that evening. Next morning, he ordered the wall to be rebuilt, and he himselfsuperintended, picking up the remains of the boy, and placing themwithin the new wall, thus hoping to conceal the matter. But some of thenegroes whispered the horrid deed; the neighbors tore down the wall, and finding the remains, they testified against him. He was bound overto await the sitting of the court; but before that period arrived, hecommitted suicide. "

"N. B. This happened in 1811; if I be correct, it was on the 16th ofDecember. It was on the Sabbath. "

Mr. Rankin adds, there was little probability that Mr. Lewis would havefallen under the sentence of the law. Notwithstanding the peculiarenormity of his offence, there were individuals who combined to let himout of prison, in order to screen him from justice. 

Another instance of summary punishment inflicted on a runaway slave, is told by a respectable gentleman from South Carolina, with whom I amacquainted. He was young, when the circumstance occurred, in theneighborhood of his home; and it filled him with horror. A slave beingmissing, several planters united in a negro hunt, as it is called. Theyset out with dogs, guns, and horses, as they would to chase a tiger. The poor fellow, being discovered, took refuge in a tree; where he wasdeliberately shot by his pursuers. 

In some of the West Indies, blood-hounds are employed to hunt negroes;and this fact is the foundation of one of the most painfully interestingscenes in Miss Martineau's Demerara. A writer by the name of Dallashas the hardihood to assert that it is mere sophistry to censure thepractice of training dogs to devour men. He asks, "Did not the Asiaticsemploy elephants in war? If a man were bitten by a mad dog, would hehesitate to cut off the wounded part in order to save his life?"

It is said that when the first pack of blood-hounds arrived in St. Domingo, the white planters delivered to them the first negro theyfound, merely by way of experiment: and when they saw him immediatelytorn in pieces, they were highly delighted to find the dogs so welltrained to their business. 

Some authentic records of female cruelty would seem perfectlyincredible, were it not an established law of our nature that tyrannybecomes a habit, and scenes of suffering, often repeated, render theheart callous. 

A young friend of mine, remarkable for the kindness of his dispositionand the courtesy of his manners, told me that he was really alarmed atthe change produced in his character by a few months' residence in theWest Indies. The family who owned the plantation were absent, and he sawnothing around him but slaves; the consequence was that he insensiblyacquired a dictatorial manner, and habitual disregard to the convenienceof his inferiors. The candid admonition of a friend made him aware ofthis, and his natural amiability was restored. 

The ladies who remove from the free States into the slaveholdingones almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at firstexceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and, after awhile, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon theground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive servants. This reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance, who isconsidered an unusually fervent Christian. Yet Christianity expresslyteaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. This shows how dangerousit is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to what is wrong. 

A judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of herrelatives, who married a slave-owner, and removed to his plantation. The lady in question was considered very amiable, and had a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. After several years' residenceamong her slaves, she visited New-England. "Her history was written inher face, " said my friend; "its expression had changed into that of afiend. She brought but few slaves with her; and those few were of coursecompelled to perform additional labor. One faithful negro-woman nursedthe twins of her mistress, and did all the washing, ironing, andscouring. If, after a sleepless night with the restless babes, (drivenfrom the bosom of their own mother, ) she performed her toilsomeavocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her ownlady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood resoundedwith the cries of her victim. The instrument of punishment was actuallykept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her New-Englandvisiters. For my part, " continued my friend, "I did not try to be politeto her; for I was not hypocrite enough to conceal my indignation. "

The following occurred near Natchez, and was told to me by a highlyintelligent man, who, being a diplomatist and a courtier, was verylikely to make the best of national evils: A planter had occasion tosend a female slave some distance on an errand. She did not return sosoon as he expected, and he grew angry. At last he gave orders that sheshould be severely whipped when she came back. When the poor creaturearrived, she pleaded for mercy, saying she had been so very ill, thatshe was obliged to rest in the fields; but she was ordered to receiveanother dozen lashes, for having had the impudence to speak. She died atthe whipping-post; nor did she perish alone--a new-born baby died withher. The gentleman who told me this fact, witnessed the poor creature'sfuneral. It is true, the master was universally blamed and shunned forthe cruel deed; but the laws were powerless. 

I shall be told that such examples as these are of rare occurrence; andI have no doubt that instances of excessive severity are far from beingcommon. I believe that a large proportion of masters are as kind totheir slaves as they can be, consistently with keeping them in bondage;but it must be allowed that this, to make the best of it, is verystinted kindness. And let it never be forgotten that the negro's fatedepends entirely on the character of his master; and it is a mere matterof chance whether he fall into merciful or unmerciful hands; hishappiness, nay, his very life, depends on chance. 

The slave-owners are always telling us, that the accounts of slavemisery are abominably exaggerated; and their plea is supported by manyindividuals, who seem to think that charity was made to _cover_ sins, not to _cure_ them. But without listening to the zealous opposers ofslavery, we shall find in the judicial reports of the Southern States, and in the ordinary details of their newspapers, more than enough tostartle us; besides, we must not forget that where one instance ofcruelty comes to our knowledge, hundreds are kept secret; and the morepublic attention is awakened to the subject, the more caution will beused in this respect. 

Why should we be deceived by the sophistry of those whose interest it isto gloss over iniquity, and who from long habit have learned to believethat it is no iniquity? It is a very simple process to judge rightly inthis matter. Just ask yourself the question where you could find a setof men, in whose power you would be willing to place yourself, if thelaws allowed them to sin against you with impunity?

But it is urged that it is the interest of planters to treat theirslaves well. This argument no doubt has some force; and it is the poornegro's only security. But it is likewise the interest of men totreat their cattle kindly; yet we see that passion and short-sightedavarice do overcome the strongest motives of interest. Cattle arebeat unmercifully, sometimes unto death; they are ruined by beingover-worked; weakened by want of sufficient food; and so forth. Besides, it is sometimes directly _for_ the interest of the planter to work hisslaves beyond their strength. When there is a sudden rise in theprices of sugar, a certain amount of labor in a given time is of moreconsequence to the owner of a plantation than the price of severalslaves; he can well _afford_ to waste a few lives. This is no idlehypothesis--such calculations are gravely and openly made by planters. Hence, it is the slave's prayer that sugars may be cheap. When the negrois old, or feeble from incurable disease, is it his master's _interest_to feed him well, and clothe him comfortably? Certainly not: it thenbecomes desirable to get rid of the human brute as soon as convenient. It is a common remark, that it is not quite safe, in most cases, foreven parents to be entirely dependant on the generosity of theirchildren; and if human nature be such, what has the slave to expect, when he becomes a mere bill of expense?

It is a common retort to say that New-Englanders who go to the South, soon learn to patronize the system they have considered so abominable, and often become proverbial for their severity. I have not the leastdoubt of the fact; for slavery contaminates all that comes within itsinfluence. It would be very absurd to imagine that the inhabitantsof one State are worse than the inhabitants of another, unless somepeculiar circumstances, of universal influence, tend to make them so. Human nature is every where the same; but developed differently, bydifferent incitements and temptations. It is the business of wiselegislation to discover what influences are most productive of good, andthe least conducive to evil. If we were educated at the South, we shouldno doubt vindicate slavery, and inherit as a birthright all the evils itengrafts upon the character. If they lived on our rocky soil, and underour inclement skies, their shrewdness would sometimes border uponknavery, and their frugality sometimes degenerate into parsimony. Weboth have our virtues and our faults, induced by the influences underwhich we live, and, of course, totally different in their character. _Our_ defects are bad enough; but they cannot, like slavery, affectthe destiny and rights of millions. 

All this mutual recrimination about horse-jockeys, gamblers, tin-pedlers, and venders of wooden-nutmegs, is quite unworthy of a greatnation. Instead of calmly examining this important subject on the plaingrounds of justice and humanity, we allow it to degenerate into a merequestion of _sectional_ pride and vanity. [Pardon the Americanism, wouldwe had less _use_ for the word!] It is the _system_, not the _men_, onwhich we ought to bestow the full measure of abhorrence. If we werewilling to forget ourselves, and could like true republicans, prefer thecommon good to all other considerations, there would not be a slave inthe United States, at the end of half a century. 

The arguments in support of slavery are all hollow and deceptive, thoughfrequently very specious. No one thinks of finding a foundation for thesystem in the principles of truth and justice; and the unavoidableresult is, that even in _policy_ it is unsound. The monstrous fabricrests on the mere _appearance_ of present expediency; while, in fact, all its tendencies, individual and national, present and remote, arehighly injurious to the true interests of the country. The slave-ownerwill not believe this. The stronger the evidence against his favoritetheories, the more strenuously he defends them. It has been wisely said, "Honesty _is_ the best policy; but policy without honesty never findsthat out. "

I hope none will be so literal as to suppose I intend to say that noplanter can be honest, in the common acceptation of that term. I simplymean that all who ground their arguments in policy, and not in duty andplain truth, are really blind to the highest and best interests of man. 

Among other apologies for slavery, it has been asserted that the Bibledoes not forbid it. Neither does it forbid the counterfeiting of abank-bill. It is the _spirit_ of the Holy Word, not its particular_expressions_, which must be a rule for our conduct. How can slaverybe reconciled with the maxim, "Do unto others, as ye would that othersshould do unto you?" Does not the command, "Thou shalt not _steal_, "prohibit _kidnapping_? And how does whipping men to death agree with theinjunction, "Thou shalt do no _murder_?" Are we not told "to loose thebands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, to let the oppressed gofree, and to break every yoke?" It was a Jewish law that he who stole aman, or sold him, or he in whose hands the stolen man was found, shouldsuffer death; and he in whose house a fugitive slave sought an asylumwas forbidden to give him up to his master. Modern slavery is so unlikeHebrew servitude, and its regulations are so diametrically opposed tothe rules of the Gospel, which came to bring deliverance to the captive, that it is idle to dwell upon this point. The advocates of this systemseek for arguments in the history of every age and nation; but the factis, negro-slavery is totally different from any other form of bondagethat ever existed; and if it were not so, are we to copy the evils ofbad governments and benighted ages?

The difficulty of subduing slavery, on account of the great number ofinterests which become united in it, and the prodigious strength ofthe selfish passions enlisted in its support, is by no means its leastalarming feature. This Hydra has ten thousand heads, every one of whichwill bite or growl, when the broad daylight of truth lays open thesecrets of its hideous den. 

I shall perhaps be asked why I have said so much about theslave-_trade_, since it was long ago abolished in this country? Thereare several good reasons for it. In the first place, it is a part of thesystem; for if there were no slaves, there could be no slave-trade; andwhile there are slaves, the slave-trade _will_ continue. In the nextplace, the trade is still briskly carried on in Africa, and slaves aresmuggled into these States through the Spanish colonies. In the thirdplace, a very extensive internal slave-trade is carried on in thiscountry. The breeding of negro-cattle for the foreign markets, (ofLouisiana, Georgia, Alabama, Arkansas, and Missouri, ) is a verylucrative branch of business. Whole coffles of them, chained andmanacled, are driven through our Capital on their way to auction. Foreigners, particularly those who come here with enthusiastic ideasof American freedom, are amazed and disgusted at the sight. [G] A troopof slaves once passed through Washington on the fourth of July, whiledrums were beating, and standards flying. One of the captive negroesraised his hand, loaded with irons, and waving it toward the starryflag, sung with a smile of bitter irony, "Hail Columbia! _happy_ land!"

[Footnote G: See the second volume of Stuart's "Three years in NorthAmerica. " Instead of being angry at such truths, it would be wise toprofit by them. ]

In the summer of 1822, a coffle of slaves, driven through Kentucky, was met by the Rev. James H. Dickey, just before it entered Paris. Hedescribes it thus: "About forty black men were chained together; each ofthem was hand-cuffed, and they were arranged rank and file. A chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between the two ranks, to whichshort chains were joined, connected with the hand-cuffs. Behind themwere about thirty women, tied hand to hand. Every countenance wore asolemn sadness; and the dismal silence of despair was only broken by thesound of two violins. Yes--as if to add insult to injury, the foremostcouple were furnished with a violin a-piece; the second couple wereornamented with cockades; while near the centre our national standardwas carried by hands literally in chains. I may have mistaken some ofthe punctilios of the arrangement, for my very soul was sick. Mylandlady was sister to the man who owned the drove; and from her Ilearned that he had, a few days previous, bought a negro-woman, whorefused to go with him. A blow on the side of her head with the butt ofhis whip, soon brought her to the ground; he then tied her, and carriedher off. Besides those I saw, about thirty negroes, destined for theNew-Orleans market, were shut up in the Paris jail, for safe-keeping. "

But Washington is the great emporium of the internal slave-trade! TheUnited States jail is a perfect storehouse for slave merchants; andsome of the taverns may be seen so crowded with negro captives thatthey have scarcely room to stretch themselves on the floor to sleep. Judge Morrel, in his charge to the grand jury at Washington, in 1816, earnestly called their attention to this subject. He said, "thefrequency with which the streets of the city had been crowded withmanacled captives, sometimes even on the Sabbath, could not fail toshock the feelings of all humane persons; that it was repugnant to thespirit of our political institutions, and the rights of man; and hebelieved it was calculated to impair the public morals, by familiarizingscenes of cruelty to the minds of youth. "

A free man of color is in constant danger of being seized and carriedoff by these slave-dealers. Mr. Cooper, a Representative in Congressfrom Delaware, told Dr. Torrey, of Philadelphia, that he was oftenafraid to send his servants out in the evening, lest they should beencountered by kidnappers. Wherever these notorious slave-jockeys appearin our Southern States, the free people of color hide themselves, asthey are obliged to do on the coast of Africa. 

The following is the testimony of Dr. Torrey, of Philadelphia, publishedin 1817:

"To enumerate all the horrid and aggravating instances of man-stealing, which are known to have occurred in the State of Delaware, within therecollection of many of the citizens of that State, would require avolume. In many cases, whole families of free colored people have beenattacked in the night, beaten _nearly_ to death with clubs, gagged andbound, and dragged into distant and hopeless captivity, leaving notraces behind, except the blood from their wounds. 

"During the last winter, the house of a free black family was brokenopen, and its defenceless inhabitants treated in the manner justmentioned, except, that the mother escaped from their merciless grasp, while on their way to the State of Maryland. The plunderers, of whomthere were nearly half a dozen, conveyed their prey upon horses;and the woman being placed on one of the horses, behind, improved anopportunity, as they were passing a house, and sprang off. Not daringto pursue her, they proceeded on, leaving her youngest child a littlefarther along, by the side of the road, in expectation, it is supposed, that its cries would attract the mother; but she prudently waited untilmorning, and recovered it again in safety. 

"I consider myself more fully warranted in particularizing this fact, from the circumstances of having been at Newcastle, at the time thatthe woman was brought with her child, before the grand jury, forexamination; and of having seen several of the persons against whombills of indictment were found, on the charge of being engaged in theperpetration of the outrage; and also that one or two of them were thesame who were accused of assisting in seizing and carrying off anotherwoman and child whom I discovered at Washington. A monster in humanshape, was detected in the city of Philadelphia, pursuing the occupationof courting and marrying mulatto women, and selling them as slaves. Inhis last attempt of this kind, the fact having come to the knowledge ofthe African population of this city, a mob was immediately collected, and he was only saved from being torn in atoms, by being deposited inthe city prison. They have lately invented a method of attaining theirobject, through the instrumentality of the laws:--Having selected asuitable free colored person, to make a _pitch_ upon, the kidnapperemploys a confederate, to ascertain the distinguishing marks of hisbody; he then claims and obtains him as a slave, before a magistrate, by describing those marks, and proving the truth of his assertions, by his well-instructed accomplice. 

"From the best information that I have had opportunities to collect, in travelling by various routes through the States of Delaware andMaryland, I am fully convinced that there are, at this time, within thejurisdiction of the United States, several thousands of legally freepeople of color, toiling under the yoke of involuntary servitude, andtransmitting the same fate to their posterity! If the probability ofthis fact could be authenticated to the recognition of the Congress ofthe United States, it is presumed that its members, as agents of theconstitution, and guardians of the public liberty, would, withouthesitation, devise means for the restoration of those unhappy victimsof violence and avarice, to their freedom and constitutional personalrights. The work, both from its nature and magnitude, is impracticableto individuals, or benevolent societies; besides, it is perfectly anational business, and claims national interference, equally with thecaptivity of our sailors in Algiers. "

It may indeed be said, in palliation of the internal slave-trade, thatthe horrors of the _middle passage_ are avoided. But still the amountof misery is very great. Husbands and wives, parents and children, are rudely torn from each other;--there can be no doubt of this fact:advertisements are very common, in which a mother and her children areoffered either in a lot, or separately, as may suit the purchaser. Inone of these advertisements, I observed it stated that the youngestchild was about a year old. [H]

[Footnote H: In Niles's Register, vol. Xxxv, page 4, I find the following:"Dealing in slaves has become a large business. Establishments are madeat several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are sold likecattle. These places are strongly built, and well supplied withthumbscrews, gags, cowskins and other whips, oftentimes bloody. Butthe laws permit the traffic, and it is suffered. "]

The captives are driven by the whip, through toilsome journeys, undera burning sun; their limbs fettered; with nothing before them but theprospect of toil more severe than that to which they have beenaccustomed. [I]

[Footnote I: In the sugar-growing States the condition of the negro ismuch more pitiable than where cotton is the staple commodity. ]

The disgrace of such scenes in the capital of our republic cannot beotherwise than painful to every patriotic mind; while they furnishmaterials for the most pungent satire to other nations. A UnitedStates senator declared that the sight of a drove of slaves wasso insupportable that he always avoided it when he could; and anintelligent Scotchman said, when he first entered Chesapeake Bay, and cast his eye along our coast, the sight of the slaves broughthis heart into his throat. How can we help feeling a sense of shame, when we read Moore's contemptuous couplet, "The fustian flag that proudly waves, In splendid mockery, o'er a land of slaves?"

The lines would be harmless enough, if they were false; the sting liesin their truth. 

Finally, I have described some of the horrors of the slave-trade, because when our constitution was formed, the government pledged itselfnot to abolish this traffic until 1808. We began our career of freedomby granting a twenty years' lease of iniquity--twenty years of allowedinvasion of other men's rights--twenty years of bloodshed, violence, andfraud! And this will be told in our annals--this will be heard of to theend of time!

While the slave-trade was allowed, the South could use it to advancetheir views in various ways. In their representation to Congress, fiveslaves counted the same as three freemen; of course, every fresh cargowas not only an increase of property, but an increase of _politicalpower_. Ample time was allowed to lay in a stock of slaves to supplythe new slave states and territories that might grow up; and when thiswas effected, the prohibition of foreign commerce in human flesh, operated as a complete _tariff_, to protect the domestic supply. 

Every man who buys a slave promotes this traffic, by raising the valueof the article; every man who owns a slave, indirectly countenancesit; every man who allows that slavery is a lamentable _necessity_, contributes his share to support it; and he who votes for admittinga slave-holding State into the Union, fearfully augments the amount ofthis crime. 

CHAPTER II. 

COMPARATIVE VIEW OF SLAVERY, IN DIFFERENT AGES AND NATIONS. 

 "E'en from my tongue some heartfelt truths may fall; And outraged Nature claims the care of all. These wrongs in _any_ place would force a tear; But call for stronger, deeper feeling _here_. "

 "Oh, sons of freedom! equalize your laws-- Be all consistent--plead the negro's cause-- Then all the nations in your code may see, That, black or white, Americans are free. "

Between ancient and modern slavery there is this remarkabledistinction--the former originated in motives of humanity; the latter isdictated solely by avarice. The ancients made slaves of captives takenin war, as an amelioration of the original custom of indiscriminateslaughter; the moderns attack defenceless people, without anyprovocation, and steal them, for the express purpose of making themslaves. 

Modern slavery, indeed, in all its particulars, is more odious than theancient; and it is worthy of remark that the condition of slaves hasalways been worse just in proportion to the freedom enjoyed by theirmasters. In Greece, none were so proud of liberty as the Spartans; andthey were a proverb among the neighboring States for their severity toslaves. The slave code of the Roman republic was rigid and tyrannicalin the extreme; and cruelties became so common and excessive, that theemperors, in the latter days of Roman power, were obliged to enact lawsto restrain them. In the modern world, England and America are the mostconspicuous for enlightened views of freedom, and bold vindication ofthe equal rights of man; yet in these two countries slave laws have beenframed as bad as they were in Pagan, iron-hearted Rome; and the customsare in some respects more oppressive;--_modern_ slavery unquestionablywears its very worst aspect in the Colonies of England and the UnitedStates of North America. I hardly know how to decide their respectiveclaims. My countrymen are fond of pre-eminence, and I am afraid theydeserve it here--especially if we throw into the scale their loud boastsof superiority over all the rest of the world in civil and religiousfreedom. The slave codes of the United States and of the British WestIndies were originally almost precisely the same; but _their_ laws havebeen growing milder and milder, while _ours_ have increased in severity. The British have the advantage of us in this respect--they long agodared to describe the monster as it is; and they are now grappling withit, with the overwhelming strength of a great nation's concentratedenergies. --The Dutch, those sturdy old friends of liberty, and theFrench, who have been stark mad for freedom, rank next for the severityof their slave laws and customs. The Spanish and Portuguese are milderthan either. 

I will give a brief view of some of our own laws on this subject; forthe correctness of which, I refer the reader to Stroud's Sketch of theSlave Laws of the United States of America. In the first place, we willinquire upon what ground the negro slaves in this country are claimed asproperty. Most of them are the descendants of persons kidnapped on thecoast of Africa, and brought here while we were British Colonies; and asthe slave-trade was openly sanctioned more than twenty years after ouracknowledged independence, in 1783, and as the traffic is still carriedon by smugglers, there are, no doubt, thousands of slaves, now living inthe United States, who are actually stolen from Africa. [J]

[Footnote J: In the new slave States, there are a great many negroes, who can speak no other language than some of the numerous Africandialects. ]

A provincial law of Maryland enacted that any white woman who marrieda negro slave should serve his master during her husband's lifetime, and that all their children should be slaves. This law was notrepealed until the end of eighteen years, and it then continued infull force with regard to those who had contracted such marriages in theintermediate time; therefore the descendants of white women so situatedmay be slaves unto the present day. The doctrine of the common law isthat the offspring shall follow the condition of the _father_; but slavelaw (with the above temporary exception) reverses the common law, andprovides that children shall follow the condition of the _mother_. Hence mulattoes and their descendants are held in perpetual bondage, though the _father_ is a free white man. "Any person whose _maternal_ancestor, even in the _remotest_ degree of distance, can be shown tohave been a negro, Indian, mulatto, or a mestizo, _not_ free at the timethis law was introduced, although the _paternal_ ancestor at eachsuccessive generation may have been a _white free_ man, is declared tobe the subject of perpetual slavery. " Even the code of Jamaica, is onthis head, more liberal than ours; by an express law, slavery ceases atthe _fourth_ degree of distance from a negro ancestor: and in the otherBritish West Indies, the established custom is such, that quadroons ormestizoes (as they call the second and third degrees) are rarely seen ina state of slavery. Here, neither law nor public opinion favors themulatto descendants of free white men. This furnishes a convenient gameto the slaveholder--it enables him to fill his purse by means of his ownvices;--the right to sell one half of his children provides a fortunefor the remainder. --Had the maxim of the common law been allowed, --i. E. That the offspring follows the condition of the _father_, --themulattoes, almost without exception, would have been free, and thus theprodigious and alarming increase of our slave population might have beenprevented. The great augmentation of the servile class in the SouthernStates, compared with the West India colonies, has been thought toindicate a much milder form of slavery; but there are other causes, which tend to produce the result. There are much fewer white men in theBritish West Indies than in our slave States; hence the increase of the_mulatto_ population is less rapid. Here the descendants of a coloredmother _never_ become free; in the West Indies, they cease to be slavesin the _fourth generation_, at farthest; and their posterity increasethe _free_ colored class, instead of adding countless links to the chainof bondage. 

The manufacture of sugar is extremely toilsome, and when driven hard, occasions a great waste of negro life; this circumstance, together withthe tropical climate of the West Indies, furnish additional reasons forthe disproportionate increase of slaves between those islands and ourown country, where a comparatively small quantity of sugar iscultivated. 

It may excite surprise, that _Indians_ and their offspring are comprisedin the doom of perpetual slavery; yet not only is _incidental_ mentionof them as slaves to be met with in the laws of most of the States ofour confederacy, but in one, at least, _direct legislation_ may be citedto sanction their enslavement. In Virginia, an act was passed, in 1679, declaring that "for _the better encouragement of soldiers_, whateverIndian prisoners were taken in a war, in which the colony was thenengaged, should be _free purchase_ to the soldiers taking them;" and in1682, it was decreed that "all servants brought into Virginia, by sea orland, not being _Christians_, whether negroes, Moors, mulattoes, orIndians, (except Turks and Moors in amity with Great Britain) and allIndians, which should thereafter be _sold by neighboring Indians_, orany other trafficking with us, as slaves, _should be slaves to allintents and purposes_. " These laws ceased in 1691; but the descendantsof all Indians sold in the intermediate time are now among slaves. 

In order to show the true aspect of slavery among us, I will statedistinct propositions, each supported by the evidence of actuallyexisting laws. 

1. _Slavery is hereditary and perpetual, to the last moment of theslave's earthly existence, and to all his descendants, to the latestposterity. _

2. _The labor of the slave is compulsory and uncompensated; while thekind of labor, the amount of toil, and the time allowed for rest, aredictated solely by the master. No bargain is made, no wages given. Apure despotism governs the human brute; and even his covering andprovender, both as to quantity and quality, depend entirely on themaster's discretion. _

3. _The slave being considered a personal chattel, may be sold, orpledged, or leased, at the will of his master. He may be exchanged formarketable commodities, or taken in execution for the debts, or taxes, either of a living, or a deceased master. Sold at auction, "eitherindividually, or in lots to suit the purchaser, " he may remain with hisfamily, or be separated from them for ever. _

4. _Slaves can make no contracts, and have no legal right to anyproperty, real or personal. Their own honest earnings, and the legaciesof friends belong, in point of law, to their masters. _

5. _Neither a slave, nor free colored person, can be a witness againstany white or free man, in a court of justice, however atrocious may havebeen the crimes they have seen him commit: but they may give testimonyagainst a fellow-slave, or free colored man, even in cases affectinglife. _

6. _The slave may be punished at his master's discretion--withouttrial--without any means of legal redress, --whether his offence be real, or imaginary: and the master can transfer the same despotic power to anyperson, or persons, he may choose to appoint. _

7. _The slave is not allowed to resist any free man under anycircumstances: his only safety consists in the fact that his owner maybring suit, and recover, the price of his body, in case his life istaken, or his limbs rendered unfit for labor. _

8. _Slaves cannot redeem themselves, or obtain a change of masters, though cruel treatment may have rendered such a change necessary fortheir personal safety. _

9. _The slave is entirely unprotected in his domestic relations. _

10. _The laws greatly obstruct the manumission of slaves, even where themaster is willing to enfranchise them. _

11. _The operation of the laws tends to deprive slaves of religiousinstruction and consolation. _

12. _The whole power of the laws is exerted to keep slaves in a state ofthe lowest ignorance. _

13. _There is in this country a monstrous inequality of law and right. What is a trifling fault in the white man, is considered highly criminalin the slave; the same offences which cost a white man a few dollarsonly, are punished in the negro with death. _

14. _The laws operate most oppressively upon free people of color. _

PROPOSITION 1. --_Slavery hereditary and perpetual. _

In Maryland the following act was passed in 1715, and is still in force:"All negroes and other slaves, already imported, or hereafter to beimported into this province, and all children now born, or hereafterto be born, of such negroes and slaves, shall be slaves during theirnatural lives. " The law of South Carolina is, "All negroes, _Indians_, (free Indians in amity with this government, and negroes, mulattoes, andmestizoes, who are _now_ free, excepted, ) mulattoes or mestizoes, whonow are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their issueborn, or to be born, shall be and remain for ever hereafter absoluteslaves, and shall follow the condition of _the mother_. " Laws similarexist in Virginia, Georgia, Mississippi, and Louisiana. In consequenceof these laws, people so nearly white as not to be distinguished fromEuropeans, may be, and have been, legally claimed as slaves. 

PROP. 2. --_Labor compulsory and uncompensated, &c. _

In most of the slave States the law is silent on this subject; but thatit is the established custom is proved by laws restraining the excessiveabuse of this power, in some of the States. Thus in one State there isa fine of ten shillings, in another of two dollars, for making slaveslabor on Sunday, unless it be in works of absolute necessity, or thenecessary occasions of the family. There is likewise a law whichprovides that "any master, who withholds proper sustenance, or clothing, from his slaves, or overworks them, so as to injure their health, shallupon _sufficient information_ [here lies the rub] being laid before thegrand jury, be by said jury presented; whereupon it shall be the duty ofthe attorney, or solicitor-general, to prosecute said owners, who, onconviction, shall be sentenced to pay a fine, or be imprisoned, or both, at the discretion of the court. "

The negro act of South Carolina contains the following language:"Whereas many owners of slaves, and _others_, who have the care, management, and overseeing of slaves, _do confine them so closely tohard labor, that they have not sufficient time for natural rest_; beit therefore enacted, that if any owner of slaves, or others havingthe care, &c. , shall put such slaves to labor more than _fifteen_ hoursin twenty-four, from the twenty-fifth of March to the twenty-fifth ofSeptember; or more than _fourteen_ hours in twenty-four hours, from thetwenty-fifth of September to the twenty-fifth of March, any such personshall forfeit a sum of money not exceeding twenty pounds, nor under fivepounds, current money, for every time he, she, or they, shall offendtherein, at the discretion of the justice before whom complaint shallbe made. "

In Louisiana it is enacted, that "the slaves shall be allowed half anhour for breakfast, during the whole year; from the first of May to thefirst of November, they shall be allowed two hours for dinner; andfrom the first of November to the first of May, one hour and a half fordinner: provided, however, that the owners, who will themselves take thetrouble of having the meals of their slaves prepared, be, and they arehereby authorized to abridge, by half an hour a day, the time fixed fortheir rest. "

All these laws, _apparently_ for the protection of the slave, arerendered perfectly null and void, by the fact, that the testimony ofa negro or mulatto is _never_ taken against a white man. If a slave befound toiling in the field on the Sabbath, who can _prove_ that hismaster commanded him to do it?

The law of Louisiana stipulates that a slave shall have _one_ linenshirt, [K] and a pair of pantaloons for the summer, and _one_ linen shirtand a woollen great-coat and pantaloons for the winter; and for food, one pint of salt, and a barrel of Indian corn, rice, or beans, everymonth. In North Carolina, the law decides that a quart of corn per dayis sufficient. But, if the slave does not receive this poor allowance, who can _prove_ the fact. The withholding of proper sustenance isabsolutely incapable of proof, unless the evidence of the suffererhimself be allowed; and the law, as if determined to obstruct theadministration of justice, permits the master to exculpate himself byan oath that the charges against him are false. Clothing may, indeed, be ascertained by _inspection_; but who is likely to involve himself inquarrels with a white master because a poor negro receives a few ragsless than the law provides? I apprehend that a person notorious for suchgratuitous acts of kindness, would have little peace or safety, in anyslaveholding country. 

[Footnote K: This shirt is usually made of a coarse kind of bagging. ]

If a negro be compelled to toil night and day, (as it is said theysometimes are, [L] at the season of sugar-making) who is to _prove_ thathe works more than his fourteen or fifteen hours? No slave can be awitness for himself, or for his fellow-slaves; and should a white manhappen to know the fact, there are ninety-nine chances out of a hundred, that he will deem it prudent to be silent. And here I would remark thateven in the island of Jamaica, where the laws have given a most shockinglicense to cruelty, --even in Jamaica, the slave is compelled to work but_ten_ hours a day, beside having many holidays allowed him. In Maryland, Virginia, Georgia, Pennsylvania, and New-Jersey, the _convicts_condemned to hard labor in the penitentiaries, are required by law totoil only from _eight_ to _ten_ hours a day, according to the season ofthe year; yet the law providing that the innocent slave should labor but_fourteen_ or _fifteen_ hours a day, professes to have been made as amerciful amelioration of his lot!--In Rome, the slaves had a yearlyfestival called the Saturnalia, during which they were released fromtoil, changed places with their masters, and indulged in unboundedmerriment; at first it lasted but one day; but its duration afterwardsextended to two, three, four, and five days in succession. We have noSaturnalia here--unless we choose thus to designate a coffle of slaves, on the fourth of July, rattling their chains to the sound of a violin, and carrying the banner of freedom in hands loaded with irons. 

[Footnote L: See Western Review, No. 2, on the Agriculture ofLouisiana. ]

In Georgia, "The inferior courts of the several counties on _receivinginformation on oath_ of any _infirm_ slave or slaves, being in asuffering condition, from the neglect of the owner or owners, can make_particular inquiries_ into the situation of such slaves, and rendersuch relief as they think proper. And the said courts may sue for andrecover from the owner of such slaves the amount appropriated for theirrelief. " The information must, in the first place, be given by a _whiteman_ upon oath; and of whom must the "particular inquiries" be made?Not of the slave, nor of his companions, --for their evidence goes fornothing; and would a master, capable of starving an aged slave, belikely to confess the whole truth about it? The judges of the inferiorcourts, if from defect of evidence, or any other cause, they are unableto _prove_ that relief was absolutely needed, must pay all the expensesfrom their own private purses. Are there many, think you, so desperatelyenamored of justice, as to take all this trouble, and incur all thisrisk, for a starving slave?

PROP. 3. --_Slaves considered personal chattels, liable to be sold, pledged, &c. _

The advertisements in the Southern papers furnish a continued proofof this; it is, therefore, unnecessary to go into the details ofevidence. [M] The power to separate mothers and children, husbands andwives, is exercised only in the British West Indies, and the _republic_of the United States!

[Footnote M: A white man engaged in a disturbance was accompanied bythree or four slaves; his counsel contended that there were not_persons_ enough in the affair to constitute a riot, because the slaveswere mere _chattels_ in the eye of the law. It was, however, decidedthat when liable to the _punishment_ of the law, they were persons. ]

In Louisiana there is indeed a humane provision in this respect: "If ata public sale of slaves, there happen to be some who are disabledthrough old age or otherwise, and who have children, such slaves shallnot be sold but with such of his or of her children, whom he or she maythink proper to go with. " But though parents cannot be sold apart fromtheir children, without their consent, yet the master may keep theparents and sell the _children_, if he chooses; in which case theseparation is of course equally painful. --"By the _Code Noir_, of Louisthe Fourteenth, husbands and wives, parents and children, are notallowed to be sold separately. If sales contrary to this regulation aremade by process of law, under _seizure for debts_, such sales aredeclared void; but if such sales are made _voluntarily_ on the part ofthe owner, a wiser remedy is given--the wife, or husband, children, orparent retained by the seller, may be claimed by the purchaser, withoutany additional price; and thus the separated family may be re-unitedagain. The most solemn agreement between the parties contrary to thisrule has been adjudged void. " In the Spanish, Portuguese, and Frenchcolonies, plantation slaves are considered _real estate_, attached tothe soil they cultivate, and of course not liable to be torn from theirhomes whenever the master chooses to sell them; neither can they beseized or sold by their master's creditors. 

The following quotation shows how the citizens of this country bearcomparison with men _called_ savages. A recent traveller in East Floridasays: "Another trait in the character of the Seminole Indians, is theirgreat indulgence to their slaves. The greatest pressure of hunger orthirst never occasions them to impose onerous labors on the negroes, orto dispose of them, though tempted by high offers, if the latter areunwilling to be sold. "

PROP. 4. --_Slaves can have no legal claim to any property. _

The civil code of Louisiana declares: "_All that a slave possessesbelongs to his master_--he possesses nothing of his own, except hispeculium, that is to say, the sum of money or moveable estate, which_his master chooses he should possess_. "--"Slaves are incapable ofinheriting or transmitting property. "--"Slaves cannot dispose of, orreceive, by donation, unless they have been enfranchised conformablyto law, or are expressly enfranchised by the act, by which the donationis made to them. "

In South Carolina "it is not lawful for any slave to buy, sell, trade, &c. , without a license from his owner; nor shall any slave be allowedto keep any boat or canoe, for his own benefit, or raise any horses, cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiting all the goods, boats, canoes, horses, &c. , &c. ; and it shall be lawful for _any person_ toseize and take away from any slave all such goods, boats, &c. , and todeliver the same into the hands of the nearest justice of the peace;and if the said justice be satisfied that such seizure has been madeaccording to law, he shall order the goods to be sold at public outcry;one half of the moneys arising from the sale to go to the State, and theother half to him or them that sue for the same. " In North Carolinathere is a similar law; but half of the proceeds of the sale goes to thecounty poor, and half to the informer. 

In Georgia, a fine of thirty dollars a week is imposed upon any masterwho allows his slave to hire himself out for his own benefit. InVirginia, if a master permit his slave to hire himself out, he issubject to a fine, from ten to twenty dollars; and it is lawful for anyperson, and the _duty_ of the Sheriff, to apprehend the slave. InMaryland, the master, by a similar offence, except during twenty daysat harvest time, incurs a penalty of twenty dollars per month. 

In Mississippi, if a master allow his slave to cultivate cotton for hisown use, he incurs a fine of fifty dollars; and if he license his slaveto trade on his own account, he forfeits fifty dollars for each andevery offence. Any person trading with a slave forfeits four times thevalue of the article purchased; and if unable to pay, he receivesthirty-nine lashes, and pays the cost. 

Among the Romans, the Grecians, and the ancient Germans, slaves werepermitted to acquire and enjoy property of considerable value, as theirown. This property was called the slave's _peculium_; and "the manyanxious provisions of the Imperial Code on the subject, plainly show thegeneral extent and importance of such acquisitions. "--"The Roman slavewas also empowered by law to enter into commercial and other contracts, by which the master was bound, to the extent of the value of the slave's_peculium_. "--"The Grecian slaves had also their _peculium_; and wererich enough to make periodical presents to their masters, as well asoften to purchase their freedom. "

"The Helots of Sparta were so far from being destitute of property, orof legal powers necessary to its acquisition, that they were farmers ofthe lands of their masters, at low fixed rents, which the proprietorcould not raise without dishonor. "

"In our own day, the Polish slaves, prior to any recent alleviations oftheir lot, were not only allowed to hold property, but endowed with itby their lords. "--"In the Spanish and Portuguese colonies, the money andeffects, which a slave acquires, by his labor at times set apart for hisown use, or by any other honest means, are legally his own, and cannotbe seized by the master. "--"In Africa, slaves may acquire extensiveproperty, which their sable masters cannot take away. In New-Calabar, there is a man named Amachree, who has more influence and wealth thanall the rest of the community, though he himself is a purchased slave, brought from the Braspan country; he has offered the price of a hundredslaves for his freedom; but according to the laws of the country hecannot obtain it, though his master, who is a poor and obscureindividual, would gladly let him have it. "

Among the Jews, a servant, or slave, often filled the highest officesof honor and profit, connected with the family. Indeed slavery amongthis ancient people was in its mildest, patriarchal form; and the samecharacter is now stamped upon the _domestic_ slavery of Africa. St. Paulsays, "The heir, as long as he is a child, differeth nothing from aservant, [the Hebrew word translated _servant_ means _slave_] though hebe lord of all. " Gal. Iv. 1. Again; "A wise servant shall have rule overa son that causeth shame, and shall have part of the inheritance amongthe brethren. " Proverbs, xvii. 2. The wealthy patriarch Abraham, beforethe birth of Isaac, designed to make his head servant, Eleazer ofDamascus, his heir. 

PROP. 5. --_No colored man can be evidence against a white man, &c. _

This is an almost universal rule of slave law. The advocates of slaveryseem to regard it as a necessary consequence of the system, whichneither admits of concealment, nor needs it. "In one or two of ourStates this rule is founded upon _usage_; in others it is sanctionedby _express legislation_. "

So long as this rule is acted upon, it is very plain, that allregulations made for the protection of the slave are perfectlyuseless;--however grievous his wrongs, they _cannot be proved_. Themaster is merely obliged to take the precaution not to starve, ormangle, or murder his negroes, _in the presence of a white man_. Nomatter if five hundred colored people be present, they cannot testifyto the fact. Blackstone remarks, that "rights would be declared invain, and in vain directed to be observed, if there were no method ofrecovering and asserting those rights, when wrongfully withheld, orinvaded. "

Stephens says: "It seems to result from the brief and general accountswhich we have of the law of the Spanish and Portuguese settlements, though I find it nowhere expressly noticed, that slaves there are not, in all cases at least, incompetent witnesses. But even in the FrenchWindward Islands the evidence of negro slaves was admitted against allfree persons, the master only excepted; and that in criminal as well asin civil cases, where the testimony of white people could not be foundto establish the facts in dispute. The _Code Noir_ merely allowed aslave's testimony to be heard by the judge, as a suggestion which mightthrow light on other evidence, without amounting of itself to anydegree of legal proof. But the Sovereign Council of Martinique, humblyrepresented to his majesty that great inconveniences might result fromthe execution of this law, by the _impunity_ of many crimes, which_could not be proved otherwise than by the testimony of slaves_; andthey prayed that such evidence might be received in all cases in whichthere should not be sufficient proof by free witnesses. In consequenceof this, the article in question was varied so far as to admit thetestimony of slaves, when white witnesses were wanting, except againsttheir masters. "

PROP. 6. --_The master has absolute power to punish a slave, &c. _

Stroud says, "There was a time in many, if not in all the slaveholdingdistricts of our country, when the murder of a slave was followed by apecuniary fine only. In one State, the change of the law in this respecthas been very recent. At the present date (1827) I am happy to saythe wilful, malicious, deliberate murder of a slave, by whomsoeverperpetrated, is _declared_ to be punishable with death in every State. The evil is not that the laws _sanction_ crime, but that they do not_punish_ it. And this arises chiefly, if not solely, from the exclusionof the testimony, on the trial of a white person, of all those who are_not_ white. "

"The conflicting influences of humanity and prejudice are strangelycontrasted in the law of North Carolina on this subject. An act passedin 1798, runs thus: 'Whereas by another act of assembly, passed inthe year 1774, the killing of a slave, however wanton, cruel, anddeliberate, is only punishable in the first instance by imprisonment, and paying the value thereof to the owner, which distinction ofcriminality between the murder of a white person and one _who is equallya human creature, but merely of a different complexion_, is disgracefulto humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws andprinciples of a free Christian, and enlightened country, be it enacted, &c. , that if any person shall hereafter be guilty of wilfully andmaliciously killing a slave, such offender shall, upon the firstconviction thereof, be adjudged guilty of murder, and shall suffer thesame punishment as if he had killed a free man; _Provided always, thisact shall not extend to the person killing a slave outlawed by virtueof any act of assembly of this State, or to any slave in the act ofresistance[N] to his lawful owner or master, or to any slave_ DYING_under_ MODERATE CORRECTION. '"

[Footnote N: "It has been judicially determined that it is _justifiable_to kill a slave, resisting, or _offering to resist_ his master byforce. "--_Stroud. _]

In the laws of Tennessee and Georgia, there is a similar proviso. Wherecould such a monstrous anomaly be found, save in a code of slave laws?_Die_ of _moderate_ punishment!! Truly, this _is_ an unveiling ofconsciences!

"To set the matter in its proper light, it may be added that aproclamation, of _outlawry_[O] against a slave is authorized, wheneverhe runs away from his master, conceals himself in some obscure retreat, and to sustain life, kills a _hog_, or some animal of the cattle kind!

[Footnote O: "The outlawry of a slave is not, I believe, an unusualoccurrence. Very recently, a particular account was given of the killingof a black man, _not charged with any offence_, by a person in pursuitof an _outlawed_ slave; owing, as it was stated, to the person killednot _answering_ a call made by his pursuers. Whether the call was_heard_ or not, of course could not be assertained, nor did it appearto have excited any inquiry. "--_Stroud. _]

"A pecuniary mulct was the only restraint upon the wilful murder of aslave, from the year 1740 to 1821, a period of more than eighty years. I find in the case of _The State vs. M'Gee, 1 Bay's Reports_, 164, it issaid incidentally by Messrs. Pinckney and Ford, counsel for the State, that the _frequency_ of the offence was owing to the nature of thepunishment. This was said in the public court-house by men of greatrespectability; nevertheless, thirty years elapsed before a change ofthe law was effected. So far as I have been able to learn, the followingsection has disgraced the statute-book of South Carolina from the year1740 to the present hour: 'In case any person shall wilfully cut outthe tongue, put out the eye, _cruelly_ scald, burn, or deprive anyslave of any limb, or member, or shall inflict any other cruelpunishment, --[_otherwise than by whipping, or beating, with a horsewhip, cowskin, switch, or small stick, or by putting irons on, or confining, or imprisoning such slave_, ]--every such person shall, for every suchoffence, forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds, current money. ' Here isdirect legislation to _sanction_ beating without limit, with horsewhipor cowskin, --the application of irons to the human body, --and perpetualincarceration in a dungeon, according to the will of the master; and themutilation of limbs is paid by a trifling penalty!

