[Transcriber's note: Obvious printer's errors have been corrected. Hyphenation and accentuation have been standardised, allother inconsistencies are as in the original. The author's spellinghas been maintained. {} are used to inclose superscript. ] [Illustration: _Fighting by Sea and Sky. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] AIRCRAFT AND SUBMARINES The Story of the Invention, Development, and Present-Day Uses ofWar's Newest Weapons By WILLIS J. ABBOT Author of "The Story of Our Army, " "The Story of Our Navy, " "TheNations at War" _With Eight Color Plates and 100 Other Illustrations_ G. P. Putnam's Sons New York and London The Knickerbocker Press 1918 Copyright, 1918 By WILLIS J. ABBOT The Knickerbocker Press, New York PREFACE Not since gunpowder was first employed in warfare has sorevolutionary a contribution to the science of slaughtering men beenmade as by the perfection of aircraft and submarines. The formerhave had their first employment in this world-wide war of thenations. The latter, though in the experimental stage as far back asthe American Revolution, have in this bitter contest been for thefirst time brought to so practical a stage of development as toexert a really appreciable influence on the outcome of the struggle. Comparatively few people appreciate how the thought of navigatingthe air's dizziest heights and the sea's gloomiest depths hasobsessed the minds of inventors. From the earliest days of historymen have grappled with the problem, yet it is only within twohundred years for aircraft and one hundred for submarines that anyreally intelligent start has been made upon its solution. The menwho really gave practical effect to the vague theories which othersset up--in aircraft the Wrights, Santos-Dumont, and Count Zeppelin;in submarines Lake and Holland--are either still living, or havedied so recently that their memory is still fresh in the minds ofall. In this book the author has sketched swiftly the slow stages bywhich in each of these fields of activity success has been attained. He has collated from the immense mass of records of the activitiesof both submarines and aircraft enough interesting data to show thedegree of perfection and practicability to which both have beenbrought. And he has outlined so far as possible from existingconditions the possibilities of future usefulness in fields otherthan those of war of these new devices. The most serious difficulty encountered in dealing with the presentstate and future development of aircraft is the rapidity with whichthat development proceeds. Before a Congressional Committee lastJanuary an official testified that grave delay in the manufacture ofairplanes for the army had been caused by the fact that typesadopted a scant three months before had become obsolete, because ofexperience on the European battlefields, and later inventions beforethe first machines could be completed. There may be exaggeration inthe statement but it is largely true. Neither the machines nor thetactics employed at the beginning of the war were in use in itsfourth year. The course of this evolution, with its reasons, aredescribed in this volume. Opportunities for the peaceful use of airplanes are beginning tosuggest themselves daily. After the main body of this book was intype the Postmaster-General of the United States called for bids foran aërial mail service between New York and Washington--an act urgedupon the Government in this volume. That service contemplates aswift carriage of first-class mail at an enhanced price--thetentative schedule being three hours, and a postage fee oftwenty-five cents an ounce. There can be no doubt of the success ofthe service, its value to the public, and its possibilities ofrevenue to the post-office. Once its usefulness is established itwill be extended to routes of similar length, such as New York andBoston, New York and Buffalo, or New York and Pittsburgh. The mindsuggests no limit to the extension of aërial service, both postaland passenger, in the years of industrial activity that shall followthe war. In the preparation of this book the author has made use of manyrecords of personal experiences of those who have dared the air'shigh altitudes and the sea's stilly depths. For permission to usecertain of these he wishes to express his thanks to the Century Co. , for extracts from _My Airships_ by Santos-Dumont; to Doubleday, Page& Co. , for extracts from _Flying for France_, by James R. McConnell;to Charles Scribner's Sons, for material drawn from _With the FrenchFlying Corps_, by Carroll Dana Winslow; to _Collier's Weekly_, forcertain extracts from interviews with Wilbur Wright; to _McClure'sMagazine_, for the account of Mr. Ray Stannard Baker's trip in aLake submarine; to Hearst's International Library, and to the_Scientific American_, for the use of several illustrations. W. J. A. NEW YORK, 1918. CONTENTS Page PREFACE iii CHAPTER I. --Introductory 3 II. --The Earliest Flying Men 14 III. --The Services of Santos-Dumont 39 IV. --The Count von Zeppelin 59 V. --The Development of the Airplane 82 VI. --The Training of the Aviator 103 VII. --Some Methods of the War in the Air 123 VIII. --Incidents of the War in the Air 159 IX. --The United States at War 182 X. --Some Features of Aërial Warfare 207 XI. --Beginnings of Submarine Invention 235 XII. --The Coming of Steam and Electricity 256 XIII. --John P. Holland and Simon Lake 271 XIV. --The Modern Submarine 294 XV. --Aboard a Submarine 318 XVI. --Submarine Warfare 333 XVII. --The Future of the Submarine 362 Index 383 ILLUSTRATIONS Page Fighting by Sea and Sky _Frontispiece_ Painting by John E. Whiting Dropping a Depth Bomb 4 Painting by Lieut. Farré A Battle in Mid-air 8 Painting by Lieut. Farré Victory in the Clouds 12 Painting by John E. Whiting The Fall of the Boche 16 Painting by Lieut. Farré Lana's Vacuum Balloon 18 Montgolfier's Experimental Balloon 21 A Rescue at Sea 24 Painting by Lieut. Farré Montgolfier's Passenger Balloon 27 Charles's Balloon 31 A French Observation Balloon on Fire 32 Roberts Brothers' Dirigible 34 Giffard's Dirigible 37 A British Kite Balloon 40 British "Blimp" 40 Photographed from Above. A Kite Balloon Rising from the Hold of a Ship 48 The Giant and the Pigmies 60 Painting by John E. Whiting A French "Sausage" 64 Photo by Press Illustrating Co. A British "Blimp" 64 The Death of a Zeppelin 72 Photo by Paul Thompson A German Dirigible, Hansa Type 76 A Wrecked Zeppelin at Salonika 76 Photo by Press Illustrating Co. British Aviators about to Ascend 80 Langley's Airplane 84 A French Airdrome near the Front 84 Lilienthal's Glider 86 A German War Zeppelin 88 French Observation Balloon Seeking Submarines 88 Photo by Press Illustrating Co. Chanute's Glider 90 A German Taube Pursued by British Planes 92 The First Wright Glider 93 Pilcher's Glider 94 Comparative Strength of Belligerents in Airplanes at the Opening of the War 96 Comparative Strength of Belligerents in Dirigibles at the Opening of the War 96 The Wright Glider 98 At a French Airplane Base 100 International Film Service Stringfellow's Airplane 101 The "America"--Built to Cross the Atlantic 104 A Wright Airplane in Flight 104 First Americans to Fly in France 108 The Lafayette Escadrille Distinguishing Marks of American Planes 116 What an Aviator must Watch 116 A Caproni Triplane 124 A Caproni Triplane Showing Propellers and Fuselage 124 The Terror that Flieth by Night 128 Painting by Wm. J. Wilson A Curtis Seaplane Leaving a Battleship 132 Photo by Press Illustrating Co. Launching a Hydroaëroplane 132 At a United States Training Camp 138 A "Blimp" with Gun Mounted on Top 138 Aviators Descending in Parachutes from a Balloon Struck by Incendiary Shells 140 The Balloon from which the Aviators Fled 140 German Air Raiders over England 144 One Aviator's Narrow Escape 148 Downed in the Enemy's Country 156 Position of Gunner in Early French Machine 160 Later Type of French Scout 160 Photo by Kadel & Herbert A French Scout Airplane 168 Photo by Press Illustrating Co. "Showing Off. " A Nieuport Performing Aërial Acrobatics around a Heavier Bombing Machine 168 An Air Raid on a Troop Train 174 Painting by John E. Whiting A Burning Balloon, Photographed from a Parachute by the Escaping Balloonist 176 A Caproni Biplane Circling the Woolworth Building 184 Cruising at 2000 Feet. One Biplane Photographed from Another 184 An Air Battle in Progress 192 A Curtis Hydroaroplane 192 The U. S. Aviation School at Mineola 208 Miss Ruth Law at Close of her Chicago to New York Flight 216 A French Aviator between Flights 216 A German "Gotha"--Their Favorite Type 224 A French Monoplane 232 A German Scout Brought to Earth in France 232 A Gas Attack Photographed from an Airplane 240 A French Nieuport Dropping a Bomb 244 A Bomb-Dropping Taube 248 A Captured German Fokker Exhibited at the Invalides 252 A British Seaplane with Folding Wings 252 British Anti-Aircraft Guns 256 An Anti-Aircraft Outpost 264 A Coast Defense Anti-Aircraft Gun 264 The Submarine's Perfect Work 270 Painting by John E. Whiting Types of American Aircraft 272 For Anti-Aircraft Service 288 The Latest French Aircraft Guns 288 Modern German Airplane Types 296 A German Submarine Mine-Layer Captured by the British 304 The Exterior of First German Submarine 312 The Interior of First German Submarine, Showing Appliances for Man-Power 312 A Torpedo Designed by Fulton 320 The Method of Attack by Nautilus 320 The Capture of a U-Boat 324 Painting by John E. Whiting A British Submarine 336 Sectional View of the Nautilus 336 U. S. Submarine H-3 aground on California Coast 344 Salvaging H-3. Views I, II, and III 348 U. S. Submarine D-1 off Weehawken 352 A Submarine Built for Spain in the Cape Cod Canal 356 A Critical Moment 360 Painting by John E. Whiting A Submarine Built for Chili Passing through Cape Cod Canal 364 A Submarine Entrapped by Nets 368 Diagram of a German Submarine Mine-Layer Captured by British 372 A Submarine Discharging a Torpedo 374 A German Submarine in Three Positions 376 Sectional View of a British Submarine 380 THE CONQUEST OF THE AIR CHAPTER I INTRODUCTORY It was at Mons in the third week of the Great War. The grey-greenGerman hordes had overwhelmed the greater part of Belgium and weresweeping down into France whose people and military establishmentwere all unprepared for attack from that quarter. For days thelittle British army of perhaps 100, 000 men, that forlorn hope whichthe Germans scornfully called "contemptible, " but which man for manprobably numbered more veteran fighters than any similar unit oneither side, had been stoutly holding back the enemy's right wingand fighting for the delay that alone could save Paris. At Mons theyhad halted, hoping that here was the spot to administer to vonKluck, beating upon their front, the final check. The hope wasfutile. Looking back upon the day with knowledge of what GeneralFrench's army faced--a knowledge largely denied to him--it seemsthat the British escape from annihilation was miraculous. And indeedit was due to a modern miracle--the conquest of the air by man inthe development of the airplane. General French was outnumbered and in danger of being flanked on hisleft flank. His right he thought safe, for it was in contact withthe French line which extended eastward along the bank of the Sommeto where the dark fortress of Namur frowned on the steeps formed bythe junction of that river with the Meuse. At that point the Frenchline bent to the south following the course of the latter river. Namur was expected to hold out for weeks. Its defence lasted butthree days! As a matter of fact it did not delay the oncomingGermans a day, for they invested it and drove past in their fierceassault upon Joffre's lines. Enormously outnumbered, the French werebroken and forced to retreat. They left General French's right flankin the air, exposed to envelopment by von Kluck who was alreadyreaching around the left flank. The German troops were ample innumber to surround the British, cut them off from all support, andcrush or capture them all. This indeed they were preparing to dowhile General French, owing to some mischance never yet explained, was holding his ground utterly without knowledge that his allies hadalready retired leaving his flank without protection. [Illustration: Photo by Peter A. Juley. _Dropping a Depth Bomb. _ _From the Painting by Lieutenant Farré. _] When that fatal information arrived belatedly at the Britishheadquarters it seemed like a death warrant. The right of the linehad already been exposed for more than half-a-day. It wasinexplicable that it had not already been attacked. It wasunbelievable that the attack would not fall the next moment. But howwould it be delivered and where, and what force would the enemybring to it? Was von Kluck lulling the British into a false senseof security by leaving the exposed flank unmenaced while he gainedtheir rear and cut off their retreat? Questions such as thesedemanded immediate answer. Ten years before the most dashing scoutswould have clattered off to the front and would have required a day, perhaps more, to complete the necessary reconnaissance. But thoughof all nations, except of course the utterly negligent UnitedStates, Great Britain had least developed her aviation corps, therewere attached to General French's headquarters enough airmen to meetthis need. In a few minutes after the disquieting news arrived thebeat of the propellers rose above the din of the battlefield and theairplanes appeared above the enemy's lines. An hour or two sufficedto gather the necessary facts, the fliers returned to headquarters, and immediately the retreat was begun. It was a beaten army that plodded back to the line of the Marne. Itsretreat at times narrowly approached a rout. But the army was notcrushed, annihilated. It remained a coherent, serviceable part ofthe allied line in the successful action speedily fought along theMarne. But had it not been for the presence of the airmen theBritish expeditionary force would have been wiped out then andthere. The battle of Mons gave the soldiers a legend which stillpersists--that of the ghostly English bowmen of the time of Edwardthe Black Prince who came back from their graves to save that fieldfor England and for France. Thousands of simple souls believe thatlegend to-day. But it is no whit more unbelievable than the story ofan army saved by a handful of men flying thousands of feet above thefield would have been had it been told of a battle in our Civil War. The world has believed in ghosts for centuries and the Archers ofMons are the legitimate successors of the Great Twin Brethren at theBattle of Lake Regillus. But Cćsar, Napoleon, perhaps the elder vonMoltke himself would have scoffed at the idea that men could turnthemselves into birds to spy out the enemy's dispositions and save asorely menaced army. When this war has passed into history it will be recognized that itsgreatest contributions to military science have been the developmentand the use of aircraft and submarines. There have, of course, beenother features in the method of waging war which have been noveleither in themselves, or in the gigantic scale upon which they havebeen employed. There is, for example, nothing new about trenchwarfare. The American who desires to satisfy himself about that needonly to visit the Military Park at Vicksburg, or the country aboutPetersburg or Richmond, to recognize that even fifty years ago oursoldiers understood the art of sheltering themselves from bullet andshrapnel in the bosom of Mother Earth. The trench warfare inFlanders, the Argonne, and around Verdun has been novel only in thedegree to which it has been developed and perfected. Concrete-linedtrenches, with spacious and well-furnished bomb-proofs, withphonographs, printing presses, and occasional dramatic performancesfor lightening the soldiers' lot present an impressive elaborationof the muddy ditches of Virginia and Mississippi. Yet after all theboys of Grant and Lee had the essentials of trench warfare well inmind half a century before Germany, France, and England came togrips on the long line from the North Sea to the Vosges. Asphyxiating gas, whether liberated from a shell, or released alonga trench front to roll slowly down before a wind upon itsdefenders, was a novelty of this war. But in some degree it wasmerely a development of the "stinkpot" which the Chinese haveemployed for years. So too the tear-bomb, or lachrymatory bomb, which painfully irritated the eyes of all in its neighbourhood whenit burst, filling them with tears and making the soldierspractically helpless in the presence of a swift attack. These twoweapons of offence, and particularly the first, because of thefrightful and long-continuing agony it inflicts upon its victims, fascinated the observer, and awakened the bitter protests of thosewho held that an issue at war might be determined by civilizednations without recourse to engines of death and anguish morebarbaric than any known to the red Indians, or the most savagetribes of Asia. Neither of these devices, nor for that matter thecognate one of fire spurted like a liquid from a hose upon ashrinking enemy, can be shown to have had any appreciable effectupon the fortunes of any great battle. Each, as soon as employed byany one belligerent, was quickly seized by the adversary, and therespiratory mask followed fast upon the appearance of the chlorinegas. Whatever the outcome of the gigantic conflict may be, no onewill claim that any of these devices had contributed greatly to theresult. But the airplane revolutionized warfare on land. The submarine hasmade an almost equal revolution in naval warfare. Had the airplane been known in the days of our Civil War some of itsmost picturesque figures would have never risen to eminence or atleast would have had to win their places in history by efforts of anentirely different sort. There is no place left in modern militarytactics for the dashing cavalry scout of the type of Sheridan, Custer, Fitz Lee, or Forrest. The airplane, soaring high above thelines of the enemy, brings back to headquarters in a few hoursinformation that in the old times took a detachment of cavalry daysto gather. The "screen of cavalry" that in bygone campaignscommanders used to mask their movements no longer screens nor masks. A general moves with perfect knowledge that his enemy's aircraftwill report to their headquarters his roads, his strength, and hisprobable destination as soon as his vanguard is off. During theFederal advance upon Richmond, Stonewall Jackson, most brilliant ofthe generals of that war, repeatedly slipped away from the Federalfront, away from the spot where the Federal commanders confidentlysupposed him to be, and was found days later in the Valley of theShenandoah, threatening Washington or menacing the Union rear andits communications. The war was definitely prolonged by thisConfederate dash and elusiveness--none of which would have beenpossible had the Union forces possessed an aviation corps. [Illustration: _A Battle in Mid-air. _ (_Note rifleman on wing of airplane. _) _From the painting by Lieutenant Farré. _ Photo by Peter A. Juley. ] It is yet to be shown conclusively that as offensive enginesaircraft have any great value. The tendency of the militaryauthorities of every side to minimize the damage they have sufferedmakes any positive conclusion on this subject difficult anddangerous at this moment. The airplane by day or the Zeppelin bynight appears swiftly and mysteriously, drops its bombs from aheight of several thousand feet, and takes its certain flightthrough the boundless sky to safety. The aggressor cannot tellwhether his bombs have found a fitting target. He reports flamingbuildings left behind him, but whether they are munition factories, theatres, or primary schools filled with little children he cannottell. Nor does he know how quickly the flames were extinguished, orthe amount of damage done. The British boast of successful air raidsupon Cuxhaven, Zeebrugge, Essen, and Friedrichshaven. But if we takeGerman official reports we must be convinced that the damage donewas negligible in its relation to the progress of the war. In theirturn the Germans brag mightily of the deeds of their Zeppelins overLondon, and smaller British towns. But the sum and substance oftheir accomplishment, according to the British reports, has been theslaughter and mutilation of a number of civilians--mostly women andchildren--and the bloody destruction of many humble working-classhomes. At this writing, December, 1917, it is not recorded that anybattleship, munition factory, any headquarters, great governmentbuilding, or fortress has been destroyed or seriously injured by theactivities of aircraft of either type. This lack of preciseinformation may be due to the censor rather than to any lack ofgreat deeds on the part of airmen. We do know of successful attackson submarines, though the military authorities are chary aboutgiving out the facts. But as scouts, messengers, and guides forhidden batteries attacking unseen targets, aviators have compelledthe rewriting of the rules of military strategy. About this time, however, it became apparent that the belligerents intended todevelop the battleplanes. Particularly was this true of the Allies. The great measure of success won by the German submarines and theapparent impossibility of coping adequately with those weapons ofdeath once they had reached the open sea, led the British and theAmericans to consider the possibility of destroying them in theirbases and destroying the bases as well. But Kiel and Wilhelmshavenwere too heavily defended to make an attack by sea seem at allpracticable. The lesser ports of Zeebrugge and Ostend had beensuccessfully raided from the air and made practically useless assubmarine bases. Discussion therefore was strong of making likeraids with heavier machines carrying heavier guns and dropping moredestructive bombs upon the two chief lurking places of thesubmarines. While no conclusion had been reached as to this strategyat the time of the publication of this book, both nations were busybuilding larger aircraft probably for use in such an attack. * * * * * The submarine has exerted upon the progress of the war an influenceeven more dominant than that of aircraft. It has been a positiveforce both offensive and defensive. It has been Germany's onlypotent weapon for bringing home to the British the privations andwant which war entails upon a civilian population, and at the sametime guarding the German people from the fullest result of theBritish blockade. It is no overstatement to declare that but for theGerman submarines the war would have ended in the victory of theAllies in 1916. We may hark back to our own Civil War for an illustration of thecrushing power of a superior navy not qualified by any serviceableweapon in the hands of the weaker power. Historians have very generally failed to ascribe to the Federalblockade of Confederate ports its proportionate influence on theoutcome of that war. The Confederates had no navy. Their few navalvessels were mere commerce destroyers, fleeing the ships of theUnited States navy and preying upon unarmed merchantmen. With whatwas rapidly developed into the most powerful navy the world had everseen, the United States Government from the very beginning of thewar locked the Confederate States in a wall of iron. None might passgoing in or out, except by stealth and at the peril of property andlife. Outside the harbour of every seaport in the control of theConfederates the blockading men-of-war lurked awaiting the blockaderunners. Their vigilance was often eluded, of course, yetnevertheless the number of cargoes that slipped through waspainfully inadequate to meet the needs of the fenced-in States. Clothing, medicines, articles of necessary household use were deniedto civilians. Cannon, rifles, saltpetre, and other munitions of warwere withheld from the Confederate armies. While the ports of theNorth were bustling with foreign trade, grass grew on thecobble-stoned streets along the waterfronts of Charleston andSavannah. Slow starvation aided the constant pounding of theNorthern armies in reducing the South to subjection. Had the Confederacy possessed but a few submarines of modern typethis situation could not have persisted. Then, as to-day, neutralnations were eager to trade with both belligerents. There were thenmore neutrals whose interests would have compelled the observance ofthe laws of blockade, which in the present war are flagrantlyviolated by all belligerents with impunity. A submarine raid whichwould have sunk or driven away the blockading fleet at the entranceto a single harbour would have resulted in opening that harbour tothe unrestricted uses of neutral ships until the blockade could bere-established and formal notice given to all powers--a formalitywhich in those days, prior to the existence of cables, would haveentailed weeks, perhaps months, of delay. How serious such an interruption to the blockade was then consideredwas shown by the trepidation of the Union naval authorities over thefirst victories of the _Merrimac_ prior to the providential arrivalof the _Monitor_ in Hampton Roads. It was then thought that theConfederate ram would go straight to Wilmington, Charleston, andSavannah, destroy or drive away the blockaders, and open theConfederacy to the trade of the world. Even then men dreamed of submarines, as indeed they have since thedays of the American Revolution. Of the slow development of thatengine of war to its present effectiveness we shall speak more fullyin later chapters. Enough now to say that had the Confederacypossessed boats of the U-53 type the story of our Civil War mighthave had a different ending. The device which the Allies haveadopted to-day of blockading a port or ports by posting their shipsseveral hundred miles away would have found no toleration amongneutrals none too friendly to the United States, and vastly strongerin proportion to the power of this nation than all the neutralsto-day are to the strength of the Allies. [Illustration: _Victory in the Clouds. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] From the beginning of the Great War in Europe the fleets of theTeutonic alliance were locked up in port by the superior floatingforces of the Entente. Such sporadic dashes into the arena ofconflict as the one made by the German High Fleet, bringing on theBattle of Jutland, had but little bearing on the progress of thewar. But the steady, persistent malignant activity of the Germansubmarines had everything to do with it. They mitigated therigidity of the British blockade by keeping the blockaders far fromthe ports they sought to seal. They preyed on the British fleets bysinking dreadnoughts, battleships, and cruisers in nearly all of thebelligerent seas. If the British navy justified its costly power bykeeping the German fleet practically imprisoned in its fortifiedharbours, the German submarines no less won credit and glory bykeeping even that overwhelming naval force restricted in itsmovements, ever on guard, ever in a certain sense on the defensive. And meanwhile these underwater craft so preyed upon Britishfoodships that in the days of the greatest submarine activityEngland was reduced to husbanding her stores of food with almost asgreat thrift and by precisely the same methods as did Germanysuffering from the British blockade. Aircraft and submarines! Twin terrors of the world's greatest war!The development, though by no means the final development, of dreamsthat men of many nations have dreamed throughout the centuries! Theyare two of the outstanding features of the war; two of its legaciesto mankind. How much the legacy may be worth in peaceful times isyet to be determined. The airplane and the dirigible at any rateseem already to promise useful service to peaceful man. Already theflier is almost as common a spectacle in certain sections of ourcountry as the automobile was fifteen years ago. The submarine, foreconomic reasons, promises less for the future in the way ofpeaceful service, notwithstanding the exploits of the _Deutschland_in the ocean-carrying trade. But perhaps it too will find its placein industry when awakened man shall be willing to spend as muchtreasure, as much genius, as much intelligent effort, and as muchheroic self-sacrifice in organizing for the social good as in thelast four years he has expended in its destruction. CHAPTER II THE EARLIEST FLYING MEN The conquest of the air has been the dream of mankind for uncountedcenturies. As far back as we have historic records we find storiesof the attempts of men to fly. The earliest Greek mythology is fullof aeronautical legends, and the disaster which befell Icarus andhis wings of wax when exposed to the glare of the midsummer sun inGreece, is part of the schoolboy's task in Ovid. We find liketraditions in the legendary lore of the Peruvians, the East Indians, the Babylonians, even the savage races of darkest Africa. In theHebrew scriptures the chief badge of sanctity conferred on God'sangels was wings, and the ability to fly. If we come down to themythology of more recent times we find our pious ancestors in NewEngland thoroughly convinced that the witches they flogged andhanged were perfectly able to navigate the air on a broomstick--thusantedating the Wrights' experiments with heavier-than-air machinesby more than 250 years. It is an interesting fact, stimulating to philosophical reflection, that in the last decade more has been done toward the conquest ofthe air, than in the twenty centuries preceding it, though duringall that period men had been dreaming, planning, and experimentingupon contrivances for flight. Moreover when success came--or suchmeasure of success as has been won--it came by the application of anentirely novel principle hardly dreamed of before the nineteenthcentury. Some of the earlier efforts to master gravity and navigate the airare worthy of brief mention if only to show how persistent were theefforts from the earliest historic ages to accomplish this end. Passing over the legends of the time of mythology we find thatmany-sided genius, Leonardo da Vinci, early in the sixteenthcentury, not content with being a painter, architect, sculptor, engineer and designer of forts, offering drawings and specificationsof wings which, fitted to men, he thought would enable them to fly. The sketches are still preserved in a museum at Paris. He modelledhis wings on those of a bat and worked them with ropes passing overpulleys, the aviator lying prone, face downward, and kicking withboth arms and legs with the vigour of a frog. There is, unhappily, no record that the proposition ever advanced beyond the literarystage--certainly none that Da Vinci himself thus risked his life. History records no one who kicked his way aloft with the Da Vincidevice. But the manuscript which the projector left shows that herecognized the modern aviator's maxim, "There's safety in altitude. "He says, in somewhat confused diction: The bird should with the aid of the wind raise itself to a great height, and this will be its safety; because although the revolutions mentioned may happen there is time for it to recover its equilibrium, provided its various parts are capable of strong resistance so that they may safely withstand the fury and impetus of the descent. [Illustration: _The Fall of the Boche. _ _From the painting by Lieutenant Farré. _ Photo by Peter A. Juley. ] The fallacy that a man could, by the rapid flapping of wings of anysort, overcome the force of gravity persisted up to a very recentday, despite the complete mathematical demonstration by vonHelmholtz in 1878 that man could not possibly by his own muscularexertions raise his own weight into the air and keep it suspended. Time after time the "flapping wings" were resorted to by ambitiousaviators with results akin to those attained by Darius Green. One ofthe earliest was a French locksmith named Besnier, who had fourcollapsible planes on two rods balanced across his shoulders. Thesehe vigorously moved up and down with his hands and feet, the planesopening like covers of a book as they came down, and closing as theycame up. Besnier made no attempt to raise himself from the ground, but believed that once launched in the air from an elevation hecould maintain himself, and glide gradually to earth at aconsiderable distance. It is said that he and one or two of hisstudents did in a way accomplish this. Others, however, experimenting with the same method came to sorry disaster. Amongthese was an Italian friar whom King James IV. Of Scotland had madePrior of Tongland. Equipped with a pair of large feather wingsoperated on the Besnier principle, he launched himself from thebattlements of Stirling Castle in the presence of King James andhis court. But gravity was too much for his apparatus, and turningover and over in mid-air he finally landed ingloriously on a manureheap--at that period of nascent culture a very common feature of thepleasure grounds of a palace. He had a soul above his fate however, for he ascribed his fall not to vulgar mechanical causes, but whollyto the fact that he had overlooked the proper dignity of flight bypluming his wings with the feathers of common barn-yard fowl insteadof with plumes plucked from the wings of eagles! In sharp competition with the aspiring souls who sought to fly withwings--the forerunners of the airplane devotees of to-day--werethose who tried to find some direct lifting device for a car whichshould contain the aviators. Some of their ideas were curiouslylogical and at the same time comic. There was, for example, apriest, Le Pčre Galien of Avignon. He observed that the rarified airat the summit of the Alps was vastly lighter than that in thevalleys below. What then was to hinder carrying up empty sacks ofcotton or oiled silk to the mountain tops, opening them to thelighter air of the upper ranges, and sealing them hermetically whenfilled by it. When brought down into the valleys they would havelifting power enough to carry tons up to the summits again. The goodFather's education in physics was not sufficiently advanced to warnhim that the effort to drag the balloons down into the valley wouldexact precisely the force they would exert in lifting any load outof the valley--if indeed they possessed any lifting powerwhatsoever, which is exceedingly doubtful. Another project, which sounded logical enough, was based on theirrefutable truth that as air has some weight--to be exact 14. 70pounds for a column one inch square and the height of the earth'satmosphere--a vacuum must be lighter, as it contains nothing, noteven air. Accordingly in the seventeenth century, one FranciscoLana, another priest, proposed to build an airship supported by fourglobes of copper, very thin and light, from which all the air hadbeen pumped. The globes were to be twenty feet in diameter, and wereestimated to have a lifting force of 2650 pounds. The weight of thecopper shells was put at 1030 pounds, leaving a margin of possibleweight for the car and its contents of 1620 pounds. It seemed atfirst glance a perfectly reasonable and logical plan. Unhappily onefactor in the problem had been ignored. The atmospheric pressure oneach of the globes would be about 1800 tons. Something more than athin copper shell would be needed to resist this crushing force andan adequate increase in the strength of the shells would so enhancetheir weight as to destroy their lifting power. [Illustration: Lana's Vacuum Balloon. ] To tell at length the stories of attempt and failure of the earliestdabblers in aeronautics would be unprofitable and uninteresting. Notuntil the eighteenth century did the experimenters withlighter-than-air devices show any practical results. Not until thetwentieth century did the advocates of the heavier-than-air machinesshow the value of their fundamental idea. The former had to discovera gaseous substance actually lighter, and much lighter, than thesurrounding atmosphere before they could make headway. The latterwere compelled to abandon wholly the effort to imitate the flappingof a bird's wings, and study rather the method by which the birdadjusts the surface of its wings to the wind and soars withoutapparent effort, before they could show the world any promisingresults. Nearly every step forward in applied science is accomplished becauseof the observation by some thoughtful mind of some common phenomenonof nature, and the later application of those observations to someuseful purpose. It seems a far cry from an ancient Greek philosopher reposingpeacefully in his bath to a modern Zeppelin, but the connection isdirect. Every schoolboy knows the story of the sudden dash ofArchimedes, stark and dripping from his tub, with the triumphant cryof "Eureka!"--"I have found it!" What he had found was the rulewhich governed the partial flotation of his body in water. Most ofus observe it, but the philosophical mind alone inquired "Why?"Archimedes' answer was this rule which has become a fundamental ofphysics: "A body plunged into a fluid is subjected by this fluid toa pressure from below to above equal to the weight of the fluiddisplaced by the body. " A balloon is plunged in the air--a fluid. Ifit is filled with air there is no upward pressure from below, but ifit is filled with a gas lighter than air there is a pressure upwardequal to the difference between the weight of that gas and that ofan equal quantity of air. Upon that fact rests the whole theory andpractice of ballooning. The illustration of James Watt watching the steam rattle the coverof a teapot and from it getting the rudimentary idea of the steamengine is another case in point. Sometimes however the applicationof the hints of nature to the needs of man is rather ludicrouslyindirect. Charles Lamb gravely averred that because an earlyChinaman discovered that the flesh of a pet pig, accidentallyroasted in the destruction by fire of his owner's house, proveddelicious to the palate, the Chinese for years made a practice ofburning down their houses to get roast pig with "crackling. " Earlyexperimenters in aviation observed that birds flapped their wingsand flew. Accordingly they believed that man to fly must have wingsand flap them likewise. Not for hundreds of years did they observethat most birds flapped their wings only to get headway, oraltitude, thereafter soaring to great heights and distances merelyby adjusting the angle of their wings to the various currents of airthey encountered. In a similar way the earliest experimenters with balloons observedthat smoke always ascended. "Let us fill a light envelope withsmoke, " said they, "and it will rise into the air bearing a burdenwith it. " All of which was true enough, and some of the firstballoonists cast upon their fires substances like sulphur and pitchin order to produce a thicker smoke, which they believed had greaterlifting power than ordinary hot air. In the race for actual accomplishment the balloonists, the advocatesof lighter-than-air machines, took the lead at first. It iscustomary and reasonable to discard as fanciful the various devicesand theories put forward by the experimenters in the Middle Ages andfix the beginning of practical aeronautical devices with theinvention of hot-air balloons by the Montgolfiers, of Paris, in1783. The Montgolfier brothers, Joseph and Jacques, were paper-makers ofParis. The family had long been famous for its development of thepaper trade, and the many ingenious uses to which they put itsstaple. Just as the tanners of the fabled town in the Middle Agesthought there was "nothing like leather" with which to build itswalls and gates, thereby giving a useful phrase to literature, sothe Montgolfiers thought of everything in terms of paper. Sitting bytheir big open fireplace one night, so runs the story, they noticedthe smoke rushing up the chimney. "Why not fill a big paper bag withsmoke and make it lift objects into the air?" cried one. Theexperiment was tried next day with a small bag and proved a completesuccess. A neighbouring housewife looked in, and saw the bag bumpingabout the ceiling, but rapidly losing its buoyancy as the smokeescaped. [Illustration: Montgolfier's Experimental Balloon. ] "Why not fasten a pan below the mouth of the bag, " said she, "andput your fire in that? Its weight will keep the bag upright, andwhen it rises will carry the smoke and the pan up with it. " Acting upon the hint the brothers fixed up a small bag which sailedup into the air beyond recapture. After various experiments a bag ofmixed paper and linen thirty-five feet in diameter was inflated andreleased. It soared to a height of six thousand feet, and driftedbefore the wind a mile or more before descending. The ascent tookplace at Avonay, the home at the time of the Montgolfiers, and asevery sort of publicity was given in advance, a huge assemblageincluding many officials of high estate gathered to witness it. Aroaring fire was built in a pit over the mouth of which eight menheld the great sack, which rolled, and beat about before the wind asit filled and took the form of a huge ball. The crowd wasunbelieving and cynical, inclined to scoff at the idea that meresmoke would carry so huge a construction up into the sky. But whenthe signal was given to cast off, the balloon rose with a swiftnessand majesty that at first struck the crowd dumb, then moved it tocheers of amazement and admiration. It went up six thousand feet andthe Montgolfiers were at once elevated to almost an equal height offame. The crowd which watched the experiment was wild withenthusiasm; the Montgolfiers elated with the first considerablevictory over the force of gravity. They had demonstrated a principleand made their names immortal. What remained was to develop thatprinciple and apply it to practical ends. That development, however, proceeded for something more than a century before anything like apractical airship was constructed. But for the moment the attack on the forces which had kept the airvirgin territory to man was not allowed to lag. In Paris publicsubscriptions were opened to defray the cost of a new and greaterballoon. By this time it was known that hydrogen gas, or"inflammable air" as it was then called, was lighter than air. Butits manufacture was then expensive and public aid was needed for thenew experiment which would call at the outset for a thousand poundsof iron filings and 498 pounds of sulphuric acid wherewith tomanufacture the gas. The first experiment had been made in the provinces. This one wasset for Paris, and in an era when the French capital wasintellectually more alert, more eager for novelty, more interestedin the advancement of physical science and in new inventions thanever in its long history of hospitality to the new idea. They beganto fill the bag August 23, 1783 in the _Place des Victoires_, butthe populace so thronged that square that two days later it wasmoved half filled to Paris's most historic point, the _Champ deMars_. The transfer was made at midnight through the narrow darkstreets of medićval Paris. Eyewitnesses have left descriptions ofthe scene. Torch-bearers lighted on its way the cortčge the centralfeature of which was the great bag, half filled with gas, flabby, shapeless, monstrous, mysterious, borne along by men clutching atits formless bulk. The state had recognized the importance of thenew device and cuirassiers in glittering breastplates on horseback, and halbardiers in buff leather on foot guarded it in its transitthrough the sleeping city. But Paris was not all asleep. An escortof the sensation-loving rabble kept pace with the guards. The criesof the quarters rose above the tramp of the armed men. Observershave recorded that the passing cab drivers were so affected bywonder that they clambered down from their boxes and with doffedhats knelt in the highway while the procession passed. The ascension, which occurred two days later, was another movingspectacle. In the centre of the great square which has seen so manyhistoric pageants, rose the swaying, quivering balloon, now filledto its full capacity of twenty-two thousand feet. Whether from theart instinct indigenous to the French, or some superstitious idealike that which impels the Chinese to paint eyes on their junks, theballoon was lavishly decorated in water colours, with views ofrising suns, whirling planets, and other solar bodies amongst whichit was expected to mingle. Ranks of soldiers kept the populace at a distance, while within thesacred precincts strolled the King and the ladies and cavaliers ofhis court treading all unconsciously on the brink of that red terrorsoon to engulf the monarchy. The gas in the reeling bag was no moreinflammable than the air of Paris in those days just before theRevolution. With a salvo of cannon the guy-ropes were released andthe balloon vanished in the clouds. Benjamin Franklin, at the moment representing in France the Americancolonies then struggling for liberty, witnessed this ascension! "Ofwhat use is a new-born child?" he remarked sententiously as theballoon vanished. 'Twas a saying worthy of a cautious philosopher. Had Franklin been in Paris in 1914 he would have found the child, grown to lusty manhood, a strong factor in the city's defence. It isworth noting by the way that so alert was the American mind at thatperiod that when the news of the Montgolfiers' achievement reachedPhiladelphia it found David Rittenhouse and other members of thePhilosophical Society already experimenting with balloons. [Illustration: _A Rescue at Sea. _ _From the painting by Lieutenant Farré. _ Photo by Peter A. Juley. ] A curious sequel attended the descent of the Montgolfier craft whichtook place in a field fifteen miles from Paris. Long before the daysof newspapers, the peasants had never heard of balloons, and thismysterious object, dropping from high heaven into their peacefulcarrot patch affrighted them. Some fled. Others approached timidly, armed with the normal bucolic weapons--scythes and pitchforks. Attacked with these the fainting monster, which many took for adragon, responded with loud hisses and emitted a gas of unfamiliarbut most pestiferous odour. It suggested brimstone, which to thedevout in turn implied the presence of Satan. With guns, flails, andall obtainable weapons they fell upon the emissary of the Evil One, beat him to the ground, crushed out of him the vile-smelling breathof his nostrils, and finally hitched horses to him and dragged himabout the fields until torn to tatters and shreds. When the public-spirited M. Charles who had contributed largely tothe cost of this experiment came in a day or two to seek his balloonhe found nothing but some shreds of cloth, and some lively legendsof the prowess of the peasants in demolishing the devil's owndragon. The government, far-sightedly, recognizing that there would be moreballoons and useful ones, thereupon issued this proclamation for thediscouragement of such bucolic valour: A discovery has been made which the government deems it wise to make known so that alarm may not be occasioned to the people. On calculating the different weights of inflammable and common air it has been found that a balloon filled with inflammable air will rise toward heaven until it is in equilibrium with the surrounding air; which may not happen till it has attained to a great height. Anyone who should see such a globe, resembling the moon in an eclipse, should be aware that far from being an alarming phenomenon it is only a machine made of taffetas, or light canvas covered with paper, that cannot possibly cause any harm and which will some day prove serviceable to the wants of society. Came now the next great step in the progress of aeronautics. It hadbeen demonstrated that balloons could lift themselves. They had evenbeen made to lift dumb animals and restore them to earth unhurt. Butif the conquest of the air was to amount to anything, men must goaloft in these new machines. Lives must be risked to demonstrate atheory, or to justify a calculation. Aeronautics is no science forlaboratory or library prosecution. Its battles must be fought in thesky, and its devotees must be willing to offer their lives to thecause. In that respect the science of aviation has been differentfrom almost any subject of inquiry that has ever engaged therestless intellect of man, unless perhaps submarine navigation, orthe invention of explosives. It cannot be prosecuted except with aperfect willingness to risk life. No doubt this is one of thereasons why practical results seemed so long in the coming. Nor havemen been niggardly in this enforced sacrifice. Though no records ofassured accuracy are available, the names of forty-eight aeronautswho gave up their lives in the century following the Montgolfiers'invention are recorded. That record ended in 1890. How many havesince perished, particularly on the battlefields of Europe whereaircraft are as commonplace as cannon, it is too early yet toestimate. [Illustration: Montgolfier's Passenger Balloon. ] After the success of the ascension from the _Champ de Mars_, thedemand at once arose for an ascension by a human being. It was acase of calling for volunteers. The experiments already made showedclearly enough that the balloon would rise high in air. Who wouldrisk his life soaring one thousand feet or more above the earth, ina flimsy bag, filled with hot air, or inflammable gas, without meansof directing its course or bringing it with certainty and safetyback to a landing place? It was a hard question, and it isinteresting to note that it was answered not by a soldier or sailor, not by an adventurer, or devil-may-care spirit, but by a grave andlearned professor of physical science, Pilatre de Rozier. Presentlyhe was joined in his enterprise by a young man of the fashionableworld and sporting tastes, the Marquis d'Arlandes. AristocraticParis took up aviation in the last days of the eighteenth century, precisely as the American leisure class is taking it up in the firstdays of the twentieth. The balloon for this adventure was bigger than its predecessors andfor the first time a departure was taken from the sphericalvariety--the gas bag being seventy-four feet high, and forty-eightfeet in diameter. Like the first Montgolfier balloons it was to beinflated with hot air, and the car was well packed with bundles offuel with which the two aeronauts were to fill the iron brazier whenits fires went down. The instinct for art and decoration, so strongin the French mind, had been given full play by the constructors ofthis balloon and it was painted with something of the gorgeousnessof a circus poster. A tremendous crowd packed the park near Paris whence the ascent wasmade. Always the spectacle of human lives in danger has a morbidattraction for curiosity seekers, and we have seen in our own daysthrongs attracted to aviation congresses quite as much in theexpectation of witnessing some fatal disaster, as to observe theprogress made in man's latest conquest over nature. But in thisinstance the occasion justified the widest interest. It was anhistoric moment--more epoch-making than those who gathered in thatfield in the environs of Paris could have possibly imagined. For inthe clumsy, gaudy bag, rolling and tossing above a smoky fire laythe fundamentals of those great airships that, perfected by thepersistence of Count Zeppelin, have crossed angry seas, breastedfierce winds, defied alike the blackest nights and the thickest fogsto rain their messages of death on the capital of a foe. Contemporary accounts of this first ascension are but few, and thosethat have survived have come down to us in but fragmentary form. Itwas thought needful for two to make the ascent, for the car, orbasket, which held the fire hung below the open mouth of the bag, and the weight of a man on one side would disturb the perfectequilibrium which it was believed would be essential to a successfulflight. The Marquis d'Arlandes in a published account of the briefflight, which sounds rather as if the two explorers of an unknownelement were not free from nervousness, writes: "Our departure was at fifty-four minutes past one, and occasionedlittle stir among the spectators. Thinking they might be frightenedand stand in need of encouragement I waved my arm. " This solicitude for the fears of the spectators, standing safely onsolid earth while the first aeronauts sailed skywards, ischaracteristically Gallic. The Marquis continues: M. De Rozier cried: "You are doing nothing, and we are not rising. " I stirred the fire and then began to scan the river, but Pilatre again cried: "See the river. We are dropping into it!" We again urged the fire, but still clung to the river bed. Presently I heard a noise in the upper part of the balloon, which gave a shock as though it had burst. I called to my companion: "Are you dancing?" The balloon by this time had many holes burnt in it and using my sponge I cried that we must descend. My companion however explained that we were over Paris and must now cross it; therefore raising the fire once more we turned south till we passed the Luxembourg, when, extinguishing the flames, the balloon came down spent and empty. If poor Pilatre played the part of a rather nervous man in thisnarrative he had the nerve still to go on with his aeronauticalexperiments to the point of death. In 1785 he essayed the crossingof the English Channel in a balloon of his own design, in which hesought to combine the principles of the gas and hot-air balloons. Itappears to have been something like an effort to combinenitro-glycerine with an electric spark. At any rate the dense crowdsthat thronged the coast near Boulogne to see the start of the"Charles--Montgolfier"--as the balloon was named after theoriginators of the rival systems--saw it, after half an hour's driftout to sea, suddenly explode in a burst of flame. De Rozier and afriend who accompanied him were killed. A monument still recallstheir fate, which however is more picturesquely recorded in thesigns of sundry inns and cafés of the neighbourhood which offerrefreshment in the name of _Les Aviateurs Perdus_. Thereafter experimenters with balloons multiplied amazingly. Theworld thought the solution of the problem of flight had been foundin the gas bag. Within two months a balloon capable of liftingeighteen tons and carrying seven passengers ascended three thousandfeet at Lyons, and, though sustaining a huge rent in the envelope, because of the expansion of the gas at that height, returned toearth in safety. The fever ran from France to England and in 1784, only a year after the first Montgolfier experiments, Lunardi, anItalian aeronaut made an ascension from London which was viewed byKing George III. And his ministers, among them William Pitt. But theearly enthusiasm for ballooning quickly died down to mere curiosity. It became apparent to all that merely to rise into the air, there tobe the helpless plaything of the wind, was but a useless and futileaccomplishment. Pleasure seekers and mountebanks used balloons fortheir own purposes, but serious experimenters at once saw that ifthe invention of the balloon was to be of the slightest practicalvalue some method must be devised for controlling and directing itsflight. To this end some of the brightest intellects of the worlddirected their efforts, but it is hardly overstating the case to saythat more than a century passed without any considerable progresstoward the development of a dirigible balloon. [Illustration: Charles's Balloon. ] But even at the earlier time it was evident enough that the Quakerphilosopher, from the American Colonies, not yet the United States, whose shrewd and inquiring disposition made him intellectually oneof the foremost figures of his day, foresaw clearly the greatpossibilities of this new invention. In letters to Sir Joseph Banks, then President of the Royal Society of London, Franklin gave alively account of the first three ascensions, together with somecomments, at once suggestive and humorous, which are worth quoting: Some think [he wrote of the balloon] Progressive Motion on the Earth may be advanc'd by it, and that a Running Footman or a Horse slung and suspended under such a Globe so as to have no more of Weight pressing the Earth with their Feet than Perhaps 8 or 10 Pounds, might with a fair Wind run in a straight Line across Countries as fast as that Wind, and over Hedges, Ditches and even Waters. It has been even fancied that in time People will keep such Globes anchored in the Air to which by Pullies they may draw up Game to be preserved in the Cool and Water to be frozen when Ice is wanted. And that to get Money it will be contriv'd, by running them up in an Elbow Chair a Mile high for a guinea, etc. , etc. With his New England lineage Franklin could hardly have failed ofthis comparison: "A few Months since the Idea of Witches ridingthrough the Air upon a broomstick, and that of Philosophers upon aBag of Smoke would have appeared equally impossible and ridiculous. " To-day when aircraft are the eyes of the armies in the greatest warof history, and when it appears that, with the return of peace, theconquest of the air for the ordinary uses of man will be swiftlycompleted, Franklin's good-humoured plea for the fullestexperimentation is worth recalling. And the touch of piety withwhich he concludes his argument is a delightful example of thewhimsical fashion in which he often undertook to bolster up amundane theory with a reference to things supernatural. [Illustration: _A French Observation Balloon on Fire. _ © U. & U. ] I am sorry this Experiment is totally neglected in England, where mechanic Genius is so strong. I wish I could see the same Emulation between the two Nations as I see between the two Parties here. Your Philosophy seems to be too bashful. In this Country we are not so much afraid of being laught at. If we do a foolish thing, we are the first to laugh at it ourselves, and are almost as much pleased with a _Bon Mot_ or a _Chanson_, that ridicules well the Disappointment of a Project, as we might have been with its success. It does not seem to me a good reason to decline prosecuting a new Experiment which apparently increases the power of Man over Matter, till we can see to what Use that Power may be applied. When we have learnt to manage it, we may hope some time or other to find Uses for it, as men have done for Magnetism and Electricity, of which the first Experiments were mere Matters of Amusement. This Experience is by no means a trifling one. It may be attended with important Consequences that no one can foresee. We should not suffer Pride to prevent our progress in Science. Beings of a Rank and Nature far superior to ours have not disdained to amuse themselves with making and launching Balloons, otherwise we should never have enjoyed the Light of those glorious objects that rule our Day & Night, nor have had the Pleasure of riding round the Sun ourselves upon the Balloon we now inhabit. B. FRANKLIN. The earliest experimenters thought that oars might be employed topropel and direct a balloon. The immediate failure of all endeavoursof this sort, led them, still pursuing the analogy between a balloonand a ship at sea, to try to navigate the air with sails. This againproved futile. It is impossible for a balloon, or airship to "tack"or manoeuvre in any way by sail power. It is in fact a monster sailitself, needing some other power than the wind to make headway orsteerage way against the wind. The sail device was tested only to beabandoned. Only when a trail rope dragging along the ground or seais employed does the sail offer sufficient resistance to the wind tosway the balloon's course this way or that. And a trailer isimpracticable when navigating great heights. [Illustration: Roberts Brothers' Dirigible. ] For these reasons the development of the balloon lagged, until CountZeppelin and M. Santos-Dumont consecrated their fortunes, theirinventive minds, and their amazing courage to the task of perfectinga dirigible. In a book, necessarily packed with informationconcerning the rapid development of aircraft which began in the lastdecade of the nineteenth century and was enormously stimulatedduring the war of all the world, the long series of earlyexperiments with balloons must be passed over hastily. Thoughinteresting historically these experiments were futile. Beyondhaving discovered what could _not_ be done with a balloon thepractitioners of that form of aeronautics were little further alongin 1898 when Count Zeppelin came along with the first plan for arigid dirigible than they were when Blanchard in 1786, seizing afavourable gale drifted across the English Channel to the Frenchshore, together with Dr. Jefferies, an American. It was just 124years later that Bleriot, a Frenchman, made the crossing in anairplane independently of favouring winds. It had taken a centuryand a quarter to attain this independence. In a vague way the earliest balloonists recognized that power, independent of wind, was necessary to give balloons steerage way anddirection. Steam was in its infancy during the early days ofballooning, but the efforts to devise some sort of an engine lightenough to be carried into the air were untiring. Within a year afterthe experiments of the Montgolfier brothers, the suggestion was madethat the explosion of small quantities of gun-cotton and theexpulsion of the resulting gases might be utilized in some fashionto operate propelling machinery. Though the suggestion was notdeveloped to any useful point it was of interest as forecasting thefundamental idea of the gas engines of to-day which have madeaviation possible--that is, the creation of power by a series ofexplosions within the motor. In the effort to make balloons dirigible one of the first steps wasto change the form from the spherical or pear-shaped bag to acylindrical, or cigar-shape. This device was adopted by the brothersRobert in France as early as 1784. Their balloon further had adouble skin or envelope, its purpose being partly to save the gaswhich percolated through the inner skin, partly to maintain therigidity of the structure. As gas escapes from an ordinary balloonit becomes flabby, and can be driven through the air only withextreme difficulty. In the balloon of the Robert brothers air couldfrom time to time be pumped into the space between the two skins, keeping the outer envelope always fully distended and rigid. Inlater years this idea has been modified by incorporating in theenvelope one large or a number of smaller balloons or "balloonets, "into which air may be pumped as needed. The shape too has come to approximate that of a fish rather than abird, in the case of balloons at least. "The head of a cod and thetail of a mackerel, " was the way Marey-Monge, the French aeronautdescribed it. Though most apparent in dirigible balloons, this willbe seen to be the favourite design for airplanes if the wings bestripped off, and the body and tail alone considered. Complete, these machines are not unlike a flying fish. In England, Sir George Cayley, as early as 1810 studied and wrotelargely on the subject of dirigibles but, though the English callhim the "father of British aeronautics, " his work seems to have beenrather theoretical than practical. He did indeed demonstratemathematically that no lifting power existed that would support thecumbrous steam-engine of that date, and tried to solve this dilemmaby devising a gas engine, and an explosive engine. With one of thelatter, driven by a series of explosions of gunpowder, each in aseparate cell set off by a detonator, he equipped a flying machinewhich attained a sufficient height to frighten Cayley's coachman, whom he had persuaded to act as pilot. The rather unwilling aviator, fearing a loftier flight, jumped out and broke his leg. Though byvirtue of this martyrdom his name should surely have descended tofame with that of Cayley it has been lost, together with all recordof any later performances of the machine, which unquestionablyembodied some of the basic principles of our modern aircraft, thoughit antedated the first of these by nearly a century. [Illustration: Giffard's Dirigible. ] We may pass over hastily some of the later experiments with dirigiblesthat failed. In 1834 the Count de Lennox built an airship 130 feetlong to be driven by oars worked by man power. When the crowd thatgathered to watch the ascent found that the machine was too heavy toascend even without the men, they expressed their lively contempt forthe inventor by tearing his clothes to tatters and smashing hisluckless airship. In 1852, another Frenchman, Henry Giffard, built acigar-shaped balloon 150 feet long by 40 feet in diameter, driven bysteam. The engine weighed three hundred pounds and generated about 3H. -P. --about 1/200 as much power as a gas engine of equal weight wouldproduce. Even with this slender power, however, Giffard attained aspeed, independent of the wind, of from five to seven miles anhour--enough at least for steerage way. This was really the firstpractical demonstration of the possibilities of the mechanicalpropulsion of balloons. Several adaptations of the Giffard ideafollowed, and in 1883 Renard and Krebs, in a fusiform ship, driven byan electric motor, attained a speed of fifteen miles an hour. By thistime inventive genius in all countries--save the United States whichlagged in interest in dirigibles--was stimulated. Germany and Francebecame the great protagonists in the struggle for precedence and inthe struggle two figures stand out with commanding prominence--theCount von Zeppelin and Santos-Dumont, a young Brazilian resident inParis who without official countenance consecrated his fortune to, andrisked his life in, the service of aviation. CHAPTER III THE SERVICES OF SANTOS-DUMONT In his book _My Airships_ the distinguished aviator A. Santos-Dumonttells this story of the ambition of his youth and its realization inlater days: I cannot say at what age I made my first kites, but I remember how my comrades used to tease me at our game of "pigeon flies. " All the children gather round a table and the leader calls out "Pigeon Flies! Hen flies! Crow flies! Bee flies!" and so on; and at each call we were supposed to raise our fingers. Sometimes, however, he would call out "Dog flies! Fox flies!" or some other like impossibility to catch us. If any one raised a finger then he was made to pay a forfeit. Now my playmates never failed to wink and smile mockingly at me when one of them called "Man flies!" for at the word I would always raise my finger very high, as a sign of absolute conviction, and I refused with energy to pay the forfeit. The more they laughed at me the happier I was, hoping that some day the laugh would be on my side. Among the thousands of letters which I received after winning the Deutsch prize (a prize offered in 1901 for sailing around the Eiffel Tower) there was one that gave me peculiar pleasure. I quote from it as a matter of curiosity: "Do you remember, my dear Alberto, when we played together 'Pigeon Flies!'? It came back to me suddenly when the news of your success reached Rio. 'Man flies!' old fellow! You were right to raise your finger, and you have just proved it by flying round the Eiffel Tower. "They play the old game now more than ever at home; but the name has been changed, and the rules modified since October 19, 1901. They call it now 'Man flies!' and he who does not raise his finger at the word pays the forfeit. " The story of Santos-Dumont affords a curious instance of a boy beingobsessed by an idea which as a man he carried to its successfulfruition. It offers also evidence of the service that may accrue tosociety from the devotion of a dilettante to what people may call a"fad, " but what is in fact the germ of a great idea needing only anenthusiast with enthusiasm, brains, and money for its development. Because the efforts of Santos-Dumont always smacked of the amateurhe has been denied his real place in the history of aeronautics, which is that of a fearless innovator, and a devoted worker in thecause. Born on one of those great coffee plantations of Brazil, where allis done by machinery that possibly can be, Santos-Dumont earlydeveloped a passion for mechanics. In childhood he made toyairplanes. He confesses that his favourite author was Jules Verne, that literary idol of boyhood, who while writing books as wildlyimaginative as any dime tale of redskins, or nickel novel of thedoings of "Nick Carter" had none the less the spirit of prophecythat led him to forecast the submarine, the automobile, and thenavigation of the air. At fifteen Santos-Dumont saw his firstballoon and marked the day with red. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A British Kite Balloon. _ (_The open sack at the lower end catches the breeze and keeps theballoon steady. _)] I too desired to go ballooning [he writes]. In the long sun-bathed Brazilian afternoons, when the hum of insects, punctuated by the far-off cry of some bird lulled me, I would lie in the shade of the veranda and gaze into the fair sky of Brazil where the birds fly so high and soar with such ease on their great outstretched wings; where the clouds mount so gaily in the pure light of day, and you have only to raise your eyes to fall in love with space and freedom. So, musing on the exploration of the aërial ocean, I, too, devised airships and flying-machines in my imagination. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A British "Blimp" Photographed from Above. _] From dreaming, the boy's ambitions rapidly developed into actions. Good South Americans, whatever the practice of their northernneighbours, do not wait to die before going to Paris. At the age ofeighteen the youth found himself in the capital of the world. To hisamazement he found that the science of aeronautics, such as it was, had stopped with Giffard's work in 1852. No dirigible was to beheard of in all Paris. The antiquated gas ball was the only way toapproach the upper air. When the boy tried to arrange for anascension the balloonist he consulted put so unconscionable a priceon one ascent that he bought an automobile instead--one of the firstmade, for this was in 1891--and with it returned to Brazil. It wasnot until six years later that, his ambition newly fired by readingof Andrée's plans for reaching the Pole in a balloon, Santos-Dumonttook up anew his ambition to become an aviator. His own account ofhis first ascent does not bear precisely the hall-mark of theenthusiast too rapt in ecstasy to think of common things. "I hadbrought up, " he notes gravely, "a substantial lunch of hard-boiledeggs, cold roast beef and chicken, cheese, ice cream, fruits andcakes, champagne, coffee, and chartreuse!" The balloon with its intrepid voyagers nevertheless returned toearth in safety. A picturesque figure, an habitué of the clubs and an eagersportsman, Santos-Dumont at once won the liking of the Frenchpeople, and attracted attention wherever people gave thought toaviation. Liberal in expenditure of money, and utterly fearless inexposing his life, he pushed his experiments for the development ofa true dirigible tirelessly. Perhaps his major fault was that helearned but slowly from the experiences of others. He clung to thespherical balloon long after the impossibility of controlling it inthe air was accepted as unavoidable by aeronauts. But in 1898 havingbecome infatuated with the performances of a little sixty-six poundtricycle motor he determined to build a cigar-shaped airship to fitit, and with that determination won success. Amateur he may have been, was indeed throughout the greater part ofhis career as an airman. Nevertheless Santos-Dumont has to hiscredit two very notable achievements. He was the first constructor and pilot of a dirigible balloon thatmade a round trip, that is to say returned to its starting placeafter rounding a stake at some distance--in this instance the EiffelTower, 3-1/2 miles from St. Cloud whence Santos-Dumont started andwhither he returned within half an hour, the time prescribed. This was not, indeed, the first occasion on which a round trip, necessitating operation against the wind on at least one course, hadbeen made. In 1884 Captain Renard had accomplished this feat for thefirst time with the fish-shaped balloon _La France_, driven by anelectric motor of nine horse-power. But though thus antedated in hisexploit, Santos-Dumont did in fact accomplish more for theadvancement and development of dirigible balloons. To begin with hewas able to use a new and efficient form of motor destined to becomepopular, and capable, as the automobile manufacturers later showed, of almost illimitable development in the direction of power andlightness. Except for the gasoline engine, developed by the makersof motor cars, aviation to-day would be where it was a quarter of acentury ago. Moreover by his personal qualities, no less than by his successfuldemonstration of the possibilities inherent in the dirigible, Santos-Dumont persuaded the French Government to take up aeronauticsagain, after abandoning the subject as the mere fad of a number ofvisionaries. Turning from balloons to airplanes the Brazilian was the firstaviator to make a flight with a heavier-than-air machine before abody of judges. This triumph was mainly technical. The Wrights hadmade an equally notable flight almost a year before but not underconditions that made it a matter of scientific record. But setting aside for the time the work done by Santos-Dumont withmachines heavier than air, let us consider his triumphs withballoons at the opening of his career. He had come to France aboutforty years after Henry Giffard had demonstrated the practicabilityof navigating a balloon 144 feet long and 34 feet in diameter with athree-horse-power steam-engine. But no material success attendedthis demonstration, important as it was, and the inventor turned hisattention to captive balloons, operating one at the Paris Expositionof 1878 that took up forty passengers at a time. There followedCaptain Renard to whose achievement we have already referred. He hadlaid down as the fundamentals of a dirigible balloon thesespecifications: A cigar, or fishlike shape. An internal sack or ballonet into which air might be pumped to replace any lost gas, and maintain the shape of the balloon. A keel, or other longitudinal brace, to maintain the longitudinal stability of the balloon and from which the car containing the motor might be hung. A propeller driven by a motor, the size and power of both to be as great as permitted by the lifting power of the balloon. A rudder capable of controlling the course of the ship. Santos-Dumont adopted all of these specifications, but added to themcertain improvements which gave his airships--he built five of thembefore taking his first prize--notable superiority over that ofRenard. To begin with he had the inestimable advantage of having thegasoline motor. He further lightened his craft by having theenvelope made of Japanese silk, in flat defiance of all the buildersof balloons who assured him that the substance was too light and itsuse would be suicidal. "All right, " said the innovator to hisfavourite constructor, who refused to build him a balloon of thatmaterial, "I'll build it myself. " In the face of this threat thebuilder capitulated. The balloon was built, and the silk proved tobe the best fabric available at that time for the purpose. A keelmade of strips of pine banded together with aluminum wire formed thebackbone of the Santos-Dumont craft, and from it depended the carabout one quarter of the length of the balloon and hung squarelyamidships. The idea of this keel occurred to the inventor whilepleasuring at Nice. Later it saved his life. One novel and exceedingly simple device bore witness to theingenuity of the inventor. He had noticed in his days of freeballooning that to rise the aeronaut had to throw out sand-ballast;to descend he had to open the valves and let out gas. As his supplyof both gas and sand was limited it was clear that the time of hisflight was necessarily curtailed every time he ascended ordescended. Santos-Dumont thought to husband his supplies of liftingforce and of ballast, and make the motor raise and lower the ship. It was obvious that the craft would go whichever way the bow mightbe pointed, whether up or down. But how to shift the bow? Thesolution seems so simple that one wonders it ever perplexedaviators. From the peak of the bow and stern of his craftSantos-Dumont hung long ropes caught in the centre by lighter ropesby which they could be dragged into the car. In the car was carrieda heavy bag of sand, which so long as it was there held the ship ina horizontal plane. Was it needful to depress the bow? Then the bowrope was hauled in, the bag attached, and swung out to a positionwhere it would pull the forward tip of the delicately adjusted gasbag toward the earth. If only a gentle inclination was desired thebag was not allowed to hang directly under the bow, but was held ata point somewhere between the car and the bow so that the pull wouldbe diagonal and the great cylinder would be diverted but little fromthe horizontal. If it were desired to ascend, a like manipulation ofthe ballast on the stern rope would depress the stern and point thebow upwards. For slight changes in direction it was not necessaryeven to attach the sand bag. Merely drawing the rope into the carand thus changing the line of its "pull" was sufficient. The Deutsch prize which stimulated Santos-Dumont to his greatestachievements with dirigibles was a purse of twenty thousand dollars, offered by Mr. Henry Deutsch, a wealthy patron of the art ofaviation. Not himself an aviator, M. Deutsch greatly aided theprogress of the air's conquest. Convinced that the true solution ofthe problem lay in development of the gasoline engine, he expendedlarge sums in developing and perfecting it. When he believed it wassufficiently developed to solve the problem of directing the flightof balloons he offered his prize for the circuit of the EiffelTower. The conditions of the contest were not easy. The competitorhad to sail from the Aero Club at St. Cloud, pass twice over theSeine which at that point makes an abrupt bend, sail over the Boisde Boulogne, circle the Tower, and return to the stopping placewithin a half an hour. The distance was about seven miles, and it isnoteworthy that in his own comment on the test Santos-Dumontcomplains that that required an average speed of fifteen miles anhour of which he could not be sure with his balloon. To-daydirigibles make sixty miles an hour, and airplanes not infrequentlyreach 130 miles. Moreover there could be no picking of a day onwhich atmospheric conditions were especially good. Mr. Deutsch hadstipulated that the test must be made in the presence of aScientific Commission whose members must be notified twenty-fourhours in advance. None could tell twenty-four hours ahead what theair might be like, and as for utilizing the aviator's mostfavourable hour, the calm of the dawn, M. Santos-Dumont remarked:"The duellist may call out his friends at that sacred hour, but notthe airship captain. " The craft with which the Brazilian first strove to win the Deutschprize he called _Santos-Dumont No. V. _ It was a cylinder, sharp atboth ends, 109 feet long and driven by a 12-horse-power motor. A newfeature was the use of piano wire for the support of the car, thusgreatly reducing the resistance of the air which in the case of theold cord suspensions was almost as great as that of the balloonitself. Another novel feature was water ballast tanks forward andaft on the balloon itself and holding together twelve gallons. Bypulling steel wires in the car the aviator could open thestop-cocks. The layman scarcely appreciates the very slight shift inballast which will affect the stability of a dirigible. The shiftingof a rope a few feet from its normal position, the dropping of twohandfuls of sand, or release of a cup of water will do it. Ahumorous writer describing a lunch with Santos-Dumont in the airsays: "Nothing must be thrown overboard, be it a bottle, an emptybox or a chicken bone without the pilot's permission. " After unofficial tests of his "No. 5" in one of which he circled theTower without difficulty, Santos-Dumont summoned the ScientificCommission for a test. In ten minutes he had turned the Tower, andstarted back against a fierce head-wind, which made him ten minuteslate in reaching the time-keepers. Just as he did so his enginefailed, and after drifting for a time his ship perched in the top ofa chestnut tree on the estate of M. Edmond Rothschild. Philosophicalas ever the aeronaut clung to his craft, dispatched an excellentlunch which the Princess Isabel, Comtesse d'Eu, daughter of DomPedro, the deposed Emperor of Brazil, sent to his eyrie in thebranches, and finally extricated himself and his balloon--neithermuch the worse for the accident. He had failed but his determinationto win was only whetted. The second trial for the Deutsch prize like the first ended infailure, but that failure was so much more dramatic even than thesuccess which attended the third effort that it is worth telling andcan best be told in M. Santos-Dumont's own words. The quotation isfrom his memoir, _My Airships_: And now I come to a terrible day--8th of August, 1901. At 6:30 A. M. In presence of the Scientific Commission of the Aero Club, I started again for the Eiffel Tower. I turned the tower at the end of nine minutes and took my way back to St. Cloud; but my balloon was losing hydrogen through one of its two automatic gas valves whose spring had been accidentally weakened. I had perceived the beginning of this loss of gas even before reaching the Eiffel Tower, and ordinarily, in such an event, I should have come at once to earth to examine the lesion. But here I was competing for a prize of great honour and my speed had been good. Therefore I risked going on. The balloon now shrunk visibly. By the time I had got back to the fortifications of Paris, near La Muette, it caused the suspension wires to sag so much that those nearest to the screw-propeller caught in it as it revolved. I saw the propeller cutting and tearing at the wires. I stopped the motor instantly. Then, as a consequence, the airship was at once driven back toward the tower by the wind which was strong. [Illustration: Photo by International Film Service Co. _A Kite Balloon Rising from the Hold of a Ship. _] At the same time I was falling. The balloon had lost much gas. I might have thrown out ballast and greatly diminished the fall, but then the wind would have time to blow me back on the Eiffel Tower. I therefore preferred to let the airship go down as it was going. It may have seemed a terrific fall to those who watched it from the ground but to me the worst detail was the airship's lack of equilibrium. The half-empty balloon, fluttering its empty end as an elephant waves his trunk, caused the airship's stern to point upward at an alarming angle. What I most feared therefore was that the unequal strain on the suspension wires would break them one by one and so precipitate me to the ground. Why was the balloon fluttering an empty end causing all this extra danger? How was it that the rotary ventilator was not fulfilling its purpose in feeding the interior air balloon and in this manner swelling out the gas balloon around it? The answer must be looked for in the nature of the accident. The rotary ventilator stopped working when the motor itself stopped, and I had been obliged to stop the motor to prevent the propeller from tearing the suspension wires near it when the balloon first began to sag from loss of gas. It is true that the ventilator which was working at that moment had not proved sufficient to prevent the first sagging. It may have been that the interior balloon refused to fill out properly. The day after the accident when my balloon constructor's man came to me for the plans of a "No. 6" balloon envelope I gathered from something he said that the interior balloon of "No. 5, " not having been given time for its varnish to dry before being adjusted, might have stuck together or stuck to the sides or bottom of the outer balloon. Such are the rewards of haste. I was falling. At the same time the wind was carrying me toward the Eiffel Tower. It had already carried me so far that I was expecting to land on the Seine embankment beyond the Trocadero. My basket and the whole of the keel had already passed the Trocadero hotels, and had my balloon been a spherical one it would have cleared the building. But now at the last critical moment, the end of the long balloon that was still full of gas came slapping down on the roof just before clearing it. It exploded with a great noise; struck after being blown up. This was the terrific explosion described in the newspaper of the day. I had made a mistake in my estimate of the wind's force, by a few yards. Instead of being carried on to fall on the Seine embankment, I now found myself hanging in my wicker basket high up in the courtyard of the Trocadero hotels, supported by my airship's keel, that stood braced at an angle of about forty-five degrees between the courtyard wall above and the roof of a lower construction farther down. The keel, in spite of my weight, that of the motor and machinery, and the shock it had received in falling, resisted wonderfully. The thin pine scantlings and piano wires of Nice (the town where the idea of a keel first suggested itself) had saved my life! After what seemed tedious waiting, I saw a rope being lowered to me from the roof above. I held to it and was hauled up, when I perceived my rescuers to be the brave firemen of Paris. From their station at Passy they had been watching the flight of the airship. They had seen my fall and immediately hastened to the spot. Then, having rescued me, they proceeded to rescue the airship. The operation was painful. The remains of the balloon envelope and the suspension wires hung lamentably; and it was impossible to disengage them except in strips and fragments! The later balloon "No. VI. " with which Santos-Dumont won the Deutschprize may fairly be taken as his conception of the finished type ofdirigible for one man. In fact his aspirations never soared as highas those of Count Zeppelin, and the largest airship he everplanned--called "the _Omnibus_"--carried only four men. It isprobable that the diversion of his interest from dirigibles toairplanes had most to do with his failure to carry his developmentfurther than he did. "No. VI. " was 108 feet long, and 20 feet indiameter with an eighteen-horse-power gasoline engine which coulddrive it at about nineteen miles an hour. Naturally the aeronaut'sfirst thought in his new construction was of the valves. The memoryof the anxious minutes spent perched on the window-sill of theTrocadero Hotel or dangling like a spider at the end of thefiremen's rope were still fresh. The ballonet which had failed himin "No. V. " was perfected in its successor. Notwithstanding the carewith which she was constructed the prize-winner turned out to be arather unlucky ship. On her trial voyage she ran into a tree and wasdamaged, and even on the day of her greatest conquest she behavedbadly. The test was made on October 1, 1901. The aeronaut hadrounded the Tower finely and was making for home when the motorbegan to miss and threatened to stop altogether. While Santos-Dumontwas tinkering with the engine, leaving the steering wheel to itself, the balloon drifted over the Bois de Boulogne. As usual the cool airfrom the wood caused the hydrogen in the balloon to contract and thecraft dropped until it appeared the voyage would end in the treetops. Hastily shifting his weights the aeronaut forced the prow ofthe ship upwards to a sharp angle with the earth. Just at thismoment the reluctant engine started up again with such vigour thatfor a moment the ship threatened to assume a perpendicular position, pointing straight up in the sky. A cry went up from the spectatorsbelow who feared a dire catastrophe was about to end a voyage whichpromised success. But with incomparable _sang-froid_ the youngBrazilian manipulated the weights, restored the ship to thehorizontal again without stopping the engines, and reached thefinishing stake in time to win the prize. Soon after it was awardedhim the Brazilian Government presented him with another substantialprize, together with a gold medal bearing the words: _Por ceos nuncad'antes navegados_ ("Through heavens hitherto unsailed"). In a sense the reference to the heavens is a trifle over-rhetorical. Santos-Dumont differed from all aviators (or pilots of airplanes)and most navigators of dirigibles in always advocating the strategyof staying near the ground. In his flights he barely topped theroofs of the houses, and in his writings he repeatedly refers to thesense of safety that came to him when he knew he was close to thetree tops of a forest. This may have been due to the fact that inhis very first flight in a dirigible he narrowly escaped a fatalaccident due to flying too high. As he descended, the gas which hadexpanded now contracted. The balloon began to collapse in themiddle. Cords subjected to unusual stress began to snap. The airpump, which should have pumped the ballonet full of air to keep theballoon rigid failed to work. Seeing that he was about to fall intoa field in which his drag rope was already trailing the imperilledairman had a happy thought. Some boys were there flying kites. Heshouted to them to seize his rope and run against the wind. Theballoon responded to the new force like a kite. The rapidity of itsfall was checked, and its pilot landed with only a serious shaking. But thereafter Santos-Dumont preached the maxim--rare amongairmen--"Keep near the ground. That way lies safety!" Most aviatorshowever, prefer the heights of the atmosphere, as the sailor prefersthe wide and open sea to a course near land. After winning the Deutsch prize, Santos-Dumont continued for a timeto amuse himself with dirigibles. I say "amuse" purposely, for neverdid serious aeronaut get so much fun out of a rather perilouspastime as he. In his "No. IX. " he built the smallest dirigibleever known. The balloon had just power enough to raise her pilot andsixty-six pounds more beside a three-horse-power motor. But sheattained a speed of twelve miles an hour, was readily handled, andit was her owner's dearest delight to use her for a taxicab, callingfor lunch at the cafés in the Bois, and paying visits to friendsupon whom he looked in, literally, at their second-story windows. Heran her in and out of her hangar as one would a motor-car from itsgarage. One day he sailed down the Avenue des Champs Élysées at thelevel of the second-and third-story windows of the palaces that linethat stately street. Coming to his own house he descended, madefast, and went in to _déjeuner_, leaving his aërial cab without. Inthe city streets he steered mainly by aid of a guide rope trailingbehind him. With this he turned sharp corners, went round the Arc deTriomphe, and said: "I might have guide-roped under it had I thoughtmyself worthy. " On occasion he picked up children in the streets andgave them a ride. Though before losing his interest in dirigibles Santos-Dumontcarried the number of his construction up to ten, he cannot be saidto have devised any new and useful improvements after his "No. VI. "The largest of his ships was "No. X. , " which had a capacity ofeighty thousand cubic feet--about ten times the size of the littlerunabout with which he played pranks in Paris streets. In thisballoon he placed partitions to prevent the gas shifting to one partof the envelope, and to guard against losing it all in the event ofa tear. The same principle was fundamental in Count Zeppelin'sairships. In 1904 he brought a dirigible to the United Statesexpecting to compete for a prize at the St. Louis Exposition. Butwhile suffering exasperating delay from the red-tape whichenveloped the exposition authorities, he discovered one morning thathis craft had been mutilated almost beyond repair in its storageplace. In high dudgeon he left at once for Paris. The explanation ofthe malicious act has never been made clear, though many Americanshad an uneasy feeling that the gallant and sportsman-like Brazilianhad been badly treated in our land. On his return to Paris he atonce began experimenting with heavier-than-air machines. Of his workwith them we shall give some account later. Despite his great personal popularity the airship built bySantos-Dumont never appealed to the French military authorities. Probably this was largely due to the fact that he never built one ofa sufficient size to meet military tests. The amateur in him wasunconquerable. While von Zeppelin's first ship was big enough totake the air in actual war the Frenchman went on building craft forone or two men--good models for others to seize and build upon, butnothing which a war office could actually adopt. But he served hiscountry well by stimulating the creation of great companies whobuilt largely upon the foundations he had laid. First and greatest of these was the company formed by the LebaudyBrothers, wealthy sugar manufacturers. Their model was semi-rigid, that is, provided with an inflexible keel or floor to the gas bag, which was cigar shaped. The most successful of the earlier ships was190 feet long, with a car suspended by cables ten feet below theballoon and carrying the twin motors, together with passengers andsupplies. Although it made many voyages without accident, it finallyencountered what seems to be the chief peril of dirigible balloons, being torn from its moorings at Châlons and dashed against trees tothe complete demolition of its envelope. Repaired in eleven weeksshe was taken over by the French Department of War, and was inactive service at the beginning of the war. Her two successors onthe company's building ways were less fortunate. _La Patrie_, aftermany successful trips, and manoeuvres with the troops, wasinsecurely moored at Verdun, the famous fortress where she was tohave been permanently stationed. Came up a heavy gale. Her anchorsbegan to drag. The bugles sounded and the soldiers by hundredsrushed from the fort to aid. Hurled along by the wind she draggedthe soldiers after her. Fearing disaster to the men the commandantreluctantly ordered them to let go. The ship leaped into the blackupper air and disappeared. All across France, across that verycountry where in 1916 the trenches cut their ugly zigzags from theChannel to the Vosges, she drifted unseen. By morning she was flyingover England and Wales. Ireland caught a glimpse of her and daysthereafter sailors coming into port told of a curious yellow mass, seemingly flabby and disintegrating like the carcass of a whale, floating far out at sea. Her partner ship _La République_ had a like tragic end. She too mademany successful trips, and proved her stability and worth. But oneday while manoeuvring near Paris one of her propellers broke andtore a great rent in her envelope. As the _Titanic_, her hull rippedopen by an iceberg, sunk with more than a thousand of her people, sothis airship, wounded in a more unstable element, fell to the groundkilling all on board. Two airships were built in France for England in 1909. One, the_Clement-Bayard II. _, was of the rigid type and built for thegovernment; the other, a _Lebaudy_, was non-rigid and paid for bypopular subscriptions raised in England by the _Morning Post_. Bothwere safely delivered near London having made their voyages ofapproximately 242 miles each at a speed exceeding forty miles anhour. These were the first airships acquired for British use. In the United States the only serious effort to develop thedirigible prior to the war, and to apply it to some definitepurpose, was made not by the government but by an individual. Mr. Walter Wellman, a distinguished journalist, fired by the effort ofAndrée to reach the North Pole in a drifting balloon, undertook asimilar expedition with a dirigible in 1907. A balloon was built 184feet in length and 52 feet in diameter, and was driven by aseventy-to eighty-horse-power motor. A curious feature of this craftwas the guide rope or, as Wellman called it, the equilibrator, whichwas made of steel, jointed and hollow. At the lower end were foursteel cylinders carrying wheels and so arranged that they wouldfloat on water or trundle along over the roughest ice. The idea wasthat the equilibrator would serve like a guide rope, trailing on thewater or ice when the balloon hung low, and increasing the power ofits drag if the balloon, rising higher, lifted a greater part of itslength into the air. Wellman had every possible appliance tocontribute to the safety of the airship, and many believe that hadfortune favoured him the glory of the discovery of the Pole wouldhave been his. Unhappily he encountered only ill luck. One season hespent at Dane's Island, near Spitzenberg whence Andrée had set sail, waiting vainly for favourable weather conditions. The followingsummer, just as he was about to start, a fierce storm destroyed hisballoon shed and injured the balloon. Before necessary repairs couldbe accomplished Admiral Peary discovered the Pole and the purposeof the expedition was at an end. Wellman, however, had become deeplyinterested in aeronautics and, balked in one ambition, set out toaccomplish another. With the same balloon somewhat remodelled hetried to cross the Atlantic, setting sail from Atlantic City, N. J. , October 16, 1911. But the device on which the aeronaut most pridedhimself proved his undoing. The equilibrator, relied upon both forstorage room and as a regulator of the altitude of the ship, proveda fatal attachment. In even moderate weather it bumped over thewaves and racked the structure of the balloon with its savagetugging until the machinery broke down and the adventurers were atthe mercy of the elements. Luckily for them after they had beenadrift for seventy-two hours, and travelled several hundred milesthey were rescued by the British steamer _Trent_. Not long afterWellman's chief engineer Vanniman sought to cross the Atlantic in asimilar craft but from some unexplained cause she blew up in mid-airand all aboard were lost. Neither Great Britain nor the United States has reason to be proudof the attitude of its government towards the inventors who werestruggling to subdue the air to the uses of man. Nor has eitherreason to boast much of its action in utterly ignoring up to thevery day war broke that aid to military service of which LordKitchener said, "One aviator is worth a corps of cavalry. " It willbe noted that to get its first effective dirigible Great Britain hadto rely upon popular subscriptions drummed up by a newspaper. Thatwas in 1909. To-day, in 1917, the United States has only onedirigible of a type to be considered effective in the light ofmodern standards, though our entrance upon the war has caused thebeginning of a considerable fleet. In aviation no less than inaerostatics the record of the United States is negligible. Ourcountry did indeed produce the Wright Brothers, pioneers and trueconquerors of the air with airplanes. But even they were forced togo to France for support and indeed for respectful attention. So far as the development of dirigible balloons is concerned thereis no more need to devote space to what was done in England and theUnited States than there was for the famous chapter on Snakes inIceland. CHAPTER IV THE COUNT VON ZEPPELIN The year that witnessed the first triumphs of Santos-Dumont saw alsothe beginning of the success of his great German rival, the Countvon Zeppelin. These two daring spirits, struggling to attain thesame end, were alike in their enthusiasm, their pertinacity, andtheir devotion to the same cause. Both were animated by the highestpatriotism. Santos-Dumont offered his fleet to France to be usedagainst any nation except those of the two Americas. He said: "It isin France that I have met with all my encouragement; in France andwith French material I have made all my experiments. I excepted thetwo Americas because I am an American. " Count Zeppelin for his part, when bowed down in apparent defeat andcrushed beneath the burden of virtual bankruptcy, steadily refusedto deal with agents of other nations than Germany--which at thattime was turning upon him the cold shoulder. He declared that hisgenius had been exerted for his own country alone, and that hisinvention should be kept a secret from all but German authorities. Asecret it would be to-day, except that accident and the fortunes ofwar revealed the intricacies of the Zeppelin construction to bothFrance and England. Santos-Dumont had the fire, enthusiasm, and resiliency of youth;Zeppelin, upon whom age had begun to press when first he took upaeronautics, had the dogged pertinacity of the Teuton. Both wererich at the outset, but Zeppelin's capital melted away under thedemands of his experimental workshops, while the ancestral coffeelands of the Brazilian never failed him. Of the two Zeppelin had the more obstinacy, for he held to his planof a rigid dirigible balloon even in face of its virtual failure inthe supreme test of war. Santos-Dumont was the more alertintellectually for he was still in the flood tide of successfuldemonstration with his balloons when he saw and grasped the promiseof the airplane and shifted his activities to that new field inwhich he won new laurels. Zeppelin won perhaps the wider measure of immediate fame, butwhether enduring or not is yet to be determined. His airshipsimpressive, even majestic as they are, have failed to prove theirworth in war, and are yet to be fully tested in peace. That theyremain a unique type, one which no other individual nor any othernation has sought to copy, cannot be attributed wholly to thejealousy of possible rivals. If the monster ship, of rigid frame, were indeed the ideal form of dirigible it would be imitated onevery hand. The inventions of the Wrights have been seized upon, adapted, improved perhaps by half a hundred airplane designers ofevery nation. But nobody has been imitating the Zeppelins. [Illustration: _The Giant and the Pigmies. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] That, however, is a mere passing reflection. If the Zeppelin has notdone all in war that the sanguine German people expected of it, nevertheless it is not yet to be pronounced an entire failure. Andeven though a failure in war, the chief service for which itsstout-hearted inventor designed it, there is still hope that it mayultimately prove better adapted to many ends of peace than theairplanes which for the time seem to have outdone it. Stout-hearted indeed the old _Luftgraaf_--"Air Scout"--as theGermans call him, was. His was a Bismarckian nature, reminiscent ofthe Iron Chancellor alike physically and mentally. In appearance herecalls irresistibly the heroic figure of Bismarck, jack-booted andcuirassed at the Congress of Vienna, painted by von Werner. Heir toan old land-owning family, ennobled and entitled to bear the title_Landgraf_, Count von Zeppelin was a type of the German aristocrat. But for his title and aristocratic rank he could never have won hislong fight for recognition by the bureaucrats who control the Germanarmy. In youth he was anti-Prussian in sentiment, and indeed some ofhis most interesting army experiences were in service with the armyof South Germany against Prussia and her allied states. But all thatwas forgotten in the national unity that followed the defeat ofFrance in 1872. Before that, however, the young count--he was born in 1838--hadserved with gallantry, if not distinction, in the Union Army in ourCivil War, had made a balloon ascension on the fighting line, hadswum in the Niagara River below the falls, being rescued withdifficulty, and together with two Russian officers and some Indianguides had almost starved in trying to discover the source of theMississippi River--a spot which can now be visited withoutundergoing more serious hardships than the upper berth in a Pullmancar. It was at the siege of Paris that Zeppelin's mind first becameengaged with the problem of aërial navigation. From his post in thebesieging trenches he saw the almost daily ascent of balloons inwhich mail was sent out, and persons who could pay the price soughtto escape from the beleaguered city. As a colonel of cavalry, hehad been employed mainly in scouting duty throughout the war. He wasimpressed now with the conviction that those globes, rising silentlyinto the air, above the enemy's cannon shot and drifting away tosafety would be the ideal scouts could they but return with theirintelligence. Was there no way of guiding these ships in the air, asa ship in the ocean is guided? The young soldier was hardly homefrom the war when he began to study the problem. He studied itindeed so much to the exclusion of other military matters that in1890 the General Staff abruptly dismissed him from his command. Theysaw no reason why a major-general of cavalry should be mooningaround with balloons and kites like a schoolboy. The dismissal hurt him, but deterred him in no way from the purposeof his life. Indeed the fruit of his many years' study of aeronauticconditions was ready for the gathering at this very moment. On thesurface of the picturesque Lake Constance, on the border linebetween Germany and Switzerland, floated a huge shed, open to thewater and more than five hundred feet long. In it, nearingcompletion, floated the first Zeppelin airship. In the long patient study which the Count had given to his problemhe had reached the fixed conclusion that the basis of a practicaldirigible balloon must be a rigid frame over which the envelopeshould be stretched. His experiments were made at the same time asthose of Santos-Dumont, and he could not be ignorant of the measureof success which the younger man was attaining with the non-rigidballoon. But it was a fact that all the serious accidents whichbefell Santos-Dumont and most of the threatened accidents which henarrowly escaped were fundamentally caused by the lack of rigidityin his balloon. The immediate cause may have been a leaky valvepermitting the gas to escape, or a faulty air-pump which made promptfilling of the ballonet impossible. But the effect of these flawswas to deprive the balloon of its rigidity, cause it to buckle, throwing the cordage out of gear, shifting stresses and strains, and resulting in ultimate breakdown. Whether he observed the vicissitudes of his rival or not, CountZeppelin determined that the advantages of a rigid frame counted formore than the disadvantage of its weight. Moreover that disadvantagecould be compensated for by increasing the size, and therefore thelifting power of the balloon. In determining upon a rigid frame theCount was not a pioneer even in his own country. While hisexperiments were still under way, a rival, David Schwartz, who hadbegun, without completing, an airship in St. Petersburg, secured insome way aid from the German Government, which was at the momentcoldly repulsing Zeppelin. He planned and built an aluminum airshipbut died before its completion. His widow continued the work amidstconstant opposition from the builders. The end was one of the manytragedies of invention. Nobody but the widow ever believed the shipwould rise from its moorings. It was in charge of a man who hadnever made an ascent. To his amazement and to the amazement of thespectators the engine was hardly started when the ship mounted andmade headway against a stiff breeze. On the ground the spectatorsshouted in wonder; the widow, overwhelmed by this reward for herfaith in her husband's genius, burst into tears of joy. But theamateur pilot was no match for the situation. Affrighted to findhimself in mid-air, too dazed to know what to do, he pulled thewrong levers and the machine crashed to earth. The pilot escaped, but the airship which had taken four years to build wasirretrievably wrecked. The widow's hopes were blasted, and the waywas left free for the Count von Zeppelin. Freed, though unwillingly, from the routine duties of his militaryrank, Zeppelin thereafter devoted himself wholly to his airships. Hewas fifty-three years old, adding one more to the long list of menwho found their real life's work after middle age. With him wasassociated his brother Eberhard, the two forming a partnership inaeronautical work as inseparable as that of Wilbur and OrvilleWright. Like Wilbur Wright, Eberhard von Zeppelin did not live towitness the fullest fruition of the work, though he did see thesoundness of its principles thoroughly established and in practicalapplication. There is a picturesque story that when Eberhard lay onhis death-bed his brother, instead of watching by his side, took thethen completed airship from its hangar, and drove it over and aroundthe house that the last sounds to reach the ears of his faithfulally might be the roar of the propellers in the air--the grand pćanof victory. [Illustration: Photo by Press Illustrating Service. _A French "Sausage". _] Though Count von Zeppelin had begun his experiments in 1873 it wasnot until 1890 that he actually began the construction of his firstairship. The intervening years had been spent in constructing andtesting models, in abstruse calculations of the resistance of theair, the lifting power of hydrogen, the comparative rigidity andweight of different woods and various metals, the power and weightof the different makes of motors. In these studies he spent both histime and his money lavishly, with the result that when he had builta model on the lines of which he was willing to risk theconstruction of an airship of operative size, his private fortunewas gone. It is the common lot of inventors. For a time the Countsuffered all the mortification and ignominy which the beggar, evenin a most worthy cause, must always experience. Hat in hand heapproached every possible patron with his story of certain successif only supplied with funds with which to complete his ship. Astock company with a capital of $225, 000 of which he contributed onehalf, soon found its resources exhausted and retired from thespeculation. Appeals to the Emperor met with only cold indifference. An American millionaire newspaper owner, resident in Europe, sentcontemptuous word by his secretary that he "had no time to botherwith crazy inventors. " That was indeed the attitude of the businessclasses at the moment when the inventors of dirigibles were on thevery point of conquering the obstacles in the way of making thenavigation of air a practical art. A governmental commission atBerlin rejected with contempt the plans which Zeppelin presented inhis appeal for support. Members of that commission were forced to anabout-face later and became some of the inventor's sturdiestchampions. But in his darkest hour the government failed him, andthe one friendly hand stretched out in aid was that of the GermanEngineers' Society which, somewhat doubtfully, advanced some fundsto keep the work in operation. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A British "Blimp". _] With this the construction of the first Zeppelin craft was begun. Though there had been built up to the opening of the war twenty-five"Zeps"--nobody knows how many since--the fundamental type was notmaterially altered in the later ones, and a description of the firstwill stand for all. In connection with this description may be notedthe criticisms of experts some of which proved only too wellfounded. The first Zeppelin was polygonal, 450 feet long, 78 broad, and 66feet high. This colossal bulk, equivalent to that of a 7500-tonship necessary to supply lifting power for the metallic frame, naturally made her unwieldy to handle, unsafe to leave at rest, outside of a sheltering shed, and a particularly attractive targetfor artillery in time of war. Actual action indeed proved that to besafe from the shells of anti-aircraft guns, the Zeppelins wereforced to fly so high that their own bombs could not be dropped withany degree of accuracy upon a desired target. The balloon's frame is made of aluminum, the lightest of metals, butnot the least costly. A curious disadvantage of this constructionwas made apparent in the accident which destroyed _Zeppelin IV. _That was the first of the airships to be equipped with a fullwireless outfit which was used freely on its flight. It appearedthat the aluminum frame absorbed much of the electricity generatedfor the purpose of the wireless. The effect of this was two-fold. Itlimited the radius of operation of the wireless to 150 miles orless, and it made the metal frame a perilous storehouse ofelectricity. When _Zeppelin IV. _ met with a disaster by a stormwhich dragged it from its moorings, the stored electricity in herframe was suddenly released by contact with the trees and set fireto the envelope, utterly destroying the ship. The balloon frame was divided into seventeen compartments, each ofwhich held a ballonet filled with hydrogen gas. The purpose of thiswas similar to the practice of dividing a ship's hulls intocompartments. If one or more of the ballonets, for any reason, wereinjured the remainder would keep the ship afloat. The space betweenthe ballonets and the outer skin was pumped full of air to keep thelatter taut and rigid. Moreover it helped to prevent the radiationof heat to the gas bags from the outer envelope whose huge expanse, presented to the sun, absorbed an immense amount of heat rays. Two cars were suspended from the frame of the Zeppelin, forward andaft, and a corridor connected them. A sliding weight was employedto raise or depress the bow. In each car of the first Zeppelin wasa sixteen-horse-power gasoline motor, each working two screws, withfour foot blades, revolving one thousand times a minute. The engineswere reversible, thus making it possible to work the propellersagainst each other and aid materially in steering the ship. Ruddersat bow and stern completed the navigating equipment. In the first Zeppelins, the corridor connecting the two cars waswholly outside the frame and envelope of the car. Later the perilousexperiment was tried of putting it within the envelope. Thisresulted in one of the most shocking of the many Zeppelin disasters. In the case of the ship _L-II. _, built in 1912, the corridor becamefilled with gas that had oozed out of the ballonets. At one end orthe other of the corridor this gas, then mixed with air, came incontact with fire, --perhaps the exhaust of the engines, --a violentexplosion followed while the ship was some nine hundred feet aloft, and the mass of twisted and broken metal, with the flaming envelope, fell to the ground carrying twenty-eight men, including members ofthe Admiralty Board, to a horrible death. But to return to the first Zeppelin. Her trial was set for July 2, 1900, and though the immediate vicinity of the floating hangar wasbarred to the public by the military authorities, the shores andsurface of the lake were black with people eager to witness thetest. Boats pulled out of the wide portal the huge cigar-shapedstructure, floating on small rafts, its polished surface of pegamoidglittering in the sun. As large as a fair-sized ocean steamship, itlooked, on that little lake dotted with pleasure craft, like aleviathan. Men were busy in the cars, fore and aft. The mooringropes were cast off as the vessel gained an offing, and ballastbeing thrown out she began to rise slowly. The propellers began towhir, and the great craft swung around breasting the breeze andmoved slowly up the lake. The crowd cheered. Count von Zeppelin, tense with excitement, alert for every sign of weakness watched hismonster creation with mingled pride and apprehension. Two pointswere set at rest in the first two minutes--the lifting power wasgreat enough to carry the heaviest load ever imposed upon a balloonand the motive power was sufficient to propel her against anordinary breeze. But she was hardly in mid-air when defects becameapparent. The apparatus for controlling the balancing weight got outof order. The steering lines became entangled so that the ship wasfirst obliged to stop, then by reversing the engines to proceedbackwards. This was, however, a favourable evidence of her handinessunder untoward circumstances. After she had been in the air nearlyan hour and had covered four or five miles, a landing was orderedand she dropped to the surface of the lake with perfect ease. Beforereaching her shed, however, she collided with a pile--an accident inno way attributable to her design--and seriously bent her frame. The story told thus baldly does not sound like a record of glorioussuccess. Nevertheless not Count Zeppelin alone but all Germany waswild with jubilation. _Zeppelin I. _ had demonstrated a principle;all that remained was to develop and apply this principle andGermany would have a fleet of aërial dreadnoughts that would forceany hostile nation to subjection. There was little or no discussionof the application of the principle to the ends of peace. It was asan engine of war alone that the airship appealed to the popularfancy. But at the time that fancy proved fickle. With a few repairs theairship was brought out for another test. In the air it did all thatwas asked for it, but it came to earth--or rather to the surface ofthe lake--with a shock that put it out of commission. When CountZeppelin's company estimated the cost of further repairs it gave asigh and abandoned the wreck. Thereupon the pertinacious inventorlaid aside his tools, got into his old uniform, and went out againon the dreary task of begging for further funds. It was two years before he could take up again the work ofconstruction. He lectured, wrote magazine articles, begged, cajoled, and pleaded for money. At last he made an impression upon theEmperor who, indeed, with a keen eye for all that makes for militaryadvantage, should have given heed to his efforts long before. Merelya letter of approval from the all-powerful Kaiser was needed to turnthe scale and in 1902 this was forthcoming. The factories of theempire agreed to furnish materials at cost price, and sufficientmoney was soon forthcoming to build a second ship. This ship tookmore than two years to build, was tested in January, 1906, made acreditable flight, and was dashed to pieces by a gale the samenight! The wearisome work of begging began again. But this time theKaiser's aid was even more effectively given and in nine months_Zeppelin III. _ was in the air. More powerful than its predecessorsit met with a greater measure of success. On one of its trials apropeller blade flew off and penetrated the envelope, but the shipreturned to earth in safety. In October, 1906, the Minister of Warreported that the airship was extremely stable, responded readily toher helm, had carried eleven persons sixty-seven miles in two hoursand seventeen minutes, and had made its landing in ease and safety. Accepted by the government "No. III. " passed into military serviceand Zeppelin, now the idol of the German people, began theconstruction of "No. IV. " That ship was larger than her predecessors and carried a thirdcabin for passengers suspended amidships. Marked increase in thesize of the steering and stabling planes characterized theappearance of the ship when compared with earlier types. She was atthe outset a lucky ship. She cruised through Alpine passes intoSwitzerland, and made a circular voyage carrying eleven passengersand flying from Friedrichshaven to Mayence and back via Basle, Strassburg, Mannheim, and Stuttgart. The voyage occupied twenty-onehours--a world's record. The performance of the ship on both voyageswas perfection. Even in the tortuous Alpine passes which she wasforced to navigate on her trip to Lucerne she moved with thesteadiness and certainty of a great ship at sea. The rarification ofthe air at high altitudes, the extreme and sudden variations intemperature, the gusts of wind that poured from the ice-bound peaksdown through the narrow canyons affected her not at all. When tothis experience was added the triumphant tour of the six Germancities, Count von Zeppelin might well have thought his triumph wascomplete. But once again the cup of victory was dashed from his lips. Afterhis landing a violent wind beat upon the ship. An army of men stroveto hold her fast, while an effort was made to reduce her bulk bydeflation. That effort, which would have been entirely successful inthe case of a non-rigid balloon, was obviously futile in that of aZeppelin. Not the gas in the ballonets, but the great rigid framecovered with water-proofed cloth constituted the huge bulk that madeher the plaything of the winds. In a trice she was snatched from thehands of her crew and hurled against the trees in a neighbouringgrove. There was a sudden and utterly unexpected explosion and thewhole fabric was in flames. The precise cause of the explosion willalways be in doubt, but, as already pointed out, many scientistsbelieve that the great volume of electricity accumulated in themetallic frame was suddenly released in a mighty spark which setfire to the stores of gasoline on board. With this disaster the iron nerve of the inventor was for the firsttime broken. It followed so fast upon what appeared to be a completetriumph that the shock was peculiarly hard to bear. It is said thathe broke down and wept, and that but for the loving courage andearnest entreaties of his wife and daughter he would then haveabandoned the hope and ambition of his life. But after all it wasbut that darkest hour which comes just before the dawn. Thedemolition of "No. IV. " had been no accident which reflected at allupon the plan or construction of the craft--unless the great bulk ofthe ship be considered a fundamental defect. What it did demonstratewas that the Zeppelin, like the one-thousand-foot ocean liner, musthave adequate harbour and docking facilities wherever it is to land. The one cannot safely drop down in any convenient meadow, any morethan the other can put into any little fishing port. Germany haslearned this lesson well enough and since the opening of the GreatWar her territory is plentifully provided with Zeppelin shelters atall strategic points. [Illustration: _The Death of a Zeppelin. _ Photo by Paul Thompson. ] Fortunately for the Count the German people judged his latestreverse more justly than he did. They saw the completeness of thetriumph which had preceded the disaster and recognized that thelatter was one easily guarded against in future. Enthusiasm ran highall over the land. Begging was no longer necessary. The Emperor, who had heretofore expressed rather guarded approval of theenterprise, now flung himself into it with that enthusiasm for whichhe is notable. He bestowed upon the Count the Order of the BlackEagle, embraced him in public three times, and called aloud that allmight hear, "Long life to his Excellency, Count Zeppelin, theConqueror of the Air. " He never wearied of assuring his hearers thatthe Count was the "greatest German of the century. " With such augustpatronage the Count became the rage. Next to the Kaiser's the facebest known to the people of Germany, through pictures and statues, was that of the inventor of the Zeppelin. The pleasing practice ofshowing affection for a public man by driving nails into his woodeneffigy had not then been invented by the poetic Teutons, else vonZeppelin would have outdone von Hindenburg in weight of metal. The story that Zeppelin had refused repeated offers from othergovernments was widely published and evoked patriotic enthusiasm. With it went shrewd hints that in these powerful aircraft lay theway to overcome the hated English navy, and even to carry war to thevery soil of England. It was then eight years before the greatestwar of history was to break out, but even at that date hatred ofEngland was being sedulously cultivated among the German people bythose in authority. As a result of this national attitude Count Zeppelin's enterprisewas speedily put on a sound financial footing. Though "No. IV. " hadbeen destroyed by an accident it had been the purpose of thegovernment to buy her, and $125, 000 of the purchase price was nowput at the disposal of the Count von Zeppelin. A popular Zeppelinfund of $1, 500, 000 was raised and expended in building great works. Thenceforward there was no lack of money for furthering what hadtruly become a great national interest. But the progress of the construction of Zeppelins for the next fewyears was curiously compounded of success and failure. Fate seemedto have decreed to every Zeppelin triumph a disaster. Each mischancewas attributed to exceptional conditions which never could happenagain, but either they did occur, or some new but equally effectiveaccident did. Outside of Germany, where the public mind had becomeset in an almost idolatrous confidence in Zeppelin, the greatairships were becoming a jest and a byword notwithstanding theirunquestioned accomplishments. Indeed when the record was made upjust before the declaration of war in 1914 it was found that oftwenty-five Zeppelins thus far constructed only twelve wereavailable. Thirteen had been destroyed by accident--two of themmodern naval airships only completed in 1913. The record was not oneto inspire confidence. In 1909, during a voyage in which he made nine hundred miles inthirty-eight hours, the rumour was spread that von Zeppelin wouldcontinue it to Berlin. Some joker sent a forged telegram to theKaiser to that effect signed "Zeppelin. " It was expected to be thefirst appearance of one of the great ships at the capital, and theEmperor hastened to prepare a suitable welcome. A great crowdassembled at the Templehoff Parade Ground. The Berlin AirshipBattalion was under orders to assist in the landing. The Kaiserhimself was ready to hasten to the spot should the ship be sighted. But she never appeared. If von Zeppelin knew of the exploit whichrumour had assigned to him--which is doubtful--he could not havecarried it out. His ship collided with a tree--an accidentsingularly frequent in the Zeppelin records--so disabling it thatit could only limp home under half power. A rather curt telegramfrom his Imperial master is said to have been Count von Zeppelin'sfirst intimation that he had broken an engagement. However, he kept it two months later, flying to Berlin, a distanceof 475 miles. He was greeted with mad enthusiasm and among the crowdto welcome him was Orville Wright the American aviator. It is acurious coincidence that on the day the writer pens these words theNew York newspapers contain accounts of Mr. Wright's proffer of hisservices, and aeronautical facilities, to the President in case anexisting diplomatic break with Germany should reach the point ofactual war. Mr. Wright accompanied his proffer by an appeal for atremendous aviation force, "but, " said he, "I strongly adviseagainst spending any money whatsoever on dirigible balloons of anysort. " Thereafter the progress of Count von Zeppelin was withoutinterruption for any lack of financial strength. His great works atFriedrichshaven expanded until they were capable of putting out acomplete ship in eight weeks. He was building, of course, primarilyfor war, and never concealed the fact that the enemy he expected tobe the target of his bomb throwers was England. What the airshipsaccomplished in this direction, how greatly they were developed, andthe strength and weakness of the German air fleet, will be dweltupon in another chapter. But, though building primarily for military purposes, Zeppelin didnot wholly neglect the possibilities of his ship for non-militaryservice. He built one which made more than thirty trips betweenMunich and Berlin, carrying passengers who paid a heavy fee for theprivilege of enjoying this novel form of travel. The car was fittedup like our most up-to-date Pullmans, with comfortable seats, brightlights, and a kitchen from which excellent meals were served tothe passengers. The service was not continued long enough todetermine whether it could ever be made commercially profitable, but as an aid to firing the Teutonic heart and an assistance inselling stock it was well worth while. The spectacle of one of thesegreat cars, six hundred or more feet long, floating grandly on evenkeel and with a steady course above one of the compact little townsof South Germany, was one to thrill the pulses. But the ill luck which pursued Count von Zeppelin even in whatseemed to be his moments of assured success was remorseless. In 1912he produced the monster _L-I_, 525 feet long, 50 feet in diameter, of 776, 900 cubic feet capacity, and equipped with three sets ofmotors, giving it a speed of fifty-two miles an hour. This ship wasdesigned for naval use and after several successful cross-countryvoyages she was ordered to Heligoland, to participate in navalmanoeuvres with the fleet there stationed. One day, caught by asudden gust of wind such as are common enough on the North Sea, sheproved utterly helpless. Why no man could tell, her commander beingdrowned, but in the face of the gale she lost all control, wasbuffeted by the elements at their will, and dropped into the seawhere she was a total loss. Fifteen of her twenty-two officers andmen were drowned. The accident was the more inexplicable because thecraft had been flying steadily overland for nearly twelve months andhad covered more miles than any ship of Zeppelin construction. Itwas reported that her captain had said she was overloaded and thathe feared that she would be helpless in a gale. But after thedisaster his mouth was stopped by the waters of the North Sea. [Illustration: _A German Dirigible, Hansa Type. _ © U. & U. ] This calamity was not permitted long to stand alone. Indeed one ofthe most curious facts about the Zeppelin record is the regular, periodical recurrence of fatal accidents at almost equal intervalsand apparently wholly unaffected by the growing perfection of theairships. While _L-I_ was making her successful cross-countryflights, _L-II_ was reaching completion at Friedrichshaven. She wasshorter but bulkier than her immediate predecessor and carriedengines giving her nine hundred horse power, or four hundred morethan _L-I. _ On its first official trip this ship exploded a thousandfeet in air, killing twenty-eight officers and men aboard, includingall the officials who were conducting the trials. The calamity, asexplained on an earlier page, was due to the accumulation of gas inthe communicating passage between the three cars. [Illustration: _A Wrecked Zeppelin at Salonika. _ Photo by Press Illustrating Service. ] This new disaster left the faith and loyalty of the German peopleunshaken. But it did decidedly estrange the scientific world fromCount von Zeppelin and all his works. It was pointed out, withtruth, that the accident paralleled precisely one which haddemolished the _Severo Pax_ airship ten years earlier, and which hadcaused French inventors to establish a hard and fast rule againstincorporating in an airship's design any inclosed space in whichwaste gas might gather. This rule and its reason were known to Countvon Zeppelin and by ignoring both he lent new colour to the charge, already current in scientific circles, that he was loath to profitby the experiences of other inventors. Whether this feeling spread to the German Government it isimpossible to say. Nor it is easy to estimate how much officialconfidence was shaken by it. The government, even before the war, was singularly reticent about the Zeppelins, their numbers andplans. It is certain that orders were not withheld from the Count. Great numbers of his machines were built, especially after the warwas entered upon. But he was not permitted longer to have a monopolyof government aid for manufacturers of dirigibles. Other typessprung up, notably the Schutte-Lanz, the Gross, and the Parseval. But being first in the field the Zeppelin came to give its name toall the dirigibles of German make and many of the famous--orinfamous--exploits credited to it during the war may in fact havebeen performed by one of its rivals. It would be futile to attempt to enumerate all these rivals here. Among them are the semi-rigid Parseval and Gross types which foundgreat favour among the military authorities during the war. Thelatter is merely an adaptation of the highly successful French shipthe _Lebaudy_, but the Parseval is the result of a slow evolutionfrom an ordinary balloon. It is wholly German, in conception anddevelopment, and it is reported that the Kaiser, secretly disgustedthat the Zeppelins, to the advancement of which he had given suchpowerful aid, should have recorded so many disasters, quietlytransferred his interest to the new and simpler model. Despite thehope of a more efficient craft, however, both the Gross and theParseval failed in their first official trials, though later theymade good. The latter ship was absolutely without any wooden or metallicstructure to give her rigidity. Two air ballonets were contained inthe envelope at bow and stern and the ascent and descent of theship was regulated by the quantity of air pumped into these. A mostcurious device was the utilization of heavy cloth for the propellerblades. Limp and flaccid when at rest, heavy weights in the hem ofthe cloth caused these blades to stand out stiff and rigid as theresult of the centrifugal force created by their rapid revolution. One great military advantage of the Parseval was that she could bequickly deflated in the presence of danger at her moorings, andwholly knocked down and packed in small compass for shipment by railin case of need. To neither of these models did there ever come sucha succession of disasters as befell the earlier Zeppelins. It isfair to say however that prior to the war not many of them had beenbuilt, and that both their builders and navigators had opportunityto learn from Count von Zeppelin's errors. Among the chief German rivals to the Zeppelin is the Schutte-Lanz, of the rigid type, broader but not so long as the Zeppelin, framedof wood bound with wire and planned to carry a load of five or sixtons, or as many as thirty passengers. No. I of this type met itsfate as did so many Zeppelins by encountering a storm whileimproperly moored. Called to earth to replenish its supply of gas itwas moored to an anchor sunk six feet in the ground, and as anadditional precaution three hundred soldiers were called from aneighbouring barracks to handle it. It seems to have been one of theadvantages of Germany as a place in which to manoeuvre dirigibles, that, even in time of peace, there were always several hundredsoldiers available wherever a ship might land. But this force wasinadequate. A violent gust tore the ship from their hands. One poorfellow instinctively clung to his rope until one thousand feet inthe air when he let go. The ship itself hovered over the town for anhour or more, then descended and was dashed to pieces against treesand stone walls. The danger which was always attached to the landing of airships hasled some to suggest that they should never be brought to earth, butmoored in mid-air as large ships anchor in midstream. It issuggested that tall towers be built to the top of which the ship beattached by a cable, so arranged that she will always float to theleeward of the tower. The passengers would be landed by gangplanks, and taken up and down the towers in elevators. Kipling suggests thisexpedient in his prophetic sketch _With the Night Mail_. The airshipwould only return to earth--as a ship goes into dry dock--when inneed of repairs. A curious mishap that threatened for a time to wreck the peace ofthe world, occurred in April, 1913, when a German Zeppelin wasforced out of its course and over French territory. The right ofalien machines to pass over their territory is jealously guarded byEuropean nations, and during the progress of the Great War the Dutchrepeatedly protested against the violation of their atmosphere byGerman aviators. At the time of this mischance, however, France andGermany were at peace--or as nearly so as racial and historicantipathies would permit. Accordingly when officers of a brigade ofFrench cavalry engaged in manoeuvring near the great fortress ofLuneville saw a shadow moving across the field and looking up saw ahuge Zeppelin betwixt themselves and the sun they were astonishedand alarmed. Signs and faint shouts from the aeronauts appeared toindicate that their errand was at least friendly, if notinvoluntary. The soldiers stopped their drill; the townspeopletrooped out to the Champs de Mars where the phenomenon was exhibitedand began excitedly discussing this suspicious invasion. Word wasspeedily sent to military headquarters asking whether to welcome orto repel the foe. [Illustration: © U. & U. _British Aviators about to Ascend. _ _Note position of gunner on lower seat. _] Meantime the great ship was drifting perilously near the housetops, and the uniformed officers in the cars began making signals to thesoldiers below. Ropes were thrown out, seized by willing hands andmade fast. The crew of Germans descended to find themselvesprisoners. The international law was clear enough. The ship was amilitary engine of the German army. Its officers, all in uniform, had deliberately steered her into the very heart of a Frenchfortress. Though the countries were at peace the act was technicallyone of war--an armed invasion by the enemy. Diplomacy of coursesettled the issue peacefully but not before the French had madecareful drawings of all the essential features of the Zeppelin, andtaken copies of its log. As Germany had theretofore kept a rigidsecrecy about all the details of Zeppelin construction and operationthis angered the military authorities beyond measure. The unluckyofficers who had shared in the accident were savagely told that theyshould have blown the ship up in mid-air and perished with it ratherthan to have weakly submitted it to French inspection. They sufferedcourt-martial but escaped with severe reprimands. The story of the dirigibles of France and Germany is practically thewhole story of the development to a reasonable degree of perfectionof the lighter-than-air machine. Other nations experimentedsomewhat, but in the main lagged behind these pioneers. Out of Spainindeed came a most efficient craft--the Astra-Torres, of which theBritish Government had the best example prior to the war, while bothFrance and Russia placed large orders with the builders. How manyfinally went into service and what may have been their record arefacts veiled in the secrecy of wartime. Belgium and Italy bothproduced dirigibles of distinctive character. The United States isalone at the present moment in having contributed nothing to theimprovement of the dirigible balloon. CHAPTER V THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AIRPLANE The story of the development of the heavier-than-air machine--whichwere called aëroplanes at first, but have been given the simplername of airplanes--is far shorter than that of the balloons. It isreally a record of achievement made since 1903 when the plane builtby Professor Langley of the Smithsonian Institution came to utterdisaster on the Potomac. In 1917, at the time of writing this book, there are probably thirty distinct types of airplanes beingmanufactured for commercial and military use, and not less thanfifty thousand are being used daily over the battlefields of Europe. No invention save possibly the telephone and the automobile everattained so prodigious a development in so brief a time. Wiseobservers hold that the demand for these machines is yet in itsinfancy, and that when the end of the war shall lead manufacturersand designers to turn their attention to the commercial value of theairplane the flying craft will be as common in the air as theautomobiles at least on our country roads. The idea of flying like a bird with wings, the idea basiclyunderlying the airplane theory, is old enough--almost as old as thefirst conception of the balloon, before hydrogen gas was discovered. In an earlier chapter some account is given of early experimentswith wings. No progress was made along this line until thehallucination that man could make any headway whatsoever againstgravity by flapping artificial wings was definitely abandoned. Therewas more promise in the experiments made by Sir George Cayley, andhe was followed in the first half of the nineteenth century by halfa dozen British experimenters who were convinced that a series ofplanes, presenting a fixed angle to the breeze and driven against itby a sufficiently powerful motor, would develop a considerablelifting power. This was demonstrated by Henson, in 1842, Stringfellow, in 1847, Wenham, who arranged his planes like slats ina Venetian blind and first applied the modern term "aeroplane" tohis invention, and Sir Hiram Maxim, who built in 1890 the mostcomplicated and impressive looking 'plane the world has yet seen. But though each of these inventors proved the theorem that aheavier-than-air machine could be made to fly, all failed to getpractical results because no motor had then been invented whichcombined the necessary lightness with the generation of the requiredpower. In America we like to think of the brothers Wright as being the trueinventors of the airplane. And indeed they did first bring it to thepoint of usefulness, and alone among the many pioneers lived to seethe adoption of their device by many nations for serious practicaluse. But it would be unjust to claim for them entire priority in thefield of the glider and the heavier-than-air machine. ProfessorLangley preceded them with an airplane which, dismissed withridicule as a failure in his day, was long after his death equippedwith a lighter motor and flown by Glenn Curtis, who declared thatthe scientist had solved the problem, had only the explosive enginebeen perfected in his time. Despite, however, the early period of the successful experiments ofthe Wrights and Professor Langley, it would be unjust for America toarrogate to herself entire priority in airplane invention. Any storyof that achievement which leaves out Lilienthal, the German, andPilcher, the Englishman, is a record in which the truth issubordinated to national pride. [Illustration: Langley's Airplane. ] Otto Lilienthal and his brother Gustav--the two like the Wrightswere always associated in their aviation work--had been studyinglong the problem of flight when in 1889 they jointly published theirbook _Bird Flight as the Basis of the Flying Art_. Theirinvestigations were wholly into the problem of flight without amotor. At the outset they even harked back to the long-abandonedtheory that man could raise himself by mere muscular effort, andOtto spent many hours suspended at the end of a rope flappingfrantically a pair of wings before he abandoned this effort asfutile. Convinced that the soaring or gliding of the birds was thefeat to emulate, he made himself a pair of fixed, bat-like wingsformed of a light fabric stretched over a willow frame. A tailcomposed of one vertical and one horizontal plane extended to therear, and in the middle the aviator hung by his armpits, in an erectposition. With this device he made some experimental glides, leapingfrom slight eminences. With his body, which swung at will from itscushioned supports, he could balance, and even steer the fabricwhich supported him, and accomplished long glides against the wind. Not infrequently, running into the teeth of the breeze down a gentleslope he would find himself gently wafted into the air and wouldmake flights of as much as three hundred yards, steering to eitherside, or rising and falling at will. He was even able to make acircuitous flight and return to his starting place--a feat that wasnot accomplished with a motor-driven airplane until years later. Lilienthal achieved it with no mechanical aid, except the wings. Hebecame passionately devoted to the art, made more than two thousandflights, and at the time of his death had just completed amotor-driven airplane, which he was never able to test. His earliergliding wings he developed into a form of biplane, with which hemade several successful flights, but met his death in 1896 by thecollapse of this machine, of the bad condition of which he had beenwarned. [Illustration: © Kadel & Herbert. _French Airdrome near the Front. _] Lilienthal was more of a factor in the conquest of the air than hisactual accomplishments would imply. His persistent experiments, hisvoluminous writings, and above all his friendly and intelligentinterest in the work of other and younger men won him a host ofdisciples in other lands who took up the work that dropped from hislifeless hands. [Illustration: Lilienthal's Glider. ] In England Percy S. Pilcher emulated the Lilienthal glides, and wasat work on a motor-propelled machine when he was killed by thebreakage of a seemingly unimportant part of his machine. He was onthe edge of the greater success, not to that moment attained byanyone, of building a true airplane propelled by motor. Manyhistorians think that to Lilienthal and Pilcher is justly due thetitle "the first flying men. " But Le Bris, a French sailor, utterlywithout scientific or technical equipment, as far back as 1854 hadaccomplished a wonderful feat in that line. While on a cruise he hadwatched an albatross that followed his ship day after day apparentlywithout rest and equally without fatigue. His imagination was firedby the spectacle and probably having never heard of the punishmentthat befell the Ancient Mariner, he shot the albatross. "I took thewing, " he wrote later, "and exposed it to the breeze, and lo, inspite of me, it drew forward into the wind; notwithstanding myresistance it tended to rise. Thus I had discovered the secret ofthe bird. I comprehend the whole mystery of flight. " A trifle too sanguine was sailor Le Bris, but he had just thequalities of imagination and confidence essential to one who setsforth to conquer the air. Had he possessed the accurate mind, thepatience, and the pertinacity of the Wrights he might have beatenthem by half a century. As it was he accomplished a remarkable feat, though it ended in somewhat laughable failure. He built anartificial bird, on the general plan of his albatross. The wingswere not to flap, but their angles to the wind were controlled by asystem of levers controlled by Le Bris, who stood up in the basketin the centre. To rise he required something like the flying startwhich the airplanes of to-day get on their bicycle wheels beforeleaving the ground. As Le Bris had no motor this method ofpropulsion was denied him, so he loaded the apparatus in a cart, andfastened it to the rail by a rope knotted in a slip knot which ajerk from him would release. As they started men walked beside thecart holding the wings, which extended for twenty-five feet oneither side. As the horses speeded up these assistants releasedtheir hold. Feeling the car try to rise under his feet Le Bris castoff the rope, tilted the front end of the machine, and to his joybegan to rise steadily into the air. The spectators below cheeredmadly, but a note of alarm mingled with their cheers, and theuntried aviator noticed a strange and inexplicable jerking of hismachine. Peering down he discovered, to his amaze, a man kickingand crying aloud in deadly fear. It was evident that the rope he haddetached from the cart had caught up the driver, who had thusbecome, to his intense dismay, a partner in the inventor's triumph. Indeed it is most possible that he contributed to that triumph forthe ease and steadiness with which the machine rose to a heightestimated at three hundred feet suggests that he may have furnishedneeded ballast--acted in fact as the tail to the kite. Humanitynaturally impelled Le Bris to descend at once, which he didskilfully without injuring his involuntary passenger, and onlyslightly breaking one of the wings. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A German War Zeppelin. _] Had Le Bris won this success twenty years later his fame and fortunewould have been secure. But in 1854 the time was not ripe for aeronautics. Le Bris was poor. The public responded but grudgingly to his appealsfor aid. His next experiment was less successful--perhaps for lack ofthe carter--and he ultimately disappeared from aviation to become anexcellent soldier of France. [Illustration: Photo by Press Illustrating Service. _A French Observation Balloon Seeking Submarines. _] Perhaps had they not met with early and violent deaths, theLilienthals and Pilcher might have carried their experiments in theart of gliding into the broader domain of power flight. This howeverwas left to the two Americans, Orville and Wilbur Wright, who havedone more to advance the art of navigating the air than all theother experimenters whose names we have used. The story of theWright brothers is one of boyhood interest gradually developed intothe passion of a lifetime. It parallels to some degree the story ofSantos-Dumont who insisting as a child that "man flies" finally madeit a fact. The interest of the Wrights was first stimulated when, in1878, their father brought home a small toy, called a "helicopter, "which when tossed in the air rose up instead of falling. Every childhad them at that time, but curiously this one was like the seedwhich fell upon fertile soil. The boys went mad, as boys will, onthe subject of flying. But unlike most boys they nurtured andcultivated the passion and it stayed with them to manhood. Fromhelicopters they passed to kites, and from kites to gliders. Bycalling they were makers and repairers of bicycles, but their sparetime was for years devoted to solving the problem of flight. In timeit became their sole occupation and by it they won a fortune andworld-wide fame. Their story forms a remarkable testimony to thepart of imagination, pertinacity, and courage in winning success. After years of tests with models, and with kites controlled from theground, the brothers had worked out a type of glider which theybelieved, in a wind of from eighteen to twenty miles an hour, wouldlift and carry a man. But they had to find a testing ground. Thefields near their home in Ohio were too level, and their firmunyielding surface was not attractive as a cushion on which to lightin the event of disaster. Moreover the people round about weregetting inquisitive about these grown men "fooling around" withkites and flying toys. To the last the Wrights were noted for theirdislike of publicity, and it is entirely probable that the sneeringcriticisms of their "level headed" and "practical" neighbours had agood deal to do with rooting them in this distaste. Low steep hills down the sides of which they could run and at theproper moment throw themselves upon their glider; a sandy soil whichwould at least lessen the shock of a tumble; and a vicinage in whichwinds of eighteen miles an hour or more is the normal atmosphericstate were the conditions they sought. These they found at a littlehamlet called Kitty-Hawk on the coast of North Carolina. There foruncounted centuries the tossing Atlantic had been throwing up itssnowy sand upon the shore, and the steady wind had caught it up, piled it in windrows, rolled it up into towering hills, or carriedit over into the dunes which extended far inland. It was a lonelyspot, and there secure from observation the Wrights pitched theircamp. For them it was a midsummer's holiday. Not at first did theydecide to make aviation not a sport but a profession. To their campcame visitors interested in the same study, among them Chanute, awell-known experimenter, and some of his associates. They hadthought to give hours at a time to actual flight. When they closedtheir first season, they found that all their time spent in actualflight footed up less than an hour. Lilienthal, despite all heaccomplished, estimated that he, up to a short time before hisdeath, spent only about five hours actually in the air. In thatearly day of experimentation a glide covering one hundred feet, andconsuming eight or ten seconds, was counted a triumph. [Illustration: Chanute's Glider. ] But the season was by no means wasted. Indeed such was the estimatethat the Wrights put upon it that they folded their tents determinedthat when they returned the year following it would be asprofessionals, not amateurs. They were confident of their ability tobuild machines that would fly, though up to that time they had nevermounted a motor on their aircraft. In the clear hot air of a North Carolina midsummer the Wrights usedto lie on their backs studying through glasses the methods of flightof the great buzzards--filthy scavenger birds which none the lesssoaring high aloft against a blue sky are pictures of dignity andgrace. Bald eagles, ospreys, hawks, and buzzards give us daily exhibitions of their powers [wrote Wilbur Wright]. The buzzards were the most numerous, and were the most persistent soarers. They apparently never flapped except when it was absolutely necessary, while the eagles and hawks usually soared only when they were at leisure. Two methods of soaring were employed. When the weather was cold and damp and the wind strong the buzzards would be seen soaring back and forth along the hills or at the edge of a clump of trees. They were evidently taking advantage of the current of air flowing upward over these obstructions. On such days they were often utterly unable to soar, except in these special places. But on warm clear days when the wind was light they would be seen high in the air soaring in great circles. Usually, however, it seemed to be necessary to reach a height of several hundred feet by flapping before this style of soaring became possible. Frequently a great number of them would begin circling in one spot, rising together higher and higher till finally they would disperse, each gliding off in whatever direction it wished to go. At such times other buzzards only a short distance away found it necessary to flap frequently in order to maintain themselves. But when they reached a point beneath the circling flock they began to rise on motionless wings. This seemed to indicate that rising columns of air do not exist everywhere, but that the birds must find them. They evidently watch each other and when one finds a rising current the others quickly make their way to it. One day when scarce a breath of wind was stirring on the ground we noticed two bald eagles sailing in circling sweeps at a height of probably five hundred feet. After a time our attention was attracted to the flashing of some object considerably lower down. Examination with a field-glass proved it to be a feather which one of the birds had evidently cast. As it seemed apparent that it would come to earth only a short distance away, some of our party started to get it. But in a little while it was noted that the feather was no longer falling, but on the contrary was rising rapidly. It finally went out of sight upward. It apparently was drawn into the same current in which the eagles were soaring and was carried up like the birds. It was by such painstaking methods as these, coupled with themathematical reduction of the fruits of such observations to termsof angles and supporting planes, that the Wrights graduallyperfected their machine. The first airplane to which they fitted amotor and which actually flew has been widely exhibited in theUnited States, and is to find final repose in some public museum. Study it as you will you can find little resemblance in thoserectangular rigid planes to the wings of a bird. But it was builtaccording to deductions drawn from natural flight. [Illustration: Photo by Paul Thompson. _A German Taube Pursued by British Planes. _] The method of progress in these preliminary experiments was, byrepeated tests, to determine what form of airplane, and of whatproportions, would best support a man. It was evident that for freeand continuous flight it must be able to carry not only the pilot, but an engine and a store of fuel as well. Having, as they thought, determined these conditions the Wrights essayed their first flightat their home near Dayton, Ohio. It was a cold December day in 1903. The first flight, with motor and all, lasted twelve seconds; thefourth fifty-nine seconds. The handful of people who came out towitness the marvel went home jeering. In the spring of the next yeara new flight was announced near Dayton. The newspapers had beenasked to send reporters. A crowd of perhaps fifty persons hadgathered. Again fate was hostile. The engine worked badly and theairplane refused to rise. The crowd dispersed and the newspapermen, returning the next day, met only with another disappointment. [Illustration: The First Wright Glider. ] These repeated failures in public exhibitions resulted in creatinggeneral indifference to the real progress that the Wrights weremaking in solving the flight problem. While the gliding experimentsat Kitty-Hawk were furnishing the data for the plans on which thetens of thousands of airplanes used in the European war wereafterwards built, no American newspaper was sufficiently interestedto send representatives to the spot. The people of the United Stateswere supremely indifferent. Perhaps this was due to the fact thatsuperficially regarded the machine the Wrights were trying toperfect gave promise of usefulness only in war or in sport. We arenot either a warlike or a sporting people. Ready enough to adopt anew device which seems adapted for utilitarian purposes, as is shownby the rapid multiplication of automobiles, we leave sport to ourprofessional ball players, and our military equipment to luck. [Illustration: Pilcher's Glider. ] So after continued experimental flights in the open fields nearDayton had convinced them that the practical weaknesses in theirmachine had been eliminated, the Wrights packed up their flyer andwent to France. Before so doing they tried to get encouragement fromthe United States Government, but failed. Neither the government norany rich American was willing to share the cost of furtherexperiments. All that had been done was at their own cost, both intime and money. In France, whither they went in 1908, they had nocoldness to complain of. It was then the golden day of aviation inthe land which always afforded to the Knights of the Air theirwarmest welcome and their most liberal support. Two years hadelapsed since Santos-Dumont, turning from dirigibles to 'planes, hadmade a flight of 238 yards. This the Wrights had at the timeexcelled at home but without attracting attention. France on thecontrary went mad with enthusiasm, and claimed for the Brazilian thehonour of first demonstrating the possibility of flight in aheavier-than-air machine. England, like the United States, was cold, clinging to the balloon long after all other nations had abandonedit. But France welcomed the Wrights with enthusiasm. They foundrivals a-plenty in their field of effort. Santos-Dumont, Bleriot, Farman, Latham were all flying with airplanes, but with modelsradically different from that of the American brothers. Neverthelessthe latter made an instant success. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _The Comparative Strength of Belligerents in Airplanes at theOpening of the War. _ _The French Army had at least 500 aëroplanes. England had about 250aëroplanes of all types Russia had 50 aëroplanes--Austria had atleast 50 aëroplanes Germany is about the equal of France, having 500flyers. _] From the moment they found that they had hit upon the secret ofraising, supporting, and propelling an airplane, the Wrights made oftheir profession a matter of cold business. In many ways this wasthe best contribution they could possibly have made to the scienceof aviation, though their keen eye to the main chance did bring downon them a certain amount of ridicule. Europe laughed long at the_sang-froid_ with which Wilbur Wright, having won the Michelin prizeof eight hundred pounds, gave no heed to the applause which theassembled throng gave him as the money was transferred to him with aneat presentation speech. Without a word he divided the notes intotwo packets, handed one to his brother Orville, and thrust the otherinto his own pocket. For the glory which attended his achievement hecared nothing. It was all in the day's work. Later in the course oftrials of a machine for the United States Government at Fort Myer, just across the Potomac from Washington, the Wrights seriouslyoffended a certain sort of public sentiment in a way whichundoubtedly set back the encouragement of aviation by the UnitedStates Government very seriously. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _The Comparative Strength of Belligerents in Dirigibles at theOpening of the War. _ _France must be credited with at least eighteen airships of varioustypes--England had only seven--Russia had probably not more thanthree airships available--Belgium had one airship Austria had notless than three, not more than five airships available--Germany hadtwenty three airships of the rigid, semi-rigid, and non-rigidtype. _] In 1909, they had received a contract from the government for amachine for the use of the Signal Service. The price was fixed at$25, 000, but a bonus of $2500 was to be paid for every mile aboveforty miles an hour made by the machine on its trial trip. Thatbonus looked big to the Wrights, but it cost the cause of aviationmany times its face value in the congressional disfavour it caused. Aviation was then in its infancy in the United States. Every man inCongress wanted to see the flights. But Fort Myer, whose parade wasto be the testing ground, was fully fourteen miles from the Capitol, and reached only most inconveniently from Washington by trolley, ormost expensively by carriage or automobile. Day after day membersof the House and Senate made the long journey across the Potomac. Time and again they journeyed back without even a sight of theflyer in the hangar. One after another little flaws discovered inthe machine led the aviators to postpone their flight. Investigatingstatesmen who thought that their position justified them in seekingspecial privileges were brusquely turned away by the military guard. The dusk of many a summer's night saw thousands of disappointedsightseers tramping the long road back to Washington. The climaxcame when on a clear but breezy day Wilbur Wright announced that themachine was in perfect condition and could meet its tests readily, but that in order to win a bigger bonus, he would postpone theflight for a day with less wind. All over Washington the threat washeard that night that Congress would vote no more money foraviation, and whether or not the incident was the cause, thesequence was that the American Congress was, until the menace of warwith Germany in 1916, the most niggardly of all legislative bodiesin its treatment of the flying corps. When the Wrights did finallyfly they made a triumphant flight before twelve thousand spectators. The test involved crossing the Potomac, going down its north side toAlexandria, and then back to Fort Myer. Ringing cheers and thecrashing strains of the military band greeted the return of theaviator, but oblivious to the enthusiasm Wilbur Wright stood besidehis machine with pencil and pad computing his bonus. It figured upto five thousand dollars, and the reporters chronicled that theWrights knew well the difference between solid coin and the bubbleof reputation. [Illustration: Wright Glider. ] But this seemingly cold indifference to fame and single-mindedconcentration on the business of flying on the part of the Wrightswas in fact of the utmost value to aviation as an art and a science. They were pioneers and successful ones. Their example was heeded byothers in the business. In every way they sought to discourage thatwild reaching after public favour and notoriety that led aviators toattempt reckless feats, and often sacrifice their lives in a foolisheffort to astonish an audience. No one ever heard of either of theWright brothers "looping-the-loop, " doing a "demon glide, " or in anyother fashion reducing the profession of aviation to the level of acircus. In a time when brave and skilful aviators, with a mistakenidea of the ethics of their calling, were appealing to sensationlovers by the practice of dare-devil feats, the Wrights withadmirable common sense and dignity stood sturdily against any suchdegradation of the aviator's art. In this position they were joinedby Glenn Curtis, and the influence of the three was beginning to beshown in the reduced number of lives sacrificed in these follieswhen the Great War broke upon the world and gave to aviation itsgreatest opportunity. The world will hope nevertheless that afterthat war shall end the effort to adapt the airplane to the ends ofpeace will be no less earnest and persistent than have been themethods by which it has been made a most serviceable auxiliary ofwar. In July, 1915, _Collier's Weekly_ published an interview withOrville Wright in which that man, ordinarily of few words, set upsome interesting theories upon the future of airplanes. "The greatest use of the airplane to date, " said Mr. Wright, "has been as a tremendously big factor of modern warfare. But-- "The greatest use of the airplane eventually will be to prevent war. "Some day there will be neither war nor rumours of war, and the reason may be flying machines. "It sounds paradoxical. We are building airplanes to use in time of war, and will continue to build them for war. We think of war and we think of airplanes. Later on, perhaps, we shall think of airplanes in connection with the wisdom of keeping out of war. "The airplane will prevent war by making it too expensive, too slow, too difficult, too long drawn out--in brief, by making the cost prohibitive. "Did you ever stop to think, " inquires Wright, "that there is a very definite reason why the present war in Europe has dragged along for a year with neither side gaining much advantage over the other? The reason as I figure it out is airplanes. In consequence of the scouting work done by the flying machines each side knows exactly what the opposing forces are doing. "There is little chance for one army to take another by surprise. Napoleon won his wars by massing his troops at unexpected places. The airplane has made that impossible. It has equalized information. Each side has such complete knowledge of the other's movements that both sides are obliged to crawl into trenches and fight by means of slow, tedious routine, rather than by quick, spectacular dashes. "My impression is that before the present war started the army experts expected it to be a matter of a few weeks, or at the most, a few months. To-day it looks as if it might run into years before one side can dictate terms. Now, a nation that may be willing to undertake a war lasting a few months may well hesitate about engaging in one that will occupy years. The daily cost of a great war is of course stupendous. When this cost runs on for years the total is likely to be so great that the side which wins nevertheless loses. War will become prohibitively expensive. The scouting work in flying machines will be the predominating factor, as it seems to me, in bringing this about. I like to think so anyhow. " "What, in your opinion, has the present war demonstrated regarding the relative advantages of airplanes and Zeppelin airships?" the inventor was asked. "The airplane seems to have been of the more practical use, " replied Wright. "In the first place, dirigible airships of the Zeppelin type are so expensive to build, costing somewhere around a half million dollars each, that it is distinctly disadvantageous to the nation operating them to have one destroyed. But what is more important is the fact that the Zeppelin is so large that it furnishes an excellent target, unless it sails considerably higher than is comparatively safe for an airplane. And when the Zeppelin is at a safe height it is too far above the ground for your scout to make accurate observations. Similarly, when the Zeppelin is used for dropping bombs, it must be too high for the bomb thrower to show much accuracy. " "You think that the use of flying machines for scouting purposes will be of considerably more importance than their use as a means of attack?" was another question. "That has been decidedly true so far, " replied Wright. "About all that has been accomplished by either side from bomb dropping has been to kill a few non-combatants and that will have no bearing on the result of the war. [Illustration: _At a French Airplane Base. _ © International PilotService. ] "English newspapers have long talked of the danger of Zeppelin attacks or airplane attacks, but it was all for a purpose, because they did not believe the country was sufficiently prepared for war and sought to arouse the people and the War Department to action by means of the airship bogy. [Later history showed Mr. Wright sadly in error on this point. ] "Aside from the use of the machines for war purposes the war will give a great boost to aviation generally. It has led more men to learn to fly, and with a higher degree of skill than ever before. It has awakened people to aviation possibilities. [Illustration: Stringfellow's Airplane. ] "Just like the automobile, it will become more and more fool-proof, easier to handle and safer. There is no reason why it should not take the place of special trains where there is urgent need of great speed. "The airplane has never really come into its own as a sporting proposition. Of late years the tendency has been to develop a high rate of speed rather than to build machines that may be operated safely at a comparatively low speed. You see, a machine adapted to make from seventy to one hundred miles an hour cannot run at all except at a pretty rapid clip, and this means difficulty in getting down. One must have a good, smooth piece of ground to land on and plenty of it. When we get an airplane that will fly along at twenty miles an hour, one can land almost any place, --on a roof, if necessary, --and then people will begin to take an interest in owning an airplane for the enjoyment of flying. " "Is it true that you and your brother had a compact not to fly together?" "Yes, we felt that until the records of our work could be made complete it was a wise precaution not to take a chance on both of us getting killed at the same time. We never flew together but once. From 1900 to 1908 the total time in the air for both Wilbur and myself, all put together, was only about four hours. " Mr. Wright's statement of the brevity of the time spent in actualflying in order to learn the art will astonish many people. Fewnovices would be so rash as to undertake to steer an automobilealone after only four hours' practice, and despite the fact that theaviator always has plenty of space to himself the airplane canhardly yet be regarded as simple a machine to handle as theautomobile. Nevertheless the ease with which the method of itsactual manipulation is acquired is surprising. More work is done inthe classroom and on the ground to make the fighting pilot than inthe air. As we have traced the development of both dirigible andairplane from the first nascent germ of their creation to the pointat which they were sufficiently developed to play a large part inthe greatest of all wars, let us now consider how hosts of youngmen, boys in truth, were trained to fly like eagles and to givebattle in mid-air to foes no less well trained and desperate thanthey. CHAPTER VI THE TRAINING OF THE AVIATOR The Great War, opening in Europe in 1914 and before its endinvolving practically the whole world, including our own nation, hashad more to do with the rapid development of aircraft, bothdirigible balloons and airplanes, than any other agency up to thepresent time. It tested widely and discarded all but the mostefficient. It established the relative value of the dirigible andthe airplane, so relegating the former to the rear that it is saidthat the death of Count Zeppelin, March 8, 1917, was in a measuredue to his chagrin and disappointment. It stimulated at once theinventiveness of the constructors and the skill and daring of thepilots. When it opened there were a few thousand machines andtrained pilots in all the armies of Europe. Before the war had beenin progress three years there were more flying men over thebattlefields of the three continents, Europe, Asia, and Africa, than there were at that time soldiers of all classes enlisted in theregular army of the United States. Before that war the three arms ofthe armed service had been infantry, artillery, and cavalry. Theexperience of war added a new arm--the aviation corps--and there isto-day some doubt whether in importance it should not be rankedabove the cavalry. [Illustration: "_America"--Built to Cross the Atlantic Ocean. _ © U. & U. ] When war was declared none of the belligerent nations had its aërialfleet properly organized, nor was the aviation department in any ofthem equal in preparedness to the rest of the army. The two greatantagonists did not differ greatly in the strength of their flyingforces. Germany possessed about 1000 airplanes, exclusive of about450 in private hands, of all which it is estimated about 700 wereready for immediate service. Fourteen Zeppelins were in commission, and other large dirigibles of different types brought the number ofthe craft of this sort available up to forty. [Illustration: _Wright Airplane in Flight. _] France was stronger in airplanes but weaker in dirigibles. Of theformer she had about 1500; of the latter not more than twenty-five. The land was swept for planes in the hands of private owners and, asthe French people had from the first taken a lively interest inaviation, more than 500 were thus obtained. The French furthermoreat the very outset imperilled their immediate strength in the airfor the sake of the future by adopting four or five machines as armytypes and throwing out all of other makes. More than 550 machineswere thus discarded, and their services lost during the first weeksof the war. The reason for this action was the determination of theFrench to equip their aviation corps with standardized machines of afew types only. Thus interchangeable parts could always be kept inreadiness in case of an emergency, and the aviation corps wasobliged to familiarize itself with the workings of only a fewmachines. The objection to the system is the fact that itpractically stopped all development of any machines in France exceptthe favoured few. Moreover it threw out of the service at a stroke, or remanded for further instruction, not less than four hundredpilots who had been trained on the rejected machines. The order wasreceived with great public dissatisfaction, and for a timethreatened serious trouble in the Chamber of Deputies wherecriticisms of the direction of the flying service even menaced thecontinuance of the ministry in power. At the outset of the war Great Britain lagged far behind the otherchief belligerents in the extent of her preparations for war in theair. As has been pointed out the people of that nation had nevertaken the general interest in aviation which was manifested inFrance, and there was no persistent Count von Zeppelin to stirgovernment and citizens into action. The situation was ratheranomalous. Protected from invasion by its ring of surroundingwaters, England had long concentrated its defensive efforts upon itsnavy. But while the danger of invasion by the air was second only tothat by sea the British contemplated with indifference the feverishbuilding of Zeppelins by Germany, and the multiplication of aircraftof every sort in all the nations of the continent. The manufactureof aircraft was left to private builders, and not until the war waswell under way did the government undertake its systematicsupervision. The Royal Aërial Factory, then established, became thechief manufacturer of machines for army and navy use, and acted alsoas the agent for the inspection and testing of machines built byprivate firms. Control of the Royal Flying Corps is vested in theAdmiralty, the government holding that the strategy of airships wasdistinctly naval. In the use of seaplanes the British were early far in the lead ofother nations, as we shall see in a later chapter. And in the promptand efficient employment of such aircraft as she possessed at theopening of the war she far outclassed Germany which in point ofnumbers was her superior. At that moment Great Britain possessedabout five hundred machines, of which two hundred were seaplanes, and fifteen dirigibles. Despite this puny force, however, Britishaviators flew across the channel in such numbers to the headquartersin France that when the Expeditionary Army arrived on the scene itfound ready to its hand a scouting force vastly superior to anythingthe Germans could put in the air. It is no exaggeration to say thatthe Royal Flying Corps saved Sir John French's army in his long andgallant fight against the overwhelming numbers of the foe. Russia before the war had hidden her aeronautic activities behindthe dreary curtain of miles of steppe and marsh that shut her offfrom the watchfulness of Western Europe. Professional aviators, indeed, had gone thither to make exhibition flights for enormouspurses and had brought back word of huge airplanes in course ofconstruction and an eager public interest in the subject of flying. But the secrecy which all the governments so soon to be plunged inwar sought to throw about their production of aircraft wasespecially easy for Russia in her isolation. When the storm bursther air fleet was not less than eight hundred airplanes, and atleast twenty-five dirigibles. A competent authority estimates that at the outbreak of the war thevarious Powers possessed a total of 4980 aircraft of all sorts. Thissounds like a colossal fleet, but by 1917 it was probably multipliedmore than tenfold. Of the increase of aircraft we can judge only byguesswork. The belligerents keep their output an inviolable secret. It was known that many factories with a capacity of from thirty tofifty 'planes a week were working in the chief belligerent lands, that the United States was shipping aircraft in parts to avoidviolation of neutrality laws before their entrance upon the war, andthat American capital operated factories in Canada whence thecompleted craft could be shipped regardless of such laws. How greatwas the loss to be offset against this new construction is a subjecton which no authoritative figures are available. It was estimated early in the war that the life of an airplane inactive service seldom exceeded three weeks. In passing it may bementioned that by some misapprehension on the part of the public, this estimate of the duration of a machine was thought to cover alsothe average life of the aviators in service. Happily this was farfrom true. The mortality among the machines was not altogether dueto wounds sustained in combat, but largely to general wear and tear, rough usage, and constant service. The slightest sign of weakness ina machine led to its instant condemnation and destruction, for if itshould develop in mid-air into a serious fault it might cost thelife of the aviator and even a serious disaster to the army which hewas serving. As the war went on the period of service of a machinebecame even briefer, for with the growing demand for faster and morequickly controllable machines everything was sacrificed to lightnessand speed. The factor of safety which early in the war was six toeight was reduced to three and a half, and instances were known inall services of machines simply collapsing and going to pieces undertheir own weight without wound or shock. About the extent to which the belligerent governments developedtheir air forces after the outbreak of war there was during thecontinuance of that conflict great reticence maintained by all ofthem. At the outset there was little employment of the flyers excepton scouting reconnaissance work, or in directing artillery fire. Theraids of Zeppelins upon England, of seaplanes on Kiel and Cuxhaven, of airplanes on Friedrichshaven, Essen, and Venice came later. Ithas been noted by military authorities that, while Germany wasprovided at first with the largest aviation force of all thebelligerents, she either underestimated its value at the outset, ordid not know how to employ it, for she blundered into and throughBelgium using her traditional Uhlans for scouts, to the virtualexclusion of airmen. The effectiveness of the Belgian fight fordelay is ascribed largely to the intelligent and effective use itsstrategists made of the few aircraft they possessed. Wellington was wont to say that the thing he yearned for most inbattle was to "see the other side of that hill. " Napoleon wrote: Nothing is more contradictory, nothing more bewildering than the multitude of reports of spies, or of officers sent out to reconnoitre. Some locate army corps where they have seen only detachments; others see only detachments where they ought to have seen army corps. [Illustration: © U. & U. _The Lafayette Escadrille--First Americans to Fly in France. _(_Lufbery on left, Thaw on right. _)] So the two great protagonists of the opening years of thenineteenth century deplored their military blindness. In the openingyears of the twentieth it was healed. All that Wellington strove tosee, all that the cavalry failed to find for Napoleon is to-daybrought to headquarters by airmen, neatly set forth in maps, supported by photographs of the enemy's positions taken from thesky. Before describing the exploits of the airmen in actual campaign letus consider some account of how they were trained for their arduousand novel duties. To the non-professional an amazing thing about the employment ofaircraft in war has been the rapidity with which pilots are trained. The average layman would think that to learn the art of manoeuvringan airplane with such swiftness as to evade the attacks of an enemy, and to detect precisely the proper moment and method of attackinghim in turn, would require long and arduous practice in the air. Butas we have seen in earlier chapters, inventors like the Wrights, Bleriot, and Farman learned to fly with but a few hours spent in theair, with flights lasting less than ten minutes each. So too thearmy aviators spent but little time aloft, though their course ofinstruction covered in all a period of about four months. Some account of the method of instruction as reported by several outof the hundred or more American boys who went to fly for France maybe interesting. As a rule the aviators were from twenty to twenty-five years of age. "Below twenty boys are too rash; above twenty-five they are tooprudent, " said a sententious French aviator. A slight knowledge ofmotors such as would be obtained from familiarity with automobileswas a marked advantage at the start, for the first task of thenovice was to make himself familiar with every type of airplaneengine. The army pilot in all the armies was the aristocrat of theservice. Mechanics kept his motor in shape, and helpers housed, cleaned, and brought forth his machine for action. But while all butthe actual piloting and fighting was spared him, there was alwaysthe possibility of his making an untimely landing back of theenemy's lines with an engine that would not work. To prepare forsuch an emergency he was taught all the intricacies of motorconstruction, so that he might speedily correct any minor fault. In our army, and indeed in all others, applicants for appointment tothe aviation corps were subjected to scientific tests of theirnerves, and their mental and physical alertness. How they wouldreact to the sudden explosion of a shell near their ears, how longit took the candidate to respond to a sudden call for action, howswiftly he reacted to a sensation of touch were all tested andmeasured by delicate electric apparatus. A standard was fixed, failing to attain which, the applicant was rejected. The practicaleffect might be to determine how long after suddenly discovering amasked machine gun a given candidate would take before taking theaction necessary to avoid its fire. Or how quickly would he pull thelever necessary to guard against a sudden gust of wind. To thelayman it would appear that problems of this sort could only besolved in the presence of the actual attack, but science, whichenables artillerists to destroy a little village beyond the hillswhich they never see, was able to devise instruments to answer thesequestions in the quiet of the laboratory. One of the best known flying schools of the French army was at Pau, where on broad level plains were, in 1917, four separate camps foraviators, each with its group of hangars for the machines, itsrepair shops, and with a tall wireless tower upstanding in themidst for the daily war news from Paris. On these plains the WrightBrothers had made some of their earliest French flights. A littlered barn which they had made their workshop was still standing therewhen war suddenly turned the spot into a flying school often with asmany as five thousand pupils in attendance. "To-day that little redbarn, " writes Carroll Dana Winslow, one of the Americans who went tofly for France, "stands as a monument to American stupidity, forwhen we allowed the Wrights to go abroad to perfect their ideasinstead of aiding them to carry on their work at home we lost agolden opportunity. Now the United States which gave to the worldthe first practical airplane is the least advanced in thisall-important science. " Arrived at the school the tyro studies the fundamentals of flying inthe classroom and on the field for two months before he is allowedto go up--to receive as they express it, his _baptęme de l'air_. Hepicks motors to pieces, and puts them together, he learns theprinciples of airplane construction, and can discourse on suchtopics as the angle of attack of the cellule, the incidence of thewings, and the carrying power of the tail-plane. More than any otherscience aviation has a vocabulary of its own, and a peculiarlycosmopolitan one drawn from all tongues, but with the Frenchpredominating. America gave the airplane to France, but France hasgiven the science its terminology. The maps of the battlefields of this war are the marvels of militaryscience. Made from the air they show every road and watercourse, every ditch and gully, every patch of woodland, every farmhouse, church, or stonewall. Much of the early work of the aviator is inlearning to make such maps, both by sketches and by the employmentof the camera. It is no easy task. From an airplane one thousandfeet up the earth seems to be all a dead level. Slight hills, gentleelevations, offer no contrast to the general plain. A road is noteasy to tell from a trench. All these things the aviator must firstlearn to see with accuracy, and then to depict on his map withprecision. He must learn furthermore to read the maps of hisfellows--a task presupposing some knowledge of how they had beenmade. He must learn to fly by a map, to recognize objects by thetechnical signs upon it, to estimate his drift before the windbecause of which the machine moves sidewise _en crabe_--or like acrab as the French phrase it. His first flight the novice makes in a machine especially fitted forinstruction. The levers are fitted with double handles so that bothlearner and tutor may hold them at once. If the greenhorn pusheswhen he should pull the veteran's grip is hard on the handle tocorrect the error before it can cost two lives--for in the air thereis little time to experiment. Either set of controls will steer themachine. The pupil grasps his levers, and puts his feet on thepedals. At first the instructor will do the steering, the pupilfollowing with hands and feet as the motions made by the instructorare communicated to him by the moving levers. For a time the twowork together. Then as the instructor senses that the studenthimself is doing the right thing he gradually lessens his ownactivity, until after a few days' practice the student finds that heis flying with a passenger and directing the machine himself. InFrance, at any rate, they teach in brief lessons. Each flight forinstruction is limited to about five minutes. At first the studentoperates in a "penguin"--a machine which will run swiftly along theground but cannot rise. It is no easy trick at first, to control the"penguin" and keep its course direct. Then he will try the "jumps"in a machine that leaps into the air and descends automaticallyafter a twenty to forty yards' flight. As Darius Green expressed itso long ago, the trouble about flying comes when you want to alight. That holds as true to-day with the most perfect airplanes, as inboyhood days when one jumped from the barn in perfect confidencethat the family umbrella would serve as a parachute. To alightwith an airplane the pilot--supposing his descent to be voluntaryand not compelled by accident or otherwise--surveys the countryabout him for a level field, big and clear enough for the machine torun off its momentum in a run of perhaps two hundred yards on itswheels. Then he gets up a good rate of speed, points the nose of the'plane down at a sharp angle to the ground, cuts off the engine, andglides. The angle of the fall must be great enough for the force ofgravity to keep up the speed. There is a minimum speed at which anairplane will remain subject to control. Loss of speed--"_perte devitesse_, " as the French call it--is the aviator's most common perilin landing. If it occurs after his engine is cut off and he has notthe time to start it again, the machine tilts and slides downsideways. If it occurs higher up a _vrille_ is the probable result. In this the plane plunges toward the ground spinning round and roundwith the corner of one wing as a pivot. In either case a seriousaccident is almost inevitable. In fact the land is almost as dangerous to the navigator of the airas it is to him of the sea. To make good landings is an art onlyperfected by constant practice. To shut off the engine at preciselythe right moment, to choose an angle of descent that will secure thegreatest speed and at the same moment bring you to your landingplace, to change at the most favourable time from this angle to onethat will bring you to the ground at the most gentle of obtuseangles, and to let your machine, weighing perhaps a ton, drop aslightly as a bird and run along the earth for several hundred feetbefore coming to a full stop, are all features of making a landingwhich the aviator has to master. In full air there are but few perils to encounter. All airmen unitein declaring that even to the novice in an airplane there is none ofthat sense of dizziness or vertigo which so many people experiencein looking down from high places. The flyer has no sense of motion. A speed of forty miles an hour and of one hundred miles are thesame to him. As he looks down the earth seems to be slipping awayfrom him, and moving by, tailwards, like an old-fashioned panoramabeing unwound. Everything about the control of an airplane has to be learnedmechanically. Once learned the aviator applies his knowledgeintuitively. He "senses" the position and progress of the craft bythe feel of the controls, as the man at the yacht's tiller tellsmysteriously how she is responding to the breeze by "the feel. " Evenbefore the 'plane responds to some sudden gust of wind, or dropsinto a hole in the air, the trained aviator will foresee preciselywhat is about to happen. He reads it in some little thrill of hislever, a quiver in the frame, as the trained boxer reads in hisantagonist's eyes the sort of blow that is coming. This instinctivecontrol of his machine is absolutely essential for the fightingpilot who must keep his eyes on the movements of his enemy, watchout for possible aircraft guns below, and all the time be strivingto get an advantageous position whence he can turn his machine gunloose. A row of gauges, dials, a compass, and a map on the frame ofthe car in which he sits will engage his attention in any moments ofleisure. It is needless to remark that the successful pilot musthave a quick eye and steady nerves. Nerve and rapidity of thought save the aviator in many a ticklishposition. It is perhaps a tribute to the growing perfection of theairplanes that in certain moments of peril the machine is best leftwholly to itself. Its stability is such that if freed from controlit will often right itself and glide safely to earth. This notinfrequently occurs in the moment of the dreaded _perte de vitesse_, to which reference has been made. In his book, _With the FrenchFlying Corps_, Mr. Carroll Dana Winslow, a daring American aviator, tells of two such experiences, the one under his observation, theother happening to himself: The modern airplane is naturally so stable [he says] that if not interfered with it will always attempt to right itself before the dreaded _vrille_ occurs, and fall _en feuille morte_. Like a leaf dropping in an autumn breeze is what this means, and no other words explain the meaning better. A curious instance of this happened one day as I was watching the flights and waiting for my turn. I was particularly interested in a machine that had just risen from the "Grande Piste. " It was acting very peculiarly. Suddenly its motor was heard to stop. Instead of diving it commenced to wabble, indicating a _perte de vitesse_. It slipped off on the wing and then dove. I watched it intently, expecting it to turn into the dreaded spiral. Instead it began to climb. Then it went off on the wing, righted itself, again slipped off on the wing, volplaned, and went off once more. This extraordinary performance was repeated several times, while each time the machine approached nearer and nearer to the ground. I thought that the pilot would surely be killed. Luck was with him, however, for his slip ceased just as he made contact with the ground and he settled in a neighbouring field. It was a very bumpy landing but the airplane was undamaged. The officers rushed to the spot to find out what was the matter. They found the pilot unconscious, but otherwise unhurt. Later in the hospital he explained that the altitude had affected his heart and that he had fainted. As he felt himself going he remembered his instructions and relinquished the controls, at the same time stopping his motor. His presence of mind and his luck had saved his life--his luck I say, for had the machine not righted itself at the moment of touching the ground it would have been inevitably wrecked. The spectacle, though terrifying, proved valuable as an education toyoung Winslow who a few days later was ordered to a test ofascension of two thousand feet. This is his story: I had a narrow escape. I had received orders to make a flight during a snow-storm. I rose to the prescribed height and then prepared to make my descent. A whirling squall caught me in the act of making a spiral. I felt the tail of my machine go down and the nose point up. I had a classical _perte de vitesse_. I looked out and saw that I was less than eight hundred feet above the ground and approaching it at an alarming rate of speed. I had already shut off the motor for the spiral, and turning it on, I knew, would not help me in the least. Suddenly I remembered the pilot who fainted. I let go of everything, and with a sickening feeling I looked down at the up-rushing ground. At that instant I felt the machine give a lurch and right itself. I grabbed the controls, turned on the motor, and resumed my line of flight only two hundred feet in the air. All this happened in a few seconds, but my helplessness seemed to have lasted for hours. I had had a very close call--not as close as the man who fainted, but sufficiently so for me. [Illustration: _Distinguishing Marks of American Planes. _] We have said that the process of training a flyer is remarkablyexpeditious. So far as the fundamentals of his profession areconcerned it is. But his education in fact never ends. In the merematter of reconnaissance, for example, experience is everything. Onemight imagine that ten thousand men marching on a road would lookalike in numbers whatever the nationality. Not so. To the untrainedeye five thousand or six thousand French troops will look asnumerous as ten thousand British or Germans. Why? Because the Frenchmarch in much more extended order. Into their democratic militarymethods the precision and mechanical exactitude of German drill donot enter. With the same number of troops they will extend furtheralong the road by at least a third than would a detachment of eitherof the other armies. [Illustration: _What an Aviator must Watch. _ 1 _Watch_ 2 _Altimeter-registering height_ 3 _Compass_ 4 _Pressure gauges for two gasoline tanks_ 5 _Dial registering engine revolutions_ 6 _Inclinometer, registering level fore and aft_ 7 _Oil pulsator_ 8 _Control stick, with thumb switch_ 9 _Switches, two magnetos_ 10 _Air speed indicator_ 11 _Gasolene supply pipe_] And again. Great skill has been developed in the course of the warin the art of concealing positions and particularly in disguisingcannon. The art has given a new word to the world--_camouflage_. Correspondents have repeatedly told of their amazement in suddenlycoming across a battery of 75's, or a great siege gun so cunninglyhidden in the edge of a thicket they would be almost upon it beforedetecting it. From an airplane 2500 feet or more in the air itrequires sharp eyes to penetrate artillery disguises. A French poiluin a little book of reminiscences tells with glee how a Germanobservation aviator deceived his batteries. A considerable body ofFrench troops being halted in an open field, out of sight of theenemy batteries, found the glare of the sun oppressive, and havingsome time to wait threw down their equipment and betook themselvesto the cool shadows of a neighbouring wood. Along came an enemyaviator. From his lofty height the haversacks, blanket-rolls, andother pieces of dark equipment lying upon the grass looked like abody of troops resting. After sailing over and around the fieldtwice as though to make assurance doubly sure he sailed swiftlyaway. In a very few minutes shells from a concealed battery begandropping into that field at the rate of several a minute. Every footof it was torn up, and the French soldiers from their retreat in thewoods saw their equipment being blown to pieces in every direction. The spectacle was harrowing, but the reflection that the aviatorundoubtedly thought that he had turned his guns on a field full ofmen was cheering to them in their safety. An art which the fighting aviator must master early in his career isthat of high diving. Many of us have seen a hawk, soaring high inair, suddenly fold his pinions and drop like a plummet full on theback of some luckless pigeon flapping along ungainly scores of feetbelow, or a fishhawk drop like a meteor from the sky with aresounding splash upon the bosom of some placid stream and riseagain carrying a flapping fish to his eyrie in the distant pines. The hunting methods of the hawk are the fighting methods of theairman. But his dives exceed in height and daring anything known tothe feathered warriors of the air. Boelke, most famous of all the German airmen--or for that matter ofall aërial fighters of his day--who in 1917 held the record for thenumber of enemy flyers brought down, was famed for his savage dives. He would fly at a great height, fifteen thousand or more feet, thusassuring himself that there was no enemy above him. When he sightedhis prey he would make an absolutely vertical nose dive, dropping atthe rate of 150 miles an hour or more and spattering shots from hismachine gun as he fell. Six hundred shots a minute and the sight ofthis charging demon were enough to test the nerve of any threatenedaviator. In some fashion Boelke was enabled to give a slight spiralform to his dive so that his victim was enveloped in a ring ofbullets that blocked his retreat whichever way he might turn forsafety. Personality in fighting counted much for success. Boelke's method, its audacity and fierceness, placed him first in the list of airmenwith killing records. Captain Immelman, also a German, who rolled upa score of thirty enemies put out of action before he himself wasslain, followed entirely different tactics. His battle manoeuvresavoured much of the circus, including as it did completeloop-the-loop. For instead of approaching his adversary from theside, or as would be said in the sea navy, on the beam, he followedsquarely behind him. His study was to get the nose of his machinealmost on the tail of the aircraft he was pursuing. This gave him, to begin with, what used to be called in the navy a raking position, for his shots would rake the whole body of the enemy airplane fromtail to nose with a fair chance of hitting either the fuel tank, the engine, or the pilot. Failing to secure the position he mostcoveted, this daring German would surrender it with apparentunconcern to the enemy who usually fell into the trap. For just asthe foeman's machine came up to the tail of Immelman's craft thelatter would suddenly turn his nose straight to earth, drop like astone, execute a backward loop, and come up behind his surprisedadversary who thus found the tables suddenly turned. These two German aviators long held the record for execution done insingle combat. Boelke was killed before the air duel vanished to bereplaced by the battle of scores of planes high in air. Immelmansurvived longer, but with the incoming of the pitched battle hispersonal prowess counted for less and his fame waned. In July, 1917, arrangements were complete in the United States forthe immediate training in the fundamentals of aviation of tenthousand young Americans. The expectation was that long before theend of the year facilities would be provided for the training ofmany more. Both France and Great Britain sent over squads of theirbest aviators, some of them so incapacitated from wounds as to bedisqualified for further fighting, but still vigorous enough for thework of an instructor. The aërial service took hold upon theimagination and the patriotism of young America as did no other. Theflock of volunteers was far beyond the capacity of the government tocare for, and many drifted over into private aviation schools whichwere established in great numbers. The need for the young studentswas admittedly great. More and more the impression had grown in bothGreat Britain and France that the airplane was to be the finalarbiter in the war. It was hailed at once as the most dangerousenemy of the submarine and the most efficient ally of troops in thefield. No number seemed too great for the needs of the ententeallies, and their eagerness to increase their flying force wasstrengthened by the knowledge of the fact that Germany was buildingfeverishly in order that its fleet in the air might not beeclipsed. Perhaps the best description of an idealized aviator was given byLieutenant Lufbery, of the Lafayette Escadrille, who came to theUnited States to assist in training the new corps of American flyingmen. Lufbery himself was a most successful air fighter--an "ace"several times over. Though French by lineage, he was an Americancitizen and had been a soldier in the United States Army. In Octoberof 1917 his record was thirteen Boches brought down within theallied lines. In the allied air service one gets no credit for thedefeated enemy plane if it falls within the enemy lines. While young Americans were being drilled into shape for service inthe flying corps, Lufbery gave this outline of the type of men theservice would demand: It will take the cream of the American youth between the ages of eighteen and twenty-six to man America's thousands of airplanes, and the double cream of youth to qualify as chasers in the Republic's new aërial army. Intensive and scientific training must be given this cream of youth upon which America's welfare in the war must rest. Experience has shown that for best results the fighting aviator should be not over twenty-six years old or under eighteen. The youth under eighteen has shown himself to be bold, but he lacks judgment. Men over twenty-six are too cautious. The best air fighters, especially a man handling a chaser, must be of perfect physique. He must have the coolest nerve and be of a temperament that longs for a fight. He must have a sense of absolute duty and fearlessness, the keenest sense of action, and perfect sight to gain the absolute "feel" of his machine. He must be entirely familiar with aërial acrobatics. The latter frequently means life or death. Fighting twenty-two thousand feet in the air produces a heavy strain on the heart. It is vital therefore that this organ show not the slightest evidence of weakness. Such weakness would decrease the aviator's fighting efficiency. The American boys who come over to France for this work will be subject to rapid and frequent variations in altitude. It is a common occurrence to dive vertically from six thousand to ten thousand feet with the motor pulling hard. Sharpness of vision is imperative. Otherwise the enemy may escape or the aviator himself will be surprised or mistake a friendly machine for a hostile craft. The differences are often merely insignificant colours and details. America's aviators must be men who will be absolute masters of themselves under fire, thinking out their attacks as their fight progresses. Experience has shown that the chaser men should weigh under 180 pounds. Americans from the ranks of sport, youth who have played baseball, polo, football, or have shot and participated in other sports will make the best fighting aviators. CHAPTER VII SOME METHODS OF THE WAR IN THE AIR The fighting tactics of the airmen with the various armies weredeveloped as the war ran its course. As happens so often in theutilization of a new device, either of war or peace, the manner ofits use was by no means what was expected at the outset. For thefirst year of the war the activities of the airmen fell far short ofrealizing Tennyson's conception of The nations' airy navies grappling in the central blue. The grappling was only incidental. The flyers seemed destined to bescouts and rangefinders, rather than fighters. Such pitched combatsas there were took rather the form of duels, conducted withsomething of the formality of the days of chivalry. The aviatorintent upon a fight would take his machine over the enemy's line andin various ways convey a challenge to a rival--often a hostileaviator of fame for his daring and skill in combat. If the duel wasto the death it would be watched usually from the ground by thecomrades of the two duellists, and if the one who fell left his bodyin the enemy's lines, the victor would gather up his identificationdisk and other personal belongings and drop them the next day in thecamp of the dead man's comrades with a note of polite regret. It was all very daring and chivalric, but it was not war accordingto twentieth century standards and was not long continued. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A Caproni Triplane. _] When at first the aviators of one side flew over the enemy'sterritory diligently mapping out his trenches, observing themovements of his troops, or indicating, by dropping bunches oftinsel for the sun to shine upon or breaking smoke bombs, theposition of his hidden battery, the foe thus menaced sought to drivethem away with anti-aircraft guns. These proved to be ineffectiveand it may be said here that throughout the war the swift airplanesproved themselves more than a match for the best anti-aircraftartillery that had been devised. They could complete theirreconnaissances or give their signals at a height out of range ofthese guns, or at least so great that the chances of their being hitwere but slight. It was amazing the manner in which an airplanecould navigate a stretch of air full of bursting shrapnel and yetescape serious injury. The mere puncture, even the repeatedpuncture, of the wings did no damage. Only lucky shots that mightpierce the fuel tank, hit the engine, touch an aileron or animportant stay or strut, could affect the machine, while in duecourse of time a light armour on the bottom of the fusillage or bodyof the machine in which the pilot sat, protected the operator tosome degree. Other considerations, however, finally led to therejection of armour. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A Caproni Triplane_ (_Showing Propellers and Fuselage_). ] Accordingly it soon became the custom of the commanders who sawtheir works being spied out by an enemy soaring above to send up oneor more aircraft to challenge the invader and drive him away. Thisled to the second step in the development in aërial strategy. It wasperfectly evident that a man could not observe critically a positionand draw maps of it, or seek out the hiding place of massedbatteries and indicate them to his own artillerists, and at the sametime protect himself from assaults. Accordingly the flying corps ofevery army gradually became differentiated into observation machinesand fighting machines--or _avions de réglage_, _avions debombardement_, and _avions de chasse_, as the French call them. Intheir order these titles were applied to heavy slow-moving machinesused for taking photographs and directing artillery fire, moreheavily armed machines of greater weight used in raids and bombingattacks, and the swift fighting machines, quick to rise high, andswift to manoeuvre which would protect the former from the enemy, ordrive away the enemy's observation machines as the case might be. Inthe form which the belligerents finally adopted as mostadvantageous the fighting airplanes were mainly biplanes equippedwith powerful motors seldom of less than 140 horse-power, andcarrying often but one man who is not merely the pilot, but theoperator of the machine gun with which each was equipped. Stillplanes carrying two men, and even three of whom one was the pilot, the other two the operators of the machine guns were widely adopted. They had indeed their disadvantages. They were slower to rise andclumsier in the turns. The added weight of the two gunmen cut downthe amount of fuel that could be carried and limited the radius ofaction. But one curious disadvantage which would not at firstsuggest itself to the lay mind was the fact that the roar of thepropeller was so great that no possible communication could passbetween the pilot and the gunner. Their co-operation must beentirely instinctive or there could be no unity of action--and inpractice it was found that there was little indeed. The smallermachine, carrying but one man, was quicker in the get-away and couldrise higher in less time--a most vital consideration, for in thetactics of aërial warfare it is as desirable to get above your enemyas in the days of the old line of battleships it was advantageous tosecure a position off the stern of your enemy so that you might rakehim fore and aft. The machines ultimately found to best meet the needs of aërialfighting were for the Germans always the Fokker, and the Taube--socalled from its resemblance to a flying dove, though it was far frombeing the dove of peace. The wings are shaped like those of a birdand the tail adds to the resemblance. The Allies after testing theTaube design contemptuously rejected it, and indeed the Germansthemselves substituted the Fokker for it in the war's later days. The English used the "Vickers Scout, " built of aluminum and steeland until late in the war usually designed to carry two aviators. This machine unlike most of the others has the propeller at thestern, called a "pusher" in contradistinction to the "tractor, "acting as the screw of a ship and avoiding the interference with therifle fire which the pulling, or tractor propeller mounted beforethe pilot to a certain degree presents. The Vickers machine islightly armoured. The English also use what was known as the "D. H. 5, " a machine carrying a motor of very high horse-power, while theSopwith and Bristol biplane were popular as fighting craft. The French pinned their faith mainly to the Farman, the Caudron, theVoisin, and the Moraine-Saulnier machines. The Bleriot and theNieuport, which were for some reason ruled out at the beginning ofthe war, were afterwards re-adopted and employed in great numbers. It would be gratifying to an American author to be able to describe, or at least to mention, the favourite machine of the Americanaviators who flocked to France immediately upon the declaration ofwar, but the mortifying fact is that having no airplanes of our own, our gallant volunteer soldiers of the air had to be equippedthroughout by the French with machines of their favourite types. After we entered the war we adopted a 'plane of American design towhich was given the name "Liberty plane. " It may be worth while to revert for a moment to the distinctiondrawn in a preceding paragraph between the pusher propeller and thetractor which revolved in front of the aviator and of his machinegun. It would seem almost incredible that two heavy blades of hardwood revolving at a speed not less that twelve hundred times aminute, a speed so rapid that their passage in front of the eyes ofthe aviator interfered in no way with his vision, should not haveblocked a stream of bullets falling from a gun at the rate of morethan six hundred a minute. Nevertheless it was claimed during theearlier days of the war that these bullets were not appreciablydiverted by the whirling propellers nor were the latter apparentlyinjured by the missiles. The latter assertion, however, must havebeen to some extent disproved because it came about that thepropellers of the later machines were rimmed with a thin coating ofsteel lest the blades be cut by the bullets. But the amazing abilityof modern science to cope with what seemed to be an insolubleproblem was demonstrated by the invention of a device light andcompact enough to be carried in an airplane, which applied to themachine gun and timed in accordance with the revolutions of thepropeller so synchronized the shots with those revolutions that thestream of lead passed between the whirling blades never oncestriking. The machine was entirely automatic, requiring no attentionon the part of the operator after the gun was once started on itsdischarge. This device was originally used by the Germans whoapplied it to their Fokker machines. It was claimed for it that bydoing away with the wastage caused by the diversion of the course ofbullets, which struck the revolving propellers, it actually savedfor effective use about thirty per cent. Of the ammunition employed. As the amount of ammunition which can be carried by an airplane isrigidly limited this gave to the appliance a positive value. [Illustration: _The Terror that Flieth by Night. _ _Painting by William J. Wilson. _] Reference has been made to the extraordinary immunity of flyingairplanes to the attacks of anti-aircraft guns. The number of woundsthey could sustain without being brought to earth was amazing. Grahame-White tells of a comparison made in one of the airdromes ofthe wounds sustained by the machines after a day's hard scouting andfighting. One was found to have been hit no less than thirty-seventimes. Curiously enough the man who navigated it escaped unscathed. Wounds in the wings are harmless. But the puncture of the fuel tankalmost certainly means an explosion and the death of the aviator inthe flame thousands of feet in the air. During an air battle beforeArras, a British aviator encountered this fate. When his tank wasstruck and the fusillage, or body, of his machine burst into flames, he knew that he was lost. By no possibility could he reach theground before he should be burned to death. A neighbouring aviatorflying not far from him told the story afterwards: Jack was not in the thick of this fight [said he]. He was rather on the outskirts striving to get in when I suddenly saw his whole machine enveloped in a sheet of flame. Instantly he turned towards the nearest German and made at him with the obvious intention of running him down and carrying him to earth in the same cloud of fire. The man thus threatened, twisted and turned in a vain effort to escape the red terror bearing down upon him. But suffering acutely as he must have been, Jack followed his every move until the two machines crashed, and whirling over and over each other like two birds in an aërial combat fell to earth and to destruction. They landed inside the German lines so we heard no more about them. But we could see the smoke from the burning débris for some time. As the range of anti-aircraft guns increased the flyers were drivenhigher and higher into the air to escape their missiles. At one time4500 feet was looked upon as a reasonably safe height, but when thewar had been under way about two years the weapons designed tocombat aircraft were so improved that they could send their shotseffectively 10, 000 feet into the air. If the aircraft had beenforced to operate at that height their usefulness would have beenlargely destroyed, for it is obvious that for observation purposesthe atmospheric haze at such a height would obscure the view andmake accurate mapping of the enemy's position impossible. Foroffensive purposes too the airplanes at so great an elevation wouldbe heavily handicapped, if not indeed rendered impotent. As we shallsee later, dropping a bomb from a swiftly moving airplane upon atarget is no easy task. It never falls direct but partakes of themotion of the plane. It is estimated that for every thousand feet ofelevation a bomb will advance four hundred feet in the directionthat the aircraft is moving, provided its speed is not in excess ofsixty miles an hour. As a result marksmanship at a height of morethan five thousand feet is practically impossible. In the main this situation is met, as all situations in war in whichefficiency can only be attained at the expense of great personaldanger are met, namely, by braving the danger. When the aviatorshave an attack in contemplation they fly low and snap their fingersat the puff balls of death as the shrapnel from their appearancewhen bursting may well be called. Naturally, efforts were made earlyin the war to lessen the danger by armouring the body of the machinesufficiently to protect the aviator and his engine--for if theaviator escaped a shot which found the engine, his plight would bealmost as bad as if the missile had struck him. The main difficulty with armouring the machines grew out of theadded weight. The more efficient the armour, the less fuel could becarried and the less ammunition. If too heavily loaded the speed ofthe machine would be reduced and its ability to climb rapidly uponwhich the safety of the aviator usually depends, either inreconnaissance or fighting, would be seriously impeded. The firstessays in protective armour took the form of the installation of athin sheet of steel along the bottom of the body of the craft. Thisturned aside missiles from below provided the plane were not so nearthe ground as to receive them at the moment of their highestvelocity. But it was only an unsatisfactory makeshift. At the higheraltitudes it was unnecessary and in conflict with other airplanes itproved worthless, because in a battle in the air the shots of theenemy are more likely to come from above or at least from levels inthe same plane. The armoured airplane was quickly found to have lesschance of mounting above its enemy, because of the weight itcarried, and before long the principle of protecting an airplane asa battleship is protected was abandoned, except in the case of theheavier machines intended to operate as scouts or guides toartillery, holding their flights near the earth and protected fromattack from above by their attendant fleet of swift fightingmachines. Of these the Vickers machine used mainly by the British isa common type. It is built throughout of steel and aluminum, and theentire fusillage is clothed with steel plating which assuresprotection to the two occupants from either upward or lateral fire. The sides of the body are carried up so that only the heads of theaviators are visible. But to accomplish this measure of protectionfor the pilot and the gunner who operates the machine gun from aseat forward of the pilot, the weight of the craft is so greatlyincreased that it is but little esteemed for any save the mostsluggish manoeuvre. Indeed just as aircraft, as a factor in war, have come to be morelike the cavalry in the army, or the destroyers and scout cruisersin the navy, so the tendency has been to discard everything in theirdesign that might by any possibility interfere with their speed andtheir ability to turn and twist, and change direction and elevationwith the utmost celerity under the most difficult of conditions. Itis possible that should this war run into the indefinite future wemay see aircraft built on ponderous lines and heavily armoured, andperforming in the air some of the functions that the British "tanks"have discharged on the battlefields. But at the end of three yearsof war, and at the moment when aërial hostilities seemed to beengaging more fully than even before the inventive genius of thenations, and the dash and skill of the fighting flyers, the tendencyis all toward the light and swift machine. [Illustration: Photo by Press Illustrating Service. _A Curtis Seaplane Leaving a Battleship. _] The attitude of the fighting airmen is somewhat reminiscent of thatof America's greatest sea-fighter, Admiral Farragut. Always opposedto ironclads, the hero of Mobile Bay used to say that when he wentto sea he did not want to go in an iron coffin, and that when ashell had made its way through one side of his ship he didn't wantany obstacle presented to impede its passing out of the other side. [Illustration: © U. & U. _Launching a Hydroaëroplane. _] The all important and even vital necessity for speed also detractedmuch from the value of aircraft in offensive operations. It wasfound early that you could not mount on a flying machine guns ofsufficient calibre to be of material use in attacking fortifiedpositions. If it was necessary for the planes to proceed anymaterial distance before reaching their objective, the weight ofthe necessary fuel would preclude the carriage of heavy artillery. In the case of seaplanes which might be carried on the deck of abattleship to a point reasonably contiguous to the object to beattacked, this difficulty was not so serious. This was demonstratedto some extent by the British raids on the German naval bases ofCuxhaven and Wilhelmshaven, but even in these instances it was bombsdropped by aviators, not gunfire that injured the enemy's works. Butfor the airplane proper this added weight was so positive a handicapas to practically destroy its usefulness as an assailant offortified positions. The heavier weapons of offence which could be carried by theairplane even of the highest development were the bombs. These oncelanded might cause the greatest destruction, but the difficulty ofdepositing them directly upon a desired target was not to beovercome. The dirigible balloon enjoyed a great advantage over theairplane in this respect, for it was able to hover over the spotwhich it desired to hit and to discharge its bombs in a directperpendicular line with enough initial velocity from a spring gun toovercome largely any tendency to deviate from the perpendicular. Butan airplane cannot stop. When it stops it must descend. If it ismoving at the moderate speed of sixty miles an hour when it dropsits missile, the bomb itself will move forward at the rate of sixtymiles an hour until gravity has overcome the initial forward force. Years before the war broke out, tests were held in Germany andFrance of the ability of aviators to drop a missile upon a targetmarked out upon the ground. One such test in France required thedropping of bombs from a height of 2400 feet upon a target 170 feetlong by 40 broad--or about the dimensions of a small and ratherstubby ship. The results were uniformly disappointing. The mostcreditable record was made by an American aviator, Lieutenant Scott, formerly of the United States Army. His first three shots missedaltogether, but thereafter he landed eight within the limits. InGermany the same year the test was to drop bombs upon two targets, one resembling a captive Zeppelin, the other a military camp 330feet square. The altitude limit was set at 660 feet. This, though acomparatively easy test, was virtually a failure. Only twocompetitors succeeded in dropping a bomb into the square at all, while the balloon was hit but once. The character and size of the bombs employed by aircraft naturallydiffered very widely, particularly as to size, between those carriedby dirigibles and those used by airplanes. The Zeppelin shell variedin weight between two hundred and two hundred and fifty pounds. Itwas about forty-seven inches long by eight and a half inches indiameter. Its charge varied according to the use to which it was tobe put. If it was hoped that it would drop in a crowded spot andinflict the greatest amount of damage to human life and limb itwould carry a bursting charge, shrapnel, and bits of iron, all ofwhich on the impact of the missile upon the earth would be hurled inevery direction to a radius exceeding forty yards. If damage tobuildings, on the other hand, was desired, some high explosive suchas picric acid would be used which would totally wreck anymoderate-sized building upon which the shell might fall. In manyinstances, particularly in raids upon cities such as London, incendiary shells were used charged with some form of liquid fire, which rapidly spread the conflagration, and which itself waspractically inextinguishable. Shells or bombs of these varying types were dropped from airplanesas well as from the larger and steadier Zeppelins. The differencewas entirely in the size. It was said that a Zeppelin might drop abomb of a ton's weight. But so far as attainable records areconcerned it is impossible to cite any instance of this being done. The effect on the great gas bag of the sudden release of a load sogreat would certainly cause a sudden upward flight which might be soquick and so powerful as to affect the very structure of the ship. So far as known 250 pounds was the topmost limit of Zeppelin bombs, while most of them were of much smaller dimensions. The airplanebombs were seldom more than sixty pounds in weight, although in thelarger British machines a record of ninety-five pounds has beenattained. The most common form of bomb used in the heavier-than-airmachines was pear-shaped, with a whirling tail to keep the missileupright as it falls. Steel balls within, a little larger thanordinary shrapnel, are held in place by a device which releases themduring the fall. On striking the ground they fall on the explosivecharge within and the shell bursts, scattering the two or threehundred steel bullets which it carries over a wide radius. Bombs ofthis character weigh in the neighbourhood of six pounds and anordinary airplane can carry a very considerable number. Theirexploding device is very delicate so that it will operate uponimpact with water, very soft earth, or even the covering of anairship. Other bombs commonly used in airplanes were shaped likedarts, winged like an arrow so that they would fall perpendicularlyand explode by a pusher at the point which was driven into the bodyof the bomb upon its impact with any hard substance. It seems curious to read of the devices sometimes quite complicatedand at all times the result of the greatest care and thought, usedfor dropping these bombs. In the trenches men pitched explosivemissiles about with little more care than if they had been so manybaseballs, but only seldom was a bomb from aloft actually deliveredby hand. In the case of the heavier bombs used by the dirigiblesthis is understandable. They could not be handled by a single manwithout the aid of mechanical devices. Some are dropped from acradle which is tilted into a vertical position after the shell hasbeen inserted. Others are fired from a tube not unlike the torpedotube of a submarine, but which imparts only slight initial velocityto the missile. Its chief force is derived from gravity, and to beassured of its explosion the aviator must discharge it from a heightproportionate to its size. In the airplane the aviator's methods are more simple. Sometimes thebombs are carried in a rack beneath the body of the machine, andreleased by means of a lever at the side. A more primitive methodoften in use is merely to attach the bomb to a string and lower itto a point at which the aviator is certain that in falling it willnot touch any part of the craft, and then cut the string. Half adozen devices by which the aviator can hold the bomb at arm's lengthand drop it with the certainty of a perpendicular fall are in use inthe different air navies. It will be evident to the most casualconsideration that with any one of these devices employed by anaviator in a machine going at a speed of sixty miles an hour or morethe matter of hitting the target is one in which luck has a verygreat share. There is good reason for the pains taken by the aviators to see thattheir bombs fall swift and true, and clear of all the outlying partsof their machines. The grenadier in the trenches has a clear fieldfor his explosive missile and he may toss it about with what appearsto be desperate carelessness--though instances have been known inwhich a bomb thrower, throwing back his arm preparatory to launchinghis canned volcano, has struck the back of his own trench withdisastrous results. But the aviator must be even more careful. Hisbombs must not hit any of the wires below his machine infalling--else there will be a dire fall for him. And above all theymust not get entangled in stays or braces. In such case landing willbring a most unpleasant surprise. A striking case was that of a bomber who had been out over theGerman trenches. He had a two-man machine, had made a successfulflight and had dropped, effectively as he supposed, all his bombs. Returning in serene consciousness of a day's duty well done, he wasabout to spiral down to the landing place when his passenger lookedover the side of the car to see if everything was in good order. Emphatically it was not. To his horror he discovered that two of thebombs had not fallen, but had caught in the running gear of hismachine. To attempt a landing with the bombs in this position wouldhave been suicidal. The bombs would have instantly exploded, andannihilated both machine and aviators. But to get out of the car, climb down on the wires, and try to unhook the bombs seemed moredesperate still. Stabilizers, and other devices, now in common use, had not then been invented and to go out on the wing of a biplane, or to disturb its delicate balance, was unheard of. Nevertheless itwas a moment for desperate remedies. The pilot clung to hiscontrols, and sought to meet the shifting strains, while thepassenger climbed out on the wing and then upon the running gear. Totrust yourself two thousand feet in mid-air with your feet on onepiano wire, and one hand clutching another, while with the otherhand you grope blindly for a bomb charged with high explosive, is anexperience for which few men would yearn. But in this case it wassuccessful. The bombs fell--nobody cared where--and the twoimperilled aviators came to ground safely. A form of offensive weapon which for some reason seems peculiarlyhorrible to the human mind is the fléchette. These are steel darts alittle larger than a heavy lead pencil and with the upper two thirdsof the stem deeply grooved so that the greater weight of the lowerpart will cause them to fall perpendicularly. These are used inattacks upon dense bodies of troops. Particularly have they provedeffective in assailing cavalry, for the nature of the wounds theyproduce invariably maddens the horses who suffer from them andcauses confusion that will often bring grave disaster to atransport or artillery train. Though very light, these arrows whendropped from any considerable height inflict most extraordinarywounds. They have been known to penetrate a soldier's steel helmet, to pass through his body and that of the horse he bestrode, and burythemselves in the earth. In the airplane they are carried in boxesof one hundred each, placed over an orifice in the floor. A touch ofthe aviator's foot and all are discharged. The speed of the machinecauses them to fall at first in a somewhat confused fashion, withthe result that before all have finally assumed their perpendicularposition they have been scattered over a very considerable extent ofair. Once fairly pointed downward they fall with unerring directnesspoints downward to their mark. [Illustration: _At a United States Training Camp. _ © U. & U. ] It is a curious fact that not long after these arrows first madetheir appearance in the French machines, they were imitated by theGermans, but the German darts had stamped upon them the words: "Madein Germany, but invented by the French. " [Illustration: _A "Blimp" with Gun Mounted on Top. _ © U. & U. ] One of the duties of the fighting airmen is to destroy theobservation balloons which float in great numbers over both thelines tugging lazily at the ropes by which they are held captivewhile the observers perched in their baskets communicate the resultsof their observations by telephone to staff officers at aconsiderable distance. These balloons are usually anchored farenough back of their own lines to be safe from the ordinaryartillery fire of their enemies. They were therefore fair game forthe mosquitoes of the air. But they were not readily destroyed bysuch artillery as could be mounted on an ordinary airplane. Bulletsfrom the machine-guns were too small to make any rents in theenvelope that would affect its stability. Even if incendiary theycould not carry a sufficiently heavy charge to affect so large abody. The skin of the "sausages, " as the balloons were commonlycalled from their shape, was too soft to offer sufficient resistanceto explode a shell of any size. The war was pretty well under waybefore the precise weapon needed for their destruction wasdiscovered. This proved to be a large rocket of which eight werecarried on an airplane, four on each side. They were discharged bypowerful springs and a mechanism started which ignited them as soonas they had left the airplane behind. The head of each rocket was ofpointed steel, very sharp and heavy enough to pierce the balloonskin. Winslow was fortunate enough to be present when the first testof this weapon was made. In his book, _With the French FlyingCorps_, he thus tells the story: Swinging lazily above the field was a captive balloon. At one end of Le Bourget was a line of waiting airplanes. "This is the second; they have already brought down one balloon, " remarked the man at my elbow. The hum of a motor caused me to look up. A wide-winged double motor, Caudron, had left the ground and was mounting gracefully above us. Up and up it went, describing a great circle, until it faced the balloon. Everyone caught his breath. The Caudron was rushing straight at the balloon, diving for the attack. "Now!" cried the crowd. There was a loud crack, a flash, and eight long rockets darted forth leaving behind a fiery trail. The aviator's aim however was wide, and to the disappointment of everyone the darts fell harmlessly to the ground. Another motor roared far down the field, and a tiny _appareil de chasse_ shot upward like a swallow. "A Nieuport, " shouted the crowd as one voice. Eager to atone for his _copain's_ failure, and impatient at his delay in getting out of the way, the tiny biplane tossed and tumbled about in the air like a clown in the circus ring. "Look! he's looping! he falls! he slips! no, he rights again!" cried a hundred voices as the skilful pilot kept our nerves on edge. Suddenly he darted into position and for a second hovered uncertain. Then with a dive like that of a dragon-fly, he rushed down to the attack. Again a sheet of flame and a shower of sparks. This time the balloon sagged. The flames crept slowly around its silken envelope. "_Touchez!