DOCUMENTS AND NARRATIVES CONCERNING THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF LATIN AMERICA

 PUBLISHED BY THE CORTES SOCIETY NEW YORK

 NUMBER TWO

 _Edition limited to 250 copies of which ten are on Kelmscott paper_

 _This copy is Number_

 85

 AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONQUEST OF PERU

 WRITTEN BY PEDRO SANCHO

 SECRETARY TO PIZARRO AND SCRIVENER TO HIS ARMY

 TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH AND ANNOTATED BY PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS

 THE CORTES SOCIETY NEW YORK 1917

COCKAYNE, BOSTON

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE

The work of Pedro Sancho is one of the most valuable accounts of theSpanish conquest of Peru that we possess. Nor is its value purelyhistorical. The "Relación" of Sancho gives much interesting ethnologicalinformation relative to the Inca dominion at the time of its demolition. Errors Pedro Sancho has in plenty; but the editor has striven tocounteract them by footnotes. 

In every instance the translator has preserved Pedro Sancho's spellingof proper names, calling attention to the modern equivalent on the firstoccurrence of each name. In a few instances, where the text wasunusually obscure, close translation has not been adhered to. 

The virtues, as well as the shortcomings of this account, are so obviousthat an extended reference to them here is superfluous. It must alwaysbe borne in mind that this document partook of the nature of an"_apologia pro vita sua_" and that it was directly inspired by Pizarrohimself with the purpose of restoring himself to the Emperor's favor. Its main purpose was to nullify whatever charges Pizarro's enemies mayhave been making to the sovereign. Consequently there are numerousviolations of the truth, all of which are, for us, easy to recognize. 

A word as to the previous editions of Pedro Sancho may not be out ofplace here. The original manuscript is lost. An Italian translation ofit appears in the "Viaggi" of Giovanni Battista or Giambattista Ramusio, published in Venice about 1550. The numerous editions of Ramusio's greatwork do not need to be listed here. Occasionally the translator hasreferred to that of 1563, a copy of which is in his possession. Theedition which has served as a text for the present translation is thatissued and edited by Don Joaquin García Icazbalceta, Mexico, 1849. Thisedition, like all of Icazbalceta's work, is painstaking. ProfessorMarshall Saville has been good enough to lend me his copy of thisedition, which is very rare, in order that I might have it to work with. Finally, a small portion of Pedro Sancho's narrative was issued by theHakluyt Society of London. The editor, Sir Clements Markham, included itin the same volume with the reports of Xeres, Miguel de Estete, HernandoPizarro. The volume, entitled "Reports on the Discovery of Peru, " wasissued by the Hakluyt Society in 1872. 

 PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS October 9, 1916

RELATION

Of the events that took place during the conquest and pacification ofthese provinces of New Castile, and of the quality of the land, and ofthe manner in which the Captain Hernando Pizarro afterward departed tobear to His Majesty the account of the victory of Caxamalca[1] and ofthe capture of the Cacique Atabalipa. [2]

CHAPTER I

 Concerning the great quantity of silver and gold which was brought from Cuzco, and of the portion thereof which was sent to H. M. The emperor as the royal fifth: How the imprisoned Cacique Atabalipa declared himself free of his promise which he had made to the Spaniards to fill a house with gold for ransom: And of the treason which the said Atabalipa meditated against the Spaniards, for which betrayal they made him die. 

The Captain Hernando Pizarro had departed with the hundred thousandpesos of gold and the five thousand marks of silver which were sent toHis Majesty as his royal fifth; after that event, some ten or twelvedays, the two Spaniards who were bringing gold from Cuzco arrived, andpart of the gold was melted at once because it was in very small pieces;it equalled the sum of[3] ... Five hundred-odd plates of gold torn fromsome house-walls in Cuzco; and even the smallest plates weighed four orfive pounds apiece; other, larger ones, weighed ten or twelve pounds, and with plates of this sort all the walls of that temple were covered. They brought also a seat of very fine gold, worked into the form of afoot-stool, which weighed eighteen thousand _pesos_. [4] Likewise, theybrought a fountain all of gold and very subtilely worked which was veryfair to see as much for the skill of the work as for the shape which ithad been given; and there were many other pieces such as vases, jars, and plates which they also brought. All this gold gave a quantity whichcame to two millions and a half [_pesos_], which, on being refined topure gold, came to one million, three hundred and twenty-odd thousandpesos, from which was subtracted the fifth of His Majesty, or, twohundred and seventy-odd thousand pesos. Fifty thousand marks of silverwere found, of which ten thousand were set aside for H. M. One hundredand seventy thousand pesos and five thousand marks were handed over tothe treasurer of H. M. The remaining hundred thousand pesos and fivemarks were taken, as has been said, by Hernando Pizarro to help meetthe expenses which His Caesarian Majesty was encountering in the waragainst the Turks, enemies of our Holy Faith, as they say. All thatremained, beyond the royal fifth, was divided among the soldiers andcompanions of the Governor. He gave to each one what he conscientiouslythought he justly merited, taking into consideration the trials each manhad passed through and the quality of his person, all of which he didwith the greatest diligence and speed possible in order that they mightset out from that place and go to the city of Xauxa. [5]

And because there were among those soldiers some who were old and morefit for rest than for fatigues, and who in that war had fought andserved much, he gave them leave to return to Spain. He procured theirgood will so that, on returning, these men would give fairer accounts ofthe greatness and wealth of that land so that a sufficient number ofpeople would come thither to populate and advance it. For, in truth, the land being very large and very full of natives, the Spaniards whowere in it then were all too few for conquering it, holding it andsettling it, and, although they had already done great things inconquering it, it was owing more to the aid of God who, in every placeand occasion, gave them the victory, than to any strength and meanswhich they had for succeeding, with that further aid they were confidentHe would sustain them in the future. 

That melting of the metals completed, the Governor commanded the notaryto draw up a document in which it said that the cacique Atabalipa wasfree and absolved from the promise and word which he had given to theSpaniards, who were to take the house full of gold in ransom forhimself. This document the Governor caused to be proclaimed publicly andto the sound of trumpets in the plaza of that city of Caxamalca, makingit known, at the same time, to the said Atabalipa by means of aninterpreter, and also he [the Governor] declared in the sameproclamation, that, because it suited the service of H. M. And thesecurity of the land, he wished to maintain the cacique as a prisonerwith good guard, until more Spaniards should arrive who should giveadded security; for, the cacique being free, he being so great a lordand having so many soldiers who feared and obeyed him, prisoner thoughhe was, and three hundred leagues [from his capital], he could not welldo less in order to free himself from all suspicion; all the more sobecause many times it had been thought almost certain that he had givenorders for warriors to assemble to attack the Spaniards. This, as amatter of fact, had been ordered by him, and the men were all inreadiness with their captains, and the cacique only delayed the attackbecause of the lack of freedom in his own person and in that of hisgeneral Chilichuchima, [6] who was also a prisoner. After some days hadpassed, and when the Spaniards were on the point of embarking in orderto return to Spain, and the Governor was making the rest ready forsetting out for Xauxa, God Our Lord, who with his infinite goodness wasguiding affairs toward all that was best for his service, as will be[seen], having already in this land Spaniards who were to inhabit it andbring to the knowledge of _the true God_ the natives of the said land sothat Our Lord might always be praised and known by these barbarians andso that his Holy Faith might be extolled, permitted the discovery andchastisement of the evil plans which this proud tyrant had in mind as areturn for the many good works and kind treatment which he had alwaysreceived from the governor and from each one of the Spaniards of hiscompany; which recompense, according to his intention, was to have beenof the sort he was wont to give to the caciques and lords of the land, ordering [his men] to kill without let or cause whatever. For it chancedthat our discharged soldiers [were] returning to Spain, he, seeing thatthey were taking with them the gold that had been got from his land, and mindful of the fact that but a short while ago he had been so greata lord that he held all those provinces with their riches withoutdispute or question, and without considering the just causes for whichthey had despoiled him of them, had given orders that certain troopswho, by his command, had been assembled in the land of Quito, shouldcome, on a certain night at an hour agreed upon, to attack the Spaniardswho were at Caxamalca, assaulting them from five directions as they werein their quarters, and setting fire wherever possible. Thirty or moreSpanish soldiers were marching outside of Caxamalca, having been to thecity of San Miguel in order to place the gold for H. M. On board ship, and [the Inca] believed that as they were so few he would be able easilyto kill them before they could join forces with those in Caxamalca[7]... Of which there was much information from many caciques and fromtheir chiefs themselves, that all, without fear of torments or menaces, voluntarily confessed this plot: [telling] how fifty thousand men ofQuito and many Caribes[8] came to the land, and that all the confinescontained armed men in great numbers; that, not finding supplies forthem all thus united, he had divided them into three or four divisions, and that, though scattered in this fashion, there were still so manythat not finding enough to sustain themselves, they had cut down thestill green maize and dried it so that they might not lack for food. Allthis having been learned, and being now a public matter to all, and asit was clear that they were saying in his [the Inca's] army that theywere coming to kill all the Christians, and the governor seeing in howmuch peril the government and all the Spaniards were, in order tofurnish a remedy, although it grieved him much, nevertheless, afterseeing the information and process drawn up, assembled the officials ofH. M. And the captains of his company and a Doctor who was then in thisarmy, and the padre Fray Vicente de Valverde, a religious of the orderof Santo Domingo sent by the Emperor our Lord for the conversion andinstruction of the people of these realms; after there had been muchdebate and discussion over the harm and the profit that might followupon the continued life or the death of Atabalipa, it was resolved thatjustice should be done upon him. And because the officials of H. M. Asked for it and the doctor regarded the information as sufficient, hewas finally taken from the prison in which he was, and, to the sound ofa trumpet, his treason and perfidy were published, and he was borne tothe middle of the plaza of the city and tied to a stake, while thereligious was consoling him and teaching him, by means of aninterpreter, the things of our christian faith, telling him that Godwished him to die for the sins which he had committed in the world, andthat he must repent of them, and that God would pardon him if he did soand was baptised at once. He, [the Inca] moved by this discourse, askedfor baptism. It was at once given to him by that reverend padre whoaided him so much with his exhortation that although he was sentenced tobe burned alive, he was given a twist of rope around his neck, by meansof which he was throttled instead[9] but when he saw that they werepreparing for his death, he said that he recommended to the governor hislittle sons, so that he might take them with him, and with these lastwords, and while the Spaniards who stood around him said the creed forhis soul, he was quickly throttled. May God take him to his holy glory, for he died repentant of his sins with the true faith of a Christian. After he was thus hung, in fulfilment of the sentence, fire was castupon him so that a part of his clothes and flesh was burnt. That night[because he had died in the late afternoon] his body remained in theplaza in order that all might learn of his death, and on the next daythe Governor ordered that all the Spaniards should be present at hisinterment, and, with the cross and other religious paraphernalia, hewas borne to the church and buried with as much solemnity as if he hadbeen the chief Spaniard of our camp. Because of this all the principallords and caciques who served him received great pleasure, consideringas great the honour which was done them, and knowing that, because hewas a christian, he was not burned alive, and he was interred in churchas if he were a Spaniard. 

CHAPTER II

 They choose as lord of the state of Atabalipa his brother Atabalipa[10] in whose coronation they observed ceremonies in accordance with the usage of the caciques of those provinces. Of the vassalage and obedience which Atabalipa and many other caciques offered to the Emperor. 

This done, the governor commanded the immediate assembling in the chiefplaza of that city of all the caciques and principal lords who were thenliving there in company with the dead lord; they were many, and fromdistant lands, and his intention was to give them another lord whoshould govern them in the name of H. M. , for, as they were accustomed togive always their obedience and tribute to a sole lord, great confusionwould result if it were not thus, for each of them would rise up withhis own lordship, and it would cost much toil to bring them intofriendship with the Spaniards and into the service of H. M. For this andmany other reasons the Governor made them assemble, and finding amongthem a son of Gucunacaba[11] called Atabalipa, a brother of Atabalipa towhom by law the realm belonged, he said to all that now that they sawhow Atabalipa was dead because of the treason he had plotted against him[the Governor], and because they were all left without a lord who shouldgovern them and whom they should obey, he wished to give them a lord whowould please them all, and that he [the lord] was Atabalipa who wasthere present, to whom that kingdom legitimately belonged as he was theson of that Gucunacaba whom they had loved so much. He [Atabalipa] was ayoung man who would treat them with much love and who had enoughprudence to govern that land. He [the Governor] urged them, nevertheless, to look well to it that they wished him for a lord, for ifnot, they were to name another, and if he were capable, the governorwould give him to them as lord. They replied that since Atabalipa wasdead, they would obey Atabalipa or whomever else he should give them, and so it was arranged that they should yield obedience another dayaccording to the accustomed manner. When the next day had come, oncemore they all assembled before the door of the governor where was placedthe cacique in his chair and near him all the other lords and chiefs, each in his proper position. And due ceremonies having been held, eachone came to offer him a white plume as a sign of vassalage and tribute, which is an ancient custom dating from the time that this land wasconquered by these Cuzcos. [12] This done, they sang and danced, making agreat festivity, in which the new king neither arrayed himself inclothes of price nor placed the fringe upon the forehead in the mannerin which the dead lord was wont to wear it. And when the governor askedhim why he did so, he replied that it was the custom of his ancestorswhen they took possession of the realm to mourn the dead cacique and topass three days in fasting, shut up within their house, after which theyused to come forth with much pomp and solemnity and hold greatfestivities, for which reason he, too, would like to spend two days infasting. The Governor replied that since it was an ancient custom hemight keep it, and that soon he would give him many things which theEmperor our Lord sent to him, which he would give to him and to all thelords of those provinces. And at once the cacique was placed for hisfast in a place apart from the assembly of the others, which was a housethat they had built for this purpose since the day that notice was givenby the Governor; it was near the Governor's lodging; on account of itthe said Governor and the other Spaniards were greatly astonished, seeing how, in so short a time, so large and fine a house had beenbuilt. In it he was shut up and retired without anyone's seeing him orentering that place save the servants who waited on him and brought himfood, or the Governor when he wished to send him something. When thefast was over, he came forth richly clad and accompanied by many troops, caciques and chiefs who guarded him, and all the places where he was tosit were adorned with costly cushions, and beneath his feet were placedfine cloths. Seated near him was Calichuchima, the great general ofAtabalipa who conquered this land, as was told in the account of theaffairs at Caxamalca, and near him was also the captain Tice, one of thechiefs, and on the other side were certain brothers of the lord, whileon both hands were other caciques and captains and governors ofprovinces and other lords of great lands, and, in short, no one satthere who was not of quality. They all ate together on the ground, forthey use no other table, and when they had eaten, the cacique said thathe wished to give his obedience in the name of H. M. , as his chiefs hadgiven it. The Governor told him to do it in the way that seemed best, and soon he [the cacique] offered him [the governor] a white plumewhich had been given to him by his caciques, saying that it was given asa token of obedience. The Governor embraced him with much love andreceived it, saying that he wished to tell him the things which he wasto tell in the name of the Emperor, and it was agreed between the twothat they should meet again for this purpose the following day. When ithad arrived, the Governor presented himself in the assembly dressed aswell as possible in silken clothes and accompanied by the officials ofH. M. And by some noblemen of his company who assisted well-dressed forthe greater solemnity of this ceremony of friendship and peace, and byhis side he stationed the ensign with the royal standard. Then theGovernor began asking each [cacique] in turn his name and that of theland of which he was the lord, and he ordered that it be taken down byhis secretary and scrivener, and there were as many as fifty caciquesand chiefs. Then, facing all those people, he told them that D. Carlosour lord of whom they were servants and vassals who were in hiscompany, had sent him to that land in order to give them understandingand to preach to them of how a sole Lord Creator of the sky and of theearth, Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, three distinct persons in one soletrue God, had created them and given them life and being, and hadbrought to bear the fruits of the land whereby they were sustained, andthat to this end he would teach them what they were to do and observe inorder to be saved. And he told them how, by the command of theall-powerful God, and of his vicars upon earth, because he had gone toheaven where he now dwells and will be eternally glorified, those landswere given to the Emperor in order that he might have charge of them, who had sent him [Pizarro] to instruct them in the christian faith andplace them under his obedience. He added that it was all in writing andthat they should listen to it and fulfil that which he had read to them, by means of an interpreter, word for word. Then he asked them if theyhad understood, and they replied that they had, and that since he hadgiven them Atabalipa for a lord, they would do all that he commandedthem to do in the name of H. M. , holding as supreme lord the Emperor, then the Governor, then Atabalipa, in order to do as much as hecommanded in his [H. M. 's] name. Then the Governor took in his hands theroyal standard which he raised on high three times, and he told themthat, as vassals of the Caesarian Majesty, they ought to do likewise, and the cacique took it, and afterwards the captains and the otherchiefs, and each one raised it aloft twice; then they went to embracethe Governor who received them with great joy through seeing their goodwill, and with how much contentment they had heard the affairs of Godand of our religion. The Governor wished that all this be drawn up astestimony in writing, and when it was over, the caciques and chiefs heldgreat festivities, so much so that every day there were rejoicings suchas games and feasts, usually held in the house of the Governor. 

CHAPTER III

 While leading a new colony of Spaniards to settle in Xauxa, they receive news of the death of Guaritico, [13] brother of Atahualpa. Afterwards they passed through the land of Guamachucho, [14] Adalmach, [15] Guaiglia, [16] Puerto Nevado, and Capo Tombo, [17] and they hear that in Tarma many Indian warriors are waiting to attack them, on account of which they take Calichuchima prisoner, and then proceed intrepidly on their journey to Cachamarca, [18] where they find much gold. 

