Châteauguay Literary and Historical Society AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF CHÂTEAUGUAY BEING A LECTURE DELIVERED AT ORMSTOWN, MARCH 8TH, 1889 BY W. D. LIGHTHALL, M. A. , _Honorary Member of the Châteauguay Literary and Historical Society, Secretary of the Antiquarian Society of Montreal, Life Corresponding Member of the Scottish Society of Literature and Art, Author of "The Young Seigneur, " "Songs of the Great Dominion, " etc. _ WITH SOME LOCAL AND PERSONAL NOTES BY W. PATTERSON, M. A. , _Corresponding Secretary of the C. L. H. S. _ "Raise high the Monumental Stone. " --_Charles Sangster_ MONTREAL W. DRYSDALE & CO. , PUBLISHERS, 232 ST. JAMES STREET. 1889. [Illustration: LT. -COL CHARLES DE SALABERRY. ] LIST OF OFFICERS FOR 1888-89. President. Lt. -Col. Archibald McEachern, C. M. G, Vice-Presidents. J. E. Robidoux, Q. C. , M. P. P. Edward Holton, Esq. , M. P. Thomas Baird, Esq. Recording Secretary. Peter McLaren, B A. , M. D. Corresponding Secretary. Wm. Patterson, M. A. Treasurer. Wm. McDougall, Esq. Councillors. Dr. McCormick. Wm. J. Bryson, Esq. Dugald Thomson. Esq. Dr. Hall. Rev. D. W. Morison, B. A. * * * * * LIST OF HONORARY MEMBERS Edward Holton, M. P. J. E. Robidoux, Q. C. , M. P. P. Dr. W. Geo. Beers. James McGregor, Esq. Watson Griffin, Esq. J. R. Dougall, M. A. W. D. Lighthall, M. A. , B. C. L. PREFACE. On October 26th, 1888, the Châteauguay Literary and Historical Societywas organized at Ormstown, Quebec, to foster Canadian patriotism byencouraging the study of Canadian history and Canadian literature. TheSociety began its labours at home, taking as its subject the battlewhence it derives its name. Mr. W. D. Lighthall, M. A. , B. C. L. , anhonorary member, was asked to prepare an account of that victory, andkindly responded by his lecture, which he delivered before the Societyon March 8th, 1889. Pleasure is now felt in offering this lecture, inthe interests of the Society, to the Canadian world, no apology beingrequired at a time when patriotic literature is in great demand. Mr. Lighthall's researches have been discussed by the members, and thebelief is prevalent that his work touching this important item ofhistory, in so far as accuracy is concerned, stands unrivalled, theprevious authorities having been carefully compared and theirtestimony put together. In the Appendix will be found a number of notes having a bearing onthe battle and its times. The portrait frontispiece is from a lineengraving kindly lent by Gerald E. Hart, Esq. , President of theSociety for Historical Studies. The drawing of the map, after thedesign of the author, is due to J. A. U. Beaudry, Esq. , C. E. , Curator ofthe Antiquarian Society of Montreal. The first part of the account is partly based upon R. Christie'sHistory of Lower Canada; but William James' Military Occurrences ofthe War of 1812, was found the most accurate in statistical details, and is, therefore, frequently followed. Other authorities are referredto in their places. The battle of Châteauguay, in view of the important results thatfollowed it, is an event which all Canadians will appreciate, and towhich posterity will have reason to point the finger of admiration. All nationalities concerned in building up this country, when unitedby a common danger, bore in it an honorable part, as they fought sideby side in defence of their homes and those that were dear to them, from the wanton aggression of an ungenerous foe. The Society hopes to continue its work and to offer other pamphlets inthe near future, so that this effort on its part may be regarded asthe first of a series. Another of its immediate objects is theerection of a monument on the battlefield, to accomplish whichpecuniary assistance is required. The belief is held that noopportunity should be lost to educate the rising generation to form atrue conception of the grandeur of the heritage that is ours, W. P. ORMSTOWN, _October 29th, 1889. _ THE BATTLE OF CHATEAUGUAY. The War of 1812 has been called by an able historian "the afterclap ofthe Revolution. " The Revolution was, indeed, true thunder--acourageous and, in the main, high-principled struggle. Its afterclapof 1812 displayed little but empty bombast and greed. In the one, brave leaders risked their lives in that defence of rights which hasmade their enterprise an epoch in man's history; in the other, a meanand braggart spirit actuated its promoters to strike in the back thatnation which almost alone was carrying on, in the best spirit of theRevolution, the struggle for the liberties of Europe against thedesigns of Napoleon. The brave spirits of the War of Freedom led theaffairs of the United States no longer. All the contemptible elements, all the boasters, all those who had done least in the real fighting, had long come out of their shells and united to establish the mightyrhetorical school of the Spread Eagle! It was the legions of SpreadEagleism who wore to have the glory to be got in taking advantage ofharassed England. The Battle of Châteauguay was one of the answers tothat illusion. The War was introduced by a Declaration, in which President Madison, in smooth and elaborate terms, pretended that his nation found causefor it in the tyrannical exercise by British warships of what wascalled _The Right of Search_--that is to say, a claim of ships of warto stop the ships of other nations and search them for deserters andcontraband goods. That this was not, however, the true cause, wasshown by the facts and cries of the war. Firstly, the right was one belonging to all nations by internationallaw; secondly, though it was at once relinquished by Britain in aconciliatory spirit, the Americans persisted in their campaign;thirdly, at the close of the war they did not insist at all on theabrogation of the Right of Search, in the treaty of peace. It would be much easier to show what the real causes were:-(1), hatredof England, lasting over from the Revolution; (2), envy of hercommerce and prestige; and especially (3) the scheme for the conquestof Canada. The course of the negotiations exhibit a thoroughly ungenerous courseon the part of the American authorities, contrasted with a desire notto offend on the part of Britain. President Madison's Declaration ofWar was made on the 18th of June, 1812, and the British Government, after using every honorable overture for friendship, only issuedtheirs in October, couching it, besides, in terms of regret andreproach at the unfairness in which Madison's party persisted. Owingto that unfairness and other causes the enterprise also was by nomeans unanimously popular in the States. A convention of delegatesfrom the counties of New York, held in the capitol at Albany, on the17th and 18th of September, and called the New York Convention, condemned Madison's party for declaring the war, on account of itsinjustice, and "as having been undertaken, " they said, "from motivesentirely distinct from those which have been hitherto avowed. " The NewEngland States treated it coldly. Maryland disapproved through herLegislature. Many persons everywhere looked on it as a mere politicalscheme, and when drafted for service in frequent cases boughtthemselves substitutes. It was soon found that a mistake had been made in attacking Canada. That happened which might be expected where bodies of men withinflated ideas of glory and no experience attack men fightingdesperately for their homes, and officers and veterans who had seensuch service as