_" cried the multitude. Then the balloon burst and fell to the ground a mass of flames. High above the little Nieuport saucily continued its pranks, as though contemptuous of such easy prey. [Illustration: _Aviators Descending in Parachutes from a BalloonStruck by Incendiary Shells. _ © U. & U. ] It may be properly noted at this point that the captive balloons orkite balloons have proved of the greatest value for observations inthis war. Lacking of course the mobility of the swiftly movingairplanes, they have the advantage over the latter of being at alltimes in direct communication by telephone with the ground and beingable to carry quite heavy scientific instruments for the moreaccurate mapping out of such territory as comes within their sphereof observation. They are not easy to destroy by artillery fire, forthe continual swaying of the balloon before the wind perplexesgunners in their aim. At a height of six hundred feet, a normalobservation post, the horizon is nearly thirty miles from theobserver. In flat countries like Flanders, or at sea where theballoon may be sent up from the deck of a ship, this gives anoutlook of the greatest advantage to the army or fleet relying uponthe balloon for its observations of the enemy's dispositions. [Illustration: _The Balloon from which the Aviators Fled. _ © U. &U. ] Most of the British and French observation balloons have been of theold-fashioned spherical form which officers in those services findsufficiently effective. The Germans, however, claimed that a balloonmight be devised which would not be so very unstable in gustyweather. Out of this belief grew the Parseval-Siegfeld balloon whichfrom its form took the name of the Sausage. In fact its appearancefar from being terrifying suggests not only that particular edible, but a large dill pickle floating awkwardly in the air. In order tokeep the balloon always pointed into the teeth of the wind there isattached to one end of it a large surrounding bag hanging from thelower half of the main envelope. One end of this, the end facingforward, is left open and into this the wind blows, steadying thewhole structure after the fashion of the tail of a kite. The effectis somewhat grotesque as anyone who has studied the numerouspictures of balloons of this type employed during the war must haveobserved. It looks not unlike some form of tumor growing from ahealthy structure. Captive or kite balloons are especially effective as coast guards. Posted fifty miles apart along a threatened coast they can keep asteady watch over the sea for more than twenty-five miles toward thehorizon. With their telephonic connections they can notify airplanesin waiting, or for that matter swift destroyers, of any suspicioussight in the distance, and secure an immediate investigation whichwill perhaps result in the defeat of some attempted raid. Requiringlittle power for raising and lowering them and few men for theiroperation, they form a method of standing sentry guard at a nation'sfront door which can probably be equalled by no other device. TheUnited States at the moment of the preparation of this book isvirtually without any balloons of this type--the first one of anypretensions having been tested in the summer of 1917. As late as the third year of the war it could not be said that thepossibilities of aërial offense had been thoroughly developed by anynation. The Germans indeed had done more than any of thebelligerents in this direction with their raids on the British coastand on London. But, as already pointed out, these raids as seriousattacks on strategic positions were mere failures. Advocates of theincreased employment of aircraft in this fashion insist that themilitary value to Germany of the raids lay not so much in thepossibility of doing damage of military importance but rather in thefact that the possibility of repeated and more effective raidscompelled Great Britain to keep at home a force of thirty thousandto fifty thousand men constantly on guard, who but for this menacewould have been employed on the battlefields of France. In thisargument there is a measure of plausibility. Indeed between January, 1915, and June 13, 1917, the Germans made twenty-three disastrousraids upon England, killing more than seven hundred persons andinjuring nearly twice as many. The amount of damage to property hasnever been reported nor is it possible to estimate the extent ofinjury inflicted upon works of a military character. The extremesecrecy with which Great Britain, in common with the otherbelligerents, has enveloped operations of this character makes itimpossible at this early day to estimate the military value of theseexploits. Merely to inflict anguish and death upon a great number ofcivilians, and those largely women and children, is obviously of nomilitary service. But if such suffering is inflicted in the courseof an attack which promises the destruction or even the crippling ofworks of military character like arsenals, munition plants, or navalstores, it must be accepted as an incident of legitimate warfare. The limited information obtainable in wartime seems to indicate thatthe German raids had no legitimate objective in view but wereundertaken for the mere purpose of frightfulness. The methods of defence employed in Great Britain, where all attacksmust come from the sea, were mainly naval. What might be called theouter, or flying, defences consisted of fast armed fightingseaplanes and dirigibles. Stationed on the coast and ready on thereceipt of a wireless warning from scouts, either aërial or naval, that an enemy air flotilla was approaching the coast, they could atonce fly forth and give it battle. A thorough defence of the Britishterritory demanded that the enemy should be driven back beforereaching the land. Once over British territory the projectilesdischarged whether by friend or foe did equal harm to the people onthe ground below. Accordingly every endeavour was made to meet andbeat the raiders before they had passed the barrier of sea. Besidethe flying defences there were the floating defences. Anti-aircraftguns were mounted on different types of ships stationed far outfrom the shore and ever on the watch. But these latter were ofcomparatively little avail, for flying over the Channel or the NorthSea the invaders naturally flew at a great height. They had notargets there to seek, steered by their compasses, and were entirelyindifferent to the prospect beneath them. Moreover anti-aircraftguns, hard to train effectively from an immovable mount, wereparticularly untrustworthy when fired from the deck of a rolling andtossing ship in the turbulent Channel. Third in the list of defences of the British coast, or of any othercoast which may at any time be threatened with an aërial raid, aredefensive stations equipped not only with anti-aircraft guns andsearchlights but with batteries of strange new scientificinstruments like the "listening towers, " equipped with hugemicrophones to magnify the sound of the motors of approachingaircraft so that they would be heard long before they could be seen, range finders, and other devices for the purpose of gauging thedistance and fixing the direction of an approaching enemy. Some brief attention may here be given to the various types ofanti-aircraft guns. These differ very materially in type and weightin the different belligerent armies and navies. They have but onequality in common, namely that they are most disappointing in theresults attained. Mr. F. W. Lancaster, the foremost Britishauthority on aircraft, says on this subject: "Anti-aircraft firing is very inaccurate, hence numbers of guns areemployed to compensate. " [Illustration: Photo by International Film Service. _German Air Raiders over England. _ _In the foreground three British planes are advancing to theattack. _] That is to say that one or two guns can be little relied upon to puta flyer _hors du combat_. The method adopted is to have largebatteries which fairly fill that portion of the air through whichthe adventurous airman is making his way with shells fired rather atthe section than at the swiftly moving target. "Archibald, " the British airmen call, for some mysterious reason, theanti-aircraft guns employed by their enemies, sometimes referring to abig howitzer which made its appearance late in the war as "Cuthbert. "The names sound a little effeminate, redolent somehow of high teas andthe dancing floor, rather than the field of battle. Perhaps this waswhy the British soldiers adopted them as an expression of contempt forthe enemy's batteries. But contempt was hardly justifiable in face ofthe difficulty of the problem. A gun firing a twenty-pound shrapnelshell is not pointed on an object with the celerity with which apractised revolver shot can throw his weapon into position. The gunneron the ground seeing an airplane flying five thousand feet abovehim--almost a mile up in the air--hurries to get his piece intoposition for a shot. But while he is aiming the flyer, if a high-speedmachine, will be changing its position at a rate of perhaps 120 milesan hour. Nor does it fly straight ahead. The gunner cannot point hisweapon some distance in advance as he would were he a sportsman intenton cutting off a flight of wild geese. The aviator makes quickturns--zigzags--employs every artifice to defeat the aim of his enemybelow. Small wonder that in the majority of cases they have beensuccessful. The attitude of the airmen toward the "Archies" is one ofcalm contempt. The German mind being distinctly scientific invented early in thewar a method of fixing the range and position of an enemy airplanewhich would be most effective if the target were not continually inerratic motion. The method was to arrange anti-aircraft guns in atriangle, all in telephonic connection with a central observer. Whena flyer enters the territory which these guns are guarding, thegunner at one of the apexes of the triangle fires a shell whichgives out a red cloud of smoke. Perhaps it falls short. The centralobserver notes the result and orders a second gun to fire. Instantlya gunner at another apex fires again, this time a shell givingforth black smoke. This shell discharged with the warning given bythe earlier one is likely to come nearer the target, but at any ratemarks another point at which it has been missed. Between the two athird gunner instantly corrects his aim by the results of the firsttwo shots. His shell gives out a yellow smoke. The observer thenfigures from the positions of the three guns the lines of atriangular cone at the apex of which the target should be. Sometimesscience wins, often enough for the Germans to cling to the system. But more often the shrewd aviator defeats science by his swift andeccentric changes of his line of flight. At the beginning of the war Germany was very much better equippedwith anti-aircraft guns than any of her enemies. This was due to theremarkable foresight of the great munition makers, Krupp andEhrhardt, who began experimenting with anti-aircraft guns before theaircraft themselves were much more than experiments. The problem wasno easy one. The gun had to be light, mobile, and often mounted onan automobile so as to be swiftly transferred from place to place inpursuit of raiders. It was vital that it should be so mounted as tobe speedily trained to any position vertical or horizontal. As aresult the type determined upon was mounted on a pedestal fixed tothe chassis of an automobile or to the deck of a ship in case it wasto be used in naval warfare. The heaviest gun manufactured inGermany was of 4-1/4-inch calibre, throwing a shell of forty poundsweight. This could be mounted directly over the rear axle of a heavymotor truck. To protect the structure of the car from the shock ofthe recoil these guns are of course equipped with hydraulic or otherappliances for taking it up. They are manufactured also in the3-inch size. Germany, France, and England vied with each other indevising armored motor cars equipped with guns of this type--theBritish using the makes of Vickers and Hotchkiss, and the Frenchtheir favourite Creusot. The trucks are always armoured, the gunsmounted in turrets so that the effect is not unlike that of a smallbattleship dashing madly down a country road and firing repeatedlyat some object directly overhead. But the record has not shown thatthe success of these picturesque and ponderous engines of war hasbeen great. They cannot manoeuvre with enough swiftness to keep upwith the gyrations of an airplane. They offer as good a target for abomb from above as the aircraft does to their shots from below. Indeed they so thoroughly demonstrated their inefficiency thatbefore the war had passed its third year they were either abandonedor their guns employed only when the car was stationary. Shots firedat full speed were seldom effective. The real measure of the effectiveness of anti-aircraft guns may bejudged by the comparative immunity that attended the aviatorsengaged on the two early British raids on Friedrichshaven, the seatof the great Zeppelin works on Lake Constance, and on the Germannaval base at Cuxhaven. The first was undertaken by three machines. From Belfort in France, the aviators turned into Germany and flewfor 120 miles across hostile territory. The flight was made by daythough indeed the adventurous aviators were favoured by a slightmist. Small single seated "avro" machines were used, loaded heavilywith bombs as well as with the large amount of fuel necessary for aflight which before its completion would extend over 250 miles. Notonly at the frontier, but at many fortified positions over whichthey passed, they must have exposed themselves to the fire ofartillery, but until they actually reached the neighbourhood of theZeppelin works they encountered no fire whatsoever. There the attackon them was savage and well maintained. On the roofs of thegigantic factory, on neighbouring hillocks and points of vantagethere were anti-aircraft guns busily discharging shrapnel at theinvaders. It is claimed by the British that fearing this attack theGermans had called from the front in Flanders their best marksmen, for at that time the comparative worthlessness of the Zeppelin hadnot been demonstrated and the protection of the works was regardedas a prime duty of the army. [Illustration: © U. & U. _One Aviator's Narrow Escape. _] The invading machines flew low above the factory roofs. Theadventurers had come far on an errand which they knew would awakenthe utmost enthusiasm among their fellows at home and they weredetermined to so perform their task that no charge of having leftanything undone could possibly lie. Commander Briggs, the first ofthe aviators to reach the scene, flew as low as one hundred feetabove the roofs, dropping his bombs with deadly accuracy. But hepaid for his temerity with the loss of his machine and his liberty. A bullet pierced his petrol tank and there was nothing for him to dosave to glide to earth and surrender. The two aviators whoaccompanied him although their machines were repeatedly hit werenevertheless able to drop all their bombs and to fly safely back toBelfort whence they had taken their departure some hours before. Themeasure of actual damage done in the raid has never been preciselyknown. Germany always denied that it was serious, while the Britishascribe to it the greatest importance--a clash of opinion common inthe war and which will for some years greatly perplex the student ofits history. The second raid, that upon Cuxhaven, was made by seaplanes so far asthe air fighting was concerned, but in it not only destroyers butsubmarines also took part. It presented the unique phenomenon of abattle fought at once above, upon, and below the surface of the sea. It is with the aërial feature of the battle alone that we have todo. Christmas morning, 1915, seven seaplanes were quietly lowered to thesurface of the water of the North Sea from their mother ships alittle before daybreak. The spot was within a few miles of Cuxhavenand the mouth of the River Elbe. As the aircraft rose from thesurface of the water and out of the light mist that lay upon it, they could see in the harbour which they threatened, a small groupof German warships. Almost at the same moment their presence wasdetected. The alarms of the bugles rang out from the hitherto quietcraft and in a moment with the smoke pouring from their funnelsdestroyers and torpedo boats moved out to meet the attack. TwoZeppelins rose high in the air surrounded by a number of the smallerairplanes, eager for the conflict. The latter proceeded at once tothe attack upon the raiding air fleet, while the destroyers, theheavier Zeppelins, and a number of submarines sped out to sea toattack the British ships. The mist, which grew thicker, turned thecombat from a battle into a mere disorderly raid, but out of it theseaplanes emerged unhurt. All made their way safely back to thefleet, after having dropped their bombs with a degree of damagenever precisely known. The weakness of the seaplane is that onreturning to its parent ship it cannot usually alight upon her deck, even though a landing platform has been provided. It must, as arule, drop to the surface of the ocean, and if this be at all roughthe machine very speedily goes to pieces. This was the case withfour of the seven seaplanes which took part in the raid on Cuxhaven. All however delivered their pilots safely to the awaiting fleet andnone fell a victim to the German anti-aircraft guns. In May of 1917, the British Royal Naval Air Service undertook themapping of the coast of Belgium north from Nieuport, the mostnortherly seaport held by the British, to the southern boundary ofHolland. This section of coast was held by the Germans and in itwere included the two submarine bases of Zeebrugge and Ostend. Atthe latter point the long line of German trenches extending to theboundary of Switzerland rested its right flank on the sea. The wholecoast north of that was lined with German batteries, snuglyconcealed in the rolling sand dunes and masked by the waving grassesof a barren coast. From British ships thirty miles out at sea, forthe waters there are shallow and large vessels can only at greatperil approach the shore, the seaplanes were launched. Just south ofNieuport a land base was established as a rendezvous for bothair-and seaplanes when their day's work was done. From fleet andstation the aërial observers took their way daily to the enemy'scoast. Every mile of it was photographed. The hidden batteries weredetected and the inexorable record of their presence imprinted onthe films. The work in progress at Ostend and Zeebrugge, the activeconstruction of basins, locks, and quays, the progress of the greatmole building at the latter port, the activities of submarines anddestroyers within the harbour, the locations of guns and thepositions of barracks were all indelibly set down. These filmsdeveloped at leisure were made into coherent wholes, placed inprojecting machines, and displayed like moving pictures in the wardrooms of the ships hovering off shore, so that the naval forcespreparing for the assault had a very accurate idea of the nature ofthe defences they were about to encounter. This was not done of course without considerable savage fighting inmid-air. The Germans had no idea of allowing their defences and theworks of their submarine bases to be pictured for the guidance oftheir foes. Their anti-aircraft guns barked from dawn to darkwhenever a British plane was seen within range. Their own aërialfighters were continually busy, and along that desolate wave-washedcoast many a lost lad in leather clothing and goggles, crumpled upin the ruins of his machine after a fall of thousands of feet, layas a memorial to the prowess of the defenders of the coast and theaudacity of those who sought to invade it. But during the long weeksof this extended reconnaissance hardly a spadeful of dirt could bemoved, a square yard of concrete placed in position, or a submarineor torpedo boat manoeuvred without its record being entered upon thedetailed charts the British were so painstakingly preparing againstthe day of assault. When peace shall finally permit the publicationof the records of the war, now held secret for military reasons, such maps as those prepared by the British air service on theBelgian coast will prove most convincing evidence of the militaryvalue of the aërial scouts. What the lads engaged in making these records had to brave in theway of physical danger is strikingly shown by the description of acombat included in one of the coldly matter-of-fact officialreports. The battle was fought at about twelve thousand feet abovemother earth. We quote the official description accompanied by someexplanatory comments added by one who was an eye-witness and whoconversed with the triumphant young airman on his return to thesafety of the soil. "While exposing six plates, " says the official report of this youthful recording angel, "I observed five H. A. 's cruising. " "H. A. " stands for "hostile aeroplane. " "Not having seen the escort since returning inland, the pilot prepared to return. The enemy separated, one taking up a position above the tail and one ahead. The other three glided toward us on the port side, firing as they came. The two diving machines fired over 100 rounds, hitting the pilot in the shoulder. " As a matter of fact, the bullet entered his shoulder from above, behind, breaking his left collarbone, and emerged just above his heart, tearing a jagged rent down his breast. Both his feet, furthermore, were pierced by bullets; but the observer is not concerned with petty detail. The observer held his fire until H. A. , diving on tail, was within five yards. Here it might be mentioned that the machines were hurtling through space at a speed in the region of one hundred miles an hour. The pilot of H. A. , having swooped to within speaking distance, pushed up his goggles, and laughed triumphantly as he took sight for the shot that was to end the fight. But the observer, had his own idea how the fight should end. "I then shot one tray into the enemy pilot's face, " he says, with curt relish, "and watched him sideslip and go spinning earthward in a train of smoke. " He then turned his attention to his own pilot. The British machine was barely under control, but as the observer rose in his seat to investigate the foremost gun was fired, and the aggressor ahead went out of control and dived nose first in helpless spirals. Suspecting that his mate was badly wounded in spite of this achievement, the observer swung one leg over the side of the fusillage and climbed on to the wing--figure for a minute the air pressure on his body during this gymnastic feat--until he was beside the pilot, faint and drenched with blood, who had nevertheless got his machine back into complete control. "Get back, you ass!" he said through white lips in response to inquiries how he felt. So the ass got back the way he came, and looked around for the remainder of the H. A. 's. These, however, appeared to have lost stomach for further fighting and fled. The riddled machine returned home at one hundred knots while the observer, having nothing better to do, continued to take photographs. "The pilot, though wounded, made a perfect landing"--thus the report concludes. When the time came for the assault upon Zeebrugge the value of thesepainstaking preparations was made evident. The attack was made fromsea and air alike. Out in the North Sea the great Britishbattleships steamed in as near the coast as the shallowness of thewater would permit. From the forward deck of each rose grandly aseaplane until the air was darkened by their wings, and they lookedlike a monstrous flock of the gulls which passengers on ocean-goingliners watch wheeling and soaring around the ship as it ploughs itsway through the ocean. These gulls though were birds of prey. Theywere planes of the larger type, biplanes or triplanes carrying twomen, usually equipped with two motors and heavily laden with highexplosive bombs. As they made their way toward the land they wereaccompanied by a fleet of light draft monitors especially built forthis service, each mounting two heavy guns and able to manoeuvre inshallow water. With them advanced a swarm of swift, low-lying, dark-painted destroyers ready to watch out for enemy torpedo boatsor submarines. They mounted anti-aircraft guns too and were preparedto defend the monitors against assaults from the heavens above aswell as from the sinister attack of the underwater boats. Up fromthe land base at Nieuport came a great fleet of airplanes toco-operate with their naval brethren. Soon upon the German works, sheltering squadrons of the sinister undersea boats, there rained ahell of exploding projectiles from sea and sky. Every gunner hadabsolute knowledge of the precise position and range of the targetto which he was assigned. The great guns of the monitors roaredsteadily and their twelve and fourteen-inch projectiles rent inpieces the bomb proofs of the Germans, driving the Boches to coverand reducing their works to mere heaps of battered concrete. Backand forth above flew seaplanes and airplanes, giving battle to theaircraft which the Germans sent up in the forlorn hope of headingoff that attack and dropping their bombs on points carefully mappedlong in advance. It is true that the aim of the aviators wasnecessarily inaccurate. That is the chief weakness of a bombardmentfrom the sky. But what was lacking in individual accuracy was madeup by the numbers of the bombing craft. One might miss a lock or ashelter, but twenty concentrating their fire on the same targetcould not all fail. This has become the accepted principle of aërialoffensive warfare. The inaccuracy of the individual must becorrected by the multiplication of the number of the assailants. The attack on Zeebrugge was wholly successful. Though the Germansassiduously strove to conceal the damage done, the laterobservations of the ruined port by British airmen left no doubt thatas a submarine base it had been put out of commission for months tocome. The success of the attack led to serious discussion, in whicha determination has not yet been reached, of the feasibility of asimilar assault upon Heligoland, Kiel, or Cuxhaven, the three greatnaval bases in which the German fleet has lurked in avoidance ofbattle with the British fleet. Many able naval strategists declaredthat it was time for the British to abandon the policy of a mereblockade and carry out the somewhat rash promise made by WinstonChurchill when First Lord of the Admiralty, to "dig the rats out oftheir holes. " Such an attack it was urged should be made mainly fromthe air, as the land batteries and sunken mines made the watersadjacent to these harbours almost impassable to attacking ships. Rear-Admiral Fiske, of the United States Navy, strongly urging suchan attack, wrote in an open letter: The German Naval General Staff realizes the value of concentration of power and mobility in as large units as possible. The torpedo plane embodies a greater concentration of power and mobility than does any other mechanism. For its cost, the torpedo plane is the most powerful and mobile weapon which exists at the present day. An attack by allied torpedo planes, armed with guns to defend themselves from fighting airplanes, would be a powerful menace to the German fleet and, if made in sufficient numbers, would give the Allies such unrestricted command of the North Sea, even of the shallow parts near the German coast, that German submarines would be prevented from coming from a German port, the submarine menace abolished, and all chance of German success wiped out. I beg also to point out that an inspection of the map of Europe shows that in the air raids over land the strategical advantage lies with Germany, because her most important towns, like Berlin, are farther inland than the most important towns of the Allies, like London, so that aëroplanes of the Allies, in order to reach Berlin, would have to fly over greater distances, while exposed to the fire of other aëroplanes, than do aëroplanes of the Germans in going to London for raids on naval vessels. However, the strategical advantage over water lies with the British, because their control of the deep parts of the North Sea enables them to establish a temporary aeronautical base of mother ships sufficiently close to the German fleet to enable the British to launch a torpedo-plane attack from it on the German fleets in Kiel and Wilhelmshaven, while the Germans could not possibly establish an aeronautical base sufficiently close to the British fleet. [Illustration: © Press Illustrating Service. _Downed in the Enemy's Country. _] This gives the Allies the greatest advantage of the offensive. It would seem possible, provided a distinct effort is made, for the Allies to send a large number of aeroplane mother ships to a point, say, fifty miles west of Heligoland, and for a large force of fighting aëroplanes and torpedo planes to start from this place about two hours before dawn, reach Kiel Bay and Wilhelmshaven about dawn, attack the German fleets there and sink the German ships. The distance from Heligoland to Kiel is about ninety land miles, and to Wilhelmshaven about forty-five. The torpedo planes referred to are an invention of Admiral Fiske'swhich, in accordance with what seems to be a fixed and fatalprecedent in the United States, has been ignored by our ownauthorities but eagerly adopted by the naval services of practicallyall the belligerents. One weakness of the aërial attack upon shipsof war is that the bombs dropped from the air, even if they strikethe target, strike upon the protective deck which in most warshipsabove the gunboat class is strong enough to resist, or at least tominimize, the effect of any bomb capable of being carried by anairplane. The real vulnerable part of a ship of war is the thin skinof its hull below water and below the armor belt. This is the pointat which the torpedo strikes. Admiral Fiske's device permits anairplane to carry two torpedoes of the regular Whitehead class andto launch them with such an impetus and at such an angle that theywill take the water and continue their course thereunder exactly asthough launched from a naval torpedo tube. His idea was adopted bothby Great Britain and Germany. British torpedo planes thus equippedsank four Turkish ships in the Sea of Marmora, a field of actionwhich no British ship could have reached after the disastrousfailure to force the Dardanelles. The Germans by employment of thesame device sank at least two Russian ships in the Baltic and oneBritish vessel in the North Sea. The blindness of the United Statesnaval authorities to the merits of this invention was a matterarousing at once curiosity and indignation among observers duringthe early days of our entrance upon the war. CHAPTER VIII INCIDENTS OF THE WAR IN THE AIR In time, no doubt, volumes will be written on the work of the airmenin the Great War. Except the submarine, no such novel and effectivedevice was introduced into the conduct of this colossal struggle asthe scouting airplane. The development of the service was steadyfrom the first day when the Belgian flyers proved their worth atLičge. From mere observation trips there sprang up the air duels, from the duels developed skirmishes, and from these in time pitchedbattles in which several hundred machines would be engaged on eachside. To this extent of development aërial tactics had proceeded bymidsummer of 1917. Their further development must be left to somefuture chronicler to record. It must be noted, however, that at thatearly day the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, pleading for a larger measure of preparation for the perils of war, asserted that the time was not far distant when this country wouldhave to prepare to repel invading fleets of aircraft from Europeanshores. This may have been an exaggeration. At that moment noaircraft had crossed the Atlantic and no effort to make the passagehad been made save those of Wellman and Vanniman. When the gunsbegan to roar on the Belgian frontier there was floating on KeukaLake, New York, a huge hydro-airplane with which it was planned tomake the trans-Atlantic voyage. The project had been financed by Mr. Rodman Wanamaker, of Philadelphia, and the tests of the ship underthe supervision of a young British army officer who was to make thevoyage were progressing most promisingly. But the event that plungedthe world into war put a sudden end to experiments like this for thecommercial development of the airplane. There is every reason tobelieve, however, that such a flight is practicable and that it willultimately be made not long after the world shall have returned topeace and sanity. [Illustration: Photo by Kadel & Herbert. _Later Type of French Scout. _ _The gun mounted on the upper wing is aimed by pointing the machineand is fired by the pilot. _] Airmen are not, as a rule, of a romantic or a literary temperament. Pursuing what seems to the onlooker to be the most adventurous andexhilarating of all forms of military service, they have been charyof telling their experiences and singularly set upon treating themas all in the day's work and eliminating all that is picturesquefrom their narratives. Sergeant James R. McConnell, one of theAmericans in the French flying corps, afterwards killed, tells of aday's service in his most readable book, _Flying for France_, in away that gives some idea of the daily routine of an operator of an_avion de chasse_. He is starting just as the sky at dawn is showinga faint pink toward the eastern horizon, for the aviator's work isbest done in early morning when, as a rule, the sky is clear and thewind light: [Illustration: © U. & U. _Position of Gunner in Early French Machines. _] Drawing forward out of line, you put on full power, race across the grass, and take the air. The ground drops as the hood slants up before you and you seem to be going more and more slowly as you rise. At a great height you hardly realize you are moving. You glance at the clock to note the time of your departure, and at the oil gauge to see its throb. The altimeter registers 650 feet. You turn and look back at the field below and see others leaving. In three minutes you are at about four thousand feet. You have been making wide circles over the field and watching the other machines. At forty-five hundred feet you throttle down and wait on that level for your companions to catch up. Soon the escadrille is bunched and off for the lines. You begin climbing again, gulping to clear your ears in the changing pressure. Surveying the other machines, you recognize the pilot of each by the marks on its side--or by the way he flies. The country below has changed into a flat surface of varicoloured figures. Woods are irregular blocks of dark green, like daubs of ink spilled on a table; fields are geometrical designs of different shades of green and brown, forming in composite an ultra-cubist painting; roads are thin white lines, each with its distinctive windings and crossings--from which you determine your location. The higher you are the easier it is to read. In about ten minutes you see the Meuse sparkling in the morning light, and on either side the long line of sausage-shaped observation balloons far below you. Red-roofed Verdun springs into view just beyond. There are spots in it where no red shows and you know what has happened there. In the green pasture land bordering the town, round flecks of brown indicate the shell holes. You cross the Meuse. Immediately east and north of Verdun there lies a broad, brown band. From the Woevre plain it runs westward to the "S" bend in the Meuse, and on the left bank of that famous stream continues on into the Argonne Forest. Peaceful fields and farms and villages adorned that landscape a few months ago--when there was no Battle of Verdun. Now there is only that sinister brown belt, a strip of murdered Nature. It seems to belong to another world. Every sign of humanity has been swept away. The woods and roads have vanished like chalk wiped from a blackboard; of the villages nothing remains but grey smears where stone walls have tumbled together. The great forts of Douaumont and Vaux are outlined faintly, like the tracings of a finger in wet sand. One cannot distinguish any one shell crater, as one can on the pockmarked fields on either side. On the brown band the indentations are so closely interlocked that they blend into a confused mass of troubled earth. Of the trenches only broken, half-obliterated links are visible. Columns of muddy smoke spurt up continually as high explosives tear deeper into this ulcered area. During heavy bombardment and attacks I have seen shells falling like rain. The countless towers of smoke remind one of Gustave Doré's picture of the fiery tombs of the arch-heretics in Dante's "Hell. " A smoky pall covers the sector under fire, rising so high that at a height of one thousand feet one is enveloped in its mist-like fumes. Now and then monster projectiles hurtling through the air close by leave one's plane rocking violently in their wake. Airplanes have been cut in two by them. For us the battle passes in silence, the noise of one's motor deadening all other sounds. In the green patches behind the brown belt myriads of tiny flashes tell where the guns are hidden; and those flashes, and the smoke of bursting shells, are all we see of the fighting. It is a weird combination of stillness and havoc, the Verdun conflict viewed from the sky. Far below us, the observation and range-finding planes circle over the trenches like gliding gulls. At a feeble altitude they follow the attacking infantrymen and flash back wireless reports of the engagement. Only through them can communication be maintained when, under the barrier fire, wires from the front lines are cut. Sometimes it falls to our lot to guard these machines from Germans eager to swoop down on their backs. Sailing about high above a busy flock of them makes one feel like an old mother hen protecting her chicks. The pilot of an _avion de chasse_ must not concern himself with the ground, which to him is useful only for learning his whereabouts. The earth is all-important to the men in the observation, artillery-regulating, and bombardment machines, but the fighting aviator has an entirely different sphere. His domain is the blue heavens, the glistening rolls of clouds below the fleecy banks towering above the vague aërial horizon, and he must watch it as carefully as a navigator watches the storm-tossed sea. On days when the clouds form almost a solid flooring, one feels very much at sea, and wonders if one is in the navy instead of aviation. The diminutive Nieuports skirt the white expanse like torpedo boats in an arctic sea, and sometimes, far across the cloud-waves, one sights an enemy escadrille, moving as a fleet. Principally our work consists of keeping German airmen away from our lines, and in attacking them when opportunity offers. We traverse the brown band and enter enemy territory to the accompaniment of an anti-aircraft cannonade. Most of the shots are wild, however, and we pay little attention to them. When the shrapnel comes uncomfortably close, one shifts position slightly to evade the range. One glances up to see if there is another machine higher than one's own. Low, and far within the German lines, are several enemy planes, a dull white in appearance, resembling sandflies against the mottled earth. High above them one glimpses the mosquito-like forms of two Fokkers. Away off to one side white shrapnel puffs are vaguely visible, perhaps directed against a German crossing the lines. We approach the enemy machines ahead, only to find them slanting at a rapid rate into their own country. High above them lurks a protection plane. The man doing the "ceiling work, " as it is called, will look after him for us. Getting started is the hardest part of an attack. Once you have begun diving you're all right. The pilot just ahead turns tail up like a trout dropping back to water, and swoops down in irregular curves and circles. You follow at an angle so steep your feet seem to be holding you back in your seat. Now the black Maltese crosses on the German's wings stand out clearly. You think of him as some sort of a big bug. Then you hear the rapid tut-tut-tut of his machine-gun. The man that dived ahead of you becomes mixed up with the topmost German. He is so close it looks as if he had hit the enemy machine. You hear the staccato barking of his mitrailleuse and see him pass from under the German's tail. The rattle of the gun that is aimed at you leaves you undisturbed. Only when the bullets pierce the wings a few feet off do you become uncomfortable. You see the gunner crouched down behind his weapon, but you aim at where the pilot ought to be--there are two men aboard the German craft--and press on the release hard. Your mitrailleuse hammers out a stream of bullets as you pass over and dive, nose down, to get out of range. Then, hopefully, you redress and look back at the foe. He ought to be dropping earthward at several miles a minute. As a matter of fact, however, he is sailing serenely on. They have an annoying habit of doing that, these Boches. Zeppelins as well as the stationary kite balloons and the swiftlyflying airplanes often tempted the fighting aviators to attack. Oneof the most successful of the British champions of the air, thoughhis own life was ended in the second year of the war, wassub-Lieutenant R. A. J. Warneford, of the British Flying Corps. Inhis brief period of service Warneford won more laurels than any ofthe British aviators of the time. He was absolutely fearless, with amarvelous control of the fast Vickers scout which he employed, andfertile in every resource of the chase and of the flight. In aninterview widely printed at the time, Lieutenant Warneford thus toldthe story of his casual meeting of a German Zeppelin high in airbetween Ghent and Brussels and his prompt and systematic destructionof the great balloon. The story as told in his own language readslike the recountal of an everyday event. That to meet an enemy morethan a mile above the earth and demolish him was anythingextraordinary does not seem to have occurred to the aviator. I proceeded on my journey at an increased height [he says]. It was just three o'clock in the morning when all of a sudden I perceived on the horizon about midway between Ghent and Brussels a Zeppelin flying fast at an altitude of about six thousand feet. I immediately flew toward it and when I was almost over the monster I descended about fifteen metres, and flung six bombs at it. The sixth struck the envelope of the ship fair and square in the middle. There was instantly a terrible explosion. The displacement of the air round about me was so great that a tornado seemed to have been produced. My machine tossed upward and then flung absolutely upside down, I was forced to loop the loop in spite of myself. I thought for a moment that the end of everything had come. In the whirl I had the pleasure of seeing my victim falling to the earth in a cloud of flames and smoke. Then by some miracle my machine righted herself and I came to earth in the enemy's country. I was not long on the ground you may be sure. I speedily put myself and my machine into working order again; then I set my engine going. This time the fortunate aviator returned safely to his ownterritory. He had then served only four months, had attained the ageof twenty-three, and even in so brief a service had received theCross of the Legion of Honour from France and the Victoria Crossfrom the British. Only one week after this courageous exploit he waskilled while on a pleasure flight and with him a young Americanjournalist, Henry Beach Needham, to whom he was showing thebattlefield. During the early years of the war all of the governments werepeculiarly secretive concerning all matters relative to theiraviation services. This was probably due to the fact that the flyingcorps was a brand new branch of the service. No nation wasadequately equipped with flyers. Each was afraid to let its enemiesknow how insufficient were its air guards, or what measures werebeing taken to bring the aërial fleet up to the necessary point ofefficiency. Investigators were frowned upon and the aviatorsthemselves were discouraged from much conversation about their work. About the beginning of 1916 the British suddenly awoke to the factthat even in war publicity has its value. It was necessary to arousethe enthusiastic support of the people for recruiting or for theconscription which ultimately was ordered. To do this graphicdescriptions of what was doing at the front in the various branchesof the service seemed necessary. The best writers in England weremobilized for this work. Kipling wrote of the submarines, ConanDoyle of the fighting on the fields of France. The Royal FlyingCorps gave out a detailed story the authorship of which was notstated, but which describes most picturesquely the day of a flyingman. In the United States it appeared in the _Sun_, of New York, andsections of it are reprinted here: "The following bombing will be carried out by No. --Squadron at night (10 P. M. , 12 midnight, and 2 A. M. ). At each of these times three machines, each carrying eight twenty-pound bombs, will bomb respectively P----, C----, H----. " Thus the operation order read one evening in France. Just an ordinary order too, for bombing is carried out day and night incessantly. Bombing by night is usually carried out on towns and villages known to be resting places of the German troops, and it is part of the work of the Royal Flying Corps to see that the Hun never rests. Fritz after a hard spell in the trenches is withdrawn to some shell torn village behind his lines to rest. He enters the ruined house, that forms his billet, and with a sigh of contentment at reaching such luxury after the miseries of trench life prepares to sleep in peace. He dreams of home, and then out of the night comes the terror of the air. A bomb falls in his billet, exploding with a terrific report and doing more damage to the already ruined walls. Possibly a few of his comrades are wounded or killed. Other explosions take place close by and the whole village is in turmoil. Fritz does not sleep again. His nerves are jangled and all possibility of sleep is gone. The next day he is in a worse condition than after a night in the trenches. This continues night after night. The damage to German morale is enormous. From the aërial point of view things are different. A pilot warned for night flying takes it as he takes everything else, with apparent unconcern. He realizes that he will have an uninteresting ride in the dark; the danger from "Archie" will be small, for an airplane is a difficult target to keep under observation with a searchlight, and the danger from hostile aircraft will be smaller still. Over the trenches the star shells of the infantry may be seen, occasionally the flash of a badly concealed gun glints in the darkness or the exploding bombs of a trench raiding party cause tiny sparks to glimmer far below. Probably the enemy, hearing the sound of engines, will turn on his searchlights and sweep the sky with long pencils of light. The pilot may be picked up for a second, and a trifle later the angry bang, bang, bang of "Archie" may be heard, firing excitedly at the place where the aeroplane ought to be but is not--the pilot has probably dipped and changed his course since he was in the rays of the searchlight. He may be caught again for an instant and the performance is repeated. Before long the vicinity of the target is reached and he prepares to drop his bombs, usually eight in number. A little before he is over the spot the first bombs will be released, for the trajectory of the bomb follows the course of the machine if the latter keeps on a straight course and when it explodes the airplane is still overhead. Down far below will be seen a tiny burst of flame; possibly a large fire blazes up and the pilot knows that his work is good. He then turns and repeats his performance until all his bombs are exhausted, when he turns for home. Bombs are usually dropped from a low altitude at night in order to be surer of getting the target. If during the performance any local searchlights are turned on "Archie" gets busy and a merry game of hide and seek in and out the beams takes place. If the airplane is very low, and bombs are sometimes dropped from a height of only a few hundred feet, it is highly probable that the bursting shells do more damage than the airplane's bombs, and it is almost impossible to wing an airplane by night. [Illustration: Photo by Press Illustrating Service. _A French Scout Airplane. _] Over the lines the pilot probably meets more searchlights, dodges them, and gradually descends. Below him he sees the aerodromes of the surrounding squadrons lighted up for landing purposes. Should he be in doubt as to which is his own he fires a certain combination of signal lights and is answered from below. He then lands, hands his machine over to the mechanics, and turns in. [Illustration: Photo by International Film Service. "_Showing Off. _" _A Nieuport performing aërial acrobatics around a heavier bombingmachine. _] So much for night bombing. By day it is different. Though at night it is the billets which usually form the target, by day bombing is carried out for the purpose of damaging specific objects. Railroads, dumps of stores and ammunition, and enemy aerodromes are the favourite targets. The raiding machines fly in formation and are surrounded by other machines used solely for protective purposes. Generally a raid is carried out by machines from two squadrons, the bomb carriers belonging to a corps wing and the escorting machines to an army wing. All the machines meet at a prearranged rendezvous well on our side of the line at a certain time and a given altitude. There they manoeuvre into their correct formation. A flight commander leads the raid and his machine is distinguished by streamers tied to it. Once over the target the fighters scatter and patrol the neighbourhood while the bombers discharge their missiles on the objective. Usually, unless anti-aircraft fire is very heavy, they descend a few thousand feet to make surer of the target, and when their work is completed rise again to the level of the escort. Results can usually be fairly judged by day. An ammunition dump quickly shows if it is hit and stores soon burst into flame. Railway stations or junctions show clearly damage to buildings or overturned trucks, but the damage to the track itself is hard to estimate. Aerodromes may be bombed for the purpose of destroying enemy machines in their hangars or merely in order to spoil the landing by blowing holes all over the place. It is with great delight that a pilot remarks in his report that a hostile machine, surrounded by mechanics, was about to ascend, but that instead he had descended to within a few hundred feet and obtained a direct hit, with the result that the enemy machine, including the surrounding men, seemed to be severely damaged. One officer on a bomb raid saw his chance in this way, descended to four hundred feet under intense rifle fire, successfully bombed the enemy machine, which was just emerging from its hangar, and then tried to make off. Unfortunately at this moment his engine petered out, possibly on account of the enemy's fire, and he had to descend. By skillful planing he managed to descend about three quarters of a mile away, in full view of the enemy. Instead of giving up the ghost and at once firing his machine, this officer jumped out and, utterly unperturbed by the German fire or by the Huns making across country to take him prisoner, commenced to inspect the engine. Luckily he found the cause of the trouble at once, put it right, --it was only a trifling mishap, --adjusted the controls, and swung the propeller. The engine started, he jumped in, with the nearest Hun only a hundred yards off, and opening the throttle raced over the ground and into the air pursued by a futile fusillade of bullets. His engine held out and he safely regained his aerodrome, after having been reported missing by his comrades. For this escapade he received the Military Cross--a well-earned reward. When all the bombs have been dropped and the formation resumed the machines head for home. It is on the homeward journey that events may be expected, for time enough has elapsed for the Hun to detail a squadron to intercept our returning machines and pick off any stragglers that may fall behind. It is a favourite Boche manoeuvre to detail some of his slow machines to entice our fighters away from the main body, and when this has been accomplished, to attack the remainder with Fokkers, which dive from aloft onto the bombing machines. This trick is now well-known and the fighters rarely leave their charges until the latter are in comparative safety. Sometimes a Hun of more sporting character than his brothers will wait alone for the returning convoy, hiding himself thousands of feet up in the clouds until he sees his moment. Then singling out a machine he will dive at it, pouring out a stream of bullets as he falls. Sometimes he achieves his object and a British machine falls to earth, but whatever the result, the Hun does not alter his tactics. He dives clean through the whole block of machines, down many thousands of feet, only flattening out when close to the ground. The whole affair is so swift--just one lightning dive--that long before a fighter can reach the Hun the latter is away thousands of feet below and heading for home and safety. Every Fokker pilot knows that once his surprise dive is over he has no chance against another machine--the build of the Fokker only allows this one method of attack--and he does not stop to argue about it. His offensive dive becomes a defensive one--that is the sole difference. Sometimes a large squadron of German machines, composed of various types of airplanes, intercepts a returning formation. If it attacks a grand aërial battle ensues. The British fighting machines spread out in a screen to allow the bombing machines a chance of escape and then attack the Huns as they arrive. In one place one British airplane will be defending itself from two or three German machines; close by two or three of our busses will be occupied in sending a Hun to his death; elsewhere more equal combats rage and the whole sky becomes an aërial battlefield, where machines perform marvellous evolutions, putting the best trick flying of pre-war days very much in the shade. No sooner has a pilot accounted for his foe, by killing him, forcing him to descend, or making him think discretion the better part of valour, than he turns to the help of a hard-pressed brother, surprising the enemy by an attack from the rear or otherwise creating a diversion. A single shot in the petrol tank proves fatal; loss of pressure ensues, the engine fails, and the pilot is forced to descend. He can usually land safely, but should he be in enemy territory he must fire his machine and prepare for a holiday in Germany. Should he be fortunate enough to plane over our lines little damage is done; the tank can be repaired and the machine made serviceable again. But for the time being he is out of the fight. Sometimes the escaping petrol may ignite and the pilot and observer perish in the flames--the most terrible fate of all. The aërial battle ends in one of two ways: one side is outmanoeuvred, outnumbered, and has lost several machines and flies to safety, or, the more usual ending, both sides exhaust their ammunition, only a limited quantity perforce being carried, and the fight is of necessity broken off. Meanwhile the bombing machines have probably crossed the line in safety, and their duty is finished. Should they be attacked by a stray machine they are armed and quite capable of guarding themselves against any attack except one in force. During these bomb raids photographs of the target are frequently obtained or should the staff require any district crossed on the journey and taken they are generally secured by bombing machines. It is wonderful what minute details may be seen in a photograph taken at a height of from eight to twelve thousand feet, and our prints, which are far superior to those taken by the Hun, have revealed many useful points which would otherwise have remained unknown. When it is remembered that a single machine crossing the line is heavily shelled it may be conceived what an immense concentration of "Archies" is made on the raiders on their return. It is remarkable what feeble results are obtained considering the intensity of the bombardment, but rarely is a machine brought down, though casualties naturally occur occasionally. Lieutenant C. , in company with other machines, had successfully bombed his target and had meanwhile been heavily shelled, with the result that his engine was not giving its full number of revolutions and he lagged a little behind the rest of the formation. No hostile aircraft appeared and all went well until he was about to cross the lines, when a terrific bombardment was opened on him. He dodged and turned to the best of his ability, but a well-aimed shell burst just above him and a piece of the "Archie" hit him on the head, not seriously wounding him, but knocking him unconscious. The machine, deprived of the guiding hand, immediately got into a dive and commenced a rapid descent from ten thousand feet, carrying the unconscious pilot with it, to be dashed to pieces on the ground. Whether the rush of air, the sudden increase of pressure, or the passing off of the effect of the blow caused the disabled man to come to his senses is not known, but when the machine was only a few hundred feet from the ground, Lieutenant C. Recovered his senses sufficiently to realize his position and managed to pull the machine up and make a landing. He then lapsed into unconsciousness again. Had he remained in his state of collapse half a minute longer, he would inevitably have been killed. Another curious case of wounding was that of Lieutenant H. , who was also returning from a bomb raid. When passing through the heavily shelled zone his machine was hit by a shell, which passed through the floor by the pilot's seat and out at the top without exploding. Lieutenant H. Thought it must have been very close to his leg, but he was so fully occupied with manoeuvring to dodge other shells that he had no time to think of it. He crossed the line and began to plane down when he was aware of a feeling of faintness, but pulling himself together he landed his machine, taxied up to the sheds, and attempted to get out. It was only then that he realized that his leg was shot almost completely off above the knee; the lower part was merely hanging by a piece of skin. Incredible as it may seem the shell which hit his machine also tore through the leg--luckily without exploding--unknown to Lieutenant H. Probably the force of the blow and excitement of the moment caused it to pass unnoticed and the torn nature of the wound helped to close the arteries and prevent his bleeding to death. He recovered, and though no longer flying is still engaged in doing his duty for the duration of the war. [Illustration: _Raid on a Troop Train by John E. Whiting. _] The courage and dash of the American aviators, serving with theFrench Army, led the Allies to expect great things of our flyingcorps which should be organized immediately after our declaration ofwar. About the time of that declaration Major L. W. B. Rees, of theBritish Flying Corps, came to the United States for the purpose ofgiving to our authorities the benefit of British experience inraising and equipping aërial fleets and in the development of themost efficient tactics. Major Rees in an official statement setforth many facts of general interest concerning the various flyingservices of the belligerent armies. The British, he said, fly onthree levels with three different kinds of machines. Nearest theground, about six thousand feet up, are the artillery directors whohover about cutting big figure eights above the enemy trenches andflash back directions by wireless to the British artillerists. Theseobservers are, of course, exposed to attack from anti-aircraft guns, the effective range of which had by the middle of war become asgreat as ten thousand feet. Yet, as has already been noted, theamount of execution done by these weapons was surprisingly small. The observers are protected from attack from above, first by theheavy fighting planes, flying at ten thousand feet, carrying two mento the plane and able to keep the air for four hours at a time at aspeed of 110 miles an hour. They are supposed to use every possiblevigilance to keep the enemy's fighters away from the slower and busyobserving machines. In this they are seconded by the lighter one-manfighting machines which cruise about at a height of fifteen thousandfeet at a speed of 130 miles an hour and able to make a straightupward dash at the rate of ten thousand feet in ten minutes. Theaviators of these latter machines came to describe their task as"ceiling work, " suggesting that they operated at the very top of theworld's great room. They are able to keep the air only about twohours at a time. Americans, perhaps, gave exaggerated importance to the work of theLafayette Escadrille which was manned wholly by American boys, andwhich, while in service from the very beginning of the war, was thefirst section of the French Army permitted to display the flag ofthe United States in battle after our declaration of war. It wasmade up, in the main, of young Americans of good family andindependent means, most of them being college students who had laiddown their books for the more exciting life of an airman. They paidheavily in the toll of death for their adventure and for theconviction which led them to take the side of democracy and right inthe struggle against autocracy and barbarism months, even years, before their nation finally determined to join with them. In thefirst two and a half years of the war, seven of the aviators in thiscomparatively small body lost their lives. Harvard College was particularly well represented in the AmericanFlying Corps--although this is a proper and pertinent place to saythat the sympathy shown for the allied cause by the young collegiansof the United States was a magnificent evidence of the loftyrighteousness of their convictions and the spirit of democracy withwhich they looked out upon the world. When the leash was taken offby the declaration of war by the United States the college boysflocked to training camps and enlistment headquarters in a way thatbade fair to leave those institutions of learning without studentsfor some years to come. But to hark back to Harvard, it had in the Lafayette Escadrille fivemen in 1916; three of these, Kiffen Rockwell, Norman Prince, andVictor Chapman, were killed in that year. A letter published in_Harvard Volunteers in Europe_ tells of the way these younggladiators started the day's work: Rockwell called me up at three: "Fine day, fine day, get up!" It was very clear. We hung around at Billy's [Lieutenant Thaw] and took chocolate made by his ordonnance. Hall and the Lieutenant were guards on the field; but Thaw, Rockwell, and I thought we would take _a tour chez les Boches_. Being the first time the _mechanaux_ were not there and the machine gun rolls not ready. However it looked misty in the Vosges, so we were not hurried. "Rendezvous over the field at a thousand metres, " shouted Kiffen. I nodded, for the motor was turning; and we sped over the field and up. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A Burning Balloon, Photographed from a Parachute by the EscapingBalloonist. _] In my little cockpit from which my shoulders just protrude I have several diversions besides flying. The compass, of course, and the map I keep tucked in a tiny closet over the reservoir before my knees, a small clock and one altimetre. But most important is the contour, showing revolutions of the motor which one is constantly regarding as he moves the manettes of gasoline and gas back and forth. To husband one's fuel and tease the motor to round eleven takes attention, for the carburetor changes with the weather and the altitude. . . . The earth seemed hidden under a fine web such as the Lady of Shalott wove. Soft purple in the west, changing to shimmering white in the east. Under me on the left the Vosges like rounded sand dunes cushioned up with velvety light and dark masses (really forests), but to the south standing firmly above the purple cloth like icebergs shone the Alps. My! they look steep and jagged. The sharp blue shadows on their western slopes emphasized the effect. One mighty group standing aloof to the west--Mount Blanc perhaps. Ah, there are quantities of worm-eaten fields my friends the trenches--and that town with the canal going through it must be M----. Right beside the capote of my engine, showing through the white cloth a silver snake--the Rhine! What, not a quarter to six, and I left the field at five! Thirty-two hundred metres. Let's go north and have a look at the map. While thus engaged a black puff of smoke appeared behind my tail and I had the impression of hearing a piece of iron hiss by. "Must have got my range first shot!" I surmised, and making a steep bank piqued heavily. "There, I have lost them now. " The whole art of avoiding shells is to pay no attention till they get your range and then dodge away, change altitude, and generally avoid going in a straight line. In point of fact, I could see bunches of exploding shells up over my right shoulder not a kilometre off. They continued to shell that section for some time; the little balls of smoke thinning out and merging as they crossed the lines. In the earlier days of the war, when the American aviators werestill few, their deeds were widely recounted in their home country, and their deaths were deplored as though a personal loss to many oftheir countrymen. Later they went faster and were lost in the dailyreports. Among those who had early fixed his personality in theminds of those who followed the fortunes of the little band ofAmericans flying in France was Kiffen Rockwell, mentioned in anearlier paragraph, and one of the first to join the Americanescadrille. Rockwell was in the war from sincere conviction of therighteousness of the Allies' cause. "I pay my part for Lafayette, and Rochambeau, " he said proudly, whenasked what he was doing in a French uniform flying for France. Andpay he did though not before making the Germans pay heavily fortheir part. Once, flying alone over Thann, he came upon a Germanscout. Without hesitation the battle was on. Rockwell's machine wasthe higher, had the better position. As aërial tactics demanded hedived for the foe, opening fire as soon as he came within thirty orforty yards. At his fourth shot the enemy pilot fell forward in hisseat and his machine fell heavily to earth. He lighted behind theGerman lines much to the victor's disgust, for it was counted ahigher achievement to bring your foe to earth in your own territory. But Rockwell was able to pursue his victim far enough to see thewreck burst into flames. Though often wounded, Rockwell scorned danger. He would go intoaction so bandaged that he seemed fitter to go to an hospital. Hewas always on the attack--"shoved his gun into the enemy's face" ashis fellows in the escadrille expressed it. So in September, 1916, he went out after a big German machine, he saw flying in Frenchterritory. He had but little difficulty in climbing above it, andthen dashed down in his usual impetuous manner, his machine gunblazing as he came on. But the German was of heavier metal mountingtwo machine guns. Just as to onlookers it seemed that the twomachines would crash together, the wings of one side of Rockwell'splane suddenly collapsed and he fell like a stone between the lines. The Germans turned their guns on the pile of wreckage where he lay, but French gunners ran out and brought his body in. His breast wasall blown to pieces with an explosive bullet--criminal, of course, barbarous and uncivilized, but an everyday practice of the Germans. Rockwell was given an impressive funeral. All the British pilots, and five hundred of their men marched, and the bier was followed bya battalion of French troops. Over and around the little Frenchgraveyard aviators flew dropping flowers. In later days lessceremony attended the last scene of an American aviator's career. Another American aviator, also a Harvard man, who met death in theair, was Victor Chapman of New York, a youth of unusual charm, highideals, and indomitable courage. At the very outbreak of the war heenlisted in the French Foreign Legion--a rough entourage for acollege-bred man. Into the Foreign Legion drifted everything thatwas doubtful, and many that were criminal. No questions were askedof those who sought its hospitable ranks, and readers of Ouida'snovel _Under Two Flags_ will recall that it enveloped in itsconvenient obscurity British lordlings and the lowest of Catalonianthieves. But in time of actual war its personnel was less mixed, andChapman's letters showed him serving there contentedly as pointer ofa mitrailleuse. But not for long. Most of the spirited youngAmericans who entered the French Army aspired to serve in theaviation corps, and Chapman soon was transferred to that field. There he developed into a most daring flyer. On one occasion, with abad scalp wound, after a brush with four German machines, he madehis landing with his machine so badly wrecked that he had to holdtogether the broken ends of a severed control with one hand, whilehe steered with the other. Instead of laying up for the day he hadhis mechanician repair his machine while a surgeon repaired him, then, patched up together, man and machine took the air again insearch for the Boches. In June, 1916, though still suffering from a wound in the head, hestarted in his machine to carry some oranges to a comrade lyingdesperately wounded in a hospital some miles away. On the way he sawin the distance behind the German lines two French airmen set uponby an overwhelming force of Germans. Instantly he was off to theassistance of his friends, plunging into so unequal a fight thateven his coming left the other Americans outnumbered. But he hadscarce a chance to strike a blow. Some chance shot from a German gunput him out of action. All that the other two Americans, Lufbery andPrince, knew was that they saw a French machine come flying to theiraid, and suddenly tip and fall away to earth. Until nightfall cameand Chapman failed to return none was sure that he was the victim. The part played by young Americans as volunteers for France beforethe United States entered upon the war was gallant and stimulatingto national pride. It showed to the world--and to our own countrymenwho needed the lesson as much as any--that we had among our youthscores who, moved by high ideals, stood ready to risk their livesfor a sentiment--stood ready to brave the myriad discomforts of thetrenches, the bursting shrapnel, the mutilating liquid fire, thetorturing gas that German autocracy should be balked of its purposeof dominating the world. And the service of these boys aided far more than they knew. Thefact that our countrymen in numbers were flying for France kept everbefore the American people the vision of that war in the air ofwhich poets and philosophers had dreamed for ages. It brought hometo our people the importance of aviation before our statesmen couldbegin to see it. It set our boys to reading of aircraft, buildingmodel planes, haunting the few aviation fields which at the time ourcountry possessed. And it finally so filled the consciousness of ourpeople with conviction of the supreme importance of aviation as anarm of the national armed service that long before the declarationof war the government was embarrassed by the flood of volunteersseeking to be enrolled in the flying forces of the nation. CHAPTER IX THE UNITED STATES AT WAR The entrance of the United States upon the war was the signal for amost active agitation of the question of overwhelming the enemy withillimitable fleets of aircraft. Though the agitation was mostvociferous in this country whence it was hoped the enormous newfleets of aircraft would come, it was fomented and earnestly pressedby our Allies. France sent a deputation of her leading flyers overto supervise the instruction of our new pilots. England contributedexperts to advise as to the construction of our machines. The mostcomprehensive plans were urged upon Congress and the Administrationfor the creation of a navy of the air. A bill for an initialappropriation of $640, 000, 000, for aircraft purposes alone, waspassed and one for a Department of Aeronautics to be established, co-ordinate with those of War and the Navy, its secretary holding aseat in the cabinet, was introduced in Congress. Many of the mosteminent retired officers of the navy joined in their support. Retired officers only because officers in active service wereestopped from political agitation. There was every possible reason for this great interest in theUnited States in wartime aviation. The nation had long beenshamefaced because the development of the heavier-than-air machines, having their origin undoubtedly in the inventive genius of ProfessorLangley and the Wrights, had been taken away from us by the morealert governments of France and Germany. The people were ready tobuy back something of our lost prestige by building the greatest ofair fleets at the moment when it should exercise the mostdeterminative influence upon the war. But more. We entered upon the war in our chronic state ofunpreparedness. We were without an army and without equipment forone. To raise, equip, and drill an army of a million, the leastnumber that would have any appreciable effect upon the outcome ofthe war, would take months. When completed we would have added onlyto the numerical superiority of the Allies on the Western Front. Thequality of a novel and decisive contribution to the war would belacking. So too it was with our navy. The British Navy was amply adequate todeal with the German fleet should the latter ever leave its prudentretreat behind Helgoland and in the bases of Kiel and Wilhelmshaven. True it was not capable of crushing out altogether the submarinemenace, but it did hold the German underwater boats down to a fixedaverage of ships destroyed, which was far less than half of what theGermans had anticipated. In this work our ships, especially ourdestroyers, took a notable part. The argument for a monster fleet of fighting aircraft, thus came tothe people of the United States in a moment of depression andperplexity. By land the Germans had dug themselves in, holding allof Belgium and the thousands of square miles of France they had wonin their first dash to the Marne. What they had won swiftly andcheaply could only be regained slowly and at heavy cost. True, theAllies were, day by day, driving them back from their position, butthe cost was disheartening and the progress but slow. By sea the Germans refused to bring their fleet to battle with theirfoes. But from every harbour of Belgium, and from Wilhelmshaven andKiel, they sent out their sinister submarines to prey upon thecommerce of the world--neutral as well as belligerent. Against themthe navies of the world were impotent. To the threat that by themGermany would starve England into cowering surrender, the onlyanswer was the despairing effort to build new ships faster than thesubmarines could sink those afloat--even though half a million tonsa month were sent to the bottom in wasteful destruction. [Illustration: Photo by Levick. _A Caproni Biplane Circling the Woolworth Building. _] Faced by these disheartening conditions, wondering what they mightdo that could be done quickly and aid materially in bringing the warto a triumphant conclusion, the American people listened eagerly tothe appeals and arguments of the advocates of a monster aërialfleet. [Illustration: © International Film Service. _Cruising at 2000 Feet. _ _One Biplane photographed from another. _] Listen [said these advocates], we show you a way to spring full panoplied into the war, and to make your force felt with your first stroke. We are not preaching dreadnoughts that take four years to build. We are not asking for a million men taking nearly a year to gather, equip, drill, and transport to France, in imminent danger of destruction by the enemy's submarines every mile of the way. We ask you for a cheap, simple device of wood, wire, and cloth, with an engine to drive it. All its parts are standardized. In a few weeks the nation can be equipped to turn out 2000 of them weekly. We want within the year 100, 000 of them. We do not ask for a million men. We want 10, 000 bright, active, hardy, plucky American boys between 20 and 25 years of age. We want to give them four months' intensive training before sending them into the air above the enemy's lines. In time we shall want 25, 000 to 35, 000 but the smaller number will well do to open the campaign. And what will they effect? Do you know that to-day the eyes of an army are its airplanes? Cavalry has disappeared practically. If a general wishes to pick out a weak point in his enemy's line to assault he sends out airmen to find it. If he is annoyed by the fire of some distant unseen battery over the hills and far away he sends a man in an airplane who brings back its location, its distance, and perhaps a photograph of it in action. If he suspects that his foe is abandoning his trenches, or getting ready for an attack, the ready airmen bring in the facts. And of course the enemy's airmen serve their side in the same manner. They spy out what their foe is doing, and so far as their power permits prevent him from seeing what they are doing. Now suppose one side has an enormous preponderance of aircraft--six to one, let us say. It is not believed, for example, that at this moment Germany has more than 10, 000 aircraft on the whole western front. Let us imagine that through the enterprise of the United States our Allies were provided with 25, 000 on one sector which we intended to make the scene of an attack on the foe. Say the neighbourhood of Arras and Lille. For days, weeks perhaps, we would be drawing troops toward this sector from every part of the line. Through the reports of spies the enemy's suspicions would be aroused. It is the business of an efficient general to be suspicious. He would send out his airplanes to report on the activities of the other side. Few would come back. None would bring a useful report. For every German plane that showed above the lines three Allied planes would be ready to attack and destroy it or beat it back. The air would be full of Allied airmen--the great bombing planes flying low and inundating the trenches with bombs, and the troops on march with the deadly fléchettes. Over every German battery would soar the observation plane indicating by tinsel or smoke bombs the location of the guns, or even telegraphing it back by wireless to the Allied batteries safe in positions which the blinded enemy could never hope to find. Above all in myriads would be soaring the swift fighting scouts, the Bleriots, Nieuports, Moranes or perhaps some new American machine to-day unknown. Let the wing of a Boche but show above the smoke and they would be upon him in hordes, beating him to the ground, enveloping him in flames, annihilating him before he had a chance to observe, much less to report. What think you would be the result on that sector of the battle line? Why the foe would be cut to pieces, demolished, obliterated. Blinded, he would be unrelentingly punished by an adversary all eyes. Writhing under the concentrated fire of a thousand guns he could make no response, for his own guns could not find the attacking batteries. Did he think to flee? His retreating columns would be marked down by the relentless scouts in the air, and the deadly curtain of fire from well-coached batteries miles away would sweep every road with death. If in desperation he sought to attack he would do so ignorant whether he were not hurling his regiments against the strongest part of the Allied line, and with full knowledge of the fact that though he was blinded they had complete information of his strength and dispositions. The argument impressed itself strongly upon the mind of the country. There appeared indeed no public sentiment hostile to it nor anyorganized opposition to the proposition for an enormousappropriation for purposes of aviation. The customary inertia ofCongress delayed the actual appropriation for some months. But thePresident espoused its cause and the Secretaries both of War and theNavy warmly recommended it, although they united in opposing theproposition to establish a distinct department of aeronautics with aseat in the Cabinet. Being human neither one desired to let hisshare of this great new gift of power slip out of his hands. Leadingin the fight for this legislation was Rear-Admiral Robert E. Peary, U. S. N. , retired, the discoverer of the North Pole. Admiral Pearyfrom the very outbreak of the war consecrated his time and hisabilities to pushing the development of aeronautics in the UnitedStates. He was continually before Congressional committees urgingthe fullest appropriations for this purpose. In his first statementbefore the Senate Committee he declared that "in the immediatefuture the air service will be more important than the army and navycombined, " and supported that statement by reference to utterancesmade by such British authorities as Mr. Balfour, Lord CharlesBeresford, Lord Northcliffe, and Lord Montague. In an articlepublished shortly after his appearance before the Senate Committee, the Admiral summarized in a popular way his views as to thepossibility of meeting the submarine menace with aircraft, and whatthe United States might do in that respect. He wrote: We are receiving agreeable reports as to the efficiency of the American destroyer flotilla now operating against submarines in the North Sea. An unknown naval officer, according to the newspapers of May 30th, calls for the immediate construction of from 100 to 200 additional American destroyers. By all means let us have this force--when it can be made ready--but it would take at least two years to construct, equip, and deliver such a heavy additional naval tonnage, while 200 fighting seaplanes, with a full complement of machine guns, bombs, microphones, and aërial cameras, could be put in active service in the North Sea within six months. Seaplanes, small dirigibles on the order of the English "blimp" type, and kite balloons have already shown themselves to be more effective in detecting submarines than are submarine chasers or armed liners. Not only have the British, French, German, and Turkish forces destroyed trawlers, patrol boats, and transports by aircraft, but successful experiments in airplane submarine hunting have also been made in this country. In September, 1916, our first Aërial Coast Patrol Unit, in acting as an auxiliary to the Mosquito Squadron in the annual manoeuvres of the Atlantic fleet, detected objects smaller than the latest type of German submarines from fifteen to twenty feet below the surface. A more complete aërial submarine hunt took place on March 26th of this year. This was the real thing, because the fliers were looking for German U-boats. Inasmuch as the Navy Department is still waiting before establishing its first and only aeronautical base on the Atlantic seaboard, the honour of having conducted the first aërial hunt of the enemy submarines in American history went to the civilian aviators who are soon to be a part of the Aërial Reserve Squadron at Governor's Island and to the civilian instructors and aërial reservists connected with the Army Aviation School at Mineola, Long Island. These hawks of the air darted up and down the coast in search of the enemy, often flying as far as eleven miles out to sea. The inlets and bays were searched, vessels plotted, compass direction and time when located were given. No enemy submarines were found. It developed that the supposed submarines were two patrol motor-boats returning from a trial trip. Nevertheless the incident is illuminating, and the official statement of the Navy Department closed with the words: "This incident emphasizes the need of hydroaëroplanes for naval scouting purposes. " It is also interesting to note what happened when Lawrence Sperry went out to sea one day last summer in his hydroplane and failed to return. Two seaplanes and three naval destroyers were sent in search of him. In forty minutes the seaplanes returned with the news that they had located Sperry floating safely on the water. At the end of the day, after several hours of search, the destroyers came back without having seen Sperry at all. Those who may still believe that we Americans cannot build aircraft and that all the exploits we read so much about in the newspapers taking place on the other side are being done in foreign aircraft will be surprised to know that a large number of the big flying boats now in use in the English navy, harbour, and coast defence work are Curtiss machines, designed and built in this country by Americans, with American material and American engines. Great Britain wants all the machines of this type that it can get, and sees no reason why we cannot do the same thing in protecting our own Atlantic seaboard. I quote from C. G. Grey, editor of _The London Aeroplane_: "Curiously enough, these big flying boats originated in America, and, if America is seriously perturbed about the fate of American shipping and American citizens travelling by sea in the vicinity of Europe, it should not be a difficult matter for America to rig up in a very small space of time quite a fleet of seaplane carriers suitable for the handling of these big seaplanes. If each seaplane ship were armed with guns having a range of five to ten miles, and if the gunners were practised in co-operating with airplane spotters, such ships ought to be the very best possible insurance for American lives and goods on the high seas. " I quote from _The Associated Press_ report from Paris on May 14th to show the relative importance of aëroplanes in submarine attacks: "During the last three months French patrol boats have had twelve engagements with submarines, French hydroaëroplanes have fought them thirteen times, and there have been sixteen engagements between armed merchantmen and submarines. " Henry Woodhouse, one of the most distinguished authorities on aeronautics in the United States, in his standard _Textbook on Naval Aeronautics_, published by the Century Company, has assembled the following data on submarine and aeroplane combats: "On May 4, 1915, the German Admiralty reported an engagement between a German dirigible and several British submarines in the North Sea. The submarines fired on the dirigible without success, whereas bombs from the dirigible sank one submarine. "On May 31, 1915, the German Admiralty announced the sinking of a Russian submarine by bombs dropped by German naval aviators near Gotland. "On July 1, 1915, the Austrian submarine U-11 was destroyed in the Adriatic by a French aeroplane, which swooped suddenly and dropped three bombs directly on the deck of the submarine. The craft was destroyed and the entire crew of twenty-five were lost. "On July 27, 1915, a German submarine in the Dardanelles was about to launch a torpedo at a British transport filled with troops and ammunition, when British aviators gave the alarm to the transport, and immediately began dropping bombs at the submarine, which had to submerge and escape hurriedly, without launching its torpedo. "On August 19, 1915, the Turkish War Office stated that an Allied submarine had been sunk in the Dardanelles by a Turkish aeroplane. "On August 26, the Secretary of the British Admiralty announced that Squadron Commander Arthur W. Bigsworth in a single-handed attack bombed and destroyed a German submarine off Ostend. "Lieutenant Viney received the Victoria Cross and Lieutenant de Sincay was recommended for the Legion of Honour for having flown over a German submarine and destroyed it with bombs off the Belgian coast on November 18, 1915. "Early in 1916 an Austrian seaplane sank the French submarine _Foucault_ in the southern Adriatic. Lieutenant Calezeny was the pilot and the observer was Lieutenant von Klinburg. After crippling the submarine they then performed the remarkable feat of calling another Austrian seaplane and rescuing the entire French crew, two officers and twenty seven men, in spite of the fact that a high sea was running at the time. " It will be noted that Admiral Peary lays great stress on the supremevalue of aircraft as foes of the submarine. This was due to the factthat at about the time of his appearance before the Senate Committeethe world was fairly panic-stricken by the vigour and effect of theGerman submarine campaign and its possible bearing upon the outcomeof the war. Of that campaign I shall have more to say in the sectionof this book dealing with submarines. But the subject of theundersea boat in war became at this time inextricably interwovenwith that of the aërial fleets, and the sudden development of thelatter, together with the marked interest taken in it by our people, cannot be understood without some description of the way in whichthe two became related. From the very beginning of the war the Germans had prosecuted adesultory submarine warfare on the shipping of Great Britain and hadextended it gradually until neutral shipping also was largelyinvolved. All the established principles of international law, orprinciples that had been supposed to be established, were set atnaught. In bygone days enemy merchant ships were subject todestruction only after their crews had been given an opportunity totake to the boats. Neutral ships bearing neutral goods, even ifbound to an enemy port, were liable to destruction only if foundupon visit to be carrying goods that were contraband of war. Thelist of contraband had been from time immemorial rigidly limited, and confined almost wholly to munitions of war, or to raw materialused in their construction. But international law went by the boardearly in the war. Each belligerent was able to ascribe plausiblereasons for its amendment out of recognizable form. Great Britainestablished blockades two hundred miles away from the blockadedports because the submarines made the old practice of watching atthe entrance of the port too perilous. The list of contraband of warwas extended by both belligerents until it comprehended almost everyuseful article grown, mined, or manufactured. But the amendment tointernational law which acted as new fuel for the flames of war, which aroused the utmost world-wide indignation, and which finallydragged the United States into the conflict, was that by whichGermany sought to relieve her submarine commanders of the duty ofvisiting and searching a vessel, or of giving its people time toprovide for their safety, before sinking it. [Illustration: © U. & U. _An Air Battle in Progress. _] The German argument was that the submarine was unknown when the codeof international law then in force was formulated. It was apeculiarly delicate naval weapon. Its strength lay in its ability tokeep itself concealed while delivering its attack. If exposed on thesurface a shot from a small calibred gun striking in a vital pointwould instantly send it to the bottom. If rammed it was lost. Shoulda submarine rise to the surface, send an officer aboard a ship ithad halted, and await the result of his search, it would be exposedall the time to destruction at the hands of enemy vessels coming upto her aid. Indeed if the merchantman happened to carry one gun asingle shot might put the assailant out of business. Accordingly thepractice grew up among the Germans of launching their torpedoeswithout a word of warning at their helpless victim. The woundinflicted by a torpedo is such that the ship will go down in but afew minutes carrying with it most of the people aboard. The mostglaring, inexcusable, and criminal instance of this sort of warfarewas the sinking without warning of the great passenger liner, _Lusitania_, by which more than eleven hundred people were drowned, one hundred and fourteen of them American citizens. [Illustration: Photo by U. & U. _A Curtis Hydroaëroplane. _] Against this policy--or piracy--the United States protested, andpeople of this country waxed very weary as month after month throughthe years 1915 and 1916 Germany met the protests with polite lettersof evasion and excuse continuing the while the very practicecomplained of. But late in January, 1917, her government announcedthat there would be no longer any pretence of complying withinternational law, but that with the coming month a campaign ofunlimited submarine ruthlessness would be begun and ships sunkwithout warning and irrespective of their nationality if theyappeared in certain prohibited zones. Within twenty-four hours theUnited States sent the German Ambassador from the country and withintwo months we were at war. At once the submarine was seen to be the great problem confrontingus. Its attack was not so much upon the United States, for we are aself-contained nation able to raise all that we need within our ownborders for our own support. But England is a nation that has to befed from without. Seldom are her stores of food great enough toavert starvation for more than six weeks should the steady flow ofsupply ships from America and Australia to her ports be interrupted. This interruption the Germans proposed to effect by means of theirunderwater boats. Von Tirpitz and other leaders in the Germanadministration promised the people that within six weeks Englandwould be starved and begging for peace at any price. The output ofsubmarines from German navy yards was greatly increased. Theiractivity became terrifying. The Germans estimated that if they couldsink 1, 000, 000 tons of shipping monthly they would put England outof action in two or three months. For some weeks the destructionaccomplished by their boats narrowly approached this estimate, butgradually fell off. At the same time there was no period in 1917 upto the time of Admiral Peary's statement, or indeed up to that ofthe preparation of this book, when it was not felt that the cause ofthe Allies was in danger because of the swarms of German submarines. It was that feeling, coupled with the wide-spread belief thataircraft furnished the best means of combating the submarine, thatcaused an irresistible demand in the United States for theconstruction of colossal fleets of these flying crafts. Congressenacted in midsummer the law appropriating $640, 000, 000 for theconstruction of aircraft and the maintenance of the aërial service. The Secretaries of War and the Navy each appealed for heavyadditional appropriations for aërial service. The arguments whichhave already been set forth as supporting the use of aircraft inmilitary service were paralleled by those who urge its unlimited usein naval service. Consider [said they] the primary need for attacking these vipers of the sea in their nests. Once out on the broad Atlantic their chances of roaming about undetected by destroyers or other patrol boats are almost unlimited. But we know where they come from, from Kiel, Antwerp, Wilhelmshaven, Ostend, and Zeebrugge. Catch them there and you will destroy them as boys destroy hornets by smoking out their nests. But against this the Germans have provided by blocking every avenue of approach save one. The channels are obstructed and mined, and guarded from the shore by heavy batteries. No hostile ships dare run that gauntlet. Even the much-boasted British navy in the three years of the war has not ventured to attack a single naval base. You could not even seek out the submarines thus sheltered by other submarines because running below the surface our boats could not detect either mines or nets and would be doomed to destruction. The enemy boats come out on the surface protected by the batteries and naval craft. But the air cannot be blocked by any fixed defences. Give us more and more powerful aircraft than the Germans possess and we will darken the sky above the German bases with the wings of our airplanes, and rain explosive shells upon the submarines that have taken shelter there until none survive. The one essential is that our flyers shall be in overwhelming numbers. We must be able not only to take care of any flying force that the Germans may send against us, but also to have enough of our aircraft not engaged in the aërial battle to devote their entire attention to the destruction of the enemy forces below. From every country allied with us came approval of this policy. Atthe time the debate was pending in Congress our Allies one afteranother were sending to us official commissions to consult upon theconduct of the war, to give us the benefit of their long and bitterexperience in it, and to assist in any way our preparations fortaking a decisive part in that combat. The subject of the part to beplayed by aircraft was one frequently discussed with them. With theFrench commission came two members of the staff of General Joffre, Major Tulasne and Lieutenant de la Grange, experts in aviationservice. A formal interview given out by these gentlemen expressedso clearly the point of view on aviation and its possibilities heldin France where it has reached its highest development that someextracts from it will be of interest here: "At the beginning of the war the Germans were the only ones who had realized the great importance of aviation from a military point of view, " said these officers. "France had looked upon aviation as a sport, Germany as a powerful weapon in war. This is illustrated by the fact that even in August, 1914, German artillery fire was directed by airplanes. "It was only after the retreat from Belgium and the battle of the Marne that the Allies realized the great importance of aviation. Between August 15 and 25 the French General Staff thought that the greater part of the German army was concentrated in Alsace and that only a few army corps were coming through Belgium. It was only through the reports of the aviators that they realized that this was a mistake and that almost the whole of the German army was invading Belgium. "Immediately after the battle of the Marne the greatest efforts were made in France to develop the aviation corps in every possible way. The English army, then in process of formation, profited by the experience of the French. Since that time the allied as well as the German aviation corps has grown constantly. "A modern army is incomplete if it has not a strong aviation corps. All the different services are obliged to turn to the aviation corps for help in their work. An army without airplanes is like a soldier without eyes. An army which has the superiority in aviation over its adversary will have the following advantages: "It will have constantly the latest information on the movements of the enemy. In this way, no concentration of troops will be ignored and no surprise attack will be possible. The attack against the enemy positions will be rendered easier because all the details of these positions will be thoroughly known beforehand. The artillery fire will be much more accurate. Many enemy machines will be brought down by the superior fighting machines and the result will be to strengthen the morale both of the aviators and of the army. " The next question put to the French experts was: "Why do we need to make a great effort to obtain the superiority in the air?" They answered with much interesting detail: "Because the Germans have understood the importance of aviation from a military point of view and have concentrated all their forces to develop this service. "Owing to the large number of scientists and technicians they possess they are able constantly to perfect motors and planes. Owing to their great industrial organization they are able to produce an enormous number of the best machines. "The German aviation service is now fully as strong as that of the Allies as far as numbers are concerned. The superiority in the air can only remain in the hands of the Allies because of the spirit of self-sacrifice of their aviators and their greater skill. "Germany feels that the decisive phase of the war is imminent and the efforts she will make next year will be infinitely greater than any she has made before. She will try in every way to regain the supremacy of the air. Realizing what a formidable enemy America can be in the air, she will strengthen her aviation forces in consequence. "The aeroplane is by far the most powerful of all the modern weapons. If the Allies have the supremacy of the air the German artillery will lose its accuracy of aim. It is impossible, because of the long range, for modern guns to fire without the help of airplanes. The accuracy of artillery fire depends entirely on its being directed by an airplane. "This was clearly illustrated during the battle of the Somme in 1916. The French at that time had concentrated such a large number of fighting machines that no German machine was allowed to fly over the lines. On the other hand, the Allies' reconnaissance machines were so numerous that each French battery could have its fire directed by an airplane. "The destruction of the enemy positions was in consequence carried out very effectively and very rapidly, while the Germans were obliged to fire blindly and scatter their shells over large areas, incapable as they were of locating our battery emplacements and the positions of our troops. Unluckily, a few weeks later the Germans had called from the different parts of the line a good many of their squadrons, and were able to carry out their work under better conditions. "We need such a superiority that it will be impossible for any German airplane to fly anywhere near the lines. "Every German kite balloon, every airplane would immediately be attacked by a number of allied machines. In this way the German aviation will not only be dominated but will be entirely crushed. "If we can prevent the Germans from seeing, through their airplanes, what we are preparing we will be very near the end of the war. It will require a huge effort to carry out this plan. Neither the English nor the French are able to do so by their own means. "As far as France is concerned, she is able to keep on building machines rapidly enough to increase her aviation corps at about the same rate as Germany is increasing hers. If she wanted to double or triple her production of machines she could do so, but she would have to call back from the trenches a certain number of skilled workmen, and this would weaken her fighting power. She needs in the trenches all the men who are able to carry a rifle. "If the Allies are to have the absolute supremacy of the air which we have been describing it will be the privilege of America to give it to them. We want three or four or even five allied machines for one German. America only has the possibilities of production which would allow her to build an enormous number of machines in a very short time. "The airplane is a great engine of destruction. It tells the artillery where to fire, it drops bombs, it gives the enemy all the information he needs to plan murderous attacks. Drive the German airplanes down and you will save the lives of thousands of men in our trenches. As Ulysses in the cavern put out the eye of the Cyclops, so the eyes of the beast must be put out before you can attempt to kill it. " Major Tulasne and Lieutenant de la Grange then outlined what the aviation programme of the United States should be, saying: "American industry must be enabled to begin building at once. No time must be lost in experiments. America must profit by the experience of the Allies. She must choose the best planes and build thousands of them. "She must build reconnoissance machines which she will need for her army; she must build a large number of fighting machines because it is these machines that will destroy German planes; she must also build squadrons of powerful bombing machines which will go behind the German lines to destroy the railway junctions and bomb the enemy cantonments, so as to give the soldiers no rest even when they have left the trenches. "Bombing done by a few machines gives poor results. The same cannot be said of this operation carried out by a large number of machines which can go to the same places and bomb continually. "Besides the number of men that are actually killed in these raids, great disturbance is caused in the enemy's communication lines, thereby hindering the operations. For example, since the British Admiralty has increased the number of its bombing squadrons in northern France and has decided to attack constantly the two harbours of Ostend and Zeebrugge and the locks, bridges, and canals leading to them they have greatly interfered with the activity of these two German bases. "It is certain that shortly, owing to this, these two ports will no more be used by German torpedo boats and submarines. What the English Royal Naval Air Service has been able to accomplish with 100 machines the Flying Corps of the United States with 1000 machines must be able to carry out on other parts of the front. "The work of the bombing machines is rendered difficult now by the fact that the actual lines are far from Germany. But it is hoped that soon fighting will be carried on near the enemy frontier and then a wonderful field will be opened to the bombing machines. "All the big ammunition factories which are in the Rhine and Ruhr valleys, like Krupp's, will be wonderful targets for the American bombing machines. If these machines are of the proper type--that is to say, sufficiently fast and well armed and able to carry a great weight of bombs--nothing will prevent them from destroying any of these important factories. "As Germany at the present time is only able to continue the war because of her great stock of war material the destruction of her sources of production would be the end of her resistance. For this also the Allies must turn to America. Such a large number of machines is required to produce results that America must be relied on to manufacture them. "Every man in this country must know that it is in the power of the United States, no matter what can be done in other fields, to bring the war to an end simply by concentrating all its energies on producing an enormous amount of material for aviation, and to enlist a corresponding number of pilots. But this will not be done without great effort. In order to be ready for the great 1918 offensive work must be begun at once. " The extreme secrecy which in this war has characterized theoperation of the governments--our own most of all--makes itimpossible to state the amount of progress made in 1917 in theconstruction of our aërial fleet. During the debate in Congressorators were very outspoken in their prophecies that we shouldoutnumber the Kaiser's flying fleet two or three to one. The pressof the nation was so very explicit in its descriptions of the way inwhich we were to blind the Germans and drive them from the air thatit is no wonder the Kaiser's government took alarm, and set aboutbuilding additional aircraft with feverish zeal. In this it wasimitated by France and England. It seemed, all at once about themiddle of 1917, that the whole belligerent world suddenly recognizedthe air as the final battlefield and began preparations for itsconquest. All statistical estimates in war time are subject to doubt as totheir accuracy--and particularly those having to do in any way withthe activities of an enemy country. But competent estimators--or atany rate shrewd guessers--think that Germany's facilities forconstructing airplanes equal those of France and England together. If then all three nations build to the very limit of their abilitiesthere will be a tie, which the contribution of aircraft from theUnited States will settle overwhelmingly in favour of the Allies. How great that contribution may be cannot be foretold with certaintyat this moment. The building of aircraft was a decidedly infantindustry in this country when war began. In the eight years prior to1916 the government had given orders for just fifty-nineaircraft--scarcely enough to justify manufacturers in keeping theirshops open. Orders from foreign governments, however, stimulatedproduction after the war began so that when the United Statesbelatedly took her place as national honour and national safetydemanded among the Entente Allies, Mr. Howard E. Coffin, Chairman ofthe Aircraft Section of the Council of National Defence was able toreport eight companies capable of turning out about 14, 000 machinesin six months--a better showing than British manufacturers couldhave made when Great Britain, first entered the war. A feature in the situation which impressed both Congress and theAmerican people was the exposure by various military experts of thedefenceless condition of New York City against an air raid by ahostile foreign power. At the moment, of course, there was nodanger. The only hostile foreign power with any considerable navalor aërial force was Germany and her fleet was securely bottled up inher own harbours by the overpowering fleet of Great Britain. Yet ifone could imagine the British fleet reduced to inefficiency, let ussay by a futile, suicidal attack upon Kiel or Heligoland which wouldleave it crippled, and free the Germans, or if we could conceivethat the German threat to reduce Great Britain to subjection by thesubmarine campaign, proved effective, the peril of New York wouldthen be very real and very immediate. For, although the harbourdefences are declared by military authorities to be practicallyimpregnable against attack by sea, they would not be effectiveagainst an attack from the air. A hostile fleet carrying a number ofseaplanes could round-to out of range of our shore batteries andloose their flyers who could within less than an hour be droppingbombs on the most congested section of Manhattan Island. It is truethat our own navy would have to be evaded in such case, but theattack might be made from points more distant from New York and atwhich no scouts would ever dream of looking for an enemy. The development in later months of the big heavily armed cruisingmachines makes the menace to any seaport city like New York stillgreater. The Germans have built great biplanes with two fuselages, or bodies, armoured, carrying two machine guns and one automaticrifle to each body. They have twin engines of three hundred andforty horse power and carry a crew of six men. They are able in anemergency to keep the air for not less than three days. It isobvious that a small fleet of such machines launched from the deckof a hostile squadron, let us say in the neighbourhood of BlockIsland, could menace equally Boston or New York, or by flying up theSound could work ruin and desolation upon all the defenceless citiesbordering that body of water. Nor are the Germans alone in possessing machines of this type. Thegiant Sikorsky machines of Russia, mentioned in an earlier chapter, have during the war been developed into types capable of carryingcrews of twenty-five men with guns and ammunition. The French, afterhaving brought down one of the big German machines with the doublebodies, instantly began building aircraft of their own of an evensuperior type. Some of these are driven by four motors and carryeleven persons, besides guns and ammunition. The Caproni machines ofItaly are even bigger--capable of carrying nine guns and thirty-fivemen. The Congressional Committee was much impressed by considerationof what might be done by a small fleet of aircraft of this typelaunched from a hostile squadron off the Capes of Chesapeake Bay andoperating against Washington. It is not likely that any foreign foeadvancing by land could repeat the exploit of the British who burnedthe capitol in 1812. But in our present defenceless state a dozenaircraft of the largest type might reduce the national capitol toruins. If an enemy well provided with aërial force possesses such power ofoffence an equal power of defence is given to the nation at all wellprovided with flying craft. In imitation, or perhaps rather inmodification, of the English plan for guarding the coasts of GreatBritain, a well matured system of defending the American coasts hasbeen worked out and submitted to the national authorities. Itinvolves the division of the coasts of the United States intothirteen aeronautical districts, each with aeronautical stationsestablished at suitable points and all in communication with eachother. Eight of these districts would be laid out on the AtlanticCoast extending from the northern boundary of Maine to the RioGrande River. Just what the purpose and value of these districts would be may beexplained by taking the case, not of a typical one, but of the mostimportant one of all, the third district including the coast linefrom New London, Conn. , to Barnegat Inlet, New Jersey. This ofcourse includes New York and adjacent commercial centres and theentrance to Long Island Sound with its long line of thriving citiesand the ports of the places from which come our chief supplies ofmunitions of war. It includes the part of the United States which anenemy would most covet. The part which at once would furnish therichest plunder, and possession of which by a foe would most cripplethis nation. To-day it is defended by stationary guns in landfortresses and in time of attack would be further guarded by afringe of cruising naval vessels. Apparently up to the middle of1917 the government thought no aërial watch was needed. But if we were to follow the methods which all the belligerentnations of Europe are employing on their sea coasts we wouldestablish in this district ten aeronautical stations. This would beno match for the British system which has one such station to everytwenty miles of coast. Ours would be farther apart, but as the Soundcould be guarded at its entrance the stations need only bemaintained along the south shore of Long Island and down the Jerseycoast. Each station would be provided with patrol, fighting, andobservation airplanes. It would have the mechanical equipment ofmicrophones, searchlights, and other devices for detecting theapproach of an enemy now employed successfully abroad. Itspatrolling airplanes would cruise constantly far out to sea, notless than eighty miles, keeping ever in touch with their station. Asthe horizon visible from a soaring airplane is not less than fiftymiles distant from the observer, this would mean that no enemy fleetcould approach within 130 miles of our coast without detection andreport. The Montauk Point station would be charged with guarding theentrance to Long Island Sound and, the waters of Nantucket shoalsand Block Island Sound where the German submarine U-53 did itsdeadly work in 1916. The Sandy Hook station would of course be themost important of all, guarding New York sea-going commerce andprotecting the ship channel by a constant patrol of aircraft overit. The modern airplane has a speed of from eighty to one hundred andsixty miles an hour--the latter rate being attained only by thelight scouts. Thus it is apparent that if an alarm were raised atany one of these stations between New London and Barnegat threehours at most would suffice to bring the fighting equipment of allthe stations to the point threatened. There would be thusconcentrated a fleet of several hundred swift scouts, heavy fightingmachines, the torpedo planes of the type designed by Admiral Fiske, hydroaëroplanes capable of carrying heavy guns and in brief everyform of aërial fighter. Moreover, by use of the wireless, every shipof the Navy within a radius of several hundred miles would benotified of the menace. They could not reach the scene of action soswiftly as the flying men but the former would be able to hold thefoe in action until the heavier ships should arrive. The enormous advantage of such a system of guarding our coasts needsno further explanation. It is not even experimental, for France onher limited coast has 150 such stations. England, which started thewar with 18, had 114 in 1917 and was still building. We at that timehad none, although the extent of our sea coast and the greatmultiplicity of practicable harbours make us more vulnerable thanany other nation. CHAPTER X SOME FEATURES OF AËRIAL WARFARE As devices to translate German hate for England into deeds of bloodymalignancy and cowardly murder the German aircraft have rankedsupreme. The ruthless submarine war has indeed done something towardworking off this peculiar passion, but it lacked the spectacularqualities which German wrath demanded. As the war proceeded, and itbecame apparent that the participation of Great Britain--at firstwholly unexpected by the Kaiser's advisers--was certain to defeatthe German aims, the authorities carefully inculcated in the mindsof the people the most malignant hatred for that power. AsLissauer's famous hymn of hate had it-- French and Russians it matters not, A blow for a blow, and a shot for a shot. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . We have one foe and one alone-- England! By way of at once gratifying this hatred and still furtherstimulating it the German military authorities began early in thewar a series of air raids upon English towns. They were of more thandoubtful military value. They damaged no military or naval works. They aroused the savage ire of the British people who saw theirchildren slain in schools and their wounded in hospitals by bombsdropped from the sky and straightway rushed off to enlist against socallous and barbaric a foe. But the raids served their politicalpurpose by making the German people believe that the British weresuffering all the horrors of war on their own soil, while the ironline of trenches drawn across France by the German troops kept theinvader and war's agonies far from the soil of the Fatherland. [Illustration: ©International Film Service. _The U. S. Aviation School at Mineola. _] The first German air raids were by Zeppelins on little Englishseaside towns--Scarborough, Hartlepool, and Harwich. Except in sofar as they inflicted mutilation and death upon many non-combatants, mostly women and children, and misery upon their relatives andfriends they were without effect. But early in 1915 began asystematic series of raids upon London, which, by October of 1917, had totalled thirty-four, with a toll of 865 persons killed, and2500 wounded. It seems fair to say that for these raids there wasmore plausible excuse than for those on the peaceful little seasidebathing resorts and fishing villages. London is full of militaryand naval centres, arsenals and navy yards, executive offices andcentres of warlike activity. An incendiary bomb dropped into theBank of England, or the Admiralty, might paralyze the finances ofthe Empire, or throw the naval organization into a state of anarchy. But as a matter of fact the German bombs did nothing of the sort. They fell in the congested districts of London, "the crowded warrensof the poor. " They spread wounds and death among peaceable theatreaudiences. One dropped on a 'bus loaded with passengers homewardbound, and obliterated it and them from the face of the earth. Butno building of the least military importance sustained any injury. It is true, however, that the persistent raiding has compelledEngland to withhold from the fighting lines in France severalthousand men and several hundred guns in order to be in readiness tomeet air raids in which Germany has never employed more than fiftymachines and at most two hundred men, including both aviators andmechanics. It is entirely probable that the failure of the Germans to striketargets of military importance and the slaughter they wrought amongpeaceful civilians were due to no intent or purpose on their part. Hitting a chosen target from the air is no matter of certainty. Thebomb intended for the railway station is quite as likely to hit theadjacent public school or hospital. If the world ever recurs to thatmoderate degree of sanity and civilization which shall permit wars, but strive to regulate them in the interest of humanity thisuntrustworthiness of the aircraft's aim will compel some form ofinternational regulation, just as the vulnerability of the submarinewill force the amendment of the doctrine of visitation and search. But neither problem can be logically and reasonably solved in themiddle of a war. And so, while the German violation of existinginternational law had the uncomfortable result for Germany ofbringing the United States into the war, the barbarous raids uponLondon caused the British at last to turn aside from theircommendable abstention from air raids on unfortified andnon-military towns and prepare for reprisals in kind. From the beginning of the war the British had abstained from bombingpeaceful and non-military towns. They had not indeed been weak inthe employment of their air forces. General Smuts speaking inOctober, 1917, said that the British had, in the month previous, dropped 207 tons of bombs behind the lines of the enemy. But thetargets were airdromes, military camps, arsenals and munitionscamps--not hospitals or kindergartens. The time had now come whenthis purely military campaign no longer satisfied an enraged Britishpeople who demanded the enforcement of the Mosaic law of an eye foran eye and a tooth for a tooth, against a people whom General Smutsdescribed as "an enemy who apparently recognizes no laws, human ordivine; who knows no pity or restraint, who sung Te Deums over thesinking of the _Lusitania_, and to whom the maiming and slaughter ofwomen and children appear legitimate means of warfare. " And Premier Lloyd George, speaking to an audience of poor people inone of the congested districts which had suffered sorely from theaërial activities of the Hun, said: "We will give it all back to them, and we will give it soon. Weshall bomb Germany with compound interest. " But whether undertaken as part of a general programme offrightfulness or as reprisals for cruel and indefensible outragesair raids upon defenceless towns, killing peaceable citizens intheir beds, and children in their kindergartens, are not incidentsto add glory to aviation. The mind turns with relief from suchexamples of the cruel misuse of aircraft to the hosts of individualinstances in which the airman and his machine remind one of thedoughty Sir Knight and his charger in the most gallant days ofchivalry. There were hosts of such incidents--men who foughtgallantly and who always fought fair, men who hung about theoutskirts of an aërial battle waiting for some individual championof their own choosing to show himself and join in battle to death inthe high ranges of the sky. Some of these have been mentioned inthis book already. To discuss all who even as early as 1917 had madetheir names memorable would require a volume in itself. A few maywell be mentioned below. There, for example, was Captain Georges Guynemer, "King of theFrench Aces. " An "ace" is an aviator who has brought down five enemyaircraft. Guynemer had fifty-three to his credit. Still a youth, only twenty-three years of age at the time of his death, and onlyflying for twenty-one months, he had lived out several life times inthe mad excitement of combat in mid-air. Within three weeks aftergetting his aviator's license he had become an "Ace. " Before hisfirst year's service had expired he was decorated and promoted forgallantry in rushing to the aid of a comrade attacked by five enemymachines. He entered the combat at the height of ten thousand feet, and inside of two minutes had dropped two of the enemy. The othersfled. He pursued hotly keeping up a steady fire with his machinegun. One Boche wavered and fell, but just then an enemy shell froman "Archie" far below exploded under Guynemer, tearing away one wingof his machine. Let him tell the rest of that story: I felt myself dropping [he said later]. It was ten thousand feet to the earth, and, like a flash, I saw my funeral with my saddened comrades marching behind the gun carriage to the cemetery. But I pulled and pushed every lever I had, but nothing would check my terrific descent. Five thousand feet from the earth, the wrecked machine began to turn somersaults, but I was strapped into the seat. I do not know what it was, but something happened and I felt the speed descent lessen. But suddenly there was a tremendous crash and when I recovered my senses I had been taken from the wreckage and was all right. Two records Guynemer made which have not yet been surpassed--thefirst, the one described above of dropping three Fokkers in twominutes and thirty seconds, and rounding off the adventure byhimself dropping ten thousand feet. The second was in shooting downfour enemy machines in one day. His methods were of the simplest. Hewas always alone in his machine, which was the lightest available. He would rather carry more gasoline and ammunition than take along agunner. The machine gun was mounted on the plane above his head, pointing dead ahead, and aimed by aiming the whole airplane. Oncestarted the gun continued firing automatically and Guynemer's taskwas to follow his enemy pitilessly keeping that lead-spitting muzzlesteadily bearing upon him. In September, 1917, he went up to attackfive enemy machines--no odds however appalling seemed to terrifyhim--but was caught in a fleet of nearly forty Boches and fell toearth in the enemy's country. One of the last of the air duels to be fought under the practiceswhich made early air service so vividly recall the age of chivalry, was that in which Captain Immelman, "The Falcon, " of the Germanarmy, met Captain Ball of the British Royal Flying Corps. Immelmanhad a record of fifty-one British airplanes downed. Captain Ball wasdesirous of wiping out this record and the audacious German at thesame time, and so flying over the German lines he dropped thisletter: CAPTAIN IMMELMAN: I challenge you to a man-to-man fight to take place this afternoon at two o'clock. I will meet you over the German lines. Have your anti-air craft guns withhold their fire, while we decide which is the better man. The British guns will be silent. BALL. Presently thereafter this answer was dropped from a German airplane: CAPTAIN BALL: Your challenge is accepted. The guns will not interfere. I will meet you promptly at two. IMMELMAN. The word spread far and wide along the trenches on both sides. Tacitly all firing stopped as though the bugles had sung truce. Menleft cover and clambered up on the top to watch the duel. Punctuallyboth flyers rose from their lines and made their way down No Man'sLand. Let an eye witness tell the story: From our trenches there were wild cheers for Ball. The Germans yelled just as vigorously for Immelman. The cheers from the trenches continued; the Germans increased in volume; ours changed into cries of alarm. Ball, thousands of feet above us and only a speck in the sky, was doing the craziest things imaginable. He was below Immelman and was apparently making no effort to get above him, thus gaining the advantage of position. Rather he was swinging around, this way and that, attempting, it seemed, to postpone the inevitable. We saw the German's machine dip over preparatory to starting the nose dive. "He's gone now, " sobbed a young soldier, at my side, for he knew Immelman's gun would start its raking fire once it was being driven straight down. Then in a fraction of a second the tables were turned. Before Immelman's plane could get into firing position, Ball drove his machine into a loop, getting above his adversary and cutting loose with his gun and smashing Immelman by a hail of bullets as he swept by. Immelman's airplane burst into flames and dropped. Ball, from above, followed for a few hundred feet and then straightened out and raced for home. He settled down, rose again, hurried back, and released a huge wreath of flowers, almost directly over the spot where Immelman's charred body was being lifted from a tangled mass of metal. Four days later Ball too was killed. But the Germans, too, had their champion airmen, mighty fliers, skillful at control and with the machine gun, in whose triumphs theytook the same pride that our boys in France did in those of Chapman, Rockwell or Thaw, the British in Warneford, or the French inGuynemer. Chief of these was Captain Boelke, who came to his deathin the latter part of 1917, after putting to his credit over sixtyAllied planes brought down. A German account of one of his duels aswatched from the trenches, will be of interest: For quite a long time an Englishman had been making circles before our eyes--calmly and deliberately. . . . My men on duty clenched their fists in impotent wrath. "The dog--!" Shooting would do no good. Then suddenly from the rear a harsh, deep singing and buzzing cuts the air. It sounds like a German flyer. But he is not yet visible. Only the buzz of an approaching motor is heard in the clouds in the direction of the Englishman. More than a hundred eyes scanned the horizon. There! Far away and high among the clouds is a small black humming bird--a German battle aeroplane. Its course is laid directly for the hostile biplane and it flies like an arrow shot with a clear eye and steady hand. My men crawl out of the shelters. I adjust my field glasses. A lump rises in our throats as if we are awaiting something new and wonderful. So far the other does not seem to have noticed or recognized the black flyer that already is poised as a hawk above him. All at once there is a mighty swoop through the air like the drop of a bird of prey, and in no time the black flyer is immediately over the Englishman and the air is filled with the furious crackling of a machine gun, followed by the rapid ta-ta-ta of two or three more, all operated at the highest speed just as during a charge. The Englishman drops a little, makes a circle and tries to escape toward the rear. The other circles and attacks him in front, and again we hear the exciting ta-ta-ta! Now the Englishman tries to slip from under his opponent, but the German makes a circle and the effort fails. Then the enemy describes a great circle and attempts to rise above the German. The latter ascends in sharp half circles and again swoops down upon the biplane, driving it toward the German trenches. Will the Englishman yield so soon? Scattered shouts of joy are already heard in our ranks. Suddenly he drops a hundred yards and more through the air and makes a skillful loop toward the rear. Our warrior of the air swoops after him, tackles him once more and again we hear the wild defiant rattle of the machine guns over our heads. Now they are quite close to our trenches. The French infantry and artillery begin firing in a last desperate hope. Neither of them is touched. Sticking close above and behind him the German drives the Englishman along some six hundred yards over our heads and then just above the housetops of St. A. Once more we hear a distant ta-ta-ta a little slower and more scattered and then as they drop both disappear from our view. Scarcely five minutes pass before the telephone brings up this news: Lieutenant Boelke has just brought down his seventh flyer. Methods of air-fighting were succinctly described in a hearingbefore the Senate Committee on Military Affairs, in June, 1917. Theofficers testifying were young Americans of the Lafayette Escadrilleof the French army. To the civilian the testimony is interesting forthe clear idea it gives of military aviation. The extracts followingare from the official record: _Adjt. Prince_: Senator, there are about four kinds of machines used abroad on the western front to-day. The machines that Adjt. Rumsey and myself are looking after are called the battle machines. Then there are the photography machines, machines that go up to enable the taking of photographs of the German batteries, go back of the line and take views of the country behind their lines and find out what their next line of attack will be, or, if they retreat from the present line, then everything in that way. Probably we have, where we are, in my group alone, a hundred and fifty photographers who do nothing all day long except develop pictures, and you can get pictures of any part of the country that you want. When the Germans retreated from the old line where they used to be, by Peronne and Chaulnes, we had absolute pictures of all the Hindenburg line from where they are now right down to St. Quentin, down to the line the French are on. We had photographs of it all. _Senator Kirby_: When they started on the retreat? [Illustration: © Kadel & Herbert. _Miss Ruth Law at Close of her Chicago to New York Flight. _] _Adjt. Prince_: Yes, sir. So we knew exactly where their stand would be made. Then, besides that, those photograph machines do a lot of scouting. They have a pilot and a photographer aboard. He has not only a camera, but quite often he has a Lewis gun with him in order to ward off any hostile airmen if they should get through the battle planes that are above him; in other words, should get through us in order to fight him. They do a great deal of the scouting, because they fly at a lower level. The battle planes go up to protect photography machines, or to go man-hunting, as it is called; in other words, to fight the Germans. We fly all day, like to-day, as high as we can go, or as high as the French go as a rule, about 5500 metres, about 17, 000 to 18, 000 feet. [Illustration: © International Film Service. _A French Aviator between Flights. _] _Adjt. Rumsey_: I think 5500 metres is about 19, 000 feet. Some go up 6000 metres, which makes about 20, 000 feet. _Adjt. Prince_: We go up there, and we have a certain sector of the front to look after. If we are only man-hunting, we go backward and forward like a policeman to prevent the Germans from getting over our own lines. We usually fly by fours, if we can, and the four go out together, so as not to be alone. We are usually fighting inside of the German lines, because the morale of the French and English is better than that of the Germans to-day; and every fight I have had--I have never been lucky enough to have one inside of my own lines--they have all been inside of the German lines. _Senator Kirby_: What is the equipment of a battle plane such as you use? _Adjt. Prince_: I use the 180 horse-power machine. It is called a "S. P. A. D. , " which has a Spanish motor. But a great many of the motors to-day are being built here in America. _Senator Kirby_: How many men do you carry? _Adjt. Prince_: We go up alone in these machines. We did have two guns. We had the Lewis gun on our upper wing and the Vickers down below, that shoots through the propeller as the propeller turns around. Then we gave up the Lewis above. It added more weight, and we did not need it so much. The trouble with the Lewis gun is that it has only ninety-seven cartridges, while the Vickers has five hundred, and you can do just as much damage with the Vickers as you could with them both. _Senator Sutherland_: You drive and fight at the same time? _Adjt. Prince_: Yes, sir. _Adjt. Rumsey_: The machine gun is fixed. _Adjt. Prince_: It is absolutely fixed on the machine, and if I should want to adjust it to shoot you, I would adjust my machine on you. The witness then took up the nature and work of some of the heaviermachines. He testified: _Adjt. Prince_: Then comes the artillery regulating machine. That machine goes up, and it may be a Farman or a bi-motor, or some other kind of heavier machine, a machine that goes slowly. They go over a certain spot. They have a driver, who is a pilot, like ourselves; then they have an artillery officer on board, whose sole duty it is to send back word, mostly by Marconi, to his battery where the shots are landing. He will say: "Too far, " "Too short, " "Right, " or "Left, " and he stays there over this battery until the work done by the French guns has been absolutely controlled, and above him he has some of these battle planes keeping him from being attacked from above by German airmen. Of course, they may be shot at by anti-aircraft guns, which you can not help. That is artillery regulating. _The Chairman_: Are you always attacked from above? _Adjt. Prince_: By airplanes; yes, sir. It is always much safer to attack from above. Then you have the bomb-dropping machines, which carry a lot of weight. They go out sometimes in the daytime, but mostly at night, and they have these new sights by which they can stay up quite high in the air and still know the spot they are going at. They know the wind speed, they know their height, and they can figure out by this new arrangement they have exactly when the time is to let go their bombs. _Senator Kirby_: Something in the nature of a range-finder? _Adjt. Prince_: A sort of range-finder. _Adjt. Rumsey_: It is a sort of telescope that looks down between your legs, and you have to regulate yourself, observing your speed, and when you see the spot, you have to touch a button and off go these things. _Adjt. Rumsey_: In a raid my brother went on there were sixty-eight machines that left; the French heavy machines, the English heavy machines, and then the English sort of half-fighting machine and half-bombing machine. They call it a Sopwith, and it is a very good machine. They went over there, and the first ones over were the Frenchmen, and they dropped bombs on these Mauser works, and the only thing that the English saw was a big cloud of smoke and dust, and they could not see the works so they just dropped into them. Out of that raid the fighting machines got eight Germans and dropped them, and the Germans got eight Frenchmen. So, out of sixty-eight they lost eight, but we also got eight Germans and dropped six tons of this stuff, which is twenty times as strong as the melinite. We do not know what the name of the powder is. The fighting machines on that trip only carried gasolene for two hours, and the other ones carried it for something like six hours, so we escorted them out for an hour, came back to our lines, filled up with gasolene, went out and met them and brought them back over the danger zone. _Adjt. Prince_: Near the trenches is where the danger zone is, because there the German fighting machines are located. _Senator Kirby_: How far was it from your battle front that you went? _Adjt. Rumsey_: I think it was about 500 miles, 250 there and 250 back; it was between 200 and 250 miles there. _Senator Kirby_: Beyond the battle front? _Adjt. Rumsey_: Yes; or, to be more accurate, I think it was nearer 200 than 250. _The Chairman_: What do you think of the function of the airplane as a determining factor? _Adjt. Prince_: There is no doubt that if we could send over in huge waves a great number of these bomb-dropping machines, and simply lay the country waste--for instance, the big cities like Strassburg, Freiburg, and others--not only would the damage done be great, but I guess the popular opinion in Germany, everything being laid waste, would work very strongly in the minds of the public toward having peace. I do not think you could destroy an army, because you could not see them, but you could go to different stations; you could go to Strassburg, to Brussels, and places like that. _The Chairman_: Then, sending them over in enormous numbers would also put out of business their airplanes, and they would be helpless, would they not? _Adjt. Prince_: Absolutely. You not only have on the front a large number of bomb-dropping machines, but a large number of fighting machines. When the Somme battle was started in the morning the Germans knew, naturally, that the French and British were going to start the Somme drive, and they had up these Drachens, these observation balloons, and the first eighteen minutes that the battle started the French and the English, I think, got twenty-one "saucisse"; in other words, for the next five days there was not a single German who came anywhere near the lines, but the French and English could go ahead as they-felt like. _Admiral Peary_: Have you any idea as to how many airplanes there are along that western front on the German side? _Adjt. Prince_: There must be about 3000 on that line in actual commission. _Admiral Peary_: That means, then, about 10, 000 in all, at least? _Adjt. Prince_: I should think so; I should say the French have about 2000 and the English possibly 1000, or we have about 2500. _Adjt. Rumsey_: If they have 3000 we have 4000; that is, right on the line. _Adjt. Prince_: We have about 1000 more than they have, and we are up all the time. The day before I left the front I was called to go out five times, and I went out five times, and spent two hours every time I went out. It would be gratifying to author and to reader alike if it werepossible to give some account of the progress in aërial equipmentmade by the United States, since its declaration of war. But at thepresent moment (February, 1918), the government is chary offurnishing information concerning the advance made in the creationof an aërial fleet. Perhaps precise information, if available, wouldbe discouraging to the many who believe that the war will be won inthe air. For it is known in a broad general way that the activitiesof the Administration have been centred upon the construction oftraining camps and aviation stations. Orders for the actualconstruction of airplanes have been limited, so that a chorus ofcriticism arose from manufacturers who declared that they might haveto close their works for lack of employment. The apparent check wasdiscouraging to American airmen, and to our Allies who had expectedmarvellous things from the United States in the way of swift andwholesale preparation for winning battles in the air. The responseof the government to all criticism was that it was laying broadfoundations in order that construction once begun would proceed withunabated activity, and that when aircraft began to be turned out bythe thousands a week there would be aviators and trained mechanicsa-plenty to handle them. In this situation the advocates of aspecial cabinet department of aeronautics found new reason tocriticize the Administration and Congress for having ignored orantagonized their appeals. For responsibility for the delay andindifference--if indifference there was--rested equally upon theSecretary of the Navy and the Secretary of War. Each had his measureof control over the enormous sum voted in a lump for aviation, eachhad the further millions especially voted to his department toaccount for. But no single individual could be officially asked whathad been done with the almost one billion dollars voted foraeronautics in 1917. But if the authorities seemed to lag, the inventors were busy. Mention has already been made of the new "Liberty" motor, whichreport had it was the fruit of the imprisonment of two mechanicalexperts in a hotel room with orders that they should not be freeduntil they had produced a motor which met all criticisms upon thosenow in use. Their product is said to have met this test, and thehappy result caused a general wish that the Secretaries of War andof the Navy might be similarly incarcerated and only liberated uponproducing plans for the immediate creation of an aërial fleet suitedto the nation's needs. If, however, the Liberty motor shall provethe complete success which at the moment the government believes itto be, it will be such a spur to the development of the airplane inpeace and war, as could not otherwise be applied. For the motor isthe true life of the airplane--its heart, lungs, and nerve centre. The few people who still doubt the wide adoption of aircraft forpeaceful purposes after the war base their skepticism on thetreachery of motors still in use. They repudiate all comparisonswith automobiles. They say: It is perfectly true that a man can run his car repeatedly from New York to Boston without motor trouble. But the trouble is inevitable sooner or later. When it comes to an automobile it is trifling. The driver gets out and makes his repairs by the roadside. But if it comes to the aviator it brings the possibility of death with it every time. If his motor stops he must descend. But to alight he must find a long level field, with at least two hundred yards in which to run off his momentum. If, when he discovers the failure of his motor, he is flying at the height of a mile he must find his landing place within a space of eight miles, for in gliding to earth the ratio of forward movement to height is as eight to one. But how often in rugged and densely populated New England, or Pennsylvania is there a vacant level field half a mile in length? The aviator who made a practice of daily flight between New York and Boston would inevitably meet death in the end. The criticism is a shrewd and searching one. But it is based on theairplane and the motor of to-day without allowance for thedevelopment and improvement which are proceeding apace. Itcontemplates a craft which has but one motor, but the more modernmachines have sufficient lifting power to carry two motors, and canbe navigated successfully with one of these out of service. Experiments furthermore are being made with a device after the typeof the helicopter which with the steady lightening of the aircraftmotor, may be installed on airplanes with a special motor for itsoperation. This device, it is believed, will enable the airplaneso equipped to stop dead in its course with both propellers out ofaction, to hover over a given spot or to rise or to descend gentlyin a perpendicular line without the necessity of soaring. It isobvious that if this device prove successful the chief force of theobjections to aërial navigation outlined above will be nullified. The menace of infrequent landing places will quickly remedy itselfon busy lines of aërial traffic. The average railroad doing businessin a densely populated section has stations once every eight or tenmiles which with their sidings, buildings, water tanks, etc. , costfar more than the field half a mile long with a few hangars that thefliers will need as a place of refuge. Indeed, although for its sizeand apparent simplicity of construction an airplane is phenomenallycostly, in the grand total of cost an aërial line would cost a titheof the ordinary railway. It has neither right of way, road bed, rails, nor telegraph system to maintain, and if the average flyerseems to cost amazingly it still foots up less than one fifth thecost of a modern locomotive though its period of service is muchshorter. Just at the present time aircraft costs are high, based onartificial conditions in the market. Their construction is a newindustry; its processes not yet standardized; its materials stillexperimental in many ways and not yet systematically produced. Alight sporting monoplane which superficially seems to have about$250 worth of materials in it--exclusive of the engine--will costabout $3000. A fighting biplane will touch $10, 000. Yet the latterseems to the lay observer to contain no costly materials to justifyso great a charge. The wings are a light wooden framework, usuallyof spruce, across which a fine grade of linen cloth is stretched. The materials are simple enough, but every bit of wood, every screw, every strand of wire is selected with the utmost care, and theworkmanship of their assemblage is as painstaking as the setting ofthe most precious stones. [Illustration: © International Film Service. _A German "Gotha"--their Favorite Type. _] "REMEMBER THE LEAST NEGLIGENCE MAY COST A LIFE!" is a signfrequently seen hanging over the work benches in an airplanefactory. When stretched over the framework, the cloth of the wings istreated to a dressing down of a preparation of collodion, which inthe jargon of the shop is called "dope. " This substance has apeculiar effect upon the cloth, causing it to shrink, and thusmaking it more taut and rigid than it could be by the most carefulstretching. Though the layman would not suspect it, this wash alonecosts about $150 a machine. The seaplanes too--or hydroaëroplanes aspurists call them--present a curious illustration of unexpected and, it would seem, unexplainable expense. Where the flyer over land hastwo bicycle wheels on which to land, the flyer over the sea has twoflat-bottomed boats or pontoons. These cost from $1000 to $1200 andlook as though they should cost not over $100. But the necessity ofcombining maximum strength with minimum weight sends the pricesoaring as the machine itself soars. Moreover there is not yet thedemand for either air-or seaplanes that would result in the divisionof labour, standardization of parts, and other manufacturingeconomies which reduce the cost of products. To the high cost of aircraft their comparative fragility is added asa reason for their unfitness for commercial uses. The engines costfrom $2000 to $5000 each, are very delicate and usually must betaken out of the plane and overhauled after about 100 hours ofactive service. The strain on them is prodigious for it is estimatedthat the number of revolutions of an airplane's engine during anhour's flight is equal to the number of revolutions of anautomobile's wheels during active service of a whole month. It is believed that the superior lightness and durability of theLiberty motor will obviate some of these objections to thecommercial availability of aircraft in times of peace. And it iscertain that with the cessation of the war, the retirement of thegovernments of the world from the purchasing field and the reductionof the demand for aircraft to such as are needed for pleasure andindustrial uses the prices which we have cited will be cut in half. In such event what will be the future of aircraft; what their partin the social and industrial organization of the world? Ten or a dozen years ago Rudyard Kipling entertained the Englishreading public of the world with a vivacious sketch of aërialnavigation in the year 2000 A. D. He used the license of a poet inavoiding too precise descriptions of what is to come--dealingrather with broad and picturesque generalizations. Now the year 2000is still far enough away for pretty much anything to be invented, and to become commonplace before that era arrives. Airships of thesort Mr. Kipling pictured may by that period have come andgone--have been relegated to the museums along with thestage-coaches of yesterday and the locomotives of to-day. For thatmatter before that millennial period shall arrive men may havelearned to dispense with material transportation altogether, and beable to project their consciousness or even their astral bodies toany desired point on psychic waves. If a poet is going to prophecyhe might as well be audacious and even revolutionary in hispredictions. Mr. Kipling tried so hard to be reasonable that he made himselfrecognizably wrong so far as the present tendency of aircraftdevelopment would indicate. _With the Night Mail_, is the story of atrip by night across the Atlantic from England to America. It ismade in a monster dirigible--though the present tendency is toreject the dirigible for the swifter, less costly, and moreairworthy (leave "seaworthy" to the plodding ships on old ocean'sbreast) airplanes. If, however, we condone this glaringimprobability we find Mr. Kipling's tale full of action andimaginary incident that give it an air of truth. His ship is notdocked on the ground at the tempest's mercy, but is moored high inair to the top of a tall tower up which passengers and freight areconveyed in elevators. His lighthouses send their beams straight upinto the sky instead of projecting them horizontally as do thosewhich now guard our coasts. Just why lighthouses are needed, however, he does not explain. There are no reefs on which a packetof the air may run, no lee shores which they must avoid. On overlandvoyages guiding lights by night may be useful, as great whitedirection strips laid out on the ground are even now suggested asguides for daylight flying. But the main reliance of the airman mustbe his compass. Crossing the broad oceans no lighted path ispossible, and even in a voyage from New York to Chicago, or fromLondon to Rome good airmanship will dictate flight at a height thatwill make reliance upon natural objects as a guide perilous. Theairman has the advantage over the sailor in that he may lay hiscourse on leaving his port, or flying field, and pursue it straightas an arrow to his destination. No rocks or other obstacles bar hispath, no tortuous channels must be navigated. All that can diverthim from his chosen course is a steady wind on the beam, and thatis instantly detected by his instruments and allowance made for it. On the other hand the sailor has a certain advantage over the airmanin that his more leisurely progress allows time for therectification of errors in course arising from contrary currents orwinds. An error of a