At this time he [the Governor] had just finished distributing the goldand silver which were in that house among the Spaniards of his company, and Atabalipa gave the gold belonging to the royal fifths to thetreasurer of H. M. Who took charge of it in order to carry it to thecity of Xauxa where he [the Governor] intended to found a colony ofSpaniards on account of the reports he had of the good surroundingprovinces and of the many cities which there were about it. To thisend, he had the Spaniards arranged in order and provided with arms andother things for the journey, and when the time for departure came, hegave them Indians to carry their gold and burdens. Before setting out, having heard how few soldiers there were in San Miguel[19] for thepurpose of holding it, he took, from among those Spaniards whom he wasto take with him, ten cavalrymen and a captain, a person of greatcautiousness, whom he ordered to go to that city where he was tomaintain himself until ships should arrive with troops who might guardit, after which he was to go to Xauxa where he himself was about tofound a village of Spaniards and melt the gold which he bore, promisingthat he would give them all the gold that was due them with as muchpunctuality as if they were actually present, because his [thecaptain's] return [to San Miguel] was very necessary, that being thefirst city to be settled and colonized for the Caesarian Majesty aswell as the chief one because in it they would have to wait there toreceive the ships which should come from Spain, to that land. [20]

In this manner they set out with the instructions which the Governorgave them as to what they were to do in the pacification of the peopleof that region. The Governor set out one Monday morning, and on that daytravelled three leagues, sleeping by the shore of a river where the newsreached him that a brother of Atabalipa called Guaritico had been killedby some captains of Atabalipa at his command. This Guaritico was a veryimportant person and a friend of the Spaniards, and he had been sent bythe Governor from Caxamalca to repair the bridges and bad spots in theroad. The cacique pretended to feel great heaviness because of hisdeath, and the Governor himself regretted it because he liked him, andbecause he was very useful to the Christians. The next day the Governorset out from that place, and, by his marches, arrived in the land ofGuamachucho, eighteen leagues from Caxamalca. Having rested there twodays, he set out for Caxamalca[21] nine leagues ahead, and arrived therein three days, and rested four in order that his troops might haverepose and opportunity to collect supplies for the march to Guaiglia, twenty leagues from there. Having left this village, he came in threedays to the Puerto de Nevado, and a morning's march brought him within aday's journey of Guaiglia; and the governor commanded a captain of his, who was the Marshal D. Diego de Almagro, to go with troops and take abridge two leagues from Guaiglia, which bridge was built in a mannerthat will soon be related. This captain captured the bridge, which isnear a strong mountain that dominated that land. The Governor did notdelay in arriving at the bridge with the rest of his men, and havingcrossed it, he went on, in another morning, which was Sunday, toGuaiglia. Arrived there, they soon heard mass and afterwards enteredcertain good rooms; having rested there eight days, he set forth withthe soldiers, and the next day crossed another bridge of osiers, [22]which was above the said river which here passes through a verydelectable valley. They journeyed thirty leagues to the point wherecaptain Hernando Pizarro came when he went to Pachacamac, [23] as will beseen in the long account which was sent to H. M. Of all that was done onthat journey to Pachacamac, from there to the city of Xauxa and back toCaxamalca, on the occasion on which he took with him the captainChilichuchima and other matters which do not concern us here. TheGovernor changed his route, and, by forced marches, arrived at the landof Caxatambo. [24] From there he went on without doing more than to askfor some Indians who should carry the gold of H. M. And of the soldiers, and always using great vigilance in learning of the affairs which tookplace in the land, and always having both a vanguard and a rear-guard ashad been done up to that time for fear that the captain Chilichuchimawhom he had with him, would hatch some treasonable plot, all the more soon account of the suspicion he felt owing to the fact that neither inCaxatambo nor in the eighteen leagues after it had he met with anywarriors, nor were his fears lessened during a halt in a village fiveleagues beyond because all the people had fled without leaving a livingsoul. When he had arrived there, a Spaniard's Indian servant, who wasfrom that land of Pambo[25] distant from here some ten leagues, andtwenty from Xauxa, came to him saying that he had heard that troops hadbeen assembled in Xauxa to kill the Christians who were coming, and thatthey had as captains Incorabaliba, Iguaparro, Mortay[26] and anothercaptain, all four being important men who had many troops with them, andthe servant added that they had placed a part of this force in a villagecalled Tarma five leagues from Xauxa in order to guard a bad pass thatthere was in a mountain and to cut and break it up in such a way thatthe Spaniards could not pass by. Informed of this, the governor gaveorders that Chilichuchima should be made a prisoner, because it was heldto be certain that that force had been made ready by his advice andcommand, he thinking to flee the Christians and to go to join it. Ofthese matters the cacique Atabalipa was unaware, and on this account, these [Spanish] troops did not permit any Indian to pass by in thedirection of the cacique who might give notice of these affairs. Thereason why these Indians had rebelled and were seeking war with theChristians was that they saw the land being conquered by the Spaniards, and they themselves wished to govern it. 

The Governor, before setting out from that place, sent a captain withtroops to take a snowy pass three leagues ahead and then to pass thenight in some fields near Pombo, [27] all of which the captain did, andhe passed the pass with much snow, but without encountering anyobstacle. And the Governor crossed it likewise, without any oppositionsave for the inconvenience caused by the snow falling upon them. Theyall spent the night in that waste without a single hut, and they lackedfor wood and victuals. Having arrived in the land of Pombo, the Governorprovided and commanded that the soldiers should be lodged with the bestorder and caution possible, because he had news that the enemy wereincreasing every moment, and it was held to be certain that he wouldcome here to assail the Spaniards, and because of this, the Governorcaused the patrols and sentinels to be increased, always spying upon theprogress of the enemy. After he had waited there another day for certainenvoys whom the cacique Atabalipa had sent to learn what was going on inXauxa, one came who told how the warriors were five leagues from Xauxaon the road from Cuzco and were coming to burn the town so that theChristians should not find shelter, and that they intended afterward toreturn to Cuzco to combine under a captain named Quizquiz who was therewith many troops who had come from Quito by command of Atabalipa forthe security of the land. When this was learned by the Governor, hecaused to be made ready seventy-five light horse, and with twenty peoneswho guarded Chilichuchima, and without the impediment of baggage, he setout for Xauxa, leaving behind the treasurer with the other troops whowere guarding the camp baggage and the gold of H. M. , and of thecompany. The day on which he set out from Pombo, he travelled some sevenleagues, and he halted in a village called Cacamarca, [28] and here theyfound seventy thousand pesos of gold in large pieces, to guard which theGovernor left two Christians from the cavalry in order that when therear-guard should arrive, it might be conducted well guarded. Then, inthe morning, he set forth with his men in good array, for he had wordthat three leagues from there were four thousand men. And on the marchthree or four light horsemen went ahead so that, if they should meet aspy of the enemy's, they might take him prisoner to prevent his givingwarning of their coming. At the hour of noon, they arrived at that badpass of Tarma where warriors were said to be waiting to defend it. Thepass seemed to be so full of difficulties that it would be impossible togo up it, because there was a bad road of stone down into the gullywhere all the riders had to dismount, after which it was necessary to goup the heights by a slope about a league long, the greater part of whichwas steep and difficult forest, all of which was crossed without anyIndians who were said to be armed making an appearance. And in theafternoon, after the hour of vespers, the Governor and his men arrivedat that village of Tarma where, because it was a bad site and because hehad news that Indians were coming to it to surprise the Christians, hedid not wish to linger longer than was necessary for feeding the horsesand allaying their own hunger and fatigue so as to enable them to goforth prepared from that place which had no other level spot than theplaza as it was on a small slope surrounded by mountains for the spaceof a league. As it was already night, he made his camp here, beingalways on the alert and having the horses saddled. And the men werewithout [proper] food and even without any comfort because there wasneither fire-wood nor water, nor had they brought their tents with themto shelter them, because of which they all nearly died of cold onaccount of the fact that it rained much early in the night and thensnowed so that the arms and clothes were drenched. But each one soughtthe best remedy he could, and so that evil and troublous night passed tothe dawn when he commanded that all mount their horses so as to arriveearly at Xauxa which was four leagues from there. When two had beencrossed over, the Governor divided the seventy-five soldiers betweenthree captains, giving fifteen to each, and taking with him theremaining twenty and the twenty peones who were guarding Chilichuchima. In this order they journeyed to Porsi a league from Xauxa, having giveneach captain orders as to what he was to do, and they all halted in asmall village which they encountered. Then they all marched on incomplete accord, and gave a look at the city. They all halted again on aslope within a quarter of a league of it. 

CHAPTER IV

 They arrive at the city of Xauxa; they leave some soldiers there to guard that place, and others go against the army of the enemy with which they fight. They win a victory, and return to Xauxa. 

The natives all came out along the road in order to look at theChristians, celebrating much their coming because they thought that, through it, they would issue forth from the slavery in which thatforeign army [the Incas] held them. [The Spaniards] wished to await alater hour in the day at this place, but, seeing that no warriorsappeared, they began their journey so as to enter the city. On goingdown that little slope, they saw running toward them at great speed anIndian with a lance erect, and when he came up to them it was found thathe was a servant of the Christians who said that his master had senthim to inform them that they must hold themselves in readiness becausetheir enemies were in the city, and that two Christians from the cavalryhad been sent ahead of the rest, and that they had entered the city tosee the buildings there, and while they were inspecting it, they sawsome twenty Indians who came out of certain houses with their lances andother arms, calling to others to come forth and join with them. The twoChristians, seeing them thus assemble, without heeding their cries andclamour, attacked them, killed several, and put the others to flight;the latter soon joined with others who came to their aid, and theyformed a mass of some two hundred which the Spaniards again attacked, ina narrow street, and broke, forcing them to retreat to the bank of agreat river which passes by that city, and then one of these Spaniardssent the Indian as I have said, with raised lance as a sign that therewere armed enemies in the city. This having been heard, the Spaniardsset spur to their horses, and, without delay, arrived at the city andentered it; and when they joined their companions, the latter told themwhat had occurred with those Indians. The captains, running in thedirection in which the enemy had retreated, arrived at length at thebank of the river, which was then very full, and on the other shore, ata distance of a quarter of a league, they descried the squadrons oftheir enemies. Then, having passed the river with no little toil anddanger, they gave chase to them. The Governor remained guarding the citybecause it was said that there were enemies hidden within it, as well. The Indians perceiving that the Christians had crossed the river, theybegan to retreat, drawn up in two squadrons. One of the Spanishcaptains, with his fifteen light horsemen, spurred ahead toward theslope of the hill for which they [the Indians] were making so that theycould not retreat thither and fortify themselves. The other two captainskept right up with them, overtaking them in a field of maize near theriver. There they put them in disorder and routed them, capturing asmany as possible, so that of six hundred [Indians] not more than twentyor thirty, who took to the mountains before the other captain with hisfifteen men could arrive, saved themselves. Most of the Indians made forthe water, thinking to save themselves in it, but the light horsemencrossed the river almost by swimming after them, and they did not leaveone alive save some few who had hidden themselves in their flight aftertheir army was broken in pieces. Then the Spaniards ran through thecountry as far as a league below without finding a single Indian. Then, having returned, they rested themselves and their horses, which were ingreat need of it; both because of the long journey of the day before andon account of their having run those two leagues, they were rathercrippled. When the truth was learned as to what troops those were [withwhom the Spaniards had fought], it was found that the four captains andthe main body were encamped six leagues down the river from Xauxa, andthat, on that very day, they had sent those six hundred men to completethe burning of the city of Xauxa, having already burned the other halfof it seven or eight days before, and that they had then burned a greatedifice which was in the plaza, as well as many other things before theeyes of the people of that city, together with many clothes and muchmaize, so that the Spaniards should not avail themselves of them. Thecitizens were left so hostile to those other Indians that if one of thelatter hid, they showed him to the Christians so that they would killhim, and they themselves aided in killing them, and they would even havedone so with their own hands if the Christians had permitted it. TheSpanish captains, having studied the place where these enemies werefound as well as the road, along a part of which they journeyed, theydetermined not to shut themselves up in Xauxa, but to pass onward andattack the main body of the army which was four leagues off before itshould receive news of their coming. With this intention, theycommanded the soldiers to make ready, but their proposal did not come topass because they found the horses so weary that they held it to bebetter council to retire, which they did. Arrived in Xauxa, theyrecounted to the Governor all that had happened, with which he was wellpleased, and he received them cheerfully, thanking them all for havingborne themselves so valorously. And he told them that by all means heintended to attack the camp of the enemy because, although they wereadvised of the victory, it was certain that they would be waiting. Atonce he ordered his master of the camp to lodge the men and let themrest during what remained of the day and through the night untilmoon-rise, and that then they should make ready to go and attack theirenemies. At that hour fifty light horsemen were in readiness, and at thesound of the trumpet they presented themselves, armed and with theirhorses, at the lodging of the Governor who despatched them very soonupon their road. Fifteen horsemen remained with him in the citytogether with the twenty peones who made the guard all of each nightwith the horses saddled, until the captain of that sally returned, whichwas in five days. He related to the governor all that had happened fromthe time of his departure, telling how, on the night he left Xauxa, hejourneyed some four leagues before dawn, with much eagerness to attackthe enemy's camp before they were warned of his coming; and being nownear [the enemy] at dawn, they saw a great mass of smoke in the place oftheir encampment, which seemed to be two leagues further on. And so hespurred on with his men at a great pace, thinking that the enemy, warnedof his approach, had fled and that the buildings that there were in avillage were burning. And so it was, because they had fled, after havingset fire to that wretched hamlet. Arrived at that place, the Spaniardsfollowed the footsteps of the warriors through a very broad valley. Andas they overtook them they collided with the enemy who were going moreslowly with many women and children in their rear-guard, and theSpaniards, leaving these behind them in order to catch up with the men, ran more than four leagues, and caught up with some of their squadrons. As some of them [the Indians] saw the Castilians from some distance, they had time to take shelter on a mountain and save themselves; others, who were few, were killed, leaving in the power of the Spaniards (who, because their horses were tired, did not wish to go up the mountain)many spoils and women and children. And as it was already night, theyreturned to sleep in a village which they had left behind. And thefollowing day these Spaniards determined to follow them as they fledback to Cuzco so as to take from them certain bridges of net-work and toprevent their crossing. But, because of lack of pasturage for theirhorses, they found themselves obliged to fall back, to thedissatisfaction of the Governor because they had not at least followedand taken those bridges so as to prevent the Indians from returning toCuzco; it was feared that, being strange people, they would do greatharm to the citizens of those places. 

CHAPTER V

 They name new officials in the city of Xauxa in order to establish a settlement of Spaniards, and, having had news of the death of Atabalipa, with great prudence and much craftiness in order to keep themselves in the good graces of the Indians, they discuss the appointment of a new lord. 

And for this reason, as soon as the baggage and the rear-guard, which hehad left at Pombo, had arrived, he [the Governor] published an edict tothe effect that whereas he was determined to found a settlement ofSpaniards in the name of H. M. , all those who wished to settle theremight do so. But there was not one Spaniard who wished to remain, andthey said that so long as there were warriors all about in that landwith arms in their hands the natives of that province would not be atthe service and disposal of the Spaniards and in obedience to H. M. Whenthis was observed by the Governor, he determined not to lose time thenin that matter, but to go against the enemy in the direction of Cuzco inorder to drive them from that province and rout them from all of it. Inthe meanwhile, in order to put in order the affairs of that city, hefounded the village in the name of H. M. , and created officials ofjustice for it [and for its citizens] who were eighty in number, of whomforty were light horsemen whom he left there as a garrison, and, [leaving also] the treasurer, who was to guard the gold of H. M. And toact in all matters as head and chief in command of the government. [29]While these things were being done, the cacique Atabalipa came to die, of his illness; because of this, the Governor and all the otherSpaniards felt great sorrow, because it was certain that he was veryprudent and had much love for the Spaniards. It was given out publiclythat the captain Calichuchima had caused his death because he desiredthat the land should remain with the people of Quito and not with eitherthose of Cuzco or with the Spaniards, and if that cacique ["Atabalipa"]had lived, he [Calichuchima] would not have been able to succeed in whathe desired to do. At once, the Governor had Calichuchima and Tizas[30]and a brother of the cacique and other leading chiefs and caciques whohad come from Caxamalca summoned to him; to them he said that they mustknow very well that he had given them Atabalipa as a lord and that, nowthat he was dead, they ought to think of whom they would like as lord inorder that he might give him to them. There was a great difference ofopinion between them on this subject because Calichuchima wished the sonof Atabalipa and brother of the dead cacique Aticoc[31] as lord, andothers, who were not of the land of Quito, wished the lord to be anative of Cuzco and proposed a brother of Atabalipa (as lord). TheGovernor said to those who wished as lord the brother of Atabalipa thatthey should send and have him summoned and that after he had come, if hefound him to be a man of worth, he would appoint him. And with thisreply that meeting came to an end. And the Governor, having called asidethe captain Calichuchima, spoke to him in these words: "You already knowthat I loved greatly your lord Atabalipa and that I have always wishedhim to leave a son after he died, and that this son should be lord, andthat you, who are already a prudent man, should be his captain until hehad reached the age of governing his dominions, and for this reason Igreatly desire that he should be called soon, because, for love of hisfather, I love him much, and you likewise. But at the same time, sinceall these caciques who are here are your friends and since you have muchinfluence with the soldiers of their nation, it would be well that yousend them word by messengers to come in peace, because I do not wish tobe enraged against them and to kill them, as you see I am doing, when Iwish that the affairs of these provinces should be quiet and peaceful. "This captain had a great desire, as has been said, that the son ofAtabalipa should be lord, and knowing this, the Governor slyly spokethese words to him and gave him this hope, not because he had anyintention of carrying it out, [32] but in order that, in the meanwhile, that son of Atabalipa might come for this purpose (and) might causethose caciques who had taken up arms [also] to come to him in peace. Itwas likewise agreed that he should say to Aticoc and to the other lordsof the province of Cuzco that he [the Governor] would give them as lordhim whom they wished, because it was necessary that those things whichwere for the good of all should thus be governed in the state. He triedto give to Calichuchima words that [would enable him] to cause thepeople who were in Cuzco with arms to lay them down in order that theymight do no harm to the people of the country, and those of Cuzco, because they were true friends of the Christians, gave them notice ofall that the enemy were trying to do and of all that was going on in thecountry, and for this reason and others the Governor said this withgreat prudence. Chilichuchima, to whom he told it, showed as muchpleasure at these words as if he had been made lord of the whole world, and he replied that he would do as he was ordered and that it wouldcause him much pleasure if the caciques and soldiers were to come inpeace[33] and that he would despatch messengers to Quito in order thatthe son of Atabalipa might come. But he feared that two great captainswho were with him would prevent it, and would not let him come. Nevertheless he would send such a person of importance with the embassythat he thought that all would conform with his wish. And soon he added, "Sir, since you wish me to cause these caciques to come, take off thischain [which I wear] for, seeing me with it, no one wishes to obey me. "The Governor, in order that he should not suspect that he had feignedwhat he had said to him, told him that he was pleased to do so, but onthe condition that he was to put a guard of Christians over him untilafter he had caused those soldiers who were at war to come in peace anduntil the son of Atabalipa had come. [34] He [Chalcuchima] was satisfiedwith this, and so he was released, and the Governor put him under a goodguard, because that captain was the key [the possession of whichensured] having the land quiet and subjected. This precaution taken, andthe troops who were to go with the Governor toward Cuzco being madeready, the number of whom was one hundred horsemen and thirty peons, he[the Governor] ordered a captain to go ahead with seventy horsemen andsome peons in order to rebuild the bridges which had been burned, andthe Governor remained behind while he was giving orders for many matterstouching the welfare of the city and Republic which he was to leavealready well established, and in order to await the reply of theChristians whom he had sent to the coast in order to examine the portsand set up crosses in them in case some one should come to reconnoitrethe land. 