"The revised code of Louisiana declares: 'The slave is entirely subjectto the will of the master, who may correct and chastise him, though notwith _unusual_ rigor, nor so as to maim or mutilate him, or to exposehim to the danger of loss of life, or to cause his death. '" Who shalldecide what punishment is _unusual_?

In Missouri, if a slave refuses to obey his or her master, mistress, overseer, or employer, in any lawful commands, such slaves may becommitted to the county jail, there to remain as long as his ownerpleases. 

In some of the States there are indeed restraining laws; but they arecompletely ineffectual, from the difficulty of obtaining the evidenceof _white men_. 

"The same despotic power can be exerted by the attorney, manager, driver, or any other person who is, for the time being, placed overthe slave by order of the owner, or his delegates. The following isthe language of the Louisiana code; and it represents the establishedcustoms of all the slaveholding States: 'The condition of a slave beingmerely a passive one, his subordination to his master, and to all who_represent_ him, is not susceptible of any modification, or restriction, [except in what can incite the slave to the commission of crime] in suchmanner, that he owes to his master, and to all his family, a respectwithout bounds, and an absolute obedience; and he is consequently toexecute all the orders, which he receives from his said master, or fromthem. '"

What chance of mercy the slave has from the generality of overseers, maybe conjectured from the following testimony given by a distinguishedVirginian: Mr. Wirt, in his "Life of Patrick Henry, " speaking of thedifferent classes in Virginia, says: "Last and lowest, a _feculum_ ofbeings called overseers--the _most abject_, _degraded_, _unprincipled_race--always cap in hand to the Dons who employed them, and furnishingmaterials for the exercise of their pride, insolence, and spirit ofdomination. "

The Gentoo code, the most ancient in the world, allowed a wife, a son, a pupil, a younger brother, or a slave, to be whipped with a lash, orbamboo twig, in such a manner as not to occasion any dangerous hurt; andwhoever transgressed the rule, suffered the punishment of a thief. Inthis case, the slave and other members of the family were _equally_protected. 

The Mosaic law was as follows: "If a man smite the eye of his servant, or the eye of his maid, that it perish, _he shall let him go free_ forhis eye's sake. And if he smite out his man-servant's tooth, or hismaid-servant's tooth, _he shall let him go free_ for his tooth's sake. "Exodus, xxi. 26, 27. 

PROP. 7. --_The slave never allowed to resist a white man. _

It is enacted in Georgia, "If any slave shall presume to strike _any_white man, such slave, upon trial and conviction before the justice, shall for the _first_ offence, suffer such punishment as the saidjustice thinks fit, not extending to life or limb; and for the secondoffence, _death_. " It is the same in South Carolina, excepting thatdeath is there the punishment of the _third_ offence. However wantonand dangerous the attack upon the slave may be, he must submit; thereis only one proviso--he may be excused for striking in defence of his_master_, _overseer_, &c. , and of _their_ property. In Maryland, acolored man, even if he be _free_, may have his ears cropped forstriking a white man. In Kentucky, it is enacted that "if any negro, mulatto, or Indian, bond or _free_, shall at any time lift his or herhand, in opposition to _any_ person not colored, they shall, the offencebeing proved before a justice of the peace, receive thirty lashes on hisor her bare back, well laid on. " There is a ridiculous gravity in thefollowing section of a law in Louisiana: "Free people of color oughtnever to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceivethemselves equal to the whites; but on the contrary, they ought to yieldto them _on every occasion_, and never speak or answer them but withrespect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature ofthe offence. "

Such laws are a positive _inducement_ to violent and vicious white mento oppress and injure people of color. In this point of view, a negrobecomes the slave of every white man in the community. The brutaldrunkard, or the ferocious madman, can beat, rob, and mangle him withperfect impunity. Dr. Torrey, in his "Portraiture of Domestic Slavery, "relates an affecting anecdote, which happened near Washington. A freenegro walking along the road, was set upon by two intoxicated ruffianson horseback, who, without any provocation, began to torture him for_amusement_. One of them tied him to the tail of his horse, and thusdragged him along, while the other followed, applying the lash. The poorfellow died by the roadside, in consequence of this treatment. 

The _owner_ may prosecute when a slave is rendered unfit for labor, bypersonal violence; and in the reports of these cases many painful factscome to light which would otherwise have remained for ever unknown. SeeJudicial Reports. 

PROP. 8. --_Slaves cannot redeem themselves or change masters. _

Stroud says, "as to the right of _redemption_, this proposition holdsgood in all the slaveholding States; and is equally true as it respectsthe right to compel a _change of masters_, except in Louisiana. According to the new civil code of that State, the latter privilege maysometimes, perhaps, be obtained by the slave. But the master must firstbe _convicted_ of cruelty--a task so formidable that it can hardly beranked among possibilities; and secondly, it is _optional_ with thejudge, whether or not, to make the decree in favor of the slave. "

If a slave should _not_ obtain a decree in his favor, what has he toexpect from a master exasperated against him, for making the attempt?

At Athens, so deservedly admired for the mildness of her slave laws, thedoor of freedom was opened widely. The abused slaves might fly to theTemple of Theseus, whence no one had a right to take them, except forthe purpose of publicly investigating their wrongs. If their complaintswere well founded, they were either enfranchised, or delivered to moremerciful hands. 

In the Roman Empire, from the time of Adrian and the Antonines, slaveswere protected by the laws, and undue severity being proved, theyreceived freedom or a different master. 

By the _Code Noir_ of the French islands, a slave cruelly treated isforfeited to the crown; and the court, which judges the offence, haspower to confer freedom on the sufferer. In the Spanish and Portuguesecolonies, a slave on complaint of ill-usage obtains public protection;he may be manumitted, or change his master. 

PROP. 9. --_Slave unprotected in his domestic relations. _

In proof of this, it is only necessary to repeat that the slave and hiswife, and his daughters, are considered as the _property_ of theirowners, and compelled to yield implicit obedience--that he is allowed togive no evidence--that he must not resist _any_ white man, under _any_circumstances which do not interfere with his _master's_ interest--andfinally, that public opinion ridicules the slave's claim to anyexclusive right in his own wife and children. 

In Athens, the female slave could demand protection from themagistrates; and if her complaints of insulting treatment were wellfounded, she could be sold to another master, who, in his turn, forfeited his claim by improper conduct. 

PROP. 10. --_The laws obstruct emancipation. _

In nearly all slaveholding States, a slave emancipated by his master'swill, may be seized and sold to satisfy _any debt_. In Louisiana, fraud of creditors is by law considered as _proved_, if it can bemade to appear that the master, at the moment of executing the deed ofenfranchisement, had not sufficient property to pay all his debts; andif after payment of debts, there be not personal estate enough tosatisfy the widow's claim to one third, his slaves, though declared tobe free by his last will, are nevertheless liable to be sold for thewidow's portion. --In South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, a valid emancipation can only be gained by authority of the Legislature, expressly granted. A slave-owner _cannot_ manumit his slaves without theformal consent of the Legislature. "In Georgia, any attempt to free aslave in any other manner than the prescribed form, is punished by afine of two hundred dollars for each _offence_; and the slave or slavesare still, to all intents and purposes, in a state of slavery. " A newact was passed in that State in 1818, by which any person, who endeavorsto enfranchise a slave by will, testament, contract, or stipulation, or who contrives indirectly to confer freedom by allowing his slavesto enjoy the profit of their labor and skill, incurs a penalty notexceeding _one thousand dollars_; and the slaves who have been theobject of such benevolence, are ordered to be seized and sold at publicoutcry. 

In North Carolina, "no slave is allowed to be set free, except for_meritorious services_, to be adjudged of and allowed by the countycourt, and license first had and obtained thereupon;" and any slavemanumitted contrary to this regulation may be seized, put in jail, andsold to the highest bidder. In Mississippi _all_ the above obstaclesto emancipation are combined in one act. 

In Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia, and Maryland, greater facilities areafforded to emancipation. An instrument in writing, signed by twowitnesses, or acknowledged by the owner of the slave in open court, is sufficient; the court reserving the power to demand security forthe maintenance of aged or infirm slaves. By the Virginia laws, anemancipated negro, more than twenty-one years old, is liable to be againreduced to slavery, if he remain in the State more than twelve monthsafter his manumission. 

In Louisiana, a slave cannot be emancipated, unless he is thirty yearsold and has behaved well at least four years preceding his freedom;except a slave who has saved the life of his master, his master's wife, or one of his children. It is necessary to make known to the judge theintention of conferring freedom, who may authorize it, after it has beenadvertised at the door of the court-house forty days, without excitingany opposition. 

Stephens, in his history of West India slavery, supposes that thecolonial codes of England are the only ones expressly framed to obstructemancipation. He is mistaken;--the American _republics_ share thatdistinction with their mother country. There are plenty of better thingsin England to imitate. 

According to the Mosaic law, a Hebrew could not retain his brother, whom he might buy as a servant, more than six years, against hisconsent, and in the seventh year he went out free for nothing. If hecame by himself, he went out by himself; if he were married when hecame, his wife went with him. _Exodus_ xxi, _Deut. _ xv, _Jeremiah_xxxiv. Besides this, Hebrew slaves were, without exception, restoredto freedom by the _Jubilee_. --"Ye shall hallow the fiftieth year, andproclaim liberty throughout the land, and unto all the inhabitantsthereof. " _Leviticus_ xxv, 10. 

At Athens, if the slave possessed property enough to buy his freedom, the law compelled the master to grant it, whenever the money wasoffered. 

The severe laws of Rome discouraged manumission; but it was a verycommon thing for slaves to pay for freedom, out of their _peculium_; andpublic opinion made it dishonorable to retain them in bondage under suchcircumstances. "According to Cicero, sober and industrious slaves, whobecame such by captivity in war, seldom remained in servitude above sixyears. "

"In Turkey, the right of redemption is expressly regulated by theKoran. The master is commanded to give to all his slaves, that behavethemselves faithfully, a writing, fixing beforehand the price at whichthey may be redeemed; and which he is bound to accept, when tendered bythem, or on their behalf. "

"In Brazil, a slave who can pay the value of his servitude, (the fairprice of which may be settled by the magistrate, ) has a right to demandhis freedom. And the case frequently happens; for the slaves have oneday in the week, and in some places two days, exclusively of Sundays andother festivals, which the industrious employ in providing a fund fortheir redemption. "

"In the Spanish colonies, the law is still more liberal. The civilmagistrates are empowered to decide upon the just price of a slave, and when the negro is able to offer this sum, his master is compelledto grant his freedom. He may even redeem himself progressively. Forinstance, by paying a sixth part of his appreciation, he may redeem forhis own use one day in the week; by employing this industriously, hewill soon be enabled to buy another day; by pursuing the same laudablecourse, the remainder of his time may be redeemed with continuallyaccelerated progress, till he becomes entitled to entire manumission. "

PROP. 11. --_Operation of the laws interferes with religious privileges. _

No places of public worship are prepared for the negro; and churchesare so scarce in the slaveholding States, compared with the number of_white_ inhabitants, that it is not to be supposed great numbers of themfollow their masters to such places; and if they did, what could theirrude, and merely sensual minds comprehend of a discourse addressed toeducated men? In Georgia, there is a law which forbids any congregationor company of negroes to assemble themselves contrary to the actregulating patrols. Every justice of the peace may go in person, or senda constable, to disperse any assembly or meeting of slaves, which _may_disturb the peace, endanger the safety, &c. , and every slave taken atsuch meetings may, by order of the justice, _without trial_, receive onthe bare back twenty-five stripes with whip, switch, or cowskin. InSouth Carolina, an act forbids the police officers to break into anyplace of religious meeting before nine o'clock, provided a _majority_ ofthe assembly are _white persons_; but if the quorum of white peopleshould happen to be wanting, every slave would be liable to twenty-fivelashes of the cowskin. 

These, and various similar regulations, are obviously made to preventinsurrections; but it is plain that they must materially interfere withthe slave's opportunities for religious instruction. The fact is, thereare _inconveniences_ attending a general diffusion of Christianity in aslaveholding State--light must follow its path, and that light wouldreveal the surrounding darkness, --slaves might begin to think whetherslavery could be reconciled with religious precepts, --and then thesystem is quite too republican--it teaches that all men are childrenof the same heavenly Father, who careth alike for all. 

The West India planters boldly and openly declared, that slavery andChristianity could not exist together; in their minds the immediateinference was, that Christianity must be put down; and very consistentlythey began to fine and imprison Methodist missionaries, burnchapels, [P] &c. 

[Footnote P: The slaves of any one owner may meet together for religiouspurposes, if authorized by their master, and private chaplains may behired to preach to them. The domestic slaves, who are entirely employedin the family, no doubt fare much better in this respect, than theplantation slaves; but this, and all other negro privileges, dependentirely upon the slave's _luck_ in the character of his master. ]

In Rome, the introduction of "Christianity abolished slavery; the ideaof exclusive property in our fellow-men was too obviously at variancewith its holy precepts; and its professors, in the sincerity of theirhearts, made a formal surrender of such claims. In various ancientinstruments of emancipation, the masters begin by declaring, that, 'forthe love of God and Jesus Christ, for the easing of their consciences, and the safety of their souls, ' they set their bondmen free. "

"It is remarkable that the ancient inhabitants of Great Britain used tosell their countrymen, and even their own children, to the Irish. Theport of Bristol, afterwards so famous for the African slave-trade, wasthen equally distinguished as a market for the same commodity, thoughof a different color. But when Ireland, in the year 1172, was afflictedwith public calamities, the clergy and people of that generous nationbegan to reproach themselves with the unchristian practice of holdingtheir fellow-men in slavery. Their English bondmen, though fully paidfor, were, by an unanimous resolution of the Armagh Assembly, set atliberty. _Their_ repentance dictated present restitution to the injured. More than six hundred years afterwards, when Mr. Wilberforce made hisfirst motion for the abolition of the slave-trade, he was supported byevery Irish member of the House of Commons. " May God bless thee, warm-hearted, generous old Ireland!

In the English and Dutch colonies, baptism was generally supposed toconfer freedom on the slave; and for this reason, masters were reluctantto have them baptized. They got over this difficulty, however, andmarried self-interest to conscience, by making a law that "no slaveshould become free by being a Christian. " This is a striking proof howclosely Christianity and liberty are associated together. 

A French planter of St. Domingo, in a book which he published concerningthat colony, admits that it is desirable to have negroes know enoughof religion to make them friends to humanity, and grateful to theircreator; but he considers it very wrong to load their weak minds witha belief in supernatural dogmas, such as a belief in a future state. He says, "such knowledge is apt to render them intractable, averse tolabor, and induces them to commit suicide on themselves and theirchildren, _of which the colony, the State, and commerce have equalneed_. "

Our slaveholders, in general, seem desirous to have the slave justreligious enough to know that insurrections and murder are contrary tothe maxims of Christianity; but it is very difficult to have them learnjust so much as this, without learning more. In Georgia, I have beentold, that a very general prejudice prevails against white missionaries. To avoid this danger, old domestic slaves, who are better informed thanthe plantation slaves, are employed to hear sermons and repeat them totheir brethren; and their repetitions are said to be strange samples ofpulpit eloquence. One of these old negroes, as the story goes, told hishearers that the Bible said slaves ought to get their freedom; and ifthey could not do it in any other way, they must murder their masters. The slaves had never been allowed to learn to read, and of course theycould not dispute that such a doctrine was actually in the Scriptures. Thus do unjust and absurd laws "return to plague the inventor. "

PROP. 12. --_Whole power of the laws exerted to keep negroes inignorance. _

South Carolina made the first law upon this subject. While yet a_province_, she laid a penalty of one hundred pounds upon any person whotaught a slave to write, or allowed him to be taught to write. [Q] InVirginia, any school for teaching reading and writing, either to slaves, or to free people of color, is considered _an unlawful assembly_, andmay accordingly be dispersed, and punishment administered upon eachpupil, not exceeding twenty lashes. 

[Footnote Q: Yet it has been said that these laws are entirely owingto the rash efforts of the abolitionists. ]

In South Carolina, the law is the same. 

The city of Savannah, in Georgia, a few years ago, passed an ordinance, by which "any person that teaches a person of color, slave or free, toread or write, or causes such persons to be so taught, is subjected toa fine of thirty dollars for each offence; and every person of color whoshall teach reading or writing, is subject to a fine of thirty dollars, or to be imprisoned ten days and whipped thirty-nine lashes. "

From these facts it is evident that legislative power prevents a masterfrom giving liberty and instruction to his slave, even when such acourse would be willingly pursued by a benevolent individual. The lawsallow almost unlimited power to do _mischief_; but the power to do_good_ is effectually restrained. 

PROP. 13. --_There is a monstrous inequality of law and right. _

In a civilized country, one would expect that if any disproportionexisted in the laws, it would be in favor of the ignorant anddefenceless; but the reverse is lamentably the case here. _Obedience_ tothe laws is the price freemen pay for the _protection_ of the laws;--butthe same legislatures which absolutely sanction the negro's _wrongs_, and, to say the least, make very inadequate provisions for his _safety_, claim the right to _punish_ him with inordinate severity. 

"In Kentucky, white men are condemned to death for _four_ crimes only;slaves meet a similar punishment for _eleven_ crimes. In South Carolina, white persons suffer death for _twenty-seven_ crimes; slaves incur asimilar fate for _thirty-six_ crimes. In Georgia, whites are punishedcapitally for _three_ crimes only; slaves for _at least nine_. "

Stroud says there are _seventy-one_ crimes in the slave States, forwhich negroes are punished with _death_, and for each and every one ofthese crimes the white man suffers nothing worse than imprisonment inthe penitentiary. 

"Trial by jury is utterly denied to the slave, _even in criminalaccusations which may affect his life_; in South Carolina, Virginia, and Louisiana, instead of a jury, is substituted a tribunal composed oftwo justices of the peace and from three to five _free_-holders, (i. E. _slave_-holders. ) In Virginia, it is composed of five justices merely. What chance has an ignorant slave before a tribunal chosen by hisaccuser, suddenly convoked, and consisting of but five persons?"

If a slave is found out of the limits of the town in which he lives, orbeyond the plantation on which he is usually employed, without a writtenpermission from his master, or the company of some white person, _anybody_ may inflict twenty lashes upon him; and if the slave resist suchpunishment, he may be lawfully _killed_. 

If a slave visit another plantation without leave in writing from hismaster, the owner of the plantation may give him ten lashes. 

More than seven slaves walking or standing together in the road, withouta white man, may receive twenty lashes each from any person. 

Any slave, or Indian, who takes away, or lets loose a boat, from anyplace where it is fastened, receives thirty-nine lashes for the firstoffence; and, according to some laws, one ear is cut off for the secondoffence. 

For carrying a gun, powder, shot, a club, or any weapon whatsoever, offensive or defensive, thirty-nine lashes by order of a justice; andin some States, twenty lashes from the nearest constable, _without_ aconviction by the justice. 

For selling any article, without a specific ticket from his master, tenlashes by the captain of the patrollers, [R] or thirty-nine by order ofa magistrate. The same punishment for being at any assembly deemed_unlawful_. 

[Footnote R: The patrols are very generally low and dissipatedcharacters, and the cruelties which negroes suffer from them, while ina state of intoxication, are sometimes shocking. The law endows thesemen with very great power. ]

For travelling by himself from his master's land to any other place, unless by the most accustomed road, forty lashes; the same fortravelling in the night without a pass; the same for being found inanother negro's kitchen, or quarters; and every negro found _in company_with such vagrant, receives twenty lashes. 

For hunting with dogs, even in the woods of his master, thirty lashes. 

For running away and lurking in swamps, a negro may be lawfully _killed_by any person. If a slave _happen_ to die of _moderate_ correction, itis likewise justifiable homicide. 

For endeavoring to entice another slave to run away, if provisions areprepared, the slave is punished with DEATH; and any negro aiding orabetting suffers DEATH. 

Thirty-nine stripes for harboring a runaway slave one hour. 

For disobeying orders, imprisonment as long as the master chooses. 

For riding on horseback, without written permission, or for keeping adog, twenty-five lashes. 

For rambling, riding, or going abroad in the night, or riding horses inthe day without leave, a slave may be whipped, cropped, or branded onthe cheek with the letter R, or otherwise punished, not extending tolife, nor _so as to unfit him for labor_. 

For beating the Patuxent river, to catch fish, ten lashes; for placing aseine across Transquakin and Chickwiccimo creeks, thirty-nine lashes byorder of a justice. 

For advising the murder of a person, one hundred lashes may be given. 

A runaway slave may be put into jail, and the jailer must forthwith senda letter by mail, to the man whom the negro says is his owner. If ananswer does not arrive at the proper time, the jailer must inflicttwenty-five lashes, well laid on, and interrogate anew. If the slave'ssecond statement be not corroborated by the letter from the owner, twenty-five lashes are again administered. --The act very coollyconcludes thus: "and so on, for the space of _six months_, it shall bethe duty of the jailer to interrogate and whip as aforesaid. "

The letter may miscarry, the owner may reside at a great distance fromthe Post-Office, and thus long delays may occur--the ignorant slave maynot know his master's christian name--the jailer may not spell itaright; but no matter--"It is the jailer's duty to interrogate and whip, as aforesaid. "

The last authorized edition of the laws of Maryland, comprises thefollowing: "If any slave be convicted of any petit treason, or murder, or wilfully burning of dwelling-houses, it may be lawful for thejustices to give judgment against such slave to have the right hand cutoff, to be hanged in the usual manner, the head severed from the body, the body divided into four quarters, and the head and quarters set up inthe most public places of the county, " &c. 

The laws of Tennessee and Missouri are comparatively mild; yet inMissouri it is _death_ to prepare or administer medicine without themaster's consent, unless it can be _proved_ that there was no evilintention. The law in Virginia is similar; it requires proof that therewas no evil intention, and that the medicine produced no badconsequences. 

To estimate fully the cruel injustice of these laws, it must beremembered that the poor slave is without religious instruction, unableto read, too ignorant to comprehend legislation, and holding so littlecommunication with any person better informed than himself, that thechance is, he does not even know the _existence_ of half the laws bywhich he suffers. This is worthy of Nero, who caused his edicts to beplaced so high that they could not be read, and then beheaded hissubjects for disobeying them. 

PROP. 14. --_The laws operate oppressively on free colored people. _

Free people of color, like the slaves, are excluded by law from allmeans of obtaining the common elements of education. 

The free colored man may at any time be taken up on suspicion, and becondemned and imprisoned as a runaway slave, unless he can _prove_ thecontrary; and be it remembered, none but _white_ evidence, or writtendocuments, avail him. The common law supposes a man to be innocent untilhe is proved guilty; but slave law turns this upside down. Every coloredman is _presumed_ to be a slave till it can be proved otherwise; thisrule prevails in all the slave States, except North Carolina, where itis confined to negroes. Stephens supposes this harsh doctrine to bepeculiar to the British Colonial Code; but in this he is againmistaken--the American _republics_ share the honor with England. 

A law passed in December, 1822, in South Carolina, provides that anyfree colored persons coming into port on board of any vessel shall beseized and imprisoned during the stay of the vessel; and when she isready to depart, the captain shall take such free negroes and pay theexpenses of their arrest and imprisonment; and in case of refusing so todo, he shall be indicted and fined not less than one thousand dollars, and imprisoned not less than two months; and such free negroes shallbe sold for slaves. The Circuit Court of the United States, adjudgedthe law unconstitutional and void. Yet nearly _two years_ after thisdecision, four colored English seamen were taken out of the brigMarmion. England made a formal complaint to our government. Mr. Wirt, the Attorney-General, gave the opinion that the law was unconstitutional. This, as well as the above-mentioned decision, excited strong indignationin South Carolina. Notwithstanding the decision, the law still remainsin force, and other States have followed the example of South Carolina, though with a more cautious observance of appearances. 

In South Carolina, if any free negro harbor, conceal, or entertain, any runaway slave, or a slave charged with _any_ criminal matter, heforfeits ten pounds for the first day, and twenty shillings for everysucceeding day. In case of inability to pay, the free negro is sold atauction, and if any overplus remain, after the fines and attendantexpenses are paid, it is put into the hands of the public treasurer. 

The free negro may entertain a slave without _knowing_ that he has doneany thing wrong; but his declaration to that effect is of no avail. Where every effort is made to prevent colored people from obtaining anymoney, they are of course often unable to pay the penalties imposed. 

If any omission is made in the forms of emancipation established by law, _any person whatsoever_ may seize the negro so manumitted, andappropriate him to their own use. 

If a free colored person remain in Virginia twelve months after hismanumission, he can be sold by the overseers of the poor for the benefitof the _literary fund_!

In Georgia, a free colored man, except a regular articled seaman, isfined one hundred dollars for coming into the State; and if he cannotpay it, may be sold at public outcry. This act has been changed to oneof increased severity. A free colored person cannot be a witness againsta white man. They may therefore be robbed, assaulted, kidnapped andcarried off with impunity; and even the legislatures of the old slaveStates adopt it as a maxim that it is very desirable to get rid of them. It is of no avail to _declare_ themselves free; the law _presumes_ themto be slaves, unless they can _prove_ to the contrary. In many instanceswritten documents of freedom have been wrested from free colored peopleand destroyed by kidnappers. A lucrative internal slave-trade furnishesconstant temptation to the commission of such crimes; and the _new_States of Alabama, Mississippi, Missouri, and the territories ofArkansas, and the Floridas, are not likely to be glutted for years tocome. 

In Philadelphia, though remote from a slave market, it has beenascertained that _more than thirty_ free persons of color, were stolenand carried off within _two_ years. Stroud says: "Five of these havebeen restored to their friends, by the interposition of humanegentlemen, though not without great expense and difficulty. The othersare still in bondage; and if rescued at all, it must be by sending_white_ witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles. "

I know the names of four colored citizens of Massachusetts, who wentto Georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that State, and sold as slaves. They have sent the most earnest exhortations totheir families and friends to do something for their relief; but theattendant expenses require more money than the friends of negroes areapt to have, and the poor fellows as yet remain unassisted. 

A New-York paper, November, 1829, contains the following caution:

"_Beware of kidnappers!_--It is _well understood_ that there is atpresent in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in theirvocation of stealing colored children for the Southern market! It isbelieved that three or four have been stolen within as many days. Alittle negro boy came to this city from the country three or four daysago. Some strange white persons were very friendly to him, and yesterdaymorning he was mightily pleased that they had given him some newclothes. And the persons pretending thus to befriend him, entirelysecured his confidence. This day he cannot be found. Nor can he betraced since seen with one of his new friends yesterday. There aresuspicions of a foul nature, connected with some who serve the policein subordinate capacities. It is hinted that there may be those in someauthority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical practices. Letthe public be on their guard! It is still fresh in the memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove, of negroes, was made up from this cityand Philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation of all thenegroes in this State took place under our present constitution, andwere taken through Virginia, the Carolinas, and Tennessee, and disposedof in the State of Mississippi. Some of those who were taken fromPhiladelphia were persons of intelligence, and after they had beendriven through the country in chains, and disposed of by sale on theMississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were rescued from bondage. The persons who were guilty of this abominable transaction are known, and now reside in North Carolina; they may, very probably, be engagedin similar enterprises at the present time--at least there is reasonto believe that the system of kidnapping free persons of color from theNorthern cities has been carried on more extensively than the public aregenerally aware of. "

This, and other evils of the system, admit of no radical cure but theutter extinction of slavery. To enact _laws_ prohibiting the slavetraffic, and at the same time tempt avarice by the allurements of an_insatiable market_, is irreconcilable and absurd. 

To my great surprise, I find that the free States of Ohio and Indianadisgrace themselves by admitting the same maxim of law, which preventsany black or mulatto from being a witness against a white man!

It is naturally supposed that free negroes will sympathize with theirenslaved brethren, and that, notwithstanding all exertions to thecontrary, they will become a little more intelligent; this excites apeculiar jealousy and hatred in the white population, of which it isimpossible to enumerate all the hardships. Even in the _laws_, slavesare always mentioned before free people of color; so desirous are theyto degrade the latter class below the level of the former. To completethe wrong, this unhappy class are despised in consequence of the veryevils we ourselves have induced--for as slavery inevitably makes itsvictims servile and vicious, and as none but negroes are allowed tobe slaves, we, from our very childhood, associate every thing thatis degraded with the _mere color_; though in fact the object of ourcontempt may be both exemplary and intelligent. In this way the Africansare doubly the victims of our injustice; and thus does prejudice "_make_the meat it feeds on. "

I have repeatedly said that our slave laws are continually increasingin severity; as a proof of this I will give a brief view of some ofthe most _striking_, which have been passed since Stroud published hiscompendium of slave laws, in 1827. In the first class are containedthose enactments _directly_ oppressive to people of color; in the secondare those which injure them _indirectly_, by the penalties ordisabilities imposed upon the whites who instruct, assist, or employthem, or endeavor in any way to influence public opinion in their favor. 

_Class First. _--The Legislature of Virginia passed a law in 1831, bywhich any free colored person who undertakes to preach, or conductany religious meeting, by day or night, may be whipped not exceedingthirty-nine lashes, at the discretion of _any_ justice of the peace; andany body may apprehend any such free colored person without a warrant. The same penalty, adjudged and executed in the same way, falls upon anyslave, or free colored person, who attends such preaching; and any slavewho listens to any _white_ preacher, in the night time, receives thesame punishment. The same law prevails in Georgia and Mississippi. Amaster may permit a slave to preach on _his_ plantation, to none but_his_ slaves. 

There is a _naiveté_ in the following preamble to a law passed by NorthCarolina, in 1831, which would be amusing, if the subject were not tooserious for mirth: "_Whereas teaching slaves to read and write has atendency to excite dissatisfaction in their minds_, and to produceinsurrection and rebellion, " therefore it is enacted that teaching aslave to read or write, or giving or selling to a slave _any_ book orpamphlet, shall be punished with thirty-nine lashes, if the offender bea free black, or with imprisonment at the discretion of the court; if aslave, the _offence_ is punishable with thirty-nine lashes, on his orher bare back, on conviction before a justice of the peace. 

In Georgia, any slave, or free person of color, is for a similaroffence, fined or whipped, or fined _and_ whipped, at the discretion ofthe court. 

In Louisiana, twelve months' imprisonment is the penalty for teachinga slave to read or write. 

For publishing, or circulating, in the State of North Carolina, anypamphlet or paper having an _evident tendency_ to excite slaves, or freepersons of color, to insurrection or resistance, imprisonment not lessthan one year, _and_ standing in the pillory, _and_ whipping, at thediscretion of the court, for the first offence; and death for thesecond. The same offence punished with death in Georgia, without anyreservation. In Mississippi, the same as in Georgia. In Louisiana, thesame offence punished either with imprisonment for life, or death, atthe discretion of the court. In Virginia, the first offence of this sortis punished with thirty-nine lashes, the second with death. 

With regard to publications having a _tendency_ to promote discontentamong slaves, their masters are so very jealous, that it would bedifficult to find _any_ book, that would not come under theircondemnation. The Bible, and the Declaration of Independence arecertainly unsafe. The preamble to the North Carolina law declares, that the _Alphabet_ has a tendency to excite dissatisfaction; I supposeit is because _freedom_ may be spelt out of it. A storekeeper in SouthCarolina was nearly ruined by having unconsciously imported certainprinted _handkerchiefs_, which his neighbors deemed seditious. A friendof mine asked, "Did the handkerchiefs contain texts from scripture? orquotations from the Constitution of the United States?"

Emancipated slaves must quit North Carolina in ninety days after theirenfranchisement, on pain of being sold for life. Free persons of colorwho shall _migrate into_ that State, may be seized and sold as runawayslaves; and if they _migrate out_ of the State for more than ninetydays, they can never return under the same penalty. 

This extraordinary use of the word _migrate_ furnishes a new batteringram against the free colored class, which is every where so odious toslave-owners. A _visit_ to relations in another State may be called_migrating_; being taken up and detained by _kidnappers_, over ninetydays, may be called _migrating_;--for where neither the evidence of thesufferer nor any of his own color is allowed, it will evidently amountto this. 

In South Carolina, if a free negro cross the line of the State, he can_never_ return. 

In 1831, Mississippi passed a law to expel all free colored personsunder sixty and over sixteen years of age from the State, within ninetydays, unless they could prove good characters, and obtain from the courta certificate of the same, for which they paid three dollars; thesecertificates might be revoked at the discretion of the county courts. Ifsuch persons do not quit the State within the time specified, or if theyreturn to it, they may be sold for a term not exceeding five years. 

In Tennessee, slaves are not allowed to be emancipated unless they leavethe State forthwith. Any free colored person emigrating into this State, is fined from ten to fifty dollars, and hard labor in the penitentiaryfrom one to two years. 

North Carolina has made a law subjecting any vessel with _free_ coloredpersons on board to thirty days' quarantine; as if freedom were as badas the cholera! Any person of color coming on shore from such vessels isseized and imprisoned, till the vessel departs; and the captain is finedfive hundred dollars; and if he refuse to take the colored seaman away, and pay all the expenses of his imprisonment, he is fined five hundredmore. If the sailor do not depart within ten days after his captain'srefusal, he must be whipped thirty-nine lashes; and all colored persons, bond or free, who _communicate_ with him, receive the same. 

In Georgia, there is a similar enactment. The prohibition is, in bothStates, confined to _merchant_ vessels, (it would be imprudent to meddlewith _vessels of war_;) and any colored person communicating with suchseaman is whipped not exceeding _thirty_ lashes. If the captain refuseto carry away seamen thus detained, and _pay the expenses of theirimprisonment_, he shall be fined five hundred dollars, and alsoimprisoned, not exceeding three months. 

These State laws are a direct violation of the Laws of Nations, and ourtreaties; and may involve the United States in a foreign war. 

Colored seamen are often employed in Spanish, Portuguese, French, andEnglish vessels. These nations are bound to know the United States Laws;but can they be expected to know the enactments of particular States andcities? and if they know them, are they bound to observe them, ifthey interfere with the established rules of nations? When Mr. Wirtpronounced these laws unconstitutional, great excitement was producedin South Carolina. The Governor of that State, in his Message to theLegislature, implied that separation from the Union was the only remedy, if the laws of the Southern States could not be enforced. They seem torequire unconditional submission abroad as well as at home. 

The endeavor to prevent insurrections in this way, is as wise as toattempt to extinguish fire with spirits of wine. The short-sightedpolicy defeats itself. A free colored sailor was lately imprisoned withseven slaves: Here was a fine opportunity to sow the seeds of seditionin their minds!

The upholders of slavery will in vain contend with the liberal spiritof the age; it is too strong for them. They may as well try to bottleup the sunshine for their own exclusive use, as to attempt to keepknowledge and freedom to themselves. We all know that such an experimentwould result in bottling up darkness for themselves, while exactly thesame amount of sunshine remained abroad for the use of their neighbors. 

In North Carolina, free negroes are whipped, fined, and imprisoned, atthe discretion of the court, for intermarrying with slaves. 

In Georgia, free colored persons when unable to pay _any_ fine, may besold for a space of time not exceeding five years. This limitation doesnot probably avail much; if sold to another master before the five yearsexpired, they would never be likely to be free again. 

Several other laws have been passed in Georgia, prohibiting slaves fromliving apart from their master, either to labor for other persons, or tosell refreshments, or to carry on any trade or business although withtheir master's consent. Any person of color, bond or free, is forbiddento occupy any tenement except a _kitchen_ or an _outhouse_, underpenalty of from twenty to fifty lashes. Some of these laws areapplicable only to particular cities, towns, or counties; others toseveral counties. 

Sundry general laws of a penal nature have been made more penal; and thenumber of offences, for which a colored person may suffer _death_, isincreased. 

A law passed in Tennessee, in 1831, provides that negroes for conspiracyto rebel, shall be punished with whipping, imprisonment and pillory, atthe discretion of the court; it has this curious proviso--"Householders_may_ serve as jurors, if _slaveholders_ cannot be had!"[S] The Southerncourts need to have a great deal of _discretion_, since so much istrusted to it. 

[Footnote S: The Common Law assigns for the trial of a foreigner, sixjurors of his own nation, and six native Englishmen. ]

_Class Second. _--In Virginia, _white_ persons who teach any coloredperson to read or write, are fined not exceeding fifty dollars; forteaching slaves for pay, from ten to twenty dollars for each offence. 

In Georgia, a similar offence is fined not exceeding five hundreddollars, and imprisoned at the discretion of the court. Knowledge seemsto be peculiarly _pokerish_ in Georgia. 

In North Carolina, if a white person teach a slave to read or write, orgive or sell him _any_ book, &c. , he is fined from one to two hundreddollars. 

In Louisiana, any white person, who teaches a slave to read or write, is imprisoned one year. And if any person shall use any language fromthe _bar_, _bench_, _stage_, _pulpit_, or any other place, --or holdany conversation having a _tendency_ to promote discontent among freecolored people, or insubordination among slaves, he may be imprisoned athard labor, not less than three, nor more than twenty-one years; or hemay suffer death--at the discretion of the court. 

In Mississippi, a white man, who prints or circulates doctrines, sentiments, advice, or _innuendoes_, likely to produce discontent amongthe colored class, is fined from one hundred to a thousand dollars, andimprisoned from three to twelve months. 

All the States which have pronounced an anathema against books andalphabets, have likewise forbidden that any colored man shall beemployed in a printing-office, under the penalty of ten dollars forevery offence. 

In Mississippi, any white who employs, or receives a free coloredperson, without a certificate of freedom, written on parchment, forfeits_one thousand dollars_. 

If any master, in that State, allows his slaves to sell any wares ormerchandise out of the incorporated towns, he is liable to a fine offrom fifty to five hundred dollars. 

In Virginia, any person who buys of a slave any article belonging to hismaster, forfeits from ten to fifty dollars; if the purchase be made onSunday, ten dollars more are added to the fine for each article. 

This enactment is evidently made to prevent a slave from obtaining anymoney, or holding communication with freemen; a particular proviso ismade against Sunday, because the slave has usually more leisure on thatday. It is to be remembered that all a slave has belongs to his master. 

To carry a slave out of North Carolina, or conceal him with intent tocarry him out, is punished with death. 

If a runaway slave die in prison, before he or she can be sold, _thecounty pays the sheriff and jailer_; formerly these officers depended onthe life and marketableness of their prisoners for security; but eventhis poor motive for kindness is now taken away. If ninety-nine out ofa hundred die in prison, they will be heard of only in the _jailer'sbill_. I never heard or read of an _inquest_ upon the body of a slavefound dead. Under the term "runaway slaves" are included many freecolored persons taken up unjustly. 

Well might Jefferson say, "I tremble for my country, when I reflect thatGod is just!"

In travelling over this dreary desert, it is pleasant to arrive at onelittle oasis: Louisiana _has_ enacted that slaves brought into thatState for sale, shall forthwith be set free; but they must be sent outof the State. 

It is worthy of remark that England pursues a totally different coursewith regard to allowing slaves to communicate with free people. Theirrecent laws are all calculated to make it easy for the slave toobtain a fair hearing from people who have no interest to suppress hiscomplaints. He may go upon any plantation, and communicate with anyperson; and whoever tries to prevent his going to a magistrate is guiltyof a misdemeanor. 

They have abolished all distinction between white and colored witnesses. 

The law expressly stipulates the quality and quantity of provisions. 

Inquest is held upon the bodies of slaves dying suddenly, or from anysuspected violence. 

Use of the cart-whip prohibited; and no female to be punished except byorder of the court. 

Only fifteen lashes allowed as a punishment to men for one offence, andin one day: two kinds of punishment never allowed for one offence. 

When a slave is punished, two competent witnesses must be present. 

The owner is obliged to keep a record of domestic punishments and thecauses. 

Marriages among slaves are encouraged, and husband and wife are notallowed to be sold separately. Children under sixteen years old cannotbe separated from their parents. 

Masters illegally punishing their slaves, are subject to fine, imprisonment, and loss of the slave, for the first offence; for thesecond offence, sequestration of all their slaves. 

Free colored representatives are allowed to take their seats in thelegislature, and share all the other privileges of British subjects. 

Yet these humane laws, so carefully framed in favor of the defenceless, have been found insufficient to protect the slave. Experience proves, what reason clearly points out, that the force of good laws must beweakened by the very nature of this unholy relation. Where there isknowledge and freedom on one side, and ignorance and servitude on theother, evasions and subterfuges will of course be frequent. HenceEnglish philanthropists have universally come to the conclusion thatnothing effectual can be done, unless slavery itself be destroyed. 

The limits of this work compel me to pass by many enactments in ourslaveholding States, which would throw still more light on this darksubject. 

I have laid open some of the laws which do actually exist, and areconstantly enforced in this free country; and knowing all this, andstill more, to be true, I blush and hang my head, whenever I hear anyone boast of our "glorious institutions. "

The slaveholders insist that their _humanity_ is so great, as to renderall their ferocious laws perfectly harmless. Are the laws then made onpurpose to urge tender-hearted masters to be so much worse than theyreally desire to be? The democrats of the South appear to be lessscrupulous about the liberties of others, than the Autocrat of theRussias;--for, when Madame de Staël told the Emperor Alexander that his_character_ answered instead of a _constitution_ for his country, hereplied, "Then, madam, I am but a lucky _accident_. " How much moreemphatically may it be said, that the slave's destiny is a matter ofchance! Reader, would you trust the very best man you know, with yourtime, your interests, your family, and your life, unless the contractwere guarded on every side by the strong arm of the law? If amoney-loving neighbor could force you to toil, and could gain a certainnumber of dollars for every hour of your labor, how much rest should youexpect to have?

It is utter nonsense to say that generosity of disposition is aprotection against tyranny, where all the power is on one side. It maybe, and it no doubt is so, in particular instances; but they must beexceptions to the general rule. 

We all know that the Southerners have a high sense of what the worldcalls honor, and that they are brave, hospitable, and generous to peopleof their own color; but the more we respect their virtues, the morecause is there to lament the demoralizing _system_, which produces suchunhappy effects on all who come within its baneful influence. Most ofthem may be as kind as can be expected of human nature, endowed withalmost unlimited power to do wrong; and some of them may be even morebenevolent than the warmest friend of the negro would dare to hope; butwhile we admit all this, we must not forget that there is in everycommunity a class of men, who will not be any better than the lawscompel them to be. 

Captain Riley, in his Narrative, says: "Strange as it may seem to thephilanthropist, my free and proud-spirited countrymen still hold amillion and a half[T] of human beings in the most cruel bonds ofslavery; who are kept at hard labor, and smarting under the lash ofinhuman mercenary drivers; in many instances enduring the miseries ofhunger, thirst, imprisonment, cold, nakedness, and even tortures. Thisis no picture of the imagination. For the honor of human nature, I wishlikenesses were nowhere to be found! I myself have witnessed such scenesin different parts of my own country; and the bare recollection of themnow chills my blood with horror. "

[Footnote T: There are now over two million. ]

When the slave-owners talk of their gentleness and compassion, they arewitnesses in their own favor, and have strong motives for showing thefairest side. But what do the laws themselves imply? Are enactments evermade against exigencies which do not exist? If negroes have never beenscalded, burned, mutilated, &c. , why are such crimes forbidden by anexpress law, with the marvellous proviso, except said slave _die_ of"_moderate_ punishment!" If a law sanctioning whipping to any extent, incarceration at the discretion of the master, and the body loaded withirons, is called a _restraining_ law, let me ask what crimes must havebeen committed, to require _prohibition_, where so much is _allowed_?The law which declares that slaves shall be compelled to labor _only_fourteen or fifteen hours a day, has the following preamble: "Whereas_many_ owners of slaves, managers, &c. _do_ confine them so closely tohard labor that they have not sufficient time for natural rest, " &c. Mr. Pinckney, in a public argument, speaking of slaves murdered by severetreatment, says: "The _frequency_ of the crime is no doubt owing to thenature of the punishment. " The reader will observe that I carefullyrefrain from quoting the representations of party spirit, and refer to_facts_ only for evidence. 

Where the laws are made by the people, a majority of course approvethem; else they would soon be changed. It must therefore in candor beadmitted, that the _laws_ of a State speak the prevailing _sentiments_of the inhabitants. 

Judging by this rule, what inference must be drawn from the facts statedabove? "At Sparta, the freeman is the freest of all men, and the slaveis the greatest of slaves. "

Our republic is a perfect Pandora's box to the negro, only there is no_hope_ at the bottom. The wretchedness of his fate is not a littleincreased by being a constant witness of the unbounded freedom enjoyedby others: the slave's labor must necessarily be like the labor ofSisiphus; and here the torments of Tantalus are added. 

Slavery is so inconsistent with free institutions, and the spirit ofliberty is so contagious under such institutions, that the system musteither be given up, or sustained by laws outrageously severe; hence wefind that our slave laws have each year been growing more harsh thanthose of any other nation. 

Shall I be told that all these regulations are necessary for the whiteman's safety? What then, let me indignantly ask, what must the systembe that _requires_ to be supported by such unnatural, such tyrannicalmeans? The very apology pronounces the condemnation of slavery--for itproves that it cannot exist without producing boundless misery to theoppressed, and perpetual terror to the oppressor. 