point, or even two, amounts to but little in aday's steaming of perhaps four hundred miles. It can readily beremedied, unless the ship is too near shore. But when the wholethree thousand miles of Atlantic are covered in twenty hours in theair, the course must be right from the start and exactly adhered to, else the passenger for New York may be set down in Florida. It is not improbable that even before the war is over the crossingof the Atlantic by plane will be accomplished. Certainly it will beone of the first tasks undertaken by airmen on the return of peace. But it is probable that the adaptation of aircraft to commercialuses will be begun with undertakings of smaller proportions. Alreadythe United States maintains an aërial mail route in Alaska, whileItaly has military mail routes served by airplanes in the Alps. These have been undertaken because of the physical obstacles totravel on the surface, presented in those rugged neighbourhoods. Butin the more densely populated regions of the United Statesconsiderations of financial profit will almost certainly result inthe early establishment of mail and passenger air service. Airservice will cut down the time between any two given points at leastone half, and ultimately two thirds. Letters could be sent from NewYork to Boston, or even to Buffalo, and an answer received the sameday. The carrying plane could take on each trip five tons of mail. Philadelphia would be brought within forty-five minutes of New York;Washington within two hours instead of the present five. Is thereany doubt of the creation of an aërial passenger service under suchconditions? Already a Caproni triplane will carry thirty-fivepassengers beside guns--say, fifty passengers if all other load beexcluded, and has flown with a lighter load from Newport News to NewYork. It is easily imaginable that by 1920 the airplane capable ofcarrying eighty persons--or the normal number now accommodated on aninter-urban trolley car--will be an accomplished fact. The lines that will thus spring up will need no rails, no right ofway, no expensive power plant. Their physical property will beconfined to the airplanes themselves and to the fields from whichthe craft rise and on which they alight, with the necessary hangars. These indeed will involve heavy expenditure. For a busy line, withfrequent sailings, of high speed machines a field will need to be inthe neighbourhood of a mile square. A plane swooping down for itslanding is not to be held up at the switch like a train while roomis made for it. It is an imperative guest, and cannot be gainsaid. Accordingly the fields must be large enough to accommodate scores ofplanes at once and give each new arrival a long straight course onwhich to run off its momentum. It is obvious therefore that theunion stations for aircraft routes cannot be in the hearts of ourcities as are the railroad stations of to-day, but must be fairlywell out in the suburbs. A form of machine which the professional airmen say has yet to bedeveloped is the small monoplane, carrying two passengers at most, and of low speed--not more than twenty miles an hour at most. Inthis age of speed mania the idea of deliberately planning aconveyance or vehicle that shall not exceed a low limit seems out ofaccord with public desire. But the low speed airplane has theadvantage of needing no extended field in which to alight. Itreaches the ground with but little momentum to be taken up and canbe brought up standing on the roof of a house or the deck of a ship. Small machines of this sort are likely to serve as the runabouts ofthe air, to succeed the trim little automobile roadsters as pleasurecraft. [Illustration: © International Film Service. _A French Monoplane. _] The beginning of the fourth year of the war brought a notable changein aërial tactics. For three years everything had been sacrificed tospeed. Such aërial duels as have been described were encouraged bythe fact that aircraft were reduced to the proportions needful forcarrying one man and a machine gun. The gallant flyers went up inthe air and killed each other. That was about all there was to it. While as scouts, range finders, guides for the artillery, theyexerted some influence on the course of the war, as a fighting armin its earlier years, they were without efficiency. The bombingforays were harassing but little more, because the craft engagedwere of too small capacity to carry enough bombs to work reallyserious damage, while the ever increasing range of the "Archies"compels the airmen to deliver their fire from so great a height asto make accurate aim impossible. [Illustration: Photo Press Illustrating Service. _A German Scout Brought to Earth in France. _] But Kiel, Wilhelmshaven and Zeebrugge are likely to change all this. The constant contemplation of those nests for the sanctuary ofpestiferous submarines, effectively guarded against attack by eitherland or water, has stirred up the determination of the Allies toseek their destruction from above. Heavy bombing planes are beingbuilt in all the Allied workshops for this purpose, and furthermoreto give effect to the British determination to take vengeance uponGermany, for her raids upon London. It is reported that the UnitedStates, by agreement with its Allies, is to specialize in buildingthe light, swift scout planes, but in other shops the heavytriplane, the dreadnought of the air is expected to be the featureof 1918. With it will come an entirely novel strategic use ofaircraft in war, and with it too, which is perhaps the morepermanently important, will come the development of aircraft of thesort that will be readily adaptable to the purposes of peace whenthe war shall end. THE SUBMARINE BOAT CHAPTER XI BEGINNINGS OF SUBMARINE INVENTION In September, 1914 the British Fleet in the North Sea had settleddown to the monotonous task of holding the coasts of Germany and thechannels leading to them in a state of blockade. The work was dismalenough. The ships tossing from day to day on the always unquietwaters of the North Sea were crowded with Jackies all of whom prayedeach day that the German would come from hiding and give battle. Notfar from the Hook of Holland engaged in this monotonous work werethree cruisers of about 12, 000 tons, each carrying 755 men andofficers. They were the _Cressy_, _Aboukir_, and _Hogue_--notvessels of the first rank but still important factors in the Britishblockade. They were well within the torpedo belt and it may bebelieved that unceasing vigilance was observed on every ship. Nevertheless without warning the other two suddenly saw the_Aboukir_ overwhelmed by a flash of fire, a pillar of smoke and agreat geyser of water that rose from the sea and fell heavily uponher deck. Instantly followed a thundering explosion as the magazinesof the doomed ship went off. Within a very few minutes, too littletime to use their guns against the enemy had they been able to seehim, or to lower their boats, the _Aboukir_ sank leaving the crewfloundering in the water. In the distance lay the German submarine U-9--one of the earliest ofher class in service. From her conning tower Captain Weddigen hadviewed the tragedy. Now seeing the two sister ships speeding to therescue he quickly submerged. It may be noted that as a result ofwhat followed, orders were given by the British Admiralty that inthe event of the destruction of a ship by a submarine others in thesame squadron should not come to the rescue of the victim, butscatter as widely as possible to avoid a like fate. In this instancethe _Hogue_ and the _Cressy_ hurried to the spot whence the_Aboukir_ had vanished and began lowering their boats. Hardly hadthey begun the work of mercy when a torpedo from the now unseen foestruck the _Hogue_ and in twenty minutes she too had vanished. Whileshe was sinking the _Cressy_, with all guns ready for action and hergunners scanning the sea in every direction for this deadly enemy, suddenly felt the shock of a torpedo and, her magazines having beenset off, followed her sister ships to the ocean's bed. In little more than half an hour thirty-six thousand tons ofup-to-date British fighting machinery, and more than 1200 gallantblue jackets had been sent to the depths of the North Sea by alittle boat of 450 tons carrying a crew of twenty-six men. The world stood aghast. With the feeling of horror at the swiftdeath of so many caused by so few, there was mingled a feeling ofamazement at the scientific perfection of the submarine, its power, and its deadly work. Men said it was the end of dreadnoughts, battleships, and cruisers, but the history of the war has shownsingularly few of these destroyed by submarines since the firstnovelty of the attack wore off. The world at the moment seemed tothink that the submarine was an entirely new idea and invention. But like almost everything else it was merely the ultimate reductionto practical use of an idea that had been germinating in the mind ofman from the earliest days of history. We need not trouble ourselves with the speculations of Alexander theGreat, Aristotle, and Pliny concerning "underwater" activities. Their active minds gave consideration to the problem, but mainly asto the employment of divers. Not until the first part of thesixteenth century do we find any very specific reference to actualunderwater boats. That appears in a book of travels by Olaus Magnus, Archbishop of Upsala in Sweden. Notwithstanding the gentleman'sreverend quality, one must question somewhat the veracity of thechapter which he heads: "Of the Leather Ships Made of Hides Used by the Pyrats ofGreenland. " He professed to have seen two of these "ships, " more probably boats, hanging in a cathedral church in Greenland. With these singularvessels, according to his veracious reports the people of thatcountry could navigate under water and attack stranger ships frombeneath. "For the Inhabitants of that Countrey are wont to get smallprofits by the spoils of others, " he wrote, "by these and the liketreacherous Arts, who by their thieving wit, and by boring a holeprivately in the sides of the ships beneath (as I said) have let inthe water and presently caused them to sink. " Leaving the tale of the Archbishop where we think it must belong inthe realm of fiction, we may note that it was not until thebeginning of the seventeenth century that the first submarine boatwas actually built and navigated. A Hollander, Cornelius Drebel, orVan Drebel, born in 1572, in the town of Alkmaar, had come toLondon during the reign of James I. , who became his patron andfriend. Drebel seems to have been a serious student of science andin many ways far ahead of his times. Moreover, he had the talent ofgetting next to royalty. In 1620 he first conceived the idea ofbuilding a submarine. Fairly detailed descriptions of his boats--hebuilt three from 1620-1624--and of their actual use, have beenhanded down to us by men whose accuracy and truthfulness cannot bedoubted. The Honorable Robert Boyle, a scientist of unquestionedseriousness, tells in his _New Experiments, Physico-Mechanicaltouching the Spring of the Air and its Effects_ about Drebel's workin the quaint language of his time: But yet on occasion of this opinion of Paracelsus, perhaps it will not be impertinent if, before I proceed, I acquaint your Lordship with a conceit of that deservedly famous mechanician and Chymist, Cornelius Drebel, who, among other strange things that he perform'd, is affirm'd, by more than a few credible persons, to have contrived for the late learned King James, a vessel to go under water; of which, trial was made in the Thames, with admired success, the vessel carrying twelve rowers, besides passengers; one which is yet alive, and related it to an excellent Mathematician that informed me of it. Now that for which I mention this story is, that having had the curiosity and opportunity to make particular inquiries among the relations of Drebel, and especially of an ingenious physician that married his daughter, concerning the grounds upon which he conceived it feasible to make men unaccustomed to continue so long under water without suffocation, or (as the lately mentioned person that went in the vessel affirms) without inconvenience; I was answered, that Drebel conceived, that it is not the whole body of the air, but a certain quintessence (as Chymists speak) or spirituous part of it, that makes it fit for respiration; which being spent, the remaining grosser body, or carcase, if I may so call it, of the air, is unable to cherish the vital flame residing in the heart; so that, for aught I could gather, besides the mechanical contrivances of his vessel, he had a chymical liquor, which he accounted the chief secret of his submarine navigation. For when, from time to time, he conceived that the finer and purer part of the air was consumed, or over-clogged by the respiration and steam of those that went in his ship, he would by unstopping a vessel full of this liquor, speedily restore to the troubled air such a proportion of vital parts, as would make it again, for a good while, fit for respiration whether by dissipating, or precipitating the grosser exhalations, or by some other intelligible way, I must not now stay to examine, contenting myself to add, that having had the opportunity to do some service to those of his relations that were most intimate with him, and having made it my business to learn what this strange liquor might be, they constantly affirmed that Drebel would never disclose the liquor unto any, nor so much as tell the nature whereof he had made it, to above one person, who himself assured me what it was. This most curious narrative suggests that in some way Drebel, whodied in London in 1634, had discovered the art of compressing oxygenand conceived the idea of making it serviceable for freshening theair in a boat, or other place, contaminated by the respiration of anumber of men for a long time. Indeed the reference made to thesubstance by which Drebel purified the atmosphere in his submarineas "a liquor" suggests that he may possibly have hit upon the secretof liquid air which late in the nineteenth century caused such astir in the United States. Of his possession of some such secretthere can be no doubt whatsoever, for Samuel Pepys refers in hisfamous diary to a lawsuit, brought in the King's Courts by the heirsof Drebel, to secure the secret for their own use. What was theoutcome of the suit or the subsequent history of Drebel's inventionhistory does not record. Throughout the next 150 years a large number of inventors andnear-inventors occupied themselves with the problem of thesubmarine. Some of these men went no further than to draw plans andto write out descriptions of what appeared to them to be feasiblesubmarine boats. Others took one step further, by taking outpatents, but only very few of the submarine engineers of this periodhad either the means or the courage to test their inventions in theonly practicable way, by building an experimental boat and using it. In spite of this apparent lack of faith on the part of the men whoworked on the submarine problem, it would not be fair to condemnthem as fakirs. Experimental workers, in those times, had to facemany difficulties which were removed in later times. The study ofscience and the examination of the forces of nature were not onlynot as popular as they became later, but frequently were looked uponas blasphemous, savouring of sorcery, or as a sign of an unbalancedmind. [Illustration: © Kadel & Herbert. _A Gas Attack Photographed from an Airplane. _] England and France supplied most of the men who occupied themselveswith the submarine problem between 1610 and 1760. Of theEnglishmen, the following left records of one kind or anotherconcerning their labours in this direction. Richard Norwood, in1632, was granted a patent for a contrivance which was apparentlylittle more than a diving apparatus. In 1648, Bishop Wilkinspublished a book, _Mathematical Magick_, which was full of rathergrotesque projects and which contained one chapter on thepossibility "of framing an ark for submarine navigation. " In 1691, patents were granted on engines connected with submarine navigationto John Holland--curious forerunner of a name destined to be famoustwo hundred years later--and on a submarine boat to Sir StephenEvance. In Prance, two priests, Fathers Mersenne and Fournier, published in1634 a small book called _Questions Théologiques, Physiques, Moraleset Mathématiques_, which contained a detailed description of asubmarine boat. They suggested that the hull of submarines ought tobe of metal and not of wood, and that their shape ought to be asnearly fishlike as possible. Nearly three hundred years have hardlyaltered these opinions. Ancient French records also tell us that sixyears later, in 1640, the King of France had granted a patent toJean Barrié, permitting him during the next twelve years to fish atthe bottom of the sea with his boat. Unluckily Barrié's fish storieshave expired with his permit. In 1654, a French engineer, De Son, issaid to have built at Rotterdam a submarine boat. Little is knownconcerning this vessel except that it was reported to have beenseventy-two feet long, twelve feet high, and eight feet broad, andto have been propelled by a paddlewheel instead of oars. Borelli, about whom very little seems to be known, is credited withhaving invented in 1680 a submarine boat, whose descent and ascentwere regulated by a series of leather bottles placed in the hull ofthe boat with their mouths open to the surrounding water. TheEnglish magazine, _Graphic_, published a picture which is consideredthe oldest known illustration of any submarine boat. This picturematches in all details the description of Borelli's boat, but it iscredited to a man called Symons. Twenty-seven years later, in 1774, another Englishman, J. Day, builta small submarine boat, and after fairly extensive experiments, descended in his boat in Plymouth harbour. This descent is ofspecial interest because we have a more detailed record of it thanof any previous submarine exploit, and because Day is the firstsubmarine inventor who lost his life in the attempt to prove thefeasibility of his invention. The _Annual Register_ of 1774 gives anarration in detail of Day's experiments and death and inasmuch asthis is the first ungarbled report of a submarine descent, it may bequoted at length. _Authentic account of a late unfortunate transaction, with respect to a diving machine at Plymouth. _ Mr. Day (the sole projector of the scheme, and, as matters have turned out, the unhappy sacrifice to his own ingenuity) employed his thoughts for some years past in planning a method of sinking a vessel under water, with a man in it, who should live therein for a certain time, and then by his own means only, bring himself up to the surface. After much study he conceived that his plan could be reduced into practice. He communicated his idea in the part of the country where he lived, and had the most sanguine hopes of success. He went so far as to try his project in the Broads near Yarmouth. He fitted a Norwich market-boat for his purpose, sunk himself thirty feet under water, where he continued during the space of twenty-four hours, and executed his design to his own entire satisfaction. Elated with this success, he then wanted to avail himself of his invention. He conversed with his friends, convinced them that he had brought his undertaking to a certainty; but how to reap the advantage of it was the difficulty that remained. The person in whom he confided suggested to him, that, if he acquainted the sporting Gentlemen with the discovery, and the certainty of the performance, considerable betts would take place, as soon as the project would be mentioned in company. The Sporting Kalendar was immediately looked into, and the name of Blake soon occurred; that gentleman was fixed upon as the person to whom Mr. Day ought to address himself. Accordingly, Mr. Blake, in the month of November last, received the following letter: "SIR, "I found out an affair by which many thousands may be won; it is of a paradoxical nature, but can be performed with ease; therefore, sir, if you chuse to be informed of it, and give me one hundred pounds of every thousand you shall win by it, I will very readily wait upon you and inform you of it. I am myself but a poor mechanic and not able to make anything by it without your assistance. "Your's, etc. "J. DAY. " Mr. Blake had no conception of Mr. Day's design, nor was he sure that the letter was serious. To clear the matter up, he returned for answer, that, if Mr. Day would come to town, and explain himself, Mr. Blake would consider of the proposal. If he approved of it, Mr. Day should have the recompence he desired; if, on the other hand, the plan should be rejected, Mr. Blake would make him a present to defray the expences of his journey. In a short time after Mr. Day came to town; Mr. Blake saw him and desired to know what secret he was possessed of. The man replied, "that he could sink a ship 100 feet deep in the sea with himself in it, and remain therein for the space of 24 hours, without communication with anything above; and at the expiration of the time, rise up again in the vessel. " The proposal, in all its parts, was new to Mr. Blake. He took down the particulars, and, after considering the matter, desired some kind of proof of the practicability. The man added that if Mr. Blake would furnish him with the materials necessary, he would give him an occular demonstration. A model of the vessel, with which he was to perform the experiment, was then required, and in three or four weeks accomplished, so as to give a perfect idea of the principle upon which the scheme was to be executed, and, in time, a very plausible promise of success, not to Mr. Blake only, but many other gentlemen who were consulted upon the occasion. The consequence was, that Mr. Blake, agreeably to the man's desire, advanced money for the construction of a vessel fit for that purpose. Mr. Day, thus assisted, went to Plymouth with his model, and set a man in that place to work upon it. The pressure of the water at 100 feet deep was a circumstance of which Mr. Blake was advised, and touching that article he gave the strongest precautions to Mr. Day, telling him, at any expence, to fortify the chamber in which he was to subsist, against the weight of such a body of water. Mr. Day set off in great spirits for Plymouth, and seemed so confident, that Mr. Blake made a bett that the project would succeed, reducing, however, the depth of water from 100 yards to 100 feet, and the time from 24 to 12 hours. By the terms of the wager, the experiment was to be made within three months from the date; but so much time was necessary for due preparation, that on the appointed day things were not in readiness and Mr. Blake lost the bett. [Illustration: Photo by International Film Service. _A French Nieuport Dropping a Bomb. _] In some short time afterwards the vessel was finished, and Mr. Day still continued eager for the carrying of his plan into execution; he was uneasy at the idea of dropping the scheme and wished for an opportunity to convince Mr. Blake that he could perform what he had undertaken. He wrote from Plymouth that everything was in readiness and should be executed the moment Mr. Blake arrived. Induced by this promise, Mr. Blake set out for Plymouth; upon his arrival a trial was made in Cat-water, where Mr. Day lay, during the flow of tide, six hours, and six more during the tide of ebb; confined all the time in the room appropriated for his use. A day for the final determination was fixed; the vessel was towed to the place agreed upon; Mr. Day provided himself with whatever he thought necessary; he went into the vessel, let the water into her and with great composure retired to the room constructed for him, and shut up the valve. The ship went gradually down in 22 fathoms of water at 2 o'clock on Tuesday, June 28, in the afternoon, being to return at 2 the next morning. He had three buoys or messengers, which he could send to the surface at option, to announce his situation below; but, none appearing, Mr. Blake, who was near at hand in a barge, began to entertain some suspicion. He kept a strict lookout, and at the time appointed, neither the buoys nor the vessel coming up, he applied to the _Orpheus_ frigate, which lay just off the barge, for assistance. The captain with the most ready benevolence supplied them with everything in his power to seek for the ship. Mr. Blake, in this alarming situation was not content with the help of the _Orpheus_ only; he made immediate application to Lord Sandwich (who happened to be at Plymouth) for further relief. His Lordship with great humanity ordered a number of hands from the dock-yard, who went with the utmost alacrity and tried every effort to regain the ship, but unhappily without effect. Thus ended this unfortunate affair. Mr. Blake had not experience enough to judge of all possible contingencies, and he had now only to lament the credulity with which he listened to a projector, fond of his own scheme but certainly not possessed of skill enough to guard against the variety of accidents to which he was liable. The poor man has unfortunately shortened his days; he was not however tempted or influenced by anybody; he confided in his own judgment, and put his life to the hazard upon his own mistaken notions. Many and various have been the opinions on this strange, useless, and fatal experiment, though the more reasonable part of mankind seemed to give it up as wholly impracticable. It is well-known, that pent-up air, when overcharged with the vapours emitted out of animal bodies, becomes unfit for respiration; for which reason, those confined in the diving-bell, after continuing some time under water are obliged to come up, and take in fresh air, or by some such means recruit it. That any man should be able after having sunk a vessel to so great a depth, to make that vessel at pressure, so much more specifically lighter than water, as thereby to enable it to force its way to the surface, through the depressure of so great a weight, is a matter not hastily to be credited. Even cork, when sunk to a certain depth will, by the great weight of the fluid upon it, be prevented from rising. The English of the _Annual Register_ leaves much to be desired inclarity. It makes reasonably clear, however, that the unfortunateMr. Day's knowledge of submarine conditions was, by no means, equalto Mr. Blake's sporting spirit. Even to-day one hundred feet is anunusual depth of submersion for the largest submarines. The credit for using a submarine boat for the first time in actualwarfare belongs to a Yankee, David Bushnell. He was born inSaybrook, Connecticut, and graduated from Yale with the class of1775. While still in college he was interested in science and as faras his means and opportunities allowed, he devoted a great deal ofhis time and energy to experimental work. The problem whichattracted his special attention was how to explode powder underwater, and before very long he succeeded in solving this to his ownsatisfaction as well as to that of a number of prominent peopleamongst whom were the Governor of Connecticut and his Council. Bushnell's experiments, of course, fell in the period during whichthe Revolutionary War was fought, and when he had completed hisinvention, there naturally presented itself to him a furtherproblem. How could his device be used for the benefit of his countryand against the British ships which were then threatening New YorkCity? As a means to this end, Bushnell planned and built a submarineboat which on account of its shape is usually called the _Turtle_. General Washington thought very highly of Bushnell, whom he calledin a letter to Thomas Jefferson "a man of great mechanical powers, fertile in inventions and master of execution. " In regard toBushnell's submarine boat the same letter, written after itsfailure, says: "I thought and still think that it was an effort ofgenius, but that too many things were necessary to be combined toexpect much against an enemy who are always on guard. " During the whole period of the building of the _Turtle_ Bushnell wasin ill health. Otherwise he would have navigated it on its trialtrip himself for he was a man of undoubted courage and wrapped upalike in the merits of his invention and in the possibility ofutilizing it to free New York from the constant ignominy of thepresence of British ships in its harbour. But his health made thisout of the question. Accordingly he taught his brother the method ofnavigating the craft, but at the moment for action the brother toofell ill. It became necessary to hire an operator. This was by nomeans easy as volunteers to go below the water in a submarine boatof a type hitherto undreamed of, and to attach an explosive to thehull of a British man-of-war, the sentries upon which werepresumably especially vigilant, being in a hostile harbour, was anadventure likely to attract only the most daring and recklessspirits. In a letter to Thomas Jefferson, other portions of which weshall have occasion to quote later, Bushnell refers to thisdifficulty in finding a suitable operator and tells briefly and withevident chagrin the story of the failure of the attempts made toutilize successfully his submarine: [Illustration: Photo by U. & U. _A Bomb-Dropping Taube. _] After various attempts to find an operator to my wish, I sent one who appeared more expert than the rest from New York to a 50-gun ship lying not far from Governor's Island. He went under the ship and attempted to fix the wooden screw into her bottom, but struck, as he supposes, a bar of iron which passes from the rudder hinge, and is spiked under the ship's quarter. Had he moved a few inches, which he might have done without rowing, I have no doubt but he would have found wood where he might have fixed the screw, or if the ship were sheathed with copper he might easily have pierced it; but, not being well skilled in the management of the vessel, in attempting to move to another place he lost the ship. After seeking her in vain for some time, he rowed some distance and rose to the surface of the water, but found daylight had advanced so far that he durst not renew the attempt. He says that he could easily have fastened the magazine under the stem of the ship above water, as he rowed up to the stern and touched it before he descended. Had he fastened it there the explosion of 150 lbs. Of powder (the quantity contained in the magazine) must have been fatal to the ship. In his return from the ship to New York he passed near Governor's Island, and thought he was discovered by the enemy on the island. Being in haste to avoid the danger he feared, he cast off the magazine, as he imagined it retarded him in the swell, which was very considerable. After the magazine had been cast off one hour, the time the internal apparatus was set to run, it blew up with great violence. Afterwards there were two attempts made in Hudson's River, above the city, but they effected nothing. One of them was by the aforementioned person. In going towards the ship he lost sight of her, and went a great distance beyond her. When he at length found her the tide ran so strong that, as he descended under water for the ship's bottom, it swept him away. Soon after this the enemy went up the river and pursued the boat which had the submarine vessel on board and sunk it with their shot. Though I afterwards recovered the vessel, I found it impossible at that time to prosecute the design any farther. The operator to whom Bushnell had entrusted his submarine boat was atypical Yankee, Ezra Lee of Lyme, Connecticut. His story of theadventure differs but little from that of Bushnell, but it is toldwith a calm indifference to danger and a seeming lack of any notionof the extraordinary in what he had done that gives an idea of theman. "When I rode under the stern of the ship [the _Eagle_] I couldsee the men on deck and hear them talk, " he wrote. "I then shut downall the doors, sunk down, and came up under the bottom of the ship. " This means that he hermetically sealed himself inside of a craft, shaped like two upper turtle shells joined together--hence the nameof the _Turtle_. He had entered through the orifice at the top, whence the head of the turtle usually protrudes. This before sinkinghe had covered and made water-tight by screwing down upon it a brasscrown or top like that to a flask. Within he had enough air tosupport him thirty minutes. The vessel stood upright, not flat as aturtle carries himself. It was maintained in this position by leadballast. Within the operator occupied an upright position, halfsitting, half standing. To sink water was admitted, which gatheredin the lower part of the boat, while to rise again this wasexpelled by a force pump. There were ventilators and portholes forthe admission of light and air when operating on the surface, butonce the cap was screwed down the operator was in darkness. In this craft, which suggests more than anything else a curiouslyshaped submarine coffin, Lee drifted along by the side of the ship, navigating with difficulty with his single oar and seeking vainly tofind some spot to which he might affix his magazine. A fact whichmight have disquieted a more nervous man was that the clockwork ofthis machine was running and had been set to go off in an hour fromthe time the voyage was undertaken. As to almost anyone in thatposition minutes would seem hours, the calmness of sailor Lee'snerves seems to be something beyond the ordinary. When he finally abandoned the attempt on the _Eagle_ he started upthe bay. Off Governor's Island he narrowly escaped capture. When I was abreast of the Fort on the Island three hundred or four hundred men got upon the parapet to observe me; at length a number came down to the shore, shoved off a twelve oar'd barge with five or six sitters and pulled for me. I eyed them, and when they had got within fifty or sixty yards of me I let loose the magazine in hopes that if they should take me they would likewise pick up the magazine and then we should all be blown up together. But as kind providence would have it they took fright and returned to the Island to my infinite joy. . . . The magazine after getting a little past the Island went off with a tremendous explosion, throwing up large bodies of water to an immense height. During the last quarter of the eighteenth and during the first halfof the nineteenth century France was the chief centre for theactivities of submarine inventors. However, very few of the manyplans put forward in this period were executed. The few exceptionsresulted in little else than trial boats which usually did not liveup to the expectations of their inventors or their financial backersand were, therefore, discarded in quick order. In spite of this lackof actual results this particular period was of considerableimportance to the later development of the submarine. Almost everyone of the many boats then projected or built contained someinnovation and in this way some of the many obstacles were graduallyovercome. Strictly speaking the net result of the experimental workdone during these seventy-five years by a score or more of men, mostof whom were French, though a few were English, was the creation ofa more sane and sound basis on which, before long, other men beganto build with greater success. The one notable accomplishment of interest, especially to Americans, was the submarine built in 1800-01 by Robert Fulton. Fulton, ofcourse, is far better known by his work in connection with thediscovery and development of steam navigation. Born in Pennsylvaniain 1765, he early showed marked mechanical genius. In 1787 he wentto England with the purpose of studying art under the famous painterWest, but soon began to devote most of his time and energy tomechanical problems. Not finding in England as much encouragement ashe had hoped, he went, in 1797, to Paris and, for the next sevenyears, lived there in the house of the American Minister, JoelBarlow. As soon as he had settled down in France, he offered his plans of asubmarine boat which he called the _Nautilus_ to the FrenchGovernment. Though a special commission reported favourably on thisboat, the opposition of the French Minister of the Marine was toostrong to be overcome, even after another commission had approved amodel built by Fulton. In 1800, however, he was successful ingaining the moral and financial support of Napoleon Bonaparte, thenFirst Consul of the French Republic. Fulton immediately proceeded to build the _Nautilus_ and completedthe boat in May, 1801. It was cigar-shaped, about seven feet indiameter and over twenty-one feet in length. The hull was of copperstrengthened by iron ribs. The most noticeable features were acollapsible mast and sail and a small conning tower at the forwardend. The boat was propelled by a wheel affixed to the centre of thestern and worked by a hand-winch. A rudder was used for steering, and increased stability was gained by a keel which ran the wholelength of the hull. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A Captured German Fokker Exhibited at the Invalides. _] Soon after completion the boat was taken out for a number of trialtrips all of which were carried out with signal success and finallyculminated, on June 26, 1801, in the successful blowing up of an oldship furnished by the French Government. Although the _Nautilus_created a great sensation, popular as well as official interestbegan soon to flag. Fulton received no further encouragement andfinally gave up his submarine experiments. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A British Seaplane with Folding Wings. _] In 1806 he returned to America. By 1814 he had built anothersubmarine boat which he called the _Mute_. It was, comparativelyspeaking, of immense size, being over eighty feet long, twenty-onefeet wide, and fourteen feet deep and accommodating a hundred men. It was iron-plated on top and derived its peculiar name from thefact that it was propelled by a noiseless engine. Before its trialscould be completed, Fulton died on February 24, 1815, and no oneseemed to have sufficient interest or faith in his new boat tocontinue his work. In the middle of the nineteenth century for the first time a Germanbecame seriously interested in submarines. His name was WilhelmBauer. He was born in 1822 in a small town in Bavaria and, though aturner by trade, joined the army in 1842. Bauer was even in hisyouth of a highly inventive turn of mind. He possessed anindomitable will and an unlimited supply of enthusiasm. Step by stephe acquired, in what little time he could spare from his militaryduties, the necessary mechanical knowledge, and finally, supportedfinancially by a few loyal friends and patrons, he built his firstsubmarine at Kiel at a cost of about $2750. It sank to the bottom onits first trial trip, fortunately without anyone on board. Undauntedhe continued his efforts. When he found that his support at Kiel was weakening, he promptlywent to Austria. In spite of glowing promises, opposition on thepart of some officials deprived Bauer of the promised assistance. Hewent then to England and succeeded in enlisting the interest of thePrince Consort. A boat was built according to Bauer's plans, which, however, he was forced by the interference of politicians to changeto such an extent that it sank on its first trial with considerableloss of life. Still full of faith in his ability to produce a successfulsubmarine, Bauer now went to Russia. In 1855, he built a boat at St. Petersburg and had it accepted by the Russian Government. It wascalled _Le Diable Marin_ and looked very much like a dolphin. Itslength was fifty-two feet, its beam twelve feet five inches, and itsdepth eleven feet. Its hull was of iron. A propeller, worked by fourwheels, furnished motive power. Submersion and stability wereregulated by four cylinders into which water could be pumped atwill. The first trial of the boat was made on May 26, 1856, and wasentirely successful. In later trials as many as fourteen men at atime descended in _Le Diable Marin_. It is said that Bauer made atotal of 134 trips on his boat. All but two were carried outsuccessfully. At one time, however, the propeller was caught in someseaweed and it was only by the quickest action that all the waterwas pumped out and the bow of the boat allowed to rise out of thewater, so that the occupants managed to escape by means of thehatchway. Like Fulton in France, Bauer now experienced in Russia asudden decrease of official interest. When he finally lost his boat, about four weeks later, he also lost his courage, and in 1858 hereturned to Germany where he later died in comparative poverty. Contemporary with Bauer's submarines and immediately following themwere a large number of other boats. Some of these were little morethan freaks. Others failed in certain respects but added newfeatures to the sum-total of submarine inventions. As early as 1854, M. Marié-Davy, Professor of Chemistry at Montpellier University, suggested an electro-magnetic engine as motive power. In 1855 awell-known engineer, J. Nasmith, suggested a submerged motor, drivenby a steam engine. None of the boats of this period provedsuccessful enough, however, to receive more than passing notice, andvery few, indeed, ever reached the trial stage. But before long therapid development of internal-combustion engines and the immenseprogress made in the study of electricity was to advance thedevelopment of submarines by leaps and bounds. CHAPTER XII THE COMING OF STEAM AND ELECTRICITY In the fall of 1863, the Federal fleet was blockading the harbour ofCharleston, S. C. Included among the many ships was one of themarvels of that period, the United States battleship _Ironsides_. Armour-plated and possessing what was then considered a wonderfulequipment of high calibred guns and a remarkably trained crew, shewas the terror of the Confederates. None of their ships could hopeto compete with her and the land batteries of the Southern harbourwere powerless to reach her. [Illustration: © U. & U. _A British Anti-Aircraft Gun. _] During the night of October 5, 1863, the officer of the watch onboard the _Ironsides_, Ensign Howard, suddenly observed a smallobject looking somewhat like a pleasure boat, floating close to hisown ship. Before Ensign Howard's order to fire at it could beexecuted, the _Ironsides_ was shaken from bow to stern, an immensecolumn of water was thrown up and flooded her deck and engine room, and Ensign Howard fell, mortally wounded. The little floating objectwas responsible for all this. It was a Confederate submersible boat, only fifty feet long and nine feet in diameter, carrying afifteen-foot spar-torpedo. She had been named _David_ and theConfederate authorities hoped to do away by means of her with theGoliaths of the Federal navy. Manned only by five men, under thecommand of Lieutenant W. T. Glassel, driven by a small engine andpropeller, she had managed to come up unobserved within strikingdistance of the big battleship. The attack, however, was unsuccessful. The _Ironsides_ wasundamaged. On the other hand the plucky little _David_ had beendisabled to such an extent that her crew had to abandon her and taketo the water, allowing their boat to drift without motive power. Four of them were later picked up. According to an account inBarnes, _Torpedoes and Torpedo Warfare_, the engineer, after havingbeen in the water for some time, found himself near her andsucceeded in getting on board. He relighted her fires and navigatedhis little boat safely back to Charleston. There she remained, making occasional unsuccessful sallies against the Federal fleet, and when Charleston was finally occupied by the Federal forces, shewas found there. In spite of this failure the Confederates continued their attemptsto break the blockade of their most important port by submarinedevices. A new and somewhat improved _David_ was ordered and builtat another port. News of this somehow reached the Federal NavyDepartment and was immediately communicated to Vice-AdmiralDahlgren, in command of the blockading fleet. Despite this warningand instructions to all the officers of the fleet, the second_David_ succeeded in crossing Charleston bar. This new boat was a real diving submarine boat and though frequentlycalled _David_ had been christened the _Hundley_. It had been builtin the shipyards of McClintock & Hundley at Mobile, Alabama, and hadbeen brought to Charleston by rail. On her trial she proved veryclumsy and difficult to manage. For her first trip a crew of ninemen volunteered. Not having any conning tower it was necessary thatone of the hatchways should be left open while the boat travelled onthe surface so that the steersman could find his bearings. While shewas on her first trip, the swell from a passing boat engulfed her. Before the hatchway could be closed, she filled with water. Ofcourse, she sank like a piece of lead and her entire crew, with theexception of the steersman, was drowned. In spite of this mishap the _Hundley_ was raised and again put incommission. Lieutenant Payne who had steered her on her first fataltrip had lost neither his courage nor faith and again assumedcommand of her. Soon after she started on her second trip a suddensquall arose. Before the hatchways could be closed, she again filledwith water and sank, drowning all of her crew with the exception ofLieutenant Payne and two of his men. Undaunted he took her out on a third trip after she had again beenraised. Ill luck still pursued her. Off Fort Sumter she was capsizedand this time four of her crew were drowned. The difficulties encountered in sailing the _Hundley_ on the surfaceof the water apparently made no difference when it came to findingnew crews for her. By this time, however, the powers that be hadbecome anxious that their submarine boat should accomplish somethingagainst an enemy, instead of drowning only her own men and it wasdecided to use her on the next trip in a submerged state. AgainLieutenant Payne was entrusted with her guidance. Her hatches wereclosed, her water tanks filled, and she was off for her first dive. Something went wrong however; either too much water had been put inher tanks or else the steering gear refused to work. At any rate shehit the muddy bottom with such force that her nose became deeplyimbedded and before she could work herself free her entire crew ofeight was suffocated. Lieutenant Payne himself lost his life whichhe had risked so valiantly and frequently before. Once more she was raised and once more volunteers rushed to man her. On the fifth trip, however, the _Hundley_, while travellingunderwater, became entangled in the anchor chains of a boat shepassed and was held fast so long that her crew of nine were deadwhen she was finally disentangled and raised. Thirty-five lives had so far been lost without any actual resultshaving been accomplished. In spite of this a new crew was found. Hercommander, Lieutenant Dixon, was ordered to make an attack againstthe Federal fleet immediately, using, however, the boat as asubmersible instead of a submarine. Admiral David Porter in his _Naval History of the Civil War_described the attack, which was directed against the U. S. S. _Housatonic_, one of the newest Federal battleships, as follows: At about 8. 45 P. M. , the officer of the deck on board the unfortunate vessel discovered something about one hundred yards away, moving along the water. It came directly towards the ship, and within two minutes of the time it was first sighted was alongside. The cable was slipped, the engines backed, and all hands called to quarters. But it was too late--the torpedo struck the _Housatonic_ just forward of the mainmast, on the starboard side, on a line with the magazine. The man who steered her (the _Hundley_) knew where the vital spots of the steamer were and he did his work well. When the explosion took place the ship trembled all over as if by the shock of an earthquake, and seemed to be lifted out of the water, and then sank stern foremost, heeling to port as she went down. Only a part of the _Housatonic's_ complement was saved. Of the_Hundley_ no trace was discovered and she was believed to haveescaped. Three years later, however, divers who had been sent downto examine the hull of the _Housatonic_ found the little submarinestuck in the hole made by her attack on the larger ship and insideof her the bodies of her entire crew. The submarines and near-submarines built in the United States duringthe Civil War were remarkable rather for what they actuallyaccomplished than for what they contributed towards the developmentof submarine boats. Perhaps the greatest service which they renderedin the latter direction was that they proved to the satisfaction ofmany scientific men that submarine boats really held vastpossibilities as instruments of naval warfare. France still retained its lead in furnishing new submarineprojects. One of these put forward in 1861 by Olivier Riou deservesmention because it provided for two boats, one driven by steam andone by electricity. Both of these submarines were built, butinasmuch as nothing is known of the result of their trials, it issafe to conclude that neither of them proved of any practical value. Two years later, in 1863, two other Frenchmen, Captain Bourgeois andM. Brun, built at Rochefort a submarine 146 feet long and 12 feet indiameter which they called the _Plongeur_. They fitted it with acompressed-air engine of eighty horse-power. Extensive trials weremade with this boat but resulted only in the discovery that, thoughit was possible to sink or rise with a boat of this type withoutgreat difficulty, it was impossible to keep her at an even keel forany length of time. During the next few years, undoubtedly as a result of the submarineactivities during the Civil War, a number of projects were putforward in the United States, none of which, however, turned outsuccessfully. One of them, for which a man by the name of Halsteadwas responsible, was a submarine built for the United States Navy in1865. It was not tried out until 1872 and it was not even successfulin living up to its wonderful name, _The Intelligent Whale_. Itsfirst trial almost resulted in loss of life and was never repeated. In spite of this, however, the boat was preserved and may still beseen at the Brooklyn Navy Yard. In the meantime, an invention had been made by an Austrian artilleryofficer which before long was to exert a powerful influence onsubmarine development, though it was in no sense a submarine boat. The manner in which the submarines had attacked their opponentsduring the Civil War suggested to him the need of improvements inthis direction. As a result he conceived a small launch which was tocarry the explosive without any navigators. Before he could carryhis plans very far he died. A brother officer in the navy continuedhis work and finally interested the manager of an Englishengineering firm located at Fiume, Mr. Whitehead. The result of thecollaboration of these two men was the Whitehead torpedo. A seriesof experiments led to the construction of what was first called a"Submarine Locomotive" torpedo, which not only contained asufficient quantity of explosives to destroy large boats, but wasalso enabled by mechanical means to propel itself and keep on itscourse after having been fired. The Austrian Government was thefirst one to adopt this new weapon. Whitehead, however, refused togrant a monopoly to the Austrians and in 1870 he sold hismanufacturing rights and secret processes to the British Governmentfor a consideration of $45, 000. Before very long, special boats were built for the purpose ofcarrying and firing these torpedoes and gradually every great powerdeveloped a separate torpedo flotilla. Hand in hand with thisdevelopment a large number of improvements were made on the originaltorpedo and some of these devices proved of great usefulness in thedevelopment of submarine boats. The public interest in submarines grew rapidly at this time. Everyman who was a boy in 1873, or who had the spirit of boyhood in himthen, --or perhaps now, --will remember the extraordinary piece ofliterary and imaginative prophecy achieved by Jules Verne in hisnovel _Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea_. Little about the_Nautilus_ that held all readers entranced throughout his story islacking in the submarines of to-day except indeed its extremecomfort, even luxury. With those qualities our submarine navigatorshave to dispense. But the electric light, as we know it, was unknownin Verne's time yet he installed it in the boat of his fancy. Ourmodern internal-combustion engines were barely dreamed of, yet theydrove his boat. His fancy even enabled him to foresee one of themost amazing features of the Lake boat of to-day, namely thecompressed air chamber which opened to the sea still holds the waterback, and enables the submarine navigator clad in a diver's suit tostep into the wall of water and prosecute his labors on the bed ofthe ocean. Jules Verne even foresaw the callous and inhumancharacter of the men who command the German submarines to-day. HisCaptain Nemo had taken a vow of hate against the world andrelentlessly drove the prow of his steel boat into the hulls ofcrowded passenger ships, finding his greatest joy in sinking slowlybeside them with the bright glare of his submarine electric lightsturned full upon the hapless women and children over whosesufferings he gloated as they sank. The man who sank the _Lusitania_could do no more. More and more determined became the attempts to build submarineboats that could sink and rise easily, navigate safely and quickly, and sustain human beings under the surface of the water for aconsiderable length of time. Steam, compressed air, and electricitywere called upon to do their share in accomplishing this desiredresult. Engineers in every part of the world began to interestthemselves in the submarine problem and as a result submarine boatsin numbers were either projected or built between 1875 and 1900. One of the most persistent workers in this period was a well-knownSwedish inventor, Nordenfeldt, who had established for himself areputation by inventing a gun which even to-day has lost nothing ofits fame. In 1881 he became interested in the work which had beendone by an English clergyman named Garret. The latter had built asubmarine boat which he called the _Resurgam_ (I shall rise)--thusneatly combining a sacred promise with a profane purpose. In 1879another boat was built by him driven by a steam engine. Nordenfeldtused the fundamental ideas upon which these two boats were based, added to them some improvements of his own as well as some deviceswhich had been used by Bushnell, and finally launched in 1886 hisfirst submarine boat. The government of Greece bought it after somesuccessful trials. Not to be outdone, Greece's old rival, Turkey, immediately ordered two boats for her own navy. Both of these weremuch larger than the Greek boat and by 1887 they had reachedConstantinople in sections where they were to be put together. Onlyone of them, however, was ever completed. Characteristic Turkishdelay intervened. The most typical feature of this boat was the factthat it carried a torpedo tube for Whitehead torpedoes. On thesurface of the water this boat proved very efficient, but as anunderwater boat it was a dismal failure. More than in any othercraft that had ever been built and accepted, the lack of stabilitywas a cause of trouble in the _Nordenfeldt II. _ As soon as anymember of the crew moved from one part of the boat to another, shewould dip in the direction in which he was moving, and everybody, who could not in time take hold of some part of the boat, camesliding and rolling in the same direction. When finally such atangle was straightened out, only a few minutes elapsed beforesomebody else, moving a few steps, would bring about the samedeplorable state of affairs. The _Nordenfeldt II. _ acted more like abucking bronco than a self-respecting submarine boat and as a resultit became impossible to find a crew willing to risk their lives inmanning her. Before very long she had rusted and rotted to pieces. In spite of this lack of success, Nordenfeldt built a fourth boatwhich displayed almost as many unfortunate features as herpredecessors and soon was discarded and forgotten. [Illustration: Photo by Bain News Service. _An Anti-Aircraft Outpost. _] In the latter part of the nineteenth century the French Government, which for so many years had shown a strong and continuous interestin the submarine problem, was particularly active. Three differenttypes of boats built in this period under the auspices and with theassistance of the French Government deserve particular attention. The first of these was the _Gymnote_, planned originally by awell-known French engineer, Dupuy de Lome, whose alert mind alsoplanned an airship and made him a figure in the history of ourPanama Canal. He died, however, before his project could beexecuted. M. Gustave Zédé, a marine engineer and his friend, continued his work after modifying some of his plans. The FrenchMinister of Marine of this period, Admiral Aube who had long beenstrongly interested in submarines, immediately accepted M. Zédé'sdesign and ordered the boat to be built. As the earliest ofsuccessful submarines she merits description: [Illustration: © U. & U. _A Coast Defense Anti-Aircraft Gun. _] The _Gymnote_ was built of steel in the shape of a cigar. She was 59feet long, 5 feet 9 inches beam, and 6 feet in diameter, just deepenough to allow a man to stand upright in the interior. The motivepower was originally an electro-motor of 55 horse-power, driven from564 accumulators. It was of extraordinary lightness, weighing only4410 pounds, and drove the screw at the rate of two thousandrevolutions a minute, giving a speed of six knots an hour, itsradius of action at this speed being thirty-five miles. Immersion was accomplished by the introduction of water into threereservoirs, placed one forward, one aft, and one centre. The waterwas expelled either by means of compressed air or by a rotary pumpworked by an electro-motor. Two horizontal rudders steered the boatin the vertical plane and an ordinary rudder steered in thehorizontal. The _Gymnote_ had her first trial on September 4, 1888, and theParis _Temps_ described the result in the following enthusiasticlanguage: She steered like a fish both as regards direction and depth; she mastered the desired depth with ease and exactness; at full power she attained the anticipated speed of from nine to ten knots; the lighting was excellent, there was no difficulty about heating. It was a strange sight to see the vessel skimming along the top of the water, suddenly give a downward plunge with its snout, and disappear with a shark-like wriggle of its stern, only to come up again at a distance out and in an unlooked-for direction. A few small matters connected with the accumulators had to be seen to, but they did not take a month. Following along the same lines as this boat another boat, considerably larger, was built. Before it was completed, M. Zédédied and it was decided to name the new boat in his honour. The_Gustave Zédé_ was launched at Toulon on June 1, 1893; she was 159feet in length, beam 12 feet 4 inches, and had a total displacementof 266 tons. Her shell was of "Roma" bronze, a non-magnetic metal, and one that could not be attacked by sea water. The motive power was furnished by two independent electro-motors of360 horse-power each and fed by accumulators. In order to endow theboat with a wide radius of action a storage battery was provided. The successive crews of the _Gustave Zédé_ suffered much from thepoisonous fumes of the accumulators, and during the earlier trialsall the men on board were ill. In the bows was a torpedo tube, and an arrangement was used wherebythe water that entered the tube after the discharge of the torpedowas forced out by compressed air. Three Whitehead torpedoes werecarried. In spite of the fact that a horizontal rudder placed at thestern had not proved serviceable on the _Gymnote_, such a rudder wasfitted in the _Gustave Zédé_. With this rudder she usually plungedat an angle of about 5°, but on several occasions she behaved in avery erratic fashion, seesawing up and down, and once when theCommittee of Experts were on board, she proved so capricious, goingdown at an angle of 30°-35°, often throwing the poor gentlemen on tothe floor, that it was decided to fix a system of six rudders, threeon each side. Four water tanks were carried, one at each end and two in themiddle, and the water was expelled by four pumps worked by a littleelectro-motor; these pumps also furnished the air necessary for thecrew and for the discharge of the torpedoes. For underwater vision, an optical tube and a periscope had been provided. On July 5, 1899, still another submarine boat was launched for theFrench Navy. She was called the _Morse_. She was 118 feet long, 9feet beam, displaced 146 tons, and was likewise made of "Roma"bronze. The motive power was electricity and in many other respectsshe was very similar to the _Gustave Zédé_, embodying, however, anumber of improvements. M. Calmette, who accompanied the FrenchMinister of War on the trial trip of the _Morse_, described hisexperience in the Paris _Figaro_ as follows: General André, Dr. Vincent, a naval doctor, and I entered the submarine boat _Morse_ through the narrow opening in the upper surface of the boat. Our excursion was to begin immediately; in two hours we came to the surface of the water again three miles to the north to rejoin the _Narval_. Turning to the crew, every man of which was at his post, the commandant gave his orders, dwelling with emphasis on each word. A sailor repeated his orders one by one, and all was silent. The _Morse_ had already started on its mysterious voyage, but was skimming along the surface until outside the port in order to avoid the numerous craft in the Arsenal. To say that at this moment, which I had so keenly anticipated, I did not have the tremor which comes from contact with the unknown would be beside the truth. On the other hand, calm and imperturbable, but keenly curious as to this novel form of navigation, General André had already taken his place near the commandant on a folding seat. There were no chairs in this long tube in which we were imprisoned. Everything was arranged for the crew alone, with an eye to serious action. Moreover, the Minister of War was too tall to stand upright beneath the iron ceiling, and in any case it would be impossible to walk about. The only free space was a narrow passage, sixty centimetres broad, less than two metres high, and thirty metres long, divided into three equal sections. In the first, in the forefront of the tube, reposed the torpedoes, with the machine for launching them, which at a distance of from 500 to 600 metres were bound to sink, with the present secret processes, the largest of ironclads. In the second section were the electric accumulators which gave the light and power. In the third, near the screw, was the electric motor which transformed into movement the current of the accumulators. Under all this, beneath the floor, from end to end, were immense water ballasts, which were capable of being emptied or filled in a few seconds by electric machines, in order to carry the vessel up or down. Finally, in the centre of the tube, dominating these three sections, which the electric light inundated, and which no partition divided, the navigating lieutenant stood on the lookout giving his orders. There was but one thing which could destroy in a second all the sources of authority, initiative, and responsibility in this officer. That was the failure of the accumulators. Were the electricity to fail everything would come to a stop. Darkness would overtake the boat and imprison it for ever in the water. To avoid any such disaster there have been arranged, it is true, outside the tube and low down, a series of lead blades which were capable of being removed from within to lighten the vessel. But admitting that the plunger would return to the surface, the boat would float hither and thither, and at all events lose all its properties as a submarine vessel. To avoid any such disaster a combination of motors have been in course of construction for some months, so that the accumulators might be loaded afresh on the spot, in case of their being used up. The _Morse_, after skimming along the surface of the water until outside the port, was now about to sink. The commandant's place was no longer in the helmet or kiosque whence he could direct the route along the surface of the sea. His place was henceforth in the very centre of the tube, in the midst of all sort of electric manipulators, his eyes continually fixed on a mysterious optical apparatus, the periscope. The other extremity of this instrument floated on the surface of the water, and whatever the depth of the plunge it gave him a perfectly faithful and clear representation, as in a camera, of everything occurring on the water. The most interesting moment of all now came. I hastened to the little opening to get the impression of total immersion. The lieutenant by the marine chart verified the depths. The casks of water were filled and our supply of air was thereby renewed from their stores of surplus air. In our tiny observatory, where General André stationed himself above me, a most unexpected spectacle presented itself as the boat was immersed. The plunge was so gentle that in the perfect silence of the waters one did not perceive the process of descent, and there was only an instrument capable of indicating, by a needle, the depth to which the _Morse_ was penetrating. The vessel was advancing while at the same time it descended, but there was no sensation of either advance or roll. As to respiration, it was as perfect as in any room. M. De Lanessan, who since entering office has ordered eight more submarine vessels, had concerned himself with the question as a medical man also, and, thanks to the labours of a commission formed by him, the difficulties of respiration were entirely solved. The crew were able to remain under water sixteen hours without the slightest strain. Our excursion on this occasion lasted scarcely two hours. Towards noon, by means of the mysterious periscope, which, always invisible, floated on the surface and brought to the vessel below a reflection of all that passed up above, the captain showed us the _Narval_, which had just emerged with its two flags near the old battery _Impregnable_. From the depths in which we were sailing we watched its slightest manoeuvres until the admiral's flag, waving on the top of a fort, reminded us that it was time to return. [Illustration: _The Submarine's Perfect Work. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] CHAPTER XIII JOHN P. HOLLAND AND SIMON LAKE The Naval Committee of the House of Representatives of the UnitedStates in the early part of 1900 held a meeting for the purpose ofhearing expert testimony upon the subject of submarines. Up to thenthe United States authorities had shown, as compared with the rulingpowers of other navies, only a limited amount of interest in thesubmarine question. Increased appropriations for the construction ofsubmarine boats which were then beginning to become more frequent inother countries acted, however, as a stimulus at this time. The committee meeting took place a few days after some of themembers of the committee, together with a number of United Statesnavy officers, had attended an exhibition of a new submarine boat, the _Holland No. 9_. The late Admiral Dewey gave the following opinion about thissubmarine to the committee, an opinion which since then has becomerather famous: Gentlemen: I saw the operation of the boat down off Mount Vernon the other day. Several members of this committee were there. I think we were very much impressed with its performance. My aid, Lieutenant Caldwell, was on board. The boat did everything that the owners proposed to do. I said then, and I have said it since, that if they had two of those things at Manila, I could never have held it with the squadron I had. The moral effect--to my mind, it is infinitely superior to mines or torpedoes or anything of the kind. With two of those in Galveston all the navies of the world could not blockade the place. Admiral Dewey's approval of the _Holland No. 9_ undoubtedly exerteda considerable influence on the Naval Committee and as a result ofits recommendations the United States Government finally purchasedthe boat on April 11, 1900, for $150, 000. This amount was about$86, 000 less than the cost of building to the manufacturers, theHolland Torpedo Boat Company. The latter, however, could well affordto take this loss because this first sale resulted a few monthsafterwards--on August 25th--in an order for six additionalsubmarines. The British Government also contracted in the fall ofthe same year for five Hollands. The navy of almost every powerinterested in submarines soon followed the lead of the BritishAdmiralty. Submarines of the Holland type were either orderedoutright, or else arrangements were concluded permitting the use ofthe basic patents held by the Holland Company. It will be noted thatthe United States Government having discovered that it had a goodthing benevolently shared it with the governments that might beexpected to use it against us. [Illustration: Copyright by Munn & Co. , Inc. From the _Scientific American. _ _Types of American Aircraft. _] The _Holland No. 9_, as her very name indicates, was one of a longline of similar boats. As compared with other experimental submarineboats she was small. She was only fifty-three feet ten inches long, and ten feet seven inches deep. Although these proportions made herlook rather thickset, they were the result of experimental work doneby the builder during a period of twenty-five years. She wasequipped both with a gasoline engine of fifty horse-power and anelectric motor run by storage batteries. The latter was intended foruse when the boat was submerged, the former when she was travellingon the surface of the water. She was capable of a maximum speed ofseven knots an hour. Her cruising radius was 1500 miles and thecombination of oil and electric motors proved so successful thatfrom that time on every submarine built anywhere adopted thisprinciple. Two horizontal rudders placed at the stern of the boatsteered her downward whenever she wanted to dive and soaccomplished a diver was this boat that a depth of twenty-eight feetcould be reached by her in five seconds. Her conning tower was theonly means of making observations. No periscopes had been providedbecause none of the instruments available at that time gavesatisfaction. This meant that whenever she wished to aim at hertarget it was necessary for her to make a quick ascent to thesurface. Her stability was one of her most satisfactory features. Socarefully had her proportions been worked out that there waspractically no pitching or rolling when the boat was submerged. Eventhe concussion caused by the discharge of a torpedo was hardlynoticeable because arrangements had been made to take up the recoilcaused by the firing and to maintain the balance of the boat bypermitting a quantity of water equal to the weight of the dischargedtorpedo to enter special compartments at the very moment of thedischarge. The _Holland No. 9_ was built at Lewis Nixon's shipyards atElizabethport, New Jersey, and was launched early in 1898, justprevious to the outbreak of the Spanish-American War. Althoughnumerous requests were made to the United States Government by herinventor and builder, John P. Holland, for permission to take herinto Santiago harbour in an attempt to torpedo Cervera's fleet, thenavy authorities at Washington refused this permission. Why?Presumably through navy hostility to the submarine idea. When the_Monitor_ whipped the _Merrimac_ in 1862 the former ship belonged toher inventor, not to the United States Government. It would havebeen interesting had Holland at his own expense destroyed theSpanish ships. John P. Holland at the time when he achieved his success wasfifty-eight years old, Irish by birth and an early immigrant to theUnited States. He had been deeply interested for many years inmechanical problems and especially in those connected withnavigation. The change from the old wooden battleships to the newironclads and the rapidly increasing development of steam-enginesacted as a strong stimulus to the young Irishman's experiments. Itis claimed that his interest in submarine navigation was dueprimarily to his desire to find a weapon strong enough to destroy orat least dominate the British navy; for at that time Holland wasstrongly anti-British, because he, like many other educated Irishmenof that period, desired before everything else to free Ireland. Hisplans for doing this by supplying to the proposed Irish Republic ameans for overcoming the British navy found little support and agreat deal of ridicule on the part of his Irish friends. In spite ofthis he kept on with his work and in 1875 he built and launched hisfirst submarine boat at Paterson. This boat was far from being veryrevolutionary. She was only sixteen feet long and two feet indiameter, shaped like a cigar but with both ends sharply pointed. Inmany respects except in appearance she was similar to Bushnell's_Turtle_. Room for only one operator was provided and the latter wasto turn the propeller by means of pedals to be worked by his feet. She accomplished little beyond giving an opportunity to her inventorand builder to gather experience in actual underwater navigation. Two years later in 1877 the _Holland No. 2_ was built. In spite ofthe number of improvements represented by her she was notparticularly successful. Her double hull, it is true, provided spacefor carrying water ballast. But the leaks from this ballast tankcontinuously threatened to drown the navigator sitting inside of thesecond hull. A small oil engine of four horse-power was soondiscarded on account of its inefficiency. The experience gathered by Holland in building and navigating thesetwo boats strengthened his determination to build a thoroughlysuccessful submarine and increased his faith in his ability to doso. He opened negotiations with the Fenian Brotherhood. This was asecret society founded for the purpose of freeing Ireland fromBritish rule and creating an Irish Republic. Holland finallysucceeded in persuading his Fenian friends to order from him twosubmarine boats and to supply him with the necessary means to buildthem. Both of these boats were built. The lack of success of thefirst one was due primarily to the inefficiency of her engine. Thesecond boat which was really the _Holland No. 4_ was built in 1881. It is usually known as the _Fenian Ram_, and is still in existenceat New Haven, Connecticut, where a series of financial and politicalcomplications finally landed her. These two boats added vastly to Holland's knowledge concerningsubmarine navigation. A few others which he built with his own meansincreased this fund of knowledge and step by step he came nearer tohis goal. By 1888 his reputation as a submarine engineer andnavigator had grown to such an extent that Holland was asked by thefamous Philadelphia shipbuilders, the Cramps, to submit to themdesigns for a submarine boat to be built by the United StatesGovernment. Only one other design was submitted and this was by theScandinavian, Nordenfeldt. William C. Whitney, then Secretary of the United States Navy, accepted Holland's design. Month after month passed by wasted by theusual governmental red tape, and when all preliminary arrangementshad been made and the contract for the actual building of anexperimental boat was to be drawn up, a sudden change in theadministration resulted in the dropping of the entire plan. Holland's faith in the future submarine and in his own ability wasstill unshaken, but this was not the case with his financialcondition. None of the boats he had built so far had brought him anyprofits and on some he had lost everything that he had put intothem. His financial support, for which he relied entirely uponrelatives and friends, was practically exhausted. But fortunately onMarch 3, 1893, Congress appropriated a sum of money to defray theexpenses of constructing an experimental submarine. Invitations toinventors were extended. So precarious was Holland's financialcondition at that time that he found it necessary to borrow thesmall sum of money involved in making plans which he had to submit. It is claimed that he succeeded in doing this in a manner highlytypical of his thoroughness. He needed only about $350. 00 but even this comparatively small sumwas more than he had. However, he happened to be lunching with ayoung lawyer just about this time and began to tell him about hisfinancial difficulties. Holland told him that if he only had $347. 19he could prepare the plans and pay the necessary fees. And thatdone, he was sure of being able to win the competition. His lawyerfriend, of course, had been approached before by other people forloans. Invariably they had asked him for some round sum andHolland's request for $347. 19 when he might just as well have askedfor $350. 