CHAPTER VI

 Description of the bridges which the natives are wont to make in order to cross the rivers; and of the toilsome journey which the Spaniards had, in going to Cuzco, and of the arrival at Panarai and Tarcos. 

This captain departed with those who were to follow him on Thursday, andthe Governor with the rest of the troops, and Chilichuchima with hisguard left the following Monday. In the morning they were all ready withtheir arms and other necessary things; the journey they were to makebeing long, they were to leave all the baggage in Xauxa, it not beingconvenient to carry it with them on that journey. The Governor journeyedtwo days down the valley along the bank of the Xauxa River, which wasvery delectable and peopled in many places, and on the third day hearrived at a bridge of net-work which is over the said river and whichthe Indian soldiers had burned after they crossed over, but already thecaptain who had gone ahead had made the natives rebuild it. And in theplaces where they build these bridges of net-work, where the rivers areswollen, this inland country far from the sea being densely populated, and because almost none of the Indians knows how to swim, because ofwhich even though the rivers are small and might be forded, theynevertheless throw out these bridges, and after this fashion; If the twobanks of the river are stony, they raise upon them large walls of stone, and then they place four [ropes of] pliable reeds two palms or a littleless in thickness, and between them, after the fashion of wattle-work, they weave green osiers two fingers thick and well intertwined, in sucha way that some are not left more slack than others, and all are welltied. And upon these they place branches crosswise in such a way thatthe water is not seen, and in this way they make the floor of thebridge. And in the same manner they weave a balustrade of these sameosiers along the side of the bridge so that no one may fall into thewater, of which, in truth, there is no danger, although to one who isnot used to it, the matter of crossing appears a thing of dangerbecause, the span being long, the bridge bends when one goes over it, sothat one goes continually downward until the middle is reached, and fromthere he keeps going up until he has finished crossing to the otherbank, and when the bridge is being crossed, it trembles very much, sothat it goes to the head of him who is not accustomed to it. Ordinarilythey make two bridges close together, so that, as they say, the lordsmay cross by one and the common people by another. They keep guards overthem, and the lords of all the land keep them there continuously inorder that if someone should steal gold or silver or anything else fromhim or from some other lord of the land, he would not be able to cross. And those who guard these bridges have their houses nearby, and theyalways have in their hands osiers and wattles and cords in order to mendthe bridges if they are injured or even to rebuild them if need were. The guards who were in charge of this bridge when the Indians who burnedit passed over, hid the materials which they had for mending it, forotherwise the Indians would have burned them also, and for this reasonthey rebuilt it in so short a space of time in order that the Spaniardsmight cross over. The Spanish cavalry and the Governor crossed by one ofthese bridges, although, on account of its being new and not well made, they had much trouble because the captain who had gone ahead withseventy cavalrymen had made many holes in it so that it was halfdestroyed. Still, the horses got over without endangering themselves, although nearly all stumbled because the bridge moved and trembled so, but, as I have said, the bridge was made in such a way that even thoughthey were thrown upon their knees, they could not fall into the water. As soon as all were over, the Governor encamped in some groves nearwhich ran some streams of beautiful clear water. Later they proceededon their journey two leagues along the shore of that river through anarrow valley on both sides of which were very high mountains, and insome places, this valley through which the river passes has so littlespace that there is not more than a stone's throw from the foot of themountain to the river, and in other places, because of the slope of themountain, there is but little more. Two leagues of this valley havingbeen travelled, they came to another bridge, a small one over anotherriver, over which the troops passed on foot while the horses forded, asmuch on account of the bridge being in bad order as on account of thefact that the water was low at that time. Having crossed the river, he[the Governor] began to climb a very steep and long mountain all made ofsteps of very small stones. [35] Here the horses toiled so much that, when they had finished going up, the greater part of them had lost theirshoes and worn down the hoofs of all four feet. That mountain, whichlasted for more than half a league, having been overcome, and havingjourneyed for a bit in the evening along a slope, the Governor with hismen arrived at a village which the hostile Indians had sacked andburned, on account of which neither people nor maize was found in it, nor any other food, and the water was very far off because the Indianshad broken the aqueducts which came to the city, which was a great eviland of much inconvenience for the Spaniards who, because they had foundthe road hard, toilsome and long on that day, needed good lodging. Thenext day the Governor set out from there and went to sleep in anothervillage which, although it was very large and fine and full of houses, had as little food in it as the last one; and this village is calledPanarai. The Governor wondered greatly with his men at finding hereneither food nor anything else, because this place belonged to one ofthe lords who had been with Atabalipa and with the dead lord in thecompany of the Christians, and he had come in their company as far asXauxa, [where] he said he wished to go ahead in order to prepare in thisland his victuals and other things necessary for the Spaniards. And whenthey found here neither him nor his people, it was held to be certainthat the country-side had revolted. And not having had any letter fromthe captain who had gone ahead with the seventy horsemen, save which letthem know that he was going right after the hostile Indians, it wasfeared that the foe had taken some step whereby he was prevented fromsending any messenger. The Spaniards sought so much, that they foundsome maize and ewes, ... And the next day, early, they set out andarrived at a village called Tarcos, where they met the cacique of thedistrict and some men who told them of the day on which had passed thatway some Christians who were going to fight with the enemy who hadestablished their camp in a neighboring settlement. All received thisnews with great pleasure, and they found a good reception in thatplace, because the cacique had brought to the plaza a large quantity ofmaize, fire-wood, ewes, and other things of which the Spaniards hadgreat need. 

CHAPTER VII

 While proceeding on their journey they have news sent by the forty Spanish horsemen of the state of the Indian army with which the latter had fought victoriously. 

On the next day, which was Saturday, All Saints' day, the friar who waswith this company said mass in the morning, according to the custom ofsaying it on such a day, and later all set out and journeyed until theyarrived at a full river three leagues beyond, always descending from themountains by a rough and long slope. This river, likewise, had anet-work bridge which, being broken, made it necessary to ford thestream, and afterwards a very large mountain was ascended which, lookedat from below, seemed impossible of ascent by the very birds of the air, and still more so by men on horseback toiling over the ground. But theclimb was made less arduous for them by the fact that the road went upin spirals, and not straight. The greater part, however, was made oflarge steps of stone which greatly fatigued the horses and wore down andinjured their hoofs, even though they were led by the bridle. In thismanner a long league was surmounted, and another was traversed by a moreeasy road along a declivity, and in the afternoon the Governor with theSpaniards arrived at a small village of which a part was burned, and inthe other part, which had remained whole, the Spaniards settled. And inthe evening two Indian couriers, sent by the captain who was ahead, arrived. They brought news, in letters to the Governor, that the captainhad arrived with all speed at the land of Parcos[36] which he had leftbehind him, having had news that the [Indian] captains were thereaboutwith all the hostile forces; [but] he did not encounter them, and it washeld to be certain that they had withdrawn to Bilcas, [37] and through somuch of the road as he traversed until coming to [a place] within fiveleagues of Bilcas, where he spent the night, he marched secretly inorder not to be forestalled by certain spies who were placed a leaguefrom Bilcas. And having news that the enemy were in a town withouthaving warning of his coming, the captain was delighted, and, havinggone down the rather difficult slope where that place was, at dawn heentered [the town where some warriors were lodged with fewprecautions]. [38] The Spanish cavalry began to attack them in the plazasuntil so many had been killed or had fled that no one remained; becausethere were a few Indian soldiers who had retired to a mountain on oneside of the road who, as soon as the day became bright and they saw theSpaniards, assembled in squadrons, and came against them crying out_Ingres_, [39] which name they hold to be very insulting, being that of acontemned people who live in the hot lands of the sea-coast, and becausethat province was cold and the Spaniards wore clothes over their flesh, [the Indians] called them Ingres and threatened them with slavery asthey were few, not more than forty, and defying them by saying that theywould come down to where they were. The captain, although he knew thatthat was a bad place for fighting on horseback, of which position theSpaniards could little avail themselves there, nevertheless, in orderthat the enemy should not think that he would not fight from lack ofspirit, took with him thirty horsemen, leaving the rest to guard thetown, and went down through a cleft[40] in the mountain by a verypainful slope. The enemy boldly awaited them and in the shock of battlethey killed one horse and wounded two others, but finally, all beingdispersed, some fled in one direction and others in another over themountain [by] a very rough road where the horses could neither followthem nor injure them. At this juncture, an [Indian] captain who had fledfrom the village, and who knew that they had killed one horse andwounded two, said "Come, let us turn back and fight with these menuntil not one is left alive, for there are but a few of them!" and atonce all returned with more spirit and greater impetuosity than before, and in this way a sharper battle than the first was fought. At the end, the Indians fled and the horsemen followed them in all directions aslong as they could. In these two encounters more than six hundred menwere left dead, and it is believed also that Maila, one of theircaptains, died, and the Indians affirmed it also, and they, on theirpart, when they killed a horse, cut off his head and put it on a lancewhich they bore before them like a standard. [The Spanish captain]likewise informed [his men] that he intended to rest there for threedays out of consideration for the wounded Christians and horses, andthat later they would set out to take, first of all, a bridge ofnet-work which was near there, so that the fugitive enemies should notcross it and go to join with Quizquiz[41] in Cuzco and with the garrisonof troops he had there, which was said to be waiting for the Spaniardsin a bad pass near Cuzco. But, although they found it to be more thanbad, they hoped in God who, in whatever place that battle might befought, even in a land all rough and stony, would not permit the Indiansto be able to defend themselves any where, no matter how difficult andtoilsome it might be, nor to attack the Spaniards in any bad pass. And, having set out from here and having crossed the bridge three leaguesfrom Cuzco [the captain declared] that he would there await the Governoras he had informed him by swift messenger Indians of what had occurred. 

CHAPTER VIII

 After having suffered various inconveniences, and having passed the cities of Bilcas and of Andabailla, [42] and before arriving at Airamba, [43] they have letters from the Spaniards in which they ask for the aid of thirty cavaliers. 

Having received this letter, the Governor and all the Spaniards who werewith him were filled with infinite content over the victory which thecaptain had obtained, and at once he sent it, together with another, tothe city of Xauxa, to the treasurer and to the Spaniards who hadremained there in order that they might share in the gladness over thevictory of the captain. And likewise he sent despatches to the captainand the Spaniards who were with him congratulating them much on thevictory they had won, and begging them and counseling them to begoverned in these matters more by prudence than by confidence in theirown strength, and commanding, at all events, that, having passed thelast bridge, they should await him [the Governor] there so that theymight then enter the city of Cuzco all together. This done, the Governorset out the following day and went by a rough and tiring road throughrocky mountains and over ascents and descents of stone steps from whichall believed they could only bring their horses with difficulty, considering the road already traversed and that still to be traversed. They slept that night in a village on the other side of the river, whichhere, as elsewhere, had a bridge of net-work. The horses crossed throughthe water and the footsoldiers and the servants of the Spaniards by thebridge. On the next day they had a good road beside the river where theyencountered many wild animals, deer and antelope; and that day theyarrived at nightfall at some rooms in the vicinity of Bilcas where thecaptain who was going ahead had made halt in order to travel by nightand so enter Bilcas without being found out, as he did enter it, andhere was received another letter from him in which he said that he hadleft Bilcas two days before, and had come to a river four leagues aheadwhich he had forded because the bridge had been burned, and here he hadunderstood that the captain Narabaliba was fleeing with some twentyIndians and that he had met two thousand Indians whom the captain ofCuzco had sent to him as aid who, as soon as they knew of the rout atBilcas, turned around and fled with him, endeavouring to join with thescattered remnants of those who were fleeing, in order to await them[the Spaniards] in a village called Andabailla, [44] and [the Spanishcaptain said] that he was resolved not to stay his course until heshould encounter them. These announcements being understood by theGovernor, he first thought of sending aid to the captain, but later hedid not do so because he considered that if there were to be a battle atall it would have occurred already and the aid would not arrive intime, and he determined furthermore not to linger a single day until heshould catch up with him, and in this way he set out for Bilcas which heentered very early the following day, and on that day he did not wish togo further. This city of Bilcas[45] is placed on a high mountain and isa large town and the head of a province. It has a beautiful and finefortress; there are many well built houses of stone, and it is half-wayby road from Xauxa to Cuzco. And on the next day the Governor encampedon the other side of the river, four leagues from Bilcas, and althoughthe day's march was short, it was nevertheless toilsome because it wasentirely a descent almost all composed of stone steps, and the troopswaded the river with much fatigue because it was very full, and he setup his camp on the other bank among some groves. Scarcely had theGovernor arrived here, when he received a letter from the captain whowas reconnoitring in which the latter informed him that the enemy hadgone on five leagues and were in waiting on the slope of a mountain ina land called Curamba, [46] and that there were many warriors there, andthat they had made many preparations and had arranged great quantitiesof stones so that the Spaniards would not be able to go up. TheGovernor, when he understood this, although the captain did not ask himfor aid, believed that it was necessary now, and he at once ordered theMarshal D. Diego de Almagro to get ready with thirty light horsemen, well equipped as to arms and horses, and he did not wish him to take asingle peon with him, because he ordered him [Almagro] not to delay foranything until he should come up with the captain who was ahead with theothers. And when he [Almagro] had set out, the Governor likewisestarted, on the following day, with ten horsemen and the twenty peonswho were guarding Chilichuchima, and he quickened his pace so much thatday that of two days' marches he made one. And just as he was about toarrive at the village called Andabailla, where he was to sleep, anIndian came to him on the run to say that on a certain slope of themountain, which he pointed out with his finger, there had beendiscovered hostile troops of war, on which account, the Governor, armedas he was and on horseback, went with the Spaniards he had with him totake the summit of that slope, and he examined the whole of it withoutfinding the warriors of whom the Indian had spoken, because they weretroops native to the land who were fleeing from the Indians of Quitobecause the latter did them very great harm. The Governor and companyhaving arrived at that village of Andabailla, they supped and spent thenight there. On the next day, they arrived at the village of Airambafrom where the captain had written that he was with the armed troopswaiting for them upon the road. [47]

CHAPTER IX

 Having arrived at a village, they find much silver in plates twenty-feet long. Proceeding on their journey, they receive letters from the Spaniards relating the brisk and adverse struggle they had had against the army of the Indians. 