In our fourth of July orations, we are much in the habit of talkingabout the tyranny of England! and there is no doubt that broad and deepstains do rest upon her history. But there is a vulgar proverb that"those who live in glass houses should not throw stones. " In judging ofnational, as well as individual wrong, it is fair to consider the amountof temptation. England has had power, more extensive and permanent thanany nation since the decline of Rome: the negroes and the Indians arethe only people who have been dependant on _our_ justice andgenerosity--and how have we treated _them_?

It is a favorite argument that we are not to blame for slavery, becausethe British engrafted it upon us, while we were colonies. But did we nottake the liberty to _change_ English laws and customs, when they didnot suit us? Why not put away _this_, as well as other evils of muchless consequence? It could have been done easily, at the time of ourconfederation; it _can_ be done now. --Have not other nations been makingalterations for the better, on this very subject, since we becameindependent? Is not England trying with all her might to atone for thewrong she has done? Does not the constitution of the United States, andthe constitution of each individual State, make provision for suchchanges as shall tend to the public good?

The plain truth is, the continuation of this system is a sin; and thesin rests upon us: It has been eloquently said that "by this excuse, wetry to throw the blame upon our ancestors, and leave repentance toposterity. "

CHAPTER III. 

FREE LABOR AND SLAVE LABOR. --POSSIBILITY OF SAFE EMANCIPATION. 

 Wo unto him that useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work. --_Jeremiah_ xxii, 13. 

 Who can reflect, unmoved, upon the round Of smooth and solemnized complacences, By which, on Christian lands, from age to age, Profession mocks performance. Earth is sick, And Heaven is weary, of the hollow words, Which states and kingdoms utter when they talk Of truth and justice. 

 WORDSWORTH. 

Political economists found their systems on those broad and generalprinciples, the application of which has been proved by reason andexperience to produce the greatest possible happiness to the greatestnumber of people. All writers of this class, I believe withoutexception, prefer free labor to slave labor. 

Indeed a very brief glance will show that slavery is inconsistent with_economy_, whether domestic or political. 

The slave is bought, sometimes at a very high price; in free labor thereis no such investment of capital. When the slave is ill, a physicianmust be paid by the owner; the free laborer defrays his own expenses. The children of the slave must be supported by his master; the free manmaintains his own. The slave is to be taken care of in his old age, which his previous habits render peculiarly helpless; the free laboreris hired when he is wanted, and then returns to his home. The slavedoes not care how slowly or carelessly he works; it is the free man'sinterest to do his business well and quickly. The slave is indifferenthow many tools he spoils; the free man has a motive to be careful. Theslave's clothing is indeed very cheap, but it is of no consequence tohim how fast it is destroyed--his master _must_ keep him covered, andthat is all he is likely to do; the hired laborer pays more for hisgarments, but makes them last three times as long. The free man will behonest for reputation's sake; but reputation will make the slave nonethe richer, nor invest him with any of the privileges of a humanbeing--while his poverty and sense of wrong both urge him to steal fromhis master. A salary must be paid to an overseer to compel the slave towork; the free man is impelled by the desire of increasing the comfortsof himself and family. Two hired laborers will perform as much work asthree slaves; by some it is supposed to be a more correct estimate thatslaves perform only _half_ as much labor as the same number of freelaborers. Finally, _where_ slaves are employed, manual industry is adegradation to white people, and indolence becomes the prevailingcharacteristic. 

Slave-owners have indeed frequently shown great adroitness in defendingthis bad system; but, with few exceptions, they base their argumentsupon the necessity of continuing slavery because it is already begun. Many of them have openly acknowledged that it was highly injurious tothe prosperity of the State. 

The Hon. Henry Clay, in his address before the Colonization Societyof Kentucky, has given a view of the causes affecting, and likely toaffect, slavery in this country, which is very remarkable for itscompleteness, its distinctness, and its brevity. The following sentencesare quoted from this address: "As a mere laborer, the slave feels thathe toils for his master, and not for himself; that the laws do notrecognise his capacity to acquire and hold property, which dependsaltogether upon the pleasure of his proprietor, and that all the fruitsof his exertions are reaped by others. He knows that, whether sick orwell, in times of scarcity or abundance, his master is bound to providefor him by the all-powerful influence of self-interest. He is generally, therefore, indifferent to the adverse or prosperous fortunes of hismaster, being contented if he can escape his displeasure orchastisement, by a careless and slovenly performance of his duties. 

"This is the state of the relation between master and slave, prescribedby the law of its nature, and founded in the reason of things. There areundoubtedly many exceptions, in which the slave dedicates himself to hismaster with a zealous and generous devotion, and the master to the slavewith a parental and affectionate attachment. But it is my purpose tospeak of the _general_ state of this unfortunate relation. 

"That labor is best, in which the laborer knows that he will derive theprofits of his industry, that his employment depends upon his diligence, and his reward upon this assiduity. He then has every motive to excitehim to exertion, and to animate him in perseverance. He knows that if heis treated badly, he can exchange his employer for one who will betterestimate his service; and that whatever he earns is _his_, to bedistributed by himself as he pleases, among his wife and children, andfriends, or enjoyed by himself. In a word, he feels that he is a freeagent, with rights, and privileges, and sensibilities. 

"Wherever the option exists to employ, at an equal hire, free or slavelabor, the former will be decidedly preferred, for the reasons alreadyassigned. It is more capable, more diligent, more faithful, and in everyrespect more worthy of confidence. 

"It is believed that nowhere in the _farming_ portion of the UnitedStates would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor werenot tempted to raise slaves by the high price of the Southern market, which keeps it up in his own. "

Speaking of an attempt more than thirty-five years ago, to adopt gradualemancipation in Kentucky, Mr. Clay says: "We were overpowered bynumbers, and submitted to the decision of the majority, with the gracewhich the minority, in a republic, should ever yield to such a decision. I have nevertheless never ceased, and never shall cease, to regret adecision, the effects of which have been, to place us in the rear of ourneighbors, who are exempt from slavery, in the state of agriculture, theprogress of manufactures, the advance of improvement, and the generalprosperity of society. "

Mr. Appleton, in his reply to Mr. McDuffie in the winter of 1832, --aspeech distinguished for its good temper and sound practicalsense, --says: "I do not think the gentleman from South Carolina hasoverrated the money price of New-England labor at fifty cents; but mostof the labor is performed by the _owners of the soil_. It is greatindustry alone, which makes New-England prosperous. The circumstancethat with this cheap slave labor, the South is complaining of suffering, while the North is content and prosperous with dear free labor, is astriking fact and deserves a careful and thorough examination. Theexperience of all ages and nations proves that high wages are the mostpowerful stimulus to exertion, and the best means of attaching thepeople to the institutions under which they live. It is apparent thatthis political effect upon the character of society cannot have anyaction upon slaves. Having no choice or volition, there is nothing forstimulus to act upon; they are in fact no part of society. So that, inthe language of political economy, they are, like machinery, merelycapital; and the productions of their labor consists wholly of profitsof capital. But it is not perceived how the tariff can lessen the valueof the productions of their labor, in comparison with that of the otherStates. New-York and Virginia both produce wheat; New-York with dearlabor is content, and Virginia with cheap labor is dissatisfied. 

"What is the _occupation_ of the white population of the plantingStates? I am at a loss to know how this population is employed. We hearof no products of these States, but those produced by slave labor. Itis clear the white population cannot be employed in raising cotton ortobacco, because in doing so they can earn but twelve and a half centsper day, since the same quantity of labor performed by a slave is worthno more. I am told also that the wages of overseers, mechanics, &c. Arehigher than the white labor of the North; and it is well known that manymechanics go from the North to the South, to get employment during thewinter. These facts suggest the inquiry whether this cheap slave labordoes not paralyze the industry of the whites? Whether _idleness_ is notthe greatest of their evils?"

During the famous debate in the Virginia Legislature, in the winter of1832, Mr. Brodnax made the following remark: "That slavery in Virginiais an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would be more than idle for anyhuman being to doubt or deny. It is a mildew which has blighted everyregion it has touched, from the creation of the world. Illustrationsfrom the history of other countries and other times might be instructiveand profitable, had we the time to review them; but we have evidencetending to the same conviction nearer at hand and accessible to dailyobservation, in the short histories of the different States of thisgreat confederacy, which are impressive in their admonitions andconclusive in their character. "

During the same session, Mr. Faulkner of Virginia said: "Sir, I amgratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall, theavowed _advocate_ of slavery. The day has gone by, when such a voicecould be listened to with patience, or even forbearance. I even regret, sir, that we should find one amongst us, who enters the lists as its_apologist_, except on the ground of uncontrolable necessity. If therebe one, who concurs with the gentleman from Brunswick (Mr. Gholson)in the harmless character of this institution, let me requesthim to compare the condition of the slaveholding portion of thisCommonwealth--barren, desolate, and seared as it were by the avenginghand of Heaven, --with the descriptions which we have of this samecountry from those who first broke its virgin soil. To what is thischange ascribable? Alone to the withering and blasting effects ofslavery. If this does not satisfy him, let me request him to extend histravels to the Northern States of this Union, --and beg him to contrastthe happiness and contentment which prevails throughout the country--thebusy and cheerful sounds of industry--the rapid and swelling growthof their population--their means and institutions of education--theirskill and proficiency in the useful arts--their enterprise andpublic spirit--the monuments of their commercial and manufacturingindustry;--and, above all, their devoted attachment to the governmentfrom which they derive their protection, with the division, discontent, indolence, and poverty of the Southern country. To what, sir, is allthis ascribable? To that vice in the organization of society, by whichone half of its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling againstthe other half--to that unfortunate state of society in which freemenregard labor as disgraceful--and slaves shrink from it as a burdentyranically imposed upon them--to that condition of things, in whichhalf a million of your population can feel no sympathy with the societyin the prosperity of which they are forbidden to participate, and noattachment to a government at whose hands they receive nothing butinjustice. 

"If this should not be sufficient, and the curious and incredulousinquirer should suggest that the contrast which has been adverted to, and is so manifest, might be traced to a difference of climate, or othercauses distinct from slavery itself, permit me to refer him to thetwo States of Kentucky and Ohio. No difference of soil--no diversityof climate--no diversity in the original settlement of those twoStates, can account for the remarkable disproportion in their nationaladvancement. Separated by a river alone, they seem to have beenpurposely and providentially designed to exhibit in their futurehistories the difference, which necessarily results from a countryfree from, and a country afflicted with, the curse of slavery. Thesame may be said of the two States of Missouri and Illinois. 

"Slavery, it is admitted, is an evil--it is an institution which pressesheavily against the best interests of the State. It banishes free whitelabor--it exterminates the mechanic--the artisan--the manufacturer. Itdeprives them of occupation. It deprives them of bread. It converts theenergy of a community into indolence--its power into imbecility--itsefficiency into weakness. Sir, being thus injurious, have we not a rightto demand its extermination! Shall society suffer, that the slaveholdermay continue to gather his _vigintial crop_ of human flesh? What ishis mere pecuniary claim, compared with the great interests of thecommon weal? Must the country languish and die, that the slaveholdermay flourish? Shall all interest be subservient to one?--all rightssubordinate to those of the slaveholder? Has not the mechanic--have notthe middle classes their rights?--rights incompatible with the existenceof slavery?"

Sutcliff, in his Travels in North America, says: "A person notconversant with these things would naturally think that where familiesemploy a number of slaves, every thing about their houses, gardens, andplantations, would be kept in the best order. But the reverse of thisis generally the case. I was sometimes tempted to think that the moreslaves there were employed, the more disorder appeared. I am persuadedthat one or two hired servants, in a well-regulated family, wouldpreserve more neatness, order, and comfort, than treble the number ofslaves. 

"There is a very striking contrast between the appearance of the horsesor teams in Pennsylvania, and those in the Southern States, where slavesare kept. In Pennsylvania we meet with great numbers of wagons, drawnby four or more fine fat horses, the carriages firm and well made, andcovered with stout good linen, bleached almost white; and it is notuncommon to see ten or fifteen together, travelling cheerfully along theroad, the driver riding on one of his horses. Many of these come morethan three hundred miles to Philadelphia, from the Ohio, Pittsburg, andother places; and I have been told by a respectable friend, a native ofPhiladelphia, that more than one thousand covered carriages frequentlycome to Philadelphia market. "

"The appearance of things in the slave States is quite the reverse ofthis. We sometimes meet a ragged black boy or girl driving a team, consisting of a lean cow or a mule, sometimes a lean bull, or an ox anda mule; and I have seen a mule, a bull, and a cow, each miserable in itsappearance, composing one team, with a half-naked black slave or two, riding or driving, as occasion suited. The carriage or wagon, if it maybe called such, appeared in as wretched a condition as the team and itsdriver. Sometimes a couple of horses, mules, or cows, &c. , would bedragging a hogshead of tobacco, with a pivot, or axle, driven into eachend of the hogshead, and something like a shaft attached, by which itwas drawn, or rolled along the road. I have seen two oxen and two slavespretty fully employed in getting along a single hogshead; and some ofthese come from a great distance inland. "

The inhabitants of free States are often told that they cannot arguefairly upon the subject of slavery because they know nothing about itsactual operation; and any expression of their opinions and feelings withregard to the system, is attributed to ignorant enthusiasm, fanaticalbenevolence, or a wicked intention to do mischief. 

But Mr. Clay, Mr. Brodnax, and Mr. Faulkner, belong to slaveholdingStates; and the two former, if I mistake not, are slave-owners. _They_surely are qualified to judge of the system; and I might fill tenpages with other quotations from southern writers and speakers, whoacknowledge that slavery is a great evil. There are zealous partisansindeed, who defend the system strenuously, and some of them veryeloquently. Thus, Mr. Hayne, in his reply to Mr. Webster, denied thatthe south suffered in consequence of _slavery_; he maintained that theslaveholding States were prosperous, and the principal cause of all theprosperity in the Union. He laughed at the idea of any danger, howeverdistant, from an overgrown slave population, and supported the positionby the fact that slaves had always been kept in entire subjection in theBritish West Indies, where the white population is less than ten percent. Of the whole. But the distinguished gentleman from South Carolinadid not mention that the _peace_ establishment of the British WestIndies costs England _two million pounds annually_! Yet such is thefact. This system is so closely entwined with the apparent interests andconvenience of individuals, that it will never want for able defenders, so long as it exists. But I believe I do not misrepresent the truth, when I say the prevailing opinion at the South is, that it would havebeen much better for those States, and for the country in general, ifslavery had never been introduced. 

Miss Martineau, in her most admirable little book on Demerara, says:"Labor is the product of mind as much as of body; and to secure thatproduct, we must sway the mind by the natural means--by motives. Laboring against self-interest is what nobody ought to expect of whitemen--much less of slaves. Of course every man, woman and child, wouldrather play for nothing than work for nothing. 

"It is the mind, which gives sight to the eye, and hearing to the ear, and strength to the limbs; and the mind cannot be purchased. Where aman is allowed the possession of himself, the purchaser of his labor isbenefitted by the vigor of his mind through the service of his limbs:where man is made the possession of another, the possessor loses at onceand for ever all that is most valuable in that for which he has paid theprice of crime. He becomes the owner of that which only differs from anidiot in being less easily drilled into habits, and more capable ofeffectual revenge. 

"Cattle are fixed capital, and so are slaves: But slaves differ fromcattle on the one hand, in yielding (from internal opposition) a lessreturn for their maintenance; and from free laborers on the other hand, in not being acted upon by the inducements which stimulate production asan effort of mind as well as of body. In all three cases the labor ispurchased. In free laborers and cattle, all the faculties work together, and to advantage; in the slave they are opposed; and therefore he is, so far as the amount of labor is concerned, the least valuable of thethree. The negroes _can_ invent and improve--witness their ingenuity intheir dwellings, and their skill in certain of their sports; but theirmasters will never possess their faculties, though they have purchasedtheir limbs. Our true policy would be to divide the work of the slavebetween the ox and the hired laborer; we should get more out of thesinews of the one and the soul of the other, than the produce of doublethe number of slaves. "

As a matter of humanity, let it be remembered that men having more_reason_ than brutes, must be treated with much greater severity, inorder to keep them in a state of abject submission. 

It seems unnecessary to say that what is unjust and unmerciful, cannever be expedient; yet men often write, talk, and act, as if theyeither forgot this truth, or doubted it. There is genuine wisdom in thefollowing remark, extracted from the petition of Cambridge Universityto the Parliament of England, on the subject of slavery: "A firm beliefin the Providence of a benevolent Creator assures us that no system, founded on the oppression of one part of mankind, _can_ be beneficial toanother. "

But the tolerator of slavery will say, "No doubt the system is anevil; but we are not to blame for it; we received it from our Englishancestors. It is a lamentable _necessity_;--we cannot do it away if wewould:--insurrections would be the inevitable result of any attempt toremove it"--and having quieted their consciences by the use of the word_lamentable_, they think no more upon the subject. 

These assertions have been so often, and so dogmatically repeated, thatmany truly kind-hearted people have believed there was some truth inthem. I myself, (may God forgive me for it!) have often, in thoughtlessignorance, made the same remarks. 

An impartial and careful examination has led me to the conviction thatslavery causes insurrections, while emancipation prevents them. 

The grand argument of the slaveholder is that sudden freedom occasionedthe horrible massacres of St. Domingo. --If a word is said in favorof abolition, he shakes his head, and points a warning finger to St. Domingo! But it is a remarkable fact that this same vilified islandfurnishes a strong argument _against_ the lamentable necessity ofslavery. In the first place, there was a bloody civil war there beforethe act of emancipation was passed; in the second place enfranchisementproduced the most blessed effects: in the third place, no difficultieswhatever arose, until Bonaparte made his atrocious attempt to _restoreslavery_ in the island. 

Colonel Malenfant, a slave proprietor, resident in St. Domingo at thetime, thus describes the effect of sudden enfranchisement, in hisHistorical and Political Memoir of the Colonies:

"After this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained quiet bothin the South and in the West, and they continued to work upon all theplantations. There were estates which had neither owners nor managersresident upon them, yet upon these estates, though abandoned, thenegroes continued their labors where there were any, even inferioragents, to guide them; and on those estates where no white men were leftto direct them, they betook themselves to the planting of provisions;but upon all the plantations where the whites resided, the blackscontinued to labor as quietly as before. " Colonel Malenfant says, thatwhen many of his neighbors, proprietors or managers, were in prison, thenegroes of their plantations came to him to beg him to direct them intheir work. 

He adds, "If you will take care not to talk to them of the restorationof slavery, but to talk to them of freedom, you may with this word chainthem down to their labor. How did Toussaint succeed?--How did I succeedbefore his time in the plain of the Culde-Sae on the plantation Gouraud, during more than eight months after liberty had been granted to theslaves? Let those who knew me at that time, let the blacks themselves, be asked: they will all reply that not a single negro upon thatplantation, consisting of more than four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work: and yet this plantation was thought to be under theworst discipline and the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. Iinspired the same activity into three other plantations of which I hadthe management. If all the negroes had come from Africa within sixmonths, if they had the love of independence that the Indians have, Ishould own that force must be employed; but ninety-nine out of a hundredof the blacks are aware that without labor they cannot procure thethings that are necessary for them; that there is no other method ofsatisfying their wants and their tastes. They know that they must work, they wish to do so, and they will do so. "

Such was the conduct of the negroes for the first nine months aftertheir liberation, or up to the middle of 1794. In the latter part of1796, Malenfant says, "the colony was flourishing under Toussaint, thewhites lived happily and in peace upon their estates, and the negroescontinued to work for them. " General Lecroix, who published his "Memoirsfor a History of St. Domingo" in 1819, says, that in 1797 the mostwonderful progress had been made in agriculture. "The Colony, " says he, "marched as by enchantment towards its ancient splendor: cultivationprospered; every day produced perceptible proof of its progress. "General Vincent, [U] who was a general of brigade of artillery in St. Domingo and a proprietor of estates in the island, was sent by Toussaintto Paris in 1801 to lay before the Directory the new constitution whichhad been agreed upon in St. Domingo. He arrived in France just at themoment of the peace of Amiens, and found that Bonaparte was preparingan armament for the purpose of restoring slavery in St. Domingo. Heremonstrated against the expedition; he stated that it was totallyunnecessary and therefore criminal, for every thing was going on wellin St. Domingo. The proprietors were in peaceable possession of theirestates; cultivation was making rapid progress; the blacks wereindustrious and beyond example happy. He conjured him, therefore, notto reverse this beautiful state of things; but his efforts wereineffectual, and the expedition arrived upon the shores of St. Domingo. At length, however, the French were driven from the island. Till thattime the planters had retained their property, and then it was, and nottill then, that they lost their all. In 1804, Dessalines was proclaimedEmperor; in process of time a great part of the black troops weredisbanded, and returned to cultivation again. From that time to this, there has been no want of subordination or industry among them. "

[Footnote U: Clarkson's Thoughts, p. 2. ]

The following account of Hayti at a later period is quoted from Mr. Harvey's sketches of that island, during the latter part of the reignof Christophé:

"Those who by their exertions and economy were enabled to procure smallspots of land of their own, or to hold the smaller plantations at anannual rent, were diligently engaged in cultivating coffee, sugar, and other articles, which they disposed of to the inhabitants of theadjacent towns and villages. It was an interesting sight to behold thisclass of the Haytians, now in possession of their freedom, coming ingroups to the market nearest which they resided, bringing the produce oftheir industry for sale; and afterwards returning, carrying back thenecessary articles of living which the disposal of their commodities hadenabled them to purchase; all evidently cheerful and happy. Nor could itfail to occur to the mind that their present condition furnished themost satisfactory answer to that objection to the general emancipationof slaves, founded on their alleged unfitness to value and improve thebenefits of liberty. 

"Though of the same race and possessing the same general traits ofcharacter as the negroes of the other West India islands, they arealready distinguished from them by habits of industry and activity, suchas slaves are seldom known to exhibit. As they would not suffer, so theydo not require, the attendance of one acting in the capacity of a driverwith the instrument of punishment in his hand. "

"In Guadaloupe, the conduct of the freed negroes was equallysatisfactory. The perfect subordination which was established and theindustry which prevailed there, are proved by the official Reports ofthe Governor of Guadaloupe, to the French government. In 1793 libertywas proclaimed universally to the slaves in that island, and duringtheir ten years of freedom, their governors bore testimony to theirregular industry and uninterrupted submission to the laws. "

"During the first American war, a number of slaves ran away from theirNorth American masters and joined the British army. When peace came, itwas determined to give them their liberty, and to settle them in NovaScotia, upon grants of land, as British subjects and as free men. Theirnumber, comprehending men, women and children, was two thousand andupwards. Some of them worked upon little portions of land as their own;others worked as carpenters; others became fishermen; and others workedfor hire in various ways. In time, having embraced Christianity, theyraised places of worship of their own, and had ministers of their ownfrom their own body. They led a harmless life, and gained the characterof an industrious and honest people from their white neighbors. A fewyears afterwards, the land in Nova Scotia being found too poor toanswer, and the climate too cold for their constitutions, a number ofthem to the amount of between thirteen and fourteen hundred, volunteeredto form a new colony which was then first thought of at Sierra Leone, towhich place they were accordingly conveyed. Many hundreds of the negroeswho had formed the West Indian black regiments were removed in 1819 toSierra Leone, where they were set at liberty at once, and founded thevillages of Waterloo, Hastings, and others. Several hundred maroons, (runaway slaves and their descendants, ) being exiled from Jamaica, wereremoved in 1801 to Sierra Leone, where they were landed with no otherproperty than the clothes which they wore and the muskets which theycarried in their hands. A body of revolted slaves were banished fromBarbadoes in 1816, and sent also to Sierra Leone. The rest of thepopulation of this colony consists almost entirely of negroes who havebeen recaptured from slave ships, and brought to Sierra Leone in thelowest state of misery, debility and degradation: naked, diseased, destitute, wholly ignorant of the English language, in this wretched, helpless condition, they have been suddenly made free, and put intopossession at once of the rights and privileges of British subjects. All these instances of sudden emancipation have taken place in acolony where the disproportion between black and white is more thana hundred to one. Yet this mixed population of suddenly emancipatedslaves--runaway slaves--criminal slaves--and degraded recapturednegroes, are in their free condition living in order, tranquillity andcomfort, and many of them in affluence. "

"During the last American war, seven hundred and seventy-four slavesescaped from their masters, and were at the termination of the warsettled in Trinidad as free laborers, where they are earning their ownlivelihood with industry and good conduct. The following extract of aletter, received in 1829 from Trinidad by Mr. Pownall, will show theusefulness and respectability of these liberated negroes. 'A field negrobrings four hundred dollars, but most of the work is done by free blacksand people from the main at a much cheaper rate; and as these aregenerally employed by foreigners, this accounts for their succeedingbetter than our own countrymen, who are principally from the oldislands, and are unaccustomed to any other management than that ofslaves; however, they are coming into it fast. In Trinidad, there areupwards of fifteen thousand free people of color; _there is not a singlepauper amongst them_; they live independently and comfortably, andnearly half of the property of the island is said to be in their hands. It is admitted that they are highly respectable in character, and arerapidly advancing in knowledge and refinement. ' Mr. Mitchell, a sugarplanter who had resided twenty-seven years in Trinidad, and who is thesuperintendent of the liberated negroes there, says he knows of noinstance of a manumitted slave not maintaining himself. In a paperprinted by the House of Commons in 1827, (No. 479, ) he says of theliberated blacks under his superintendence, that each of them possessedan allotment of land which he cultivated, and on which he raisedprovisions and other articles for himself and his family; his wife andchildren aiding him in the work. A great part, however, of the time ofthe men (the women attending to the domestic menage) was freely givento laboring on the neighboring plantations, on which they worked not ingeneral by the day, but by the piece. Mr. Mitchell says that their workis well executed, and that they can earn as much as four shillings aday. If, then, these men who have land on which they can supportthemselves are yet willing to work for hire, how is it possible to doubtthat in case of general emancipation, the freed negroes who would haveno land of their own would gladly work for wages?"

"A few years ago, about one hundred and fifty negro slaves, at differenttimes, succeeded in making their escape from Kentucky into Canada. Captain Stuart, who lived in Upper Canada from 1817 to 1822, wasgenerally acquainted with them, and employed several of them in variousways. He found them as good and as trustworthy laborers, in everyrespect, as any emigrants from the islands, or from the United States, or as the natives of the country. In 1828, he again visited thatcountry, and found that their numbers had increased by new refugees toabout three hundred. They had purchased a tract of woodland, a few milesfrom Amherstburgh, and were settled on it, had formed a little village, had a minister of their own number, color, and choice, a good old manof some talent, with whom Captain Stuart was well acquainted, andthough poor, were living soberly, honestly and industriously, and werepeacefully and usefully getting their own living. In consequence of theRevolution in Colombia, all the slaves who joined the Colombian armies, amounting to a considerable number, were declared free. General Bolivarenfranchised his own slaves to the amount of between seven and eighthundred, and many proprietors followed his example. At that timeColombia was overrun by hostile armies, and the masters were oftenobliged to abandon their property. The black population (includingIndians) amounted to nine hundred thousand persons. Of these, a largenumber was suddenly emancipated, and what has been the effect? Where theopportunities of insurrection have been so frequent, and so tempting, what has been the effect? M. Ravenga declares that the effect has been a_degree of docility on the part of the blacks, and a degree of securityon the part of the whites_, unknown in any preceding period of thehistory of Colombia. "

"Dr. Walsh[V] states that in Brazil there are six hundred thousandenfranchised persons, either Africans or of African descent, who wereeither slaves themselves or are the descendants of slaves. He says theyare, generally speaking, 'well conducted and industrious persons, whocompose indiscriminately different orders of the community. There areamong them merchants, farmers, doctors, lawyers, priests and officers ofdifferent ranks. Every considerable town in the interior has regimentscomposed of them. ' The benefits arising from them, he adds, havedisposed the whites to think of making free the whole negro population. "

[Footnote V: Walsh's Notes on Brazil, vol. Ii. Page 365. ]

"Mr. Koster, an Englishman living in Brazil, confirms Mr. Walsh'sstatement. [W] 'There are black regiments, ' he observes, 'composedentirely and exclusively of black creole soldiers, commanded by blackcreole officers from the corporal to the colonel. I have seen theseveral guard-houses of the town occupied by these troops. Far from anyapprehension being entertained on this score, it is well known that thequietude of this country, and the feeling of safety which every onepossesses, although surrounded by slaves, proceed from the contentednessof the free people. '"

[Footnote W: Amelioration of Slavery, published in No. 16 of thePamphleteer. ]

"The actual condition of the hundred thousand emancipated blacks andpersons of color in the British West India Colonies, certainly gives noreason to apprehend that if a general emancipation should take place, the newly freed slaves would not be able and willing to supportthemselves. On this point the Returns from fourteen of the SlaveColonies, laid before the House of Commons, in 1826, give satisfactoryinformation: they include a period of five years from January 1, 1821, to December 31, 1825, and give the following account of the state ofpauperism in each of these colonies. 

"_Bahamas. _--The only establishment in the colony for the relief ofthe poor, appears to be a hospital or poor-house. The number passingthrough the hospital annually was, on the average, fifteen free blackand colored persons and thirteen whites. The number of free black andcolored persons is about _double_ that of the whites; so that theproportion of white to that of colored paupers in the Bahamas, is nearlytwo to one. 

"_Barbadoes. _--The average annual number of persons supported in thenine parishes, from which returns have been sent, is nine hundred andninety-eight, all of whom, with a single exception, are white. Theprobable amount of white persons in the island is fourteen thousand fivehundred--of free black and colored persons, four thousand five hundred. 

"_Berbice. _--The white population appears to amount to about sixhundred, the free black and colored to nine hundred. In 1822, it appearsthat there were seventeen white and two colored paupers. 

"_Demerara. _--The free black and colored population, it is supposed, aretwice the number of the whites. The average number of white pensionerson the poor fund appears to be fifty-one, that of colored pensionerstwenty-six. In occasional relief, the white paupers receive about threetimes as much as the colored. 

"_Dominica. _--The white population is estimated at about nine hundred;the free black and colored population was ascertained, in 1825, toamount to three thousand one hundred and twenty-two. During the fiveyears ending in November, 1825, thirty of the former class had receivedrelief from the poor fund, and only ten of the latter, making theproportion of more than nine white paupers to one colored one in thesame number of persons. 

"_Jamaica_ is supposed to contain twenty thousand whites, and doublethat number of free black and colored persons. The returns of paupersfrom the parishes which have sent returns, exhibit the average numberof white paupers to be two hundred ninety-five, of black and coloredpaupers, one hundred and forty-eight; the proportion of white paupersto those of the other class, according to the whole population, beingas four to one. 

"_Nevis. _--The white population is estimated at about eight hundred, thefree black and colored at about eighteen hundred. The number of whitepaupers receiving relief is stated to be twenty-five; that of the otherclass, two; being in the proportion of twenty-eight to one. 

"_St. Christophers. _--The average number of white paupers appears to beone hundred and fifteen; that of the other class, fourteen; althoughthere is no doubt that the population of the latter class greatlyoutnumbers that of the former. 

"_Tortola. _--In 1825 the free black and colored population amounted tosix hundred and seven. The whites are estimated at about three hundred. The number of white paupers relieved appears to be twenty-nine: of theother class, four: being in the proportion of fourteen to one. 

"In short, in a population of free black and colored persons amountingto from eighty thousand to ninety thousand, only two hundred andtwenty-nine persons have received any relief whatever as paupers duringthe years 1821, to 1825; and these chiefly the concubines and childrenof destitute whites; while of about sixty-five thousand whites, in thesame time, sixteen hundred and seventy-five received relief. Theproportion, therefore, of enfranchised persons receiving any kind ofaid as paupers in the West Indies, is about one in three hundred andseventy: whereas the proportion among the whites of the West Indies isabout one in forty; and in England, generally one in twelve orthirteen--in some counties, one in eight or nine. 

"Can any one read these statements, made by the colonists themselves, and still think it necessary to keep the negroes in slavery, lest theyshould be unable to maintain themselves if free?

"In 1823, the Assembly of Grenada passed a resolution, declaring thatthe free colored inhabitants of these colonies, were a respectable, wellbehaved class of the community, were possessed of considerable property, and were entitled to have their claims viewed with favor. 

"In 1824, when Jamaica had been disturbed for months by unfoundedalarms relating to the slaves, a committee of the legislative assemblydeclared that 'the conduct of the freed people evinced not only zeal andalacrity, but a warm interest in the welfare of the colony, and everyway identified them with those who are the most zealous promoters of itsinternal security. ' The assembly confirmed this favorable report a fewmonths ago, by passing a bill conferring on all free black and coloredpersons the same privileges, civil and political, with the whiteinhabitants. 

"In the orders issued in 1829, by the British Government, in St. Lucia, placing all freemen of African descent upon the footing of equal rightswith their white neighbors, the loyalty and good conduct of that classare distinctly acknowledged, and they are declared 'to have shown, hitherto, readiness and zeal in coming forward for the maintenance oforder. ' As similar orders have been issued for Trinidad, Berbice, andthe Cape of Good Hope, it may be presumed that the conduct of the freeblacks and colored persons in those colonies has likewise givensatisfaction to Government. 

"In the South African Commercial Advertiser, of the 9th of February, 1831, we are happy to find recorded one more of the numerous proofswhich experience affords of the safety and expediency of immediateabolition. 

"_Three thousand_ prize negroes have received their _freedom_;_four hundred in one day_; but not the least difficulty or disorderoccurred;--_servants found masters--masters hired servants; all gainedhomes, and at night scarcely an idler was to be seen_. In the lastmonth, one hundred and fifty were liberated under precisely similarcircumstances, and with the same result. These facts are within our ownobservation; and to state that sudden and abrupt emancipation wouldcreate disorder and distress to those you mean to serve, is not reason, but the plea of all men who are adverse to emancipation. 

"As far as it can be ascertained from the various documents which havebeen cited, and from others, which, from the fear of making this accounttoo long, are not particularly referred to, it appears that in everyplace and time in which emancipation has been tried, _not one drop ofwhite blood has been shed, or even endangered by it_; that it haseverywhere greatly improved the condition of the blacks, and in mostplaces has removed them from a state of degradation and suffering to oneof respectability and happiness. Can it, then, be justifiable, onaccount of any vague fears of we know not what evils, to reject thisjust, salutary and hitherto uninjurious measure; and to cling to asystem which we know, by certain experience, is producing crime, miseryand death, during every day of its existence?"

In Mexico, September 15, 1829, the following decree was issued; "Slaveryis for ever abolished in the republic; and consequently all thoseindividuals, who, until this day, looked upon themselves as slaves, arefree. " The prices of slaves were settled by the magistrates, and theywere required to work with their master, for stipulated wages, until thedebt was paid. If the slave wished to change masters he could do so, ifanother person would take upon himself the liability of payment, inexchange for his labor; and provided the master was secured againstloss, he was obliged to consent to the transaction. Similar transfersmight take place to accommodate the master, but never without theconsent of the servant. The law regulated the allowance of provisions, clothing, &c. , and if the negro wished for more, he might have itcharged, and deducted from his wages; but lest masters should takeadvantage of the improvidence of their servants, it was enacted, thatall charges exceeding half the earnings of any slave, or family ofslaves, should be void in law. The duties of servants were defined asclearly as possible by the laws, and magistrates appointed to enforcethem; but the master was entrusted with no power to punish, in anymanner whatever. It was expressly required that the masters shouldfurnish every servant with suitable means of religious and intellectualinstruction. 

A Vermont gentleman, who had been a slaveholder in Mississippi, andafterward resident at Matamoras, in Mexico, speaks with enthusiasm ofthe beneficial effects of these regulations, and thinks the examplehighly important to the United States. He declares that the value of theplantations was soon increased by the introduction of free labor. "Noone was made poor by it. It gave property to the servant, and increasedthe riches of the master. "

The republics of Buenos Ayres, Chili, Bolivia, Peru, Colombia, Guatemalaand Monte Video, likewise took steps for the abolition of slavery, soonafter they themselves came into possession of freedom. In some of theseStates, means were taken for the instruction of young slaves, who wereall enfranchised by law, on arriving at a certain age; in others, universal emancipation is to take place after a certain date, fixedby the laws. The empire of Brazil, and the United States are the onlyAmerican nations, that have taken no measures to destroy this mostpestilent system; and I have recently been assured by intelligentBrazilians, that public opinion in that country is now so stronglyopposed to slavery that something effectual will be done towardabolition, at the very next meeting of the Cortes. If this _should_ takeplace, the United States will stand alone in most hideous pre-eminence. 

When Necker wrote his famous book on French finances, he suggested auniversal compact of nations to suppress the slave trade. The exertionsof England alone have since nearly realized his generous plan, thoughavarice and cunning do still manage to elude her vigilance and power. She has obtained from Spain, Portugal, France, Holland, and Denmark, amutual right to search all vessels suspected of being engaged in thiswicked traffic. [X] I believe I am correct in saying that ours is now the_only_ flag, which can protect this iniquity from the just indignationof England. When a mutual right of search was proposed to us, a strongeffort was made to blind the people with their own prejudices, by urgingthe old complaint of the impressment of seamen; and alas, when has anunsuccessful appeal been made to passion and prejudice? It is evidentthat nothing on earth ought to prevent co-operation in a cause likethis. Besides, "It is useless for us to attempt to linger on theskirts of the age that is departing. The action of existing causes andprinciples is steady and progressive. It cannot be retarded, unless wewould 'blow out all the moral lights around us;' and if we refuse tokeep up with it, we shall be towed in the wake, whether we are willingor not. "[Y]

[Footnote X: The British Government actually paid Spain four hundredthousand pounds, as an indemnity to those engaged in the slave trade, on condition that the traffic should be abolished by law throughout herdominions. ]

[Footnote Y: Speech of Mr. Brodnax, of Virginia. ]

When I think of the colonies established along the coast of Africa--ofAlgiers, conquered and civilized--of the increasing wealth andintelligence of Hayti--of the powerful efforts now being made all overthe world to sway public opinion in favor of universal freedom--of thecertain emancipation of slaves in all British Colonies--and above all, the evident union of purpose existing between the French and Englishcabinets, --I can most plainly see the hand of God working for thedeliverance of the negroes. We may resist the blessed influence if wewill; but we cannot conquer. Every year the plot is thickening aroundus, and the nations of the earth, either consciously or unconsciously, are hastening the crisis. The defenders of the slave system are situatedlike the man in the Iron Shroud, the walls of whose prison daily movednearer and nearer, by means of powerful machinery, until they crushedall that remained within them. 

But to return to the subject of emancipation. Nearly every one of theStates north of Mason and Dixon's line once held slaves. These slaveswere manumitted without bloodshed, and there was no trouble in makingfree colored laborers obey the laws. 

I am aware that this desirable change must be attended with much moredifficulty in the Southern States, simply because the evil has beensuffered until it is fearfully overgrown; but it must not be forgottenthat while they are using their ingenuity and strength to sustain it forthe present, the mischief is increasing more and more rapidly. If thisbe not a good time to apply a remedy, when will be a better? They mustannihilate slavery, or slavery will annihilate them. 

It seems to be forgotten that emancipation from tyranny is not anemancipation from law; the negro, after he is made free, is restrainedfrom the commission of crimes by the same laws which restrain othercitizens: if he steals, he will be imprisoned: if he commits murder, he will be hung. 

It will, perhaps, be said that the free people of color in the slaveportions of _this_ country are peculiarly ignorant, idle, and vicious?It may be so: for our laws and our influence are peculiarly calculatedto make them bad members of society. But we trust the civil powerto keep in order the great mass of ignorant and vicious foreignerscontinually pouring into the country; and if the laws are strong enoughfor this, may they not be trusted to restrain the free blacks?

In those countries where the slaves codes are mild, where emancipationis rendered easy, and inducements are offered to industry, insurrectionsare not feared, and free people of color form a valuable portion of thecommunity. If we persist in acting in opposition to the established lawsof nature and reason, how can we expect favorable results? But it ispronounced _unsafe_ to change our policy. Every progressive improvementin the world has been resisted by despotism, on the ground that changeswere dangerous. The Emperor of Austria thinks there is need of keepinghis subjects ignorant, that good order may be preserved. But whathe calls good order, is sacrificing the happiness of many to theadvancement of a few; and no doubt knowledge _is_ unfavorable to thecontinuation of such a state of things. It is precisely so with theslaveholder; he insists that the welfare of millions must be subordinateto his private interest, or else all good order is destroyed. 

It is much to be regretted that Washington enfranchised his slaves inthe manner he did; because their poverty and indolence have furnishedan ever ready argument for those who are opposed to emancipation. [Z]To turn slaves adrift in their old age, unaccustomed to take care ofthemselves, without employment, and in a community where all theprejudices were strongly arrayed against free negroes, was certainly anunhappy experiment. 

[Footnote Z: With all my unbounded reverence for Washington, I have, Iconfess, sometimes found it hard to forgive him for not manumitting hisslaves long before his death. A fact which has lately come to myknowledge, gave me great joy; for it furnishes a reason for what hadappeared to me unpardonable. It appears that Washington possessed a gangof negroes in right of his wife, with which his own negroes hadintermarried. By the marriage settlement, the former were limited, indefault of issue of the marriage, to the representatives of Mrs. Washington at her death; so that her negroes could not be enfranchised. An unwillingness to separate parents and children, husbands and wives, induced Washington to postpone the manumission of his own slaves. Thismotive is briefly, and as it were accidentally, referred to in hiswill. ]

But if slaves were allowed to redeem themselves progressively, bypurchasing one day of the week after another, as they can in the Spanishcolonies, habits of industry would be gradually formed, and enterprisewould be stimulated, by their successful efforts to acquire a littleproperty. And if they afterward worked better as free laborers than theynow do as slaves, it would surely benefit their masters as well asthemselves. 

That strong-hearted republican, La Fayette, when he returned toFrance in 1785, felt strongly urged by a sense of duty, to effect theemancipation of slaves in the Colony of Cayenne. As most of the propertyin the colony belonged to the crown, he was enabled to prosecute hisplans with less difficulty than he could otherwise have done. Thirtythousand dollars were expended in the purchase of plantations and slavesfor the sole purpose of proving by experiment the safety and good policyof conferring freedom. Being afraid to trust the agents generallyemployed in the colony, he engaged a prudent and amiable man at Paris toundertake the business. This gentleman, being fully instructed in LaFayette's plans and wishes, sailed for Cayenne. The first thing hedid when he arrived, was to collect all the cart-whips, and otherinstruments of punishment, and have them burnt amid a general assemblageof the slaves; he then made known to them the laws and rules by whichthe estates would be governed. The object of all the regulations was toencourage industry by making it the means of freedom. This new kind ofstimulus had a most favorable effect on the slaves, and gave promise ofcomplete success. But the judicious agent died in consequence of theclimate, and the French Revolution threw every thing into a state ofconvulsion at home and abroad. The new republic of France bestowedunconditional emancipation upon the slaves in her colonies; and had shepersevered in her promises with good faith and discretion, the horrorsof St. Domingo might have been spared. The emancipated negroes inCayenne came in a body to the agents, and declared that if theplantations still belonged to General La Fayette they were ready andwilling to resume their labors for the benefit of one who had treatedthem like men, and cheered their toil by making it a certain means offreedom. 

I cannot forbear paying a tribute of respect to the venerable MosesBrown, of Providence, Rhode Island, now living in virtuous and vigorousold age. He was a slave-owner in early life, and, unless I have beenmisinformed, a slave-dealer, likewise. When his attention became rousedto religious subjects, these facts troubled his conscience. He easilyand promptly decided that a Christian could not consistently keepslaves; but he did not dare to trust his own nature to determine thebest manner of doing justice to those he had wronged. He thereforeappointed a committee, before whom he laid a statement of the expenseshe had incurred for the food and clothing of his slaves, and of thenumber of years, during which he had had the exclusive benefit of theirlabors. He conceived that he had no right to charge them for theirfreedom, because God had given them an inalienable right to thatpossession, from the very hour of their birth; but he wished thecommittee to decide what wages he ought to pay them for the work theyhad done. He cordially accepted the decision of the committee, paid thenegroes their dues, and left them to choose such employments as theythought best. Many of the grateful slaves preferred to remain with himas hired laborers. It is hardly necessary to add that Moses Brown is aQuaker. 

It is commonly urged against emancipation that white men cannot possiblylabor under the sultry climate of our most southerly States. This is agood reason for not sending the slaves out of the country, but it isno argument against making them free. No doubt we do need their labor;but we ought to pay for it. Why should their presence be any moredisagreeable as hired laborers, than as slaves? In Boston, wecontinually meet colored people in the streets, and employ them invarious ways, without being endangered or even incommoded. There is nomoral impossibility in a perfectly kind and just relation between thetwo races. 