the Napoleonic wars. The British, with an astutenesswhich is oftener the character credited to their opponents, managed toget earliest word of the Declaration sent to their own forts on theLakes, and promptly captured the American fort Michilimackinac. Theythen followed with the daring capture of the stronghold of Detroit, amply equipped and garrisoned, by a little handful of men under theheroic General Brock, who simply went before it and demanded itssurrender, whereupon it was given up, together with the wholeTerritory of Michigan. The presence of such trained British officersas Brock and of army veterans in the ranks was a very great advantage. Poor Brock soon afterwards died in his memorable charge at the victoryof Queenston Heights. That year--the first of the War--is known as a succession of fiascosfor the Americans. The other conspicuous aspect of it is that theattacked points were, with the exception of a little skirmishing atSt. Regis and Lacolle, all in the Province of Upper Canada. It was only towards the close of the campaign of the nextyear--1813--that Lower Canada was gravely threatened. The Americans, emboldened by several successes, and having put a greatmany men into the field, believed that the struggle might easily beterminated by capturing Montreal. The advance upon Lower Canada tookplace under General James Wilkinson in chief command, with 8, 826 menand 58 guns and howitzers. [1] He had intended to attack Kingston. "AtMontreal, however, " wrote the Secretary of War, Armstrong, in phrasescolored by the prevailing school of rhetoric, "you find the weakerplace and the smallest force to encounter. .. . You hold a positionwhich completely severs the enemy's line of operations, and which, while it restrains all below, withers and perishes all above itself. "This great position--for it is so--Colonel Coffin[2] compares it toVicksburg for natural strength--was to be approached by two routes: byWilkinson himself in boats down the St Lawrence, and by Major-GeneralWade Hampton, his almost independent subordinate, from the Champlainborder; and it was planned that the two armies should meet at thefoot of Isle Perrot, [3] thence to strike together across the Lake toLachine, and on to the city, which seems to have had not over, if asmany as, a thousand regulars to defend it. Wade Hampton, with over 5, 000 men (an effective regular force of 4, 053rank and file, about 1, 500 militia and ten cannon[4]), was at first onthe Vermont side of Lake Champlain at Burlington[5]. He crossed to theNew York side, directing his march for Caughnawaga on the St. Lawrence. His army[6], except the militia, was the same which, with acertain General Dearborn at its head, paraded irregularly across thelines and returned to Pittsburgh in the autumn of 1812. During theyear since elapsed the men had been drilled by Major-General Izard, who had served in the French Army. They were all in uniform, wellclothed and equipped--in short, Hampton commanded, if not the mostnumerous, certainly the most effective, regular army which the UnitedStates were able to send into the field during the War. Crossing theborder on the 20th of September, 1813, he surprised a small picket ofBritish at Odelltown, a Loyalist settlement afterwards celebrated fora battle in the Rebellion of 1837. He soon found himself met with whatseemed to him great difficulties, for the army was plunged into anextensive swampy wood, the only road through which was renderedimpracticable by fallen trees and barricades, behind which and in thegloomy forests surrounding were every here and there to be seenIndians and infantry crawling and flitting about, who fired upon themfrom unexpected ambushes. Hampton's men were not of a kind to facethis. "The perfect rawness of the troops, " writes he, "with theexception of not a single platoon, has been a source of muchsolicitude to the best-informed among us. "[7] They were ignorant, insubordinate, and forever "falling off. "[8] Urging on the scattered defenders was, no doubt, to be seen from timeto time a stout-built, vigorous officer with stripes across the breastof his dark gray uniform, dashing about from point to point givingfierce orders. This was De Salaberry. Not reflecting--for he seems to have had the information--that thewood was only fifteen miles or so in depth, the Canadians few innumber, and that a short press forward would have brought him into theopen country of L'Acadie leading towards Montreal, the AmericanGeneral in two days withdrew along the border towards Châteauguay FourCorners, alleging the great drought of that year as a reason forwishing to descend by the River Châteauguay. At the Corners he restedhis army for many days. Wade Hampton was a type of the large slaveholders of the South. Nearlysixty years of age, self-important, fiery and over-indulgent in drink, of large, imposing figure, of some reputed service in the Revolution, and with a record as Congressman and Presidential elector, he was onewhose chief virtues were not patience and humility. In 1809 he hadbeen made a brigadier-general and stationed at New Orleans; but inconsequence of continual disagreements with his subordinates, wassuperseded in 1812 by Wilkinson, whom he consequently hated. In thespring of 1813 he received his Major-General's commission. He hadacquired his large fortune by land speculations, and at his death sometime later was supposed to be the wealthiest planter in the UnitedStates, owning 3, 000 slaves. He is said to have ably administered hisestate. [9] Hampton had another slave-holding South Carolinian by his side, youngBrigadier-General George Izard, son and descendant of aristocrats andstatesmen, well-educated in the soldier's profession, college-bred, travelled, and who had served in the French Army. Izard led the maincolumn at the battle shortly to ensue. [10] Another officer of the circle--who seems to have been the ablest--wasColonel James Purdy, on whom the brunt of the American work andfighting were to fall, and who seems to have done his best in astruggle against natural difficulties and against the incompetency ofboth his commander and men. When Hampton moved to Four Corners, Lieut-Colonel De Salaberry, withthe Canadian Voltigeurs, moved in like manner westward to the regionof the Châteauguay and English Rivers. The Voltigeur troops wereFrench-Canadians with a small sprinkling of British. Theirorganization was as follows:--Sir George Prevost, on the approach ofwar, May 28th, 1812, ordered the levy of four French volunteerbattalions, to be made up of unmarried men from 18 to 25 years old. They were to be choice troops, and trained like regulars. CharlesMichel d'Irumberry De Salaberry, then high in the regard of his peopleas a military hero, was chosen to rally the recruits, issued astirring poster calling the French-Canadians to arms, and acted withsuch extraordinary energy that the troops were in hand in two days. De Salaberry was a perfect type of the old French-Canadian militarygentry, a stock of men of whom very little remains, a breed of leadersof, on the whole, more vigorous forms, more active temperaments, thanthe average--descendants inheriting the qualities of the bravest andmost adventurous individuals of former times. They were the naturalresult of the feudal _régime_, with which they have passed away. Though a gentry, they were a poor one, possessed of little else thanquantities of forest lands. The officers of the Voltigeurs wereselected