Here were found two dead horses, [48] from which it was suspected thatsome misfortune had befallen the captain. But, having entered thevillage, they learned, from a letter that arrived before they retiredfor the night, that the captain had here encountered some warriors, andthat, in order to gain the mountain, he had gone up a slope where he hadfound assembled a great quantity of stone, a sign which showed that they[the Indians] wished to guard [the pass], and that they were gone insearch of [other] Indians because they had warning that [the Spaniards]were not far off and that the two horses had died of so many changesfrom heat to cold. He [the captain] wrote nothing of the aid which theGovernor had sent to him, because of which it was thought that it hadnot yet arrived. The next day the Governor set out from there, and slept[the next night] by a river whose bridge had been burned by the enemy, so that it was necessary to ford it, with great fatigue on account ofthe fact that the current was very swift and the bottom very stony. Onthe next day, they encamped at a town in the houses of which was foundmuch silver in large slabs twenty feet long, one broad, and one or twofingers thick. And the Indians who were there related that those slabsbelonged to a great cacique and that one of the lords of Cuzco had wonthem and had carried them off thus in plates, together with those ofwhich the conquered cacique had built a house. [49] The next day, theGovernor set out in order to cross the last bridge, which was almostthree leagues from there. Before he arrived at that river, a messengercame with a letter from the captain in which he informed him that he hadarrived at the last bridge with great speed in order that the enemyshould not have opportunity to burn it; but that, at the time of hisarrival there, they had finished burning it, and as it was already late, he did not wish to cross the river that same day, but had gone to campin a village which was nearby. The next day, he [the captain] had passedthrough the water, which came to the breasts of the horses, and hadproceeded straight along the road to Cuzco which was twelve leagues fromthere; and as, on the way, he was informed that, on a neighbouringmountain [where] forts had been built, all the enemies were hoping thatthe next day Quizquiz would come to their aid with reënforcements fromthe troops which he had in Cuzco, for this reason he [the captain] hadspurred ahead with all speed together with fifty horsemen, [50] for tenhad been left guarding the baggage and certain gold which had beenfound in the rout of Bilcas. And one Saturday, at noon, they had begunto go up on horseback a slope which lasted well over a league, and, being wearied by the sharp ascent and by the mid-day heat, which wasvery great, they stopped awhile and gave to the horses some maize whichthey had because the natives of a village nearby had brought it to them. Then, proceeding on their journey, the captain, who rode a cross-bowshot ahead, saw the enemy on the summit of the mountain, which theyentirely covered, and [he saw] that three or four thousand were comingdown in order to pass the point where they [the Spaniards] were. Becauseof this, although he called to the Spaniards to put themselves inbattle-array, he could not hope to join them, because the Indians werealready very near and were coming with great rapidity. But with thosewho were in readiness, he advanced to give battle [to the Indians], andthe Spaniards who kept coming up mounted the slope of the mountain, someon one hand, others on the other. They dashed among those of the enemywho were foremost without waiting for the beginning of the fight, savefor defending themselves against the stones which were hurled upon them, until they mounted to the summit of the mountain, in which deed theythought they saw a certain victory to be accomplished. The horses wereso tired that they could not get breath in order to attack withimpetuosity such a multitude of enemies, nor did the latter cease toinconvenience and harass them continually with the lances stones andarrows which they hurled at them, so they fatigued all to such an extentthat the riders could hardly keep their horses at the trot or even atthe pace. The Indians, perceiving the weariness of the horses, began tocharge with greater fury, and five Christians, whose horses could not goup to the summit of the slope, were charged so furiously by so many ofthe throng that to two of them it was impossible to alight, and theywere killed upon their horses. The others fought on foot veryvalorously, but at length, not being seen by any companions who couldbring them aid, they remained prisoners, and only one was killed withoutbeing able to lay hand upon his sword or to defend himself, the cause ofwhich was that a good soldier was left dead beside him, the tail of hishorse having been seized which prevented his going ahead with the rest. They [the Indians] opened the heads of all by means of their battle-axesand clubs; they wounded eighteen horses and six Christians; but none ofthe wounds were dangerous save those of one horse which died of them. Itpleased God Our Lord that the Spaniards should gain a plain which wasnear that mountain, and the Indians collected on a hill nearby. Thecaptain commanded half of his men to take the bridles off their horsesand let them drink in a rivulet that ran there, and then to do the samefor the other half, which was done without being hindered by theenemies. Then, the captain said to all: "Gentlemen, let us withdraw fromhere step by step down this declivity in such a way that the enemy maythink that we are fleeing from them, in order that they may come insearch of us below, for, if we can attract them to this plain, we willattack them all of a sudden in such a manner that I hope not one of themwill escape from our hands. Our horses are already somewhat tired, andif we put the enemy to flight, we shall end by gaining the summit of themountain. " And thus it was that some of the Indians, thinking that theSpaniards were retreating, came down below, throwing stones at them, with their slings, and shooting arrows. [51] When this was seen by theChristians, [they knew] that now was their time, [and] they turned theirhorses' heads, and before the Indians could gather together on themountain where they were before, some twenty of them were killed. Whenthis was seen by the others, and when they perceived that there waslittle safety in the place where they were, they left that mountain andretired to another one which was higher. The captain, with his men, finished climbing the mountain, and there, because it was already night, he camped with his soldiers. The Indians also camped two cross-bow shotsaway, in such a manner that in either camp could be heard the voices inthe other. The captain caused the wounds to be cared for and postedpatrols and sentinels for the night, and he ordered that all the horseswere to remain saddled and bridled until the following day, on which hewas to fight with the Indians. And he tried to cheer his men up andrenew their valor, saying: "that by all means it was necessary to attackthe enemy the following morning without delaying an instant, because hehad news that the captain Quizquiz was coming with great reënforcements, and by no means should they wait until he joined forces with them. " Allshowed as much spirits and confidence as if they already had the victoryin their hands, and again the captain comforted them, saying: "he heldthe day just passed through to be more perilous than that which awaitedthem on the morrow, and that God Our Lord who had delivered them fromdanger in the past would grant them victory in the future, and that theyshould look to it whether, on the day before, when their horses were soweary, they had attacked their enemies with disadvantage and had routedthem and driven them from their fortresses, even though their own numberdid not exceed fifty, and that of the enemy eight thousand; ought theynot, then, to hope for victory when they were fresh and rested?" Withthese and other spirited conversations, that night was passed, and theIndians were in their own camp, uttering cries and saying: "Wait, Christians, until dawn, when you are all to die, and we shall take awayfrom you just as many horses as you have!"[52] and they added insultingwords in their language having determined to enter into combat with theChristians as soon as it should dawn, believing them and their horses tobe weary on account of the toil of the day before and because they sawthem to be so few in numbers and because they knew that many of thehorses were wounded. In this manner the same thought prevailed on theone side and on the other, but the Indians firmly believed that theChristians would not escape from them. [53]

CHAPTER X

 News comes of the victory won by the Spaniards, even to their putting the Indian army to flight. They command that a chain be placed about the neck of Chilichuchima, holding him to be a traitor. They cross the Rimac[54] and all reunite once more at Sachisagagna, [55] where they burn Chilichuchima. 

This news reached the Governor near the last river, as I have said, andhe, without showing any change in his countenance, communicated it tothe ten horsemen and twenty peons whom he had with him, consoling themall with good words which he spoke to them, although they were greatlydisturbed in their minds, for they thought that if a small number ofIndians, relatively to the number anticipated, had maltreated theChristians in such a manner in the first action, they would bring uponthem still greater war on the following day when their horses werewounded and when the aid of thirty horsemen, which had been sent tothem, had not yet arrived among the Spaniards. But all showed that theyknew how to place their hopes in God, and they arrived at the riverwhich they crossed in _balsas_, swimming the horses, because the bridgewas burned down. And the river being very full, they delayed in crossingit the rest of that day and the next one until the hour of siesta whenthe Governor, smiling [determined] to set out without waiting for theIndian allies to cross. [56] [Just then] a Christian was seen coming, andwhen all saw him from afar, they judged that the captain with thehorsemen had been routed and that this man was bringing the news in hisflight. But when he had arrived in the presence of the Governor, he gavegreat consolation to the minds of all with the news that he brought, relating that God Our Lord, who never abandons his faithful servantseven in the direst extremities, ordained that while the captain withthe others [of his company] was passing that night cautiously andencouraging his men for the combat on the morrow, the Marshal arrivedwith the reënforcements of thirty horsemen which had been sent, andthese, together with the ten others whom they had left behind, madeforty altogether, and when all perceived this, the first group felt asmuch pleasure as if they had resuscitated that day [just lived through], holding it to be certain that the victory would be theirs on thefollowing day. When day had come, which was Sunday, they all mounted atdawn, and, disposed in a wing formation in order to present a betterfront, they attacked the rear of the Indians who, during the night, haddetermined to attack the Christians, but who, in the morning, seeing somany soldiers, thought that some aid must have come to them during thenight, on account of which, not having the courage to put on a boldfront, and seeing that the Spaniards were coming up the slope in pursuitof them, turned their backs and retired from mountain to mountain. TheSpaniards did not follow them because the land was rough, and besides, amist arose which was so thick that they could not see one another, andyet withal, on the slope of a hill, they killed many of the enemy. Atthis juncture, a thousand Indians in a squadron commanded by Quizquizarrived in aid of the Indians who, seeing the Christians on horsebackand so warlike, judged it time to withdraw to the mountain. [57] At thesame time, the Christians assembled in their [the Indians'] fort, whencethe captain had sent this messenger to the Governor to tell him that hewould await him there until he should arrive. When this news was heardby the Governor, he rejoiced greatly over the victory which God Our Lordhad given him when he least expected it, and without delaying an instanthe ordered that all should go forward with the dunnage and the remainingIndians, because, jointly with this news, he had received warning thatin the retreat of this hostile force of soldiers, four thousand men hadsplit off from the rest, and that therefore he should proceedcautiously, and should also be very sure that Chilichuchima wasarranging and commanding all this and was giving advice to the enemy asto what they were to do, and that, on this account, he should bearhimself with caution. When the Governor had finished his day's march, hehad chains put upon Chilichuchima and said to him: "Well you know how Ihave always borne myself toward you and how I have always tried [to begenerous with you], making you the captain who should rule all this landuntil the son of Atabalipa should come from Quito in order to be madelord [of it], and although I have had many causes for putting you todeath, I have not wished to do so, believing always that you would mendyour ways. Likewise, I have asked you many times to urge these hostileIndians, with whom you have influence and friendliness, to calmthemselves and lay down their arms, since, although they had done muchharm and had killed Guaritico[58] who came from Xauxa at my command, Iwould pardon them all. But in spite of all these admonitions of mine youhave wished to persist in your evil attitude and intentions, thinkingthat the advice which you gave to the hostile captains was powerfulenough to make your wicked design succeed. But now you can see how, withthe aid of our God, we have always routed them, and that it will alwaysbe so in the future, and you may be very sure that they will not be ableto escape nor to return to Quito whence they came, nor will you everagain see Cuzco[59] because as soon as I have arrived at the place wherethis captain is with my soldiers, I shall cause you to be burned alivebecause you have known how to keep so ill the friendship which, in thename of Caesar, [60] my lord, I have agreed upon with you. Have no doubtthat this will be done unless you urge these Indian friends of yours tolay down their arms and come in peace, as I have asked you to do manytimes before. " To all these reasonings Chilichuchima listenedattentively without returning a word. But always firm in his obstinacy, he [at length] replied: "that those captains had not done as he hadordered them to do because they did not wish to obey him, and, for thatreason he had not remained to make them understand that they must comein peace, " and with such words he excused himself from what wasattributed to him. But the Governor, who already knew of certain of hisdealings, left him with his evil thoughts and did not return to speak tohim upon the matter. Then, having crossed the river in the afternoon, the Governor went forward with those soldiers and arrived by night in avillage called Rimac[61] a league from that river. And there the Marshalarrived, with four horsemen, to wait for him, and after they had talkedtogether, they set out the next day for the camp of the Spaniards wherethey arrived in the afternoon, the captain and many others having comeout to meet them, and all rejoiced greatly at seeing themselves alltogether again. The Governor gave each one thanks, according to hismerits, for the valour they had shown, and all set out together in theevening and arrived two leagues further on at a village calledSachisagagna. [62] The captains informed the Governor all that hadhappened, just as I have related it. When they were all lodged in thisvillage, the captain and the Marshal urged the Governor to do justice onChilichuchima, because he ought to know that Chilichuchima advised theenemy of all that the Christians did, and that he it was who had madethe Indians come out of the mountains of Bilcas, exhorting them to comeand fight with the Christians who were few and who, with their horses, could not climb those mountains save step by step and on foot, andgiving them, at the same time, a thousand other counsels as to wherethey were to wait and what they were to do, like a man who had seenthose places and who knew the skill of the Christians with whom he hadlived so long a time. Informed of all these things, the Governor gaveorders that he was to be burned alive in the middle of the plaza, andso it was done, for his chiefs and most familiar friends were those whowere quickest in setting fire to him. [63] The religious[64] tried topersuade him to become a Christian, saying to him that those who werebaptized and who believed with true faith in our saviour Jesus Christwent to glory in paradise and that those who did not believe in him wentto hell and its tortures. He made him understand this by means of aninterpreter. But he [Chilichuchima] did not wish to be a Christian, saying that he did not know what sort of thing this law was, and hebegan to invoke Paccamaca[65] and captain Quizquiz that they might cometo his aid. This Paccamaca the Indians have as their God and they offerhim much gold and silver, and it is a well-known thing that the demon isin that idol and speaks with those who come to ask him something. [66]And of this matter I have spoken at length in the relation which wassent to H. M. From Caxamalca. In this way this captain paid for thecruelties which he committed in the conquests of Atabalipa, and for theevils which he plotted to the hurt of the Spaniards and in disservice ofH. M. All the people of the country rejoiced infinitely at his death, because he was very much abhorred by all who knew what a cruel man hewas. [67]

CHAPTER XI

 A son of the cacique Guainacaba[68] visits them; they agree upon friendship with him, and he tells them of the movements of the army of hostile Indians with which they have some encounters before entering Cuzco, where they establish as lord the son of Guainacaba. [69]

Here the Spaniards rested that night, having set good guards, becausethey were given to understand that Quizquiz was close by with all hismen. And on the following morning, came to visit the Governor a son ofGuainacaba and a brother of the dead cacique Atabalipa, [70] and thegreatest and most important lord who was then in that land; and he hadever been a fugitive so that those of Quito might not kill him. This mansaid to the Governor that he would aid him to the extent of his power inorder to drive from that land all those of Quito, who were his enemiesand who hated him and did not wish to be the subjects of a foreignpeople. This man was the man to whom, by law, came all that province andwhom all the caciques of it wished for their lord. When he came to seethe Governor, he came through the mountains, avoiding the roads for fearof those of Quito, and the Governor received him with great gladness andreplied to him: "Much does what you say please me, as does also findingyou with so good a desire to expel these men of Quito, and you must knowthat I have come from Xauxa for no other purpose than to prevent themfrom doing you harm and free you from slavery to them, and you canbelieve that I have not come for my own benefit because I was in Xauxa, sure of having war with them and I had an excuse for not making thislong and difficult journey. But knowing the injuries they were doing toyou, I wanted to come to rectify and undo them, as the Emperor my lordcommanded me to do. And so, you may be sure that I will do in your favorall that seems suitable for me to do. And I will do the same toliberate from this tyranny the people of Cuzco. " The Governor made himall these promises in order to please him so that he might continue togive news of how affairs were going, and that cacique remainedmarvellously satisfied, as did also those who had come with him. And he[Manco] replied: "Henceforth I shall give you exact informationconcerning all that they of Quito do in order that they may notinconvenience you. " And in this manner he took leave of the Governor, saying: "I am going to fish because I know that tomorrow the Christiansdo not eat flesh, and I shall encounter this messenger who tells me thatQuizquiz is going with his men to burn Cuzco and that he is now near athand, and I have wished to warn you of it in order that you may fix upona remedy. " The Governor at once placed all the soldiers upon the alert, and, although it was already noon, when he knew the needs of thesituation, he did not wish to delay even to eat, but journeyed with allthe Spaniards straight toward Cuzco, which was four leagues from thatplace, with the intention of establishing his camp near the city so asto enter it early the next day. And when he had travelled two leagues, he saw rise up in the distance a great smoke, and when he asked someIndians the cause of it, they told him that a squadron of the men ofQuizquiz had come down a mountain and set fire [word missing]. Twocaptains went ahead with some forty horsemen to see if they could catchup with this squadron, which speedily joined with the men of Quizquizand the other captains who were on a slope a league in front of Cuzcowaiting for the Christians in a pass close to the road. Seen by thecaptains and Spaniards, they [the Indians] could not avoid an encounterwith them, although the Governor had them made to understand that they[the Spaniards] would wait for the rest to join them, which they wouldhave done, were it not for the fact that the Indians incited each otherwith much spirit to encounter them. And before they [the Spaniards]could be attacked, they fell upon them on the skirt of a hill, and in ashort time they routed them, forcing them to flee to the mountain andkilling two hundred of them. Another squad of cavalry crossed overanother slope of the mountain where were two or three thousand Indianswho, not having the pluck to wait for them, threw down their lances inorder to be able to run the better, and fled headlong. And after thosefirst two squads broke and fled, they [the Spaniards] made them flee tothe heights; and [at the same time] two Spanish light horsemen sawcertain Indians return down the slope, and they set themselves toskirmish with them. They perceived that they were in great danger, butthey were helped, and the horse of one of them was killed, from whichthe Indians derived so much encouragement that they wounded four or fivehorses and a Christian, and they made them retreat as far as the plain. The Indians who, until then, had not seen the Christians retire, thoughtthat they were doing it in order to attract them to the plain and thereattack them as they had done at Bilcas, and they said so amongthemselves and were cautious, not wishing to go down and follow them. Bythis time the Governor had arrived with the [rest of] the Spaniards and, as it was already late, they set up their camp on a plain, and theIndians maintained themselves an arquebuse-shot away on a slope untilmid-night, yelling, and the Spaniards spent all that night with theirhorses saddled and bridled. And the next day, at the first ray of dawn, the Governor arranged the troops, horse and foot, and he took the roadto Cuzco, with good understanding and caution, believing that the enemywould come to attack him on the road, but none of them appeared. In thisway the Governor and his troops entered that great city of Cuzco withoutany other resistance or battle on Friday, at the hour of high mass, onthe fifteenth day of the month of November of the year of the birth ofour Saviour and Redeemer Jesus Christ MDXXXIII. The Governor caused allthe Christians to lodge in the dwellings around the plaza of the city, and he ordered that all should come forth with their horses to the plazaand sleep in their tents, until it could be seen whether the enemy werecoming to attack them. This order was continued and observed for amonth. On another day, the Governor created as lord that son ofGuainacaba, for he was young, prudent and alive and the most importantof all those who were there at that time, and was the one to whom thatlordship came by law. And he did it so soon in order that the lords andcaciques should not go away to their own lands which were diversprovinces, and some very far away, and so that the natives should notjoin those of Quito, but should have a separate lord of their own whomthey might reverence and obey and not organize themselves into bands. Sohe commanded all the caciques to obey him [Manco] as their lord and todo all that he should order them to do. [71]

CHAPTER XII

 The new cacique[72] goes with an army to drive Quizquiz from the state of Quito. He has some encounters with the Indians, and, because of the roughness of the roads, they return, and they later go thither again with a company of Spaniards, and before they set out, the cacique pays his obedience to the emperor. 