If white men think otherwise, let _them_ remove from climates whichnature has made too hot for their constitutions. Wealth or pleasureoften induces men to change their abode; an emigration for the sake ofhumanity would be an agreeable novelty. Algernon Sidney said, "When Icannot live in my own country, but by such means as are worse than dyingin it, I think God shows me that I ought to keep myself out of it. "

But the slaveholders try to stop all the efforts of benevolence, byvociferous complaints about infringing upon their _property_; andjustice is so subordinate to self-interest, that the unrighteous claimis silently allowed, and even openly supported, by those who oughtto blush for themselves, as Christians and as republicans. Let men_simplify_ their arguments--let them confine themselves to one singlequestion, "What right can a man have to compel his neighbor to toilwithout reward, and leave the same hopeless inheritance to his children, in order that _he_ may live in luxury and indolence?" Let the doctrinesof _expediency_ return to the Father of Lies, who invented them, andgave them power to turn every way for evil. The Christian knows noappeal from the decisions of God, plainly uttered in his conscience. 

The laws of Venice allowed _property_ in human beings; and upon thisground Shylock demanded his pound of flesh, cut nearest to the heart. Those who advertise mothers to be sold separately from their children, likewise claim a right to human flesh; and they too cut it nearest tothe _heart_. 

The personal liberty of one man can never be the property of another. All ideas of property are founded upon the mutual agreement of the humanrace, and are regulated by such laws as are deemed most conducive to thegeneral good. In slavery there is no _mutual_ agreement; for in thatcase it would not be slavery. The negro has no voice in the matter--noalternative is presented to him--no bargain is made. The beginning ofhis bondage is the triumph of power over weakness; its continuation isthe tyranny of knowledge over ignorance. One man may as well claim anexclusive right to the air another man breathes, as to the possessionof his limbs and faculties. Personal freedom is the birthright of everyhuman being. God himself made it the first great law of creation; andno human enactment can render it null and void. "If, " says Price, "youhave a right to make another man a slave, he has a right to make you aslave;" and Ramsay says, "If we have in the beginning no right to sella man, no person has a right to buy him. "

Am I reminded that the _laws_ acknowledge these vested rights in humanflesh? I answer the laws themselves were made by individuals, who wishedto justify the wrong and profit by it. We ought never to have recogniseda claim, which cannot exist according to the laws of God; it is our dutyto atone for the error; and the sooner we make a beginning, the betterwill it be for us all. Must our arguments be based upon justice andmercy to the slaveholders _only_? Have the negroes no right to askcompensation for their years and years of unrewarded toil? It is truethat they have food and clothing, of such kind, and in such quantities, as their masters think proper. But it is evident that this is not theworth of their labor; for the proprietors can give from one hundredto five and six hundred dollars for a slave, beside the expense ofsupporting those who are too old or too young to labor. They could not_afford_ to do this, if the slave did not earn more than he receivesin food and clothing. If the laws allowed the slave to redeem himselfprogressively, the owner would receive his money back again; and thenegro's years of uncompensated toil would be more than lawful interest. 

The southerners are much in the habit of saying they really wish foremancipation, if it could be effected in safety; but I search in vainfor any proof that these assertions are sincere. (When I say this Ispeak collectively; there are, no doubt, individual exceptions. )

Instead of profiting by the experience of other nations, theslave-owners, as a body, have resolutely shut their eyes against thelight, because they preferred darkness. Every change in the laws hasriveted the chain closer and closer upon their victims; every attempt tomake the voice of reason and benevolence heard has been overpowered withthreatening and abuse. A cautious vigilance against improvement, akeen-eyed jealousy of all freedom of opinion, has characterizedtheir movements. There _can_ be no doubt that the _majority_ wish toperpetuate slavery. They support it with loud bravado, or insidioussophistry, or pretended regret; but they never abandon the point. Theirgreat desire is to keep the public mind turned in another direction. They are well aware that the ugly edifice is built of rotten timbers, and stands on slippery sands--if the loud voice of public opinion couldbe made to reverberate through its dreary chambers, the unsightly framewould fall, never to rise again. 

Since so many of their own citizens admit that the policy of this systemis unsound, and its effects injurious, it is wonderful that they donot begin to destroy the "costly iniquity" in good earnest. Butlong-continued habit is very powerful; and in the habit of slavery areconcentrated the strongest evils of human nature--vanity, pride, love ofpower, licentiousness, and indolence. 

There is a minority, particularly in Virginia and Kentucky, whosincerely wish a change for the better; but they are overpowered, andhave not even ventured to speak, except in the great Virginia debate of1832. In the course of that debate, the spirit of slavery showed itselfwithout disguise. The members _talked_ of emancipation; but with one ortwo exceptions, they merely wanted to emancipate, or rather to sendaway, the _surplus_ population, which they could neither keep nor sell, and which might prove dangerous. They wished to get rid of theconsequences of the evil, but were determined to keep the evil itself. Some members from Western Virginia, who spoke in a better spirit, andfounded their arguments on the broad principles of justice, not onthe mere convenience of a certain class, were repelled with angryexcitement. The eastern districts threatened to separate from thewestern, if the latter persisted in expressing opinions opposed to thecontinuance of slavery. From what I have uniformly heard of thecomparative prosperity of Eastern and Western Virginia, I should thinkthis was very much like the town's poor threatening to separate fromthe town. 

The mere circumstance of daring to debate on the subject was loudlyreprimanded; and there was a good deal of indignation expressed that"reckless editors, and imprudent correspondents, had presumed so faras to allude to it in the columns of a newspaper. " Discussion in theLegislature was strongly deprecated until a plan had been formed; yetthey must have known that no plan could be formed, in a republicangovernment, without previous discussion. The proposal contained withinitself that self-perpetuating power, for which the schemes ofslave-owners are so remarkable. 

Mr. Gholson sarcastically rebuked the restless spirit of improvement, bysaying "he really had been under the _impression_ that he _owned_ hisslaves. He had lately purchased four women and ten children, in whom hethought he had obtained a great bargain; for he supposed they were hisown property, _as were his brood mares_. " To which Mr. Roane replied, "I own a considerable number of slaves, and am perfectly sure they aremine; and I am sorry to add that I have occasionally, though not often, been compelled to make _them_ feel the _impression_ of that ownership. I would not touch a hair on the head of the gentleman's slave, any soonerthan I would a hair in the _mane of his horse_. "

Mr. Roane likewise remarked, "I think slavery as much a correlative ofliberty as cold is of heat. History, experience, observation and reason, have taught me that the torch of liberty has ever burned brighter whensurrounded by the dark and filthy, yet _nutritious_ atmosphere ofslavery! I do not believe in the fanfaronade that all men are by natureequal. But these abstract speculations have nothing to do with thequestion, which I am willing to view as one of cold, sheer state policy, in which the safety, prosperity, and happiness of the _whites alone_are concerned. "

Would Mr. Roane carry out his logic into all its details? Would hecherish intemperance, that sobriety might shine the brighter? Would heencourage theft, in order to throw additional lustre upon honesty? Yetthere seems to be precisely the same relation between these things thatthere is between slavery and freedom. Such sentiments sound oddly enoughin the mouth of a republican of the nineteenth century!

When Mr. Wirt, before the Supreme Federal Court, said that slavery wascontrary to the laws of nature and of nations, and that the law of SouthCarolina concerning seizing colored seamen, was unconstitutional, theGovernor directed several reproofs at him. In 1825, Mr. King laid onthe table of the United States Senate a resolution to appropriate theproceeds of the public lands to the emancipation of slaves, and theremoval of free negroes, provided the same could be done under andagreeable to, the laws of the respective States. He said he did not wishit to be debated, but considered at some future time. Yet kindly andcautiously as this movement was made, the whole South resented it, andGovernor Troup called to the Legislature and people of Georgia, to"stand to their arms. " In 1827, the people of Baltimore presented amemorial to Congress, praying that slaves born in the District ofColumbia after a given time, specified by law, might become free onarriving at a certain age. A famous member from South Carolina calledthis an "impertinent interference, and a violation of the principles of_liberty_, " and the petition was not even _committed_. Another southerngentleman in Congress objected to the Panama mission because Bolivar hadproclaimed liberty to the slaves. 

Mr. Hayne, in his reply to Mr. Webster, says: "There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly walking to and fro aboutthe earth, seeking whom it may devour; it is the spirit of _falsephilanthropy_. When this is infused into the bosom of a statesman (ifone so possessed can be called a statesman) it converts him at once intoa visionary enthusiast. Then he indulges in golden dreams of nationalgreatness and prosperity. He discovers that 'liberty is power, ' and notcontent with vast schemes of improvement at home, which it wouldbankrupt the treasury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign landsto fulfil 'obligations to the human race, by inculcating the principlesof civil and religious liberty, ' &c. This spirit had long been busy withthe slaves of the South; and it is even now displaying itself in vainefforts to drive the government from its _wise_ policy in relation tothe Indians. "

Governor Miller, of South Carolina, speaking of the tariff and "theremedy, " asserted that slave labor was preferable to free, andchallenged the free States to competition on fair terms. GovernorHamilton, of the same State, in delivering an address on the samesubject, uttered a eulogy upon slavery; concluding as usual that nothingbut the tariff--nothing but the rapacity of Northerners, could havenullified such great blessings of Providence, as the cheap labor andfertile soil of Carolina. Mr. Calhoun, in his late speech in the Senate, alludes in a tone of strong disapprobation, and almost of reprimand, to the remarkable debate in the Virginia Legislature; the occurrenceof which offence he charges to the opinions and policy of the north. 

If these things evince any real desire to do away the evil, I cannotdiscover it. There are many who inherit the misfortune of slavery, andwould gladly renounce the miserable birthright if they could; for theirsakes, I wish the majority were guided by a better spirit and a wiserpolicy. But this state of things cannot last. The operations of DivineProvidence are hastening the crisis, and move which way we will, it mustcome in some form or other; if we take warning in time, it may come asa blessing. The spirit of philanthropy, which Mr. Hayne calls 'false, '_is_ walking to and fro in the earth; and it will not pause, or turnback, till it has fastened the golden band of love and peace around asinful world. The sun of knowledge and liberty is already high in theheavens--it is peeping into every dark nook and corner of the earth--andthe African cannot be always excluded from its beams. 

The advocates of slavery remind me of a comparison I once hearddifferently applied: Even thus does a dog, unwilling to follow hismaster's carriage, bite the wheels, in a vain effort to stop itsprogress. 

CHAPTER IV. 

INFLUENCE OF SLAVERY ON THE POLITICS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

 _Casca. _ I believe these are portentous things Unto the climate that they point upon. 

 _Cicero. _ Indeed it is a strange disposed time: But men may construe things after their fashion, Clean from the purpose of the things themselves. 

 JULIUS CÆSAR. 

When slave representation was admitted into the Constitution of theUnited States, a wedge was introduced, which has ever since effectuallysundered the sympathies and interests of different portions of thecountry. By this step, the slave States acquired an undue advantage, which they have maintained with anxious jealousy, and in which the freeStates have never perfectly acquiesced. The latter would probably neverhave made the concession, so contrary to their principles, and theexpress provisions of their State constitutions, if powerful motives hadnot been offered by the South. These consisted, first, in taking uponthemselves a proportion of _direct taxes_, increased in the same ratioas their representation was increased by the concession to their slaves. 

Second. --In conceding to the small States an entire equality in theSenate. This was not indeed proposed as an item of the adjustment, but it operated as such; for the small States, with the exception ofGeorgia, (which in fact expected to become one of the largest, ) lay inthe North, and were either free, or likely soon to become so. 

During most of the contest, Massachusetts, then one of the large States, voted with Virginia and Pennsylvania for unequal representation in theSenate; but on the final question she was divided, and gave no vote. There was probably an increasing tendency to view this part of thecompromise, not merely as a concession of the large to the smallStates, but also of the largely slaveholding, to the free, or slightlyslaveholding States. The two questions of slave representation with aproportional increase of direct taxes, and of perfect equality inthe Senate, were always connected together; and a large committee ofcompromise, consisting of one member from each State, expresslyrecommended that both provisions should be adopted, but neither of themwithout the other. 

Such were the equivalents, directly or indirectly offered, by which thefree States were induced to consent to slave representation. It was notwithout very considerable struggles that they overcame their repugnanceto admitting such a principle in the construction of a republicangovernment. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, _at first_ exclaimed against itwith evident horror, but _at last_, he was chairman of the committee ofcompromise. Even the slave States themselves, seem to have been a littleembarrassed with the discordant element. A curious proof of this isgiven in the language of the Constitution. The ugly feature is coveredas cautiously as the deformed visage of the Veiled Prophet. The wordsare as follows: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportionedamong the States according to their respective numbers; which shall beascertained by adding to the whole number of free persons, _includingthose bound to servitude for a term of years, and excluding Indiansnot taxed, three fifths of all other persons_. " In this most elaboratesentence, a foreigner would discern no slavery. None but those alreadyacquainted with the serpent, would be able to discover its sting. 

Governor Wright, of Maryland, a contemporary of all these transactions, and a slaveholder, after delivering a eulogy upon the kindness ofmasters[AA] expressed himself as follows: "The Constitution guarantiesto us the services of these persons. It does not say _slaves_; for thefeelings of the framers of that glorious instrument would not sufferthem to use _that_ word, on account of its anti-congeniality--itsincongeniality to the idea of a constitution for freemen. It says, '_persons held to service, or labor_. '"--_Governor Wright's Speech inCongress, March, 1822. _

[Footnote AA: It was stated, at the time, that this person frequentlysteamed his negroes, in order to reduce their size to an equal weightfor riding race-horses. This practice is understood to be common at theSouth. ]

This high praise bestowed on the _form_ of our constitution, reminds meof an anecdote. A clergyman in a neighboring State, being obliged to beabsent from his parish, procured a young man to supply his place, whowas very worldly in his inclinations, and very gay in his manners. Whenthe minister returned, his people said, somewhat reproachfully, "Howcould you provide such a man to preach for us; _you might at least haveleft us a hypocrite_. "

While all parties agreed to act in opposition to the _principles_ ofjustice, they all concurred to pay homage to them by hypocrisy of_language_! Men are willing to try all means to _appear_ honest, exceptthe simple experiment of _being_ so. It is true, there were individualswho distrusted this compromise at the time, if they did not whollydisapprove of it. It is said that Washington, as he was walkingthoughtfully near the Schuylkill, was met by a member of the Convention, to whom, in the course of conversation, he acknowledged that he wasmeditating whether it would not be better to separate, without proposinga constitution to the people; for he was in great doubt whether theframe of government, which was now nearly completed, would be betterfor them, than to trust to the course of events, and await futureemergencies. 

This anecdote was derived from an authentic source, and I have no doubtof its truth: neither is there any doubt that Washington had in his mindthis great compromise, the pivot on which the system of government wasto turn. 

If avarice was induced to shake hands with injustice, from theexpectation of increased direct taxation upon the South, she gainedlittle by the bargain. With the exception of two brief periods, duringthe French war, and the last war with England, the revenue of the UnitedStates has been raised by _duties on imports_. The heavy debts andexpenditures of the several States, which they had been accustomed toprovide for by direct taxes, and which they probably expected to seeprovided for by the same means in time to come, have been all paid byduties on imports. The greatest proportion of these duties are, ofcourse, paid by the free States; for here, the poorest laborer dailyconsumes several articles of foreign production, of which fromone-eighth to one-half the price is a tax paid to government. Theclothing of the slave population increases the revenue very little, and their food almost none at all. 

Wherever free labor and slave labor exist under the same government, there must be a perpetual clashing of interests. The legislationrequired for one, is, in its spirit and maxims, diametrically opposedto that required for the other. Hence Mr. Madison predicted, in theconvention which formed our Federal Constitution, that the contestswould be between the great geographical sections; that such had beenthe division, even during the war and the confederacy. 

In the same convention, Charles Pinckney, a man of great sagacity, spokeof the equal representation of large and small States as a matter ofslight consequence; no difficulties, he said, would ever arise on thatpoint; the question would always be between the slaveholding andnon-slaveholding interests. 

If the pressure of common danger, and the sense of individual weakness, during our contest for independence, could not bring the States tomutual confidence, nothing ever can do it, except a change of character. From the adoption of the constitution to the present time, the breachhas been gradually widening. The South has pursued a uniform andsagacious system of policy, which, in all its bearings, direct andindirect, has been framed for the preservation and extension of slavepower. This system has, in the very nature of the two things, constantlyinterfered with the interests of the free States; and hitherto the Southhave always gained the victory. This has principally been accomplishedby yoking all important questions together _in pairs_, and strenuouslyresisting the passage of one, unless accompanied by the other. The Southwas desirous of removing the seat of government from Philadelphia toWashington, because the latter is in a slave territory, where republicanrepresentatives and magistrates can bring their slaves without danger oflosing them, or having them contaminated by the principles of universalliberty. The assumption of the State debts, likely to bring considerablemoney back to the North, was _linked_ with this question, and both werecarried. The admission of Maine into the Union as a free State, and ofMissouri as a slave State, were two more of these Siamese twins, notallowed to be separated from each other. A numerous smaller progeny maybe found in the laying of imposts, and the successive adjustment ofprotection to navigation, the fisheries, agriculture, and manufactures. 

There would perhaps be no harm in this system of compromises, or anyobjection to its continuing in infinite series, if no injustice weredone to a third party, which is never heard or noticed, except forpurposes of oppression. 

I reverence the wisdom of our early legislators; but they certainlydid very wrong to admit slavery as an element into a free constitution;and to sacrifice the known and _declared_ rights of a third and weakerparty, in order to cement a union between two stronger ones. Such anarrangement ought not, and could not, come to good. It has given theslave States a controlling power which they will always keep, so longas we remain together. 

President John Adams was of opinion, that this ascendency might beattributed to an early mistake, originating in what he called the"Frankford advice. " When the first Congress was summoned inPhiladelphia, Doctor Rush, and two or three other eminent men ofPennsylvania, met the Massachusetts delegates at Frankford, a few milesfrom Philadelphia, and conjured them, as they valued the success of thecommon cause, to let no measure of importance _appear_ to originate withthe North, to yield precedence in all things to Virginia, and lead herif possible to commit herself to the Revolution. Above all, they beggedthat not a word might be said about "independence;" for that a strongprejudice already existed against the delegates from New-England, onaccount of a supposed design to throw off their allegiance to themother country. "The Frankford advice" was followed. The delegates fromVirginia took the lead on all occasions. 

His son, John Q. Adams, finds a more substantial reason. In his speechon the Tariff, February 4, 1833, he said: "Not three days since, Mr. Clayton, of Georgia, called that species of population (viz. Slaves)the machinery of the South. Now that machinery had twenty oddrepresentatives[AB] in that hall, --not elected by the machinery, butby those who owned it. And if he should go back to the history of thisgovernment from its foundation, it would be easy to prove that itsdecisions had been affected, in general, by less majorities than that. Nay, he might go farther, and insist that that very representation hadever been, in fact, _the ruling power of this government_. "

[Footnote AB: There are now twenty-five _odd_ representatives--that is, representatives of slaves. ]

"The history of the Union has afforded a continual proof that thisrepresentation of property, which they enjoy, as well in the election ofPresident and Vice-President of the United States, as upon the floor ofthe House of Representatives, has secured to the slaveholding States theentire control of the national policy, and, almost without exception, the possession of the highest executive office of the Union. Alwaysunited in the purpose of regulating the affairs of the whole Union bythe standard of the slaveholding interest, their disproportionatenumbers in the electoral colleges have enabled them, in ten out oftwelve quadrennial elections, to confer the Chief Magistracy upon oneof their own citizens. Their suffrages at every election, withoutexception, have been almost exclusively confined to a candidate of theirown caste. Availing themselves of the divisions which, from the natureof man, always prevail in communities entirely free, they have soughtand found auxiliaries in the other quarters of the Union, by associatingthe passions of parties, and the ambition of individuals, with their ownpurposes, to establish and maintain throughout the confederated nationthe slaveholding policy. The office of Vice-President, a station of highdignity, but of little other than contingent power, had been usually, bytheir indulgence, conceded to a citizen of the other section; but eventhis political courtesy was superseded at the election before the last, and both the offices of President and Vice-President of the UnitedStates were, by the preponderancy of slaveholding votes, bestowed uponcitizens of two adjoining and both slaveholding States. At this momentthe President of the United States, the President of the Senate, theSpeaker of the House of Representatives, and the Chief Justice of theUnited States, are all citizens of that favored portion of the unitedrepublic. The last of these offices, being under the constitution heldby the tenure of good behaviour, has been honored and dignified by theoccupation of the present incumbent upwards of thirty years. Anoverruling sense of the high responsibilities under which it is held, has effectually guarded him from permitting the sectional slaveholdingspirit to ascend the tribunal of justice; and it is not difficult todiscern, in this inflexible impartiality, the source of the obloquywhich that same spirit has not been inactive in attempting to exciteagainst the Supreme Court of the United States itself: and of theinsuperable aversion of the votaries of nullification to encounter orabide by the decision of that tribunal, the true and legitimate umpireof constitutional, controverted law. "

It is worthy of observation that this slave representation is alwaysused to protect and extend slave power; and in this way, the slavesthemselves are made to vote for slavery: they are compelled to furnishhalters to hang their posterity. 

Machiavel says that "the whole politics of rival states consist inchecking the growth of one another. " It is sufficiently obvious, thatthe slave and free States are, and must be, rivals, owing to theinevitable contradiction of their interests. It needed no Machiavel topredict the result. A continual strife has been going on, more or lessearnest, according to the nature of the interests it involved, and theSouth has always had strength and skill to carry her point. Of all ourPresidents, Washington alone had power to keep the jealousies of hiscountrymen in check; and he used his influence nobly. Some of hissuccessors have cherished those jealousies, and made effective use ofthem. 

The people of the North have to manage a rocky and reluctant soil; hencecommerce and the fisheries early attracted their attention. The productsof these employments were, as they should be, proportioned to thedexterity and hard labor required in their pursuit. The North grewopulent; and her politicians, who came in contact with those of theSouth with any thing like rival pretensions, represented the commercialclass, which was the nucleus of the old Federal party. 

The Southerners have a genial climate and a fertile soil; but inconsequence of the cumbrous machinery of slave labor, which is slow forevery thing, (except exhausting the soil, ) they have always been lessprosperous than the free States. It is said, I know not with how muchtruth, but it is certainly very credible, that a great proportion oftheir plantations are deeply mortgaged in New-York and Philadelphia. Itis likewise said that the expenses of the planters are generally one ortwo years in advance of their income. Whether these statements be trueor not, the most casual observer will decide, that the free States areuniformly the most prosperous, notwithstanding the South possessesa political power, by which she manages to check-mate us at everyimportant move. When we add this to the original jealousy spoken ofby Mr. Madison, it is not wonderful that Southern politicians take solittle pains to conceal their strong dislike of the North. 

A striking difference of manners, also caused by slavery, serves toaggravate other differences. Slaveholders have the habit of command;and from the superior ease with which it sits upon them, they seem toimagine that they were "born to command, " and we to obey. In time ofwar, they tauntingly told us that we might furnish the _men_, and theywould furnish the _officers_; but in time of peace they find our listof pensioners so large, they complain that we did furnish so many men. 

At the North, every body is busy in some employment, and politics, withvery few exceptions, form but a brief episode in the lives of thecitizens. But the Southern politicians are men of leisure. They havenothing to do but to ride round their plantations, hunt, attend theraces, study politics for the next legislative or congressionalcampaign, and decide how to use the prodigious mechanical power, ofslave representation, which a political Archimedes may effectually wieldfor the destruction of commerce, or any thing else, involving theprosperity of the free States. [AC]

[Footnote AC: The Hon. W. B. Seabrook, a southern gentleman, has latelywritten a pamphlet on the management of slaves, in which he says: "Anaddition of one million dollars to the private fortune of DanielWebster, would not give to Massachusetts more than she now possessesin the federal councils. On the other hand, every increase of slaveproperty in South Carolina, is a fraction thrown into the scale, bywhich her representation in _Congress_ is determined. "]

It has been already said, that most of the wealth in New-England wasmade by commerce; consequently the South became unfriendly to commerce. There was a class in New-England, jealous, and not without reason, oftheir own commercial aristocracy. It was the policy of the South tofoment their passions, and increase their prejudices. Thus was the oldDemocratic party formed; and while that party honestly supposed theywere merely resisting the encroachments of a nobility at home, they wereactually playing a game for one of the most aristocratic classes in theworld--viz. The Southern planters. A famous slave-owner and politicianopenly boasted, that the South could always put down the aristocracyof the North, by means of her own democracy. In this point of view, democracy becomes a machine used by one aristocratic class againstanother, that has less power, and is therefore less dangerous. 

There are features in the organization of society, resulting fromslavery, which are conducive to any thing but the union of these States. A large class are without employment, are accustomed to command, andhave a strong contempt for habits of industry. This class, like thenobility of feudal times, are restless, impetuous, eager for excitement, and prompt to settle all questions with the sword. Like the fierce oldbarons, at the head of their vassals, they are ever ready to resist andnullify the _central_ power of the State, whenever it interferes withtheir individual interests, or even approaches the strong holds of theirprejudices. All history shows, that men possessing hereditary, despoticpower, cannot easily be brought to acknowledge a superior, either in theadministrators of the laws, or in the law itself. It was precisely sucha class of men that covered Europe with camps, for upwards of tencenturies. 

A Southern governor has dignified duelling with the name of an"institution;" and the planters generally, seem to regard it as amongthose which they have denominated their "peculiar institutions. " GeneralWilkinson, who was the son of a slave-owner, expresses in his memoirs, great abhorrence of duelling, and laments the powerful influence whichhis father's injunction, when a boy, had upon his after life: "James, "said the old gentleman, "if you ever take an insult, I will disinherityou. "

A young lawyer, who went from Massachusetts to reside at the South, hasfrequently declared that he could not take any stand there as a lawyer, or a gentleman, until he had fought: he was subject to continual insultand degradation, until he had evinced his readiness to kill, or bekilled. It is obvious that such a state of morals elevates mere physicalcourage into a most undue importance. There are indeed emergencies, whenall the virtues, and all the best affections of man, are intertwinedwith personal bravery; but this is not the kind of courage, which makesduelling in fashion. The patriot nobly sacrifices himself for the goodof others; the duellist wantonly sacrifices others to himself. 

Browbeating, which is the pioneer of the pistol, characterizes, particularly of late years, the Southern legislation. By these means, they seek to overawe the Representatives from the free States, wheneverany question even remotely connected with slavery is about to bediscussed; and this, united with our strong reverence for the Union, hasmade our legislators shamefully cautious with regard to a subject, whichpeculiarly demands moral courage, and an abandonment of selfishconsiderations. If a member of Congress does stand his ground firmly, if he wants no preferment or profit, which the all-powerful Southerninfluence can give, an effort is then made to intimidate him. Theinstances are numerous in which Northern men have been insulted andchallenged by their Southern brethren, in consequence of the adverseinfluence they exerted over the measures of the _Federal_ government. This turbulent evil exists only in our slave States; and the peace ofthe country is committed to their hands whenever _twenty-five_ votes inCongress can turn the scale in favor of war. 

The statesmen of the South have generally been planters. Theiragricultural products must pay the merchants--foreign and domestic, --theship-owner, the manufacturer, --and all others concerned in the exchangeor manipulation of them. It is universally agreed that the production ofthe raw materials is the least profitable employment of capital. Theplanters have always entertained a jealous dislike of those engagedin the more profitable business of the manufacture and exchange ofproducts; particularly as the existence of slavery among them destroysingenuity and enterprise, and compels them to employ the merchants, manufacturers, and sailors, of the free States. [AD] Hence there has everbeen a tendency to check New-England, whenever she appears to shootup with vigorous rapidity. Whether she tries to live by _hook_ or by_crook_, there is always an effort to restrain her within certainlimited bounds. The embargo, passed without limitation of time, (a thingunprecedented, ) was fastened upon the bosom of her commerce, until lifewas extinguished. The ostensible object of this measure, was to forceGreat Britain to terms, by distressing the West Indies for food. Butwhile England commanded the seas, her colonies were not likely tostarve; and for the sake of this doubtful experiment, a certain andincalculable injury was inflicted upon the Northern States. Seamen, andthe numerous classes of mechanics connected with navigation, were thrownout of employment, as suddenly as if they had been cast on a desertisland by some convulsion of nature. Thousands of families were ruinedby that ill-judged measure. Has any government a right to inflict somuch direct suffering on a very large portion of their own people, forthe sake of an indirect and remote evil which may possibly be inflictedon an enemy?

[Footnote AD: Virginia has great natural advantages for becoming amanufacturing country; but slavery, that does evil to all and good tonone, produces a state of things which renders that impossible. ]

It is true, agriculture suffered as well as commerce; but agriculturalproducts could be converted into food and clothing; they would not decaylike ships, nor would the producers be deprived of employment andsustenance, like those connected with navigation. 

Whether this step was intended to paralyze the North or not, it mostsuddenly and decidedly produced that effect. We were told that it wasdone to save our commerce from falling into the hands of the English andFrench. But our merchants earnestly entreated not to be thus saved. Atthe very moment of the embargo, underwriters were ready to _insure_ atthe _usual_ rates. 

The non-intercourse was of the same general character as the embargo, but less offensive and injurious. The war crowned this course of policy;and like the other measures, was carried by slave votes. It wasemphatically a Southern, not a national war. Individuals gained gloryby it, and many of them nobly deserved it; but the amount of benefitwhich the country derived from that war might be told in much fewer wordsthan would enumerate the mischiefs it produced. 

The commercial States, particularly New-England, have been frequentlyreproached for not being willing to go to war for the protection oftheir own interests; and have been charged with pusillanimity andingratitude for not warmly seconding those who were so zealous to defendtheir cause. Mr. Hayne, during the great debate with Mr. Webster, inthe Senate, made use of this customary sarcasm. It is revived wheneverthe sectional spirit of the South, or party spirit in the North, prompts individuals to depreciate the talents and character of anyeminent Northern man. The Southern States have even gone so far onthis subject, as to assume the designation of "_patriot States_, " incontra-distinction to their northern neighbors--and this too, whileBunker Hill and Faneuil Hall are still standing! It certainly was apleasant idea to exchange the appellation of _slave_ States for that of_patriot_ States--it removed a word which in a republic is unseemly andinconsistent. 

Whatever may be thought of the justice and expediency of the last war, it was certainly undertaken against the earnest wishes of the commercialStates--two thirds of the Representatives from those States voted inopposition to the measure. According to the spirit of the constitutionit ought not to have passed unless there were two thirds in favor of it. Why then should the South have insisted upon conferring a boon, whichwas not wanted; and how happened it, that _Yankees_, with all theiracknowledged shrewdness in money matters, could never to this dayperceive how they were protected by it? Yet New-England is reproachedwith cowardice and ingratitude to her Southern benefactors! If one manwere to knock another down with a broad-axe, in the attempt to brusha fly from his face, and then blame him for not being sufficientlythankful, it would exactly illustrate the relation between the North andthe South on this subject. 

If the protection of commerce had been the real object of the war, wouldnot some preparations have been made for a navy? It was ever the policyof the slave States to destroy the navy. Vast conquests by _land_ werecontemplated, for the protection of Northern commerce. Whatever wasintended, the work of destruction was done. The policy of the Southstood for awhile like a giant among ruins. New-England received a blow, which crushed her energies, but could not annihilate them. Where thesystem of free labor prevails, and there is work of any kind to be done, there is a safety-valve provided for _any_ pressure. In such a communitythere is a vital and active principle, which cannot be long repressed. You may dam up the busy waters, but they will sweep away obstructions, or force a new channel. 

Immediately after the peace, when commerce again began to try her brokenwings, the South took care to keep her down, by multiplying permanentembarrasments, in the shape of duties. The _direct_ tax (which wouldhave borne equally upon them, and which in the original compact wasthe equivalent for slave representation, ) was forthwith repealed, andcommerce was burdened with the payment of the national debt. Theencouragement of _manufactures_, the consumption of domestic products, or _living within ourselves_, was then urged upon us. This was anancient doctrine of the democratic party. Mr. Jefferson was itsstrongest advocate. Did he think it likely to bear unfavorably upon "thenation of shopkeepers and pedlers?"[AE] The Northerners adopted it withsincere views to economy, and more perfect independence. The dutieswere so adjusted as to embarrass commerce, and to guard the interestsof a few in the North, who from patriotism, party spirit, or privateinterest, had established manufactures on a considerable scale. Thissystem of protection opposed by the North, was begun in 1816 by Southernpoliticians, and enlarged and confirmed by them in 1824. It was carriednearly as much by Southern influence, as was the war itself; and ifthe votes were placed side by side, there could not be a doubt of theidentity of the interests and passions, which lay concealed under both. But enterprise, that moral perpetual motion, overcomes all obstacles. Neat and flourishing villages rose in every valley of New-England. The busy hum of machinery made music with her neglected waterfalls. All her streams, like the famous Pactolus, flowed with gold. Fromher discouraged and embarrassed commerce arose a greater blessing, apparently indestructible. Walls of brick and granite could not easilybe overturned by the Southern _lever_, and left to decay, as theship-timber had done. Thus Mordecai was again seated in the king's gate, by means of the very system intended for his ruin. As soon as this stateof things became perceptible, the South commenced active hostility withmanufactures. Doleful pictures of Southern desolation and decay weregiven, and all attributed to manufactures. The North was said to beplundering the South, while she, poor dame, was enriching her neighbors, and growing poor upon her extensive labors. (If this statement be true, how much gratitude do we owe the _negroes_; for they do all the workthat is done at the South. Their masters only serve to keep them in acondition, where they do not accomplish half as much as they otherwisewould. )

[Footnote AE: Mr. Jefferson's description of New-England. ]

New-England seems to be like the poor lamb that tried to drink at thesame stream with the wolf. "You make the water so muddy I can't drink, "says the wolf: "I stand below you, " replied the lamb, "and therefore itcannot be. " "You did me an injury last year, " retorted the wolf. "I wasnot born last year, " rejoined the lamb. "Well, well, " exclaimed thewolf, "then it was your father or mother. I'll eat you, at all events. "

The bitter discussions in Congress have grown out of this strong disliketo the free States; and the crown of the whole policy is nullification. The single State of South Carolina has undertaken to abolish therevenues of the whole nation, and threatened the Federal Governmentwith cecession from the Union, in case the laws were enforced by anyother means, than through the judicial tribunals. 

"It is not a little extraordinary that this new pretention of SouthCarolina, the State which above all others enjoys this unrequitedprivilege of excessive representation, released from all payment of thedirect taxes, of which her proportion would be nearly double that of anynon-slaveholding State, should proceed from that very complaint thatshe bears an unequal proportion of duties of imposts, which, by theconstitution of the United States, are required to be uniform throughoutthe Union. Vermont, with a free population of two hundred and eightythousand souls, has five representatives in the popular House ofCongress, and seven Electors for President and Vice-President. SouthCarolina, with a free population of less than two hundred and sixtythousand souls, sends nine members to the House of Representatives, andhonors the Governor of Virginia with eleven votes for the office ofPresident of the United States. If the rule of representation were thesame for South Carolina and for Vermont, they would have the same numberof Representatives in the House, and the same number of Electors for thechoice of President and Vice-President. She has nearly double the numberof both. "

What would the South have? They took the management at the verythreshold of our government, and, excepting the rigidly justadministration of Washington, they have kept it ever since. They claimedslave representation and obtained it. For their convenience the revenueswere raised by imposts instead of direct taxes, and thus they givelittle or nothing in exchange for their excessive representation. Theyhave increased the slave States, till they have twenty-five votes inCongress--They have laid the embargo, and declared war--They havecontrolled the expenditures of the nation--They have acquired Louisianaand Florida for an eternal slave market, and perchance for themanufactory of more slave States--They have given five presidents out ofseven to the United States--And in their attack upon manufactures, theyhave gained Mr. Clay's _concession_ bill. "But all this availeth not, solong as Mordecai the Jew sitteth in the king's gate. " The free Statesmust be kept down. But change their policy as they will, free States_cannot_ be kept down. There is but one way to ruin them; and that isto make them slave States. If the South with all her power and skillcannot manage herself into prosperity, it is because the difficulty liesat her own doors, and she will not remove it. At one time her desertedvillages were attributed to the undue patronage bestowed upon settlerson the public lands: at another, the tariff is the cause of herdesolation. Slavery, the real root of the evil, is carefully kept outof sight, as a "delicate subject, " which must not be alluded to. It isa singular fact in the present age of the world, that delicate andindelicate subjects mean precisely the same thing. 

If any proof were wanted, that _slavery_ is the cause of all thisdiscord, it is furnished by Eastern and Western Virginia. They belong tothe same State, and are protected by the same laws; but in the former, the slaveholding interest is very strong--while in the latter, it isscarcely any thing. The result is, warfare, and continual complaints, and threats of separation. There are no such contentions between thedifferent sections of _free_ States; simply because slavery, theexciting cause of strife, does not exist among them. 

The constant threat of the slaveholding States is the dissolution of theUnion; and they have repeated it with all the earnestness of sincerity, though there are powerful reasons why it would not be well for them toventure upon that untried state of being. In one respect only, are thesethreats of any consequence--they have familiarized the public mind withthe subject of separation, and diminished the reverence, with which thefree States have hitherto regarded the Union. 

The farewell advice of Washington operated like a spell upon the heartsand consciences of his countrymen. For many, many years after his death, it would almost have been deemed blasphemy to speak of separation as apossible event. I would that it still continued so! But it is now anevery-day occurrence, to hear politicians, of all parties, conjecturingwhat system would be pursued by different sections of the country, incase of a dissolution of the Union. This evil is likewise chargeableupon slavery. The threats of separation have _uniformly_ come from theslaveholding States; and on many important measures the free States havebeen awed into acquiescence by their respect for the Union. 

Mr. Adams, in the able and manly report before alluded to, says: "Itcannot be denied that in a community spreading over a large extent ofterritory, and politically founded upon the principles proclaimed in theDeclaration of Independence, but differing so widely in the elements oftheir social condition, that the inhabitants of one-half the territoryare wholly free, and those of the other half divided into masters andslaves, deep if not irreconcilable collisions of interest must abound. The question whether such a community can exist under one commongovernment, is a subject of profound, philosophical speculation intheory. Whether it can continue long to exist, is a question to besolved only by the experiment now making by the people of this Union, under that national compact, the constitution of the United States. "

The admission of Missouri into the Union is another clear illustrationof the slaveholding power. That contest was marked by the same violence, and the same threats, as have characterized nullification. On bothoccasions the planters were pitted against the commercial andmanufacturing sections of the country. On both occasions the democracyof the North was, by one means or another, induced to throw its strengthupon the Southern _lever_, to increase its already prodigious power. On both, and on all occasions, some little support has been given toNorthern principles in Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina; becausein portions of those States there is a considerable commercial interest, and some encouragement of free labor. So true it is, in the minutestdetails, that slavery and freedom are always arrayed in opposition toeach other. 

At the time of the Missouri question, the pestiferous effects of slaveryhad become too obvious to escape the observation of the most superficialstatesman. The new free States admitted into the Union enjoyed tenfoldprosperity compared with the new slave States. Give a free laborer abarren rock, and he will soon cover it with vegetation; while the slaveand his task-master, would change the garden of Eden to a desert. 

But Missouri must be admitted as a slave State, for two strong reasons. First, that the planters might perpetuate their predominant influenceby adding to the slave representation, --the power of which is alwaysconcentrated against the interests of the free States. Second, that anew market might be opened for their surplus slaves. It is lamentableto think that two votes in favor of Missouri slavery, were given byMassachusetts men; and that those two votes would have turned the scale. The planters loudly threatened to dissolve the Union, if slavery werenot extended beyond the Mississippi. If the Union cannot be preservedwithout crime, it is an eternal truth that nothing good can be preserved_by_ crime. The immense territories of Louisiana, Arkansas, and Florida, are very likely to be formed into slave States; and every new vote onthis side, places the free States more and more at the mercy of theSouth, and gives a renewed and apparently interminable lease to theduration of slavery. 

The purchase or the conquest of the Texas, is a favorite scheme withSoutherners, because it would occasion such an inexhaustible demand forslaves. A gentleman in the Virginia convention thought the acquisitionof the Texas so certain, that he made calculations upon the increasedvalue of negroes. We have reason to thank God that the jealousy of theMexican government places a barrier in that direction. 

The existence of slavery among us prevents the recognition of Haytianindependence. That republic is fast increasing in wealth, intelligenceand refinement. --Her commerce is valuable to us and might become muchmore so. But our Northern representatives have never even made an effortto have her independence acknowledged, because a colored ambassadorwould be so disagreeable to our prejudices. 

Few are aware of the extent of _sectional_ dislike in this country; andI would not speak of it, if I thought it possible to add to it. Thelate John Taylor, a man of great natural talent, wrote a book on theagriculture of Virginia, in which he acknowledges impoverishment, butattributes it all to the mismanagement of _overseers_. In this work, Mr. Taylor has embodied more of the genuine spirit, the ethics and politics, of planters, than any other man; excepting perhaps, John Randolph inhis speeches. He treats merchants, capitalists, bankers, and all otherpeople not planters, as so many robbers, who live by plundering theslave-owner, apparently forgetting by what plunder they themselves live. 

Mr. Jefferson and other eminent men from the South, have occasionallybetrayed the same strong prejudices; but they were more guarded, lestthe democracy of the North should be undeceived, and their votes lost. Mr. Taylor's book is in high repute in the Southern States, and itssentiments widely echoed; but it is little known here. 

A year or two since, I received a letter from a publisher who largelysupplies the Southern market, in which he assured me that no book fromthe North would sell at the South, unless the source from which it came, were carefully concealed! Yet New-England has always yielded to Southernpolicy in preference to uniting with the Middle States, with which shehas, in most respects, a congeniality of interests and habits. It hasbeen the constant policy of the slave States to prevent the free Statesfrom acting together. 

Who does not see that the American people are walking over asubterranean fire, the flames of which are fed by slavery?

The South no doubt gave her influence to General Jackson, from theconviction that a slave-owner would support the slaveholding interest. The Proclamation against the nullifiers, which has given the Presidentsuch sudden popularity at the North, has of course offended them. Noperson has a right to say that Proclamation is insincere. It will beextraordinary if a slave-owner does in _reality_ depart from the uniformsystem of his brethren. In the President's last Message, it ismaintained that the wealthy landholders, that is, the planters, arethe _best_ part of the population;--it admits that the laws for raisingof revenue by imposts have been in their operation oppressive to theSouth;--it recommends a gradual withdrawing of protection frommanufactures;--it advises that the public lands shall cease to bea source of revenue, as soon as practicable--that they be sold tosettlers--and in a _convenient time_ the disposal of the soil besurrendered to _the States respectively in which it lies_;--lastly, the Message tends to discourage future appropriations of public moneyfor purposes of internal improvement. 

Every one of these items is a concession to the slaveholding policy. Ifthe public lands are taken from the nation, and given to the States inwhich the soil lies, who will get the largest share? That _best_ part ofthe population called planters. 

The Proclamation and the Message are very unlike each other. PerhapsSouth Carolina is to obtain her own will by a route more certain, thoughmore circuitous, than open rebellion. Time will show. 

CHAPTER V. 

COLONIZATION SOCIETY, AND ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

 It is not madness That I have utter'd:----For love of grace, Lay not that flattering unction to your soul, That not your trespass but my madness speaks: It will but _skin_ and _film_ the ulcerous place; While rank corruption, mining all within, _Infects unseen_. Confess yourself to Heaven; Repent what's past; avoid what is to come; And do not spread the compost on the weeds, To make them ranker. 

 HAMLET, _Act III, Scene 3d_. 

 When doctrines meet with general approbation, It is not heresy, but reformation. 

 GARRICK. 

So much excitement prevails with regard to these two societies atpresent, that it will be difficult to present a view of them which willbe perfectly satisfactory to all. I shall say what appears to me to becandid and true, without any anxiety as to whom it may please, and whomit may displease. I need not say that I have a decided predilection, because it has been sufficiently betrayed in the preceding pages; andI allude to it for the sake of perfect sincerity, rather than from anyidea that my opinion is important. 