out of the same class, united with a number of English ofsimilar stamp. De Salaberry himself was born in the little cottagemanor-house of Beauport, near Quebec, on the 19th of Nov. , 1778. [11]Taking to soldiering like a duck to water when very young, he enrolledas volunteer in the 44th. At sixteen, the Duke of Kent, who was thenin Canada, and delighted in friendly acts towards the seigneurs, gothim a commission in the 60th, with which regiment he left at once forthe West Indian Isle of Dominica. There he saw terrible service, forall the men of his battalion except three were killed or woundedduring the seige of Fort Matilda. Nevertheless, the young fellow keptgay. "Our uniforms, " he wrote to his father, "cost very dear; but Ihave received £40, and with that I am going to give myself what willmake a fine figure. " "This fine large boy of sixteen years, " saysBenjamin Sulte in his History of the French-Canadians, "strong as aHercules . .. With smiling face . .. Made a furore at parties. .. . As hewas never sick, they employed him everywhere. Fevers reduced hisbattalion to 200 men, but touched not him. " Though so young, he wascharged with covering the evacuation of Fort Matilda. [12] The Duke of Kent, who was commanding at Halifax, kept a friendly eyeupon him, and gave him much personal advice, on one occasiondissuading him from an inadvisable marriage. He now took him into hisown regiment. De Salaberry still saw rough service, was shipwrecked, served in the West Indies again, and then fought in Europe and thedisastrous expedition to Walcheren, where he was placed in the mostadvanced posts. [13] Returning to his 60th, he was made captain in1799. "I have often heard say, " narrates De Gaspé, "that his companyand that of Captain Chandler were the best drilled in the regiment. "In the West Indies he was drawn into a duel which caused him sorrowuntil his dying day, for in it he was forced by the "code of honor" tokill a German fellow-officer, and bore a scar of the affair ever afteron his forehead. It is related that by his great strength he cut theGerman in two. "The prodigious force with which he was endowed, " says Sulte, "hadmade of him an exceptional being in the eyes of the soldiers, " andwhen he returned to Canada after West Indian service of elevenyears[14] a little before the war of 1812, he was already the hero ofthe French-Canadians. That the stories of his strength and vigor aretrue is corroborated by every circumstance which has been perpetuatedabout him. His ruddy, energetic face is preserved in portraits amonghis family, and his walking-stick, said to be an enormous article, iskept at Quebec in the collection of the Literary and HistoricalSociety. De Salaberry's Voltigeurs were organized at a peculiar juncture. "Thediscords between French and English in Quebec had emboldened theUnited States, " says Garneau, "and the English Governors harassed theFrench. An opposite conduct might bring back calm to men's spirits. The Governor of Nova Scotia, Sir George Provost, a former officer, ofSwiss origin, offered all the conditions desirable. .. . Arriving atQuebec, Sir George Provost strove to introduce peace and to removeanimosity. He showed the completest confidence in the fidelity of theFrench-Canadians, and studied how to prove at every opportunity thatthe accusations of treason which had been brought against them hadleft no trace in the soul of England nor in his own. .. . Soon theliveliest sympathy arose between Sir George Prevost and thepeople. "[15] It was in pursuance of this policy that the order toraise the Voltigeur force was given by him. While Hampton was at Four Corners, Sir George, thus nowCommander-in-Chief of all the forces in Canada, was at the camp whichhad just been formed at La Fourche, and of which a description isgiven by Mr. Sellar in his history of the district. Sir George was aman quite devoid of the decisiveness necessary to a soldier, andthough, as we have seen, he was useful in reconciling the French, hiserrors in military matters several times brought disgrace on theBritish forces, and gave rise to storms of rage and disgust amongthem. [16] De Salaberry was now ordered by him on the Quixotic errandof attacking, with about 200 Voltigeurs and some Indians, the largecamp of Hampton at Four Corners. De Salaberry promptly obeyed theseimpracticable orders, and it is probably at this juncture that alittle anecdote comes in which I have heard as told by one of his men. De Salaberry was down the river dining at a tavern, when a despatchwas brought to him. "D---- it!" he exclaimed, jumping up from his seat, "Hampton is atFour Corners, and I must go and fight him!" and mounting his finewhite charger, he dashed away from the door. On the 1st of October he crept up with his force to the edge of theAmerican camp. There they saw the assemblage spread out in all thearray of war, with its host of tents, stacked guns, flags, moving menand sentries, and he prepared to strike it as ordered. One of hisIndians indiscreetly discharged his musket. The camp was in alarm inan instant. De Salaberry, finding his approach discovered, immediatelycollected about fifty of his Voltigeurs, with whom and the Indians hepushed into the enemy's advanced camp, consisting of about 800 men, and, catching them in their confusion, drove them for a considerabledistance, until, seeing the main body manoeuvring to cut off hislittle handful, he fell back and took up his position at the skirt ofthe woods. Once again he sallied out and charged, but with all thearmy now thoroughly aroused it was useless, and the Indians havingretreated, most of his own men ran off, leaving him and CaptainsChevalier Duchesnay and Gaucher, officers much like himself in stamp, with a few trusty Voltigeurs to skirmish with the enemy as long asdaylight permitted it. [17] He then withdrew to Châteauguay, taking theprecaution of breaking up the forest road in his rear, in pursuance ofthe general policy of the campaign, which was to destroy and obstructas much as possible in the path of the enemy. Acquainting himself alsowith the ground over which Hampton was expected to make his way intothe Province, he finally stopped, selected and took up the positionwhere the battle afterwards took place, in a thick wood on the leftbank of the Châteauguay River at the distance of two or three leaguesabove its _Fork_ with English River, where he threw up his works ofdefence, with the approval of General De Watteville. The plan of theBritish commanders, owing to the smallness and inefficiency of theirforces, was the stern one of burning and destroying all houses andproperty, and retreating slowly to the St. Lawrence, harassing theenemy in his advance. [18] The position chosen was as strong as thenature of that flat and wooded country and the route of the Americanmarch would allow. Here his experience and quick eye came in. [19] Now as to the measures of fortification taken by De Salaberry. In hisrear there was a small rapid where the river was fordable in two spotsclose to one another. He commanded this with a strong breastwork and aguard. There were four ravines which issued from the very thick woods, crossing the road, and distant from each other two hundred yards orso. On their banks he made his men fell trees and build them intobreastworks--"a kind of parapet extending into the woods somedistance. " To prevent the American cannon from bearing on thesebreastworks, he felled trees and