As soon as this was done, he [the Governor] gave orders to the newcacique to assemble many warriors in order to go and vanquish Quizquizand drive from the land those of Quito, and he [the Governor] said tothe Inca that it was not regular that, when he was lord, another shouldremain in his land against his will, and [the Governor] said many otherwords to him upon this subject in the presence of all in order that theymight see the favor which he did him [Manco] and the fondness which heshowed him, and this not for the sake of advantages that might resultfrom it, but for his own [Manco's] sake. [73] The cacique had greatpleasure in receiving this order, and in the space of four days heassembled more than five thousand Indians, all in readiness with theirarms, and the Governor sent with them a captain of his own and fiftycavalrymen; he himself remained guarding the city with the rest of thetroops. When ten days had gone by, the captain returned and related tothe Governor what had happened, saying that at nightfall he had arrivedwith his troops at the camp of Quizquiz five leagues from there, becausehe had gone by a roundabout road through which the cacique guidedhim. [74] But, before arriving at enemy's camp, he encountered twohundred Indians posted in a hollow, and because the land was rough hewas not able to take their fort away from them and to overpower them sothat they could not give notice of his coming, which they did do. But, although this company [of Indians] was in a strong place, it was not sobold as to wait for his attack and it withdrew to the other side of abridge to cross which was impossible [for the Spaniards] because, from amountain which dominated it, to which the Indians had retired, theyhurled so many stones that no one was permitted to cross, and, becausethe land was the roughest and most inaccessible that had been seen, they[the Spaniards] turned back. [The captain] said that two hundred Indianshad been killed, and that the cacique was much pleased at what [thecaptain] had done, and, on their return to the city had guided themthrough another and shorter road on which, in many places, the captainfound great quantities of stones piled up for defense against theChristians, and he found, among other passes, one so bad and difficultthat he, with all his troops, suffered great trials and could not followit further. At that place it became apparent that the cacique had true, and not feigned, friendship for the Governor and Christians, for he ledthem out of that road from which not one Spaniard could have escaped[alone]. [The captain] said that after he left the city, he did not goover as much as a cross-bow shot of flat land, and that all the countrywas mountainous, stony and very difficult to traverse and [he added]that if it had not been for the fact that it was the first time that thecacique was travelling with him and might impute it to fear, he wouldhave turned back. The Governor would have liked him to follow the enemyuntil he drove them from the place where they were, but when he heardthe nature of the place, he remained content with what had been done. The cacique said that he had sent his soldiers after the enemy, and thathe thought they would do them some damage; and accordingly within fourdays news came that they had killed a thousand Indians. The Governoronce more charged the cacique to cause more warriors to be assembled, and he himself wished to send with them some of his cavalry in orderthat they might not desist until they had driven the enemy from theland. When he returned from [the first] trip, the cacique went to fastin a house which was on a mountain, a dwelling which his father hadbuilt in another day; there he stayed three days, after which he came tothe plaza where the men of that land gave him obedience according totheir usage, recognizing him as their lord and offering him the whiteplume, just as they had to the cacique Atabalipa in Caxamalcha. Whenthis was done, he caused all the caciques and lords who were there toassemble, and, having spoken to them concerning the harm that the men ofQuito were doing in his land and about the good that would result to allif a stop were put to it, he commanded them to call and prepare warriorswho should go against those of Quito and drive them from the place inwhich they had posted themselves. This the captains did at once, andthey so managed to raise troops that, in the period of eight days, tenthousand warriors were in that city, all, picked men, and the Governorcaused to be prepared fifty light horsemen with a captain in order thatthey might set out on the last day of the feast of the Nativity. TheGovernor, before that journey was made, wishing to re-affirm peace andfriendship with that cacique and his people, when mass had been said onChristmas day by the religious, [75] went out to the plaza with many ofthe soldiers of his company, and into the presence of the cacique and ofthe lords of the land and of the warriors who were seated along with hisSpaniards, the cacique on a stool and his men on the ground around him. The Governor made them an address, as he was wont to do on suchoccasions, and by me, his secretary and the scrivener of the army, wasread the demand and requirement which H. M. Had sent, and its contentswere declared to them by an interpreter; all understood it and replied[in a friendly manner]. It was required of them that they should be andshould call themselves vassals of H. M. , and the Governor received[their obedience] with the same ceremony as was used the other time, namely, of twice raising the royal standard, and in testimony [of thefriendship] the Governor embraced them to the sound of trumpets, observing other solemnities which I do not write in order to avoidprolixity. This done, the cacique stood up and, in a vase of gold, gavedrink to the Governor and the Spaniards with his own hands, and then allwent off to eat, it being already evening. 

CHAPTER XIII

 They suspect that the cacique wishes to rebel. It turns out to be unfounded. Many Spaniards go with him and twenty thousand Indians against Quizquiz, and of what happens to them they give news in a letter to the Governor. 

And when the Spanish captain with the Indians and the cacique were aboutto depart within two days in order to go against the enemy ... [76] theGovernor was informed by some Spaniards, some Indian friends and someallied natives of the country that among some of the cacique's chiefmen, it was being talked of that they should join with the warriors ofQuito, and they [the informers] accused him of other things. Because ofthis, there arose some suspicion, and, in order to make sure as towhether the friendship of the cacique for the Christians who loved himso was faithful and true, wishing to know truth of the matter, [theGovernor] caused the cacique and some of his chief men to be called, onthe next day, to his room. And he told them what was being said aboutthem; after investigation had been made and torture had been given tosome Indians, it came out that the cacique and the chiefs were withoutany blame, and it was certified that, neither by word nor deed, had theydone anything to the hurt of the Spaniards, but that two chiefs had saidthat because their ancestors had never been subject to anyone neitherthey nor the cacique ought to submit themselves [to the Spaniards]. Butnotwithstanding this, by what was known then and afterwards, it wasbelieved that the Indians always loved the Spaniards and that theirfriendship with them was not feigned. [77] The troops did not set out ontheir journey because the rigor of winter [was at its height] and itrained a great deal every day, so it was determined to allow the heightof the rainy season go by, principally because of the fact that manybridges had been ill-treated and broken, to mend which was essential. When the season in which the rains ceased arrived, the Governor had thefifty cavalrymen, the cacique the men he had and make ready. All ofthese, with the captain whom he gave them, put themselves on the marchfor Xauxa by way of the city of Bilcas, [78] where, it was understood, the enemy were because the roads were cut up by the many winter rainsand the rivers were swollen; although there was no bridge over many ofthem, the Spaniards crossed on their horses with great trouble, and oneof them was drowned. Arrived by [long] marches at the river which isfour leagues from Bilcas, it was learned that the enemy had gone on toXauxa. And the river being swollen and furious, and the bridge burned, it was necessary for them to stop and build it anew, for, without it, itwould have been impossible to cross the river, either in those boatswhich are called _balsas_ or by swimming or in any other way. Twentydays the camp was here in order to mend the bridge, for the officers[maestros] had much to do, because the water was high and kept breakingdown the osier ropes which were put in place. And if the cacique had nothad so great a number of men to build the bridge and to cross over by itand pull over the ropes of osiers, it would not have been possible tobuild it. But having twenty-four thousand warriors, and by crossing [thestream] again and again to attempt [to set in place the ropes] makinguse of cords and _balsas_, at last they succeeded in placing the osierropes and when they had been passed across [the river], the bridge wasbuilt in a very short space of time. [It was] so good and well builtthat another like it is not to be found in that land, for it is threehundred and seventy-odd feet long, and broad enough to allow two horsesto cross at once without any risk. Then, having crossed that bridge andhaving arrived at Bilcas, the Spaniards found quarters in the city, fromwhich they sent to the Governor a report on how affairs wereprogressing. Here the camp stopped for some days, resting, in orderthat they might have news of the place in which the enemy were, of whichthey learned no more than that they had set out for Xauxa, and that theywere thinking of attacking the Spaniards who had remained there asgarrison. When he learned this, the captain at once set out with theSpaniards to aid [the garrison], taking with him a brother of thecacique and four thousand warriors. The cacique returned to Cuzco, andthe captain sent the governor a letter which his lieutenant wrote fromXauxa in great haste, and which was of the following tenor: "When yourexcellency drove the enemy from Cuzco, they rallied and came to Xauxa, and before they arrived, it was learned by our men that they were comingin great force, because, from all the places of the region, they weredrawing as many men as they could, as much for warriors as to carry thesupplies and baggage; when this was learned by the treasurer Alfonso [inXauxa], he sent four light horsemen to a bridge which is twelve leaguesfrom the city of Xauxa where the enemy were on the other side, in a veryimportant province. When they had returned, the treasurer used his bestefforts, as much in guarding the city and in treating well the caciqueswho were there with him as in informing himself stealthily of all thedoings of the enemy. And the greatest suspicions which he had were ofthe Indians who were in the town and in the region and who were verynumerous, because almost all were in agreement with the enemy to comeand attack the Spaniards on four sides. With this agreement, the Indiansof Quito crossed [the bridge before mentioned] with the intention that acaptain with five hundred of their men should come from the direction ofa [certain] mountain and cross a river which is a quarter of a leaguefrom the city and place himself on the highest part of the mountain[near Xauxa] in order to assault the city on the day agreed upon betweenthem. The captain Quizquiz and Incurabaliba, [79] who were their chiefleaders, were to come by the plains with a greater force of warriors. This was speedily learned from an Indian to whom torture was given. Thecaptain who was to cross the river and attack the city from the mountaintravelled rapidly and arrived a day before the rest of the warriors. Andone morning at dawn news came to the city of how many enemies hadcrossed the bridge, from which was born a great disaffection among thenatives of Xauxa who [formerly] served the Christians loyally, fromwhich it was supposed that the whole land had risen in arms, as has beensaid. First of all, the treasurer arranged that all the gold of H. M. And of the men which was in the city should be placed in a large house, and he set a guard of the feeblest and sickest Spaniards, ordering thatthe rest should be prepared to fight; and he ordered ten light horsemento go out to see how large a number of the enemy had crossed the riverin order to take the mountain, and he himself, with the rest of thesoldiers, waited on the plaza in case the greater number of the enemyshould come by way of the plain. The Spanish scouts attacked the Indianswho had crossed the bridge; they retired, and the Spaniards had to crossthe bridge after them some peon cross-bowmen whom the treasurer had sentthem, so that the Indians turned and fled with great loss. The greatblow of the others, who came by the plain, did not take place at thetime agreed upon with the others for assaulting the city, and in waitingfor it, they lost time. That night and the [following] day the city wasvigilant, and the soldiers were always armed and their horses saddled, all being together in the plaza, thinking that on the following nightthe Indians would come to attack the city and burn it, as it was saidthat they intended to do. When [the first] two quarters of the nightwere passed, seeing that the enemy did not appear, the treasurer tookwith him a light-armed horseman and went to see in what place the enemyhad camped and how many of them had approached the city, [for theIndians who gave news of all this did not know where they were, andlikewise because the enemy took roads of which no one could giveinformation], with the result that at daybreak the treasurer foundhimself four leagues from the city, and, having seen the place where theIndians were and the nature of the site, he returned to the city atwhich he arrived a little after noon. When it was seen by the hostileIndians that the Spaniards had discovered them, they were in great fear, and got up from that site and went towards the city, and in the nightthey came and took up a position a quarter of a league from the citybeside a small river which entered the large one. When this was known bythe Spaniards, they spent that night with the greatest caution, and onthe following day, after hearing mass, the treasurer took twenty lighthorse and twenty peons with two thousand friendly Indians, leaving asmany more Spanish cavalry and some foot soldiers in the city with theunderstanding that they were to give a signal whenever the enemy shouldattack them so that the other [Spaniards] might come to aid them. Havinggone out from the city with the lieutenant, the Spaniards saw that theIndians of Quito had crossed the little river with their squadrons inwhich there might be some six thousand of them, and, seeing theSpaniards, they turned and crossed to the other bank. Then, thetreasurer and the Spaniards perceiving that if they did not attack theIndians that day, the following night the latter would come to sack andset fire to the city, so that there would be greater trouble if nightwas awaited, he [the treasurer] determined to cross the river and fightwith the enemy. A sharp skirmish was held [on the other side], as muchwith cross-bows and arrows as with stones, and the treasurer, who wasgoing in advance of the rest down the stream, received a stone on thecrown of his head which threw him from his horse into the midst of theriver, and, stunned, he was borne along quite a distance, so that hewould have been drowned had not some Spanish cross-bowmen who werethere helped him and pulled him from the water with much trouble. [TheIndians] also gave his horse [a blow] in the leg which broke it, and hedied soon. From this the Spaniards drew great animosity, and theyhastened to cross the river. Seeing their determination the Indianswithdrew, fleeing to a mountain where some hundred of them died. Thehorsemen followed them through the mountains more than a league and ahalf, and [finally], because they withdrew to the strongest position ofthe mountain, where the horses could not go up, [the Spaniards] wentback to the city. And, soon perceiving that the Indians did not ventureforth from that fortress [the Spaniards] determined to return once moreagainst them, and twenty Spaniards with more than three thousand Indianfriends attacked them on that mountain where they were fortified andkilled many, driving them from that fortress and pursuing them more thanthree leagues, killing many neighboring caciques who were in theirfavor. With this victory the Indian friends were as much pleased as ifthey alone had won it. The Indians of Quito re-assembled once more in aplace called Tarma five leagues from Xauxa, whence, likewise, they weredriven because they did much harm in the neighboring lands. "

CHAPTER XIV

 Of the great quantity of gold and silver which they caused to be smelted from the figures of gold which the Indians adored. Of the foundation of the city of Cuzco where a settlement of Spaniards was established, and of the order which was set up there. 

When this good news was learned by the Governor, he had it published atonce, and because of it the Spaniards were filled with content and gaveinfinite thanks to God for having shown himself favorable in everythingto this enterprise. Then the Governor wrote and sent couriers to thecity of Xauxa, giving to all his congratulations and thanking them forthe valor they had shown, and especially his lieutenant, asking him togive him information of all that took place in the future. And in themeanwhile, the Governor hastened matters for setting out thence, leavingaffairs provided for in the city, founding a colony, and peoplingplentifully the said city. He caused all the gold which had beencollected to be melted, which was in small pieces, an operation quicklyperformed by Indians skilled in the process. And when the sum total wasweighed, it was found to contain five hundred and eighty thousand, twohundred-odd pesos of good gold. The fifth for H. M. Was taken out, andit was one hundred and sixteen thousand, and seventy-odd pesos of goodgold. And the same smelting was performed for the silver, which wasfound to contain two hundred and fifteen thousand marks, a little moreor less, and of them one hundred and seventy thousand or so were finesilver in vessels and plates, pure and good, and the rest was not sobecause it was in plates and pieces mixed with other metals from which, according, the silver was extracted. And from all this, likewise, wastaken the fifth of H. M. Truly it was a thing worthy to be seen, thishouse where the melting took place, all full of so much gold in platesof eight and ten pounds each, and in vessels, and vases and pieces ofvarious forms with which the lords of that land were served, and amongother very sightly things were four sheep[80] in fine gold and verylarge, and ten or twelve figures of women of the size of the women ofthat land, all of fine gold and as beautiful and well-made as if theywere alive. These they held in as much veneration as if they had beenthe rulers of all the world, and alive [as well], and they dressed themin beautiful and very fine clothing, and they adored them as Goddesses, and gave them food and talked with them as if they were women offlesh. [81] These went to form a part of the fifth of H. M. There were, besides, other odd silver objects of like form. The seeing of greatvases and pieces of burnished silver was certainly a matter for greatsatisfaction. The Governor divided and distributed all this treasureamong all the Spaniards who were at Cuzco and those who remained in thecity of Xauxa, giving to each one as much good silver, and as muchimpure, together with as much gold [as he deserved], and to each man whohad a horse he gave according to the man's merit and that of the horseand in accordance with the services he had done; and to the peons he didthe same according to what was posted up to his credit in the book ofdistributions, which was kept [for this purpose]. All this was completedwithin eight days, and at the end of as many more, the Governor set outfrom here, leaving the city settled in the manner which has been told. In the month of March, 1534, the Governor ordered that the greater partof the Spaniards he had with him should be assembled in this city, andhe made an act of foundation and settlement of the town, saying that heplaced it and founded it in his own authority[82] and he took possessionof it in the middle of the plaza. And as a sign of the foundation and ofthe commencement of building and founding the colony, he held certainceremonies in accordance with the act which was drawn up, which I, thescrivener, read in a loud voice in the presence of all. And the name ofthe city was agreed upon, "the very noble and great city of Cuzco. " And, continuing the settlement, he appointed the site[83] for the churchwhich was to be built, its boundaries, limits, and jurisdiction, andimmediately afterward he proclaimed that all who might come to settlehere would be received as citizens, and many came in the next threeyears. [84] From among them all they chose the persons most fitted forundertaking the charge of governing public affairs, and he [theGovernor] appointed his lieutenant, alcaldes and ordinary regidores andother public officials, all of whom he chose in the name of H. M. And hegave them the powers to exercise their offices. This done, the Governor, with the consent and advice of the religious whom he had with him and ofH. M. 's paymaster who was then with him, with whose assistance he lookedover and considered the circumstances of the citizens until as many [hadbeen chosen] as H. M. Had arranged should take part in the_repartimiento_ of the natives; in the meanwhile a certain number ofthem [Indians] was assigned to all the Spaniards who were to remain, inorder that they might instruct them in the things of our holy catholicfaith. And there set aside and given to the service of H. M. Twelvethousand-odd married Indians in the province of the Collao in the middlethereof, near the mines, in order that they might take out gold for H. M. From which, it is understood, there will be great profits, considering the great wealth of the mines which are there, of whichmatters lengthy mention is made in the book of the foundation of thiscolony and in the register of the deposit which was made by theneighbouring Indians. And the approving, confirming or amending of thesearrangements was left to the will of H. M. According as should seem bestto suit his royal service. 