The American Colonization Society was organized a little more thansixteen years ago at the city of Washington, chosen as the most centralplace in the Union. Auxiliary institutions have since been formed inalmost every part of the country; and nearly all the distinguished menbelong to it. The doing away of slavery in the United States, bygradually removing all the blacks to Africa, has been generally supposedto be its object. The project at first excited some jealousy in theSouthern States; and the Society, in order to allay this, were anxiousto make all possible concessions to slave-owners, in their Addresses, Reports, &c. In Mr. Clay's speech, printed in the first Annual Reportof the Society, he said, "It is far from the intention of this Societyto affect, in _any manner_, the tenure by which a certain species ofproperty is held. I am myself a slaveholder, and I consider that kindof property as inviolable as any other in the country. I would resistencroachment upon it as soon, and with as much firmness, as I would uponany other property that I hold. Nor am I prepared to go as far as thegentleman who has just spoken, (Mr. Mercer) in saying that I wouldemancipate my slaves, if the means were provided of sending them fromthe country. "

At the same meeting Mr. Randolph said, "He thought it necessary, beinghimself a slaveholder, to show that so far from being in the _smallestdegree_ connected with the abolition of slavery, the proposed Society_would prove one of the greatest securities to enable the master to keepin possession his own property_. "

In Mr. Clay's speech, in the second Annual Report, he declares: "It isnot proposed to deliberate upon, or consider at all, any question ofemancipation, or any that is _connected_ with the abolition of slavery. On this condition alone gentlemen from the South and West can beexpected to co-operate. On this condition only, I have myself attended. "

In the seventh Annual Report it is said, "An effort for the benefit ofthe blacks, in which all parts of the country can unite, of course mustnot have the abolition of slavery for its immediate object; _nor may itaim directly at the instruction of the blacks_. "

Mr. Archer, of Virginia, fifteenth Annual Report, says: "The object ofthe Society, if I understand it aright, involves no intrusion onproperty, _nor even upon prejudice_. "

In the speech of James S. Green, Esq. He says: "This Society have everdisavowed, and they do yet disavow that their object is the emancipationof slaves. They have no _wish_ if they _could_ to interfere in thesmallest degree with what they deem the most interesting and fearfulsubject which can be pressed upon the American public. There is nopeople that treat their slaves with so much kindness and so littlecruelty. "

In almost every address delivered before the Society, similarexpressions occur. On the propriety of discussing the evils of slavery, without bitterness and without fear, good men may differ in opinion;though I think the time is fast coming, when they will all agree. Butby assuming the ground implied in the above remarks, the ColonizationSociety have fallen into the habit of glossing over the enormities ofthe slave system; at least, it so appears to me. In their constitutionthey have pledged themselves not to speak, write, or do anything tooffend the Southerners; and as there is no possible way of making thetruth pleasant to those who do not love it, the Society must perforcekeep the truth out of sight. In many of their publications, I havethought I discovered a lurking tendency to palliate slavery; or, atleast to make the best of it. They often bring to my mind the wordsof Hamlet:

 "Forgive me this my virtue; For in the fatness of these pursy times, Virtue itself of vice must pardon beg; Yea, curb and woo, for leave to do him good. "

Thus in an Address delivered March, 1833, we are told, "It ought neverto be forgotten that the slave-trade between Africa and America, had itsorigin in a compassionate endeavor to relieve, by the substitution ofnegro labor, the toils endured by native Indians. It was the _simulatedform of mercy_ that piloted the first slave-ship across the Atlantic. "

I am aware that Las Cases used this argument; but it was less unbecomingin him than it is in a philanthropist of the present day. The speakerdoes indeed say that "the 'infinite of agonies' and the infinite ofcrime, since suffered and committed, proves that mercy cannot exist inopposition to justice. " I can hardly realize what sort of a conscienceit must be, that needed the demonstration. 

The plain truth was, the Spaniards were in a hurry for gold; theyoverworked the native Indians, who were inconsiderate enough to die invery inconvenient numbers; but the gold must be had, and that quickly;and so the Africans were forced to come and die in company with theIndians. And in the nineteenth century, we are told it is our duty notto forget that this was a "simulated form of mercy!" A _dis_simulatedform would have been the better expression. 

If we may believe slave-owners, the whole system, from beginning to end, is a matter of mercy. They have described the Middle Passage, with itsgags, fetters, and thumb-screws, as "the happiest period of a negro'slife;" they say they do the slaves a great charity in bringing themfrom barbarous Africa to a civilized and Christian country; and on theplantation, under the whip of the driver, the negroes are so happy, thata West India planter publicly declared he could not look upon them, without wishing to be himself a slave. 

In the speech above referred to, we are told, that as to any politicalinterference, "the slave States are _foreign_ States. We can alienatetheir feelings until they become foreign enemies; or, on the other hand, we can conciliate them until they become allies and auxiliaries in thesacred cause of emancipation. "

But so long as the South insist that slavery is _unavoidable_, and saythey will not tolerate any schemes _tending_ to its abolition--and solong as the North take the _necessity_ of slavery for an unalterabletruth, and put down any discussions, however mild and candid, whichtend to show that it _may_ be done away with safety--so long as wethus strengthen each other's hands in evil, what remote hope is thereof emancipation? If by political interference is meant _hostile_interference, or even a desire to promote insurrection, I should atonce pronounce it to be most wicked; but if by political interferenceis meant the liberty to investigate this subject, as other subjectsare investigated--to inquire into what has been done, and what may bedone--I say it is our sacred duty to do it. To enlighten public opinionis the best way that has yet been discovered for the removal of nationalevils; and slavery is certainly a _national_ evil. 

The Southern States, according to their own evidence, are impoverishedby it; a great amount of wretchedness and crime inevitably follows inits train; the prosperity of the North is continually checked by it;it promotes feelings of rivalry between the States; it separates ourinterests; makes our councils discordant; threatens the destruction ofour government; and disgraces us in the eyes of the world. I have oftenheard Americans who have been abroad, declare that nothing embarrassedthem so much as being questioned about our slaves; and that nothing wasso mortifying as to have the pictures of runaway negroes pointed at inthe newspapers of this republic. La Fayette, with all his admiration forour institutions, can never speak of the subject without regret andshame. 

Now a common evil certainly implies a common right to remedy; and whereis the remedy to be found, if the South in all their speeches andwritings repeat that slavery _must_ exist--if the Colonization Societyre-echo, in all their Addresses and Reports, that there is no help forthe evil, and it is very wicked to hint that there is--and if publicopinion here brands every body as a fanatic and madman, who wishes to_inquire_ what can be done? The supineness of New-England on thissubject, reminds me of the man who being asked to work at the pump, because the vessel was going down, answered, "I am only a passenger. "

An error often and urgently repeated is apt to receive the sanction oftruth; and so it is in this case. The public take it for granted thatslavery is a "lamentable _necessity_. " Nevertheless there _is_ a way toeffect its cure, if we all join sincerely, earnestly, and kindly in thework; but if we expend our energies in palliating the evil, or mourningover its hopelessness, or quarrelling about who is the most to blame forit, the vessel, --crew, passengers, and all, --will go down together. 

I object to the Colonization Society, because it tends to put publicopinion asleep, on a subject where it needs to be wide awake. 

The address above alluded to, does indeed inform us of one thing whichwe are at liberty to do: "We must _go_ to the master and _adjure_him, by all the sacred rights of humanity, by all the laws of naturaljustice, by his dread responsibilities, --which, in the economy ofProvidence, are always co-extensive and commensurate with power, --to_raise the slave_ out of his abyss of degradation, to give him aparticipation in the benefits of mortal existence, and to make him amember of the _intellectual_ and moral world, from which he, and hisfathers, for so many generations, have been exiled. " The practical_utility_ of such a plan needs no comment. Slave-owners will smile whenthey read it. 

I will for a moment glance at what many suppose is still the intentionof the Colonization Society, viz. , gradually to remove all the blacks inthe United States. The Society has been in operation more than fifteenyears, during which it has transported between two and three thousand_free_ people of color. There are in the United States two million ofslaves and three hundred thousand free blacks; and their numbers areincreasing at the rate of seventy thousand annually. While the Societyhave removed less than three thousand, --five hundred thousand have beenborn. While one hundred and fifty _free_ blacks have been sent to Africain a _year_, two hundred _slaves_ have been born in a _day_. To keep theevil just where it is, seventy thousand a year must be transported. Howmany ships, and how many millions of money, would it require to do this?It would cost three million five hundred thousand dollars a year, toprovide for the safety of our Southern brethren in this way! To use thelanguage of Mr. Hayne, it would "bankrupt the treasury of the world"to execute the scheme. And if such a great number could be removedannually, how would the poor fellows subsist? Famines have already beenproduced even by the few that have been sent. What would be the resultof landing several thousand destitute beings, even on the most fertileof our own cultivated shores?

And why _should_ they be removed? Labor is greatly needed, and we areglad to give good wages for it. We encourage emigration from all partsof the world; why is it not good policy, as well as good feeling, toimprove the colored people, and pay them for the use of their faculties?For centuries to come, the means of sustenance in this vast countrymust be much greater than the population; then why should we drive awaypeople, whose services may be most useful? If the moral cultivation ofnegroes received the attention it ought, thousands and thousands wouldat the present moment be gladly taken up in families, factories, &c. And, like other men, they ought to be allowed to fit themselves for moreimportant usefulness, as far and as fast as they can. 

There will, in all human probability, never be any decrease in the blackpopulation of the United States. Here they are, and here they mustremain, in very large numbers, do what we will. We may at once agreeto live together in mutual good-will, and perform a mutual use to eachother--or we may go on, increasing tyranny on one side, and jealousy andrevenge on the other, until the fearful elements complete their work ofdestruction, and something better than this sinful republic rises on theruins. Oh, how earnestly do I wish that we may choose the holier andsafer path!

To transport the blacks in such annual numbers as has hitherto beendone, cannot have any beneficial effect upon the present state ofthings. It is Dame Partington with her pail mopping up the rushingwaters of the Atlantic! So far as this gradual removal _has_ any effect, it tends to keep up the price of slaves in the market, and thusperpetuate the system. A writer in the Kentucky Luminary, speaking ofcolonization, uses the following argument: "None are obliged to followour example; and those who do not, _will find the value of their negroesincreased by the departure of ours_. "

If the value of slaves is kept up, it will be a strong temptation tosmuggle in the commodity; and thus while one vessel carries them outfrom America, another will be bringing them in from Africa. This wouldbe like dipping up the water of Chesapeake Bay into barrels, conveyingit across the Atlantic, and emptying it into the Mediterranean: theChesapeake would remain as full as ever, and by the time the vesselreturned, wind and waves would have brought the _same_ water back again. 

Slave-owners have never yet, in any part of the world, been known tofavor, as a body, any scheme, which could ultimately _tend_ to abolishslavery; yet in this country, they belong to the Colonization Society inlarge numbers, and agree to pour from their State treasuries into itsfunds. Individuals object to it, it is true; but the scheme is verygenerally favored in the slave States. 

The following extract from Mr. Wood's speech in the Legislature ofVirginia, will show upon what ground the owners of slaves are willingto sanction any schemes of benevolence. The "Colonization Society may bea part of the grand system of the Ruler of the Universe, to provide forthe transfer of negroes to their _mother_ country. Their introductioninto this land may have been one of the inscrutable ways of Providenceto confer blessings upon that race--it may have been decreed that theyshall be the means of conveying to the minds of their benightedcountrymen, the blessing of religious and civil liberty. But I fearthere is little ground to believe the means have yet been created toeffect so glorious a result, or that the present race of slaves are tobe benefited by such a removal. _I shall trust that many of them may becarried to the south-western States as slaves. _ Should this door beclosed, how can Virginia get rid of so large a number as are nowannually deported to the different States and Territories where slavesare wanted? Can the gentleman show us how from _twelve thousand totwenty thousand_ can be _annually_ carried to Liberia?"

Yet notwithstanding such numbers of mothers and children are yearly sentfrom a single State, "separately or in lots, " to supply the demands ofthe internal _slave-trade_, Mr. Hayne, speaking of _freeing_ thesepeople and sending them away, says: "It is wholly irreconcilable withour notions of humanity to _tear asunder the tender ties_, which theyhad formed among us to gratify the feelings of a false philanthropy!"

As for the _removal_ of blacks from this country, the real fact is this;the slave States are very desirous to get rid of their troublesome_surplus_ of colored population, and they are willing that we shouldhelp to pay for the transportation. A double purpose is served by this;for the active benevolence which is eager to work in the cause, is thusturned into a harmless and convenient channel. Neither the planters northe Colonization Society, seem to ask what _right_ we have to removepeople from the places where they have been born and brought up, --wherethey have a home, which, however miserable, is still their home, --andwhere their relatives and acquaintances all reside. Africa is no moretheir native country than England is ours, [AF]--nay, it is less so, because there is no community of language or habits;--besides, we cannotsay to them, as Gilpin said to his horse, "'Twas for _your_ pleasure youcame here, you shall go back for mine. "

[Footnote AF: At the close of the last war, General Jackson issueda proclamation to the colored people of the South, in which he says:"I knew that you _loved the land of your nativity_, and that, likeourselves, you had to defend all that is dear to man. But you surpassmy hopes. I have found in you, united to those qualities, that nobleenthusiasm which impels to great deeds. "]

In the Virginia debate of 1832, it was agreed that very few of the freecolored people would be _willing_ to go to Africa; and this is provedby several petitions from them, praying for leave to remain. One of theVirginian legislators said, "either _moral_ or _physical_ force must beused to compel them to go;" some of them advised immediate coercion;others recommended persuasion first, until their numbers were thinned, and coercion afterward. I believe the resolution finally passed theHouse without any proviso of this sort; and I mention it merely to showthat it was generally supposed the colored people would be unwillingto go. 

The planters are resolved to drive the free blacks away; and it isanother evil of the Colonization Society that their funds and theirinfluence co-operate with them in this project. They do not indeedthrust the free negroes off, at the point of the bayonet; but they maketheir _laws_ and _customs_ so very unequal and oppressive, that the poorfellows are surrounded by raging fires on every side, and must leapinto the Atlantic for safety. In slave ethics I suppose this is called"_moral_ force. " If the slave population is left to its own naturalincrease, the crisis will soon come; for labor will be so very cheapthat slavery will not be for the interest of the whites. Why should weretard this crisis?

In the next place, many of the Colonizationists (I do not suppose itapplies to all) are averse to giving the blacks a good education; andthey are not friendly to the establishment of schools and colleges forthat purpose. Now I would ask any candid person why colored childrenshould _not_ be educated? Some say, it will raise them above theirsituation; I answer, it will raise them _in_ their situation--not_above_ it. When a High School for white girls was first talked of inthis city, several of the wealthy class objected to it; because, saidthey, "if everybody is educated, we shall have no servants. " Thisargument is based on selfishness, and therefore cannot stand. If carriedinto operation, the welfare of many would be sacrificed to theconvenience of a few. We might as well protest against the sunlight, for the benefit of lamp-oil merchants. Of all monopolies, a monopoly of_knowledge_ is the worst. Let it be as active as the ocean--as free asthe wind--as universal as the sunbeams! Lord Brougham said verywisely, "If the higher classes are afraid of being left in the rear, they likewise must hasten onward. "

With our firm belief in the natural inferiority of negroes, it isstrange we should be so much afraid that knowledge will elevate themquite too high for our convenience. In the march of improvement, we areseveral centuries in advance; and if, with this obstacle at the verybeginning, they can outstrip us, why then, in the name of justice, letthem go ahead! Nay, give them three cheers as they pass. If any nation, or any class of men, can obtain intellectual pre-eminence, it is a suresign they deserve it; and by this republican rule the condition of theworld will be regulated as surely as the waters find their level. 

Besides, like all selfish policy, this is not _true_ policy. The moreuseful knowledge a person has, the better he fulfils his duties in _any_station; and there is no kind of knowledge, high or low, which may notbe brought into _use_. 

But it has been said, that information will make the blacksdiscontented; because, if ever so learned, they will not be allowed tosit at the white man's table, or marry the white man's daughter. 

In relation to this question, I would ask, "Is there anybody so high, that they do not see others above them?" The working classes of thiscountry have no social communication with the aristocracy. Every day ofmy life I see people who can dress better, and live in better houses, than I can afford. There are many individuals who would not choose tomake my acquaintance, because I am not of their _caste_--but I shouldspeak a great untruth, if I said this made me discontented. They havetheir path and I have mine; I am happy in my own way, and am willingthey should be happy in theirs. If asked whether what little knowledgeI have produces discontent, I should answer, that it made me happier, infinitely happier, than I could be without it. 

Under every form of government, there will be distinct classes ofsociety, which have only occasional and transient communication witheach other; and the colored people, whether educated or not, will formone of these classes. By giving them means of information, we increasetheir happiness, and make them better members of society. I have oftenheard it said that there was a disproportionate number of crimescommitted by the colored people in this State. The same thing is trueof the first generation of Irish emigrants; but we universally attributeit to their ignorance, and agree that the only remedy is to give theirchildren as good an education as possible. If the policy is wise in oneinstance, why would it not be so in the other!

As for the possibility of social intercourse between the differentcolored races, _I_ have not the slightest objection to it, provided theywere equally virtuous, and equally intelligent; but I do not wish to warwith the prejudices of others; I am willing that all, who consult theirconsciences, should keep them as long as ever they can. One thing iscertain, the blacks will never come into your houses, unless you _ask_them; and you need not ask them unless you choose. They are very farfrom being intrusive in this respect. 

With regard to marrying your daughters, I believe the feeling inopposition to such unions is quite as strong among the colored class, as it is among white people. While the prejudice exists, such instancesmust be exceedingly rare, because the consequence is degradation insociety. Believe me, you may safely trust to any thing that depends onthe pride and selfishness of unregenerated human nature. 

Perhaps, a hundred years hence, some negro Rothschild may come fromHayti, with his seventy _million_ of pounds, and persuade some whitewoman to _sacrifice_ herself to him. --Stranger things than this dohappen every year. --But before that century has passed away, I apprehendthere will be a sufficient number of well-informed and elegant coloredwomen in the world, to meet the demands of colored patricians. Let thesons and daughters of Africa _both_ be educated, and then they will befit for each other. They will not be forced to make war upon their whiteneighbors for wives: nor will they, if they have intelligent women oftheir own, see any thing so very desirable in the project. Shall we keepthis class of people in everlasting degradation, for fear one of theirdescendants _may_ marry our great-great-great-great-grandchild?

While the prejudice exists, such unions cannot take place; and when theprejudice is melted away, they will cease to be a degradation, and ofcourse cease to be an evil. 

My third and greatest objection to the Colonization Society is, that itsmembers write and speak, both in public and private, as if the prejudiceagainst skins darker colored than our own, was a fixed and unalterablelaw of our nature, which cannot possibly be changed. The very_existence_ of the Society is owing to this prejudice: for if wecould make all the colored people white, or if they could be viewedas impartially as if they were white, what would be left for theColonization Society to do? Under such circumstances, they would havea fair chance to rise in their moral and intellectual character, and weshould be glad to have them remain among us, to give their energies forour money, as the Irish, the Dutch, and people from all parts of theworld are now doing. 

I am aware that some of the Colonizationists make large professions onthis subject; but nevertheless we are constantly told by this Society, that people of color must be removed, not only because they are inour way, but because they _must_ always be in a state of degradationhere--that they never _can_ have all the rights and privileges ofcitizens--and all this is because the _prejudice_ is so great. 

"The managers consider it clear that causes exist and are operating toprevent their (the blacks) improvement and elevation to any considerableextent as a class, in this country, which are fixed, not only beyondthe control of the friends of humanity, but of any human power. _Christianity will not_ do for them _here_, what it will do for themin _Africa_. This is not the fault of the colored man, nor Christianitybut _an ordination of Providence_, and no more to be changed than thelaws of Nature!"--_Last Annual Report of American Colonization Society. _

"The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society--prejudiceswhich neither _refinement_, nor _argument_, nor _education_, NORRELIGION ITSELF, can subdue--mark the people of color, whether bond orfree, as the subjects of degradation _inevitable_ and _incurable_. TheAfrican _in this country_ belongs _by birth_ to the very lowest stationin society; and from that station HE CAN NEVER RISE, be his _talents, his enterprise, his virtues, what they may_. They constitute a class bythemselves--a class out of which _no individual can be elevated_, andbelow which none can be depressed. "--_African Repository_, vol. Iv, pp. 118, 119. 

This is shaking hands with iniquity, and covering sin with a silverveil. Our prejudice against the blacks is founded in sheer pride; andit originates in the circumstance that people of their color only, areuniversally allowed to be slaves. We made slavery, and slavery makes theprejudice. No christian, who questions his own conscience, can justifyhimself in indulging the feeling. The removal of this prejudice is nota matter of opinion--it is a matter of _duty_. We have no right topalliate a feeling, sinful in itself, and highly injurious to a largenumber of our fellow-beings. Let us no longer act upon the narrow-mindedidea, that we must always continue to do wrong, because we have so longbeen in the habit of doing it. That there is no _necessity_ for theprejudice is shown by facts. In England, it exists to a much less degreethan it does here. If a respectable colored person enters a churchthere, the pews are readily opened to him; if he appears at an inn, roomis made for him at the table, and no laughter, or winking, remindshim that he belongs to an outcast race. A highly respectable Englishgentleman residing in this country has often remarked that nothingfilled him with such utter astonishment as our prejudice with regard tocolor. There is now in old England a negro, with whose name, parentage, and history, I am well acquainted, who was sold into West Indian slaveryby his New-England master; (I know _his_ name. ) The unfortunate negrobecame free by the kindness of an individual, and has now a handsomelittle property and the command of a vessel. He must take care not tocome into the ports of our Southern republics!--The anecdote of PrinceSaunders is well known; but it will bear repeating. He called upon anAmerican family, then residing in London. The fashionable breakfast hourwas very late, and the family were still seated at the table. The ladyfidgetted between the contending claims of politeness and prejudice. Atlast, when all but herself had risen from the table, she said, as ifstruck by a sudden thought, "Mr. Saunders, I forgot to ask if you hadbreakfasted. " "I thank you, madam, " replied the colored gentleman; "butI have engaged to breakfast with the Prince Regent this morning. "

Mr. Wilberforce and Mr. Brougham have often been seen in the streets ofLondon, walking arm in arm with people of color. The same thing is trueof Brissot, La Fayette, and several other distinguished Frenchmen. Inthis city, I never but once saw such an instance: When the Philadelphiacompany were here last summer, I met one of the officers walking arm inarm with a fine-looking black musician. The circumstance gave me agood deal of respect for the white man; for I thought he must have kindfeelings and correct principles, thus fearlessly to throw off a worsethan idle prejudice. 

In Brazil, people of color are lawyers, clergymen, merchants andmilitary officers; and in the Portuguese, as well as the Spanishsettlements, intermarriages bring no degradation. On the shores of theLevant, some of the wealthiest merchants are black. If we wereaccustomed to see intelligent and polished negroes, the prejudice wouldsoon disappear. There is certainly no law of our nature which makes a_dark color_ repugnant to our feelings. We admire the swarthy beautiesof Spain; and the finest forms of statuary are often preferred inbronze. If the whole world were allowed to vote on the question, therewould probably be a plurality in favor of complexions decidedly dark. Every body knows how much the Africans were amused at the sight of MungoPark, and what an ugly misfortune they considered his pale color, prominent nose, and thin lips. 

Ought we to be called Christians, if we allow a prejudice so absurdto prevent the improvement of a large portion of the human race, andinterfere with what all civilized nations consider the most commonrights of mankind? It cannot be that my enlightened and generouscountrymen will sanction any thing so narrow-minded and so selfish. 

Having found much fault with the Colonization Society, it is pleasantto believe that one portion of their enterprise affords a distantprospect of doing more good than evil. They now principally seek todirect the public attention to the founding of a colony in Africa; andthis may prove beneficial in process of time. If the colored emigrantswere _educated_ before they went there, such a Colony would tend slowly, but certainly, to enlighten Africa, to raise the character of thenegroes, to strengthen the increasing liberality of public opinion, andto check the diabolical slave-trade. If the Colonizationists will workzealously and judiciously in this department, pretend to do nothingmore, and let others work in another and more efficient way, they willdeserve the thanks of the country; but while it is believed that they doall the good which _can_ be done in this important cause, they will domore harm in America, than they can atone for in Africa. 

Very different pictures are drawn of Liberia; one party represents it asthriving beyond description, the other insists that it will soon fallinto ruin. It is but candid to suppose that the colony is going on aswell as could possibly be expected, when we consider that the emigrantsare almost universally ignorant and vicious, without property, andwithout habits of industry or enterprise. The colored people inour slave States must, almost without exception, be destitute ofinformation; and in choosing negroes to send away, the masters wouldbe very apt to select the most helpless and the most refractory. Hencethe superintendents of Liberia have made reiterated complaints ofbeing flooded with shiploads of "vagrants. " These causes are powerfuldrawbacks. But the negroes in Liberia have schools and churches, andthey have freedom, which, wherever it exists, is always striving to workits upward way. 

There is a palpable contradiction in some of the statements of thisSociety. 

"We are told that the Colonization Society is to civilize and evangelizeAfrica. '_Each emigrant_, ' says Henry Clay, the ablest advocate whichthe Society has yet found, '_is a missionary_, carrying with him_credentials_ in the holy cause of civilization, religion and freeinstitutions!!'"

"Who are these emigrants--these _missionaries_?"

"The Free people of color. 'They, and they _only_, ' says the AfricanRepository, 'are QUALIFIED for colonizing Africa. '"

What are their _qualifications_? Let the Society answer in its own words:

"'Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slavesthemselves. '"--_African Repository_, vol. Ii, p. 328. 

"'A horde of miserable people--the objects of universalsuspicion--subsisting by plunder. '"--_C. F. Mercer. _

"'An anomalous race of beings, the most debased upon earth. '"--_AfricanRepository_, vol. Vii, p. 230. 

"'Of all classes of our population the most vicious is that of the freecolored. '"--_Tenth Annual Report of Colonization Society. _

An Education Society has been formed in connection with the ColonizationSociety, and their complaint is principally that they cannot find propersubjects for instruction. Why cannot such subjects be found? Simplybecause our ferocious prejudices compel the colored children to growup in ignorance and vicious companionship, and when we seek to educatethem, we find their minds closed against the genial influence ofknowledge. 

When I heard of the Education Society, I did hope to find one instanceof _sincere_, _thorough disinterested_ good-will for the blacks. But inthe constitution of that Society, I again find the selfish principlepredominant. They pledge themselves to educate no colored persons unlessthey are solemnly bound to _quit the country_. The abolitionists aretold that they must wait till the slaves are more fit for freedom. Butif this system is pursued, when are they to be more fit forfreedom?--Never--never--to the end of time. 

Whatever other good the Colonization Society may do, it seems to meevident that they do not produce _any_ beneficial effect on thecondition of colored people in America; and indirectly they producemuch evil. 

In a body so numerous as the Colonization Society, there is, of course, a great variety of character and opinions. I presume that many amongthem believe the ultimate tendency of the Society to be very differentfrom what it really is. Some slave-owners encourage it because theythink it cannot decrease slavery, and will keep back the inconvenientcrisis when free labor will be cheaper than slave labor; others of thesame class join it because they really want to do some act of kindnessto the unfortunate African race, and all the country insist upon it thatthis is the only way; some politicians in the free States countenance itfrom similar motives, and because less cautious measures might occasiona loss of Southern votes and influence; the time-serving class--sonumerous in every community, --who are always ready to flatter existingprejudices, and sail smoothly along the current of popular favor, joinit, of course; but I am willing to believe that the largest proportionbelong to it, because they have compassionate hearts, are fearful ofinjuring their Southern brethren, and really think there is no other wayof doing so much good to the negroes. With this last-mentioned class, Isympathize in feeling, but differ in opinion. 

The Anti-Slavery Society was formed in January, 1832. Its objects aredistinctly stated in the second Article of their constitution, which isas follows:

 "ART. 2. The objects of the Society shall be, to endeavor by all means sanctioned by law, humanity and religion, to effect the abolition of slavery in the United States; to improve the character and condition of the free people of color, to inform and correct public opinion in relation to their situation and rights, and obtain for them equal civil and political rights and privileges with the whites. "

From this it will be seen that they think it a duty to give coloredpeople all possible means of education, and instead of removing themaway from the prejudice, to remove the prejudice away from them. 

They lay it down as a maxim that immediate emancipation is the onlyjust course, and the only safe policy. They say that slavery is a commonevil, and therefore there is a common right to investigate it, andsearch for modes of relief. They say that New-England shares, and everhas shared, in this national sin, and is therefore bound to atone forthe mischief, as far as it can be done. 

The strongest reason why the Anti-Slavery Society wish for theemancipation of slaves, is because they think no other course can bepursued which does not, in its very nature, involve a constant violationof the laws of God. In the next place, they believe there is no othersure way of providing for the safety of the white population in theslave States. I know that many of the planters affect to laugh at theidea of fearing their slaves; but why are their laws framed with suchcautious vigilance? Why must not negroes of different plantationscommunicate together? Why are they not allowed to be out in the evening, or to carry even a stick to defend themselves, in case of necessity?

In the Virginia Legislature a gentleman said, "It was high time forsomething to be done when men did not dare to open their own doorswithout pistols at their belts;" and Mr. Randolph has publicly declaredthat a planter was merely "a sentry at his own door. "

Mr. Roane, of Virginia, asks, --"Is there an intelligent man who does notknow that this _excess_ of slavery is increasing, and will continue toincrease in a ratio which is alarming in the extreme, and must overwhelmour descendants in ruin? Why then should we shut our eyes and turn ourbacks upon the evil? Will delay render it less gigantic, or give us moreHerculean strength to meet and subdue it at a future time? Oh, no--delaybreeds danger--procrastination is the thief of time, and the refuge ofsluggards. "

It is very true that insurrection is perfect madness on the part ofthe slaves; for they are sure to be overpowered. But such madness hashappened; and innocent women and children have fallen victims to it. 

A few months ago, I was conversing with a very mild and judiciousmember of the Anti-Slavery Society, when a gentleman originally from theSouth came in. As he was an old acquaintance, and had been a long timeresident in New-England, it was not deemed necessary, as a matter ofcourtesy, to drop the conversation. He soon became excited. "Whateveryou may think, Mrs. Child, " said he, "the slaves are a great dealhappier than either of us; the less people know the more merry theyare. " I replied, "I heard you a short time since talking over your plansfor educating your son; if knowledge brings wretchedness, why do you notkeep him in happy ignorance?" "The fashion of the times requires someinformation, " said he; "but why do you concern yourself about thenegroes? Why don't you excite the horses to an insurrection, becausethey are obliged to work, and are whipped if they do not?" "One _horse_does not whip another, " said I; "and besides, I do not wish to promoteinsurrections. I would on the contrary, do all I could to prevent them. ""Perhaps you do not like the comparison between slaves and horses, "rejoined he; "it is true, the horses have the advantage. " I made noreply; for where such ground is assumed, what _can_ be said; besides, I did not then, and I do not now, believe that he expressed his realfeelings. He was piqued, and spoke unadvisedly. This gentleman deniedthat the lot of the negroes was hard. He said they loved their masters, and their masters loved them; and in any cases of trouble or illness, aman's slaves were his best friends. I mentioned some undoubted instancesof cruelty to slaves; he acknowledged that such instances might veryrarely happen, but said that in general the masters were much more to bepitied than the negroes. A lady, who had been in South Carolina when aninsurrection was apprehended, related several anecdotes concerning thealarm that prevailed there at the time: and added, "I often wish thatnone of my friends lived in a slave State. " "Why should you be anxious?"rejoined the Southern gentleman; "You know that they have built a strongcitadel in the heart of the city, to which all the inhabitants canrepair in case of insurrection. " "So, " said I, "they have built a_citadel_ to protect them from their happy, contented servants--acitadel against their _best friends_!" I could not but be amused at thecontradictions that occurred during this conversation. 

That emancipation has in several instances been effected with safetyhas been already shown. But allowing that there is some danger indiscontinuing slavery, is there not likewise danger in continuing it?In one case, the danger, if there were any, would soon be subdued; inthe other, it is continually increasing. 

The planter tells us that the slave is very happy, and bids us leave himas he is. If laughter is a sign of happiness, the Irishman, tumbling inthe same mire as his pigs, is happy. The merely sensual man is no doubtmerry and heedless; but who would call him happy? Is it not a fearfulthing to keep immortal beings in a state like beasts? The more thesenses are subjected to the moral and intellectual powers, the happierman is, --the more we learn to sacrifice the present to the future, thehigher do we rise in the scale of existence. The negro may often enjoyhimself, like the dog when he is not beaten, or the hog when he is notstarved; but let not this be called _happiness_. 

How far the slave laws are conducive to the enjoyment of those theygovern, each individual can judge for himself. In the Southern papers, we continually see pictures of runaway negroes, and sometimes theadvertisements identify them by scars, or by letters branded upon them. Is it natural for men to run away from comfort and happiness, especiallywhen any one who meets them may shoot them, like a dog! and when, whipping nearly unto death is authorized as the punishment? I forbearto describe how much more shocking slave-whipping is than any thing weare accustomed to see bestowed upon cattle. 

But the advocates of slavery tell us, that on the negro's own account, it is best to keep him in slavery; that without a master to guide himand take care of him, he is a wretched being; that freedom is thegreatest curse that can be bestowed upon him. Then why do theirLegislatures grant it as a reward for "_meritorious services to theState_?" Why do benevolent masters bequeath the legacy of freedom, "in consideration of long and faithful service?" Why did Jefferson soearnestly, and so very humbly request the Legislature of Virginia toratify the manumission of his five _favorite_ slaves?

Notwithstanding the disadvantageous position of free negroes in acommunity consisting of whites and slaves, it is evident that, evenupon these terms, freedom is considered a blessing. 

The Anti-Slavery Society agree with Harriet Martineau in saying, "Patience with the _men_, but no patience with the _principles_. Asmuch patience as you please in enlightening those who are unaware ofthe abuses, but no patience with social crimes!"

The Colonization Society are always reminding us that the _master_has rights as well as the slave: The Anti-Slavery Society urge us toremember that the _slave_ has rights as well as the master. I leave itfor sober sense to determine which of these claims is in the greatestdanger of being forgotten. 

The abolitionists think it a duty to maintain at all times, and in allplaces, that slavery _ought_ to be abolished, and that it _can_ beabolished. When error is so often repeated it becomes very importantto repeat the truth; especially as good men are apt to be quiet, andselfish men are prone to be active. They propose no _plan_--they leavethat to the wisdom of Legislatures. But they never swerve from the_principle_ that slavery is both wicked and unnecessary. --Their objectis to turn the public voice against this evil, by a plain expositionof facts. 

Perhaps it may seem of little use for individuals to maintain anyparticular _principle_, while they do not attempt to prescribe the waysand means by which it can be carried into operation: But the voice ofthe public is mighty, either for good or evil; and that far-soundingecho is composed of single voices. 

Schiller makes his Fiesco exclaim, "Spread out the thunder into its_single_ tones, and it becomes a lullaby for children; pour it forthin one quick peal and the royal sound shall move the heavens!"

If the work of abolition must necessarily be slow in its progress, somuch the more need of beginning soon, and working vigorously. My lifeupon it, a safe remedy can be found for this evil, whenever we aresincerely desirous of doing justice for its own sake. 

The Anti-Slavery Society is loudly accused of being seditious, fanatical, and likely to promote insurrections. It seems to be supposed, that they wish to send fire and sword into the South, and encourage theslaves to hunt down their masters. Slave-owners wish to have it viewedin this light, because they know the subject will not bear discussion;and men here, who give the tone to public opinion, have loudly repeatedthe charge--some from good motives, and some from bad. I once had a verystrong prejudice against anti-slavery;--(I am ashamed to think _how_strong--for mere prejudice should never be stubborn, ) but a candidexamination has convinced me, that I was in an error. I made the commonmistake of taking things for granted, without stopping to investigate. 

This Society do not wish to see any coercive or dangerous measurespursued. They wish for universal emancipation, because they believeit is the only way to _prevent_ insurrections. Almost every individualamong them, is a strong friend to Peace Societies. They wish to move thepublic mind on this subject, in the same manner that it has been movedon other subjects: viz. , by open, candid, fearless discussion. This is_all_ they want to do; and this they are determined to do, because theybelieve it to be an important duty. For a long time past, publicsympathy has been earnestly directed in the wrong way; if it could bemade to turn round, a most happy change would be produced. There aremany people at the South who would be glad to have a safe method ofemancipation discovered; but instead of encouraging _them_, all ourpresses, and pulpits, and books, and conversation, have been used tostrengthen the hands of those who wish to perpetuate the "costlyiniquity. " Divine Providence _always_ opens the way for the removalof evils, individual or national, whenever man is sincerely willingto have them removed; it may be difficult to do right, but it is neverimpossible. Yet a majority of my countrymen do, in effect, hold thefollowing language: "We know that this evil _cannot_ be cured; and wewill speak and publish our opinion on every occasion: but you must not, for your lives, dare to assert that there is a possibility of our beingmistaken. "

If there were any apparent wish to get rid of this sin and disgrace, Ibelieve the members of the Anti-Slavery Society would most heartily andcourageously defend slave-owners from any risk they might incur in asincere effort to do right. They would teach the negro that it is theChristian's duty meekly and patiently to _suffer_ wrong; but they darenot excuse the white man for continuing to _inflict_ the wrong. 

They think it unfair that all arguments on this subject should befounded on the convenience and safety of the master _alone_. They wishto see the white man's claims have their due weight; but they insistthat the negro's rights ought not to be thrown out of the balance. 

At the time a large reward was offered for the capture of Mr. Garrison, on the ground that his paper excited insurrections, it is a fact, thathe had never sent or caused to be sent, a single paper south of Masonand Dixon's line. He _afterwards_ sent papers to some of the leadingpoliticians there; but they of course were not the ones to promote negroinsurrections. "But, " it has been answered, "the papers did find theirway there. " Are we then forbidden to publish our opinions upon animportant subject, for fear _somebody_ will send them _somewhere_? Isslavery to remain a sealed book in this most communicative of all ages, and this most inquisitive of all countries? If so, we live under anactual censorship of the press. This is like what the Irishman said ofour paved cities--tying down the stones, and letting the mad dogs runloose. 

If insurrections do occur, they will no doubt be attributed tothe Anti-Slavery Society. But we must not forget that there wereinsurrections in the West Indies long before the English abolitionistsbegan their efforts; and that masters were murdered in this country, before the Anti-Slavery Society was thought of. Neither must we forgetthat the increased severity of the laws is very likely to goad anoppressed people to madness. The very cruelty of the laws againstresistance under any circumstances, would be thought to justify awhite man in rebellion, because it gives resistance the character ofself-defence. "The law, " says Blackstone, "respects the passions of thehuman mind; and when external violence is offered to a man himself, orthose to whom he bears a near connexion, makes it lawful in him to dohimself that immediate justice, to which he is prompted by nature, andwhich no prudential motives are strong enough to restrain. "

As it respects promoting insurrections by discussing this subject, itshould be remembered that it is very rare for any colored person at theSouth to know how to read or write. 

Furthermore, if there be any danger in the discussion, _our_ silencecannot arrest it; for the whole world is talking and writing about it. A good deal of commotion has been excited in the South because somemustard has arrived there, packed in English newspapers, containingParliamentary speeches against slavery;--even children's handkerchiefsseem to be regarded as sparks falling into a powder magazine. How muchbetter it would be not to live in the midst of a powder magazine. 

The English abolitionists have labored long and arduously. Every inch ofthe ground has been contested. After obtaining the decision that negroesbrought into England were freemen, it took them _thirty-five years_ toobtain the abolition of the slave _trade_. But their progress, thoughslow and difficult, has been certain. The slaves are now emancipated inevery British colony; and in effecting this happy change, not one dropof blood has been spilt, nor any property destroyed, except two sheds, called _trash houses_, which were set on fire by some unknown hand. 

In Antigua and Bermuda, emancipation was unqualified; that is, theslaves at once received the stimulus of wages. In those Islands, therehas not been the slightest difficulty. In the other colonies, the slaveswere made apprentices, and obliged to work five years more, before theyreceived their freedom, and magistrates decided what proportion oftime should be employed for their own benefit. The planters had beenso violent in opposition to abolition, and had prophesied such terribledisasters resulting from it, that they felt some anxiety to have theirprophecies fulfilled. The abolition act, by some oversight, did notstipulate that while the apprentices worked without wages, they shouldhave all the privileges to which they had been accustomed as slaves. Ithad been a universal practice for one slave to cook for all the rest, so that their food was ready the moment they left the field; and agedfemale slaves tended the little children, while their mothers were atwork. The planters changed this. Every slave was obliged to go to hiscabin, whether distant or near, and cook his own dinner; and the timethus lost must be made up to the masters from the hours set apart forthe benefit of the apprentices. The aged slaves were likewise sent intothe field to work, while mothers were obliged to toil with infantsstrapped at their backs. 

Under these circumstances, the apprentices very naturally refused towork. They said, "We are worse off than when we were slaves; for theyhave taken away privileges to which we were accustomed in bondage, without paying us the wages of freemen. " Still under all theseprovocations, they offered merely _passive_ resistance. The worstenemies of the cause have not been able to discover that a single lifehas been lost in the West Indies, or a single plantation destroyed inconsequence of emancipation! It is a lamentable proof of the corruptstate of the American press, on the subject of slavery, that theirritating conduct of the West Indian planters has been passed overin total silence, while every effort has been made to represent the_passive_ resistance of the apprentices as some great "raw-head andbloody-bones story. "

While the good work was in progress in England, it was for a long timecalled by every odious name. It was even urged that the abolition ofthe slave _trade_ would encourage the massacre of white men. Clarkson, who seems to have been the meekest and most patient of men, wasstigmatized as an insurrectionist. It was said he wanted to bring allthe horrors of the French Revolution into England, merely because hewanted to abolish the slave _trade_. It was said Liverpool and Bristolwould sink, never to rise again, if that traffic were destroyed. 

The insurrection at Barbadoes, in 1816, was ascribed to the influenceof missionaries infected with the wicked philanthropy of the age; butit was discovered that there was no missionary on the island at the timeof that event, nor for a long time previous to it. The insurrection atDemerara, several years after, was publicly and angrily ascribed to theMethodist missionaries; they were taken up and imprisoned; and it waslucky for these innocent men, that out of their twelve hundred blackconverts, only _two_ had joined the rebellion. 

Ridicule and reproach has been abundantly heaped upon the laborers inthis righteous cause. Power, wealth, talent, pride, and sophistry, areall in arms against them; but God and truth is on their side. The causeof anti-slavery is rapidly gaining ground. Wise heads as well as warmhearts, are joining in its support. In a few years I believe the opinionof New-England will be unanimous in its favor. Maine, which enjoysthe enviable distinction of never having had a slave upon her soil, has formed an Anti-Slavery Society composed of her best and mostdistinguished men. Those who are determined to be on the popular side, should be cautious how they move just now: It is a trying time for suchcharacters, when public opinion is on the verge of a great change. 

Men who _think_ upon the subject, are fast coming to the conclusion thatslavery can never be much ameliorated, while it is allowed to exist. What Mr. Fox said of the _trade_ is true of the _system_--"you may aswell try to _regulate_ murder. " It is a disease as deadly as the cancer;and while one particle of it remains in the constitution, no cure can beeffected. The relation is unnatural in itself, and therefore it reversesall the rules which are applied to other human relations. Thus a freegovernment which in every other point of view is a blessing, is a curseto the slave. The liberty around him is contagious, and therefore thelaws must be endowed with a tenfold crushing power, or the captive willbreak his chains. A despotic monarch can follow the impulses of humanitywithout scruple. When Vidius Pollio ordered one of his slaves to be cutto pieces and thrown into his fish-pond, the Emperor Augustus commandedhim to emancipate immediately, not only that slave, but all his slaves. In a free State there is no such power; and there would be none needed, if the laws were equal, --but the slave-owners are legislators, and_make_ the laws, in which the negro has no voice--the master influencespublic opinion, but the slave cannot. 

Miss Martineau very wisely says; "To attempt to combine freedom andslavery is to put new wine into old skins. Soon may the old skins burst?for we shall never want for better wine than they have ever held. "

A work has been lately published, written by Jonathan Dymond, who wasa member of the Society of Friends, in England; it is entitled "Essayson the Principles of Morality"--and most excellent Essays they are. Every sentence recognises the principle of sacrificing all selfishconsiderations to our inward perceptions of duty; and therefore everypage shines with the mild but powerful light of true Christianphilosophy. I rejoice to hear that the book is likely to be republishedin this country. In his remarks on slavery the author says: "Thesupporters of the _system_ will hereafter be regarded with the samepublic feelings, as he who was an advocate of the slave _trade_ now is. How is it that legislators and public men are so indifferent to theirfame? Who would now be willing that biography should record ofhim, --_This man defended the slave trade?_ The time will come when therecord, --_This man opposed the abolition of slavery_, will occasiona great deduction from the public estimate of weight of character. "

CHAPTER VI. 

INTELLECT OF NEGROES. 

 "We must not allow negroes to be _men_, lest we ourselves should be suspected of not being _Christians_. "

 MONTESQUIEU. 

In order to decide what is our duty concerning the Africans and theirdescendants, we must first clearly make up our minds whether they are, or are not, human beings--whether they have, or have not, the samecapacities for improvement as other men. 

The intellectual inferiority of the negroes is a common, though mostabsurd apology, for personal prejudice, and the oppressive inequalityof the laws; for this reason, I shall take some pains to prove thatthe present degraded condition of that unfortunate race is produced byartificial causes, not by the laws of nature. 

In the first place, naturalists are universally agreed concerning "theidentity of the _human_ type;" by which they mean that all livingcreatures, that can, by any process, be enabled to perceive moral andintellectual truths, are characterized _by similar peculiarities oforganization_. They may differ from each other widely, but they stillbelong to the same class. An eagle and a wren are very unlike eachother; but no one would hesitate to pronounce that they were both birds:so it is with the almost endless varieties of the monkey tribe. We allknow that beasts, however sagacious, are incapable of abstract thought, or moral perception. The most wonderful elephant in the world could notcommand an army, or govern a state. An ourang-outang may eat, and drink, and dress, and move like a man; but he could never write an ode, orlearn to relinquish his own good for the good of his species. The_human_ conformation, however it may be altered by the operation ofphysical or moral causes, differs from that of all other beings, and onthis ground, the negro's claim to be ranked as a _man_, is universallyallowed by the learned. 