bush, covering a large stretch ofground with obstructions in the front. The breastwork on thefront-line formed an obtuse angle at the right of the road, andextended along the curves of the ravine. The Colonel then sent forwardto a spot some distance in advance of the front-line a party ofBeauharnois' axemen, well accustomed to felling trees, who destroyedthe bridges and obstructed the road with their fragments and fallentrees and brush. Lieut. Guy, with twenty Voltigeurs, guarded them infront, and Lieut. Johnson, with about the same number, in rear. Working incessantly, these axemen made a formidable series of suchobstructions in front of the first line, extending from the riverthree or four acres into the woods, where they joined an almostimpracticable marsh. On the opposite bank of the river De Salaberryalso placed a picket of sixty Beauharnois militia under CaptainBruyère, so as to check any advance on the ford, which was his weakpoint in the rear. Part of De Salaberry's line at the abattis, was a small blockhouse onthe river-bank (which, however, is not that which has since beenreputed to be the one concerned), and the works there blocked thecommencement of the wood and looked out on a broadening plain or levelof clearings, across which the enemy would have to pass. The Glengarry men now came down, under McDonell of Ogdensburgh, famousfor his adventurous capture of that place, and whose exploit theSalaberry was about to match. Lieut. -Colonel McDonell--"RedGeorge"--was at Prescott drilling a new force of Canadian Fencibles, made up, some say, chiefly of Scotch and loyalists, [20] others chieflyof French boatmen, when Sir George Prevost asked him how soon he couldhave his men ready to go down to Châteauguay. "As soon as they havedone their dinner!" he responded. Within a few hours he had providedthem with _batteaux_, and they were off down the rapids. When SirGeorge himself, who was on the way, got there, he, to his greatsurprise found McDonell before him. "Where are your men?" said he. "There, " said the Highland Colonel, pointing to his force resting onthe ground--"not a man absent. "[21] For nearly three weeks the parties of Canadian workers workedcontinually upon the plan of De Salaberry, while Hampton wasconsidering, preparing, reviewing his troops, and arranging for acommunication with Wilkinson so soon as the latter should have passedOgdensburg on his way down the St. Lawrence. On the 21st of October the advance down the Châteauguay commenced. Thefirst move was a rapid march by General Izard with the light-equippedtroops and a regiment of the line, who surprised a party of aboutten[22] Indians sitting late in the afternoon at their evening meal atthe junction of the Outarde and Châteauguay Rivers, and killed one ofthem. There Izard encamped and proceeded to establish a road ofcommunication with Hampton. Word was soon brought to Major Henry, ofthe Beauharnois' Militia, commanding on the English River. Henry sentword to General De Watteville at La Fourche, and had Captains Levesqueand Debartzch advance immediately with the flank companies of the 5thBattalion of embodied militia and about 200 men of the Beauharnois'division. This was the preliminary move towards the battle. They advanced about six miles that night up the Châteauguay from LaFourche, when they came to a wood which it would not have been prudentto enter in the dark. Next morning early they were joined by DeSalaberry with his Voltigeurs and the light company of CaptainFerguson, an officer who took a front place in the affair. DeSalaberry brought all these companies about a league up the bank tothe place he had fortified, and there stopped. An American patrolparty being observed in front, General De Watteville came overhimself, visited the outposts, approved of them, and the workproceeded. [23] That evening the main body of the Americans encamped atSear's, about twenty-five miles above the Châteauguay's mouth. Theengineers had cut a road for the ten cannon, and with great labor anddifficulty had dragged them thus far. [24] Within two days more Hampton's men had opened and completed a largeand practicable road, which is still traceable, from his position atFour Corners twenty-four miles through the woods and morasses, andbrought up his guns and stores to his new position, about seven milesfrom De Salaberry's. (About Dewittville?) [Illustration: SKETCH OF THE BATTLE OF CHATEAUGUAY--OCT 26, 1813] From this point he despatched Colonel Purdy with about 1, 500 men, composed of a light brigade (the 1st Brigade of the American Army[25])and a strong body of the infantry of the line, at an early hour in thenight of the 25th, across the Châteauguay and down its right bank[26]at a bend adjoining what is now known as the Cross Farm, with ordersto gain the ford and fall on the rear of Lieut. -Colonel De Salaberry'sposition, while the main body, under General Izard, were to commencethe attack in front. Purdy's brigade crossed not far above DeSalaberry, and proceeded into the woods of the opposite side. A cedarswamp, an unexpected stream in which they floundered, and theignorance of their guides misled and bewildered them. This was thefault of Hampton, and due to his headstrongness, for the guides hadprotested that they did not know that side of the Châteauguay; but hehad ordered them to proceed. Purdy's command became scattered, wereforced to halt in confusion, and had to sleep in the open woods, cold, wet, exhausted, and apprehensive. [27] General Hampton, however, in themorning, fully expected to hear them attacking the ford, advanced, andat ten o'clock his troops appeared in sight of the party of busywoodchoppers, about 3, 500 men, with three squadrons of cavalry, marching in column along the high road, commanded by General Izard. Lieut. Guy's picket fired, the workmen dropped work and ran, Guyretired upon Johnson, and both Lieutenants retreated with their men tothe completed abattis, where they formed up again and began to firesmartly. De Salaberry, on hearing the firing, promptly advanced with the lightcompany of the Canadian Fencibles, commanded by Captain Ferguson, "flanked by twenty-two Indians on the right and centre, "[28] and twocompanies of his Voltigeurs, commanded by Captains Chevalier and LouisJuchereau Duchesnay. Ferguson's companies he posted on the right, infront of the abattis, in extended order, its right skirting on theadjoining woods and abattis, among which were distributed a fewAbenaquis Indians. The three officers, Ferguson and the twoDuchesnays, executed the movements required of them with the coolnessof a day of parade. The Voltigeur company of the oldest of theDuchesnays, known as "the Chevalier, " occupied, in extended order, theground from the left of Ferguson's Company to the Châteauguay, and thecompany under Captain Louis Juchereau Duchesnay, with aboutthirty-five[29] Sedentary Militia under Captain Longtin, were thrownback along the margin of the river, hidden among the trees and bushes, so as to flank Colonel Purdy's men, or prevent him from flanking theCanadian position. Between the abattis and the front line were acompany of Voltigeurs, Captain Lecuyer commanding, and beyond them onthe right a light company (that of the 5th Battalion) of embodiedmilitia with their side pickets, under Captain Debartzch; then, to theright of them, in the woods, the Indians under Captain La Mothe. Therewere thus in the front only about 240 Canadians. The positions, however, occupied about a mile along the river, and the rest of thetroops--some 600--were distributed among the other breastworks, undercommand of McDonell. [30] The battle was now on the point of commencing. In the centre of thefront stood De Salaberry watching the enemy, whose characteristics hehad noted twice before. All waited in suspense. A touching scene wastaking place among the Beauharnois Militia further back, where CaptainLongtin caused his men to kneel, went through a short prayer withthem, and then rising, said: "that now they had fulfilled their dutyto their God, they would fulfil that to their King. "[31] Meanwhile, the enemy kept steadily moving along the road in column. Atall mounted American officer rode forward and began a harangue to theCanadians in French. "Brave Canadians, " said he, "give yourselvesover; we do not wish to do you any harm!"