CHAPTER XV

 The Governor sets out with the cacique for Xauxa, and they receive news of the army of Quito, and of certain ships which some Spaniards who went to the city of San Miguel saw on those coasts. 

When these things were done, the Governor set out for Xauxa, taking thecacique with him, and the citizens remained guarding the city[according] to orders which the Governor left them so that they mightgovern themselves until he should command something else. Journeying byforced marches, on the day of Easter, he found himself on the Bilcasriver, where he learned from letters and notices from Xauxa, that thewarriors of Quito, after they were routed and driven from their lastpositions by the captain from Cuzco, had withdrawn and fortifiedthemselves forty leagues from Xauxa on the Caxamalcha road in a badpass in the immediate vicinity of the road, and had built their walls toprevent the [possibility of] the horses [crossing] the pass. [Thesewalls had] some very narrow gates in them, and a street by which tomount a high boulder where the captain and the warriors lived and whichhad no other entrance than this one by way of this fort that they hadbuilt with these very narrow doors; [and the Governor learned] that theywere planning to await aid here, because it was known that the son ofAtabalipa was coming with many warriors. This news the Governorcommunicated to the cacique who at once sent off couriers to the city ofCuzco in order to cause warriors to come who should not exceed twothousand in number, but who were to be the best there were in all thatprovince, because the Governor told him that it would be better werethey few and good than if they were many and unserviceable, because themany would destroy the food in the land through which they were to passwithout necessity or profit. At the same time the Governor wrote to thelieutenant and corregidor of Cuzco that he should aid the captains ofthe cacique and see to it that the warriors came soon. On the second dayafter Easter, the Governor set out from this place, and, by forcedmarches, arrived in Xauxa, where he learned the whole of what had passedthere in his absence, and especially what those of Quito had done, and, in particular, they told him that after the enemy was put to flight fromthe environs of Xauxa, they had retired twenty or thirty leagues fromthere into the mountains, and that, according to the captain who wentout against them with the brother of the cacique and four thousand men, they arrived within sight of them [the Indians], and that, after a restof a few days, they went to attack them and routed them and drove themfrom that place with much trouble and great danger. When they [theSpanish force] had returned to Xauxa, the Marshal Don Diego de Almagrowho, when the captain and Spaniards came from Cuzco, had come with themby order of the Governor to inspect the Indians round about in order tosee and know the state of things in that city and among its citizens, went out to visit the caciques and lords of the region of Chincha[85]and Pachacama, and the others who had their lands and lived on thesea-coast. 

In this state the Governor found affairs when arrived at Xauxa, and, having rested from the long journey without arranging anything in thefirst few days, he waited for the Indians[86] [for whom he had sent] inorder to go and drive the enemy from the fort which they had made andfinish with them, when there came to him one of two Spanish messengerswho had gone to the city of San Miguel to see how things were goingthere, and who spoke to him in this way: "My lord, when I had set outfrom here by order of the Marshal, I set myself to journey with allspeed along the plains and the shore of the sea, not without trouble, because many of the caciques who are along that road were in revolt. But some who were friendly provided us with whatever we needed, and theyinformed us that some ships had been seen along the sea-coast, which Imyself saw one day, and, considering that I was sent to the city of SanMiguel to find out whether the ships of the Adelantado Alvarado or ofother people had arrived, I went [rapidly] along the coast for nine daysand nights, sometimes in sight of them, believing that they would takeport and that I would thus learn who they were. But even with all thisspeed and trouble I could not do what I wished, on which account I madeup my mind to continue my journey to the city of San Miguel, and, havingcrossed to the other side of the large river, I was informed by theIndians of the country that Christians were coming along that road, andI, thinking that without doubt it would prove to be the troops of theAdelantado Alvarado, my companion and I went on our guard in order notto encounter them _impromptu_. [87] And when they arrived at Motupe, Ilearned that they were near that place [where I was], and I waited forthe night. At dawn I sent my companion to speak with them, and to seewhat people they were, and I gave him certain tokens by which he couldinform me, and finally, I learned that they were soldiers who werecoming to the conquest of these kingdoms. Because of this, I went tothem and spoke at length, telling them the errand I was on, and they, inreturn, informed me that they had come to the city of San Miguel incertain ships from Panama and were two hundred and fifty in number. Whenthey had arrived at San Miguel, the captain who was in that city withtwo hundred men, seventy of them cavalry, had gone away to the provincesof Quito in order to conquer them, and they, some thirty persons withtheir horses, knowing the conquests which were being made in Cuzco, andthe lack of men there was there, did not wish to go with the captain tothose provinces of Quito and so were coming to Xauxa. And we gave themnews of all that had happened here and of the war which we had had withthe Indians of Quito. And in order to bring more quickly the news ofwhat had happened there I returned from that place without going to thecity of San Miguel, knowing for certain that the captain would havedeparted with his men and would already be near Cossibamba. [88] Turningback on my road, I met, on Easter, the Marshal D. Diego de Almagro nearCena[89] which is where the road to Caxamalca branches off, and to him Irelated how things were going and how some suspected that the captainwho was going to Quito was not going with good intentions. As soon asthe Marshal heard this, he set off in order to catch up with the captainwho was taking these soldiers on the march to Quito, in order to detainhim until together they could arrange the necessary provisions for thiswar. This, then, sir, is what has happened to me on this journey, duringwhich I tried to get information about those ships, but could not learnanything else about them. Of Alvarado nothing more is known than that hehas already embarked on these shores or has passed further on, asletters inform me. "

CHAPTER XVI

 They build a church in the city of Xauxa, and send some three thousand Indians with some Spaniards against the hostile Indians. They have news of the arrival of many Spaniards and horses, on which account they send soldiers to the province of Quito. A Relation of the quality and people of the land from Tumbez to Chincha, and of the province of Collao and Condisuyo. [90]

The Governor received this messenger, read the letters which he brought, and asked him many other things, and, in order to arrange all thatseemed suitable in this business, he called all the officials of H. M. After they had discussed the journey of that captain to Quito and howthe Marshal would already have reasoned with him, according to thereport brought by that messenger, permission was given [to the Governor]that he should send one of his lieutenants with sufficient powers forthe task in hand. And when his letters to the city of San Miguel and tothe Marshal, in which he told them what was to be done, were written, hesent off with them three Christians, in order that the letters might gomore quickly and safely, ordering the men to hasten with all speed uponthe road and keep advising him of what they learned. After this had beenarranged, he [Pizarro] chose the place in which the church was to beerected in that city of Xauxa. This task he commanded to be done by thecaciques of the district, and it was built with its great doors ofstone. [91] In the meanwhile, there arrived the four thousand Indianwarriors whom the cacique had called from Cuzco, and the Governor causedto be made ready fifty Spanish cavalrymen and thirty peons to go [withthe Indians] in order to drive the enemy from the pass where they were, and they set out with the cacique and his soldiers, who loved theSpaniards better every day. [92] The Governor ordered the captain ofthese Spaniards to pursue the enemy as far as Guanaco[93] and as farbeyond as he believed necessary, and that he should keep him informedcontinually, by letters and messengers of what went on. After this, theGovernor received news of the ships on the feast of the Holy Ghost, andat the same time, he received a letter from San Miguel which twoSpaniards brought him, and he learned how the ships, because of badweather, had remained seventy leagues from Paccacama[94] without beingable to go further, and how the Adelantado de Alvarado had gone up toPuerto Viejo three months before with four hundred men [on foot] and onehundred and fifty cavalry[95] and with them he entered the interior inthe direction of Quito, believing that he would arrive there at the sametime that the Marshal Don Diego de Almagro would enter those provincesfrom the other side. As a result of all this information concerning thejustice and government of the city of S. Miguel and of other places, theGovernor entered upon the control of it [himself]. And, in order tomend matters, with the consent of the officials, he sent his messengersin a brigantine by sea, and with them he sent orders to the Marshalthat, in the name of H. M. , he should lend him [Pizarro] aid, and shouldconquer, pacify and settle those provinces of Quito with the troops hehad with him and with those who were in readiness in the city of SanMiguel. At the same time, he arranged other matters in this connection, so that Alvarado should do no harm in the land, and because H. M. Sodesired that it should be, and likewise he determined that, on thearrival of the ships, he would send a report to H. M. Of all that hadtaken place on that venture up to that very hour, so that he [H. M. ]might be informed of all and might provide in every instance what heheld to be the best for his royal service. This is the state of theaffairs of war and of other matters in this land: and of the quality ofit I shall speak briefly because a relation of it was sent fromCaxamalca. This land, from Tumbez to Chincha has [a width of some] tenleagues, in some places more, in others less; it is a broad, flat, sandyland in which no grass or herbs grow and where it rains but little; itis [in places] fertile in maize and fruits because the people sow andirrigate their farms with water from the rivers that come down from themountains. The houses which the laborers use are made of rushes andbranches, because, when it does not rain, it is very hot, and few of thehouses have roofs. [96] They are a wretched folk, and many of them areblind on account of the great amount of sand that there is. They arepoor in gold and silver, and what they have is because those who live inthe sierra exchange it for goods. All the land beside the sea is of thisdescription as far as Chincha, and even fifty leagues beyond there. Theydress in cotton [bambaso] and eat maize both cooked and raw, andhalf-raw meat. At the end of the plains which are called Ingres are somevery high mountains which extend from the city of San Miguel as far asXauxa, and which may well be one hundred and fifty leagues long, buthave little breadth. It is a very high and rugged land of mountains andmany rivers; there are no forests save some trees in places where thereis always a thick mist. It is very cold because there is a snow-cappedmountain range which extends from Caxamalca to Xauxa and on which thereis snow all the year through. The people who live there are much moreadvanced than the others, because they are very polished and warlike andof good dispositions. They are very rich in gold and silver because theyget it from many places in the mountains. None of the lords who havegoverned these provinces have ever been able to make any use of thesecoast-people, as they are such a wretched and poor folk, as I have said, that they are fit to be used for nothing else than to carry fish andfruits [up into the highlands], for as soon as they come into themountainous regions, their own land being very hot, they sicken for themost part; and the same thing happens to those who inhabit themountains if they go down into the hot country. Those who dwell on theother side of the land, beyond the summits of the mountains, are likesavages who have no houses nor any maize save a little; they have verygreat forests and maintain themselves almost entirely on the fruit ofthe trees; they have no domicile, nor fixed settlements that are known;there are very great rivers, and the land is so useless that it paid allits tribute to the lords in parrot feathers. [97]

The mountainous region being the chief part of the country, and being sonarrow, as well as being torn by the wars that have been there, settlements of Christians cannot be made there, for it is a very remoteregion. From the city of Xauxa along the Cuzco road, the country keepsgetting more shut in by mountains and the distance from the sea isgreater. And those who have been lords of Cuzco, their own dwellingbeing in Cuzco, called the rest of the land, in the direction of Quito, Cancasuetio, and the land beyond [Cuzco], called Callao, Collasuyo, and, in the direction of the sea, Condisuyo, and the interiorCandasuyo;[98] and in this way they gave names to these four provinces, disposed like a cross, which contained their empire. In the Collao theyknow not of the sea, and it is a flat land to judge from what has beenseen of it, and it is large and cold, and there are in it many riversfrom which gold is got. The Indians say that in the province is a largelake of fresh water which, in its centre, has two islands. [99] In orderto learn the state of this land and its government, the Governor senttwo Christians to bring him a long report of it; they set out in thebeginning of December. The region of Condisuyo, toward the sea fromCuzco is a small and delectable land, although it is all of forests andstones, and the inland region is so likewise. Through it [the Antisuyu]run all the rivers which do not flow into the western sea. It is a landof many trees and mountains and is very thinly populated. This sierraruns from Tumbes as far as Xauxa, and from Xauxa as far as the city ofCuzco. It is stony and rough; if there were not roads made by hand itwould not be possible to travel on foot, still less on horseback, andfor the roads there are many houses full of materials for repairing thepavement, and in this matter the lords had so much firmness that therewas nothing to do but keep it in order. [100] All the mountainfields[101] are made in the guise of stairways of stone, and the rest ofthe road has no great width because of some mountains that hem it in onboth sides, and on one side they had made a buttress of stone so thatone day it should not slide down [the mountain], and there are, likewise, other places, in which the road has a breadth of four or fivehuman bodies, all made and paved with stone. One of the greatest worksthe conquerors saw in this land was these roads. All or most of thepeople on these slopes of the mountains live on high hills andmountains; their houses are of stone and earth; there are many dwellingsin each village. Along the road each league or two or nearer, are foundthe dwellings built for the purpose of allowing the lords to rest whenthey were out visiting and inspecting their land; and every twentyleagues there are important cities, heads of provinces, to which thesmaller cities brought their tribute of maize, clothes and other things. All these large cities have storehouses full of the things which are inthe land, and, because it is very cold but little maize is harvestedexcept in specially assigned places; but [there is plenty of] all themany vegetables and roots with which the people sustained themselves, and also good grass like that of Spain. There are also wild turnipswhich are bitter. There is a sufficiency of herds of sheep[102] which goabout in flocks with their shepherds who keep them away from the sownfields, and they have a certain part of [each] province set apart forthem to winter in. The people, as I have said, are very polished andintelligent, and go always clad and shod; they eat maize both cooked andraw, and drink much chicha, which is a beverage made from maize afterthe fashion of beer. The people are very tractable and very obedient andyet warlike. They have many arms of diverse sorts, as has been told inthe relation of the imprisonment of Atabalipa which was sent fromCaxamalca, as was said above. [103]

CHAPTER XVII

 Description of the city of Cuzco and of its wonderful fortress, and of the customs of its inhabitants. 

The city of Cuzco is the principal one of all those where the lords ofthis land have their residence; it is so large and so beautiful that itwould be worthy of admiration even in Spain; and it is full of thepalaces of the lords, because no poor people live there, and each lordbuilds there his house, and all the caciques[104] do likewise, althoughthe latter do not dwell there continuously. The greater part of thesehouses are of stone, and others have half the façade of stone. There aremany houses of adobe, and they are all arranged in very good order. Thestreets are laid out at right angles; they are very straight, and arepaved, and down the middle runs a gutter for water lined with stone. Thechief defect which the streets have is that of being narrow, so thatonly one horse and rider can go on one side of the gutter and anotherupon the opposite side. This city is located upon the slope of amountain, and there are many houses upon the slope and others below onthe plain. The plaza is rectangular, and the greater part of it is flatand paved with small stones. Around the plaza are four houses ofnoblemen, who are the chief men of the city; [the houses] are of stone, painted and carved, and the best of them is the house ofGuaynacaba, [105] a former chief, and the door of it is of marble[colored] white and red and of other colors;[106] and there are othervery sightly buildings with flat roofs. There are, in the said city, many other buildings and grandeurs. Along the two sides [of the city]pass two rivers which rise a league above Cuzco, and from there down tothe city and for two leagues below it they run over stone flags so thatthe water may be pure and clear, and so that, though they may rise, theymay not overflow. They have bridges for those who enter the city. Uponthe hill which, toward the city, is rounded and very steep, there is avery beautiful fortress of earth and stone. Its large windows which lookover the city make it appear still more beautiful. [107] Within, thereare many dwellings, and a chief tower in the centre, built square, andhaving four or five terraces one above another. The rooms inside aresmall and the stones of which it is built are very well worked and sowell adjusted to one another that it does not appear that they have anymortar and they are so smooth that they look like polished slabs withthe joinings in regular order and alternating with one another after theusage in Spain. [108] There are so many rooms and towers that a personcould not see them all in one day; and many Spaniards who have been inLombardy and in other foreign kingdoms say that they have never seen anyother fortress like this one nor a stronger castle. Five thousandSpaniards might well be within it; nor could it be given a broadside orbe mined, because it is on a rocky mountain. On the side toward thecity, which is a very steep slope, there is no more than one wall;[109]on the other side, which is less steep, there are three, one above theother. The most beautiful thing which can be seen in the edifices ofthat land are these walls, because they are of stones so large thatanyone who sees them would not say that they had been put in place byhuman hands, for they are as large as chunks of mountains and hugerocks, and they have a height of thirty palms and a length of as manymore, and others have twenty and twenty-five, and others fifteen, butthere is none so small that three carts could carry it. These are notsmooth stones, but rather well joined and matched one with another. TheSpaniards who see them say that neither the bridge of Segovia nor anyother of the edifices which Hercules or the Romans made is so worthy ofbeing seen as this. The city of Tarragona has some works in its wallsmade in this style, but neither so strong nor of such large stones. These walls twist in such a way that if they are attacked, it is notpossible to do so from directly in front, but only obliquely. [110] Thesewalls are of the same stone, and between wall and wall there is enoughearth to permit three carts to go along the top at one time. They aremade after the fashion of steps, so that one begins where another leavesoff. The whole fortress was a deposit of arms, clubs, lances, bows, axes, shields, doublets thickly padded with cotton and other arms ofvarious sorts, and clothes for the soldiers collected here from allparts of the land subject to the lords of Cuzco. They had many colors, blue, yellow, brown and many others for painting, much tin and lead withother metals, and much silver and some gold, many mantles and quilteddoublets for the warriors. The reason why this fortress contained somuch workmanship was that, when this city was founded it was done by alord _orejon_[111] who came from Condisuyo, toward the sea, a greatwarrior who conquered this land as far as Bilcas and who, perceivingthat this was the best place to fix his domicile, founded that citywith its fortress. And all the other lords who followed after him madesome improvements in this fortress so that it was ever augmenting insize. From this fortress are seen around the city many houses a quarterof a league, half a league and a league away, and in the valley, whichis surrounded by hills, there are more than five thousand houses, manyof them for the pleasure and recreation of former lords and others forthe caciques of all the land who dwell continuously in the city. Theothers are storehouses full of mantles, wool, arms, metals, and clothesand all the things which are grown or made in this land. There arehouses where the tribute is kept which the vassals bring to thecaciques; and there is a house where are kept more than a hundred driedbirds because they make garments of their feathers, which are of manycolors, and there are many houses for this [work]. There are bucklers, oval shields made of leather, beams for roofing the houses, knives andother tools, sandals and breast-plates for the warriors in such greatquantity that the mind does not cease to wonder how so great a tributeof so many kinds of things can have been given. Each dead lord has herehis house and all that was paid to him as tribute during his life, forno lord who succeeds another [and this is the law among them] can, afterthe death of the last one, take possession of his inheritance. Each onehas his service of gold and of silver, and his things and clothes forhimself, and he who follows takes nothing from him. The caciques andlords maintain their houses of recreation with the corresponding staffof servants and women who sow their fields with maize and place a littleof it in their sepulchres. They adore the sun and have built manytemples to him, and of all the things which they have, as much ofclothes as of maize and other things, they offer some to the sun, ofwhich the warriors later avail themselves. 