The condition of this people in ancient times is very far fromindicating intellectual or moral inferiority. Ethiopia held aconspicuous place among the nations. Her princes were wealthy andpowerful, and her people distinguished for integrity and wisdom. Eventhe proud Grecians evinced respect for Ethiopia, almost amounting toreverence, and derived thence the sublimest portions of their mythology. The popular belief that all the gods made an annual visit to theEthiopians, shows the high estimation in which they were held; for weare not told that such an honor was bestowed on any other nation. Inthe first book of the Iliad, Achilles is represented as anxious toappeal at once to the highest authorities; but his mother tells him:"Jupiter set off yesterday, attended by all the gods, on a journeytoward the ocean, to feast with the excellent Ethiopians, and is notexpected back at Olympus till the twelfth day. "

In Ethiopia, was likewise placed the table of the Sun, reported tokindle of its own accord, when exposed to the rays of that greatluminary. 

In Africa was the early reign of Saturn, under the appellation ofOuranus, or Heaven; there the impious Titans warred with the sky; thereJupiter was born and nursed; there was the celebrated shrine of Ammon, dedicated to Theban Jove, which the Greeks reverenced more highly thanthe Delphic Oracle; there was the birth-place and oracle of Minerva;and there, Atlas supported both the heavens and the earth upon hisshoulders. 

It will be said that fables prove nothing. But there is probably muchdeeper meaning in these fables than we now understand; there was surelysome reason for giving them such a "local habitation. " Why did theancients represent Minerva as born in Africa, --and why are we told thatAtlas there sustained the heavens and the earth, unless they meant toimply that Africa was the centre, from which religious and scientificlight had been diffused?

Some ancient writers suppose that Egypt derived all the arts andsciences from Ethiopia; while others believe precisely the reverse. Diodorus supported the first opinion, --and asserts that the Ethiopianvulgar spoke the same language as the learned of Egypt. 

It is well known that Egypt was the great school of knowledge in theancient world. It was the birth-place of Astronomy; and we still markthe constellations as they were arranged by Egyptian shepherds. Thewisest of the Grecian philosophers, among whom were Solon, Pythagorasand Plato, went there for instruction, as our young men now go toEngland and Germany. The Eleusinian mysteries were introduced fromEgypt; and the important secret which they taught, is supposed to havebeen the existence of one, invisible God. A large portion of Grecianmythology was thence derived; but in passing from one country to theother, the form of these poetical fables was often preserved, whilethe original meaning was lost. 

Herodotus, the earliest of the Greek historians, informs us that theEgyptians were negroes. This fact has been much doubted, and oftencontradicted. But Herodotus certainly had the best means of knowingthe truth on this subject; for he travelled in Egypt, and obtained hisknowledge of the country by personal observation. He declares that theColchians must be a colony of Egyptians, because, "like them, they havea black skin and frizzled hair. "

The statues of the Sphinx have the usual characteristics of the negrorace. This opinion is confirmed by Blumenbach, the celebrated Germannaturalist, and by Volney, who carefully examined the architecture ofEgypt. 

Concerning the sublimity of the architecture in this ancient negrokingdom, some idea may be conceived from the description of Thebesgiven by Denon, who accompanied the French army into Egypt: "This city, renowned for numerous kings, who through their wisdom have been elevatedto the rank of gods; for laws, which have been revered without beingknown; for sciences, which have been confided to proud and mysteriousinscriptions; for wise and earliest monuments of the arts, which timehas respected;--this sanctuary, abandoned, isolated through barbarism, and surrendered to the desert from which it was won; this city, shroudedin the veil of mystery by which even colossi are magnified; this remotecity, which imagination has only caught a glimpse of through thedarkness of time--was still so gigantic an apparition, that, at thesight of its scattered ruins, the army halted of its own accord, andthe soldiers, with one spontaneous movement, clapped their hands. "

The honorable Alexander Everett, in his work on America, says: "WhileGreece and Rome were yet barbarous, we find the light of learning andimprovement emanating from the continent of Africa, (supposed to be sodegraded and accursed, ) out of the midst of this very woolly-haired, flat-nosed, thick-lipped, coal-black race, which some persons aretempted to station at a pretty low intermediate point between men andmonkeys. It is to Egypt, if to any nation, that we must look as thereal _antiqua mater_ of the ancient and modern refinement of Europe. The great lawgiver of the Jews was prepared for his divine mission bya course of instruction in all the wisdom of the Egyptians. "

"The great Assyrian empires of Babylon and Nineveh, hardly lessillustrious than Egypt in arts and arms, were founded by Ethiopiancolonies, and peopled by blacks. 

"Palestine, or Canaan, before its conquest by the Jews, is representedin Scripture, as well as in other histories, as peopled by blacks; andhence it follows that Tyre and Carthage, the most industrious, wealthy, and polished states of their time, were of this color. "

Another strong argument against the natural inferiority of negroes maybe drawn from the present condition of Africa. Major Denham's account ofthe Sultan of Sackatoo proves that the brain is not necessarily renderedstupid by the color of the face: "The palace as usual in Africa, consisted of a sort of inclosed town, with an open quadrangle in front. On entering the gate, he was conducted through three huts serving asguard-houses, after which he found Sultan Bello seated on a small carpetin a sort of painted and ornamented cottage. Bello had a noble andcommanding figure, with a high forehead and large black eyes. He gavethe traveller a hearty welcome, and after inquiring the particulars ofhis journey, proceeded to serious affairs. He produced books belongingto Major Denham, which had been taken in the disastrous battle ofDirkullah; and though he expressed a feeling of dissatisfaction at theMajor's presence on that occasion, readily accepted an apology, andrestored the volumes. He only asked to have the subject of eachexplained, and to hear the sound of the language, which he declared tobe beautiful. He then began to press his visiter with theologicalquestions, and showed himself not wholly unacquainted with thecontroversies which have agitated the christian world; indeed, he soonwent beyond the depth of his visiter, who was obliged to own he was notversant in the abstruser mysteries of divinity. 

"The Sultan now opened a frequent and familiar communication with theEnglish envoy in which he showed himself possessed of a good deal ofinformation. The astronomical instruments, from which, as fromimplements of magic, many of his attendants started with horror, wereexamined by the monarch with an intelligent eye. On being shown theplanisphere, he proved his knowledge of the planets and many of theconstellations, by repeating their Arabic names. The telescope, whichpresented objects inverted, --the compass, by which he could always turnto the East when praying, --and the sextant, which he called 'thelooking-glass of the sun, ' excited peculiar interest. He inquired withevident jealousy, into some parts of English history; particularly theconquest of India and the attack upon Algiers. "

The same traveller describes the capital of Loggun, beneath whose highwalls the river flowed in majestic beauty. "It was a handsome city, with a street as wide as Pall Mall, bordered by large dwellings, havingspacious areas in front. Manufacturing industry was honored. The clothswoven here were superior to those of Bornou, being finely dyed withindigo, and beautifully glazed. There was even a current coin, made ofiron, somewhat in the form of a horseshoe; and rude as this was, none oftheir neighbors possessed any thing similar. The women were handsome, intelligent and lively. "

All travellers in Africa agree, that the inhabitants, particularly ofthe interior, have a good deal of mechanical skill. They tan and dyeleather, sometimes thinning it in such a manner that it is as flexibleas paper. In Houssa, leather is dressed in the same soft, rich style asin Morocco; they manufacture cordage, handsome cloths, and fine tissue. Though ignorant of the turning machine, they make good pottery ware, andsome of their jars are really tasteful. They prepare indigo, and extractore from minerals. They make agricultural tools, and work skilfullyin gold, silver and steel. Dickson, who knew jewellers and watchmakersamong them, speaks of a very ingenious wooden-clock made by a negro. Hornemann says the inhabitants of Haissa give their cutting instrumentsa keener edge than European artists, and their files are superior tothose of France or England. Golberry assures us that some of the Africanstuffs are extremely fine and beautiful. 

Mungo Park says "The industry of the Foulahs, in pasturage andagriculture, is everywhere remarkable. Their herds and flocks arenumerous, and they are opulent in a high degree. They enjoy all thenecessaries of life in the greatest profusion. They display much skillin the management of their cattle, making them extremely gentle bykindness and familiarity. " The same writer remarks that the negroes loveinstruction, and that they have advocates to defend the slaves broughtbefore their tribunals. 

Speaking of Wasiboo, he says: "Cultivation is carried on here on a veryextensive scale; and, as the natives themselves express it, 'hunger isnever known. '"

On Mr. Park's arrival at one of the Sego ferries for the purpose ofcrossing the Niger to see the king, he says: "We found a great numberwaiting for a passage; they looked at me with silent wonder. The viewof this extensive city; the numerous canoes upon the river; the crowdedpopulation, and the cultivated state of the surrounding country, formedaltogether a prospect of civilization and magnificence, which I littleexpected to find in the bosom of Africa. "

"The public discussions in Africa, called _palavers_, exhibit a fluentand natural oratory, often accompanied with much good sense andshrewdness. Above all, the passion for poetry is nearly universal. Assoon as the evening breeze begins to blow, the song resounds throughoutall Africa, --it cheers the despondency of the wanderer through thedesert--it enlivens the social meetings--it inspires the dance, --andeven the lamentations of the mourners are poured forth in measuredaccents. 

"In these extemporary and spontaneous effusions, the speaker givesutterance to his hopes and fears, his joys and sorrows. All thesovereigns are attended by singing men and women, who like the Europeanminstrels and troubadours celebrate interesting events in verse, whichthey repeat before the public. Like all, whose business it is torehearse the virtues of monarchs, they are, of course, too much givento flattery. The effusions of the African muse are inspired by natureand animated by national enthusiasm. From the few specimens given, theyseem not unlikely to reward the care of a collector. How few among ourpeasantry could have produced the pathetic lamentation uttered in thelittle Bambarra cottage over the distresses of Mungo Park! These songs, handed down from father to son, evidently contain all that exists amongthe African nations of traditional history. From the songs of theJillimen, or minstrels, of Soolimani, Major Laing was enabled tocompile the annals of that small kingdom for more than a century. "[AG]

[Footnote AG: English Family Library, No. XVI. ]

In addition to the arguments drawn from the ancient conditions ofAfrica, and the present character of people in the interior of thatcountry, there are numerous individual examples of spirit, courage, talent, and magnanimity. 

History furnishes very few instances of bravery, intelligence, andperseverance, equal to the famous Zhinga, the negro queen of Angola, born in 1582. Like other despotic princes, her character is stainedwith numerous acts of ferocity and crime; but her great abilitiescannot be for a moment doubted. 

During her brother's reign, Zhinga was sent as ambassadress to Loanda, to negotiate terms of peace with the Portuguese. A palace was preparedfor her reception; and she was received with the honors due to her rank. On entering the audience-chamber, she perceived that a magnificent chairof state was prepared for the Portuguese Viceroy, while in front of it, a rich carpet, and velvet cushions, embroidered with gold, were arrangedon the floor for her use. The haughty princess observed this in silentdispleasure. She gave a signal with her eyes, and immediately one of herwomen knelt on the carpet, supporting her weight on her hands. Zhingagravely seated herself upon her back, and awaited the entrance of theViceroy. The spirit and dignity with which she fulfilled her missionexcited the admiration of the whole court. When an alliance was offered, upon the condition of annual tribute to the king of Portugal, sheproudly answered: "Such proposals are for a people subdued by force ofarms; they are unworthy of a powerful monarch, who voluntarily seeksthe friendship of the Portuguese, and who scorns to be their vassal. "

She finally concluded a treaty, upon the single condition of restoringall the Portuguese prisoners. When the audience was ended, the Viceroy, as he conducted her from the room, remarked that the attendant uponwhose back she had been seated, still remained in the same posture. Zhinga replied: "It is not fit that the ambassadress of a great kingshould be twice served with the same seat. I have no further use forthe woman. "

Charmed with the politeness of the Europeans, and the evolutions oftheir troops, the African princess long delayed her departure. Havingreceived instruction in the christian religion, she professed a deepconviction of its truth. Whether this was sincere, or merely assumedfrom political motives, is uncertain. During her visit, she receivedbaptism, being then forty years old. She returned to Angola loaded withpresents and honors. Her brother, notwithstanding a solemn promise topreserve the treaty she had formed, soon made war upon the Portuguese. He was defeated, and soon after died of poison; some said his death wascontrived by Zhinga. She ascended the throne, and having artfullyobtained possession of her nephew's person, she strangled him with herown hands. Revenge, as well as ambition, impelled her to this crime; forher brother had, many years before, murdered _her_ son, lest he shouldclaim the crown. 

The Portuguese increased so fast in numbers, wealth, and power, thatthe people of Angola became jealous of them, and earnestly desired war. Zhinga, having formed an alliance with the Dutch, and with severalneighboring chiefs, began the contest with great vigor. She obtainedseveral victories, at first, but was finally driven from her kingdomwith great loss. Her conquerors offered to re-establish her on thethrone, if she would consent to pay tribute. She haughtily replied, "Ifmy cowardly _subjects_ are willing to bear shameful fetters, _I_ cannotendure even the thought of dependence upon any foreign power. "

In order to subdue her stubborn spirit, the Portuguese placed a king oftheir own choosing upon the throne of Angola. This exasperated Zhingato such a degree, that she vowed everlasting hatred against her enemies, and publicly abjured their religion. At the head of an intrepid andferocious band, she, during eighteen years, perpetually harassed thePortuguese. She could neither be subdued by force of arms, nor appeasedby presents. She demanded complete restitution of her territories, andtreated every other proposal with the utmost scorn. Once, when closelybesieged in an island, she asked a short time to reflect on the terms ofsurrender. The request being granted, she silently guided her troopsthrough the river at midnight, and carried fire and sword into anotherportion of the enemy's country. 

The total defeat of the Hollanders, and the death of her sister, whohad been taken captive during the wars, softened her spirit. She becamefilled with remorse for having renounced the christian religion. Shetreated her prisoners more mercifully, and gave orders that the captivepriests should be attended with the utmost reverence. They perceived thechange, and lost no opportunity of regaining their convert. The queenwas ready to comply with their wishes, but feared a revolt among hersubjects and allies, who were strongly attached to the customs of theirfathers. The priests, by numerous artifices, worked so powerfully uponthe superstitious fears of the people, that they were prepared to hailZhinga's return to the Catholic faith with joy. 

The queen, thus reconciled to the church, signed a treaty of peace; tookthe Capuchins for her counsellors; dedicated her capital city to theVirgin, under the name of Saint Mary of Matamba; and erected a largechurch. Idolatry was forbidden, under the most rigorous penalties; andnot a few fell martyrs to Zhinga's fiery zeal. 

A law prohibiting polygamy excited discontent. Zhinga, thoughseventy-five years old, publicly patronized marriage, by espousing oneof her courtiers; and her sister was induced to give the same example. The Portuguese again tried to make her a vassal to the crown; but thepriests, notwithstanding their almost unlimited influence, could neverobtain her consent to this degradation. 

In 1657, one of her tributaries having violated the treaty of peace, shemarched at the head of her troops, defeated the rebel, and sent his headto the Portuguese. 

In 1658, she made war upon a neighboring king, who had attacked herterritories; and returned in triumph, after having compelled him tosubmit to such conditions as she saw fit to impose. The same year, sheabolished the cruel custom of immolating human victims on the tombs ofprinces; and founded a new city, ornamented with a beautiful church andpalace. 

She soon after sent an embassage to the Pope, requesting moremissionaries among her people. The Pontiff's answer was publicly read inthe church, where Zhinga appeared with a numerous and brilliant train. At a festival in honor of this occasion she and the ladies of her courtperformed a mimic battle, in the dress and armor of Amazons. Though morethan eighty years old, this remarkable woman displayed as much strength, agility, and skill, as she could have done at twenty-five. She died in1663, aged eighty-two. Arrayed in royal robes, ornamented with preciousstones, with a bow and arrow in her hand, the body was shown to hersorrowing subjects. It was then, according to her wish, clothed in theCapuchin habit, with crucifix and rosary. [AH]

[Footnote AH: See Biographie Universelle. ]

The commandant of a Portuguese fort, who expected the arrival ofan African envoy, ordered splendid preparations, that he might bedazzled with the idea of European wealth. When the negro entered therichly-ornamented saloon, he was not invited to sit down. Like Zhinga, he made a signal to an attendant, who knelt upon the floor, and thusfurnished him a seat. The commandant asked, "Is thy king as powerfulas the King of Portugal?" The colored envoy replied: "My king has ahundred servants like the king of Portugal; a thousand like thee; andbut one like myself. " As he said this, he indignantly left the room. 

Michaud, the elder, says that in different places on the Persian Gulf, he has seen negroes as heads of great commercial houses, receivingorders and expediting vessels to various parts of India. Theirintelligence in business is well known on the Levant. 

The Czar Peter of Russia, during his travels became acquainted withAnnibal, an African negro, who was intelligent and well educated. Peterthe Great, true to his generous system of rewarding merit wherever hefound it, made Annibal Lieutenant-General and Director of the RussianArtillery. He was decorated with the riband of the order of St. Alexander Nenski. His son, a mulatto, was Lieutenant-General ofArtillery, and said to be a man of talent. St. Pierre and La Harpewere acquainted with him. 

_Job Ben Solomon_, was the son of the Mohammedan king of Bunda, onthe Gambia. He was taken in 1730, and sold in Maryland. By a train ofsingular adventures he was conveyed to England, where his intelligenceand dignified manners gained him many friends; among whom was Sir HansSloane, for whom he translated several Arabic manuscripts. After beingreceived with distinction at the Court of St. James, the African Companybecame interested in his fate, and carried him back to Bunda, in theyear 1734. His uncle embracing him, said, "During sixty years, you arethe first slave I have ever seen return from the American isles. " At hisfather's death, Solomon became king, and was much beloved in hisstates. 

The son of the King of Congo, and several of the young people of rankwere sent to the Portuguese universities, in the time of King Immanuel. Some of them were distinguished scholars, and several of them promotedto the priesthood. 

In 1765, a negro in England was ordained by Doctor Keppell, bishop ofExeter. In Prevot's General History of Voyages, there is an account ofa black bishop who studied at Rome. 

_Antonio Perrura Reboucas_, who is at the present time Deputy fromBahia, in the Cortes of Brazil, is a distinguished lawyer, and a goodman. He is learned in political economy and has written ably upon thecurrency of Brazil. I have heard intelligent white men from that countryspeak of him in terms of high respect and admiration. 

_Henry Diaz_, who is extolled in all the histories of Brazil, was anegro and slave. He became Colonel of a regiment of foot-soldiers, ofhis own color; and such was his reputation for sagacity and valor, thatit was considered a distinction to be under his command. In the contestbetween the Portuguese and Hollanders, in 1637, Henry Diaz foughtbravely against the latter. He compelled them to capitulate at Arecise, and to surrender Fernanbon. In a battle, struggling against thesuperiority of numbers, and perceiving that some of his soldiers beganto give way, he rushed into the midst of them, exclaiming, "Are thesethe brave companions of Henry Diaz!" His example renewed their courage, and they returned so impetuously to the charge, that the almostvictorious army were compelled to retreat hastily. 

Having wounded his left-hand in battle, he caused it to be struck off, rather than to lose the time necessary to dress it. This regiment, composed of blacks, long existed in Brazil under the popular name ofHenry Diaz. 

_Antony William Amo_, born in Guinea, was brought to Europe when veryyoung. The Princess of Brunswick, Wolfenbuttel, defrayed the expenses ofhis education. He pursued his studies at Halle and at Wittenberg, andso distinguished himself by his character and abilities, that the Rectorand Council of Wittenberg thought proper to give public testimony oftheir respect in a letter of congratulation. In this letter they remarkthat Terence also was an African--that many martyrs, doctors, andfathers of the church were born in the same country, where learning onceflourished, and which by losing the christian faith, again fell backinto barbarism. Amo delivered private lectures on philosophy, which arehighly praised in the same letter. He became a doctor. 

_Lislet Geoffroy_, a mulatto, was an officer of Artillery and guardianof the Depôt of Maps and Plans of the Isle of France. He was acorrespondent of the French Academy of Sciences, to whom he regularlytransmitted meteorological observations, and sometimes hydrographicaljournals. His map of the Isles of France and Reunion is considered thebest map of those islands that has appeared. In the archives of theInstitute of Paris is an account of Lislet's voyage to the Bay of St. Luce. He points out the exchangeable commodities and other resourceswhich it presents; and urges the importance of encouraging industry bythe hope of advantageous commerce, instead of exciting the natives towar in order to obtain slaves. Lislet established a scientific societyat the Isle of France, to which some white men refused to belong, because its founder had a skin more deeply colored than their own. 

_James Derham_, originally a slave at Philadelphia, was sold to aphysician, who employed him in compounding drugs; he was afterwardsold to a surgeon, and finally to Doctor Robert Dove, of New-Orleans. In 1788, at the age of twenty-one, he became the most distinguishedphysician in that city, and was able to talk with French, Spanish, andEnglish, in their own languages. Doctor Rush says, "I conversed withhim on medicine, and found him very learned. I thought I could givehim information concerning the treatment of diseases; but I learnedfrom him more than he could expect from me. "

_Thomas Fuller_, an African residing in Virginia, did not know how toread or write, but had great facility in arithmetical calculations. Hewas once asked, how many seconds has an individual lived when he isseventy years, seven months, and seven days old? In a minute and a halfhe answered the question. One of the company took a pen, and after along calculation, said Fuller had made the sum too large. "No, " repliedthe negro, "the error is on your side. You did not calculate the leapyears. " These facts are mentioned in a letter from Doctor Rush, published in the fifth volume of the American Museum. 

In 1788, _Othello_, a negro, published at Baltimore an Essay againstSlavery. Addressing white men, he says, "Is not your conduct, comparedwith your principles, a sacrilegious irony? When you dare to talk ofcivilization and the gospel, you pronounce your own anathema. In you thesuperiority of power produces nothing but a superiority of brutality andbarbarism. Your fine political systems are sullied by the outragescommitted against human nature and the divine majesty. "

_Olandad Equiano_, better known by the name of Gustavus Vasa, was stolenin Africa, at twelve years old, together with his sister. They weretorn from each other; and the brother, after a horrible passage in aslave-ship, was sold at Barbadoes. Being purchased by a lieutenant, heaccompanied his new master to England, Guernsey, and the siege ofLouisbourg. He afterwards experienced great changes of fortune, and madevoyages to various parts of Europe and America. In all his wanderings, he cherished an earnest desire for freedom. He hoped to obtain hisliberty by faithfulness and zeal in his master's service; but findingavarice stronger than benevolence, he began trade with a capital ofthree pence, and by rigid economy was at last able to purchase--_his ownbody and soul_; this, however, was not effected, until he had enduredmuch oppression and insult. He was several times shipwrecked, andfinally, after thirty years of vicissitude and suffering, he settled inLondon and published his Memoirs. The book is said to be written withall the simplicity, and something of the roughness, of uneducatednature. He gives a _naive_ description of his terror at an earthquake, his surprise when he first saw snow, a picture, a watch, and a quadrant. 

He always had an earnest desire to understand navigation, as a probablemeans of one day escaping from slavery. Having persuaded a sea-captainto give him lessons, he applied himself with great diligence, thoughobliged to contend with many obstacles, and subject to frequentinterruptions. Doctor Irving, with whom he once lived as a servant, taught him to render salt water fresh by distillation. Some timeafter, when engaged in a northern expedition, he made good use of thisknowledge, and furnished the crew with water they could drink. 

His sympathies were, very naturally, given to the weak and the despised, wherever he found them. He deplores the fate of modern Greeks, nearly asmuch degraded by the Turks as the negroes are by their white brethren. In 1789, Vasa presented a petition to the British parliament, for thesuppression of the slave-trade. His son, named Sancho, was assistantlibrarian to Sir Joseph Banks, and Secretary to the Committee forVaccination. 

Another negro, named _Ignatius Sancho_, was born on board a Guinea ship, where his parents were both captives, destined for the South Americanslave market. Change of climate killed his mother, and his fathercommitted suicide. At two years old the orphan was carried to England, and presented to some ladies residing at Greenwich. Something inhis character reminded them of Don Quixote's squire, and they addedSancho to his original name of Ignatius. The Duke of Montague saw himfrequently and thought he had a mind worthy of cultivation. He oftensent him books, and advised the ladies to give him a chance foreducation; but they had less liberal views, and often threatened to sendthe poor boy again into slavery. After the death of his friends, he wentinto the service of the Duchess of Montague, who at her death left himan annuity of thirty pounds; beside which he had saved seventy poundsout of his earnings. 

Something of dissipation mixed with his love of reading, and sullied thebetter part of his character. He spent his last shilling at Drury Lane, to see Garrick, who was extremely friendly to him. At one time hethought of performing African characters on the stage, but was preventedby a bad articulation. 

He afterward became very regular in his habits, and married a worthyWest Indian girl. After his death, two volumes of his letters wereprinted, of which a second edition was soon published, with a portraitof the author, designed by Gainsborough, and engraved by Bartolozzi. 

Sterne formed an acquaintance with Ignatius Sancho; and in the thirdvolume of his letters, there is an epistle addressed to this African, in which he tells him that varieties in nature do not sunder the bandsof brotherhood; and expresses his indignation that certain men wish toclass their equals among the brutes, in order to treat them as such withimpunity. Jefferson criticises Sancho with some severity, for yieldingtoo much to an eccentric imagination; but he acknowledges that he has aneasy style, and a happy choice of expressions. 

The letters of Sancho are thought to bear some resemblance to those ofSterne, both in their beauties and defects. 

_Francis Williams_, a negro, was born in Jamaica. The Duke of Montaigne, governor of the island, thinking him an unusually bright boy, sent himto England to school. He afterward entered the University of Cambridge, and became quite a proficient in mathematics. During his stay in Europe, he published a song which became quite popular, beginning, "Welcome, welcome, brother debtor. " After his return to Jamaica, the Duke triedto obtain a place for him in the council of the government, but did notsucceed. He then became a teacher of Latin and mathematics. He wrote agood deal of Latin verse, a species of composition of which he was veryfond. This negro is described as having been pedantic and haughty;indulging a profound contempt for men of his own color. Where learningis a rare attainment among any people, or any class of people, thiseffect is very apt to be produced. 

_Phillis Wheatly_, stolen from Africa when seven or eight years old, wassold to a wealthy merchant in Boston, in 1761. Being an intelligent andwinning child, she gained upon the affections of her master's family, and they allowed her uncommon advantages. When she was nineteen yearsold, a little volume of her poems was published, and passed throughseveral editions, both in England and the United States. Lest theauthenticity of the poems should be doubted, her master, the governor, the lieutenant-governor, and fifteen other respectable persons, acquainted with her character and circumstances, testified that theywere really her own productions. Jefferson denies that these poems haveany merit; but I think he would have judged differently, had he beenperfectly unprejudiced. It would indeed be absurd to put Phillis Wheatlyin competition with Mrs. Hemans, Mary Hewitt, Mrs. Sigourney, MissGould, and other modern writers; but her productions certainly appearvery respectable in comparison with most of the poetry of that day. 

Phillis Wheatly received her freedom in 1775; and two years aftermarried a colored man, who, like herself, was considered a prodigy. Hewas at first a grocer; but afterward became a lawyer, well known by thename of Doctor Peter. He was in the habit of pleading causes for hisbrethren before the tribunals of justice, and gained both reputation andfortune by his practice. Phillis had been flattered and indulged fromher earliest childhood; and, like many literary women in old times, sheacquired something of contempt for domestic occupations. This is said tohave produced unhappiness between her and her husband. She died in 1780. 

Mr. Wilberforce, (on whom may the blessing of God rest for ever!) aidedby several benevolent individuals, established a seminary for coloredpeople at Clapham, a few leagues from London. The first scholars weretwenty-one young negroes, sent by the Governor of Sierra Leone. The AbbéGrégoire says, "I visited this establishment in 1802, to examine theprogress of the scholars; and I found there existed no differencebetween them and European children, except that of color. The sameobservation has been made, first at Paris, in the ancient college of LaMarche, where Coesnon, professor of the University, taught a number ofcolored boys. Many members of the National Institute, who have carefullyexamined this college, and watched the progress of the scholars in theirparticular classes, and public exercises, will testify to the truth ofmy assertion. "

Correa de Serra, the learned Secretary of the Academy at Portugal, informs us that several negroes have been able lawyers, preachers, andprofessors. 

In the Southern States, the small black children are proverbiallybrighter and more forward than white ones of the same age. Repartees, by no means indicative of stupidity, have sometimes been made bynegroes. A slave was suddenly roused with the exclamation, "Why don'tyou wake, when your master calls!" The negro answered, "_Sleep hasno master. _"

On a public day the New-England Museum, in Boston, was thronged withvisiters to see the representation of the Salem murder. Some coloredwomen being jostled back by a crowd of white people, expostulated thus:"Don't you know it is always proper to let the _mourners_ walk first?"It argues some degree of philosophy to be able to indulge wit at theexpense of what is, most unjustly, considered a degradation. Publicprejudice shamefully fetters these people; and it has been wisely said, "If we cannot _break_ our chains, the next best thing we can do, is to_play_ with them. "[AI]

[Footnote AI: In a beautiful little volume called Mary's Journey, byFrancis Graeter. ]

Among Bonaparte's officers there was a mulatto General of Division, named Alexander Dumas. In the army of the Alps, with charged bayonet, heascended St. Bernard, defended by a number of redoubts, took possessionof the enemy's cannon, and turned their own ammunition against them. Helikewise signalized himself in the expedition to Egypt. His troop, composed of blacks and mulattoes, were everywhere formidable. NearLisle, Alexander Dumas, with only four men, attacked a post of fiftyAustrians, killed six, and made sixteen prisoners. Napoleon called himthe Horatius Cocles of the Tyrols. 

On his return from Egypt, Dumas unluckily fell into the hands of theNeapolitan government, and was two years kept in irons. He died in 1807. 

Between 1620 and 1630, some fugitive negroes, united with someBrazilians, formed two free states in South America, called the Greatand Little Palmares; so named on account of the abundance of palm trees. The Great Palmares was nearly destroyed by the Hollanders, in 1644; butat the close of the war, the slaves in the neighborhood of Fernanbouc, resolved to form an establishment, which would secure their freedom. Like the old Romans, they obtained wives by making incursions upon theirneighbors, and carrying off the women. 

They formed a constitution, established tribunals of justice, andadopted a form of worship similar to Christianity. The chiefs chosenfor life were elected by the people. 

They fortified their principal towns, cultivated their gardens andfields, and reared domestic animals. They lived in prosperity and peace, until 1696, when the Portuguese prepared an expedition against them. ThePalmarisians defended themselves with desperate valor, but were overcomeby superior numbers. Some rushed upon death, that they might not survivetheir liberty; others were sold and dispersed by the conquerors. Thusended this interesting republic. Had it continued to the present time, it might have produced a very material change in the character andcondition of the colored race. 

In the seventeenth century, when Jamaica was still under the dominionof the Spaniards, a party of slaves under the command of John de Bolas, regained their independence. They increased in numbers, elected thefamous Cudjoe as their chief, and became very formidable. Cudjoeestablished a confederation among all the Maroon tribes, and by hisbravery and skilful management compelled the English to make a treaty, in which they acknowledged the freedom of the blacks, and ceded to themfor ever a portion of the territory of Jamaica. 

The French National Assembly admitted free colored deputies from St. Domingo, and promised a perfect equality of rights, without regard tocomplexion. But, as usual, the white colonists made every possibleexertion to set aside the claims of their darker-faced brethren. Itwas very short-sighted policy; for the planters absolutely needed thefriendship of the free mulattoes and negroes, as a defence againstthe slaves. Oge, one of the colored deputies, an energetic andshrewd man, was in Paris, watching political movements with intenseinterest, --resolved to maintain the rights of his oppressed companions, "quietly if he could--forcibly if he must. " Day after day, a hearing waspromised; and day after day, upon some idle pretext or other, it wasdeferred. Oge became exasperated. His friends in France recommendedthe only medicine ever offered by the white man to the heart-sickAfrican, --patience--patience. But he had long observed the operation ofslavery, and he knew that patience, whatever it might do for the whiteman, brought upon the negro nothing but contempt and accumulated wrong. Discouraged in his efforts to make head against the intrigues of theslaveholders, he could not contain his indignation: "I begin, " said heto Clarkson, "not to care whether the National Assembly will hear us ornot. But let it beware of the consequences. We will no longer continueto be held in a degraded light. Despatches shall go directly to St. Domingo; and we will soon follow them. We can produce as good soldierson our own estates, as those in France. Our own arms shall make usindependent and respectable. If we are forced to desperate measures, it will be in vain that thousands are sent across the Atlantic to bringus back to our former state. "

The French government issued orders to prevent the embarkation ofnegroes and mulattoes; but Oge, by the way of England, contrived toreturn to St. Domingo. On his arrival, he demanded the execution ofdecrees made in favor of his brethren, but either resisted or evadedby their white oppressors. His plea, founded in justice, and sanctionedby Divine authority, was rejected. The parties became exasperated, andan attack ensued. The Spanish government basely and wickedly deliveredOge to his enemies. He asked for a defender to plead his cause; but heasked in vain. Thirteen of his companions were condemned to the galleys;more than twenty to the gibbet; and Oge and Chavanne were tortured onthe wheel. 

Where rests the guilt in this case? Let those blame Oge, who can. Myheart and conscience both refuse to do it. 

_Toussaint L'Ouverture_, the celebrated black chieftain, was born aslave, in the year 1745, upon the plantation of Count de Noé. Hisamiable deportment as a slave, the patience, mildness, and benevolenceof his disposition, and the purity of his conduct amid the generallaxity of morals which prevailed in the island, gained for him many ofthose advantages which afterwards gave him such absolute ascendency overhis insurgent brethren. His good qualities attracted the attention ofM. Bayou de Libertas, the agent on the estate, who taught him reading, writing, and arithmetic, --elements of knowledge, which hardly one inten thousand of his fellow-slaves possessed. M. Bayou made him hispostillion, which gave him advantages much above those of the fieldslaves. When the general rising of the blacks took place, in 1791, muchsolicitation was used to induce Toussaint to join them; but he declined, until he had procured an opportunity for the escape of M. Bayou and hisfamily to Baltimore, shipping a considerable quantity of sugar forthe supply of their immediate wants. In his subsequent prosperity, he availed himself of every occasion to give them new marks of hisgratitude. Having thus provided security for his benefactor, he joineda corps of blacks, under the orders of General Biassou; but was soonraised to the principal command, Biassou being degraded on account ofhis cruelty and ferocity. Indeed, Toussaint was every way so muchsuperior to the other negroes, by reason of his general intelligenceand education, his prudence, activity and address, not less than hisbravery, that he immediately attained a complete ascendency over all theblack chieftains. In 1797, Toussaint received from the French governmenta commission of General-in-Chief of the armies of St. Domingo, and assuch signed the convention with General Maitland for the evacuation ofthe island by the British. From 1798 until 1801, the island continuedtranquil under the government of Toussaint, who adopted and enforcedthe most judicious measures for healing the wounds of his country, andrestoring its commercial and agricultural prosperity. His effortswould have been attended with much success, but for the ill-judgedexpedition, which Bonaparte sent against the island, under the commandof Le Clerc. This expedition, fruitless as it was in respect of itsgeneral object, proved fatal to the negro chieftain. 

Toussaint was noted for private virtues; among the rest, warm affectionfor his family. Le Clerc brought out from France Toussaint's two sons, with their preceptor, whose orders were to carry his pupils to theirfather, and make use of them to work on his tenderness, and induce himto abandon his countrymen. If he yielded, he was to be made second incommand to Le Clerc; if he refused, his children were to be reserved ashostages of his fidelity to the French. Notwithstanding the greatnessof the sacrifice demanded of him, Toussaint remained faithful to hisbrethren. We pass over the details of the war, which at length, ended ina treaty of peace concluded by Toussaint, Dessalines and Christophe, against their better judgment, but in consequence of the effect of LeClerc's professions upon their simple followers, who were induced to laydown their arms. Toussaint retired to his plantation, relying upon thesolemn assurances of Le Clerc, that his person and property should beheld sacred. Notwithstanding these assurances, he was treacherouslyseized in the night, hurried on board a ship of war, and conveyed toBrest. He was conducted first to close prison in Chateaux de Joux, andfrom thence to Besançon, where he was plunged into a cold, wet, subterranean prison, which soon proved fatal to a constitution used onlyto the warm skies and free air of the West Indies. He languished throughthe winter of 1802-1803; and his death, which happened in April, 1803, raised a cry of indignation against the government, which had chosenthis dastardly method of destroying one of the best and bravest of thenegro race. 

Toussaint L'Ouverture is thus spoken of by Vincent, in his Reflectionson the state of St. Domingo: "Toussaint L'Ouverture is the most activeand indefatigable man, of whom it is possible to form an idea. He isalways present wherever difficulty or danger makes his presencenecessary. His great sobriety, --the power of living without repose, --thefacility with which he resumes the affairs of the cabinet, after themost tiresome excursions, --of answering daily a hundred letters, --and ofhabitually tiring five secretaries--render him so superior to all aroundhim, that their respect and submission almost amount to fanaticism. Itis certain no man in modern times has obtained such an influence overa mass of ignorant people, as General Toussaint possesses over hisbrethren of St. Domingo. He is endowed with a prodigious memory. He isa good father and a good husband. "

Toussaint re-established religious worship in St. Domingo; and onaccount of his zeal in this respect, a certain class of men called him, in derision, the Capuchin. 

With the genius and energy of Bonaparte, General Toussaint is said tohave possessed the same political duplicity, and far-sighted cunning. These are qualities which almost inevitably grew out of the peculiarcircumstances in which they were placed, and the obstacles with whichthey were obliged to contend. 

Wordsworth addressed the following sonnet to Toussaint L'Ouverture:

 "Toussaint, thou most unhappy man of men! Whether the whistling rustic tends his plough Within thy hearing, or thou liest now Buried in some deep dungeon's earless den;-- Oh, miserable chieftain! where and when Wilt thou find patience? Yet die not; do thou Wear rather in thy bonds a cheerful brow: Though fallen thyself, never to rise again, Live, and take comfort. Thou hast left behind Powers that will work for thee; air, earth and skies; There's not a breathing of the common wind That will forget thee; thou hast great allies. Thy friends are exultations, agonies, And love, and man's unconquerable mind. "

Godwin, in his admirable Lectures on Colonial Slavery, says: "Can theWest India islands, since their first discovery by Columbus, boast asingle name which deserves comparison with that of ToussaintL'Ouverture?"

If we are willing to see and believe, we have full opportunity toconvince ourselves that the colored population are highly susceptibleof cultivation. St. Domingo produces black legislators, scholars, andgentlemen. The very negroes who had been slaves, formed a constitutionthat would do credit to paler-faced statesmen--Americans may well blushat its _consistent_ republicanism. 

The enemies of true freedom were very ready to predict that thegovernment of Hayti could not continue for any length of time; butit has now lasted nearly thirty years, constantly increasing inrespectability and wealth. The affairs of Greece have been managed withmuch less ability and discretion, though all the cabinets of Europehave given assistance and advice. St. Domingo achieved her independencealone and unaided--nay, in the very teeth of prejudice and scorn. TheGreeks had loans from England, and contributions from America, andsympathy from half the world; the decisive battle of Navarino was gainedby the combined fleets of England, France and Russia. Is it asked whyHayti has not produced any examples of splendid genius? In reply letme inquire, how long did the Europeans ridicule _us_ for our povertyin literature? When Raynal reproached the United States with not havingproduced one celebrated man, Jefferson requested him to wait until wehad existed "as long as the Greeks before they had a Homer, the Romansa Virgil, and the French a Racine. " Half a century elapsed before ourrepublic produced Irving, Cooper, Sedgwick, Halleck, and Bryant. We mustnot forget that the cruel prejudice, under which colored people labor, makes it extremely difficult for them to gain admission to the bestcolleges and schools; they are obliged to contend with obstacles, whichwhite men never encounter. 

It might seem wonderful that the descendants of wise Ethiopia, andlearned Egypt, are now in such a state of degradation, if history didnot furnish a remarkable parallel in the condition of the modern Greeks. The land of Homer, Pericles, and Plato, is now inhabited by ignorant, brutal pirates. Freedom made the Grecians great and glorious--tyrannyhas made them stupid and miserable. Yet their yoke has been light, compared with African bondage. In both cases the wrongs of the oppressedhave been converted into an argument against them. We first debase thenature of man by making him a slave, and then very coolly tell him thathe must always remain a slave because he does not know how to usefreedom. We first crush people to the earth, and then claim the right oftrampling on them for ever, because they are prostrate. Truly, humanselfishness never invented a rule, which worked so charmingly both ways!

No one thinks of doubting the intellect of Indians; yet civilization hascertainly advanced much farther in the interior of Africa, than it didamong the North American tribes. The Indians have strong untutoredeloquence, --so have the Africans. And where will you find an Indianchieftain, whose pride, intellect, and valor, are more than a match forZhinga's? Both of these classes have been most shamefully wronged; butpublic prejudice, which bows the negro to the earth, has borne with afar less crushing power upon the energies of the red man; yet they havenot produced a Shakspeare or a Newton. But I shall be asked how it isthat the nations of Africa, having proceeded so far in the arts ofcivilization, have made a full stop, and remained century after centurywithout any obvious improvement? I will answer this by another question:How long did the ancient Helvetians, Gauls, and Saxons, remain in such astate of barbarism, that what they considered splendor and refinement, would be called poverty and rudeness, by their German, French, andEnglish descendants? What was it that changed the intellectual and moralcharacter of these people, after ages of ignorance and ferocity? It wasthe _art of printing_. But, alas, with the introduction of printing, modern slavery was introduced! While commerce has carried books and mapsto other portions of the globe, she has sent kidnappers, with guns andcutlasses into Africa. We have not preached the Gospel of peace to herprinces; we have incited them to make war upon each other, to fill ourmarkets with slaves. While knowledge, like a mighty pillar of fire, hasguided the European nations still onward, and onward, a dark cloud hassettled more and more gloomily over benighted Africa. The lessons oftime, the experience of ages, from which we have learned so much, areentirely lost to this vast continent. 

I have heard it asserted that the Indians were evidently superior tothe negroes, because it was impossible to enslave _them_. Our slave lawsprove that there are some exceptions to this remark; and it must beremembered that the Indians have been fairly met in battle, contendingwith but one nation at a time; while the whole world have combinedagainst the Africans--sending emissaries to lurk for them in secretplaces, or steal them at midnight from their homes. The Indian will seekfreedom in the arms of death--and so will the negro. By thousands andthousands, these poor people have died for freedom. They have stabbedthemselves for freedom--jumped into the waves for freedom--starved forfreedom--fought like very tigers for freedom! But they have been hung, and burned, and shot--and their tyrants have been their historians! Whenthe Africans have writers of their own, we shall hear their efforts forliberty called by the true title of heroism in a glorious cause. We aretold in the fable that a lion, looking at the picture of one of his ownspecies, conquered and trampled on by man, calmly said, "We lions haveno painters. "

I shall be told that in the preceding examples I have shown only thebright side of the picture. I readily grant it; but I have deemed itimportant to show that the picture _has_ a bright side. I am well awarethat most of the negro authors are remarkable principally because theyare negroes. With considerable talent, they generally evince bad taste. I do not pretend that they are Scotts or Miltons; but I wish to provethat they are _men_, capable of producing their proportion of Scotts andMiltons, if they could be allowed to live in a state of physical andintellectual freedom. But where, at the present time, _can_ they live inperfect freedom, cheered by the hopes and excited by the rewards, whichstimulate white men to exertion? Every avenue to distinction is closedto them. Even where the body is suffered to be free, a hateful prejudicekeeps the soul in fetters. I think every candid mind must admit that itis more wonderful they have done so much, than that they have done nomore. 