[32] De Salaberry, seeingthat his moment was come, sprang upon a stump, [33] discharged hismusket as a signal to begin, and brought the American officer off hishorse by the shot. The enemy at the time were exposed to being takenon both front and side. The bugles blared, the front companiesimmediately opened fire, and the battle was begun. Izard's force werein the open plain, while their foes were hidden in a thick wood. Thesquadrons of cavalry and four cannon which they had brought thus farwere found to be useless there. They, however, commenced aspirited[34] fire in battalion volley; but, from the position of theline, it was almost totally thrown to the right of the Canadians, andof no effect whatever. They soon faced to the right, and filing upwith speed, changed their front parallel with the lines ofbreastworks, when the engagement became general, and their firecompelled the retreat, behind the front edge of the breastwork[35] ofa few skirmishers near the left, who had been rather advanced in thecentre of the line. This retreat being mistaken by the enemy for aflight, a universal shout ensued, which was re-echoed, to theirsurprise, by the Canadians and the Glengarry men in reserve underLieut. -Colonel McDonell. Now was the supreme moment of the battle. DeSalaberry ordered his bugleman to sound the advance. "This was heardby Lieut-Colonel McDonell, who, thinking the Colonel was in want ofsupport, caused his own bugles to answer, and immediately advancedwith two of his companies from the third and fourth lines to the firstand second. "[36] "All these movements were executed with greatrapidity. " De Salaberry, at the same time, as a _ruse de guerre_, ordered "ten or twelve buglemen into the adjoining woods with ordersto separate and blow with all their might. "[37] The enemy, as DeSalaberry calculated, suspected that the Canadians were advancing ingreat numbers to circumvent them. The Colonel, while giving theseorders, is said to have done so facing his men, with his back againsta tree. [38] The noise of the engagement towards its end brought onColonel Purdy's division on the opposite side of the river, which, having driven in the picquet of sixty Beauharnois Sedentary Militiaunder Captain Bruyère, were pressing on for the ford, whereupon DeSalaberry ordered Lieut. -Colonel McDonell, who had returned to hisposition to check the enemy there, and Captain Daly was chosen, withthe light company of the 3rd Battalion Embodied Militia, numberingseventy men, [39] to cross and take up the ground abandoned by thepicket. De Salaberry, then seeing that the action was about to become seriouson the right, left his position in the centre of the front and placedhimself on the left with the troops along the bank, where, standing ona stump. [40] he could see, through his field-glass, Captain Daly withhis men crossing the ford. The latter took with him such of theBeauharnois men as had rallied[41] up, and led by him, they advancedalong the river-bank and made, in the words of Purdy afterwards, "afurious assault" upon the advanced guard of the Americans, whom theydrove back upon themselves. "The bravery of Captain Daly, " wrote theTemoin Oculaire--whose account, it is to be remembered, was publisheda few days afterwards--"who literally led his company into the midstof the enemy, could not be surpassed. " Purdy's main body finally recovered, and charged forward, however, emerging in great force from the wood. Captain Daly's men, as they had been taught by Lieut. -ColonelMcDonell, knelt and fired a volley kneeling. The return volley wasfired by tenfold numbers, and but for that precaution would havedestroyed nearly the whole of Captain Daly's command. As it was, hereceived a severe wound, and with his men, several of whom werewounded and himself a second time, was compelled to retreat, which themen did in very good order under Lieut. Benjamin Schiller. The latterdistinguished himself greatly. He bore off his wounded captain to asafe place, and returning, took command at request of the men. At onejuncture he was engaged, hand to hand, with a very formidableadversary, whose head he cut off with a single blow of his sabre. [42] Purdy's force eventually were moving on in overwhelming numbers, andfor a moment their shouts of victory were heard by the little forcelying in suspense behind the barricades on the opposite bank. Incoming out of the wood they swarmed down along the bank of the river. Now was the time for Captains Louis Duchesnay and Longtin's companiesconcealed in the river-side bushes opposite. De Salaberry instantlyappears upon the scene, gives the word of command, and the bushesflame out with a hidden and destructive fire. The American shouts ofvictory turn into cries of confusion. In the utmost disorder they makea tumultuous and precipitate retreat into the woods. Thus, at 2. 30p. M. , came the failure of Purdy's flanking movement. As one may easily imagine, this series of incidents took severalhours. In the front, General Hampton for about an hour kept his soldiersready in momentary expectation of attack by De Salaberry, and ofhearing of Purdy's success. When he heard that the latter had failed, however, he sent him word to withdraw his column to a shoal four orfive miles above and cross over, and ordered General Izard to retirehis brigade to a position about three miles in the rear, to whichplace the baggage had been ordered forward. Hampton thus retired, leaving De Salaberry master of the field, with scarcely 300 men inactual action, and no British guns anywhere within seven miles. [43] Sir George Prevost, with Major-General De Watteville, arrived on theground at the close of the engagement and overlooked De Salaberry'sarrangements, thanked him with great praise, and then immediatelywrote an inaccurate despatch to England, in which he claimed theprincipal credit for _himself_. [44] That evening De Salaberry wrote tohis father; "I have won a victory mounted on a wooden horse!"