CHAPTER XVIII

 Of the province of the Collao and of the qualities and customs of its people, and of the rich gold mines that are found there. 

The two Christians who were sent to see the province of the Collao wereforty days upon their journey, and, as soon as they had returned toCuzco where the governor was, they gave him news and a report of allthat they had seen and learned, which is set forth below. The land ofthe Collao is far off and a long way from the sea, so much so that thenatives who inhabit it, have no knowledge of it. The sierra is very highand rather broad, and with all this, it is excessively cold. There arein the region no groves or woods, nor is there any wood for burning, andwhat little there is in use there comes from trade, in exchange formerchandise, with those who live near the sea and are called Ingres, and also with those who live below near the rivers, for these peoplehave fire-wood and they exchange it for sheep[112] and other animals andvegetables, since, for the most part, the land is sterile, and all thepeople live on roots, herbs, maize and sometimes flesh, not becausethere is not, in that province of the Collao, a good quantity of sheep, but because the people are so much the subjects of the lord to whom theyare bound to give obedience that, without his licence or that of thechief or governor who, by his command, is in the country, they do notkill one [llama], nor do even the lords and caciques dare to kill anywithout such permission. The land is well populated because wars havenot destroyed it as they have other provinces. The villages are ofordinary size and their houses are small, with walls of stone and adobemixed and covered with roofs of straw. The grass which grows in thisland is short and sparse. There are some rivers, although of smallvolume. In the middle of the province there is a great lake, in lengthalmost one hundred leagues, and the most thickly peopled land is aroundits shore; in the middle of the lake there are two islets, and on one ofthem is a mosque and house of the sun which is held in great veneration, and to it they come to make their offerings and sacrifices on a greatstone on the island which they call Tichicasa[113] which either becausethe devil hides himself there and speaks to them or because of anancient custom, or on account of some other cause that has never beenmade clear, all the people of that province hold in great esteem, andthey offer there gold, silver and other things. There are more than sixhundred Indians serving in this place, and more than a thousand womenwho make chicha in order to throw it upon that stone Tichicasa. [114] Therich mines of that province of the Collao are beyond this lake [in aregion] called Chuchiabo. [115] The mines are in the gorge [caja-chiusa]of a river, about half-way up the sides. They are made like caves, bywhose mouths they enter to scrape the earth, and they scrape it withthe horns of deer and they carry it outside in certain hides sewn intothe form of sacks or of wine-skins of sheep-hide. The manner in whichthey wash it is that they take from the river a [jet?][116] of water, and on the bank they set up certain very smooth flag-stones on whichthey throw the water, after which they draw off by a duct the water ofthe [jet?] which has just fallen down [upon the gold-earth?], and thewater carries off the earth little by little so that the gold is leftupon the flag-stones themselves, and in this manner they collect it. Themines go far into the earth, one ten brazas, another twenty, and thegreatest mine, which is called Guarnacabo[117] goes into the earth someforty brazas. [118] They have no light, nor are they broader than isnecessary for one person to enter crouching down, and until the man whois in the mine comes out, no other can go in. The people who get out thegold here are as many as fifty, [119] counting men and women, and theseare all of this land, and from one cacique come twenty, from anotherfifty, from another thirty, and from others more or less according tothe number that they have, and they take out gold for the chief lord, and they have taken such precautions in the matter that in nowise canany of what is taken out be stolen, because they have placed guardsaround the mines so that none of those who take out the gold can getaway without being seen. At night, when they return to their houses inthe village, they enter by a gate where the overseers are who have thegold in their charge, and from each person they receive the gold that hehas got. There are other mines beyond these, and there are still othersscattered about through the land which are like wells a man's height indepth, so that the worker can just throw the earth from below on top ofthe ground. And when they dig them so deep that they cannot throw theearth out on top, they leave them and make new wells. [120] But therichest mines, and the ones from which the most gold is got, are thefirst, which do not have the inconvenience of washing the earth, and, because of the cold, they do not work those mines more than four monthsof the year, [and then only] from the hour of noon to nearlysunset. [121] The people are very mild, and so accustomed to serve, thatall that has to be done in the land they do themselves, and so it is, inthe roads and in the houses which the chief lord commands them to build, and they continually offer themselves for work and for carrying theburdens of the warriors when the lord goes to some place [in theregion]. The Spaniards took from those mines a load of earth and carriedit to Cuzco without doing anything else. It was washed by the hand ofthe Governor after the Spaniards had sworn that they had not placed thegold in it or done anything to it save take it from the mine as theIndians did who washed it, and from it three pesos of gold was got. Allthose who understand mines and the getting of gold, being informed ofthe manner in which it is got in this land, say that all the [countryis full of mines], and that if the Spaniards gave implements and skill[in using them] to the Indians so that it might be got out, much goldwould be taken from the earth, and it is believed that when this timehas arrived, a year will not go by in which a million of gold is notgot. The people of this province, as well men as women, are very filthy, and they have large hands, and the province is very large. 

CHAPTER XIX

 Of the great veneration in which the Indians held Guarnacaba[122] when he lived[123] and of that in which they hold him now, after death. And how, through the disunion of the Indians, the Spaniards entered Cuzco, and of the fidelity of the new cacique Guarnacaba[124] to the Christians. 

The city of Cuzco is the head and principal province of all the others, and from here to the beach of San Mateo and, in the other direction, tobeyond the province of Collao, which is entirely a land of arrow-usingsavages, all is subject to one single lord who was Atabalipa, and, before him, to the other by-gone lords, and at present the lord of allis this son of Guarnacaba. This Guarnacaba, who was so renowned andfeared, and is so even to this day, although he is dead, was very muchbeloved by his vassals, and subjected great provinces, and made themhis tributaries. He was well obeyed and almost worshipped, and his bodyis in the city of Cuzco, quite whole, enveloped in rich cloths andlacking only the tip of the nose. There are other images of plaster ofclay which have only the hair and nails which were cut off in life andthe clothes that were worn, and these images are as much venerated bythose people as if they were their gods. Frequently they take the [body]out into the plaza with music and dancing, and they always stay close toit, day and night, driving away the flies. When some important lordscome to see the cacique, they go first to salute these figures, and theythen go to the cacique and hold, with him, so many ceremonies that itwould be a great prolixity to describe them. So many people assemble atthese feasts, which are held in that plaza, that their number exceedsone hundred thousand souls. It turned out to be fortunate that they [theSpaniards] had made that son of Guarnacaba lord, because all thecaciques and lords of the land and of remote provinces came to servehim and, out of respect for him, to yield obedience to the Emperor. Theconquerors passed through great trials, because all the land is the mostmountainous and roughest that can be traversed on horseback, and it maybe believed that, had it not been for the discord which existed betweenthe people of Quito and those of Cuzco and its neighbourhood, theSpaniards would never have entered Cuzco, nor would there have beenenough of them to get beyond Xauxa, and in order to enter they wouldhave had to go in a force of five hundred, and, to maintain themselves, they would have needed many more, because the land is so large and sorough that there are mountains and passes that ten men could defendagainst ten thousand. And the Governor never thought of being able to gowith less than five hundred Christians to conquer, pacify, and make atributary of it. But as he learned of the great disunion that existedbetween the people of that land [Cuzco] and those of Quito, it wasproposed that he should go with the few Christians that he had todeliver them from subjection and servitude, and to put a stop to themischief and wrongs that those of Quito were doing in that land, and OurLord saw fit to favor him [in it]. Nor would the Governor ever haveventured to make so long and toilsome a journey in this greatundertaking had it not been for the great confidence which he had in allthe Spaniards of his company through having tried them out and havinglearned that they were dextrous and skilled in so many conquests andaccustomed to these lands and to the toils of war. All of this theyshowed themselves to be in this journey through rains and snows, inswimming across many rivers, in crossing great mountain chains and insleeping many nights in the open air without water to drink and withoutanything on which to feed, and always, day and night, having to be armedand on guard, in going, at the end of the war, to reduce many caciquesand lands which had rebelled, and in going from Xauxa to Cuzco, on whichjourney they suffered, with their governor, so many trials and on whichthey so often placed their lives in peril in rivers and mountains wheremany horses were killed by falling headlong. This son of Guarnacaba hasmuch friendship and concord with the Christians, and for this reason, inorder to preserve him in the lordship, the Spaniards put themselves toinfinite pains and likewise bore themselves in all these undertakings sovalorously, and suffered so much, just as other Spaniards have been ableto do in the service of the Emperor, that, as a result, the verySpaniards who have found themselves in this undertaking, marvel at whatthey have done when once more they set themselves to think upon it, andthey do not know how they come to be alive as they have been able tosuffer so many trials and such prolonged hunger. But they hold that all[their troubles] were put to a good use, and they would again offerthemselves, were it necessary, to enter upon the greatest wearinessesfor the conversion of those people and the exaltation of our holycatholic faith. Of the greatness and situation of the aforesaid land, Iomit to speak, and it only remains to give thanks and praises to OurLord because, so obviously, he has wished to guide with his hand theaffairs of H. M. And of these kingdoms which, by his divine providence, have been illumined and directed upon the true road of salvation. May hebend his infinite goodness so that henceforth the [kingdoms] may go fromgood to better by the intercession of his blessed Mother, the advocateof all our steps who directs them to a good end. 

This relation was finished in the city of Xauxa on the 15th day of themonth of July, 1534. And I, Pero Sancho, Scrivener general of thesekingdoms of New Castile and secretary of the governor Francisco Pizarro, by his order and that of the officials of H. M. Wrote it just as thingshappened, and when it was finished I read it in the presence of thegovernor and of the officials of H. M. , and, as it was all true, theysaid governor and officials of H. M. Sign it with their hand. 

 FRANCISCO PIZARRO ALVARO RIQUELME. ANTONIO NAVARRO. GARCIA DE SALCEDO

 _By order of the Governor and Officials. _ SANCHO

NOTES

NOTES

[1] The modern Cajamarca; called by the Indians Casamarca. 

[2] Properly Atahualpa. 

[3] Thus the original. Something is lacking to complete the sense. --Noteby Icazbalceta. 

[4] The _peso_ is about an ounce. 

[5] Jauja. 

[6] Properly Challcuchima or Calicuchima. This remarkable Indian generalwas a son of Epiclachima, younger brother of Cacha, last Caran Scyri ofQuito. Cacha was conquered by Huayna Capac about 1487, and Calicuchimaentered the service of Atahualpa who was his kinsman through Paccha hiscousin, Huayna Capac's wife. (Velasco. )

[7] Something lacking in the text. 

[8] _Caribes_, in Spanish, sometimes means the Carib people; here, simply savages. 

[9] In the text of Ramusio, _Se gli diede una storta col mangano alcollo_. 

[10] This name is, of course, an error. 

[11] Gucunacaba is Huayna Capac. He left three legitimate sons besideHuascar, viz. , Manco, Paullu, and Titu Atauchi. I do not know which ofthem was Sancho's "Atabalipa" number two. See Sarmiento, 1907, p. Xvii. 

[12] Cuzcos = Incas. 

[13] Probably Huascar. 

[14] Huamachuco. 

[15] Andamarca. 

[16] Huaylas. 

[17] Cajatambo. 

[18] Icazbalceta suggests that this place is Cajamarquilla. I do notagree with this opinion, because Cajamarquilla had long been in ruinswhen the Spaniards arrived. (Cf. Hodge, 1897, pp. 304 ff. ) It wasprobably Chacamarca, (see below). 

[19] San Miguel de Piura. 

[20] San Miguel was founded first at another site which, on being foundto be unhealthy, was deserted; San Miguel was soon refounded at Piura. (Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. III, Moses, 1914, vol. I, p. 99. ) It ispossible that the "captain" mentioned here was no other than Sebastiande Belalcazar or Benalcazar who later conquered Quito. (Cf. Moses, 1914, I, p. 106. )

[21] This is obviously a mistake. 

[22] Descriptions of Inca bridges will be found at:

 Garcilasso, 1859, I, pp. 253 ff. , 260. Cieza de Leon, 1864, pp. 314-315. Joyce, 1912, pp. 142-143. Beuchat, 1912, pp. 608, 650. Pinkerton, 1808-1814, XIV, p. 530. (Picture. )

[23] Pachacamac has often been described. See especially Uhle, 1903; andEstete, 1872; and Markham, 1912, pp. 232 ff. 

[24] Cajatambo. 

[25] Pambo = Pombo = Pumpu. 

[26] It is impossible to tell what the correct names of these personagesmay have been. 

[27] Pombo = Pambo = Pumpu. 

[28] Chacamarca. See Raimondi's map, 1875. 

[29] The Spanish here is very prolix. I have given an approximate andshorter phraseology. 

[30] This may be the "Tice" mentioned in Section II, under another name. But all Sancho's proper names are in great confusion. 

[31] It is barely possible that "Aticoc" may be an attempt at TituAtauchi. 

[32] The candor or barefacedness with which the secretary, Sancho, confesses and even applauds the bad faith of Pizarro in various placesin this narrative, which he wrote by order of Pizarro, is worthy ofadmiration. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[33] The original: _che haurebbe dato rame che i Capitani etc. , soldatifossero venuti alla pase_. The significance of the word _rame_ isobscure; as at times it means _money_, whence comes the vulgar phrase_questo sa di rame_, in order to indicate that a thing is dear, itappeared to me that I might adopt the interpretation which I give, although I am not satisfied with it. --Note by Icazbalceta. The presenttranslator has translated the Spanish as given by Icazbalceta. 

[34] The original; _veduto_ appears to me an error for_venuto_. --Icazbalceta. 

[35] Inca "roads" were designed for foot traffic, and steps were themeans used for going up slopes. 

[36] Parcostambo. 

[37] Vilcas. 

[38] All within the parentheses is a reconstruction of the evident senserather than a translation. 

[39] Cf. Bandelier, 1910, p. 61. 

[40] _Serrata_ means either _espesura_ [thicket] or _angostura_ [cleft]. 

[41] Quizquiz, like Chalicuchima, had been a general of Atahualpa beforethe coming of the Spaniards. He fought long against the invaders, but atlength his unavailing efforts caused him to be murdered by his ownfollowers. See Garcilasso, II, p. 509; Sarmiento, 171-173; Cieza deLeon, Chr. , Pt. II, pp. 164 and 227; Markham, 1912, pp. 247-251. 

[42] Andahuaylas. 

[43] Curamba. 

[44] Andahuaylas. 

[45] Vilcas. 

[46] Curamba is the correct form for Airamba (given above). 

[47] Vilcas, sometimes called Vilcashuaman, was a part of the territorycontrolled by the Chanca before they were made subjects to Cuzco. Theconquest of the Chanca may have begun in the time of Rocca, but it hadits culmination in that of Viracocha. Tupac Yupanqui built numeroustemples and palaces there, and the region round about Vilcas wastraversed by important roads or trails. It is a place that is mentionedby nearly all the early writers. Cf. Garcilasso, I, pp. 324-326, II, p. 58; Cieza de Leon, I, 312-315, II, 150-154; Joyce, 1912, p. 107;Markham, 1912, p. 178. 

[48] Sancho is vague in his use of the words _caballo_ and _ligerocaballo_. The latter means "light horse" or "light-armed cavalry. " Buthe uses the word _caballo_ when he means _caballero_. In the presentinstance he really means _caballo_. 