As a class, I am aware that the negroes, with many honorable exceptions, are ignorant, and show little disposition to be otherwise; but thisceases to be the case just in proportion as they are free. The fault isin their unnatural situation, not in themselves. Tyranny always dwarfsthe intellect. Homer tells us, that when Jupiter condemns a man toslavery, he takes from him half his mind. A family of children treatedwith habitual violence or contempt, become stupid and sluggish, and arecalled fools by the very parents or guardians who have crushed theirmental energies. It was remarked by M. Dupuis, the British Consul atMogadore, that the generality of Europeans, after a long captivity andsevere treatment among the Arabs, seemed at first exceedingly dull andinsensible. "If they had been any considerable time in slavery, " sayshe, "they appeared lost to reason and feeling; their spirits broken;and their faculties sunk in a species of stupor, which I am unableadequately to describe. They appeared degraded even below the negroslave. The succession of hardships, without any protecting law to whichthey can appeal for alleviation, or redress, seems to destroy everyspring of exertion, or hope in their minds. They appear indifferent toevery thing around them; abject, servile, and brutish. "

Lieutenant Hall, in his Travels in the United States, makes thefollowing just remark: "Cut off hope for the future, and freedom forthe present; superadd a due pressure of bodily suffering, and personaldegradation; and you have a slave, who, (of whatever zone, nation orcomplexion, ) will be what the poor African is, torpid, debased, andlowered beneath the standard of humanity. "

The great Virginian, Patrick Henry, who certainly had a fair chance toobserve the effects of slavery, says, "If a man be in chains, he droopsand bows to the earth, because his spirits are broken; but let him twistthe fetters off his legs and he will stand erect. "

The following is the testimony of the Rev. R. Walsh, on the samesubject; he is describing his first arrival at Rio Janeiro:

"The whole labor of bearing and moving burdens is performed by thesepeople, and the state in which they appear is revolting to humanity. Here were a number of beings entirely naked, with the exception of acovering of dirty rags, tied about their waists. Their skins, fromconstant exposure to the weather, had become hard, crusty, and seamed, resembling the coarse black covering of some beast, or like that of anelephant, a wrinkled hide scattered with scanty hairs. On contemplatingtheir persons, you saw them with a physical organization resemblingbeings of a grade below the rank of man; long projecting heels, thegastronymic muscle wanting, and no calves to their legs; their mouthsand chins protruded, their noses flat, their foreheads retiring, havingexactly the head and legs of the baboon tribe. Some of these beings wereyoked to drays, on which they dragged heavy burdens. Some were chainedby the neck and legs, and moved with loads thus encumbered. Somefollowed each other in ranks, with heavy weights on their heads, chattering in the most inarticulate and dismal cadence as they movedalong. Some were munching young sugar-canes, like beasts of burdeneating green provender; and some were seen near the water, lying on thebare ground among filth and offal, coiled up like dogs, and seeming toexpect or require no more comfort or accommodation, exhibiting a stateand conformation so unhuman, that they not only seemed but actuallywere, far below the inferior animals around them. Horses and mules werenot employed in this way; they were used only for pleasure, and notlabor. They were seen in the same streets, pampered, spirited, andrichly caparisoned, enjoying a state far superior to the negroes, andappearing to look down on the fettered and burdened wretches they werepassing, as on beings of an inferior rank in the creation. Some of thenegroes actually seemed to envy the caparisons of their fellow-brutes, and eyed with jealousy their glittering harness. In imitation of thisfinery, they were fond of thrums of many-colored threads; and I saw onecreature, who supported the squalid rag that wrapped his waist by asuspender of gaudy worsted, which he turned every moment to look at onhis naked shoulder. The greater number, however, were as unconscious ofany covering for use or ornament, as a pig or an ass. 

"The first impression of all this on my mind, was to shake theconviction I had always felt, of the wrong and hardship inflicted on ourblack fellow-creatures, and that they were only in that state which Godand nature had assigned them; that they were the lowest grade of humanexistence, and the link that connected it with the brute; and that thegradation was so insensible, and their natures so intermingled, that itwas impossible to tell where one had terminated and the other commenced;and that it was not surprising that people who contemplated them everyday, so formed, so employed, and so degraded, should forget their claimsto that rank in the scale of being in which modern philanthropists areso anxious to place them. I did not at the moment myself recollect, thatthe white man, made a slave on the coast of Africa, suffers not only asimilar mental but physical deterioration from hardships and emaciation, and becomes in time the dull and deformed beast I now saw yoked to aburden. 

"A few hours only were necessary to correct my first impressions of thenegro population, by seeing them under a different aspect. We wereattracted by the sound of military music, and found it proceeded from aregiment drawn up in one of the streets. Their colonel had just died, and they attended to form a procession to celebrate his obsequies. Theywere all of different shades of black, but the majority were negroes. Their equipment was excellent; they wore dark jackets, white pantaloons, and black leather caps and belts, all which, with their arms, werein high order. Their band produced sweet and agreeable music, of theleader's own composition, and the men went through some evolutions withregularity and dexterity. They were only a militia regiment, yet were aswell appointed and disciplined as one of our regiments of the line. Herethen was the first step in that gradation by which the black populationof this country ascend in the scale of humanity; he advances from thestate below that of a beast of burden into a military rank, and he showshimself as capable of discipline and improvement as a human being of anyother color. 

"Our attention was next attracted by negro men and women bearing about avariety of articles for sale; some in baskets, some on boards and casescarried on their heads. They belonged to a class of small shopkeepers, many of whom vend their wares at home, but the greater number send themabout in this way, as in itinerant shops. A few of these people werestill in a state of bondage, and brought a certain sum every eveningto their owners, as the produce of their daily labor. But a largeproportion, I was informed, were free, and exercised this littlecalling on their own account. They were all very neat and clean intheir persons, and had a decorum and sense of respectability about them, superior to whites of the same class and calling. All their articleswere good in their kind and neatly kept, and they sold them withsimplicity and confidence, neither wishing to take advantage of others, nor suspecting that it would be taken of themselves. I bought someconfectionary from one of the females, and I was struck with the modestyand propriety of her manner; she was a young mother, and had with her aneatly-dressed child, of which she seemed very fond. I gave it a littlecomfit, and it turned up its dusky countenance to her and then to me, taking my sweetmeat and at the same time kissing my hand. As yetunacquainted with the coin of the country, I had none that was currentabout me, and was leaving the articles; but the poor young woman pressedthem on me with a ready confidence, repeating in broken Portuguese, _outo tempo_. I am sorry to say, the 'other time' never came, for Icould not recognise her person afterwards to discharge her little debt, though I went to the same place for the purpose. 

"It soon began to grow dark, and I was attracted by a number of personsbearing large lighted wax tapers, like torches, gathering before ahouse. As I passed by, one was put into my hand by a man who seemed insome authority, and I was requested to fall into a procession that wasforming. It was the preparation for a funeral, and on such occasions, Ilearned that they always request the attendance of a passing stranger, and feel hurt if they are refused. I joined the party, and proceededwith them to a neighboring church. When we entered we ranged ourselveson each side of a platform which stood near the choir, on which was laidan open coffin, covered with pink silk and gold borders. The funeralservice was chanted by a choir of priests, one of whom was a negro, alarge comely man, whose jet-black visage formed a strong and strikingcontrast to his white vestments. He seemed to perform his part with adecorum and sense of solemnity, which I did not observe in his brethren. After scattering flowers on the coffin, and fumigating it with incense, they retired, the procession dispersed, and we returned on board. 

"I had been but a few hours on shore for the first time, and I saw anAfrican negro under four aspects of society; and it appeared to me, thatin every one, his character depended on the state in which he wasplaced, and the estimation in which he was held. As a despised slave, he was far lower than other animals of burden that surrounded him; moremiserable in his look, more revolting in his nakedness, more distortedin his person, and apparently more deficient in intellect, than thehorses and mules that passed him by. Advanced to the grade of a soldier, he was clean and neat in his person, amenable to discipline, expert athis exercises, and showed the port and bearing of a white man similarlyplaced. As a citizen, he was remarkable for the respectability of hisappearance, and the decorum of his manners in the rank assigned him; andas a priest, standing in the house of God, appointed to instruct societyon their most important interests, and in a grade in which moral andintellectual fitness is required, and a certain degree of superiorityis expected, he seemed even more devout in his impressions, and morecorrect in his manners, than his white associates. I came, therefore, to the irresistible conclusion in my mind, that color was an accidentaffecting the surface of a man, and having no more to do with hisqualities than his clothes--that God had equally created an African inthe image of his person, and equally given him an immortal soul; andthat a European had no pretext but his own cupidity, for impiouslythrusting his fellow-man from that rank in the creation which theAlmighty had assigned him, and degrading him below the lot of the brutebeasts that perish. "

The honorable A. H. Everett, in his able work on the political situationof America, says, "Nations, and races, like individuals, have their day, and seldom have a second. The blacks had a long and glorious one; andafter what they have been and done, it argues not so much a mistakentheory, as sheer ignorance of the most notorious historical facts, topretend that they are naturally inferior to the whites. It would seemindeed, that if any race have a right claim to a sort of pre-eminenceover others, on the fair and honorable ground of talents displayed, andbenefits conferred, it is precisely this very one, which we take uponus, in the pride of a temporary superiority, to stamp with the brandof essential degradation. It is hardly necessary to add, that while theblacks were the leading race in civilization and political power, therewas no prejudice among the whites against their color. On the contrary, we find that the early Greeks regarded them as a superior variety of thehuman species, not only in intellectual and moral qualities, but inoutward appearance. 'The Ethiopians, ' says Herodotus, 'surpass all othermen in longevity, stature, and personal beauty. '"

Then let the slaveholder no longer apologize for himself by urging thestupidity and sensuality of negroes. It is upon the _system_, which thustransforms men into beasts, that the reproach rests in all its strengthand bitterness. And even if the negroes were, beyond all doubt, ourinferiors in intellect, this would form no excuse for oppression, orcontempt. The use of law and public opinion is to protect the weakagainst the strong; and the government, which perverts these blessingsinto means of tyranny, resembles the priest, who administered poisonwith the Holy Sacrament. 

Is there an American willing that the intellectual and the learnedshould bear despotic sway over the simple and the ignorant? If therebe such a one, _he_ may consistently vindicate our treatment of theAfricans. 

CHAPTER VII. 

MORAL CHARACTER OF NEGROES. 

 "Fleecy locks and black complexion Cannot forfeit Nature's claim; Skins may differ, but affection Dwells in black and white the same. 

 "Slaves of gold! whose sordid dealings Tarnish all your boasted powers, Prove that you have human feelings, Ere you proudly question ours. "

 THE NEGRO'S COMPLAINT; BY COWPER. 

The opinion that negroes are naturally inferior in intellect is almostuniversal among white men; but the belief that they are worse than otherpeople, is, I believe, much less extensive: indeed, I have heard some, who were by no means admirers of the colored race, maintain that theywere very remarkable for kind feelings, and strong affections. Homercalls the ancient Ethiopians "the most honest of men;" and moderntravellers have given innumerable instances of domestic tenderness, andgenerous hospitality in the interior of Africa. Mungo Park informs usthat he found many schools in his progress through the country, andobserved with pleasure the great docility and submissive deportmentof the children, and heartily wished they had better instructers anda purer religion. 

The following is an account of his arrival at Jumbo, in company with anative of that place, who had been absent several years: "The meetingbetween the blacksmith and his relations was very tender; for these rudechildren of nature, free from restraint, display their emotions in thestrongest and most expressive manner. Amidst these transports, the agedmother was led forth, leaning upon a staff. Every one made way for her, and she stretched out her hand to bid her son welcome. Being totallyblind, she stroked his hands, arms, and face, with great care, andseemed highly delighted that her latter days were blessed by his return, and that her ears once more heard the music of his voice. From thisinterview, I was fully convinced, that whatever difference there isbetween the negro and the European, in the conformation of the nose, and the color of the skin, there is none in the genuine sympathies andcharacteristic feelings of our common nature. "

At a small town in the interior, called Wawra, he says, "In the courseof the day, several women, hearing that I was going to Sego, came andbegged me to inquire of Mansong, the king, what was become of theirchildren. One woman, in particular, told me that her son's name wasMamadee; that he was no heathen; but prayed to God morning and evening;that he had been taken from her about three years ago by Mansong's army, since which she had never heard from him. She said she often dreamedabout him, and begged me, if I should see him in Bambarra, or in my owncountry, to tell him that his mother and sister were still alive. "

At Sego, in Bambarra, the king, being jealous of Mr. Park's intentions, forbade him to cross the river. Under these discouraging circumstances, he was advised to lodge at a distant village; but there the samedistrust of the white man's purposes prevailed, and no person wouldallow him to enter his house. He says, "I was regarded with astonishmentand fear, and was obliged to sit all day without food, under the shadeof a tree. The wind rose, and there was great appearance of a heavyrain, and the wild beasts are so very numerous in the neighborhood, thatI should have been under the necessity of resting among the branches ofthe tree. About sunset, however, as I was preparing to pass the nightin this manner, and had turned my horse loose, that he might graze atliberty, a woman, returning from the labors of the field, stopped toobserve me. Perceiving that I was weary and dejected, she inquired intomy situation, which I briefly explained to her; whereupon, with looks ofgreat compassion, she took up my saddle and bridle and told me to followher. Having conducted me into her hut, she lighted a lamp, spread a maton the floor, and told me I might remain there for the night. Findingthat I was hungry, she went out, and soon returned with a very finefish, which being broiled upon some embers, she gave me for supper. Thewomen then resumed their task of spinning cotton, and lightened theirlabor with songs, one of which must have been composed extempore, forI was myself the subject of it. It was sung by one of the young women, the rest joining in a kind of chorus. The air was sweet and plaintive, and the words literally translated, were these:

 "The winds roar'd, and the rains fell; The poor white man, faint and weary, Came and sat under our tree. -- He has no mother to bring him milk; No wife to grind his corn. 

 CHORUS. 

 "Let us pity the white man; No mother has he to bring him milk, No wife to grind his corn. "

[Illustration: Engraving]

The reader can fully sympathize with this intelligent and liberal-mindedtraveller, when he observes, "Trifling as this recital may appear, thecircumstance was highly affecting to a person in my situation. I wasoppressed with such unexpected kindness, and sleep fled from my eyes. Inthe morning, I presented my compassionate landlady with two of the fourbrass buttons remaining on my waistcoat; the only recompense I couldmake her. "

The Duchess of Devonshire, whose beauty and talent gained such extensivecelebrity, was so much pleased with this African song, and the kindfeelings in which it originated, that she put it into English verse, andemployed an eminent composer to set it to music:

 The loud wind roar'd, the rain fell fast; The white man yielded to the blast; He sat him down beneath our tree, For weary, faint, and sad was he; And ah, no wife or mother's care, For him the milk or corn prepare. 

 CHORUS. 

 The white man shall our pity share; Alas! no wife, or mother's care, For him the milk or corn prepare. 

 The storm is o'er, the tempest past, And mercy's voice has hush'd the blast; The wind is heard in whispers low; The white man far away must go;-- But ever in his heart will bear Remembrance of the negro's care. 

 CHORUS. 

 Go, white man, go--but with thee bear The negro's wish, the negro's prayer, Remembrance of the negro's care. 

At another time, Mr. Park thus continues his narrative: "A little beforesunset, I descended on the northwest side of a ridge of hills, and as Iwas looking about for a convenient tree, under which to pass the night, (for I had no hopes of reaching any town) I descended into a delightfulvalley, and soon afterward arrived at a romantic village called Kooma. I was immediately surrounded by a circle of the harmless villagers. They asked me a thousand questions about my country, and in return formy information brought corn and milk for myself, and grass for my horse;kindled a fire in the hut where I was to sleep, and appeared veryanxious to serve me. "

Afterward, being robbed and stripped by a banditti in the wilderness, heinforms us that the robbers stood considering whether they should leavehim quite destitute; even in _their_ minds, humanity partially prevailedover avarice; they returned the worst of two shirts, and a pair oftrowsers; and as they went away, one of them threw back his hat. At thenext village, Mr. Park entered a complaint to the Dooty, or chief man, who continued very calmly smoking while he listened to the narration;but when he had heard all the particulars, he took the pipe from hismouth, and tossing up the sleeve of his cloak, with an indignant air, he said, "You shall have every thing restored to you--I have sworn it. "Then, turning to an attendant, he added, "Give the white man a draughtof water; and with the first light of morning go over the hills, andinform the Dooty of Bammakoo, that a poor white man, the king ofBambarra's stranger, has been robbed by the king of Foolodoo's people. "He then invited the traveller to remain with him, and share hisprovisions, until the messenger returned. Mr. Park accepted the kindoffer most gratefully: and in a few days his horse and clothes wererestored to him. 

At the village of Nemacoo, where corn was so scarce that the peoplewere actually in a state of starvation, a negro pitied his distressand brought him food. 

At Kamalia, Mr. Park was earnestly dissuaded by an African named Karfa, from attempting to cross the Jalonka wilderness during the rainy season;to which he replied that there was no alternative--for he was so poor, that he must either beg his subsistence from place to place, or perishwith hunger. Karfa eagerly inquired if he could eat the food of thecountry, adding that, if he would stay with him, he should have plentyof victuals, and a hut to sleep in; and that after he had been safelyconducted to the Gambia, he might make what return he thought proper. He was accordingly provided with a mat to sleep on, an earthern jar forholding water, a small calabash for a drinking cup, and two meals aday, with a supply of wood and water, from Karfa's own dwelling. Herehe recovered from a fever, which had tormented him several weeks. Hisbenevolent landlord came daily to inquire after his health, and see thathe had every thing for his comfort. Mr. Park assures us that the simpleand affectionate manner of those around him contributed not a little tohis recovery. He adds, "Thus was I delivered, by the friendly care ofthis benevolent negro, from a situation truly deplorable. Distress andfamine pressed hard upon me; I had before me the gloomy wilderness ofJallonkadoo, where the traveller sees no habitation for five successivedays. I had observed, at a distance, the rapid course of the riverKokaro, and had almost marked out the place where I thought I wasdoomed to perish, when this friendly negro stretched out his hospitablehand for my relief. " Mr. Park having travelled in company with a coffleof thirty-five slaves, thus describes his feelings as they came nearthe coast: "Although I was now approaching the end of my tediousand toilsome journey, and expected in another day to meet withcountrymen and friends, I could not part with my unfortunatefellow-travellers, --doomed as I knew most of them to be, to a lifeof slavery in a foreign land, --without great emotion. During aperegrination of more than five hundred miles, exposed to the burningrays of a tropical sun, these poor slaves, amidst their own infinitelygreater sufferings, would commiserate mine, and frequently, of their ownaccord, bring water to quench my thirst, and at night collect branchesand leaves to prepare me a bed in the wilderness. We parted with mutualregret and blessings. My good wishes and prayers were all I could bestowupon them, and it afforded me some consolation to be told that they weresensible I had no more to give. "

The same enlightened traveller remarks, "All the negro nations that fellunder my observation, though divided into a number of petty, independentstates, subsist chiefly by the same means, live nearly in the sametemperature, and possess a wonderful similarity of disposition. TheMandingoes, in particular, are a very gentle race, cheerful, inquisitive, credulous, simple, and fond of flattery. Perhaps the mostprominent defect in their character, was that insurmountable propensity, which the reader must have observed to prevail in all classes, to stealfrom me the few effects I was possessed of. No complete justificationcan be offered for this conduct, because theft is a crime in their ownestimation; and it must be observed that they are not habitually andgenerally guilty of it towards each other. But before we pronounce thema more depraved people than any other, it were well to consider, whetherthe lower class of people in any part of Europe, would have acted, undersimilar circumstances, with greater honesty towards a stranger. It mustbe remembered that the laws of the country afforded me no protection;that every one was permitted to rob me with impunity; and that some partof my effects were of as great value in the estimation of the negroes, as pearls and diamonds would have been in the eyes of a European. Let ussuppose a black merchant of Hindostan had found his way into England, with a box of jewels at his back, and the laws of the kingdom affordedhim no security--in such a case, the wonder would be, not that thestranger was robbed of any part of his riches, but that any part wasleft for a second depredator. [AJ] Such, on sober reflection, is thejudgment I have formed concerning the pilfering disposition of theMandingo negroes toward me. 

[Footnote AJ: Or suppose a colored pedler with valuable goods travellingin slave states, where the laws afford little or no protection to negroproperty; what would probably be his fate?]

"On the other hand, it is impossible for me to forget the disinterestedcharity, and tender solicitude, with which many of these poor heathens, from the sovereign of Sego, to the poor women, who at differenttimes received me into their cottages, sympathized with my sufferings, relieved my distress, and contributed to my safety. Perhaps thisacknowledgment is more particularly due to the female part of thenation. Among the men, as the reader must have seen, my reception, though generally kind, was sometimes otherwise. It varied according tothe tempers of those to whom I made application. Avarice in some, andbigotry in others, had closed up the avenues to compassion; but I do notrecollect a single instance of hard-heartedness towards me in the women. In all my wanderings and wretchedness, I found them uniformly kind andcompassionate; and I can truly say, as Mr. Ledyard has eloquently saidbefore me--'To a woman, I never addressed myself in the language ofdecency and friendship, without receiving a decent and friendly answer. If I was hungry, or thirsty, wet, or ill, they did not hesitate, likethe men, to perform a generous action. In so free and so kind a manner, did they contribute to my relief, that if I were thirsty, I drank thesweeter draught; and if I were hungry, I ate the coarsest meal with adouble relish. '

"It is surely reasonable to suppose that the soft and amiable sympathyof nature, thus spontaneously manifested to me in my distress, isdisplayed by these poor people as occasion requires, much more stronglytoward those of their own nation and neighborhood. Maternal affection, neither suppressed by the restraints, nor diverted by the solicitudes ofcivilized life, is every where conspicuous among them, and createsreciprocal tenderness in the child. 'Strike me, ' said a negro to hismaster, who spoke disrespectfully of his parent, 'but do not curse mymother. ' The same sentiment I found to prevail universally. "

"I perceived, with great satisfaction, that the maternal solicitudeextended not only to the growth and security of the person, but also, in a certain degree, to the improvement of the character; for one of thefirst lessons, which the Mandingo women teach their children, is thepractice of truth. A poor unhappy mother, whose son had been murdered bya Moorish banditti, found consolation in her deepest distress from thereflection that her boy, in the whole course of his blameless life, hadnever told a lie. "

Adanson, who visited Senegal, in 1754, describes the negroes associable, obliging, humane, and hospitable. "Their amiable simplicity, "says he, "in this enchanting country, recalled to me the idea of theprimitive race of man; I thought I saw the world in its infancy. Theyare distinguished by tenderness for their parents, and great respect forthe aged. " Robin speaks of a slave at Martinico, who having gained moneysufficient for his own ransom, preferred to purchase his mother'sfreedom. 

Proyart, in his history of Loango, acknowledges that the negroes on thecoast, who associate with Europeans, are inclined to licentiousnessand fraud; but he says those of the interior are humane, obliging, and hospitable. Golberry repeats the same praise, and rebukes thepresumption of white men in despising "nations improperly called savage, among whom we find men of integrity, models of filial, conjugal, andpaternal affection, who know all the energies and refinements of virtue;among whom sentimental impressions are more deep, because they observe, more than we, the dictates of nature, and know how to sacrifice personalinterest to the ties of friendship. "

Joseph Rachel, a free negro of Barbadoes, having become rich bycommerce, consecrated all his fortune to acts of charity andbeneficence. The unfortunate of all colors shared his kindness. Hegave to the needy, lent without hope of return, visited prisoners, andendeavored to reform the guilty. He died in 1758. The philanthropistsof England speak of him with the utmost respect. 

Jasmin Thoumazeau was born in Africa, 1714, and sold at St. Domingo, 1736. Having obtained his freedom, he returned to his native country, and married a negro girl of the Gold Coast. In 1756, he established ahospital for poor negroes and mulattoes. During more than forty years, he and his wife devoted their time and fortune to the comfort of suchinvalids as sought their protection. The Philadelphian Society, at theCape, and the Agricultural Society of Paris, decreed medals to thisworthy and benevolent man. 

Louis Desrouleaux was the slave of M. Pinsum, _a captain in the negrotrade_, who resided at St. Domingo. The master having amassed greatriches, went to reside in France, where circumstances combined to ruinhim. Depressed in fortune and spirits, he returned to St. Domingo; butthose who had formerly been proud of his friendship, now avoided him. Louis heard of his misfortunes and immediately went to see him. Thescales were now turned; the negro was rich, and the white man poor. Thegenerous fellow offered every assistance, but advised M. Pinsum by allmeans to return to France, where he would not be pained by the sight ofungrateful men. "But I cannot gain a living there, " replied the whiteman. "Will the annual revenue of fifteen thousand francs be sufficient?"asked Louis. The Frenchman's eyes filled with tears. The negro signedthe contract, and the pension was regularly paid, till the death ofLouis Desrouleaux, in 1774. 

Benoit of Palermo, also named Benoit of Santo Fratello, sometimes called_The Holy Black_, was a negro, and the son of a female slave. RocchoPirro, author of the _Sicilia Sacra_, eulogizes him thus: "Nigro quidemcorpore sed candore animi præclarisimus quem miraculis Deus contestatumesse voluit. " "His body was black, but it pleased God to testify bymiracles the whiteness of his soul. " He died at Palermo, in 1589, wherehis tomb and memory are much revered. A few years ago, it was said thePope was about to authorize his canonization. Whether he is yetregistered as a saint in the Calendar, I know not; but many writersagree that he was a saint indeed--eminent for his virtues, which hepractised in meekness and silence, desiring no witness but his God. 

The moral character of Toussaint L'Ouverture is even more worthy ofadmiration than his intellectual acuteness. What can be more beautifulthan his unchanging gratitude to his benefactor, his warm attachment tohis family, his high-minded sacrifice of personal feeling to the publicgood? He was a hero in the sublimest sense of the word. Yet he had nowhite blood in his veins--he was all negro. 

The following description of a slave-market at Brazil is from the pen ofDoctor Walsh: "The men were generally less interesting objects than thewomen; their countenances and hues were very varied, according to thepart of the African coast from which they came; some were soot-black, having a certain ferocity of aspect that indicated strong and fiercepassions, like men who were darkly brooding over some deep-felt wrongs, and meditating revenge. When any one was ordered, he came forward witha sullen indifference, threw his arms over his head, stamped with hisfeet, shouted to show the soundness of his lungs, ran up and down theroom, and was treated exactly like a horse put through his paces at arepository; and when done, he was whipped to his stall. 

"Many of them were lying stretched on the bare boards; and among therest, mothers with young children at their breasts, of which they seemedpassionately fond. They were all doomed to remain on the spot, likesheep in a pen, till they were sold; they have no apartment to retireto, no bed to repose on, no covering to protect them; they sit naked allday, and lie naked all night, on the bare boards, or benches, where wesaw them exhibited. 

"Among the objects that attracted my attention in this place were someyoung boys, who seemed to have formed a society together. I observedseveral times in passing by, that the same little group was collectednear a barred window; they seemed very fond of each other, and theirkindly feelings were never interrupted by peevishness; indeed, thetemperament of a negro child is generally so sound, that he is notaffected by those little morbid sensations, which are the frequent causeof crossness and ill-temper in our children. I do not remember thatI ever saw a young black fretful, or out of humor; certainly neverdisplaying those ferocious fits of petty passion, in which the superiornature of infant whites indulges. I sometimes brought cakes and fruit inmy pocket, and handed them in to the group. It was quite delightful toobserve the generous and disinterested manner in which they distributedthem. There was no scrambling with one another; no selfish reservationto themselves. The child to whom I happened to give them, took them sogently, looked so thankfully, and distributed them so generously, thatI could not help thinking that God had compensated their dusky hue, bya more than usual human portion of amiable qualities. "

Several negroes in Jamaica were to be hung. One of them was offered hislife, if he would hang the others; he preferred death. A negro slave whowas ordered to do it, asked time to prepare; he went into his cabin, chopped off his right hand with an axe, and then came back, saying hewas ready. 

Sutcliff in his Travels, speaks of meeting a coffle of slaves inMaryland, one of whom had voluntarily gone into slavery, in hopes ofmeeting her husband, who was a free black and had been stolen bykidnappers. The poor creature was in treacherous hands, and it is agreat chance whether she ever saw her husband again. 

An affecting instance of negro friendship may be found in 1 Bay'sReport, 260-3. A female slave in South Carolina was allowed to work outin the town, on condition that she paid her master a certain sum ofmoney, per month. Being strong and industrious, her wages amounted tomore than had been demanded in their agreement. After a time she earnedenough to buy her freedom; but she preferred to devote the sum to theemancipation of a negro girl, named Sally, for whom she had conceiveda strong affection. For a long time the master pretended to have noproperty in his slave's manumitted friend, never paid taxes for her, andoften spoke of her as a free negro. But, from some motive or other, heafterward claimed Sally as his slave, on the ground that no slave couldmake any purchase on his own account, or possess any thing which did notlegally belong to his master. It is an honor to Chief Justice Rutledgethat his charge was given in a spirit better than the laws. Heconcluded by saying, "If the wench choose to appropriate the savings ofher extra labor to the purchase of this girl, in order to set her free, will a jury of the country say, No? I trust not. I hope they are tooupright and humane, to do such manifest violence to such anextraordinary act of benevolence. " By the prompt decision of the jury, Sally was declared free. [AK]

[Footnote AK: Stroud says of the above, "This is an isolated case, ofpretty early date; it deserves to be noticed because it is in oppositionto the spirit of the laws, and to _later_ decisions of the courts. "]

In speaking of the character of negroes, it ought not to be omitted thatmany of them were brave and faithful soldiers during our Revolution. Some are now receiving pensions for their services. At New-Orleans, likewise, the conduct of the colored troops was deserving of the highestpraise. 

It is common to speak of the negroes as a very unfeeling race; and nodoubt the charge has considerable truth when applied to those in a stateof bondage; for slavery blunts the feelings, as well as stupifies theintellect. The poor negro is considered as having no right in his wifeand children. They may be suddenly torn from him to be sold in a distantmarket; but he cannot prevent the wrong. He may see them exposed toevery species of insult and indignity; but the law, which stretchesforth her broad shield to guard the white man's rights, excludes thenegro from her protection. They may be tied to the whipping-post and_die_ under _moderate_ punishment; but he dares not complain. If hemurmur, there is the tormenting lash; if he resist, it is death. And theinjustice extends even beyond the grave; for the story of the slave istold by his oppressor, and the manly spirit which the poor creatureshows, when stung to the very heart's core, is represented as diabolicalrevenge. A short time ago, I read in a Georgia paper, what was called ahorrid transaction, on the part of the negro. A slave stood by and sawhis wife whipped, as long as he could possibly endure the sight; he thencalled out to the overseer, who was applying the lash, that he wouldkill him if he did not use more mercy. This probably made matters worse;at all events the lashing continued. The husband goaded to frenzy, rushed upon the overseer, and stabbed him three times. White men! whatwould _you_ do, if the laws admitted that your wives might "_die_" of"_moderate punishment_, " administered by your employers? The overseerdied, and his murderer was either burned or shot, --I forget which. TheGeorgia editor viewed the subject only on one side--viz. , the monstrousoutrage against the white man--the negro's wrongs passed for nothing!It was very gravely added to the account (probably to increase theodiousness of the slave's offence, ) that the overseer belonged to thePresbyterian church! I smiled, --because it made me think of a man, whomI once heard described as "a most excellent Christian, that would stealtimber to build a church. "

This instance shows that even slaves are not quite destitute offeeling--yet we could not wonder at it, if they were. Who could expectthe kindly affections to expand in such an atmosphere! Where there isno hope, the heart becomes paralyzed: it is a merciful arrangement ofDivine Providence, by which the acuteness of sensibility is lessenedwhen it becomes merely a source of suffering. 

But there are exceptions to this general rule; instances of very strongand deep affection are sometimes found in a state of hopeless bondage. Godwin, in his eloquent Lectures on Colonial Slavery, quotes thefollowing anecdote, as related by Mr. T. Pennock, at a public meetingin England:

"A few years ago it was enacted, that it should not be legal totransport once established slaves from one island to another; and agentleman owner, finding it advisable to do so before the act camein force, the removal of a great part of his _live stock_ was theconsequence. He had a female slave, a Methodist, and highly valuable tohim, (not the less so for being the mother of eight or nine children, )whose husband, also of our connection, was the property of anotherresident on the island, where I happened to be at the time. Theirmasters not agreeing on a sale, separation ensued, and I went to thebeach to be an eye-witness of their behavior in the greatest pang ofall. One by one, the man kissed his children, with the firmness of ahero, and blessing them, gave as his last words--(oh! will it bebelieved, and have no influence upon our veneration for the negro?)'Farewell! _Be honest, and obedient to your master!_' At length he hadto take leave of his wife: there he stood, (I have him in my mind's eyeat this moment, ) five or six yards from the mother of his children, unable to move, speak, or do any thing but gaze, and still to gaze, onthe object of his long affection, soon to cross the blue waves for everfrom his aching sight. The fire of his eyes alone gave indication ofthe passion within, until after some minutes standing thus, he fellsenseless on the sand, as if suddenly struck down by the hand of theAlmighty. Nature could do no more; the blood gushed from his nostrilsand mouth, as if rushing from the terrors of the conflict within; andamid the confusion occasioned by the circumstance, the vessel bore offhis family for ever from the island! After some days he recovered, and came to ask advice of me. What _could_ an Englishman do in such acase? I felt the blood boiling within me; but I conquered. I browbeatmy own manhood, and gave him the humblest advice I could. "

The following account is given by Mr. Gilgrass, one of the Methodistmissionaries at Jamaica: "A master of slaves, who lived near us inKingston, exercised his barbarities on a Sabbath morning while we wereworshiping God in the Chapel; and the cries of the female sufferers havefrequently interrupted us in our devotions. But there was no redress forthem, or for us. This man wanted money; and one of the female slaveshaving two fine children, he sold one of them, and the child was tornfrom her maternal affection. In the agony of her feelings, she made ahideous howling; and for that crime she was flogged. Soon after he soldher other child. This 'turned her heart within her, ' and impelled herinto a kind of madness. She howled night and day in the yard; tore herhair; ran up and down the streets and the parade, rending the heavenswith her cries, and literally watering the earth with her tears. Herconstant cry was, '_Da wicked massa, he sell me children. Will no buckramaster pity nega? What me do! Me have no child!_' As she stood beforemy window, she said, lifting her hands towards heaven, '_Do, me masterminister, pity me! Me heart do so, _(shaking herself violently, )_ meheart do so, because me have no child. Me go a massa house, in massayard, and in me hut, and me no see em;_' and then her cry went up toGod. I durst not be seen looking at her. "

A similar instance of strong affection happened in the city ofWashington, December, 1815. A negro woman, with her two children, wassold near Bladensburg, to Georgia traders; but the master refused tosell her husband. When the coffle reached Washington, on their way toGeorgia, the poor creature attempted to escape, by jumping from thegarret window of a three-story brick tavern. Her arms and back weredreadfully broken. When asked why she had done such a desperate act, shereplied, "_They brought me away, and wouldn't let me see my husband; andI didn't want to go. I was so distracted that I didn't know what I wasabout: but I didn't want to go--and I jumped out of the window. _" Theunfortunate woman was given to the landlord as a compensation for havingher taken care of at his house; her children were sold in Carolina; andthus was this poor forlorn being left alone in her misery. In all thiswide land of benevolence and freedom, there was no one who could protecther: for in such cases, the _laws_ come in, with iron grasp, to checkthe stirrings of human sympathy. 

Another complaint is that slaves have most inveterate habits oflaziness. No doubt this is true--it would be strange indeed if it wereotherwise. Where is the human being, who will work from a disinterestedlove of toil, when his labor brings no improvement to himself, noincrease of comfort to his wife and children?

Pelletan, in his Memoirs of the French Colony of Senegal, says, "Thenegroes work with ardor, because they are now unmolested in theirpossessions and enjoyments. Since the suppression of slavery, the Moorsmake no more inroads upon them, and their villages are rebuilt andre-peopled. " Bosman, who was by no means very friendly to coloredpeople, says: "The negroes of Cabomonte and Juido, are indefatigablecultivators, economical of their soil, they scarcely leave a foot-pathto form a communication between the different possessions; they reap oneday, and the next they sow the same earth, without allowing it time forrepose. "

It is needless to multiply quotations; for the concurrent testimony ofall travellers proves that industry is a common virtue in the interiorof Africa. 

Again, it is said that the negroes are treacherous, cunning, dishonest, and profligate. Let me ask you, candid reader, what you would be, if youlabored under the same unnatural circumstances? The daily earnings ofthe slave, nay, his very wife and children, are constantly wrestedfrom him, under the sanction of the laws; is this the way to teach ascrupulous regard to the property of others? How can purity be expectedfrom him, who sees almost universal licentiousness prevail among thosewhom he is taught to regard as his superiors? Besides, we must rememberhow entirely unprotected the negro is in his domestic relations, andhow very frequently husband and wife are separated by the caprice, oravarice, of the white man. I have no doubt that slaves are artful; forthey _must_ be so. Cunning is always the resort of the weak against thestrong; children, who have violent and unreasonable parents, becomedeceitful in self-defence. The only way to make young people sincere andfrank, is to treat them with mildness and perfect justice. 

The negro often pretends to be ill in order to avoid labor; and if youwere situated as he is, you would do the same. But it is said that theblacks are malignant and revengeful. Granting it to be true, --is ittheir fault, or is it owing to the cruel circumstances in which they areplaced? Surely there are proofs enough that they are naturally a kindand gentle people. True, they do sometimes murder their masters andoverseers; but where there is utter hopelessness, can we wonder atoccasional desperation? I do not believe that any class of peoplesubject to the same influences, would commit fewer crimes. Dickson, inhis letters on slavery, informs us that "among one hundred and twentythousand negroes and creoles of Barbadoes, only three murders have beenknown to be committed by them in the course of thirty years; althoughoften provoked by the cruelty of the planters. "

In estimating the vices of slaves, there are several items to be takeninto the account. In the first place, we hear a great deal of thenegroes' crimes, while we hear very little of their provocations. Ifthey murder their masters, newspapers and almanacs blazon it all overthe country; but if their masters murder _them_, a trifling fine ispaid, and nobody thinks of mentioning the matter. I believe there aretwenty negroes killed by white men, where there is one white man killedby a black. If you believe this to be mere conjecture, I pray youexamine the Judicial Reports of the Southern States. The voice of_humanity_, concerning this subject, is weak and stifled; and when amaster kills his own slave we are not likely to hear the tidings--butthe voice of _avarice_ is loud and strong; and it sometimes happens thatnegroes, "die under a moderate punishment" administered by other hands:then prosecutions ensue, in order to recover the price of the slave; andin _this_ way we are enabled to form a tolerable conjecture concerningthe frequency of such crimes. 

I have said that we seldom hear of the grievous wrongs which provokethe vengeance of the slave; I will tell an anecdote, which I know tobe true, as a proof in point. Within the last two years, a gentlemanresiding in Boston, was summoned to the West Indies in consequence oftroubles on his plantation. His overseer had been killed by the slaves. This fact was soon made public; and more than one exclaimed, "whatdiabolical passions these negroes have!" To which I replied, that I onlywondered they were half as good as they were. It was not long, however, before I discovered the particulars of the case: and I took some painsthat the public should likewise be informed of them. The overseer was abad, licentious man. How long and how much the slaves endured under hispower I know not, but at last, he took a fancy to two of the negroes'wives, ordered them to be brought to his house, and in spite of theirentreaties and resistance, compelled them to remain as long as hethought proper. The husbands found their little huts deserted, and knewvery well where the blame rested. In such a case, you would have goneto law; but the law does not recognise a negro's rights--he is the_property_ of his master, and subject to the will of his agent. If aslave should talk of being protected in his domestic relations, it wouldcause great merriment in a slaveholding State; the proposition would bedeemed equally inconvenient and absurd. Under such circumstances, thenegro husbands took justice into their own hands. They murdered theoverseer. Four innocent slaves were taken up, and upon very slightcircumstantial evidence were condemned to be shot; but the real actorsin this scene passed unsuspected. When the unhappy men found theircompanions were condemned to die, they avowed the fact, and exculpatedall others from any share in the deed. Was not this true magnanimity?Can you help respecting those negroes? If you can, I pity you. 

Since the condition of slaves is such as I have described, are yousurprised at occasional insurrections? You may _regret_ it most deeply;but _can_ you wonder at it. The famous Captain Smith, when he was aslave in Tartary, killed his overseer and made his escape. I never heardhim blamed for it--it seems to be universally considered a simple act ofself-defence. The same thing has often occurred with regard to white mentaken by the Algerines. 

The Poles have shed Russian "blood enough to float our navy;" and weadmire and praise them, because they did it in resistance of oppression. Yet they have suffered less than black slaves, all the world over, are suffering. We honor our forefathers because they rebelled againstcertain principles dangerous to political freedom; yet from actual, personal tyranny, they suffered nothing: the negro on the contrary, issuffering all that oppression _can_ make human nature suffer. Why do weexecrate in one set of men, what we laud so highly in another? I shallbe reminded that insurrections and murders are totally at variance withthe precepts of our religion; and this is most true. But according tothis rule, the Americans, Poles, Parisians, Belgians, and all who haveshed blood for the sake of liberty, are more to blame than the negroes;for the former are more enlightened, and can always have access to thefountain of religion; while the latter are kept in a state of brutalignorance--not allowed to read their Bibles--knowing nothing ofChristianity, except the examples of their masters, who profess to begoverned by its maxims. 

I hope I shall not be misunderstood on this point. I am not vindicatinginsurrections and murders; the very thought makes my blood run cold. Ibelieve revenge is _always_ wicked; but I say, what the laws of everycountry acknowledge, that great provocations are a palliation of greatcrimes. When a man steals food because he is starving, we are moredisposed to pity, than to blame him. And what _can_ human nature do, subject to continual and oppressive wrong--hopeless of change--not onlyunprotected by law, but the law itself changed into an enemy--and tocomplete the whole, shut out from the instructions and consolationsof the Gospel! No wonder the West India missionaries found it verydifficult to decide what they ought to say to the poor, sufferingnegroes! They could indeed tell them it was very impolitic to be rashand violent, because it could not, under existing circumstances, maketheir situation better, and would be very likely to make it worse; butif they urged the maxims of religion, the slaves might ask theembarrassing question, is not our treatment in direct opposition to theprecepts of the gospel? Our masters can read the Bible--they have achance to know better. Why do not Christians deal justly by us, beforethey require us to deal mercifully with them?

Think of all these things, kind-hearted reader. Try to judge the negroby the same rules you judge other men; and while you condemn his faults, do not forget his manifold provocations. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

PREJUDICES AGAINST PEOPLE OF COLOR, AND OUR DUTIES IN RELATION TO THISSUBJECT. 

 "A negro has a _soul_, an' please your honor, " said the Corporal, (_doubtingly_. )

 "I am not much versed, Corporal, " quoth my Uncle Toby, "In things of that kind; but I suppose God would not leave him without one any more than thee or me. "

 "It would be putting one sadly over the head of the other, " quoth the Corporal. 

 "It would so, " said my Uncle Toby. 

 "Why then, an' please your honor, is a black man to be used worse than a white one. "

 "I can give no reason, " said my Uncle Toby. 

 "Only, " cried the Corporal, shaking his head, "because he has no one to stand up for him. "

 "It is that very thing, Trim, " quoth my Uncle Toby, "which recommends him to protection. "

While we bestow our earnest disapprobation on the system of slavery, let us not flatter ourselves that we are in reality any better than ourbrethren of the South. Thanks to our soil and climate, and the earlyexertions of the excellent Society of Friends, the _form_ of slaverydoes not exist among us; but the very _spirit_ of the hateful andmischievous thing is here in all its strength. The manner in which weuse what power we have, gives us ample reason to be grateful that thenature of our institutions does not intrust us with more. Our prejudiceagainst colored people is even more inveterate than it is at the South. The planter is often attached to his negroes, and lavishes caressesand kind words upon them, as he would on a favorite hound: but ourcold-hearted, ignoble prejudice admits of no exception--no intermission. 

The Southerners have long continued habit, apparent interest and dreadeddanger, to palliate the wrong they do; but we stand without excuse. Theytell us that Northern ships and Northern capital have been engaged inthis wicked business; and the reproach is true. Several fortunes inthis city have been made by the sale of negro blood. If these criminaltransactions are still carried on, they are done in silence and secrecy, because public opinion has made them disgraceful. But if the free Stateswished to cherish the system of slavery for ever, they could not takea more direct course than they now do. Those who are kind and liberalon all other subjects, unite with the selfish and the proud in theirunrelenting efforts to keep the colored population in the lowest stateof degradation; and the influence they unconsciously exert over childrenearly infuses into their innocent minds the same strong feelings ofcontempt. 

The intelligent and well-informed have the least share of thisprejudice; and when their minds can be brought to reflect upon it, Ihave generally observed that they soon cease to have any at all. Butsuch a general apathy prevails and the subject is so seldom brought intoview, that few are really aware how oppressively the influence ofsociety is made to bear upon this injured class of the community. WhenI have related facts, that came under my own observation, I haveoften been listened to with surprise, which gradually increased toindignation. In order that my readers may not be ignorant of the extentof this tyrannical prejudice, I will as briefly as possible state theevidence, and leave them to judge of it, as their hearts and consciencesmay dictate. 