[45] After the battle was over the American firing did not cease, for nosooner did darkness come on than Purdy's scattered command, moving upthe right bank, commenced a most destructive fire on each other, mistaking them for the British, and they continued it the greater partof the night. The final incident took place just as day dawned on the27th, when about twenty Americans, mistaking some of the Canadianmilitia on the left bank for their own people, were compelled by themto surrender. That day at dawn McDonell came up in command of Captain Rouville'sCompany of Voltigeurs, Captain Levesque's Company of Grenadiers (ofthe 5th Battalion Incorporated Militia), and sixty men of theBeauharnois Division. De Salaberry turned over to McDonell the defenceof the abatis or obstructions in front, and the hero of Ogdensburghpushed on to two miles further than before. The day passed inexpectation of a second attack, but no enemy appeared. Meanwhile, the straggling order which the nature of the swamp andforest imposed on Purdy's retreat exposed him to rear attacks from theIndians, which were repeated after dark and caused him loss. [46] A large quantity of muskets, drums, knapsacks, provisions and armswere found on Purdy's shore, especially indicating the confusion justprevious to their retreat. Upwards of ninety bodies and graves werefound on that bank, [47] among them two or three officers ofdistinction. On Hampton's field were two dead horses, and the enemywere there seen carrying off several of the wounded in carts. The Canadian loss was only two killed, sixteen wounded, and fourmissing. Three missing were by mistake at first included among thekilled in the returns. [48] Time now wore on, another night was passed, and the morning of the28th arrived, when Captain La Mothe, with about 150 Indians, reconnoitred the enemy, who, according to the report of CaptainHughes, of the Engineers, had abandoned his camp the day before. A party of the Beauharnois Militia, supported by Captain Debartzch, burnt and destroyed the newly-erected bridges within a mile of theenemy's camp, which was now about one and a half leagues from Piper'sRoad, _i. E. _, about two leagues from his former position. On the sameevening the Indians, under Captain La Mothe, [49] proceeded through thewoods and came up with the enemy's rear-guard. Here a slight skirmishensued, in which the Americans lost one killed and seven wounded. Hampton, having re-occupied his late position, called a council ofwar, where it was determined to fall back and occupy the formerposition at Four Corners, to secure their communication with theUnited States; from thence either to retire to winter quarters or beready to re-enter Lower Canada. "On that day or the day previous Captain Debartzch, of the Militia, was sent to the American headquarters with a flag. When he stated thenumber and description of troops by which General Hampton had beenopposed, the latter, scarcely able to keep his temper, insisted thatthe British force amounted to 7, 000 men. On being assured of thecontrary, he asked: 'What, then, made the woods ring so with bugles?'Captain Debartzch explained this; but it was apparently to nopurpose. "[50] The Americans retired on the 29th. "On the 30th a party of IndianChasseurs, under Captain Ducharme, reported that the enemy hadabandoned his camp at Piper's Road in the greatest disorder, and wason the road to Four Corners. " The Canadians followed up and hung uponthe rear and embarrassed the retreat. Canada was saved! General Wilkinson was very severe on his fellow-general. "On the 4thof November, " he complains, "the British garrison of Montrealconsisted solely of 400 marines and 200 soldiers. What a golden, glorious opportunity has been lost by the caprice of Major-GeneralHampton!"[51] Poor man, he was to have pretty much the same luckhimself just afterwards! Wilkinson's army proceeded on its own coursedown the river, but was almost as ignominiously defeated at Chrysler'sFarm on the 10th of November, where his 3, 000 or 4, 000 men werematched, partly in open field and partly with the assistance of a ruseas at Châteauguay, against 800 British and thirty Indians, underColonel Morison, a man equally brave and able with McDonell and DeSalaberry. Mr. Dion, of Chambly, to whom the erection of a fine bronze statue ofDe Salaberry is due, has related to me a number of particulars from DeSalaberry's letters held by his relatives. The hero complains bitterlyof Prevost and De Watteville--"those two Swiss"--and that on accountof his religion he could get no higher than a Lieut. -Colonel. From thesame letters it appears that the "Temoin Oculaire" was a young lawyernamed O'Sullivan, later, Judge O'Sullivan, a man partly of Irishfamily, in person large and handsome, and a great friend of DeSalaberry, who ever remained grateful to him for preserving record ofhis deed in his celebrated letter. It is commonly attributed to D. B. Viger. Another little fact mentioned in the correspondence of DeSalaberry is that his men in the battle were barefooted. The almost unique nature of the victory strikes one. Its keystone wasDe Salaberry's masterly use of illusion. Of it was the choice of athick wood to conceal his small force, their entrenchment behind theabatis and in bush positions, the unexpected fire from the left bankupon Purdy, the Indians in the woods, and, more than everything, theruse of the multiplied bugles. But besides illusion there was theablest possible disposition, for there seems no doubt but that nospot could have keen chosen along his projected route greater instrength when fortified and guarded just as that was. The enemy couldonly reach it fatigued, and far from sources of supply, the wood wasthick, the ravines occurred happily, the river was free from fords fora long distance, and a frightful swamp occupied the opposite bank. Howwould De Watteville's small and raw army have acted in the opencountry had this position not been tried? Next, how ought the credit of the affair to be apportioned, for it isclear that it is due to a number concerned? De Salaberry is, ofcourse, in every way the leading figure. His courage and spirit wereperfect, his intelligence rapid, his labor incessant, and the wholechoice of the field and strategy of the battle were, by all thetestimony, due to him. On the whole, it almost seems, in its broadlights, like a battle of this one man against the enemy. His task wasthe greater from the extent and obscurity of the battlefield. On theseaccounts, some of those holding the positions used afterwards to saythere was no battle at all, and one--Lieut. Delisle, who received apension--that the whole thing was a farce. Frankly--and it may seem atfirst sight like a discourtesy to say it--it is doubtful whether theVoltigeurs would have stood much real fighting had they been opposedto veterans. On reasonable consideration this objection mustdisappear. It is well known that recruits away from their homes areutterly unstable in their first battles. For instance, at Bull's Run, in the first two battles of the American Civil War, it was a toss-upwhich side would run away from the other, and they decided it by oneside doing so the first day, and the other side the second. Many ofthe Upper Canadians were fearful and undecided at the beginning of theWar of 1812. It is pretty probable that the promptitude of the fewregulars in the country, including such officers as Brock, was itssalvation at the outset. Most of De Salaberry's own men had withdrawna month previous at the attack on the camp at Four Corners, though sodisproportionate an enterprise was no fair test of recruits. TheSedentary Militia, when drafted, deserted in great numbers, and theduty assigned to the newly raised Voltigeurs by their commander atChrysler's Farm just afterwards was that merely of making a temporarydisplay in the woods. De Salaberry probably intended to do more withhis division at Châteauguay, and might have succeeded if put to thetest, for they were now probably superior to the American force in thevery important respect of acquired confidence in a