[49] The veracity of this story is certainly open to question. 

[50] Here the text says _caballos_, although it is plain that_caballeros_ is the word intended. 

[51] See Squier, 1877, p. 177; Cieza, Tr. P. 355; Velasco, 1840, p. 22;Joyce, 1912, pp. 210-212. 

[52] This speech can hardly be regarded as verbatim, of course. 

[53] Sancho's imagination was drawn upon throughout this section. 

[54] Limatambo (correctly, Rimactampu). 

[55] Xaquixaguana or Sacsahuana. 

[56] The text has: "_y que riendo el Gobernador partirse sin aguardar aque pasaran los indios amigos, ... _"

[57] _tuvieron tiempo de retraerse al monte_ really means, "they hadtime to withdraw to the mountain, " but the obvious sense is betterpreserved in the translation I have given. 

[58] Possibly this means Huascar, whom Atahualpa had caused to be put todeath. 

[59] In Spanish they always say "el Cuzco. " I believe that the reasonfor this is that "Cuzco" comes from a Quichua word meaning "navel. " Ifthis is so, "el Cuzco" has the significance of "the Navel" (of theWorld). In English, of course, we use the word simply as a place-name. 

[60] The official designation of the Emperor was: S. C. C. M. , orSagrada Cesarea Catolica Majestad. 

[61] The modern village of Limatambo. When I was there the fine walls sooften spoken of were in a bad condition from neglect on the part of thenatives. Yet, in spite of the refuse piled around them and the throngsof pigs all about, one could see that the masonry was of the finestCyclopean type. Cf. Squier, 1877, p. 535; Markham, 1912, pp. 286 and319; Cieza, Tr. , p. 320; Sarmiento, pp. 119 and 209. Garcilasso tells usthat it was founded by Manco Capac and that it was the place whereViracocha waited for the Chanca. Garcilasso, I, p. 80, and II, p. 52. 

[62] Now called Zurite. It was the site of a palace of Viracocha, whoadded it to his realm once more by a victory (won by Pachacutec) overthe Chanca. Cf. Sarmiento, p. 85; Garcilasso, I, p. 53; Cieza, Chr. , p. 128; The "Finca de los Andenes" is doubtless the site of the palace. 

[63] The truth of this statement is very questionable. 

[64] Valverde. 

[65] Pachacamac. 

[66] In the days before the Incas the Creator-God (under the names ofPachacamac, Viracocha, Irma, etc. ) was worshipped without idols. He wasconceived as being superior to all other gods and as being invisible. To judge from all accounts, his cult, at this stage, was an advancedtype of religion. Later, however, the custom of having idols sprang up. As their attributes were the same, there can be but little doubt thatPachacamac and Viracocha were the same deity. Pachacamac's chief shrinewas on the coast, at Pachacamac. Inca Pachacutec conquered Cuismancu, lord of Pachacamac, about 1410, and built a Sun Temple there. The chieftemple to Viracocha was at Cacha south of Cuzco, and it was probablyerected by the Inca Viracocha to celebrate his defeat of the Chancaconfederacy. Both these temples (under Inca influence) had idols. Cf. Blas Valera, 1879, pp. 137-140; Sarmiento, pp. 28-29; Garcilasso, II, pp. 69, 185-193, 428, 460; Cieza, Tr. , pp. 161-163, 251-254; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 320-323; Uhle, 1903; Markham, 1912, pp. 41, 97, 181, 233-234;Joyce, 1912, pp. 150-152; Beuchat, 1912, pp. 615-616. 

[67] Another obvious fabrication. 

[68] Huayna Capac, ruled ca. 1500-1525. 

[69] This was Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac by his third wife. Mancodied in 1544, leaving a grand-daughter, Coya Beatriz, who married DonMartin Garcia Loyola. Their daughter, Lorenza, became Marquesa deOropesa. --Note by Sir C. R. M. Cf. Garcilasso, II, pp. 352 and 526. 

[70] A half-brother only. 

[71] The story of Manco Inca is one of the most pathetic in SouthAmerican history. Although our author describes some of the events inthe young Inca's life, I will give a brief résumé of it here. 

Manco was "crowned" with the _borla_ or fringe on March 24, 1534, atCuzco. To please him, Almagro the elder killed his two brothers (whomight have become his rivals) in order to get Manco on his side in thequarrel which he had with the Pizarros as to which ought to controlCuzco. After Almagro went to Chile, the _Villac Umu_ (High Priest) urgedhis brother Manco to rise in revolt against the Spaniards, who weredivided among themselves. On April 18, 1536, Manco revolted at Yucay. Helaid siege to Cuzco with a very large force and attacked the smallSpanish garrison mercilessly, setting fire to the roofs of houses bymeans of arrows tipped with blazing tow and otherwise harassing them. The Inca and his forces were, for a time, successful. They captured thegreat fortress of Sacsahuaman, which was, however, retaken by JuanPizarro and Gonzalo Pizarro. Disheartened by this, the Inca retired tothe fortress of Ollantaytampu, where he successfully combatted theattempts of Hernando Pizarro to capture him. Later, Manco was forced byOrgoñez to withdraw to the mountainous region of Vilcapampa. The lastInca capital was set up at Viticos, and there Manco held his court forseveral years. He often raided the Spanish travellers between Cuzco andLima. His court became a place of refuge for all Spaniards who fell outwith their fellows. One of these refugees, Gomez Perez, either killedManco himself in a brawl over a game of quoits or helped to kill him asthe result of a plot. The Inca, at all events, was murdered by Spaniardswhom he had befriended. That was in 1544. In 1911 Professor HiramBingham visited Vitcos the situation of which is clearly shown on themap, dated 1907, that accompanies Sir Clements Markham's translation ofSarmiento and Ocampo (Hakluyt, 2d Series, no. XXII, p. 203). ProfessorBingham's description of the site is adequate, and, I think, unique. 

At about the same time as the siege of Cuzco, another Inca force, led byTitu Yupanqui, marched on the newly founded Spanish capital (the Ciudadde los Reyes or Lima). It was driven off by the Marques FranciscoPizarro. 

A brother of Manco, Paullu, was christened under the name of DonCristoval Paullu. He lived in the Colcampata palace (which had been thegreat Pachacutec's), and the small church of San Cristoval was builtnear at hand for his use. He died about 1550, being survived by SayriTupac, Cusi Titu Yupanqui, and two other children of Manco (who alllived on at Viticos) and by his own sons Carlos and Felipe. It was onthe occasion of a particular request made by the Viceroy, Don AndresHurtado de Mendoza, Marqués de Cañete, that Sayri Tupac's aunt, PrincessBeatriz, successfully urged him to come and live in Cuzco. Sayri Tupacdied in 1560. Cf. Cieza, Tr. , pp. 304-307; Garcilasso, II, pp. 104-105, 526; Titu Cusi Yupanqui, apud Cieza's "War of Quito, " pp. 164-166;Montesinos, 1906, I, pp. 88-93; Cobo, 1892, III, pp. 203-210; Markham, 1892, pp. 93-96; Markham, 1912, pp. 254-259; Appleton's Cyclopaedia, 1888, IV, pp. 186 and 682; Cabildos de Lima, I, pp. 1 ff. ; Bingham, 1912, entire. 

[72] Manco Inca. 

[73] Contrast this version with that given by Prescott in Book III, Chapter 10. It is hardly necessary to say that Prescott's is the correctone. 

[74] Here, it is not difficult to read between the lines and see whatsort of treatment Manco got. 

[75] Vicente de Valverde. 

[76] An involved and unimportant clause here. 

[77] This is all for the benefit of the Emperor, whose policy it was todeal fairly by his new subjects. 

[78] Vilcas. 

[79] I do not know who is meant by this name. 

[80] Llamas. 

[81] Possibly these figures were the embalmed bodies of the coyacuna or"queens" which, according to Garcilasso, were placed in Curicancha--theSun Temple. 

[82] _en su mismo ser_. 

[83] _Casa_ really means house. 

[84] "Che vi corcorsero assai in tre anni, " says the original, which canonly be translated as I have done it above. But when the secretary wrotehis relation, no such three years had gone by since the foundation ofCuzco, but only four months, so it is necessary to suppose that theItalian translator did not understand his original well, _or_ that it isan interpolation made later on. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[85] The civilized inhabitants of the Chilca region came originally fromthe interior, probably from the Yauyos region. This event occurred, presumably, somewhere about 800-900 of our era, for, by the time theIncas were founding Cuzco (ca. 1100), they found themselves strongenough to make raids into the interior. Joyce points out that theseraids may have occurred even earlier, at a time when the Tiahuanacuempire still flourished. At any rate, there was an important contactwith the interior cultures at an early date. The Chincha also wereconstantly at war with the Chimu, Chuquimancu and Cuismancu who eachruled large and civilized coast states. The Chincha were conquered bythe Inca either in the reign of Pachacutec or in that of Tupac Yupanqui(more probably the former) somewhere about 1450. According to Estete, their ruler (under Inca tutelage) in the time of the Conquest wasTamviambea. The cultural development of the Chincha was, artisticallyspeaking, not so high as that of the Chimu. It was, however, in pre-Incatimes, relatively complex. They practised trephining successfully (anart derived from their Yauyu ancestors), and they also frequentlyindulged in the anterio-posterior type of cranial deformation. Theirgeneral physical condition was good. They numbered about 25, 000. Cf. Cieza, Tr. , p. 228; Garcilasso, II, pp. 146-149; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95, 187; Markham, 1912, pp. 237-239; Tello, 1912; Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 22-24;Lafone-Quevedo, 1912, p. 115. 

[86] This may have been the chief Taurichumbi mentioned by Estete. Cf. Markham, 1912, p. 239. 

[87] This was before Alvarado and Pizarro met and came to an agreement. 

[88] Possibly Riobamba, Tumebamba, or some other place in the "Kingdom"of Quito. 

[89] Probably Saña. 

[90] Properly Colla-suyu and Cunti-suyu, i. E. The Southern province andthe Western province of Ttahuan-tin-suyu. 

[91] Jauja (or Xauxa) was the predecessor of la Ciudad de los Reyes. Aletter to Charles V, dated July 20, 1534, describes it thus: "EstaCibdad es la mexor y mayor quen la Tierra se ha vista, e aun en_Indias_; e decimos a Vuestra Magestad ques tan hermosa e de tan buenosedyficios quen _España_ seria muy de ver; tiene las calles por muchoconcierto empedradas de guixas pequenas; todas las mas de las casas sonde señores prencipales fechas de canteria; esta en una ladera de uncerro, en el qual sobrel pueblo esta una fortaleza muy bien obrada decanteria tan de ver, que por españoles que an andado Reinos extranos, dizen no aber visto otro edyficio igual al della; ... " Cf. Cabildos, III, pp. 4-5. 

[92] The Italian is: "_Il quale tuttavia piu veniua ponendo amore a gliSpagnuoli. _"--Note by Icazbalceta. 

[93] Huanuco. 

[94] Pachacamac. 

[95] Prescott places the total at 500 of which 230 were cavalry. Cf. Prescott, Bk. III, Cap. 9. 

[96] It seems to me that, even in the days of the Chimu and the Inca, the poorer people must have lived in this sort of hut-like houses, andthat only the great dwelt in the "palaces" whose ruins are soremarkable. Such a state of things would explain the apparentimpossibility of a large population existing in the dwellings we nowsee. Cf. Hodge, 1897. 

[97] This montaña is to-day the richest and most valuable part of Peru. 

[98] According to Garcilasso, Lib. II, Cap. 11, the Peruvian empire wasdivided into four parts, Cuzco being considered the centre. They calledthe northern part Chinchasuya, the southern Coyasuya, the westernCuntisuya, and the eastern Antisuyu. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[99] Lake Titicaca contains several islands, notably Titicaca and Coati. 

[100] An obscure passage translated merely in most general terms. 

[101] _Agras_ I take to mean fields from its similarity to the Latinword, _ager_. 

[102] Llamas. 

[103] At this point Ramusio gives a fanciful view of the city of Cuzco, which has no real interest whatever. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[104] _Cacique_ is really a West Indies word. The early Spanish writersare wont to apply it to any sort of native official. Here, no doubt, thecorrect term would be the Quichua word _Curaca_. Officials thusdesignated under the Inca dominion were the hereditary chiefs offormerly independent tribes and territories--roughly analogous to themediatized princes of Europe. Though made vassals of the Inca, the_curacas_ were often continued in the command of their former subjectsand were intrusted with the governorship of provinces over which theywere formerly sovereigns. The _curacas_ ranked immediately below theInca caste, and ruled what was known as a _hunu_. Sometimes a _curaca_was made an Inca-by-privilege as a reward of services. 

[105] Huayna Capac. 

[106] The marble was really granite. No marble was used by the Incas. 

[107] This reference to windows is important. At the outset we mustremind ourselves that Sancho may have confused _windows_ and _niches_. It is entirely possible, however, that windows may formerly have beenpresent in those walls of Sacsahuaman. As is well known, windows andniches were distinguishing features of Inca architecture during thelater period of that dynasty. Sites like Pissac, Limatambo, Yucay, Quente, Vilcabamba (alias Machu Pichu, a post-conquest site in part), and Huaman-marca in the Amaybamba Valley all present one or both ofthese features, and all present unmistakable signs of recentconstruction, say from the reign of Viracocha (circa 1425-50) onward. The importance of this mention of windows (or niches) lies in this: Itgives strong evidence in support of my belief that the walls ofSacsahuaman which are toward Cuzco were of Inca construction. Garcilasso(II, pp. 305 ff. ) attempts to give the credit for the whole ofSacsahuaman to Inca Yupanqui, and ignores the fact that the cyclopeanwalls on the north side of the hill undoubtedly date, as do "the seatsof the Inca" close at hand, from the days of Tiahuanaco. When we see thestatement made that the fortress of Sacsahuaman was of Inca constructionwe must remember that really only the southern walls and a few buildingsbehind them were built under the Incas. 

[108] That is, the joints do not come above one another, but arealternated, as in brick-work. 

[109] There are really six walls on the south and three on the north. Cf. Garcilasso, II, 305. 

[110] This is a poor attempt to describe the entrant and re-entrantangles that make the cyclopean walls so remarkable from a military pointof view. See the plan by Squier and Davis, Garcilasso, II, p. 305. 

[111] Orejon, lit. "large-ear"; i. E. A member of the Inca clanprivileged to distend his ears by means of ear-plugs. This myth of thefounding of Cuzco by a man from the sea is not found elsewhere. 

[112] Llamas. 

[113] Titicaca. 

[114] Cobo describes the Temple of the Sun on Titicaca and that of theMoon on Coati as being, together, the third most important sanctuary inthe Inca dominion. The other two, of course, were the temples in Cuzcoand Pachacamac. For a detailed description of the temples in LakeTiticaca see Cobo, IV, pp. 54-63 and Bandelier, 1910. The structures atthat point are all of late-Inca construction and seem to have been builtafter the Inca conceived the idea of making himself out to be the "Sonof the Sun. " They were perhaps built with a view to lending colour tothe myth. 

[115] Correctly, Chuqui-apu. 

[116] The original _una seriola_ is a word whose meaning I have not beenable to find. It is found again a little below. The method the Indianshad for washing the earth and getting the gold can be seen in Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8. --Note byIcazbalceta. 

[117] Huayna Capac. 

[118] A braza is six feet. 

[119] It says this in the original, but it is an error, for it will beseen that the number must have been much greater. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[120] As the text of this passage is obscure I give it here: _... Profundos como de la altura de un hombre, en cuanto pueda el de abajodar la tierra al de arriba; y cuando los cavan tanto que ya el de arribano puede alcanzarla, lo dejan asi, y se van a hacer otros pozos ... _

[121] Here is another rather obscure passage: "_... Pero e pui ricche... Sono le prime che non hanno caricho da lauar la terra & per rispettodel freddo & delle mine que vi e non lo cauano. &c. _" Oviedo (Hist. General, Parte I, lib. 6, Cap. 8); Acosta (Hist. Nat. Y mor. De lasInd. , lib. 4, Cap. 4); y Garcilasso (Com. Real. , Parte I, lib. 8, Cap. 24) distinguish three sorts of gold mines. In the first class arecounted those which produce pure gold in rather large grains, so thatthey can be collected without further operations. These are, perhaps, the sort that the secretary Sancho says are the richest, although he hasnot spoken of them before. In the second class are included those whichproduce gold in dust or in very small grains mixed with earth which itis necessary to remove by means of washing, and these are those whichSancho mentions. The third class of mines, which this man does notmention, are those which yield gold mingled with stones and othermetals, just as silver is commonly found. These mines, although at timesvery rich, failed to be worked because of the expenses which labourcaused. --Note by Icazbalceta. 

[122] Huayna Capac. 

[123] The text says _vino_--"came. " I think, however, that it must be amisprint for _vivo_--"lived. "

[124] This means, of course, Manco Inca. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS CONSULTED IN THE COURSE OF THIS TRANSLATION OFPEDRO SANCHO

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Transcriber's Note:

 Variant spellings of proper names in the main body of the text, as noted in the Preface, have been retained. Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note, whilst significant amendments have been listed below:

 p. 7, 'Miguel de Astete' amended to _Miguel de Estete_; p. 170, 'as it they were' amended to _as if they were_; p. 179, 'Quitu' amended to _Quito_; p. 179, 'His three left three' amended to _He left three_; p. 180, 'Cajarmaquilla' amended to _Cajamarquilla_; p. 183, 'Atalhualpa' amended to _Atahualpa_; p. 190, 'Cabildo' amended to _Cabildos_; p. 192, 'The curacus ranked' amended to _The curacas ranked_.