In the first place, an unjust law exists in this Commonwealth, by whichmarriages between persons of different color is pronounced illegal. I amperfectly aware of the gross ridicule to which I may subject myself byalluding to this particular; but I have lived too long, and observedtoo much, to be disturbed by the world's mockery. In the first place, the government ought not to be invested with power to control theaffections, any more than the consciences of citizens. A man has atleast as good a right to choose his wife, as he has to choose hisreligion. His taste may not suit his neighbors; but so long as hisdeportment is correct, they have no right to interfere with hisconcerns. In the second place, this law is a _useless_ disgrace toMassachusetts. Under existing circumstances, none but those whosecondition in life is too low to be much affected by public opinion, willform such alliances; and they, when they choose to do so, _will_ makesuch marriages, in spite of the law. I know two or three instances wherewomen of the laboring class have been united to reputable, industriouscolored men. These husbands regularly bring home their wages, and arekind to their families. If by some of the odd chances, which notunfrequently occur in the world, their wives should become heirs to anyproperty, the children may be wronged out of it, because the lawpronounces them illegitimate. And while this injustice exists withregard to _honest_, industrious individuals, who are merely guilty ofdiffering from us in a matter of taste, neither the legislation norcustoms of slaveholding States exert their influence against _immoral_connexions. 

In one portion of our country this fact is shown in a very peculiar andstriking manner. There is a numerous class at New-Orleans, calledQuateroons, or Quadroons, because their colored blood has for severalsuccessive generations been intermingled with the white. The women aremuch distinguished for personal beauty and gracefulness of motion; andtheir parents frequently send them to France for the advantages of anelegant education. White gentlemen of the first rank are desirous ofbeing invited to their parties, and often become seriously in love withthese fascinating but unfortunate beings. Prejudice forbids matrimony, but universal custom sanctions temporary connexions, to which a certaindegree of respectability is allowed, on account of the peculiarsituation of the parties. These attachments often continue foryears--sometimes for life--and instances are not unfrequent of exemplaryconstancy and great propriety of deportment. 

What eloquent vituperations we should pour forth, if the contendingclaims of nature and pride produced such a tissue of contradictions insome other country, and not in our own!

There is another Massachusetts law, which an enlightened communitywould not probably suffer to be carried into execution under anycircumstances; but it still remains to disgrace the statutes of thisCommonwealth. It is as follows:

"No African or Negro, other than a subject of the Emperor of Morocco, or a citizen of the United States, (proved so by a certificate of theSecretary of the State of which he is a citizen, ) shall tarry withinthis Commonwealth longer than two months; and on complaint a justiceshall order him to depart in ten days; and if he do not then, thejustice may commit such African or Negro to the House of Correction, there to be kept at hard labor; and at the next term of the Court ofCommon Pleas, he shall be tried, and if convicted of remaining asaforesaid, shall be whipped not exceeding ten lashes; and if he or sheshall not _then_ depart, such process shall be repeated, and punishmentinflicted, _toties quoties_. " Stat. 1788, Ch. 54. 

An honorable Haytian or Brazilian, who visited this country for businessor information, might come under this law, unless public opinionrendered it a mere dead letter. 

There is among the colored people an increasing desire for information, and laudable ambition to be respectable in manners and appearance. Arewe not foolish as well as sinful, in trying to repress a tendency sosalutary to themselves, and so beneficial to the community? Severalindividuals of this class are very desirous to have persons of their owncolor qualified to teach something more than mere reading and writing. But in the public schools, colored children are subject to manydiscouragements and difficulties; and into the private schools theycannot gain admission. A very sensible and well-informed colored womanin a neighboring town, whose family have been brought up in a mannerthat excited universal remark and approbation, has been extremelydesirous to obtain for her eldest daughter the advantages of a privateschool; but she has been resolutely repulsed on account of hercomplexion. The girl is a very light mulatto, with great modesty andpropriety of manners; perhaps no young person in the Commonwealth wasless likely to have a bad influence on her associates. The clergymanrespected the family, and he remonstrated with the instructer; but whilethe latter admitted the injustice of the thing, he excused himself bysaying such a step would occasion the loss of all his white scholars. 

In a town adjoining Boston, a well behaved colored boy was kept out ofthe public school more than a year, by vote of the trustees. His mother, having some information herself, knew the importance of knowledge, and was anxious to obtain it for her family. She wrote repeatedly andurgently; and the schoolmaster himself told me that the correctness ofher spelling, and the neatness of her hand-writing, formed a curiouscontrast with the notes he received from many white parents. At last, this spirited woman appeared before the committee, and reminded themthat her husband, having for many years paid taxes as a citizen, had aright to the privileges of a citizen; and if her claim were refused, orlonger postponed, she declared her determination to seek justice froma higher source. The trustees were, of course, obliged to yield tothe equality of the laws, with the best grace they could. The boy wasadmitted, and made good progress in his studies. Had his mother beentoo ignorant to know her rights, or too abject to demand them, the ladwould have had a fair chance to get a living out of the State as theoccupant of a workhouse, or penitentiary. 

The attempt to establish a school for African girls at Canterbury, Connecticut, has made too much noise to need a detailed account in thisvolume. I do not know the lady who first formed the project, but Iam told that she is a benevolent and religious woman. It certainlyis difficult to imagine any other motives than good ones, for anundertaking so arduous and unpopular. Yet had the Pope himself attemptedto establish his supremacy over that Commonwealth, he could hardly havebeen repelled with more determined and angry resistance. Town-meetingswere held, the records of which are not highly creditable to the partiesconcerned. Petitions were sent to the Legislature, beseeching that noAfrican school might be allowed to admit individuals not residing in thetown where said school was established; and strange to relate, this law, which makes it impossible to collect a sufficient number of pupils, wassanctioned by the State. A colored girl, who availed herself of thisopportunity to gain instruction, was warned out of town, and fined fornot complying; and the instructress was imprisoned for persevering inher benevolent plan. 

It was said, in excuse, that Canterbury would be inundated with viciouscharacters, who would corrupt the morals of the young men; that such aschool would break down the distinctions between black and white; andthat marriages between people of different colors would be the probableresult. Yet they assumed the ground that colored people _must_ always bean inferior and degraded class--that the prejudice against them _must_be eternal; being deeply founded in the laws of God and nature. Finally, they endeavored to represent the school as one of the _incendiary_proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Society; and they appealed to theColonization Society, as an aggrieved child is wont to appeal to itsparent. 

The objection with regard to the introduction of vicious charactersinto a village, certainly has some force; but are such persons likelyto leave cities for a quiet country town, in search of moral andintellectual improvement? Is it not obvious that the _best_ portion ofthe colored class are the very ones to prize such an opportunity forinstruction? Grant that a large proportion of these unfortunate people_are_ vicious--is it not our duty, and of course our wisest policy, totry to make them otherwise? And what will so effectually elevate theircharacter and condition, as knowledge? I beseech you, my countrymen, think of these things wisely, and in season. 

As for intermarriages, if there be such a repugnance between the tworaces, founded in the laws of _nature_, methinks there is small reasonto dread their frequency. 

The breaking down of distinctions in society, by means of extendedinformation, is an objection which appropriately belongs to the Emperorof Austria, or the Sultan of Egypt. 

I do not know how the affair at Canterbury is _generally_ considered:but I have heard individuals of all parties and all opinions speak ofit--and never without merriment or indignation. Fifty years hence, the_black_ laws of Connecticut will be a greater source of amusement tothe antiquarian, than her famous _blue_ laws. 

A similar, though less violent opposition arose in consequence of theattempt to establish a college for colored people at New-Haven. A youngcolored man, who tried to obtain education at the Wesleyan college inMiddletown, was obliged to relinquish the attempt on account of thepersecution of his fellow students. Some collegians from the Southobjected to a colored associate in their recitations; and those fromNew-England promptly and zealously joined in the hue and cry. A smallbut firm party were in favor of giving the colored man a chance topursue his studies without insult or interruption; and I am told thatthis manly and disinterested band were all Southerners. As for thoseindividuals, who exerted their influence to exclude an unoffendingfellow-citizen from privileges which ought to be equally open to all, it is to be hoped that age will make them wiser--and that they willlearn, before they die, to be ashamed of a step attended with moreimportant results than usually belong to youthful follies. 

It happens that these experiments have all been made in Connecticut;but it is no more than justice to that State to remark that a similarspirit would probably have been manifested in Massachusetts, underlike circumstances. At our debating clubs and other places of publicdiscussion, the demon of prejudice girds himself for the battle, themoment negro colleges and high schools are alluded to. Alas, while wecarry on our lips that religion which teaches us to "love our neighborsas ourselves, " how little do we cherish its blessed influence within ourhearts! How much republicanism we have to _speak_ of, and how little dowe practise!

Let us seriously consider what injury a negro college could possibly dous. It is certainly a fair presumption that the scholars would be fromthe better portion of the colored population; and it is an equally fairpresumption that knowledge would improve their characters. There arealready many hundreds of colored people in the city of Boston. In thestreet they generally appear neat and respectable; and in our housesthey do not "come between the wind and our nobility. " Would the additionof one or two hundred more even be perceived? As for giving offence tothe Southerners by allowing such establishments--they have no right tointerfere with our internal concerns, any more than we have with theirs. Why should they not give up slavery to please us, by the same rule thatwe must refrain from educating the negroes to please them? If they areat liberty to do wrong, we certainly ought to be at liberty to do right. They may talk and publish as much about us as they please; and we askfor no other influence over them. 

It is a fact not generally known that the brave Kosciusko left a fundfor the establishment of a negro college in the United States. Littledid he think he had been fighting for a people, who would not grant onerood of their vast territory for the benevolent purpose!

According to present appearances, a college for colored persons willbe established in Canada; and thus by means of our foolish and wickedpride, the credit of this philanthropic enterprise will be transferredto our mother country. 

The preceding chapters show that it has been no uncommon thing forcolored men to be educated at English, German, Portuguese, and SpanishUniversities. 

In Boston there is an Infant School, three Primary Schools, and aGrammar School. The two last are, I believe, supported by the public;and this fact is highly creditable. 

I was much pleased with the late resolution awarding Franklin medals tothe colored pupils of the grammar school; and I was still more pleasedwith the laudable project, originated by Josiah Holbrook, Esq. , for theestablishment of a colored Lyceum. Surely a better spirit _is_ beginningto work in this cause; and when once begun, the good sense and goodfeeling of the community will bid it go on and prosper. How much thisspirit will have to contend with is illustrated by the following fact. When President Jackson entered this city, the white children of allthe schools were sent out in uniform, to do him honor. A member of theCommittee proposed that the pupils of the African schools should beinvited likewise; but he was the only one who voted for it. He thenproposed that the yeas and nays should be recorded; upon which, most ofthe gentlemen walked off, to prevent the question from being taken. Perhaps they felt an awkward consciousness of the incongeniality of suchproceedings with our republican institutions. By order of the Committeethe vacation of the African schools did not commence until the dayafter the procession of the white pupils; and a note to the instructerintimated that the pupils were not expected to appear on the Common. Thereason given was because "their numbers were so few;" but in privateconversation, fears were expressed lest their sable faces should giveoffence to our slaveholding President. In all probability the sight ofthe colored children would have been agreeable to General Jackson, andseemed more like home, than any thing he witnessed. 

In the theatre, it is not possible for respectable colored people toobtain a decent seat. They must either be excluded, or herd with thevicious. 

A fierce excitement prevailed, not long since, because a colored man hadbought a pew in one of our churches. I heard a very kind-hearted andzealous democrat declare his opinion that "the fellow ought to be turnedout by constables, if he dared to occupy the pew he had purchased. " Evenat the communion-table, the mockery of human pride is mingled with theworship of Jehovah. Again and again have I seen a solitary negro come upto the altar meekly and timidly, after all the white communicants hadretired. One Episcopal clergyman of this city, forms an honorableexception to this remark. When there is room at the altar, Mr. ----often makes a signal to the colored members of his church to kneelbeside their white brethren; and once, when two white infants and onecolored one were to be baptized, and the parents of the latter bashfullylingered far behind the others, he silently rebuked the unchristianspirit of pride, by first administering the holy ordinance to the littledark-skinned child of God. 

An instance of prejudice lately occurred, which I should find it hardto believe, did I not positively know it to be a fact. A gallery pewwas purchased in one of our churches for two hundred dollars. A fewSabbaths after, an address was delivered at that church, in favor ofthe Africans. Some colored people, who very naturally wished to hearthe discourse, went into the gallery; probably because they thoughtthey should be deemed less intrusive there than elsewhere. The man whohad recently bought a pew, found it occupied by colored people, andindignantly retired with his family. The next day, he purchased a pew inanother meeting-house, protesting that nothing would tempt him again tomake use of seats, that had been occupied by negroes. 

A well known country representative, who makes a very loud noise abouthis democracy, once attended the Catholic church. A pious negrorequested him to take off his hat, while he stood in the presence of theVirgin Mary. The white man rudely shoved him aside, saying, "You son ofan Ethiopian, do you dare to speak to me!" I more than once heard thehero repeat this story; and he seemed to take peculiar satisfaction intelling it. Had he been less ignorant, he would not have chosen "son ofan _Ethiopian_" as an _ignoble_ epithet; to have called the African hisown equal would have been abundantly more sarcastic. The same republicandismissed a strong, industrious colored man, who had been employed onthe farm during his absence. "I am too great a democrat, " quoth he, "to have any body in my house, who don't sit at my table; and I'll behanged, if I ever eat with the son of an Ethiopian. "

Men whose education leaves them less excuse for such illiberality, areyet vulgar enough to join in this ridiculous prejudice. The coloredwoman, whose daughter has been mentioned as excluded from a privateschool, was once smuggled into a stage, upon the supposition that shewas a white woman, with a sallow complexion. Her manners were modest andprepossessing, and the gentlemen were very polite to her. But when shestopped at her own door, and was handed out by her curly-headed husband, they were at once surprised and angry to find they had been riding witha mulatto--and had, in their ignorance, been really civil to her!

A worthy colored woman, belonging to an adjoining town, wished to comeinto Boston to attend upon a son, who was ill. She had a trunk with her, and was too feeble to walk. She begged permission to ride in the stage. But the passengers with _noble_ indignation, declared they would getout, if she were allowed to get in. After much entreaty, the driversuffered her to sit by him upon the box. When he entered the city, hiscomrades began to point and sneer. Not having sufficient moral courageto endure this, he left the poor woman, with her trunk, in the middle ofthe street, far from the place of her destination; telling her, with anoath, that he would not carry her a step further. 

A friend of mine lately wished to have a colored girl admitted into thestage with her, to take care of her babe. The girl was very lightlytinged with the sable hue, had handsome Indian features, and verypleasing manners. It was, however, evident that she was not white;and therefore the passengers objected to her company. This of course, produced a good deal of inconvenience on one side, and mortification onthe other. My friend repeated the circumstance to a lady, who, as thedaughter and wife of a clergyman, might be supposed to have imbibedsome liberality. The lady seemed to think the experiment was verypreposterous; but when my friend alluded to the mixed parentage of thegirl, she exclaimed, with generous enthusiasm, "Oh, that alters thecase, _Indians_ certainly _have_ their rights. "

Every year a colored gentleman and scholar is becoming less and lessof a rarity--thanks to the existence of the Haytian Republic, and theincreasing liberality of the world! Yet if a person of refinement fromHayti, Brazil, or other countries, which we deem less enlightened thanour own, should visit us, the very boys of this republic would dog hisfootsteps with the vulgar outcry of "Nigger! Nigger!" I have knownthis to be done, from no other provocation than the sight of a coloredman with the dress and deportment of a gentleman. Were it not thatrepublicanism, like Christianity, is often perverted from its truespirit by the bad passions of mankind, such things as these would makeevery honest mind disgusted with the very name of republics. 

I am acquainted with a gentleman from Brazil who is shrewd, enterprising, and respectable in character and manners; yet he hasexperienced almost every species of indignity on account of his color. Not long since, it became necessary for him to visit the southernshores of Massachusetts, to settle certain accounts connected with hisbusiness. His wife was in a feeble state of health, and the physicianshad recommended a voyage. For this reason, he took passage for herwith himself in the steam-boat; and the captain, as it appears, madeno objection to a colored gentleman's money. After remaining on decksome time, Mrs. ---- attempted to pass into the cabin; but the captainprevented her; saying, "You must go down forward. " The Brazilian urgedthat he had paid the customary price, and therefore his wife and infanthad a right to a place in the ladies' cabin. The captain answered, "Yourwife a'n't a lady; she is a nigger. " The forward cabin was occupied bysailors; was entirely without accommodations for women, and admitted thesea-water, so that a person could not sit in it comfortably withoutkeeping the feet raised in a chair. The husband stated that his wife'shealth would not admit of such exposure; to which the captain stillreplied, "I don't allow any niggers in my cabin. " With natural andhonest indignation, the Brazilian exclaimed, "You Americans talk aboutthe Poles! You are a great deal more Russian than the Russians. " Theaffair was concluded by placing the colored gentleman and his invalidwife on the shore, and leaving them to provide for themselves as theycould. Had the cabin been full, there would have been some excuse; butit was occupied only by two sailors' wives. The same individual sent fora relative in a distant town on account of illness in his family. Afterstaying several weeks, it became necessary for her to return; andhe procured a seat for her in the stage. The same ridiculous sceneoccurred; the passengers were afraid of losing their dignity by ridingwith a neat respectable person, whose face was darker than their own. Nopublic vehicle could be obtained, by which a colored citizen could beconveyed to her home; it therefore became absolutely necessary for thegentleman to leave his business and hire a chaise at great expense. Suchproceedings are really inexcusable. No authority can be found for themin religion, reason, or the laws. 

The Bible informs us that "a man of Ethiopia, a eunuch of greatauthority under Candace, Queen of the Ethiopians, who had charge of allher treasure, came to Jerusalem to worship. " Returning in his chariot, he read Esaias, the Prophet; and at his request Philip went up into thechariot and sat with him, explaining the Scriptures. Where should we nowfind an apostle, who would ride in the same chariot with an Ethiopian!

Will any candid person tell me why respectable colored people should notbe allowed to make use of public conveyances, open to all who are ableand willing to pay for the privilege? Those who enter a vessel, or astage-coach, cannot expect to select their companions. If they canafford to take a carriage or boat for themselves, then, and then only, they have a right to be exclusive. I was lately talking with a younggentleman on this subject, who professed to have no prejudice againstcolored people, except so far as they were ignorant and vulgar; butstill he could not tolerate the idea of allowing them to enter stagesand steam-boats. "Yet, you allow the same privilege to vulgar andignorant white men, without a murmur, " I replied; "Pray give a goodrepublican reason why a respectable colored citizen should be lessfavored. " For want of a better argument, he said--(pardon me, fastidiousreader)--he implied that the presence of colored persons was lessagreeable than Otto of Rose, or Eau de Cologne; and this distinction, he urged was made by God himself. I answered, "Whoever takes his chancein a public vehicle, is liable to meet with uncleanly white passengers, whose breath may be redolent with the fumes of American cigars, orAmerican gin. Neither of these articles have a fragrance peculiarlyagreeable to nerves of delicate organization. Allowing your argumentdouble the weight it deserves, it is utter nonsense to pretend that theinconvenience in the case I have supposed is not infinitely greater. Butwhat is more to the point, do you dine in a fashionable hotel, do yousail in a fashionable steam-boat, do you sup at a fashionable house, without having negro servants behind your chair. Would they be any moredisagreeable as _passengers_ seated in the corner of a stage, or asteam-boat, than as _waiters_ in such immediate attendance upon yourperson?"

Stage-drivers are very much perplexed when they attempt to vindicatethe present tyrannical customs; and they usually give up the point, bysaying they themselves have no prejudice against colored people--theyare merely afraid of the public. But stage-drivers should remember thatin a popular government, they, in common with every other citizen, forma part and portion of the dreaded public. 

The gold was never coined for which I would barter my individual freedomof acting and thinking upon any subject, or knowingly interfere with therights of the meanest human being. The only true courage is that whichimpels us to do right without regard to consequences. To fear a populaceis as servile as to fear an emperor. The only salutary restraint is thefear of doing wrong. 

Our representatives to Congress have repeatedly rode in a stage withcolored servants at the request of their masters. Whether this isbecause New-Englanders are willing to do out of courtesy to a Southerngentleman, what they object to doing from justice to a coloredcitizen, --or whether those representatives, being educated men, weremore than usually divested of this absurd prejudice, --I will not pretendto say. 

The state of public feeling not only makes it difficult for the Africansto obtain information, but it prevents them from making profitable useof what knowledge they have. A colored man, however intelligent, is notallowed to pursue any business more lucrative than that of a barber, a shoe-black, or a waiter. These, and all other employments, are trulyrespectable, whenever the duties connected with them are faithfullyperformed; but it is unjust that a man should, on account of hiscomplexion, be prevented from performing more elevated uses in society. Every citizen ought to have a fair chance to try his fortune in any lineof business, which he thinks he has ability to transact. Why should notcolored men be employed in the manufactories of various kinds? If theirignorance is an objection, let them be enlightened, as speedily aspossible. If their moral character is not sufficiently pure, remove thepressure of public scorn, and thus supply them with motives for beingrespectable. All this can be done. It merely requires an earnest wish toovercome a prejudice, which has "grown with our growth and strengthenedwith our strength, " but which is in fact opposed to the spirit of ourreligion, and contrary to the instinctive good feelings of our nature. When examined by the clear light of reason, it disappears. Prejudices ofall kinds have their strongest holds in the minds of the vulgar and theignorant. In a community so enlightened as our own, they must graduallymelt away under the influence of public discussion. There is no want ofkind feelings and liberal sentiments in the American people; the simplefact is, they have not _thought_ upon this subject. An active andenterprising community are not apt to concern themselves about laws andcustoms, which do not obviously interfere with their interests orconvenience; and various political and prudential motives have combinedto fetter free inquiry in this direction. Thus we have gone on, yearafter year, thoughtlessly sanctioning, by our silence and indifference, evils which our hearts and consciences are far enough from approving. 

It has been shown that no other people on earth indulge so strong aprejudice with regard to color, as we do. It is urged that negroes arecivilly treated in England, because their numbers are so few. I couldnever discover any great force in this argument. Colored people arecertainly not sufficiently rare in that country to be regarded as agreat show, like a giraffe, or a Sandwich Island king; and on the otherhand, it would seem natural that those who were more accustomed to thesight of dark faces would find their aversion diminished, rather thanincreased. 

The absence of prejudice in the Portuguese and Spanish settlements isaccounted for, by saying that the white people are very little superiorto the negroes in knowledge and refinement. But Doctor Walsh's bookcertainly gives us no reason to think meanly of the Brazilians; and ithas been my good fortune to be acquainted with many highly intelligentSouth Americans, who were divested of this prejudice, and much surprisedat its existence here. 

If the South Americans are really in such a low state as the argumentimplies, it is a still greater disgrace to us to be outdone inliberality and consistent republicanism by men so much less enlightenedthan ourselves. 

Pride will doubtless hold out with strength and adroitness against thebesiegers of its fortress; but it is an obvious truth that the conditionof the world is rapidly improving, and that our laws and customs mustchange with it. 

Neither ancient nor modern history furnishes a page more glorious thanthe last twenty years in England; for at every step, free principles, after a long and arduous struggle, have conquered selfishness andtyranny. Almost all great evils are resisted by individuals who directlysuffer injustice or inconvenience from them; but it is a peculiar beautyof the abolition cause that its defenders enter the lists againstwealth, and power, and talent, not to defend their own rights, but toprotect weak and injured neighbors, who are not allowed to speak forthemselves. 

Those who become interested in a cause laboring so heavily under thepressure of present unpopularity, must expect to be assailed by everyform of bitterness and sophistry. At times, discouraged and heart-sick, they will perhaps begin to doubt whether there are in reality anyunalterable principles of right and wrong. But let them cast asidethe fear of man, and keep their minds fixed on a few of the simple, unchangeable laws of God, and they will certainly receive strength tocontend with the adversary. 

Paragraphs in the Southern papers already begin to imply that the UnitedStates will not look tamely on, while England emancipates her slaves;and they inform us that the inspection of the naval stations has becomea subject of great importance since the recent measures of the BritishParliament. A republic declaring war with a monarchy, because she gavefreedom to her slaves, would indeed form a beautiful moral picture forthe admiration of the world!

Mr. Garrison was the first person who dared to edit a newspaper, inwhich slavery was spoken of as altogether wicked and inexcusable. Forthis crime the Legislature of Georgia have offered five thousand dollarsto any one who will "arrest and prosecute him to conviction _under thelaws of that State_. " An association of gentlemen in South Carolina havelikewise offered a large reward for the same object. It is, to say theleast, a very remarkable step for one State in this Union to promulgatesuch a law concerning a citizen of another State, merely for publishinghis opinions boldly. The disciples of Fanny Wright promulgate the mostzealous and virulent attacks upon Christianity, without any hindrancefrom the civil authorities; and this is done upon the truly rationalground that individual freedom of opinion ought to be respected--thatwhat is false cannot stand, and what is true cannot be overthrown. Weleave Christianity to take care of itself; but slavery is a "delicatesubject, "--and whoever attacks that must be punished. Mr. Garrison is adisinterested, intelligent, and remarkably pure-minded man, whose onlyfault is that he cannot be moderate on a subject which it is exceedinglydifficult for an honest mind to examine with calmness. Many who highlyrespect his character and motives, regret his tendency to use wholesaleand unqualified expressions; but it is something to have the truth told, even if it be not in the mildest way. Where an evil is powerfullysupported by the self-interest and prejudice of the community, none butan ardent individual will venture to meddle with it. Luther was deemedindiscreet even by those who liked him best; yet a more prudent manwould never have given an impetus sufficiently powerful to heave thegreat mass of corruption under which the church was buried. Mr. Garrisonhas certainly the merit of having first called public attention to aneglected and very important subject. [AL] I believe whoever fairly anddispassionately examines the question, will be more than disposed toforgive the occasional faults of an ardent temperament, in considerationof the difficulty of the undertaking, and the violence with which it hasbeen opposed. 

[Footnote AL: This remark is not intended to indicate want of respectfor the early exertions of the Friends, in their numerous manumissionsocieties; or for the efforts of that staunch, fearless, self-sacrificingfriend of freedom--Benjamin Lundy; but Mr. Garrison was the first thatboldly attacked slavery as a sin, and Colonization as its twin sister. ]

The palliator of slavery assures the abolitionists that theirbenevolence is perfectly quixotic--that the negroes are happy andcontented, and have no desire to change their lot. An answer to thismay, as I have already said, be found in the Judicial Reports ofslaveholding States, in the vigilance of their laws, in advertisementsfor runaway slaves, and in the details of their own newspapers. The WestIndia planters make the same protestations concerning the happiness oftheir slaves; yet the cruelties proved by undoubted and unanswerabletestimony are enough to sicken the heart. It is said that slavery isa great deal worse in the West Indies than in the United States; but Ibelieve precisely the reverse of this proposition has been true withinlate years; for the English government have been earnestly trying toatone for their guilt, by the introduction of laws expressly framed toguard the weak and defenceless. A gentleman who has been a great dealamong the planters of both countries, and who is by no means favorableto anti-slavery, gives it as his decided opinion that the slaves arebetter off in the West Indies, than they are in the United States. Itis true we hear a great deal more about West Indian cruelty than we doabout our own. English books and periodicals are continually full ofthe subject; and even in the colonies, newspapers openly denounce thehateful system, and take every opportunity to prove the amount ofwretchedness it produces. In this country, we have not, until veryrecently, dared to publish any thing upon the subject. Our books, ourreviews, our newspapers, our almanacs, have all been silent, or exertedtheir influence on the wrong side. The negro's crimes are repeated, buthis sufferings are never told. Even in our geographies it is taught thatthe colored race _must_ always be degraded. Now and then anecdotes ofcruelties committed in the slaveholding States are told by individualswho witnessed them; but they are almost always afraid to give theirnames to the public, because the Southerners will call them "a disgraceto the soil, " and the Northerners will echo the sentiment. Thepromptitude and earnestness with which New-England has aided theslaveholders in repressing all discussions which they were desirous toavoid, has called forth many expressions of gratitude in their publicspeeches, and private conversation; and truly we have well earnedRandolph's favorite appellation, "the white slaves of the North, " byour tameness and servility with regard to a subject where good feelingand good principle alike demand a firm and independent spirit. 

We are told that the Southerners will of themselves do away slavery, andthey alone understand how to do it. But it is an obvious fact that alltheir measures have tended to perpetuate the system; and even if we havethe fullest faith that they mean to do their duty, the belief by nomeans absolves us from doing ours. The evil is gigantic; and its removalrequires every heart and head in the community. 

It is said that our sympathies ought to be given to the masters, who areabundantly more to be pitied than the slaves. If this be the case, theplanters are singularly disinterested not to change places with theirbondmen. Our sympathies _have_ been given to the masters--and to thosemasters who seemed most desirous to remain for ever in their pitiablecondition. There are hearts at the South sincerely desirous of doingright in this cause; but their generous impulses are checked by thelaws of their respective States, and the strong disapprobation of theirneighbors. I know a lady in Georgia who would, I believe, make anypersonal sacrifice to instruct her slaves, and give them freedom; butif she were found guilty of teaching the alphabet, or manumitting herslaves, fines and imprisonment would be the consequence; if she soldthem, they would be likely to fall into hands less merciful than herown. Of such slave-owners we cannot speak with too much respect andtenderness. They are comparatively few in number, and stand in a mostperplexing situation; it is a duty to give all our sympathy to _them_. It is mere mockery to say, what is so often said, that the Southerners, as a body, really wish to abolish slavery. If they wished it, theycertainly would make the attempt. When the majority heartily desire achange, it is effected, be the difficulties what they may. The Americansare peculiarly responsible for the example they give; for in no othercountry does the unchecked voice of the people constitute the whole ofgovernment. 

We must not be induced to excuse slavery by the plausible argument thatEngland introduced it among us. The wickedness of beginning such a workunquestionably belongs to her; the sin of continuing it is certainlyour own. It is true that Virginia, while a province, did petitionthe British government to check the introduction of slaves into thecolonies; and their refusal to do so was afterward enumerated among thepublic reasons for separating from the mother country: but it is equallytrue that when we became independent, the Southern States stipulatedthat the slave-trade should not be abolished by law until 1808. 

The strongest and best reason that can be given for our supineness onthe subject of slavery, is the fear of dissolving the Union. TheConstitution of the United States demands our highest reverence. Thosewho approve, and those who disapprove of particular portions, areequally bound to yield implicit obedience to its authority. But we mustnot forget that the Constitution provides for any change that may berequired for the general good. The great machine is constructed witha safety-valve, by which any rapidly increasing evil may be expelledwhenever the people desire it. 

If the Southern politicians are determined to make a Siamese questionof this also--if they insist that the Union shall not exist withoutslavery--it can only be said that they join two things, which have noaffinity with each other, and which cannot permanently exist together. They chain the living and vigorous to the diseased and dying; and theformer will assuredly perish in the infected neighborhood. 

The universal introduction of free labor is the surest way toconsolidate the Union, and enable us to live together in harmony andpeace. If a history is ever written entitled "The Decay and Dissolutionof the North American Republic, " its author will distinctly trace ourdownfall to the existence of slavery among us. 

There is hardly any thing bad, in politics or religion, that has notbeen sanctioned or tolerated by a suffering community, because certainpowerful individuals were able to identify the evil with some otherprinciple long consecrated to the hearts and consciences of men. 

Under all circumstances, there is but one honest course; and that is todo right, and trust the consequences to Divine Providence. "Duties areours; events are God's. " Policy, with all her cunning, can devise norule so safe, salutary, and effective, as this simple maxim. 

We cannot too cautiously examine arguments and excuses brought forwardby those whose interest or convenience is connected with keeping theirfellow-creatures in a state of ignorance and brutality; and such weshall find in abundance, at the North as well as the South. I have heardthe abolition of slavery condemned on the ground that New-Englandvessels would not be employed to export the produce of the South, ifthey had free laborers of their own. This objection is so utterly badin its spirit, that it hardly deserves an answer. Assuredly it is arighteous plan to retard the progress of liberal principles, and "keephuman nature for ever in the stocks, " that some individuals may make afew hundred dollars more per annum! Besides the experience of the worldabundantly proves that all such forced expedients are unwise. Theincreased prosperity of one country, or of one section of a country, always contributes, in some form or other, to the prosperity of otherstates. To "love our neighbor as ourselves, " is, after all, theshrewdest way of doing business. 

In England, the abolition of the _traffic_ was long and stoutlyresisted, in the same spirit, and by the same arguments, thatcharacterize the defence of the _system_ here; but it would now bedifficult to find a man so reckless, that he would not be ashamed ofbeing called a slave-dealer. Public opinion has nearly conquered oneevil, and if rightly directed, it will ultimately subdue the other. 

Is it asked what can be done? I answer, much, very much, can beeffected, if each individual will try to deserve the commendationbestowed by our Saviour on the woman of old--"She hath done what shecould. "

The Friends, --always remarkable for fearless obedience to the inwardlight of conscience, --early gave an example worthy of being followed. At their annual meeting in Pennsylvania, in 1688, many individualsurged the incompatibility of slavery and Christianity; and their zealcontinued until, in 1776, all Quakers who bought or sold a slave, orrefused to emancipate those they already owned, were excluded fromcommunion with the society. Had it not been for the early exertions ofthese excellent people, the fair and flourishing State of Pennsylvaniamight now, perchance, be withering under the effects of slavery. Tothis day, the Society of Friends, both in England and America, omit noopportunity, public or private, of discountenancing this bad system; andthe Methodists (at least in England) have earnestly labored in the sameglorious cause. 

The famous Anthony Benezet, a Quaker in Philadelphia, has left us anoble example of what may be done for conscience' sake. Being a teacher, he took effectual care that his scholars should have ample knowledgeand christian impressions concerning the nature of slavery; he causedarticles to be inserted in the almanacs likely to arrest publicattention upon the subject; he talked about it, and wrote letters aboutit; he published and distributed tracts at his own expense; if anyperson was going a journey, his first thought was how he could make himinstrumental in favor of his benevolent purposes; he addressed apetition to the Queen for the suppression of the slave-trade; andanother to the good Countess of Huntingdon, beseeching that the rice andindigo plantations belonging to the orphan-house, which she had endowednear Savannah, in Georgia, might not be cultivated by those whoencouraged the slave-trade; he took care to increase the comforts andelevate the character of the colored people within his influence; hezealously promoted the establishment of an African school, and devotedmuch of the two last years of his life to personal attendance upon hispupils. By fifty years of constant industry he had amassed a smallfortune; and this was left after the decease of his widow, to thesupport of the African school. 

Similar exertions, though on a less extensive scale, were made by thelate excellent John Kenrick, of Newton, Mass. For more than thirty yearsthe constant object of his thoughts, and the chief purpose of his life, was the abolition of slavery. His earnest conversation aroused manyother minds to think and act upon the subject. He wrote letters, inserted articles in the newspapers, gave liberal donations, andcirculated pamphlets at his own expense. 

Cowper contributed much to the cause when he wrote the "Negro'sComplaint, " and thus excited the compassion of his numerous readers. Wedgewood aided the work, when he caused cameos to be struck, representing a kneeling African in chains, and thus made evencapricious fashion an avenue to the heart. Clarkson assisted by patientinvestigation of evidence; and Fox and Wilberforce by eloquent speeches. Mungo Park gave his powerful influence by the kind and liberal mannerin which he always represented the Africans. The Duchess of Devonshirewrote verses and caused them to be set to music; and wherever thoselines were sung, some hearts were touched in favor of the oppressed. This fascinating woman made even her far-famed beauty serve in the causeof benevolence. Fox was returned for Parliament through her influence, and she is said to have procured more than one vote, by allowing theyeomanry of England to kiss her beautiful cheek. 

All are not able to do so much as Anthony Benezet and John Kenrick havedone; but we can all do something. We can speak kindly and respectfullyof colored people upon all occasions; we can repeat to our children suchtraits as are honorable in their character and history; we can avoidmaking odious caricatures of negroes; we can teach boys that it isunmanly and contemptible to insult an unfortunate class of people by thevulgar outcry of "Nigger!--Nigger!" Even Mahmoud of Turkey rivals us inliberality--for he long ago ordered a fine to be levied upon those whocalled a Christian a dog; and in his dominions the _prejudice_ is sogreat that a Christian must be a degraded being. A residence in Turkeymight be profitable to those Christians who patronize the eternity ofprejudice; it would afford an opportunity of testing the goodness of therule, by showing how it works both ways. 

If we are not able to contribute to African schools, or do not choose todo so, we can at least refrain from opposing them. If it be disagreeableto allow colored people the same rights and privileges as othercitizens, we can do with our prejudice, what most of us often do withbetter feeling--we can conceal it. 

Our almanacs and newspapers can fairly show both sides of the question;and if they lean to either party, let it not be to the strongest. Ourpreachers can speak of slavery, as they do of other evils. Our poets canfind in this subject abundant room for sentiment and pathos. Our orators(provided they do not want office) may venture an allusion to our_in_-"glorious institutions. "

The union of individual influence produces a vast amount of moral force, which is not the less powerful because it is often unperceived. Amere change in the _direction_ of our efforts, without any increasedexertion, would in the course of a few years, produce an entirerevolution of public feeling. This slow but sure way of doing good isalmost the only means by which benevolence can effect its purpose. 

_Sixty thousands_ petitions have been addressed to the Englishparliament on the subject of slavery, and a large number of them weresigned by women. The same steps here would be, with one exception, useless and injudicious; because the general government has no controlover the legislatures of individual States. But the District of Columbiaforms an exception to this rule. _There_ the United States have powerto abolish slavery; and it is the duty of the citizens to petitionyear after year, until a reformation is effected. But who will presentremonstrances against slavery? The Hon. John Q. Adams was intrusted withfifteen petitions for the abolition of slavery in the District ofColumbia; yet clearly as that gentleman sees and defines the perniciouseffects of the system, he offered the petitions only to protest againstthem! Another petition to the same effect, intrusted to anotherMassachusetts representative, was never noticed at all. "Brutus is anhonorable man:--So are they all--all honorable men. " Nevertheless, thereis, in this popular government, a subject on which it is _impossible_for the people to make themselves heard. 

By publishing this book I have put my mite into the treasury. Theexpectation of displeasing all classes has not been unaccompanied withpain. But it has been strongly impressed upon my mind that it was a dutyto fulfil this task; and worldly considerations should never stifle thevoice of conscience. 

THE END. 

INDEX. 

 Adams, John, 109

 Adams, J. Quincy, 109

 Africa benighted by Slavery, 9

 African Repository, Extracts from, 123, 133, 137

 African Individuals of distinction, 157 to 167

 Amalgamation, 132, 200

 Ancient and Modern Slavery compared, 38

 Anti-Slavery Society, 142

 Appleton, Mr. 78

 Baptism supposed to confer freedom, 58

 Bible opposed to slavery, 32

 Blood-hounds, 27

 Brown, Moses, 98

 Brodnax, Mr. 79

 Capt. Riley, 73

 Charles 5th, refused to sanction the slave-trade, 8

 Child follows the condition of its mother, 40

 Christianity abolished slavery, 58

 Clay, Henry, 77, 136

 Clothing of Slaves, 44

 Code Noir, 46, 49, 54

 Colonization, 123

 Cruelties to Slaves, 17, 24, 26, 28

 Devonshire, Duchess of, 215

 Democracy of the North, 112

 District of Columbia, 216

 Duelling, 113

 Dymond, Jonathan, 147

 Eastern and Western Virginia, 119

 Effect of Slavery on the Masters, 22

 Egyptians, 149

 Elizabeth of England tolerated the trade, 8

 Emancipation safe, 87

 English formerly sold to Irish, 58

 Entailed upon us by England, 75

 Ethiopians, 149

 Everett, Alexander H. 176

 Evidence of colored persons not admitted, 45, 48

 Faulkner, Mr. 79

 Female slaves unprotected, 23

 Fierceness and pride induced by Slavery, 113

 Food of Slaves, 44

 French planter's ideas of religion for Slaves, 58

 Free Labor, 76

 Garrison, Mr. 209

 Gentoo Code, 52

 Gholson, Mr. 102

 Grecian Slavery, 47, 53, 54, 56

 Happiness of Slaves, 140

 Hayne, Mr. 103

 Hayti, 86, 121

 Hebrews, 48, 52, 55

 Helots, 47

 Humanity of masters, how far a protection, 72

 Indian treatment of Slaves, 46

 Inequality of laws for offences, 60

 Insurrections, 194

 Intellect of Africans, 151, 170

 Internal slave-trade, 33

 Interest to treat slaves well, 30

 Jefferson, Thomas, 22

 Kenrick, John, 215

 Kidnapping, 34, 65

 Labor compulsory and uncompensated, 41

 Lafayette, 97

 Laws regulating labor, 43, 44

 Laws obstruct emancipation, 54

 Laws to perpetuate ignorance, 59, 67, 70

 Laws against Free Colored People, 63

 Louis 13th, 8

 Marriages, laws concerning, 196

 Martineau, Harriet, 83

 Masters have absolute power to punish, 49

 Miller, Gov. Of S. Carolina, 103

 Missouri Question, 120

 Moral Character of Africans, 177

 Moss, Mary and Helen, 24

 New-England kept in check by jealousy of the Slave States, 114

 North and South, 31

 Ohio and Kentucky, 86

 Offences punished in Slaves, 61

 Park, Mungo, 177

 Pauperism, comparative in West Indies, 90

 Petitions, 216

 Pinckney, Charles, 108

 Political power of Slave States, 111

 Portuguese, 7, 48, 54

 Prejudice against color almost unknown in other countries, 135, 208

 Prejudice cherished by Colonization, 133

 Prejudice, instances of, 198 to 209

 Quakers, 213

 Religious privileges of Slaves, 57

 Roane, Mr. 139

 Roman Slaves, 47, 54, 55

 Runaways, 62, 71

 Sectional dislike, 121

 Slave Trade, beginning of, 7

 Slave Ship, description of, 12

 Slave Trade, cruelties of, 17

 Slave Trade defended in House of Commons, 19

 Slave Trade sanctioned by Constitution of the United States for twenty years, 36

 Slave cut in pieces, 26

 Slave Codes, different degrees of mildness, 39

 Slavery, hereditary and perpetual, 42

 Slaves cannot own property, 46, 71

 Slaves considered as chattels, 45

 Slaves in Africa, 48

 Slaves never allowed to resist, 52

 Slaves in U. S. Cannot redeem themselves, 53

 Slaves unprotected in domestic relations, 54

 Slave Representation, 105

 Slavery veiled in the Constitution, 106

 Son, who murdered his father to obtain freedom, 23

 Southerners do not desire the abolition of Slavery, 100

 Southerner, conversation with, 139

 Spanish Slaves, 7, 48, 54, 56

 St. Domingo, 86

 Sutcliff's Travels, 81

 Toussaint L'Ouverture, 166

 Turkey, 56

 Union, 119

 Washington's Slaves, 96

 Washington had doubts, 107

 Wirt, William, 102

 Wright, Gov. Of Maryland, 106

 Zhinga, 154

Transcriber's Note

This ebook retains the spelling variations and inconsistencies of theoriginal document. Where corrections to quotation marks seemed necessary, changes were made, as detailed below. However, quotation-mark usage inthis text is variable. Some quoted passages have end-quotes after eachparagraph; some after only the final paragraph quoted. This style matchesthat of the original document published in 1836. 

The following typographical corrections have been made to this text:

 Title Page: Added missing quotation marks (Our brethren!")

 P. 7: Added missing end punctuation (Wordsworth. )

 P. 9: Changed igenuity to ingenuity (excite industry and ingenuity) Changed diastrous to disastrous (have been most disastrous) Changed intercouse to intercourse (intercourse with Europeans)

 P. 10: Added missing end punctuation (spears of the enemy. )

 P. 12: Changed 'two' to 'too' (becomes almost too harrowing)

 P. 14: Added missing quotation marks ("The officers insisted) Changed kness to knees (against our knees)

 P. 16: Changed stong to strong (a very strong party) Changed consequnce to consequence (consequence of the severe) Added missing quotation marks (old candle-boxes. ")

 P. 23: Changed consience to conscience (a matter of conscience)

 P. 26: Changed Jeferson's to Jefferson's (the son of Jefferson's)

 P. 33: Added missing quotation marks (for safe-keeping. ")

 P. 46: Added missing quotation marks ("All that a slave)

 P. 51: Added missing comma (his or her master, mistress)

 P. 60: Added missing quotation marks (_at least nine_. ")

 P. 85: A set of quotation marks appears omitted but it was not possible to determine where they were to have been added. 

 P. 99: Changed agreeaable to agreeable (an agreeable novelty)

 P. 137: Changed 'them-themselves' to 'themselves' (pledge themselves) Removed stray quotation marks (their _qualifications_?)

 P. 145: Removed duplicate word 'been' (to have been the meekest)

 P. 146: Changed opnion to opinion (influences public opinion)

 P. 157: Added missing end punctuation (in the year 1734. )

 P. 159: Changed Geoffrroy to Geoffroy (Lislet Geoffroy)

 P. 183: Added missing punctuation (to negro property; what would)

 P. 192: Added missing quotation marks ("among one hundred)

 P. 195: Added missing quotation marks (your honor, " said the Corporal)

 P. 211: Changed 'to' to 'too' (too much respect)

 P. 216: Changed onr to our (an allusion to our)