leader, who waseven then the hero of the Province. Being of the same stock asNapoleon's men, a long course of fighting under a De Salaberry wouldhave undoubtedly made them into a similar force; but in any case, toomuch cannot be said for the patriotism and willingness exhibited bythese young men in defence of united Canada. Every man on the field, apparently, did the duty assigned to him. One--Jean Bte. Leclaire, was also one of the heroes of Fort Detroitand afterwards Chrysler's Farm. To the memory of such a man let hiscountry do some honor. To the axemen's force also is due credit forcheerful and dangerous labor in chopping trees and working at theobstructions and defences. The Temoin Oculaire names "Vincent, Pelletier, Vervais, Dubois, Caron, " who swam the river and tookprisoners those who refused to surrender. Captain Daly is the name to be mentioned next to De Salaberry. Hiscourageous onslaught is testified to by both Purdy and the Temoin, andtwice wounded, he fought until he fell. It may be truthfully said thatit was he who bore the brunt of the fight. Schiller also speciallydistinguished himself, and won his captaincy on the field. Of Fergusonand the two Captains Duchesnay we have spoken. The Temoin Oculairepraises the courage of Captain La Mothe, of Lieuts. Pinguet, Hebden, Guy, Johnson, Powell, and Captain L'Ecuyer (the latter two forcaptures of prisoners in the woods. ) Captains Longtin and Huneau, ofthe Beauharnois Militia, are also mentioned by him for good conduct. Louis Langlade, Noël Annance, and Bartlet Lyons, of the IndianDepartment, were in the action of the 26th and the affair of the 28th. McDonell of Odgensburg, and no doubt many others, ought to be added. As to credit, in fact, every man in the region who did his duty andwas ready to defend his country deserves it, and those named are butthe examples who were put to the test. The brave Scotch settlers, fewas they then were, were inspired with that spirit. The women stoodliterally ready to burn the roofs over their heads. The men, exceptthose who had teams, who were drafted into an invaluable transportservice, were formed into a company and drilled for the defence, underLieut. Neil Morison and Captain James Wright, whose house was theheadquarters of General De Watteville and a frequent scene of thecouncil of officers. He was a tall and stern man, a Highlander, hisname of "Wright" being a translation of his Gaelic one, "MacIntheoir. "His Châteauguay sword is said to have long hung on the wall in thehouse of one of his descendants. We should not be so ungrateful also as to forget the services of thosefaithful Indians, to whom, as all through the war, a share of thesuccess was due. In 1847 it was decided in England, after much agitation, to issue whatwas called "the War Medal, " rewarding all those who had fought Britishbattles during the years 1793 to 1814 and not received any specialmedal. Clasps were attached for each battle in which the recipient wasengaged. A medal seems to have been given, as was meet, to almostevery one on the field of Châteauguay, for 260 were distributed. Itwas, in fact, erroneously issued to some who were not present. Onelieutenant, in particular, says Mr. Dion, is known from the DeSalaberry letters to have himself lamented that he only came up theday after. The Indians and regulars also got medals. The simple recordof what was done, however, is the best memorial of honor to those whowere present on that memorable day. Mr. R. W. McLachlan relates his recollections of one of the veterans atMontreal. "Clad in an old artillery uniform, he was always seenmarching out alongside of the troops on review days. He was ever readyto recount his adventures on the day of battle. Although we have heardit often from his lips, all that we can remember is that: 'De Yankeesee me fore I see him, and he shoot me drough de neck. '" * * * * * It is the privilege of the men of Châteauguay to remember that theirregion is haunted by the spirits of heroes. "The dead still play their part" sings the Canadian poet Sangster, and here the musing thought must forever conjure up De Salaberry, McDonell, the 800 waiting behind theirbreastworks in the gloom of the woods, the touching scene of CaptainLongtin and his Beauharnois men, and the stubborn onset of Dalyagainst overwhelming odds. The meaning of it all is: that given a goodcause, and the defence of our homes against wanton aggression, we candare odds that otherwise would seem hopeless; that it is in thefuture, as in the past, the spirits of men, and not their materialresources, which count for success; that we need only be brave andjust, and ready to die, and our country can never be conquered; andthat we shall always be able to preserve ourselves free in our courseof development towards our own idea of a nation. APPENDIX. NOTES BY W. PATTERSON, M. A. 1. Mr. James Walsh, Sr. , who still resides in Ormstown, Que. , wasinformed by one Saint Charles Moreau, alias Legault, that the stonehouse, situated on the Châteauguay about two miles below the villageof Ste. Martine, and known during the early years of the presentcentury as "The Stone Tavern, " had just been built and finished theday before the battle, and the officers of the Canadian forcesunceremoniously took possession of it on coming forward that evening. 2. This same Legault or Moreau, shortly after the battle and beforethe dead were removed, visited the scene of the fight. There he sawseveral dead and several dying. He had a vivid recollection of thecruelty of the Indians. "The cursed savages, " said Legault, "didnothing to secure the victory, and yet were foremost in plundering thedead and dying. " He remembered in particular having seen an Americanofficer, who was seriously wounded, lying on the field. The officerhad a coin in his mouth which he was evidently anxious to save. AnIndian, upon noticing this, bade him by making signs open his mouthand give up the piece. The command being apparently misunderstood, theIndian impatiently struck him with his tomahawk on the forehead. Ashis head was knocked back by the blow, the man opened his mouth, andhis assailant taking out the coin passed on. 3. Mr. David Monique, who lived at the "Portage" (modern Dewittville)at the time of the war, used to say, as Mr. Walsh many a time heardhim relate, that his impression was that the Canadians did not hangupon the American rear after the fight, for had they done so, theAmerican guns, which were all left behind, would have been captured. Adivision retreated up the Island of Jamestown by way of the "Portage, "on the South side of the Châteauguay, passing on their route Mr. Monique's farm. There they had their morning meal near his house, onOctober 27th, 1813. Their pork they fried on the ends of sticks beforelittle fires. They were poorly clad. All were quite civil. They saidthat they had been "badly licked the day before. " Their retreat waswitnessed by this man and his family, and certainly they were notpursued by the Canadians, nor, in his opinion, did the Canadianspursue the other division, which retired across the Outarde by way ofthe ford, made on their inward march, and since known as the "AmericanFord, " for in the following year, they returned for their guns andcarried them off without molestation. 4. Mr. Thomas Baird, merchant, of Ormstown, remembers well a Mr. Laberge, a very old man, who had been one of the soldiers on picquetduty at Ormstown, when the Americans invaded this country, in 1813. Laberge said that the Canadians stationed at this point were few innumber, and were posted near the mouth of the Outarde, along the Northbank of the Châteauguay, and also along the creek which now runsthrough the village of Ormstown. There the Canadians were taken bysurprise. Those who escaped, retreated to De Salaberry's headquartersa few miles down the Châteauguay. Laberge also said that some of the Americans who were killed in thebattle of the next day, October 26th, were buried on the bank of thecreek, to which reference has been made. In this connection it isinteresting to relate that while excavations were being made a fewyears ago for a roadway through this bank, the remains of five or sixmen were unearthed. The U. S. A. Military buttons, the belt buckles andthe bayonet found in their grave removed any doubt that these were theremains of American soldiers. This last item was kindly given thewriter by Mr. Chas. Moe, who assisted in making the road. 5. The ford over the Outarde, by which the Americans crossed, stillremains and is known as the "American Ford. " It is about three mileswest of Ormstown village. The annual Spring floods have undoubtedlychanged it somewhat. Both banks of the river shew the place to be acoarse gravel bed. By the addition of more gravel they easily made afine roadway. 6. Mr. John Symons, who came to the Châteauguay River in 1828, and haslived in its vicinity ever since, and who at the time of writingresides in Ormstown, informed the writer that Alexander Williamson, one of the earliest settlers, used to say that what is spoken of asthe battle of Châteauguay, is greatly magnified. Williamson regardedthe Americans as a great lot of cowards who were glad to takeadvantage of the slightest opposition to return home. 7. Mr. James Brodie, a retired farmer, residing in the village ofOrmstown, and who also was well acquainted with Alexander Williamson, states that Williamson was about twelve years of age when the battlewas fought and was not present at the fight, but what he knew of it hehad learned from others. 8. Mr. William Allan who for years did business as a generalstorekeeper at Allans Corners, Que. , informed the writer that he heardAlexander Williamson describe what is generally known as the battle, many times. "Williamson, " says Mr. Allan, "could not repeat the samestory twice. " 9. Mr. Brodie, in view of all the information he could gather from theearly settlers, including Mr. Williamson, sincerely believes that themerits of De Salaberry have been much over-estimated. "That officerhas no claims, " said he, "to being a hero by what he did in thatencounter. " Yet the Canadians, so that gentleman gives the account, were mostskilfully managed and made the best of their opportunity. Wearing thered coats, they were made to march in a circle for a time under thecover of the woods, and for a time exposed to the view of theAmericans. To them, as they marched along, they gave the impressionthat they were a numerous force. These same Canadians, (Miss AnneBryson, an aged lady, residing at Allans Corners, relates the story), still further exaggerated their strength by turning their coats whilstbehind the trees, the white lining then giving them the appearance ofbeing another regiment. The story is also told how the Indians, beingwell scattered, made the forests resound with their war cry. 10. Where was the battle fought? The battlefield is situated aboutfive or six acres west of the passenger bridge at Allans Corners, which is a small village on the Châteauguay River, thirteen milesbelow Huntingdon, three miles below Ormstown village, and aboutforty-three miles from Montreal. The site was a position on the Northbank of the Châteauguay, where, almost at right angles to it, a deepand wide creek, then a large stream, emptied itself into the river. Atthat point was the foremost line of De Salaberry's breastworks, consisting of felled trees, stones and earth. There the main divisionof the Americans was repulsed. A sharp encounter in which the enemywere defeated by Captain Daly took place several acres below this onthe opposite bank. Bullets are found every year on the scene. 11. It is popularly believed that some of the American guns were sunkin the Châteauguay River at the point where the battle took place, although no trace of them has ever been found. The river is very deepthere. 12. About 13 acres west of Allans Corners there was a settlement ofAmerican squatters who fled the country before the outbreak of thewar. They had planted an orchard which was always afterwards known asthe "American Orchard. " Traces of it were to be seen a few years ago. The early settlers, Mr. Williamson among others, have handed down thefact that some of these people were employed as guides by the Americaninvaders. 13. Mr. James Gilbert, who was the first settler on the land on thesouth bank opposite the point where De Salaberry was encamped, yearsago, when ploughing, unearthed the remains of a man wrapped in theAmerican military dress, and at various times, Mr. George Nusseyinformed the writer, ploughed up bones. 14. Mr. Williamson remembered well, Mr. Brodie informed the writer, that the settlers on the Châteauguay at the time of the battle, excepting of course the militia, were prepared to flee towardsMontreal, intending to take with them what household effects theyconveniently could, should the Canadian forces suffer defeat. 15. Near De Salaberry's first line, on the north bank of the river, stood the old block house. Miss Anne Bryson remembers it well. FOOTNOTES: [1] Wm. James' Mil. Oc. Of War of 1812. [2] History of the War of 1812. [3] James says at St. Regis. [4] James. [5] Letter of Hampton to Armstrong. [6] James. [7] To the Secretary of War, Sept. 25th, 1813, in Palmer's Hist. Register of the U. S. , I. , for 1814. [8] Ibid. [9] Chiefly Appleton's Cycl. Of Am. Biog. [10] Supplement to same. It contains a portrait of Izard. [11] H. Sulte. [12] Garneau, Hist. Can. [13] Garneau. [14] Garneau. [15] Christie gives him credit for this point. [16] See letters of "Veritas. " [17] Christie Hist. Can. [18] Wilkinson's letters [19] All full accounts of the battle from this stage on are chieflyfounded on that remarkable letter of a participant signing "TemoinOculaire, " published in Montreal, 29 Oct. , 1813. It is open, however, to some corrections of detail. [20] Garneau and Sellar; but Coffin says they were French-Canadian_voyageurs_, and Mr. John Fraser, from tradition, says _five-sixths_French-Canadians. I have been unable to obtain the necessaryverifications from Ottawa or elsewhere. [21] W. F. Coffin, Hist. War of 1812. [22] Jame's Military Occurrences, I. , 306. [23] Coffin. [24] James. [25] Coffin. [26] James, I. , p. 308. [27] Purdy gives an interesting and clear account (_Vide_ Palmer'sHist. Register for 1814) of this march and some other matters, in hisreport to Wilkinson. [28] James. [29] James says sixty. [30] James. [31] Temoin Oc. [32] Garneau. [33] Tradition. [34] James. [35] James. [36] Temoin Oculaire. [37] James. [38] Tradition. [39] James. [40] Coffin. [41] James. [42] This was "a fact known to many persons now alive, " according to apetition for a medal by his family in 1849. [43] James. [44] See his despatch. [45] Sulte. [46] Hampton's Report on the Battle: Palmer's Hist. Register, 1814. [47] James. [48] James. [49] "Officier actif et zelé. " (Temoin Oculaire. ) [50] James. [51] Palmer's Hist. Register.