00 aroused his interest. He asked the inventor what thenineteen cents were to be used for. Quick as a flash he was toldthat they were needed to pay for a particular type of rulernecessary to draw the required plans. So impressed was the lawyerwith Holland's accuracy and honesty in asking not a cent more thanhe actually needed that he at once advanced the money. And a goodinvestment it turned out to be. For in exchange he received agood-sized block of stock in the Holland Torpedo Boat Company whichin later years made him a multi-millionaire. Holland's plans did win the competition just as he asserted thatthey would; but, of course, winning a prize, offered by agovernment, and getting that government to do something about it, are two different matters. So two years went by before the HollandTorpedo Boat Company at last was able to start with the constructionof the new submarine which was to be called the _Plunger_. The principal feature of this new boat was that it was to have asteam engine for surface navigation and an electric motor forunderwater navigation. This arrangement was not so much a newinvention of Holland's as an adaptation of ideas which had beenpromulgated by others. Especially indebted was he in this respect toCommander Hovgaard of the Danish navy who, in 1887, had published animportant book on the subject of double propulsion in submarines. Though Holland had made many improvements on these earlier theories, he soon found out that even at that there was going to be serioustrouble with the _Plunger's_ engines. The boat had been launched in1897; but instead of finishing it, he persuaded the government topermit his company to build a new boat, and to return to thegovernment all the money so far expended on the _Plunger_. The new boat, _Holland No. 8_, was started immediately and completedin record time but she, too, was unsatisfactory to the inventor. Sowithout loss of time he went ahead and built another boat, the_Holland No. 9_, which, as we have said, became the first UnitedStates submarine. Two other men submitted plans for submarine boats in the competitionwhich was won by the Holland boat, George C. Baker and Simon Lake. Neither of these was accepted. Mr. Baker made no further efforts tofind out if his plans would result in a practicable submarine boat. But Simon Lake was not so easily discouraged. It is very interesting that the United States Navy Department atthat time demanded that plans submitted for this competition shouldmeet the following specifications: 1. Safety. 2. Facility and certainty of action when submerged. 3. Speed when running on the surface. 4. Speed when submerged. 5. Endurance, both submerged and on the surface. 6. Stability. 7. Visibility of object to be attacked. In spite of the many years that have passed since this competitionand in spite of the tremendous progress that has been made insubmarine construction these are still the essential requirementsnecessary to make a successful submarine boat. The designs submitted by Mr. Lake provided for a twin-screw vessel, 80 feet long, 10 feet beam, and 115 tons displacement, with 400horse-power steam engines for surface propulsion and 70 horse-powermotors for submerged work. The boat was to have a double hull, thespaces between the inner and the outer hulls forming water ballasttanks. There were to be four torpedo tubes, two forward and two aft. In an article published in 1915 in _International MarineEngineering_, Mr. Lake says about his 1893 design: The new and novel feature which attracted the most attention and skepticism regarding this design was (the author was later informed by a member of the board) the claim made that the vessel could readily navigate over the waterbed itself, and that while navigating on the waterbed a door could be opened in the bottom of a compartment and the water kept from entering the vessel by means of compressed air, and that the crew could, by donning diving suits, readily leave and enter the vessel while submerged. Another novel feature was in the method of controlling the depth of submergence when navigating between the surface and waterbed. The vessel was designed to always submerge and navigate on a level keel rather than to be inclined down or up by the back, to "dive" or "rise. " This maintenance of a level keel while submerged was provided for by the installation of four depth regulating vanes which I later termed "hydroplanes" to distinguish them from the forward and aft levelling vanes or horizontal rudders. These hydroplanes were located at equal distances forward and aft of the center of gravity and buoyancy of the vessel when in the submerged condition, so as not to disturb the vessel when the planes were inclined down or up to cause the vessel to submerge or rise when under way. I also used, in conjunction with the hydroplanes, horizontal rudders which I then called "levelling vanes, " as their purpose was just the opposite from that of the horizontal rudder used in the diving type of vessel. They were operated by a pendulum controlling device to be inclined so as to always maintain the vessel on a level keel rather than to cause her to depart therefrom. When I came to try this combination out in practice, I found hand control of the horizontal rudders was sufficient. If vessels with this system of control have a sufficient amount of stability, you will run for hours and automatically maintain both a constant depth and a level keel, without the depth control man touching either the hydroplane or horizontal rudder control gear. This automatic maintenance of depth without manipulating the hydroplanes or rudders was a performance not anticipated, nor claimed in my original patent on the above-mentioned combination, and what caused these vessels to function in this manner remained a mystery, which was unsolved until I built a model tank in 1905 in Berlin, Germany, and conducted a series of experiments on models of submarines. I then learned that a down pull of a hydroplane at a given degree of inclination varied according to its depth of submergence and that the deeper the submergence, the less the down pull. This works out to give automatic trim on a substantially level keel, and I have known of vessels running for a period of two hours without variation of depth of one foot and without once changing the inclination of either the hydroplanes or the horizontal rudder. A great deal of skepticism was displayed for many years towards thisnew system of controlling the depth of submergence. But in recentyears all the latest submarine boats have been built on this plan. Who, then, was this mechanical genius who was responsible for thesefar-going changes in submarine construction? Simon Lake was born atPleasantville, New Jersey, September 4, 1866. He was educated atClinton Liberal Institute, Fort Plain, New York, and FranklinInstitute, Philadelphia. Early in life he displayed a markedinterest in and genius for mechanical problems. His lack of successin the 1893 competition only spurred him on to further efforts. Aslong as the United States Government was unwilling to assist him inbuilding his submarine boat, there was nothing left for him exceptto build it from his own means. In 1894, therefore, he set to workon an experimental boat, called the _Argonaut, Jr. _ According to Mr. Lake's description as published in _International MarineEngineering_ in a series of articles from his pen the _Argonaut, Jr. _, was provided with three wheels, two on either side forward and one aft, the latter acting as a steering wheel. When on the bottom the wheels were rotated by hand by one or two men inside the boat. Her displacement was about seven tons, yet she could be propelled at a moderate walking gait when on the bottom. She was also fitted with an air lock and diver's compartment, so arranged that by putting an air pressure on the diver's compartment equal to the water pressure outside, a bottom door could be opened and no water would come into the vessel. Then by putting on a pair of rubber boots the operator could walk around on the sea bottom and push the boat along with him and pick up objects, such as clams, oysters, etc. From the sea bottom. So much interest was aroused by this little wooden boat that Mr. Lake was enabled to finance the building of a larger boat, calledthe _Argonaut_. It was designed in 1895 and built in 1897 atBaltimore. Concerning the _Argonaut_ Mr. Lake says in the same article: The _Argonaut_ as originally built was 36 feet long and 9 feet in diameter. She was the first submarine to be fitted with an internal-combustion engine. She was propelled with a thirty horse-power gasoline (petrol) engine driving a screw propeller. She was fitted with two toothed driving wheels forward which were revolved by suitable gearing when navigating on the waterbed, or they could be disconnected from this gearing and permitted to revolve freely, propulsion being secured by the screw propeller. A wheel in the rudder enabled her to be steered in any direction when on the bottom. She also had a diving compartment to enable divers to leave or enter the vessel when submerged, to operate on wrecks or to permit inspection of the bottom or to recover shellfish. She also had a lookout compartment in the extreme bow, with a powerful searchlight to light up a pathway in front of her as she moved along over the waterbed. This searchlight I later found of little value except for night work in clear water. In clear water the sunlight would permit of as good vision without the use of the light as with it, while if the water was not clear, no amount of light would permit of vision through it for any considerable distance. In January, 1898 [says Mr. Lake], while the _Argonaut_ was submerged, telephone conversation was held from submerged stations with Baltimore, Washington, and New York. In 1898, also, the _Argonaut_ made the trip from Norfolk to New York under her own power and unescorted. In her original form she was a cigar-shaped craft with only a small percentage of reserve buoyancy in her surface cruising condition. We were caught out in the severe November northeast storm of 1898 in which over 200 vessels were lost and we did not succeed in reaching a harbour in the "horseshoe" back of Sandy Hook until, of course, in the morning. The seas were so rough they would break over her conning tower in such masses I was obliged to lash myself fast to prevent being swept overboard. It was freezing weather and I was soaked and covered with ice on reaching harbour. This experience caused me to apply to the _Argonaut_ a further improvement for which I had already applied for a patent. This was, doubled around the usual pressure resisting body of a submarine, a ship-shape form of light plating which would give greater seaworthiness, better surface speed, and make the vessel more habitable for surface navigation. It would, in other words, make a "sea-going submarine, " which the usual form of cigar-shaped vessel was not, as it would not have sufficient surface buoyancy to enable it to rise with the seas and the seas would sweep over it as they would sweep over a partly submerged rock. The _Argonaut_ was, therefore, taken to Brooklyn, twenty feet added to her length, and a light water-tight buoyancy superstructure of ship-shape form added. This superstructure was opened to the sea when it was desired to submerge the vessel, and water was permitted to enter the space between the light plating of the ship-shaped form and the heavy plating of the pressure resisting hull. This equalized pressure on the light plates and prevented their becoming deformed due to pressure. The superstructure increased her reserve of buoyancy in the surface cruising condition from about 10 per cent. To over 40 per cent. And lifted right up to the seas like any ordinary type of surface vessel, instead of being buried by them in rough weather. This feature of construction has been adopted by the Germans, Italians, Russians, and in all the latest types of French boats. It is the principal feature which distinguishes them in their surface appearance from the earlier cigar-shaped boats of the diving type. This ship-shaped form of hull is only suited to the level keel submergence. In those days submarine boats were a much more unusual sight thanthey are to-day and simple fishermen who had never read or heardabout submarines undoubtedly experienced disturbing sensations whenthey ran across their first underwater boat. Mr. Lake, a short timeago, while addressing a meeting of electrical engineers in Brooklyn, told the following experience which he had on one of his trips inthe _Argonaut_: On the first trip down the Chesapeake Bay, we had been running along in forty feet of water and had been down about four hours. Night was coming on, so we decided to come up to find out where we were. I noticed one of those Chesapeake "Bug Eyes" lighting just to leeward of us, and, as I opened the conning tower hatch, called to the men aboard to find out where we were. As soon as I did so, he turned his boat around and made straight for the beach. I thought he was rather discourteous. He ran his boat up on that beach and never stopped; the last I saw of him was when he jumped ashore and started to run inland as hard as he and his helper could go. Finally I learned we were just above the mouth of the York or Rappahannock River and I found a sort of inland harbour back of it. I decided to put up there for the night. Then learning that there was a store nearby, we called after dark for more provisions and I noticed a large crowd there. We got what we wanted, and stepped outside the door. He asked us where we were from. "We are down here in the submarine boat, _Argonaut_, making an experimental trip down the bay. " He then commenced to laugh. "That explains it, " he said; "just before nightfall, Captain So-and-So and his mate came running up here to the store just as hard as they could, and both dropped down exhausted, and when we were able to get anything out of them, they told a very strange story. That's why all these people are here. " This is the story the storekeeper told me: "The men were out dredging and all at once they noticed a buoy with a red flag on it, and that buoy was going against the tide, and they could not understand it. It came up alongside, and they heard a 'puff, puff, ' something like a locomotive puffing, and then they smelt sulphur. " (The "puff, puff" was the exhaust of our engine and those fumes were what they thought was sulphur. ) "Just then the thing rose up out of the water, then the smokestack appeared, and then the devil came right out of that smokestack. " In the January, 1899, issue of _McClure's Magazine_ there appeared aprofusely illustrated article entitled "Voyaging under the Sea. " Thefirst part of it, "The Submarine Boat _Argonaut_ and herAchievements, " was written by Simon Lake himself. In it he quotesas follows from the log book of the _Argonaut_ under date of July28, 1898. Submerged at 8. 20 A. M. In about thirty feet of water. Temperature in living compartment, eighty-three degrees Fahrenheit. Compass bearing west-north-west, one quarter west. Quite a lively sea running on the surface, also strong current. At 10. 45 A. M. Shut down engine; temperature, eighty-eight degrees Fahrenheit. After engine was shut down, we could hear the wind blowing past our pipes extending above the surface; we could also tell by the sound when any steamers were in the vicinity. We first allowed the boat to settle gradually to the bottom, with the tide running ebb; after a time the tide changed, and she would work slightly sideways; we admitted about four hundred pounds of water additional, but she still would move occasionally, so that a pendulum nine inches long would sway one eighth of an inch (thwartship). At 12 o'clock (noon) temperature was eighty-seven degrees Fahrenheit; at 2. 45 P. M. The temperature was still eighty-seven degrees Fahrenheit. There were no signs of carbonic acid gas at 2. 45, although the engine had been closed down for three hours and no fresh air had been admitted during the time. Could hear the whistle of boats on the surface, and also their propellers when running close, to the boat. At 3. 30 the temperature had dropped to eighty-five degrees. At 3. 45 found a little sign of carbonic acid gas, very slight, however, as a candle would burn fairly bright in the pits. Thought we could detect a smell of gasoline by comparing the fresh air which came down the pipe (when hand blower was turned). Storage lamps were burning during the five hours of submergence, while engine was not running. At 3. 50 engine was again started, and went off nicely. Went into diving compartment and opened door; came out through air-lock, and left pressure there; found the wheels had buried about ten inches or one foot, as the bottom had several inches of mud. We had 500 pounds of air in the tanks, and it ran the pressure down to 250 pounds to open the door in about thirty feet. The temperature fell in the diving compartment to eighty-two degrees after the compressed air was let in. Cooked clam fritters and coffee for supper. The spirits of the crew appeared to improve the longer we remained below; the time was spent in catching clams, singing, trying to waltz, playing cards, and writing letters to wives and sweethearts. Our only visitors during the day were a couple of black bass that came and looked in at the windows with a great deal of apparent interest. In future boats, it will be well to provide a smoking compartment, as most of the crew had their smoking apparatus all ready as soon as we came up. Started pumps at 6. 20, and arrived at the surface at 6. 30. Down altogether ten hours and fifteen minutes. People on pilot boat _Calvert_ thought we were all hands drowned. The second part of this article was called "A Voyage on the Bottomof the Sea. " It was written by Ray Stannard Baker, who had beenfortunate enough to receive an invitation from Mr. Lake to accompanyhim on one of the trips of the _Argonaut_. Any one who has readJules Verne's fascinating story _Twenty Thousand Leagues under theSea_ must be struck immediately with the similarity between Mr. Baker's experiences and those of Captain Nemo's guests. It is not atall surprising, therefore, to have Mr. Baker tell us that duringthis trip Mr. Lake told him: "When I was ten years old, I read Jules Verne's _Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea_, and I have been working on submarine boats ever since. " Mr. Baker's record of what he saw and how he felt is not only acredit to his keen powers of observation, but also a proof of thefact that, in many ways, there was little difference between the_Argonaut_ of 1898 and the most up-to-date submarine of to-day. Inpart he says: Simon Lake planned an excursion on the bottom of the sea for October 12, 1898. His strange amphibian craft, the _Argonaut_, about which we had been hearing so many marvels, lay off the pier at Atlantic Highlands. Before we were near enough to make out her hulk, we saw a great black letter A, framed of heavy gas-pipe, rising forty feet above the water. A flag rippled from its summit. As we drew nearer, we discovered that there really wasn't any hulk to make out--only a small oblong deck shouldering deep in the water and supporting a slightly higher platform, from which rose what seemed to be a squatty funnel. A moment later we saw that the funnel was provided with a cap somewhat resembling a tall silk hat, the crown of which was represented by a brass binnacle. This cap was tilted back, and as we ran alongside, a man stuck his head up over the rim and sang out, "Ahoy there!" A considerable sea was running, but I observed that the _Argonaut_ was planted as firmly in the water as a stone pillar, the big waves splitting over her without imparting any perceptible motion. We scrambled up on the little platform, and peered down through the open conning-tower, which we had taken for a funnel, into the depths of the ship below. Wilson had started his gasoline engine. Mr. Lake had taken his place at the wheel, and we were going ahead slowly, steering straight across the bay toward Sandy Hook and deeper water. The _Argonaut_ makes about five knots an hour on the surface, but when she gets deep down on the sea bottom, where she belongs, she can spin along more rapidly. The _Argonaut_ was slowly sinking under the water. We became momentarily more impressed with the extreme smallness of the craft to which we were trusting our lives. The little platform around the conning-tower on which we stood--in reality the top of the gasoline tank--was scarcely a half dozen feet across, and the _Argonaut_ herself was only thirty-six feet long. Her sides had already faded out of sight, but not before we had seen how solidly they were built--all of steel, riveted and reinforced, so that the wonder grew how such a tremendous weight, when submerged, could ever again be raised. I think we made some inquiries about the safety of submarine boats in general. Other water compartments had been flooded, and we had settled so far down that the waves dashed repeatedly over the platform on which we stood--and the conning-tower was still wide open, inviting a sudden engulfing rush of water. "You mustn't confuse the _Argonaut_ with ordinary submarine boats, " said Mr. Lake. "She is quite different and much safer. " [Illustration: © U. & U. _For Anti-Aircraft Service. _] He explained that the _Argonaut_ was not only a submarine boat, but much besides. She not only swims either on the surface or beneath it, but she adds to this accomplishment the extraordinary power of diving deep and rolling along the bottom of the sea on wheels. No machine ever before did that. Indeed, the _Argonaut_ is more properly a "sea motorcycle" than a "boat. " In its invention Mr. Lake elaborated an idea which the United States Patent Office has decided to be absolutely original. [Illustration: Photo by Bain News Service. _The Latest French Aircraft Gun. _] We found ourselves in a long, narrow compartment, dimly illuminated by yellowish-green light from the little round, glass windows. The stern was filled with Wilson's gasoline engine and the electric motor, and in front of us toward the bow we could see through the heavy steel doorways of the diver's compartment into the lookout room, where there was a single round eye of light. I climbed up the ladder of the conning-tower and looked out through one of the glass ports. My eyes were just even with the surface of the water. A wave came driving and foaming entirely over the top of the vessel, and I could see the curiously beautiful sheen of the bright summit of the water above us. It was a most impressive sight. Mr. Lake told me that in very clear water it was difficult to tell just where the air left off and the water began; but in the muddy bay where we were going down the surface looked like a peculiarly clear, greenish pane of glass moving straight up and down, not forward, as the waves appear to move when looked at from above. Now we were entirely under water. The rippling noises that the waves had made in beating against the upper structure of the boat had ceased. As I looked through the thick glass port, the water was only three inches from my eyes, and I could see thousands of dainty, semi-translucent jellyfish floating about as lightly as thistledown. They gathered in the eddy behind the conning-tower in great numbers, bumping up sociably against one another and darting up and down with each gentle movement of the water. And I realized that we were in the domain of the fishes. Jim brought the government chart, and Mr. Lake announced that we were heading directly for Sandy Hook and the open ocean. But we had not yet reached the bottom, and John was busily opening valves and letting in more water. I went forward to the little steel cuddy-hole in the extreme prow of the boat, and looked out through the watch-port. The water had grown denser and yellower, and I could not see much beyond the dim outlines of the ship's spar reaching out forward. Jim said that he had often seen fishes come swimming up wonderingly to gaze into the port. They would remain quite motionless until he stirred his head, and then they vanished instantly. Mr. Lake has a remarkable photograph which he took of a visiting fish, and Wilson tells of nurturing a queer flat crab for days in the crevice of one of the view-holes. At that moment, I felt a faint jolt, and Mr. Lake said that we were on the bottom of the sea. Here we were running as comfortably along the bottom of Sandy Hook Bay as we would ride in a Broadway car, and with quite as much safety. Wilson, who was of a musical turn, was whistling _Down Went McGinty_, and Mr. Lake, with his hands on the pilot-wheel, put in an occasional word about his marvellous invention. On the wall opposite there was a row of dials which told automatically every fact about our condition that the most nervous of men could wish to know. One of them shows the pressure of air in the main compartment of the boat, another registers vacuum, and when both are at zero, Mr. Lake knows that the pressure of the air is normal, the same as it is on the surface, and he tries to maintain it in this condition. There are also a cyclometer, not unlike those used on bicycles, to show how far the boat travels on the wheels; a depth gauge, which keeps us accurately informed as to the depth of the boat in the water, and a declension indicator. By the long finger of the declension dial we could tell whether we were going up hill or down. Once while we were out, there was a sudden, sharp shock, the pointer leaped back, and then quivered steady again. Mr. Lake said that we had probably struck a bit of wreckage or an embankment, but the _Argonaut_ was running so lightly that she had leaped up jauntily and slid over the obstruction. We had been keeping our eyes on the depth dial, the most fascinating and interesting of any of the number. It showed that we were going down, down, down, literally down to the sea in a ship. When we had been submerged far more than an hour, and there was thirty feet of yellowish green ocean over our heads, Mr. Lake suddenly ordered the machinery stopped. The clacking noises of the dynamo ceased, and the electric lights blinked out, leaving us at once in almost absolute darkness and silence. Before this, we had found it hard to realize that we were on the bottom of the ocean; now it came upon us suddenly and not without a touch of awe. This absence of sound and light, this unchanging motionlessness and coolness, this absolute negation--that was the bottom of the sea. It lasted only a moment, but in that moment we realized acutely the meaning and joy of sunshine and moving winds, trees, and the world of men. A minute light twinkled out like a star, and then another and another, until the boat was bright again, and we knew that among the other wonders of this most astonishing of inventions there was storage electricity which would keep the boat illuminated for hours, without so much as a single turn of the dynamo. With the stopping of the engine, the air supply from above had ceased; but Mr. Lake laid his hand on the steel wall above us, where he said there was enough air compressed to last us all for two days, should anything happen. The possibility of "something happening" had been lurking in our minds ever since we started. "What if your engine should break down, so that you couldn't pump the water out of the water compartments?" I asked. "Here we have hand-pumps, " said Mr. Lake promptly; "and if those failed, a single touch of this lever would release our iron keel, which weighs 4000 pounds, and up we would go like a rocket. " I questioned further, only to find that every imaginable contingency, and some that were not at all imaginable to the uninitiated, had been absolutely provided against by the genius of the inventor. And everything from the gasoline engine to the hand-pump was as compact and ingenious as the mechanism of a watch. Moreover, the boat was not crowded; we had plenty of room to move around and to sleep, if we wished, to say nothing of eating. As for eating, John had brought out the kerosene stove and was making coffee, while Jim cut the pumpkin pie. "This isn't Delmonico's, " said Jim, "but we're serving a lunch that Delmonico's couldn't serve--a submarine lunch. " By this time the novelty was wearing off and we sat there, at the bottom of the sea, drinking our coffee with as much unconcern as though we were in an up-town restaurant. For the first time since we started, Mr. Lake sat down, and we had an opportunity of talking with him at leisure. He is a stout-shouldered, powerfully built man, in the prime of life--a man of cool common sense, a practical man, who is also an inventor. And he talks frankly and convincingly, and yet modestly, of his accomplishment. Having finished our lunch, Mr. Lake prepared to show us something about the practical operations of the _Argonaut_. It has been a good deal of a mystery to us how workmen penned up in a submarine boat could expect to recover gold from wrecks in the water outside, or to place torpedoes, or to pick up cables. "We simply open the door, and the diver steps out on the bottom of the sea, " Mr. Lake said, quite as if he was conveying the most ordinary information. At first it seemed incredible, but Mr. Lake showed us the heavy, riveted door in the bottom of the diver's compartment. Then he invited us inside with Wilson, who, besides being an engineer, is also an expert diver. The massive steel doors of the little room were closed and barred, and then Mr. Lake turned a cock and the air rushed in under high pressure. At once our ears began to throb, and it seemed as if the drums would burst inward. "Keep swallowing, " said Wilson, the diver. As soon as we applied this remedy, the pain was relieved, but the general sensation of increased air pressure, while exhilarating, was still most uncomfortable. The finger on the pressure dial kept creeping up and up, until it showed that the air pressure inside of the compartment was nearly equal to the water pressure without. Then Wilson opened a cock in the door. Instantly the water gushed in, and for a single instant we expected to be drowned there like rats in a trap. "This is really very simple, " Mr. Lake was saying calmly. "When the pressure within is the same as that without, no water can enter. " With that, Wilson dropped the iron door, and there was the water and the muddy bottom of the sea within touch of a man's hand. It was all easy enough to understand, and yet it seemed impossible, even as we saw it with our own eyes. Mr. Lake stooped down, and picked up a wooden rod having a sharp hook at the end. This he pulled along the bottom. . . . We were now rising again to the surface, after being submerged for more than three hours. I climbed into the conning-tower and watched for the first glimpse of the sunlight. There was a sudden fluff of foam, the ragged edge of a wave, and then I saw, not more than a hundred feet away, a smack bound toward New York under full sail. Her rigging was full of men, gazing curiously in our direction, no doubt wondering what strange monster of the sea was coming forth for a breath of air. CHAPTER XIV THE MODERN SUBMARINE Holland and Lake must be considered the fathers of the modernsubmarine. This claim is not made in a spirit of patrioticboastfulness, though, of course it is true that the latter was anAmerican by birth, and the former by choice, and that, therefore, we, as a nation, have a right to be proud of the accomplishments ofthese two fellow-citizens of ours. Without wishing to detractanything from the value of the work done by many men in manycountries towards the development of the submarine after andcontemporaneously with Holland and Lake, it still remains true thatthe work which these two did formed the foundation on which allothers built. To-day, no submarine worthy of the name, no matterwhere it has been built and no matter where and how it is used, iswithout some features which are typical of either the Holland orLake type. In many instances, and this is true especially ofsubmarines of the highest type and the greatest development, themost significant characteristics of the Holland and Lake boats havebeen combined. During the years that followed the small beginnings of Holland andLake, vast and highly efficient organizations have been built up tocontinue and elaborate their work. Death claimed Mr. Holland shortlyafter the outbreak of the great war, on August 12, 1914. Mr. Lake in1917 was still personally connected with and the guiding spirit ofthe extensive industrial establishments which have been created atBridgeport, Conn. , as a result of his inventions. He, too, surrounded himself with a corps of experts who in co-operation withhim have brought the Lake submarines to a point of perfection whichat the time of the _Argonaut's_ first trip would have appeared allbut impossible. Roughly speaking, the beginning of the twentieth century may be calledthe turning point in the history of submarine invention and thebeginning of the modern submarine. Although, as we have heard, variousgovernments, especially those of France and the United States, interested themselves in the submarine question and appropriatedsmall sums of money towards its solution previous to 1900, it was onlyafter that year that governmental interest and influence were set towork with determination and purpose on behalf of submarine inventors. Quite naturally this resulted in increased popular interest. Experimental work on and with submarines no longer had to relyexclusively on private capital, frequently inconveniently timid andlimited, but could count now on the vast financial resources of allthe great nations of the world. This also made available the unlimitedintellectual resources of serious scientists in every part of theuniverse. Mechanical and electrical engineers, naval designers andconstructors, active men of finance and business, and quiet thinkersand investigators in laboratories began to interest themselves in thefurther development of the submarine. The United States for a number of years after its adoption of theHolland type remained true to its first choice. Between 1900, whenthe first Holland boat was bought by the United States Government, and 1911 all the United States submarine, boats were of the Hollandtype. In the latter year, however, it was decided to give the Lakeboat a trial and since that time a number of boats of this type havebeen built. In all essential features both the Holland and Lakeboats of later days were very similar to the original boats of thesetwo types. In all the details, however, immense progress was made. Each new boat thus became greatly superior to its predecessors. Thiswas especially true in regard to size and speed and the improvementsmade in these two respects naturally resulted in a correspondingincrease in radius of activity. The passing years also brought awonderful refinement of all the technical details of the submarineboats. Practically every feature was developed to a remarkabledegree. There is, indeed, a great difference between the submarineboats of the early twentieth century which had to rely on theirconning-tower for steering, and more recent boats with theirwonderful periscopes and gyro compasses. Similar progress was madein the development of the means of propulsion. The engines used forsurface travelling became more powerful and efficient. This was alsotrue of the electric motors, batteries, and accumulators employedin the submerged state. The problem of ventilation likewise has beenworked out to such an extent that in the most modern submarines mostof the inconveniences experienced by the crews of earlier boats havebeen removed. This perfection of technical details which was thusgradually approached also permitted a very considerable increase inthe fighting power of submarine boats. The number of torpedo tubeswas increased and it became possible to carry a larger reserve stockof torpedoes. Submarines of to-day furthermore carry guns varying incalibre, attaining in some instances four inches, and when in lateryears it became evident that one of the most dangerous enemies ofthe submarine was the airplane, some of the boats were equipped evenwith anti-aircraft guns. [Illustration: Copyright by Munn & Co. , Inc. From the _ScientificAmerican_. _Modern German Airplane Types. _] In the United States Navy the submarine has never been popular. Indeed it is by no means certain that in comparison with othernavies of the world the United States was not better off inunderwater boats in 1911 than she was three years later when thewarcloud broke. The bulk of our naval opinion has always been forthe dreadnoughts. A change of political administration at Washingtonin 1912 gave a temporary setback to naval development, and thesubmarines, being still a matter of controversy, languished. Fewwere built and of those few many showed such structural weaknessthat the reports of their manoeuvres were either suppressed, orissued in terms of such broad generality that the public could by nopossibility suspect, what all the Navy knew to be the fact, that thesubmarine flotilla of the United States was weak to the point ofimpotence. Happily we had nearly three years in which to observe the progressof the war before becoming ourselves embroiled in it. During thisperiod our submarine fleet was somewhat increased, and upon ouractual entrance upon the struggle a feverish race was begun to putus on an equality with other nations in underwater boats. It wouldhave been too late had any emergency arisen. But Germany had noships afloat to be attacked by our submarines had we possessed them. Her own warfare upon our merchant shipping could not be met in kind, for submarines cannot fight submarines. We have, therefore, up tothe present time, not suffered from the perilous neglect with whichwe long treated this form of naval weapon. Indeed the submarine fleet of the United States Navy at thebeginning of the war was so inconsiderable that foreign writers onthe subject ignored it. In 1900 we had purchased nine of the type ofsubmarines then put out by the Holland Company. One of these, thefirst in actual service, known as the "Baby" Holland was kept incommission ten years and upon becoming obsolete was honoured bybeing taken in state to the Naval Academy at Annapolis and theremounted on a pedestal for the admiration of all comers. She was 59feet long and would make a striking exhibit placed next to one ofthe new German submersible cruisers which exceed 300 feet and have adisplacement of 5000 tons. These first Holland ships which longconstituted the entire underwater force of the United States werebut trivial affairs compared with the modern vessel. Theirdisplacement was but 122 tons, their engines for surface navigationwere of 160 horse-power, gasoline, and for underwater navigation 70horse-power, electric. They carried but one torpedo tube and twoextra torpedoes and had a radius of action of but 300 miles. At thattime in fact the naval theory was that submarines were coast defencevessels altogether. After this war they are likely to form part ofthe first battle line of every navy. Yet these pioneer vesselsestablished their seaworthiness well in 1911, when four of themaccompanied by a parent ship to supply them with fresh stocks offuel and to render assistance in case of need, crossed the PacificOcean under their own power to the Philippines. This exploit tendedto popularize these craft in the Navy Department, and soon afterlarger vessels known as the "Viper" class were ordered. One of thesewas called the _Octopus_, the first submarine to be fitted with twinscrews. In many ways she represented a distinct advance in the artof submarine construction. She was in fact the first vessel builtwith the distinct idea of being a cruising, as well as a harbourdefence ship. Her type proved successful in this respect. The_Octopus_ further established a record for deep sea submergence in1907 when she descended to a depth of 205 feet off Boston, returningto the surface in entire safety. The ability to withstand the pressure of the water at great depthsis a vital quality of a successful submarine. One American submarinenarrowly escaped destruction because of structural weakness in thisrespect. She had by accident descended a few feet below the normaldepth at which such boats navigate. The water pressure affected thevalves which refused to work and the vessel slowly sank deeper anddeeper. At a recorded depth of 123 feet the sinking of the vesselbecame so much more rapid that the crew with frantic endeavourssought at once to stop the leaks and pump out the water which hadentered. At that depth there was a pressure of 153-1/2 pounds uponevery square inch of the surface of the submarine. This the workersat the one hand pump had to overcome. It was a savage and adesperate struggle but the men finally won and the vessel regainedthe surface. As a result of this experience every navy prescribedsubmergence tests for its submarines before putting them intocommission. How to make these tests was perplexing at first. Agovernment did not want to send men down in a steel casket to seejust how far they could go before it collapsed. But if no observeraccompanied the ship it would be impossible to tell at what depthleakage and other signs of weakness became apparent. An Italiannaval architect, Major Laurenti, whose submarines are now found inevery navy of the world, invented a dock in which these tests can bemade up to any desired pressure while the observers inside thesubmarine are in communication with those without and the pressurecan be instantly removed if signs of danger appear. In the UnitedStates Navy boats to be accepted must stand a pressure equivalent tothat encountered at 200 feet. In the German navy the depthprescribed is 170 feet. Under normal conditions submarines seldomtravel at a depth of more than 100 feet although the "F-1" of theUnited States Navy accomplished the remarkable feat of making asix-hour cruise in San Francisco Bay at a depth of 283 feet. At thisdepth the skin of the ship has to withstand a pressure of no lessthan 123 pounds per square inch. Specific information as to the nature of submarine construction inthe United States since the beginning of the war in 1914 isjealously guarded by the Navy Department. In broad general terms thenumber of ships under construction is revealed to the public, butall information as to the size of individual vessels, their armouror the qualities of novelty with which every one hopes and believesAmerican inventive genius has invested them, are kept secret. The_Navy Year Book of 1916_ summarized our submarine strength at thattime as follows: _Displacement_ Submarines fit for action 42 15, 722 Tons " under construction 33 21, 093 " " authorized and appropriated for 30 22, 590 " --- ------ Total 105 59, 405 " In addition thirty-seven more had been authorized by Congresswithout the appropriation of money for them. By this time howeverthese appropriations have been made together with further heavyones. While figures are refused at the Navy Department, it isdeclared that while the United States in 1914 was the last of thegreat powers in respect to submarine strength provided for, it isnow well up to the foremost, even to Germany. Great Britain like the United States continued for many years tobuild submarines of the Holland type. Naturally all the recentimprovements were incorporated in the British boats. Very little, however, is known concerning the details of the more recentadditions to the British submarine flotilla because of the secrecymaintained by the British authorities in war time. At the beginning of the present war, the British navy possessed 82active submarines of 5 different classes. They were all of theHolland type, but in each class there were incorporated vastimprovements over the preceding class. Displacement, size, motivepower, speed, radius of action, and armament were graduallyincreased until the "E" class contained boats possessing thefollowing features: Submerged displacement, 800 tons; length 176feet; beam 22-1/2 feet; heavy oil engines of 2000 H. -P. ; electricengines of 800 H. -P. ; surface speed 16 knots; submerged speed 10knots; cruising range 5000 miles; armament: 4 torpedo tubes, spacefor 6 torpedoes, and two 3-inch quick-firing, high-angle, disappearing guns; armoured conning-towers and decks; wirelessequipment; 3 panoramic periscopes. At the same time 22 other submarines were said to be in course ofconstruction. Some of these were of the "F" class (Holland type), similar to the "E" class except that every single characteristic hadbeen greatly increased, in many instances even doubled. In additionto the "F" class Holland-type boats, there were also underconstruction a number of boats of different types designatedrespectively as "V, " "W, " and "S" class. The "V" class were of theLake type, the "W" of the French "Laubeuf" type, and the "S" classof the Italian "F. I. A. T. " or Laurenti type; both of the lastnamed were adaptations of the Lake type. France, which was for many years the prodigal of the nations when itcame to submarine building has continued this tendency. In a waythis liberal expenditure of money did not pay particularly well. For, although it resulted in the creation of a comparatively largesubmarine fleet, this fleet contained boats of every kind anddescription. Quite a number of the boats were little more thanexperiments and possessed not a great deal of practical value. Themanning and efficient handling of a fleet having so littlehomogeneity naturally was a difficult matter and seriouslyrestricted its fighting efficiency. At the outbreak of the war France had 92 submarines in activeservice, belonging to 12 different classes. In addition there hadalso been built at various times 5 experimental boats which had beennamed: _Argonaute_, _Amiral Bourgeoise_, _Archimčde_, _Mariotte_, and _Charles Brun_. The majority of the boats belonging to thevarious classes were of the Laubeuf type, an adaptation of the Laketype made for the French navy by M. Laubeuf, a marine engineer. Intheir various details these boats vary considerably. Theirdisplacement ranges from 67 tons to 1000 tons, their length from 100feet to 240 feet, their beam from 12 feet to 20 feet, their surfacespeed from 8-1/2 knots to 17 1/2 knots, their submerged speed from 5knots to 12 knots, the horse-power of their heavy oil engines from1300 to 2000 and that of their electric motors from 350 to 900. Someof the boats, however, have steam engines, others gasoline motors, and still others steam turbines. The cruising range of the biggestand newest boats is 4000 miles. Armament varies with size, ofcourse, the latest boats carrying 4 torpedo tubes for eight 18-inchtorpedoes and two 14-pdr. Quick-firing, high angle, disappearingguns. Nine more submarines were in course of construction at the outbreakof war, most of which were of the improved "Gustave Zédé" class. During the war French shipyards were chiefly occupied with capitalnavy ships and it is not thought the submarine strength has beenmuch increased. Of the great naval powers, Germany was, strangely enough, the last tobecome interested in the building of a submarine fleet. This, however, was not due to any neglect on the part of the German navalauthorities. It is quite evident from the few official records whichare available that they watched and studied very carefully thedevelopment of the submarine and growth of the various submarinefleets. During the early years of the twentieth century, however, theGermans seemed to think that most of the boats that were being builtthen had not yet passed through the experimental stage and they alsoapparently decided that it would be just as well to wait until othernations had spent their money and efforts on these quasi experimentalboats. Not until submarines had been built in the United States, England, and France which had proved beyond all doubt that they werepracticable vessels of definite accomplishments, did the Germansseriously concern themselves with the creation of a German submarinefleet. When this period had been reached they went ahead with fullpower, and with the usual German thoroughness they adopted the bestpoints from each of the various types developed by that time. Theresult of this attitude was a submarine boat built at firstexclusively by Krupp and known as the "Germania" type. It was thistype which formed the basis of the German submarine which has becomeknown so extensively and disastrously during recent years. In mostrespects this type is perhaps more similar to the Lake type than toany other, although some features of the Holland type have beenincorporated as well. At the beginning of the war Germany was credited with only thirtysubmarines. Six more were then rapidly approaching completion andthe German naval law passed some time before provided for thebuilding of seventy-two submarines by the end of 1917. It isbelieved in fact that by that time the Germans had not less than twohundred _Unterseeboots_. From the very beginning the Germans have designated their submarinesby the letter "U" (standing for _Unterseeboot_) followed by numbers. The first boat was built in 1905 and was named "U-1. " It was acomparatively small boat of 236 tons displacement. The motive poweron the surface was a heavy-oil engine of 250 H. -P. Under water theboat was driven by electric motors of a little more than 100 H. -P. Submerged the "U-1" was capable of a speed of 7 knots only, which onthe surface of the water could be increased to 10. Her radius ofaction was about 750 miles. Only one torpedo tube had been provided. [Illustration: © U. & U. _German Submarine Mine-Layer Captured by the British. _] From this boat to the modern German submarine was indeed a long steptaken in a comparatively short time. Not very much is knownregarding modern German submarines, but the latest boats completedbefore the war were vessels of 900 tons displacement with heavy-oilengines of 2000 H. -P. And electric motors of 900 H. -P. , possessing asurface and submerged speed of 18 and 10 knots respectively and acruising radius of 4000 miles. They had four torpedo tubes for eighttorpedoes, two 14-pdr. Quick-firing guns, and two 1-pdr. High-angleanti-aircraft guns. Naturally they were also equipped with all thelatest improvements, such as wireless apparatus, panoramicperiscopes, armoured conning-towers, and decks. Since the outbreakof the war the Germans have built even more powerful submarine boatswhose perfections in regard to speed, radius of action and armamentbecame known through their accomplishments. Of these we will hearmore in a later chapter. At just what period of the war the Germans woke up to the vitalimportance to them of an enormous submarine fleet is not known. Itmay have been immediately upon the amazing exploit of CaptainWeddigen in the North Sea. At any rate the war had not longprogressed before the destruction caused by German submarine attacksbegan to awaken the apprehension of the Allies and neutral nations. Retaliation in kind was impossible. The Germans had neithermerchant nor naval ships at sea to be sunk. The rapidity with whichthe volume of the loss inflicted upon merchant shipping grewindicated an equally rapid increase in the size of the Germanunderwater fleet. Neutrals were enraged by the extension by theGermans of the areas of sea in which they claimed the right to sinkneutral ships, and their growing disregard for the restrainingprinciples of international law. How greatly they developed thesubmarine idea was shown by their construction in 1916 of vesselswith a displacement of 2400 tons; a length of 279 feet, and a beamof 26 feet; a surface speed of 22 knots, cruising radius of 6500miles, mounting 4 to 8 guns and carrying a crew of from 40 to 60. But it was reported that two vessels designed primarily for surfacecruising, but nevertheless submersible at will, had been laid downof 5000 tons, a length of 414 feet, and a radius of 18, 000 to 20, 000miles. These "submersible cruisers" as they were called, mounted 6to 8 guns, 30 torpedo tubes, and carried 90 torpedoes. What partvessels of this type shall play in war is still to be determined. Of the smaller naval powers, Italy comparatively early had becomeinterested in the building of submarines. Most of her boats are ofthe Laurenti type--which is a very close adaptation of the Laketype. Russia and Japan, especially the latter, built up fairlyefficient underwater fleets. The lesser countries, like Austria, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Spain have concernedthemselves seriously with the creation of submarine fleets. Thesubmarine boats of all of these countries in most instances wereeither of the Lake or Holland type though frequently they were builtfrom plans of English, French or German adaptations rather than inaccordance with the original American plans. The exact number of submarines possessed now by the various naviesof the world is a matter of rather indefinite knowledge. Greatsecrecy has been maintained by every country in this respect. From avariety of sources, however, it has been possible to compile thefollowing list which at least gives an approximate idea of therespective strength of the various submarine fleets at the beginningof the war. The numbers assigned to each country are onlyapproximate, however, and include both boats then in existence orordered built: United States 57; Great Britain 104; France 92;Germany 36; Italy 28; Russia 40; Japan 15; Austria 12; Holland 13;Denmark 15; Sweden 13; Norway 4; Greece 2; Turkey 2; Brazil 3; Peru2. Having traced the development of the submarine from its earliestbeginnings to recent times we are naturally now confronted with thequestion "What are the principal requirements and characteristics ofthe modern submarine?" The submarine boat of to-day, in order to do its work promptly andefficiently, must first of all possess seaworthiness. This meansthat no matter whether the sea is quiet or rough the submarine mustbe able to execute its operations with a fair degree of accuracy andpromptness and must also be capable of making continuous headway. Surface and underwater navigation must be possible with equalfacility and it is necessary that a state of submergence can bereached without loss of time and without any degree of danger to theboat's safety. At all times, travelling above water or below, thesubmarine must possess mechanical means which will make it possibleto control its evolutions under all conditions. Furthermore, theability of the submarine to find and to observe objects in itsvicinity must not be greatly reduced when it is in a submergedposition. In the latter it also becomes of extreme importance thatthe provisions for ventilation are such that the crew of thesubmarine should lose as little as possible in its efficiency andcomfort. A fair amount of speed both on and below the surface of thewater is essential and the maintenance of the speed for a fairlylong period of time must be assured. In regard to their general outward appearance, submarines of varioustypes to-day vary comparatively little. In many respects theyresemble closely in shape, torpedo boats--the earlier submarinesparticularly. In size, of course, they differ in accordance with thepurposes for which they have been designed. As compared with earliersubmarines the most notable difference is that modern submarinespossess more of a superstructure. Almost all of them are built nowwith double hulls. The space between the outer and the inner hull isutilized primarily for ballast tanks by means of which submergenceis accomplished and stability maintained and regulated. Some ofthese tanks, however, are not used to carry water ballast, but serveas reservoirs for the fuel needed by the engines. The stability ofthe submarine and the facility with which it can submerge alsodepend greatly on the distribution of weight of its various parts. This problem has been worked out in such a way that to-day there islittle room for improvement. Its details, however, are of tootechnical a nature to permit discussion in this place. Hydroplanes both fore and aft are now generally used to assist inregulating and controlling stability in the submerged state. Themotive power of the modern submarine is invariably of a two-foldtype. For travelling on the surface internal combustion engines areused. The gasoline engine of former years has been displaced byDiesel motors or adaptations of them. Although these represent awonderful advance over the engines used in the past there is still agreat deal of room for improvement. The opinions of engineers inthis respect vary greatly, American opinion being generallyunfavourable to the Diesel type, and whether the final solution ofthis problem will lie in the direction of a more highly developedmotor of Diesel type, of an improved gasoline engine, or of someother engine not yet developed, only the future can tell. Simplicityof construction and reliability of operation are the two essentialfeatures which must be possessed by every part of the power plant ofa submarine. For underwater travel electric motors and storagebatteries are employed exclusively. These vary, of course, indetail. In principle, however, they are very much alike. Althoughthis combination of electric and oil power is largely responsiblefor having made the submarine what it is to-day, it is far fromperfect. Mechanical complications of many kinds and difficulties ofvarying degrees result from it. Up to comparatively recently thesewere considered insurmountable obstacles. But engineers all over theworld are giving their most serious attention to the problem ofdevising a way to remove these obstacles and continuous progress ismade by them. As an immediate result of the development of motive power in thesubmarine its speed both on and below the surface of the water aswell as its radius of action has been materially increased. To-daysubmarines travel on the water with a speed which even a few yearsago would have been thought quite respectable for the most powerfulbattleships or the swiftest passenger liners. And even under water, submarines attain a velocity which is far superior to that of whichearlier submarines were capable on the surface of the water. Howimmensely extended the radius of action of the submarine has becomein recent years, has impressed itself on the world especially in thelast few years. Both English and French submarines have travelledwithout making any stops from their home ports to the Dardanellesand back again. And used to, and satiated as we are with mechanicalwonders of all kinds the whole world was amazed when in 1916 Germansubmarines made successful trips from their home ports to ports inthe United States and returned with equal success. This meant aminimum radius of action of 3500 miles. In the case of the GermanU-boat which in 1916 appeared at Newport for a few hours, thenattacked and sank some merchantmen off the United States coast andlater was reported as having arrived safely in a German port, it hasnever been established whether the boat renewed its supplies of foodand fuel on the way or carried enough to make the trip of some 7000miles. One other important feature without which submarines would havefound it impossible to score such accomplishments is the periscope. In the beginning periscopes were rather crude appliances. They werevery weak and sprung leaks frequently. Moisture, formed bycondensation, made them practically useless. In certain positionsthe image of the object picked up by the periscope became inverted. Their radius of vision was limited, and in every way they provedunreliable and unsatisfactory. But, just as almost every feature ofsubmarine construction was gradually developed and most everytechnical obstacle overcome, experts gradually concentrated theirefforts on the improvement of periscopes. Modern periscopes arecomplicated optical instruments which have been developed to a veryhigh point of efficiency. A combination of prisms and lenses makesit possible now to see true images clearly. Appliances have beendeveloped to make the rotation of the periscope safe, prompt, andeasy so that the horizon can be swept readily in every direction. Magnification can be established at will by special devices easilyconnected or disconnected with the regular instrument. The range ofvision of the modern periscope is as remarkable as its othercharacteristics. It differs, of course, in proportion to the heightto which the periscope is elevated above the surface of the water. In clear weather a submarine, having elevated its periscope to aheight of 20 feet can pick up a large battleship at as great adistance as 6 miles, while observers on the latter, even if equippedwith the most powerful optical instruments, are absolutely unable todetect the submarine. This great distance is reduced to about 4000yards if the periscope is only 3 feet above the surface of the waterand to about 2200 yards if the elevation of the periscope is 1 foot. But even the highly developed periscope of to-day, usually called"panoramic periscope, " has its limitations. The strain on theobserver's eyes is very severe and can be borne only for shortperiods. In dirty weather the objectives become cloudy and theimages are rendered obscure and indefinite, although this troublehas been corrected, at least in part, by forcing a strong blastthrough the rim surrounding the observation glass. At night, ofcourse, the periscope is practically useless. Formerly a shot whichcut off the periscope near the water's edge might sink the boat. This has been guarded against by cutting off the tube with a heavyplate of transparent glass which does not obstruct vision but shutsoff the entrance of water. Important as the periscope is both as a means of observing thesurroundings of the submarine and as a guide in steering it, it isnot the only means of accomplishing the latter purpose. To-day everysubmarine possesses the most reliable type of compass available. Atnight when the periscope is practically useless or in very roughweather, or in case the periscope has been damaged or destroyed, steering is done exclusively by means of the compass. The latesttype in use now on submarines is called the gyroscope compass whichis a highly efficient and reliable instrument. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _The Exterior of First German Submarine. _] In the matter of ventilation the modern submarine also has reached ahigh state of perfection. The fresh air supply is provided andregulated in such a manner that most of the discomforts suffered bysubmarine crews in times past have been eliminated. The grave dangerwhich formerly existed as a result of the poisonous fumes, emanatingfrom the storage batteries and accumulators, has been reduced to aminimum. In every respect, except that of space, conditions of lifein a submarine have been brought to a point where they can befavourably compared with those of boats navigated on the surface ofthe water. Of course, even at the best, living quarters in asubmarine will always be cramped. However, it is so important thatsubmarine crews should be continuously kept on a high plane ofefficiency that they are supplied with every conceivable comfortpermitted by the natural limitations of submarine construction. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _The Interior of First German Submarine. Showing Appliances forMan-Power. _] Submarine boats so far have been used almost exclusively asinstruments of warfare. One of their most important features, therefore, naturally is their armament. We have already heardsomething about the use of torpedoes by submarines. The earlysubmarines had as a rule only one torpedo tube and were incapable ofcarrying more than two or three torpedoes. Gradually, however, boththe number of torpedo tubes and of torpedoes was increased. Thelatest types have as many as eight or ten tubes and carry enoughtorpedoes to permit them to stay away from their base for severalweeks. In recent years submarines have also been armed with guns. Naturally these have to be of light weight and small calibre. Theyare usually mounted so that they can be used at a high angle. Thisis done in order to make it possible for submarines to defendthemselves against attacks from airships. The mountings of theseguns are constructed in such a way that the guns themselvesdisappear immediately after discharge and are not visible while notin use. Though mounted on deck they are aimed and fired from below. As part of the armament of the submarine we must also consider theadditional protection which they receive from having certainessential parts protected by armour plate. All these features have increased the safety of submarine navigationto a great extent. In spite of the popular impression that submarinenavigation entailed a greater number of danger factors thannavigation on the surface of the water, this is not altogether so. If we stop to consider this subject we can readily see why ratherthe opposite should be true. Navigation under the surface of thewater greatly reduces the possibility of collision and also thedangers arising from rough weather. For the results of the latterare felt to a much lesser degree below than on the surface of thewater. Many other factors are responsible for the comparatively highdegree of safety inherent in submarines. Up to the outbreak of thepresent war only about two hundred and fifty lives had been lost asa result to accidents to modern submarines. Considering that up to1910 a great deal of submarine navigation was more or lessexperimental this is a record which can bear favourable comparisonwith similar records established by overwater navigation or bynavigation in the air. To the average man the thought of imprisonment in a steel tubebeneath the surface of the sea, and being suddenly deprived of allmeans of bringing it up to air and light is a terrifying and nerveshattering thing. It is probably the first consideration whichsuggests itself to one asked to make a submarine trip. Always thenewspaper headlines dealing with a submarine disaster speak of thoselost as "drowned like rats in a trap. " Men will admit that theprogress of invention has greatly lessened the danger of accident tosubmarines, but nevertheless sturdily insist that when the accidentdoes happen the men inside have no chance of escape. As a matter of fact many devices have been applied to the modernsubmarine to meet exactly this contingency. Perhaps nothing is moreeffective than the so-called telephone buoy installed in our Navyand in some of those of Europe. This is a buoy lightly attached tothe outer surface of the boat, containing a telephone transmitterand receiver connected by wire with a telephone within. In the eventof an accident this buoy is released and rises at once to thesurface. A flag attached attracts the attention of any craft thatmay be in the neighbourhood and makes immediate communication withthose below possible. Arrangements can then be made for raising theboat or towing her to some point at which salvage is possible. Aninstance of the value of this device was given by the disaster tothe German submarine "U-3" which was sunk at Kiel in 1910. Throughthe telephone the imprisoned crew notified those at the other endthat they had oxygen enough for forty-eight hours but that the workof rescue must be completed in that time. A powerful floatingderrick grappled the sunken submarine and lifted its bow abovewater. Twenty-seven of the imprisoned crew crept out through thetorpedo tubes. The captain and two lieutenants conceived it theirduty to stay with the ship until she was actually saved. In thecourse of the operations one of the ventilators was broken, thewater rushed in and all three were drowned. In some of the Holland ships of late construction there is aningenious, indeed an almost incredible device by which the shiptakes charge of herself if the operators or crew are incapacitated. It has happened that the shock of a collision has so stunned the mencooped up in the narrow quarters of a submarine that they are forquite an appreciable time unable to attend to their duties. Such acollision would naturally cause the boat to leak and to sink. Inthese newer Holland ships an automatic device causes the ship, whenshe has sunk to a certain depth, registered of course by automaticmachinery, to start certain apparatus which empties the ballasttanks and starts the pumps which will empty the interior of the shipif it has become flooded. The result is that after a few minutes ofthis automatic work, whether the crew has sufficiently recovered totake part in it or not, the boat will rise to the surface. This extraordinary invention is curiously reminiscent of the factchronicled in earlier chapters of this book that the most modernairplanes are so built that should the aviator become insensible orincapacitated for his work, if he will but drop the controls, themachine will adjust itself and make its own landing in safety. Unaided the airplane drops lightly to earth; unaided the submarinerises buoyantly to the air. In recent years there have been developed special ships for thesalvage of damaged or sunk submarines. At the same time the naviesof the world have also produced special submarine tenders or motherships. The purpose of these is to supply a base which can keep onthe move with the same degree of facility which the submarine itselfpossesses. These tenders are equipped with air compressors by meansof which the air tanks of submarines can be refilled. Electricgenerators make it possible to replenish the submarine storagebatteries. Mechanical equipment permits the execution of repairs tothe submarine's machinery and equipment. Extra fuel, substituteparts for the machinery, spare torpedoes are carried by thesetenders. The most modern of them are even supplied with dry dockfacilities, powerful cranes, and sufficiently strong armament torepel attacks from boats of the type most frequently encountered bysubmarines. There are, of course, many other special appliances which make upthe sum total of a modern submarine's equipment. Electricity is usedfor illuminating all parts of the boat. Heat is supplied in the samemanner; this is a very essential feature because the temperature ofa submarine, after a certain period of submergence, becomesuncomfortably low. Electricity is also used for cooking purposes. Every submarine boat built to-day is equipped with wirelessapparatus. Naturally it is only of limited range varying from onehundred and twenty to one hundred and eighty miles, but even at thatit is possible for a submarine to send messages to its base or someother given point from a considerable distance by relay. If thesubmarine is running on the surface of the water the usual means ofnaval communication-flag signals, wig-wagging or the semaphore, canbe employed. The submarine bell is another means for signalling. Itis really a wireless telephone, operating through the water insteadof the air. Up to the present, however, it has not been sufficientlydeveloped to permit its use for any great distance. It is soconstructed that it can also be used as a sound detector. Some submarines, besides being equipped with torpedo tubes, carryother tubes for laying mines. In most instances this is only asecondary function of the submarine. There are, however, specialmine-laying submarines. Others, especially of the Lake type, havediving compartments which permit the employment of divers for thepurpose of planting or taking up mines. Disappearing anchors, operated by electricity from within the boat, are carried. They are used for steadying the boat if it is desiredto keep it for any length of time on the bottom of the sea in acurrent. From this necessarily brief description it can be seen readily thatthe modern submarine boat is a highly developed, but verycomplicated mechanism. Naturally it requires a highly trained, extremely efficient crew. The commanding officers must be men ofstrong personality, keen intellect, high mechanical efficiency, andquick judgment. The gradual increase in size has brought acorresponding increase in the number of a submarine's crew. A decadeago from 8 to 10 officers and men were sufficient but to-day we hearof submarine crews that number anywhere from 25 to 40. In spite of the marvellous advances which have been made in theconstruction, equipment, and handling of the submarine during thelast ten years, perfection in many directions is still a long wayoff. How soon it will be reached, if ever, and by what means, are, of course, questions which only the future can answer. CHAPTER XV ABOARD A SUBMARINE Submarines have been compared to all kinds of things, from a fish toa cigar. Life on them has been described in terms of the highestelation as well as of the deepest depression. Their operation andnavigation, according to some claims, require a veritablecombination of mechanical, electrical, and naval genius--not only onthe part of the officers, but even on that of the simplestoiler--while others make it appear as if a submarine was at least assimple to handle as a small motor boat. The truth concerning allthese matters lies somewhere between these various extremes. It is quite true that except on the very latest "submerged cruisers"built by the Germans, the space for the men operating a submarine ispainfully straitened. They must hold to their positions almost likea row of peas in a pod. From this results the gravest strain uponthe nerves so that it has been found in Germany that after a cruisea period of rest of equal duration is needed to restore the men totheir normal condition. Before assignment to submarine duty, too, aspecial course of training is requisite. Submarine crews are notcreated in a day. What the interior of the new German submarines with a length of 280feet, and a beam of 26 feet may be, no man of the Anglo-Saxon racemay know or tell. The few who have descended into those mysteriousdepths will have no chance to tell of them until the war is over. Nor is it possible during wartimes to secure descriptions even ofour own underwater boats. But the interior of the typical submarinemay be imagined as in size and shape something like an unusuallylong street car. Along the sides, where seats would normally be, arepacked wheels, cylinders, motors, pumps, machinery of all imaginablekinds and some of it utterly unimaginable to the lay observer. Thewhole interior is painted white and bathed in electric light. Thecasual visitor from "above seas" is dazed by the array of machineryand shrinks as he walks the narrow aisle lest he become entangled init. Running on the surface the submarine chamber is filled with a roarand clatter like a boiler shop in full operation. The Diesel enginesare compact and powerful, but the racket they make more nearlycorresponds to their power than to their size. On the surface toothe boat rolls and pitches and the stranger passenger, unequippedwith sea legs grabs for support as the subway rider reaches for astrap on the curves. But let the order come to submerge. The Dieselsare stopped. The electric motors take up the task, spinningnoiselessly in their jackets. In a moment or two all rolling ceases. One can hardly tell whether the ship is moving at all--it might forall its motion tells be resting quietly on the bottom. If you coulddisabuse your mind for a moment of the recollection that you were ina great steel cigar heavy laden with explosives, and deep under thesurface of the sea you would find the experience no more excitingthan a trip through the Pennsylvania tubes. But there is somethinguncanny about the silence. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _A Torpedo Designed by Fulton. _] Go forward to the conical compartment at the very bow. There youwill find the torpedo chamber for the submarine, like the cigar towhich it is so often compared, carries its fire at its front tip. The most common type of boat will have two or four torpedo tubes inthis chamber. The more modern ones will have a second torpedochamber astern with the same number of tubes and carry othertorpedoes on deck which by an ingenious device can be launched fromtheir outside cradles by mechanism within the boat. In the torpedochamber are twice as many spare torpedoes as there are tubes, madefast along the sides. Here too the anchor winch stands with thecable attached to the anchor outside the boat and an automatic knifewhich cuts the cable should the anchor be fouled. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _The Method of Attack by Nautilus. _] Immediately aft of the torpedo chamber, cut off by a water-tightpartition, is the battery compartment. It gets its name because ofthe fact, that beneath the deck which is full of traps readilyraised are the electric storage batteries of anywhere from 60 to 260cells according to the size of the boat. This room is commonly usedas the loafing place for the crew, being regarded as very spaciousand empty. In it are nothing but the electric stove, the kitchensink, the various lockers for food and all the housekeepingapparatus of the submarine. Mighty trim and compact they all are. The builder of twentieth century flats with his kitchenettes and hisin-door beds might learn a good deal from a study of the smallertype of submarine. Next aft come the officers' staterooms, rathersmaller than prison cells, each holding a bunk, a bureau, and adesk. Each holds also a good deal of moisture, for the greatestdiscomfort in submarine life comes from the fact that everything isdripping with the water resulting from the constant condensation ofthe air within. The great compartment amidships given over to machinery is a placeto test the nerves. The aisle down the centre is scarcely two feetwide and on each side are whirling wheels, engines, and electricmotors. Only the photographs can give a clear idea of the crowdedappearance of this compartment. It contains steering wheels, thegyroscopic compass, huge valves, dials showing depth of submergence, Kingston levers, motor controllers, all polished and shining, eachdoing its work and each easily thrown out of gear by an ignoranttouch. The author once spending the night on a United States man-of-war wasshown by the captain to his own cabin, that officer occupying theadmiral's cabin for the time. At the head of the bunk were two smallelectric push buttons absolutely identical in appearance and abouttwo inches apart. "Push this button, " said the captain genially, "ifyou want the Jap boy to bring you shaving water or anything else. But be sure to push the right one. If you push the other you willcall the entire crew to quarters at whatever hour of night the bellmay ring. " The possibility of mistaking the button rested heavily on thewriter's nerves all night. A somewhat similar feeling comes over onewho walks the narrow path down the centre of the machinerycompartment of a submarine. He seems hedged about by mysteriousapparatus a touch of which, or even an accidental jostle may releasepowerful and even murderous forces. While the submarine is under way, submerged, the operator at everypiece of individual machinery stands at its side ready for action. Here are the gunner's mates at the diving rudder. They watchsteadily a big gauge on which a needle which shows how deep the boatis sinking. When the required depth is reached swift turns of twobig brass wheels set the horizontal rudders that check the descentand keep the boat on an even keel. Other men stand at the levers ofthe Kingston valves which, when open, flood the ballast tanks withwater and secure the submergence of the boat. Most of the underwaterboats to-day sink rapidly on an even keel. The old method ofdepressing the nose of the boat so as to make a literal dive hasbeen abandoned, partly because of the inconvenience it caused to themen within who suddenly found the floor on which they were standingtilted at a sharp angle, and partly because the diving positionproved to be a dangerous one for the boat. In the early days of the submarines the quarters for the men werealmost intolerable. The sleeping accommodations were cramped andthere was no place for the men off duty to lounge and relax from thestrain of constant attention to duty. Man cannot keep his body in acertain fixed position even though it be not rigid, for many hours. This is shown as well at the base ball grounds at the end of thesixth inning when "all stretch" as it was in the old time underwaterboats. The crews now have space in which to loaf and even the strainof long silent watches under water is relieved by the use of talkingmachines and musical instruments. The efficiency of the boat ofcourse is only that of her crew, and since more care and morescientific thought has been given to the comfort of the men, to thepurity of the air they breathe, and even to their amusements, theeffect upon the work done by the craft has been apparent. Ten yearsago hot meals were unthought of on a submarine; now the electriccooker provides for quite an elaborate bill of fare. But ten yearsago the submarine was only expected to cruise for a few hours offthe harbour's mouth carrying a crew of twenty men or less. Now itstays at sea sometimes for as long as three months. Its crews numberoften as many as fifty and the day is in sight when accommodationswill have to be made for the housing of at least eighty men in suchcomparative comfort that they can stand a six months' voyage withoutloss of morale or decrease in physical vigour. It is, of course, very rare that a civilian has the chance to bepresent on a submarine when the latter is making either a real or afeigned attack. Fred B. Pitney, a correspondent of the New York_Tribune_, was fortunate enough to have this experience, fortunateespecially because it was all a game arranged for his specialbenefit by a French admiral. He writes of this interestingexperience in the _Tribune_ of Sunday, May 27, 1917, and at the sametime gives a vivid description of a French submarine. It appears that Mr. Pitney was on a small vessel put at his disposalby the French Ministry of Marine to view the defences of a Frenchnaval base. This boat was attacked by what seemed to be an enemysubmarine, but later turned out to be a French one which was givingthis special performance for Mr. Pitney's information. We read: Our officers were experts at watching for submarines, and though the little white wave made by the periscope disappeared, they caught the white wake of the torpedo coming toward the port quarter and sheered off to escape it. The torpedo passed harmlessly by our stern, but the adventure was not ended, for hardly a minute later we heard a shot from off the starboard quarter and, turning in that direction, saw that the submarine had come to the surface and was busily firing at us to bring us to. We stopped without any foolish waste of time in argument. I asked if a boat would be sent to us, or if we would have to get out our boat. "They carry a small folding boat, " said the officer to whom I had been talking, "but we will have to send our boat. " While we were getting our boat over the side, the submarine moved closer in, keeping her gun bearing on us all the time, most uncomfortably. The gun stood uncovered on the deck, just abaft the turret. It was thickly coated with grease to protect it when the vessel submerged. It is only the very latest type of submarines that have disappearing guns which go under cover when the vessel submerges and are fired from within the ship, which makes all the more surprising the speed with which a submarine can come to the surface, the men get out on deck, fire the gun, get in again and the vessel once more submerges. I was in the first boatload that went over to the submarine. From a distance it looked like nothing so much as a rather long piece of 4×8 floating on the water, with another block set on top of it and a length of lath nailed on the block. It lost none of these characteristics as we neared it. It only gained a couple of ropes along the sides of the 4×8, while men kept coming mysteriously out of the block until a round dozen was waiting to receive us. The really surprising thing was that the men turned out to be perfectly good French sailors, with a most exceedingly polite French lieutenant to help us aboard the little craft. . . . [Illustration: _The Capture of a U-Boat. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] The vessel we were in was a 500-ton cruising submarine. It had just come from eight months' guarding the Channel, and showed all the battering of eight months of a very rough and stormy career with no time for a lie-up for repairs. It was interesting to see the commander hand the depth gauge a wallop to start it working and find out if the centre of the boat was really nine feet higher than either end. We were fifty-four feet under water and diving when the commander performed that little experiment and we continued to dive while the gauge spun around and finally stopped at a place which indicated approximately that our back was not broken. I suppose that was one of the things my friend the lieutenant referred to when he said life on a submarine was such a sporting proposition. We boarded the submarine over the tail end and balanced our way up the long narrow block, like walking a tight rope, to the turret, where we descended through a hole like the opening into a gas main into a small round compartment about six feet in diameter exactly in the midship section, which was the largest compartment in the ship. Running each way from it the length of the vessel were long corridors, some two feet wide. On each side of the corridors were rows of tiny compartments, which were the living and working rooms of the ship. Naturally, most of the space was given up to the working rooms. The officers' quarters consisted of four tiny compartments, two on each side of the after corridor. The first two were the mess room and chart room, and the second pair were the cabins of the commander--a lieutenant--and his second in command, an ensign. Behind them was an electric kitchen, and next came the engines, first two sets of Diesel engines, one on each side of the corridor, each of four hundred horse-power. These were for running on the surface. Then came four bunks for the quartermasters and last the electric motors for running under the surface. The motors were run from storage batteries and were half the power of the Diesel engines. The quarters of the crew were along the sides of the forward corridor. The floors of the corridor were an unbroken series of trap doors, covering the storage tanks for drinking water, food, and the ship's supplies. The torpedo tubes were forward of the men's quarters. Ten torpedoes were carried. The ammunition for the deck gun was stored immediately beneath the gun, which was mounted between the turret and the first hatch, abaft the turret. Besides the turret there were three hatches in the deck, one forward and two aft. There were thirty-four men in the crew. The men are counted every two hours, as there is great danger of men being lost overboard when running on the surface, and in bad weather they are sometimes counted as often as every half hour. The turret was divided in two sections. In the after part was the main hatch and behind it a stationary periscope, standing about thirty inches above the surface of the water when the deck was submerged and only the periscope showing. There was no opening in the forward section of the turret, but the fighting periscope, which could be drawn down into the interior or pushed up to ten feet above the surface when the vessel was completely submerged, extended through the top. For two hours, turn and turn about, the commander and his second stand watch on the iron grips in the turret, one eye on the periscope, the other on the compass. And this goes on for weeks on end. It is only when they lie for a few hours fifty to seventy-five feet below the surface that they can get some rest. And even then there is no real rest, for one or the other of them must be constantly on duty, testing pipes and gauges, air pressure, water pressure, and a thousand other things. When we dropped through the hatch into the interior of the submarine and the cover was clamped down over our heads the commander at once ordered me back into the turret. "Hurry, if you want to see her dive, " he said. I climbed into the after section of the turret and fastened my eye to the periscope. Around the top of the turret was a circle of bulls' eyes and I was conscious of the water dashing against them while the spray washed over the glass of the periscope. The little vessel rolled very slightly on the surface, though there was quite a bit of sea running. I watched the horizon through the periscope and watched for the dive, expecting a distinct sensation, but the first thing I noticed was that even the slight roll had ceased and I was surprised to see that the bulls' eyes were completely under water. The next thing there was no more horizon. The periscope also was covered and we were completely beneath the surface. "Did it make you sick?" the commander asked, when I climbed down from the turret, and when I told him "no" he was surprised, for he said most men were made sick by their first dive. The thing most astonishing to me about that experience was how a submerged submarine can thread its way through a mine field. For though the water is luminous and translucent one can hardly make out the black hull of the boat under the turret and a mine would have to be on top of you before you could see it. The men who watch for mines must have a sense for them as well as particularly powerful sight. We continued to dive until we were sixty-eight feet below the surface, too deep to strike any mine, and there we ran tranquilly on our electric engines, while the commander navigated the vessel and the second in command opened champagne in the two by four mess room. After half an hour of underwater work we came near enough the surface for our fighting periscope to stick twenty inches out of the water and searched the lonely horizon for a ship to attack. It was not long before we sighted a mine trawler, steaming for the harbour, and speeded up to overtake her. "Pikers!" said our commander, as we circled twice around the trawler; "they can't find us. " Five men on the trawler were scanning the sea with glasses looking for submarines. We could follow all their motions, could tell when they thought they had found us and see their disappointment at their mistakes, but though we were never more than five hundred yards from them, I did not think they were pikers because they did not find us. I had tried that hunt for the tiny wave of a periscope. "No use wasting a torpedo on those fellows, " said our commander. "We will use the gun on them. " "How far away can you use a torpedo?" I asked. "Two hundred yards is the best distance, " he said. "Never more than five hundred. A torpedo is pure guesswork at more than five hundred yards. " We crossed the bow of the trawler, circled around to her starboard quarter and came to the surface, fired nine shots and submerged again in forty-five seconds. The prey secured, we ran submerged through the mine field and past the net barrier to come to the surface well within the harbour and proceed peacefully to our mooring under the shelter of the guns of the land forts. Life and work on a German submarine is known to us, of course, onlyfrom descriptions in German publications. One of these appeared, previous to our entry in the war, in various journals and wastranslated and republished by the New York _Evening Post_. It readspartly as follows: "U-47 will take provisions and clear for sea. Extreme economical radius. " A first lieutenant, with acting rank of commander, takes the order in the grey dawn of a February day. The hulk of an old corvette with the Iron Cross of 1870 on her stubby foremast is his quarters in port, and on the corvette's deck he is presently saluted by his first engineer and the officer of the watch. On the pier the crew of U-47 await him. At their feet the narrow grey submarine lies alongside, straining a little at her cables. "Well, we've our orders at last, " begins the commander, addressing his crew of thirty, and the crew grin. For this is U-47's first experience of active service. She has done nothing save trial trips hitherto, and has just been overhauled for her first fighting cruise. Her commander snaps out a number of orders. Provisions are to be taken in "up to the neck, " fresh water is to be put aboard, and engine-room supplies to be supplemented. A mere plank is the gangway to the little vessel. As the commander, followed by his officers, comes aboard, a sailor hands to each a ball of cotton-waste, the sign and symbol of a submarine officer, which never leaves his hand. For the steel walls of his craft, the doors, and the companion-ladder all sweat oil, and at every touch the hands must be wiped dry. The doorways are narrow round holes. Through one of the holes aft the commander descends by a breakneck iron ladder into the black hole lit by electric glow-lamps. The air is heavy with the smell of oil, and to the unaccustomed longshoreman it is almost choking, though the hatches are off. The submarine man breathes this air as if it were the purest ozone. Here in the engine-room aft men must live and strain every nerve even if for days at a time every crack whereby the fresh air could get in is hermetically sealed. On their tense watchfulness thirty lives depend. Here, too, are slung some hammocks, and in them one watch tries, and, what is more, succeeds in sleeping, though the men moving about bump them with head and elbows at every turn, and the low and narrow vault is full of the hum and purr of machinery. In length the vault is about ten feet, but if a man of normal stature stands in the middle and raises his arms to about half shoulder height his hands will touch the cold, moist steel walls on either side. A network of wires runs overhead, and there is a juggler's outfit of handles, levers, and instruments. The commander inspects everything minutely, then creeps through a hole into the central control station, where the chief engineer is at his post. With just about enough assistance to run a fairly simple machine ashore the chief engineer of a submarine is expected to control, correct, and, if necessary, repair at sea an infinitely complex machinery which must not break down for an instant if thirty men are to return alive to the hulk. Forward is another narrow steel vault serving at once as engine-room and crew's quarters. Next to it is a place like a cupboard, where the cook has just room to stand in front of his doll's house galley-stove. It is electrically heated, that the already oppressive air may not be further vitiated by smoke or fumes. A German submarine in any case smells perpetually of coffee and cabbage. Two little cabins of the size of a decent clothes-chest take the deck and engine-room officers, four of them. Another box cabin is reserved for the commander--when he has time to occupy it. At daybreak the commander comes on deck in coat and trousers of black leather lined with wool, a protection against oil, cold, and sea-water. The crew at their stations await the command to cast off. "Machines clear, " calls a voice from the control-station and "Clear ship, " snaps the order from the bridge. Then "Cast-off!" The cables slap on to the landing-stage, the engines begin to purr, and U-47 slides away into open water. A few cable-lengths away another submarine appears homeward bound. She is the U-20 returning from a long cruise in which she succeeded in sinking a ship bound with a cargo of frozen mutton for England. "Good luck, old sheep-butcher, " sings the commander of U-47 as the sister-ship passes within hail. The seas are heavier now, and U-47 rolls unpleasantly as she makes the light-ship and answers the last salute from a friendly hand. The two officers on the bridge turn once to look at the light-ship already astern, then their eyes look seaward. It is rough, stormy weather. If the egg-shell goes ahead two or three days without a stop, the officers in charge will get no sleep for just that long. If it gets any rougher they will be tied to the bridge-rails to avoid being swept overboard. If they are hungry, plates of soup will be brought to them on the bridge, and the North Sea will attend to its salting for them. Frequently this "meal" is interrupted by some announcement from thewatch, such as: "Smoke on the horizon off the port bow. " Then--so weare told: The commander drops his plate, shouts a short, crisp command, and an electric alarm whirs inside the egg-shell. The ship buzzes like a hive. Then water begins to gurgle into the ballast-tanks, and U-47 sinks until only her periscope shows. "The steamship is a Dutchman, sir, " calls the watch officer. The commander inspects her with the aid of a periscope. She has no wireless and is bound for the Continent. So he can come up and is glad, because moving under the water consumes electricity, and the usefulness of a submarine is measured by her electric power. After fifty-four hours of waking nerve tension, sleep becomes a necessity. So the ballast-tanks are filled and the nutshell sinks to the sandy bottom. This is the time for sleep aboard a submarine, because a sleeping man consumes less of the precious oxygen than one awake and busy. So a submarine man has three principal lessons to learn--to keep every faculty at tension when he is awake, to keep stern silence when he is ashore (there is a warning against talkativeness in all the German railway-carriages now), and to sleep instantly when he gets a legitimate opportunity. His sleep and the economy of oxygen may save the ship. However, the commander allows half an hour's grace for music. There is a gramophone, of course, and the "ship's band" performs on all manner of instruments. At worst, a comb with a bit of tissue paper is pressed into service. Another American who suffered an enforced voyage on an_unterseeboot_ made public later some of his experiences. Hiscaptor's craft was a good sized one--about 250 feet long, with acrew of 35 men and mounting two 4-1/2 inch guns. She could make 18knots on the surface and 11 submerged and had a radius of 3200 milesof action. Her accommodations were not uncomfortable. Each officerhad a separate cabin while the crew were bunked along either side ofa narrow passage. The ventilation was excellent, and her officersdeclared that they could stand twenty-four hours continuoussubmergence without discomfort, after that for six hours it wasuncomfortable, and thereafter intolerable because of the exudationof moisture--or sweating--from every part. At such times all belowhave to wear leather suits. The food was varied and cooked on anelectric stove. The original stores included preserved pork andbeef, vegetables, tinned soups, fruits, raisins, biscuits, butter, marmalade, milk, tea, and coffee. But the pleasures of the tabledepended greatly on the number of their prizes, for wheneverpossible they made every ship captured contribute heavily to theirlarder before sinking her. Of the tactics followed the observerwrites: It appears that 55 per cent. , or more than half, of the torpedoes fired miss their mark, and with this average they seem satisfied. Once they let go at a ship two torpedoes at 3000 yards' range, and both missed, the range being too long but they did not care to come any nearer, as they believed the ship to be well armed. They prefer to fire at 500 to 700 yards, which means that at this range the track or "wake" of a projectile would be discernible for, say, twenty-five to thirty seconds--not much time, indeed, for any ship to get out of the way. At 100 yards' range or less they do not care to fire unless compelled to, as the torpedo is nearly always discharged when the submarine is lying ahead of the object, _i. E. _, to hit the ship coming up to it; it follows that a gun forward is more useful than one aft, the gun aft being of real service when a submarine starts shelling, which she will do for choice from aft the ship rather than from forward of her, where she would be in danger of being run over and rammed. CHAPTER XVI SUBMARINE WARFARE At the moment of writing these words the outcome of the greatest warthe world has ever known is believed by many to hang upon thesuccess with which the Allies can meet and defeat the campaign ofthe German submarines. The German people believe this absolutely. The Allies and their sympathizers grudgingly admit that they areonly too fearful that it may be true. To such a marvellous degree of military efficiency has the ingenuityof man brought these boats which so recently as our Civil War werestill in the vaguest experimental stage and scarcely possessed ofany offensive power whatsoever! Nevertheless these machines had reached a degree of development, andhad demonstrated their dangerous character so early in the war thatit was amazing that the British were so slow in comprehending theuse that might be made of them in cutting off British commerce. Itis true that the first submarine actions redounded in their resultsentirely to British credit. In September of 1914 a British submarineran gallantly into Heligoland Bay and sank the German light cruiser_Hela_ at her moorings. Shortly after the Germans sought retaliationby attacking a British squadron, but the effort miscarried. TheBritish cruiser _Birmingham_ caught a glimpse of her wake and with awell-aimed shot destroyed her periscope. The submarine dived, butshortly afterwards came up again making what was called a porpoisedive--that is to say, she came up just long enough for the officerin the conning tower to locate the enemy, then submerged again. Brief, however, as had been the appearance of the conning tower, theBritish put a shell into it and in a few minutes the submarine andmost of her crew were at the bottom of the sea. Soon after followed the attack upon and sinking of the threecruisers by the submarine under the command of Lieutenant CommanderOtto von Weddigen, the narrative of which we have already told. Butwhile after that attacks upon British armed ships were many, successes were few. There were no German ships at sea for theBritish to attack in turn, but some very gallant work was done bytheir submarines against Austrian and Turkish warships in theMediterranean and the Dardanelles. All this time the Germans werepreparing for that warfare upon the merchant shipping of allcountries which at the end they came to believe would force theconclusion of the war. It seems curious that during this earlyperiod the Allies were able to devise no method of meeting this formof attack. When the United States entered the war more than threeyears later they looked to us for the instant invention of someeffective anti-submarine weapon. If they were disappointed at ourfailure at once to produce one, they should have remembered at leastthat they too were baffled by the situation although it waspresented to them long before it became part of our problems. About no feature of the war have the belligerents thrown more ofmystery than about the circumstances attending submarine attacksupon battleships and armed transports and the method employed ofmeeting them. Even when later in the war the Germans apparentlydriven to frenzy made special efforts to sink hospital and Red Crossships the facts were concealed by the censors, and accounts of theefforts made to balk such inhuman and unchristian practicesdiligently suppressed. In the end it seemed that the British, who ofcourse led all naval activities, had reached the conclusion thatonly by the maintenance of an enormous fleet of patrol boats couldthe submarines be kept in check. This method they have appliedunremittingly. Alfred Noyes in a publication authorized by theBritish government has thus picturesquely told some of the incidentsconnected with this service: It is difficult to convey in words the wide sweep and subtle co-ordination of this ocean hunting; for the beginning of any tale may be known only to an admiral in a London office, the middle of it only to a commander at Kirkwall, and the end of it only to a trawler skipper off the coast of Ireland. But here and there it is possible to piece the fragments together into a complete adventure, as in the following record of a successful chase, where the glorious facts outrun all the imaginations of the wildest melodrama. There were suspicious vessels at anchor, one moonless night, in a small bay near the Mumbles. They lay there like shadows, but before long they knew that the night was alive for a hundred miles with silent talk about them. At dawn His Majesty's trawlers _Golden Feather_ and _Peggy Nutten_ foamed up, but the shadows had disappeared. The trawlers were ordered to search the coast thoroughly for any submarine stores that might have been left there. "Thoroughly" in this war means a great deal. It means that even the bottom of the sea must be searched. This was done by grapnels; but the bottom was rocky and seemed unfit for a base. Nothing was found but a battered old lobster pot, crammed with seaweed and little green crabs. Probably these appearances were more than usually deceitful; for shortly afterward watchers on the coast reported a strange fishing boat, with patched brown sails, heading for the suspected bay. Before the patrols came up, however, she seemed to be alarmed. The brown sails were suddenly taken in; the disguised conning tower was revealed, and this innocent fishing boat, gracefully submerging, left only the smiling and spotless April seas to the bewildered eyes of the coast guard. In the meantime signals were pulsing and flashing on land and sea, and the U-boat had hardly dipped when, over the smooth green swell, a great sea hawk came whirring up to join the hunt, a hawk with light yellow wings and a body of service grey--the latest type of seaplane. It was one of those oily seas in which a watcher from the air may follow a submarine for miles, as an olive green shadow under the lighter green. The U-boat doubled twice; but it was half an hour before her sunken shadow was lost to sight under choppy blue waters, and long before that time she was evidently at ease in her mind and pursuing a steady course. For the moment her trail was then lost, and the hawk, having reported her course, dropped out of the tale. [Illustration: Photo by U. & U. _A British Submarine. _] The next morning in the direction indicated by that report several patrol boats heard the sound of gunfire and overhauled a steamer which had been attacked by a submarine. They gave chase by "starring" to all the points of the compass, but could not locate the enemy. A little later, however, another trawler observed the wash of a submarine crossing her stern about two hundred yards away. The trawler star-boarded, got into the wake of the submarine and tried to ram her at full speed. She failed to do this, as the U-boat was at too great a depth. The enemy disappeared, and again the trawlers gathered and "starred. " [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Sectional View of the Nautilus. _] In the meantime, certain nets had been shot, and, though the inclosed waters were very wide, it was quite certain that the submarine was contained within them. Some hours later another trawler heard firing and rushed toward the sound. About sunset she sighted a submarine which was just dipping. The trawler opened fire at once without result. The light was very bad and it was very difficult to trace the enemy, but the trawler continued the search, and about midnight she observed a small light close to the water. She steamed within a few yards of it and hailed, thinking it was a small boat. There was a considerable amount of wreckage about, which was afterward proved to be the remains of a patrol vessel sunk by the submarine. There was no reply to the hail, and the light instantly disappeared. For the third time the patrols gathered and "starred" from this new point. And here the tale was taken up by a sailor who was in command of another trawler at the time. I give it, so far as possible, in his own words. "About 4 o'clock in the morning I was called by Deckhand William Brown to come on deck and see if an object sighted was a submarine. I did so, and saw a submarine about a mile distant on the port bow. I gave the order, 'Hard a-starboard. ' The ship was turned until the gun was able to bear on the submarine, and it was kept bearing. At the same time I ordered hands to station, and about ten minutes afterward I gave the order to fire. The submarine immediately altered her course from W. To N. N. W. , and went away from us very fast. I burned lights to attract the attention of the drifters, and we followed at our utmost speed, making about eight knots and shipping light sprays. We fired another shot about two minutes later, but it was breaking dawn, and we were unable to see the fall of the shots. After the second shot the submarine submerged. I hoisted warning signals and about half an hour later I saw a large steamer turning round, distant between two and three miles on our starboard beam. I headed toward her, keeping the gun trained on her, as I expected, judging by her action, that she had smelt the submarine. When we were about a mile and a half from the steamer I saw the submarine half a mile astern of her. We opened fire again, and gave her four shots, with about two minutes between 'em. The submarine then dodged behind the off quarter of the steamer. " He paused to light his pipe, and added, quite gravely, "When she had disappeared behind the steamer I gave the order 'Cease fire, ' to avoid hitting the larger vessel. " I made a mental note of his thoughtfulness; but, not for worlds would I have shown any doubt of his power to blast his way, if necessary, through all the wood and iron in the universe; and I was glad that the blue clouds of our smoke mingled for a moment between us. "I saw two white boats off the port quarter, " he continued. "But I paid no attention to them. I ordered the helm to be star-boarded a bit more, and told the gunner to train his gun on the bow of the steamer; for I expected the submarine to show there next. A few minutes later she did so, and when she drew ahead I gave the order to fire. I should say we were about a mile and a quarter away. We gave him two more shots and they dropped very close, as the spray rose over his conning tower. He altered his course directly away from us, and we continued to fire. The third shot smothered his conning tower with spray. I did not see the fourth and fifth shots pitch. There was no splash visible, although it was then broad daylight; so I believe they must have hit him. A few moments after this the submarine disappeared. "I turned, then, toward the two white boats and hailed them. The chief officer of the steamer was in charge of one. They were returning to their ship, and told me that we had hit the submarine. We escorted them through the nets and parted very good friends. " "But how did you get the scalp of this U-boat?" I asked. "We signalled to the admiral, and sent the Daffy to investigate. She found the place, all right. It was a choppy sea, but there was one smooth patch in it, just where we told 'em the submarine had disappeared; a big patch of water like wavy satin, two or three hundred yards of it, coloured like the stripes on mackerel, all blue and green with oil. They took a specimen of the oil. " "Did it satisfy the Admiralty?" "No. Nothing satisfies the Admiralty but certainties. They count the minimum losses of the enemy, and the maximum of their own. Very proper, too. Then you know where you are. But, mind you, I don't believe we finished him off that morning. Oil don't prove that. It only proves we hit him. I believe it was the 'Maggie and Rose' that killed him, or the 'Hawthorn. ' No; it wasn't either. It was the 'Loch Awe. '" "How was that?" "Well, as Commander White was telling you, we'd shot out nets to the north and south of him. There were two or three hundred miles, perhaps, in which he might wriggle about; but he couldn't get out of the trap, even if he knew where to look for the danger. He tried to run for home, and that's what finished him. They'll tell you all about that on the 'Loch Awe. '" So the next day I heard the end of the yarn from a sandy-haired skipper in a trawler whose old romantic name was dark with new significance. He was terribly logical. In his cabin--a comfortable room with a fine big stove--he had a picture of his wife and daughters, all very rigid and uncomfortable. He also had three books. They included neither Burns nor Scott. One was the Bible, thumbed by his grandfather and his father till the paper had worn yellow and thin at the sides. The second, I am sorry to say, was called _The Beautiful White Devil_. The third was an odd volume of Froude in the _Everyman_ edition. It dealt with the Armada. "I was towin' my nets wi' the rest o' my group, " he said, "till about 3 o'clock i' the mornin' on yon occasion. It was fine weather wi' a kind o' haar. All at once, my ship gaed six points aff her coorse, frae S. E. To E. N. E. , and I jaloused that the nets had been fouled by some muckle movin' body. I gave orders to pit the wheel hard a-port, but she wouldna answer. Suddenly the strain on the nets stoppit. "I needna tell you what had happened. Of course, it was preceesely what the Admiralty had arranged tae happen when gentlemen in undersea boats try to cut their way through our nets. Mind ye, thae nets are verra expensive. " A different situation, however, has lately developed in the moreunequal fight between submarines and merchant vessels. There thesubmarine unquestionably has gained and maintained supremacy. Twofactors are primarily responsible for this: lack of speed and lackof armament on the part of the merchantman. Of course, recently thelatter condition has been changed and apparently with good success. But even at best, an armed merchantman has a rather slim chance atescape. Neither space nor available equipment permits a generalarming of merchantmen to a sufficient degree to make it possible forthe latter to attack a submarine from any considerable distance. Then, too, what chance has a merchant vessel unprotected by patrolboats to escape the torpedo of a hidden submarine? How successfullythis question will finally be solved, the future only will show. Atpresent it bids fair to become one of the deciding factors indetermining the final issue of this war. The first authentically known case of an attack without warning by aGerman submarine against an allied merchantman was the torpedoing ofthe French steamship _Amiral Ganteaume_ on October 26, 1914, in theEnglish Channel. The steamer was sunk and thirty of its passengersand crew were lost. A number of other attacks followed during theremainder of 1914 and in January, 1915. Then came on February 3, 1915, the now famous pronouncement of the German Governmentdeclaring "all the waters around Great Britain and Ireland, including the whole of the English Channel, a war zone, " andannouncing that on and after Feb. 18th, Germany "will attempt todestroy every enemy ship found in that war zone, without its beingalways possible to avoid the danger that will thus threaten neutralpersons and ships. " Germany gave warning that "it cannot beresponsible hereafter for the safety of crews, passengers, andcargoes of such ships, " and it furthermore "calls the attention ofneutrals to the fact that it would be well for their ships to avoidentering this zone, for, although the German naval forces areinstructed to avoid all violence to neutral ships, in so far asthese can be recognized, the order given by the British Governmentto hoist neutral flags and the contingencies of naval warfare mightbe the cause of these ships becoming the victims of an attackdirected against the vessels of the enemy. " This was the beginning of the submarine controversy between Germanyand the United States and resulted in a note from the United StatesGovernment in which it was stated that the latter viewed thepossibilities created by the German note with such grave concern, that it feels it to be its privilege, and, indeed, its duty, in the circumstances to request the Imperial German Government to consider before action is taken the critical situation in respect of the relation between this country and Germany which might arise were the German naval forces, in carrying out the policy foreshadowed in the Admiralty's proclamation, to destroy any merchant vessel of the United States or cause the death of American citizens:--To declare and exercise a right to attack and destroy any vessel entering a prescribed area of the high seas without first certainly determining its belligerent nationality and the contraband character of its cargo would be an act so unprecedented in naval warfare that this Government is reluctant to believe that the Imperial Government of Germany in this case contemplates it as possible. After stating that the destruction of American ships or Americanlives on the high seas would be difficult to reconcile with thefriendly relations existing between the two Governments, the noteadds that the United States "would be constrained to hold theImperial Government of Germany to a strict accountability for suchacts of their naval authorities, and to take any steps it might feelnecessary to take to safeguard American lives and property and tosecure to American citizens the full enjoyment of their acknowledgedrights on the high seas. " It is not within the province of this book to go in detail into thediplomatic history of the submarine controversy between Germany andthe United States. Suffice it to say, therefore, that from the verybeginning the controversy held many possibilities of the disastrousending which finally came to pass when diplomatic relations werebroken off between the two countries on February 3, 1917, and astate of war was declared by President Wilson's proclamation ofApril 6, 1917. The period between Germany's first War Zone Declaration and thePresident's proclamation--two months and three days more than twoyears--was crowded with incidents in which submarines and submarinewarfare held the centre of the stage. It would be impossible withinthe compass of this story to give a complete survey of all theboats that were sunk and of all the lives that were lost. Nor wouldit be possible to recount all the deeds of heroism which this newwarfare occasioned. Belligerents and neutrals alike were affected. American ships suffered, perhaps, to a lesser degree, than those ofother neutrals, partly because of the determined stand taken by theUnited States Government. On May 1, 1915, the first Americansteamer, the _Gulflight_, was sunk. Six days later the world wasshocked by the news that the _Lusitania_, one of the biggest Britishpassenger liners, had been torpedoed without warning on May 7, 1915and had been sunk with a loss of 1198 lives, of whom 124 wereAmerican citizens. Before this nation was goaded into war, more than200 Americans were slain. Notes were again exchanged between the two Governments. Though theGerman government at that time showed an inclination to abandon itsposition in the submarine controversy under certain conditions, sinkings of passenger and freight steamers without warningcontinued. All attempts on the part of the United States Governmentto come to an equitable understanding with Germany failed on accountof the latter's refusal to give up submarine warfare, or at leastthose features of it which, though considered illegal and inhuman bythe United States, seemed to be considered most essential byGermany. Then came the German note of January 31, 1917, stating that "fromFebruary 1, 1917, sea traffic will be stopped with every availableweapon and without further notice" in certain minutely described"prohibited zones around Great Britain, France, Italy, and in theEastern Mediterranean. " The total tonnage sunk by German submarines from the beginning ofthe war up to February 1, 1917, has been given by British sources asover three million tons, while German authorities claimed fourmillion. The result of the German edict for unrestricted submarinewarfare has been rather appalling, even if it fell far short ofGerman prophesies and hopes. During the first two weeks of Februarya total of ninety-seven ships with a tonnage of about 210, 000 tonswere sent to the bottom of the sea. Since then the German submarineshave taken an even heavier toll. It has, however, become next toimpossible, due to the restrictions of censorship, to compute anyaccurate figures for later totals, though it has become known fromtime to time that the Allied as well as the neutral losses have beenvery much higher during the five months of February to July, 1917than during any other five months. [Illustration: © U. & U. _U. S. Submarine H-3 Aground on California Coast. _] The figures of the losses of British merchantmen alone are shown bythe following table: Ships Over 1, 600 Under 1, 600 Week ending-- Tons. Tons. Total. March 4 14 9 23 March 11 13 4 17 March 18 16 8 24 March 25 18 7 25 April 1 18 13 31 April 8 17 2 19 April 15 19 9 28 April 22 40 15 55 April 29 38 13 51 May 6 24 22 46 May 13 18 5 23 May 20 18 9 27 May 27 18 1 19 June 3 15 3 18 June 10 22 10 32 June 17 27 5 32 June 24 21 7 28 July 1 15 5 20 July 8 14 3 17 July 15 14 4 18 July 22 21 3 24 July 29 18 3 21 Aug. 5 21 2 23 Aug. 12 14 2 16 Aug. 19 15 3 18 Aug. 26 18 5 23 Sept. 2 20 3 23 Sept. 9 12 6 18 Sept. 16 8 20 28 Sept. 23 13 2 15 Sept. 30 11 2 13 Oct. 7 14 2 16 Oct. 14 12 6 18 Oct. 21 17 8 25 Oct. 28 14 4 18 Nov. 4 8 4 12 Nov. 11 1 5 6 The table with its week by week report of the British losses is ofimportance because at the time it was taken as a barometerindicative of German success or failure. The German admiralty at themoment of declaring the ruthless submarine war promised the peopleof Germany that they would sink a million tons a month and by sodoing would force England to abject surrender in the face ofstarvation within three months. During that period the wholecivilized world looked eagerly for the weekly statement of Britishlosses. Only at one time was the German estimate of a million tonsmonthly obtained. Most of the time the execution done by theundersea boats amounted to less than half that figure. So far fromEngland being beaten in three months, at the end of ten she wasstill unshattered, though sorely disturbed by the loss of so muchshipping. Her new crops had come on and her statesmen declared thatso far as the food supply was concerned they were safe for anotheryear. During this period of submarine activity the United States enteredupon the war and its government immediately turned its attention tomeeting the submarine menace. In the first four months literallynothing was accomplished toward this end. A few submarines werereported sunk by merchantmen, but in nearly every instance it wasdoubtful whether they were actually destroyed or merely submergedpurposely in the face of a hostile fire. Americans were looked uponuniversally as a people of extraordinary inventive genius, andeverywhere it was believed that by some sudden lucky thought anAmerican would emerge from a laboratory equipped with a sovereignremedy for the submarine evil. Prominent inventors indeed declaredtheir purpose of undertaking this search and went into retirement tostudy the problem. From that seclusion none had emerged with asolution at the end of ten months. When the submarine campaign wasat its very height no one was able to suggest a better remedy for itthan the building of cargo ships in such quantities that, sink asmany as they might, the Germans would have to let enough slipthrough to sufficiently supply England with food and with thenecessary munitions of war. Many cruel sufferings befell seafaring people during the period ofGerman ruthlessness on the high seas. An open boat, overcrowded withrefugees, hastily provisioned as the ship to which it belonged wascareening to its fate, and tossing on the open sea two or threehundred miles from shore in the icy nights of midwinter was no placeof safety or of comfort. Yet the Germans so construed it, holdingthat when they gave passengers and crew of a ship time to take tothe boats, they had fully complied with the international lawproviding that in the event of sinking a ship its people must firstbe given an opportunity to assure their safety. There have been many harrowing stories of the experiences ofsurvivors thus turned adrift. Under the auspices of the Britishgovernment, Rudyard Kipling wrote a book detailing the agonies whichthe practice inflicted upon helpless human beings, including manywomen and children. Some of the survivors have told in graphic storythe record of their actual experiences. Among these one of the mostvivid is from the pen of a well-known American journalist, Floyd P. Gibbons, correspondent of the Chicago _Tribune_. He was saved fromthe British liner, _Laconia_, sunk by a German submarine, and thustells the tale of his sufferings and final rescue: I have serious doubts whether this is a real story. I am not entirely certain that it is not all a dream and that in a few minutes I will wake up back in stateroom B. 19 on the promenade deck of the Cunarder _Laconia_ and hear my cockney steward informing me with an abundance of "and sirs" that it is a fine morning. I am writing this within thirty minutes after stepping on the dock here in Queenstown from the British mine sweeper which picked up our open lifeboat after an eventful six hours of drifting, and darkness and baling and pulling on the oars and of straining aching eyes toward that empty, meaningless horizon in search of help. But, dream or fact, here it is: The first-cabin passengers were gathered in the lounge Sunday evening, with the exception of the bridge fiends in the smoking-room. _Poor Butterfly_ was dying wearily on the talking-machine and several couples were dancing. About the tables in the smoke-room the conversation was limited to the announcement of bids and orders to the stewards. This group had about exhausted available discussion when the ship gave a sudden lurch sideways and forward. There was a muffled noise like the slamming of some large door at a good distance away. The slightness of the shock and the mildness of the report compared with my imagination was disappointing. Every man in the room was on his feet in an instant. I looked at my watch. It was 10. 30. Then came five blasts on the whistle. We rushed down the corridor leading from the smoking-room at the stern to the lounge, which was amidships. We were running, but there was no panic. The occupants of the lounge were just leaving by the forward doors as we entered. It was dark when we reached the lower deck. I rushed into my stateroom, grabbed life preservers and overcoat and made my way to the upper deck on that same dark landing. I saw the chief steward opening an electric switch box in the wall and turning on the switch. Instantly the boat decks were illuminated. That illumination saved lives. The torpedo had hit us well astern on the starboard side and had missed the engines and the dynamos. I had not noticed the deck lights before. Throughout the voyage our decks had remained dark at night and all cabin portholes were clamped down and all windows covered with opaque paint. The illumination of the upper deck, on which I stood, made the darkness of the water, sixty feet below, appear all the blacker when I peered over the edge at my station boat, No. 10. Already the boat was loading up and men and boys were busy with the ropes. I started to help near a davit that seemed to be giving trouble, but was stoutly ordered to get out of the way and get into the boat. We were on the port side, practically opposite the engine well. Up and down the deck passengers and crew were donning lifebelts, throwing on overcoats, and taking positions in the boats. There were a number of women, but only one appeared hysterical. . . . The boat started downward with a jerk toward the seemingly hungry rising and falling swells. Then we stopped and remained suspended in mid-air while the men at the bow and the stern swore and tusselled with the lowering ropes. The stern of the boat was down, the bow up, leaving us at an angle of about forty-five degrees. We clung to the seats to save ourselves from falling out. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Salvaging H-3, View I. _] [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Salvaging H-3, View II. _] [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Salvaging H-3, View III. _] "Who's got a knife? A knife! a knife!" bawled a sweating seaman in the bow. "Great God! Give him a knife, " bawled a half-dressed, gibbering negro stoker who wrung his hands in the stern. A hatchet was thrust into my hand, and I forwarded it to the bow. There was a flash of sparks as it crashed down on the holding pulley. Many feet and hands pushed the boat from the side of the ship and we sagged down again, this time smacking squarely on the billowy top of a rising swell. As we pulled away from the side of the ship its receding terrace of lights stretched upward. The ship was slowly turning over. We were opposite that part occupied by the engine rooms. There was a tangle of oars, spars and rigging on the seat and considerable confusion before four of the big sweeps could be manned on either side of the boat. The gibbering bullet-headed negro was pulling directly behind me and I turned to quiet him as his frantic reaches with his oar were hitting me in the back. "Get away from her, get away from her, " he kept repeating. "When the water hits her hot boilers she'll blow up, and there's just tons and tons of shrapnel in the hold. " His excitement spread to other members of the crew in the boat. It was the give-way of nerve tension. It was bedlam and nightmare. We rested on our oars, with all eyes on the still lighted _Laconia_. The torpedo had struck at 10. 30 P. M. It was thirty minutes afterward that another dull thud, which was accompanied by a noticeable drop in the hulk, told its story of the second torpedo that the submarine had despatched through the engine room and the boat's vitals from a distance of two hundred yards. We watched silently during the next minute, as the tiers of lights dimmed slowly from white to yellow, then a red, and nothing was left but the murky mourning of the night, which hung over all like a pall. A mean, cheese-coloured crescent of a moon revealed one horn above a ragged bundle of clouds low in the distance. A rim of blackness settled around our little world, relieved only by general leering stars in the zenith, and where the _Laconia's_ lights had shone there remained only the dim outlines of a blacker hulk standing out above the water like a jagged headland, silhouetted against the overcast sky. The ship sank rapidly at the stern until at last its nose stood straight in the air. Then it slid silently down and out of sight like a piece of disappearing scenery in a panorama spectacle. Boat No. 3 stood closest to the ship and rocked about in a perilous sea of clashing spars and wreckage. As our boat's crew steadied its head into the wind a black hulk, glistening wet and standing about eight feet above the surface of the water, approached slowly and came to a stop opposite the boat and not six feet from the side of it. "What ship was dot?" The correct words in throaty English with a German accent came from the dark hulk, according to Chief Steward Ballyn's statement to me later. "The _Laconia_, " Ballyn answered. "Vot?" "The _Laconia_, Cunard Line, " responded the steward. "Vot did she weigh?" was the next question from the submarine. "Eighteen thousand tons. " "Any passengers?" "Seventy-three, " replied Ballyn, "men, women, and children, some of them in this boat. She had over two hundred in the crew. " "Did she carry cargo?" "Yes. " "Well, you'll be all right. The patrol will pick you up soon. " And without further sound save for the almost silent fixing of the conning tower lid, the submarine moved off. There was no assurance of an early pick-up, even tho the promise were from a German source, for the rest of the boats, whose occupants--if they felt and spoke like those in my boat--were more than mildly anxious about their plight and the prospects of rescue. The fear of some of the boats crashing together produced a general inclination toward further separation on the part of all the little units of survivors, with the result that soon the small craft stretched out for several miles, all of them endeavouring to keep their heads in the wind. And then we saw the first light--the first sign of help coming--the first searching glow of white brilliance, deep down on the sombre sides of the black pot of night that hung over us. It was way over there--first a trembling quiver of silver against the blackness; then, drawing closer, it defined itself as a beckoning finger, altho still too far away yet to see our feeble efforts to attract it. . . . We pulled, pulled, lustily forgetting the strain and pain of innards torn and racked from pain, vomiting--oblivious of blistered hands and wet, half frozen feet. Then a nodding of that finger of light--a happy, snapping, crap-shooting finger that seemed to say: "Come on, you men, " like a dice-player wooing the bones--led us to believe that our lights had been seen. This was the fact, for immediately the coming vessel flashed on its green and red side-lights and we saw it was headed for our position. "Come alongside port!" was megaphoned to us. And as fast as we could we swung under the stern, while a dozen flashlights blinked down to us and orders began to flow fast and thick. A score of hands reached out, and we were suspended in the husky tattooed arms of those doughty British jack tars, looking up into the weather-beaten, youthful faces, mumbling thanks and thankfulness and reading in the gold lettering on their pancake hats the legend "H. M. S. Laburnum. " Of course, the submarine fleets of the various navies paid a heavytoll too. It has become, however, increasingly difficult to get anyaccurate figures of these losses. The British navy, it is known, haslost during 1914, 1915, and 1916 twelve boats, some of whichfoundered, were wrecked or mined while others simply never returned. The loss of eight German submarines has also been definitelyestablished. Others, however, are known to have been lost, and theirnumber has been greatly increased since the arming of merchantmen. In 1917 it was estimated that the Germans lost one U-boat a week andbuilt three. Just what sensations a man experiences in a submerged submarine thatfinds it impossible to rise again, is, of course, more or less of amystery. For, though submarines, the entire crew of which perished, have been raised later, only one record has ever been known to havebeen made covering the period during which death by suffocation ordrowning stared their occupants in the face. This heroic andpathetic record was written in form of a letter by the commander ofa Japanese submarine, Lieutenant Takuma Faotomu, whose boat, withits entire crew, was lost on April 15, 1910, during manoeuvres inHiroshima Bay. The letter reads in part as follows: [Illustration: © International Film Service, Inc. _U. S. Submarine D 1 off Weehawken. _] Although there is, indeed, no excuse to make for the sinking of his Imperial Majesty's boat and for the doing away of subordinates through my heedlessness, all on the boat have discharged their duties well and in everything acted calmly until death. Although we are departing in pursuance of our duty to the State, the only regret we have is due to anxiety lest the men of the world may misunderstand the matter, and that thereby a blow may be given to the future development of submarines. While going through gasoline submarine exercise, we submerged too far, and when we attempted to shut the sluice-valve, the chain in the meantime gave way. Then we tried to close the sluice-valve, by hand, but it was too late, the rear part being full of water, and the boat sank at an angle of about twenty-five degrees. The switchboard being under water, the electric lights gave out. Offensive gas developed and respiration became difficult. The above has been written under the light of the conning-tower when it was 11. 45 o'clock. We are now soaked by the water that has made its way in. Our clothes are very wet and we feel cold. I have always expected death whenever I left my home, and therefore my will is already in the drawer at Karasaki. I beg, respectfully, to say to his Majesty that I respectfully request that none of the families left by my subordinates shall suffer. The only matter I am anxious about now is this. Atmospheric pressure is increasing, and I feel as if my tympanum were breaking. At 12. 30 o'clock respiration is extraordinarily difficult. I am breathing gasoline. I am intoxicated with gasoline. It is 12. 40 o'clock. Could there be a more touching record of the way in which a braveman met death? * * * * * More interest in submarine warfare than ever before was aroused inthis country when the German war submarine U-53 unexpectedly madeits appearance in the harbour of Newport, R. I. , during theafternoon of October 7, 1916. About three hours afterwards, withouthaving taken on any supplies, and after explaining her presence bythe desire of delivering a letter addressed to Count von Bernstorff, then German Ambassador at Washington, the U-53 left as suddenly andmysteriously as she had appeared. This was the first appearance of a foreign war submarine in anAmerican port. It was claimed that the U-53 had made the trip fromWilhelmshaven in seventeen days. She was 213 feet long, equippedwith two guns, four torpedo tubes, and an exceptionally strongwireless outfit. Besides her commander, Captain Rose, she was mannedby three officers and thirty-three men. Early the next morning, October 8, it became evident what hadbrought the U-53 to this side of the Atlantic. At the break of day, she made her re-appearance southeast of Nantucket. The Americansteamer _Kansan_ of the American Hawaiian Company bound from NewYork by way of Boston to Genoa was stopped by her, but, afterproving her nationality and neutral ownership was allowed toproceed. Five other steamships, three of them British, one Dutch, and one Norwegian were less fortunate. The British freighter_Strathend_, of 4321 tons was the first victim. Her crew were takenaboard the Nantucket shoals light-ship. Two other Britishfreighters, _West Point_ and _Stephano_, followed in short order tothe bottom of the ocean. The crews of both were saved by UnitedStates torpedo boat destroyers who had come from Newport as soon asnews of the U-53's activities had been received there. This was alsothe case with the crews of the Dutch _Bloomersdijk_ and theNorwegian tanker, _Christian Knudsen_. Not often in recent years has there been put on American navalofficers quite so disagreeable a restraint as duty enforced upon thecommanders of the destroyers who watched the destruction of thesefriendly ships, almost within our own territorial waters, by anarrogant foreigner who gave himself no concern over the rescue ofthe crews of the sunken ships but seemed to think that the functionof the American men of war. It was no secret at the time thatsentiment in the Navy was strongly pro-Ally. Probably had it beenwholly neutral the mind of any commander would have revolted at thisspectacle of wanton destruction of property and callous indifferenceto human life. It is quite probable that had this event occurredbefore the invention of wireless telegraphy had robbed the navycommander at sea of all initiative, there might have happened offNantucket something analogous to the famous action of CommodoreTatnall when with the cry, "Blood is thicker than water" he took apart of his crew to the aid of British vessels sorely pressed by thefire of certain Chinese forts on the Yellow River. As it was it isan open secret that one commander appealed by wireless to Washingtonfor authority to intervene. He did not get it of course. Nopossible construction of international law could give us rightsbeyond the three-mile limit. He had at least however thesatisfaction when the German commander asked him to move his ship toa point at which it would not interfere with the submarine's fireupon one of the doomed vessels, of telling him to move his own shipand accompanying the suggestion with certain phrases of elaborationthoroughly American. The rapid development of submarine warfare naturally made itnecessary to find ways and means to combat this new weapon of navalwarfare. Much difficulty was experienced, especially in thebeginning, because there were no precedents and because for aconsiderable period everything that was tried had necessarily to beof an experimental nature. To protect harbours and bays was found comparatively easy. Nets werespread across their entrances. They were made of strong wire cablesand to judge from the total absence of submarines within theharbours thus guarded they proved a successful deterrent. In mostcases they were supported by extensive minefields. The danger ofthese to submarines, however, is rather a matter of doubt, forsubmarines can dive successfully under them and by carefulnavigating escape unharmed. The general idea of fighting submarines with nets was also adoptedfor areas of open water which were suspected of being infested withsubmarines. Recently, serious doubts have been raised concerning thefuture usefulness of nets. Reports have been published that Germansubmarines have been fitted up with a wire and cable cuttingappliance which would make it possible for them to break throughnets at will, supposing, of course, that they had been caught by thenets in such a way that no vital parts of the underwater craft hadbeen seriously damaged. A sketch of this wire cutting device wasmade by the captain of a merchantman, who, while in a small boatafter his ship had been torpedoed, had come close enough to theattacking submarine to make the necessary observations. The sketchshowed an arrangement consisting of a number of strands of heavysteel hawsers which were stretched from bow to stern, passingthrough the conning tower and to which were attached a series ofheavy circular knives a foot in diameter and placed about a yardapart. Even as early as January, 1915, Mr. Simon Lake, the famousAmerican submarine engineer and inventor, published an article inthe _Scientific American_ in which he dwelt at length on means bywhich a submarine could escape mines and nets. One of theillustrations, accompanying this article, showed a device enablingsubmarines travelling on the bottom of the sea to lift a net with apair of projecting arms and thus pass unharmed under it. [Illustration: © International Film Service, Inc. _Submarine Built for Spain in the Cape Cod Canal. _] Many other devices to trap, sink or capture submarines have beeninvented. A large number of these, of course, have been foundimpracticable. Others, however, have been used with success. Fewdetails of any of these have been allowed to become known. The most dangerous power of submarines, is their ability to approachvery closely to their object of attack without making their presenceknown to their prey. This naturally suggested that a way be found todetect the presence of submarines early enough to make it possibleto stave off an attack or even to assume the offensive against theunderwater boat. A recent invention, the perfection of which is dueto the work of Mr. William Dubilier, an American electricalengineer, and of Professor Tissot, a member of the French Academy ofScience, is the microphone. Few details are known about thisinstrument except that it records sound waves at as great a distanceas fifty-five miles. This would permit in most cases the calling ofpatrol boats or the use of other defensive means before thesubmarine would be able to execute an attack. At the present moment it would appear that the most dangerous enemyof the submarine yet discovered is the airplane or the dirigible. Some figures as to the mortality among submarines due to the effortsof aircraft have been published in an earlier chapter. The chiefvalue of aircraft in this work is due to the fact that objects underthe water are readily discernible at a considerable depth whenviewed from a point directly over them. An illustration familiar toevery boy is to be found in the fact that he can see fish at thebottom of a clear stream from a bridge, while from the shore therefraction of the water is such that he can see nothing. From theair the aviator can readily see a submarine at a depth of fifty feetunless the water is unusually rough or turbid. The higher he risesthe wider is his sphere of vision. With the lurking craft thuslocated the airman can either signal to watching destroyers or maybide his time and follow the submarine until it rises to thesurface, when a well placed bomb will destroy it. Both of thesemethods have been adopted with success. For a time the submarineswere immune from this form of attack because of the difficulty offinding a bomb which would not explode on striking the surface ofthe water, thus allowing its force to be dissipated before itreached the submarine, or else would not have its velocity sogreatly checked by the water that on reaching the submarine theshock of its impact would not be great enough to explode it at all. Both of these difficulties have been overcome. The new highexplosives have such power, taken in connection with the fact thatwater transmits the force of an explosion undiminished to a greatdistance, that many of them exploding at the surface will put out ofaction a submarine at a considerable depth. Furthermore bombs havebeen invented, which being fired, not merely dropped from anairplane, will go through the water with almost undiminishedmomentum and explode on striking the target, or after a period fixedby the assailant. Other bombs known as "depth bombs" are fitted withflanges that revolve as they sink, causing an explosion at anydesired depth. About the actual achievements of the airplane as a foe to submarinesthere hangs a haze of mystery. It has been the policy of the Alliedgovernments to keep secret the record of submarines destroyed andparticularly the methods of destruction. But we know that a few havemet their fate from bolts dropped from the blue. In _The Outlook_Lawrence La Tourette Driggs, himself a flying man of no contemptiblerecord, describes the method and result of such an attack. Afterrecounting the steps by which a brother airman attained a positiondirectly above a submerged submarine preparatory to dropping hisbomb, he says: Down shot his plummet of steel and neatly parted the waters ahead of the labouring submarine. But it did not explode. I could see a whirling metal propeller on the torpedo revolve as it sank. It must have missed the craft by twenty feet. Suddenly a column of water higher than my position in the air stood straight up over the sea, then slipped noiselessly back. By all that is wonderful how did that happen? As we covered the spot again and again in our circling machines, we were joined by two more pilots, and finally by a fast clipper steam yacht. The surface of the water was literally covered with oil, breaking up the ripple of the waves, and smoothing a huge area into gleaming bronze. Here and there floated a cork belt, odd bunches of cotton waste, a strip of carpet, and a wooden three-legged stool. These fragments alone remained to testify to the _corpus delicti_. "Philip, " I said half an hour later, as the hot coffee was thawing out our insides, "what kind of a civilized bomb do you call that?" "That bears the simple little title of trinitrotoluol; call it T. N. T. For short, " replied Sergeant Pieron. "But what made it hang fire so long?" I demanded. "It's made to work that way. When the bomb begins sinking the little propeller is turned as it is pulled down through the water. It continues turning until it screws to the end. There it touches the fuse-pin and that sets off the high explosive--at any depth you arrange it for. " I regarded him steadfastly. Then I remarked, "But it did not touch the submarine. I saw it miss. " "Yes, you can miss it fifty yards and still crush the submarine. " He took up an empty egg shell. "The submarine is hollow like this. She is held rigidly on all her sides by the water. Water is non-compressible like steel. Now when the T. N. T. Explodes, even some distance away, the violent expending concussion is communicated to this hollow shell just as though a battering ram struck it. The submarine can't give any because the surrounding water holds her in place. So she crumples up--like this. " Pieron opened his hand and the flakes of egg shell fluttered down until they struck the floor. Gunfire undoubtedly is still the most reliable preventive againstsubmarine attacks. Comparatively small calibred guns can causeserious damage to submarines even by one well directed shot. Submarines have been sunk both by warships and merchantmen in thisway and many more have been forced to desist from attacks. Not everymerchantman, of course, can be equipped with the necessary guns andgunners. Neither equipment nor men can be spared in sufficientquantities. But the efficiency of gun protection has been provedbeyond all doubt by many authentic reports of successful encountersbetween armed merchantmen and submarines in which the latter weredefeated. Ramming, too, has been advocated and tried. It is, however, aprocedure involving considerable danger to the attacking boat. Forone thing all the submarine has to do is to dive quick and deepenough and it is out of harm's way. Then, too, the chances are thatthe submarine can launch a torpedo in time to reach the rammingvessel before the latter can do any damage. [Illustration: _A Critical Moment. _ _Painting by John E. Whiting. _] There have been reports of submarine duels between Austrian andItalian submarines in the Adriatic in which it was claimed that ineach at least one submarine was destroyed, and, at least, in oneinstance both the duellists were sunk. Generally speaking the facthas been established, however, that submarines cannot fightsubmarines with any degree of success, except in exceptional casesand under exceptional conditions. Since the outbreak of the war between the United States and Germanythe question of combating the submarine has become more acute thanever. The latest development has been along negative rather thanaffirmative lines. It has apparently been decided that none of thedevices, known at present and capable of destroying submarines, issufficient either alone or in combinations to defeat the submarinesdecisively. The best means of balancing as much as possible thelosses which German submarines are inflicting on the shippingfacilities of the Allies at the present seems to be the unlimitedand prompt building of large fleets of comparatively small ships. Ifthis can be accomplished in time, the German submarines undoubtedlywill find it impossible to destroy a tonnage sufficient to exert anygreat influence on the final outcome of the war. CHAPTER XVII THE FUTURE OF THE SUBMARINE The world will not always be at war. Interminable as the conflict bywhich it is now racked seems, and endless as appear the resources ofthe nations participating in it, the time must come when victory orsheer exhaustion shall compel peace. People talk of that peace beingpermanent. That is perhaps too sanguine a dream while human natureremains what it is, and nations can still be as covetous, ambitious, and heedless of others' rights as are individuals. But beyond doubta prolonged period of peace awaits the world. What then is to be thefuture of the aircraft and the submarine which had to wait for warto secure any recognition from mankind of their prodigiouspossibilities? Of the future of the aircraft there can be no doubt. Its uses inpeace will be innumerable. Poor old Count Zeppelin, who thought ofhis invention only as a weapon of war, nevertheless showed how itmight be successfully adapted to the needs of peace merely as abyproduct. As for the airplane both for sport and business itsopportunities are endless. Easy and inexpensive to build, simple tooperate with but little training on the part of the aviator, it willbe made the common carrier of all nations. Already the United Statesis maintaining an aërial mail service in Alaska. Already too, bi-and triplanes are built capable of carrying twenty-five to thirtymen besides guns and ammunition. It is easy to foresee the use thatcan be made of machines of this character in times of peace. Needingno tracks or right of way, requiring no expensive signalling oroperative system, asking only that at each end of the route thereshall be a huge level field for rising and for landing, thesemachines will in time take to themselves the passenger business ofthe world. But the future of the submarine is more dubious. Always it will be apotent weapon of war. It may indeed force the relegation ofdreadnoughts to the scrap heap. But of its peaceful services thereis more doubt. That it can be made a cargo carrier is unquestionablytrue. But to what good? There is no intelligent reason for carryingcargoes slowly under water which might just as well be carriedswiftly on the surface unless war compels concealment. Underwaternavigation must always be slower and more expensive than surfacenavigation, nor does it seem probable that the underwater boats canever equal in size ordinary ships, though undoubtedly their presentproportions are going to be greatly increased. As a result of the German submarine campaign it is possible that theUnited States may develop a fleet of underwater merchantmen tocircumvent the enemy while this war continues, though there has beenbut little discussion of it. But even so, commonsense would indicatethat such a fleet would be abandoned on the restoration of peace. Ifanything is to be done toward making the submarine a vessel ofordinary everyday use the present double system of motors--theDiesels for surface navigation and the electric for submergedservice--will have to be abandoned. Inventors however are diligentlyworking on this problem to-day. Indeed so well known and successfula builder of submarines as Mr. Simon Lake seemed to have faith intheir possibilities as merchant craft. As early as February, 1916, he announced that he had taken out a patent on a new form ofcargo-carrying submarine which he described as made up of "nests oflight-weight circular tanks of comparatively small diametersurrounded by a ship-shape form of hull. " What advantage was toaccrue from this type of vessel Mr. Lake has not explained. Howeverthe Germans who seemed to originate everything successfullydemonstrated that the merchant submarine was a practicable anduseful craft with which to beat the blockade. This was proved by the two successful trips made by the unarmedGerman merchant submarine _Deutschland_ between Germany and theUnited States in 1916. Loaded with a cargo of dyestuffs andchemicals she left Bremen on June 14, 1916, and arrived in Baltimoreearly in July. After a short stay, during which she took on a fullreturn cargo, consisting chiefly of rubber and metal, she started onAugust 1, 1916, for her return trip to Bremen where she arrivedsafely soon after August 15, 1916. Once more, in October of the sameyear she made a successful round trip, docking this time in NewLondon. There was considerable talk about additional trips by otherGerman merchant submarines, but none of them were ever carried out. It has never become known whether this was due to the loss of thesemerchant submarines or to political relations between Germany andthe United States which were then gradually assuming a less friendlyform. [Illustration: Photo by International Film Service. _A Submarine Built for Chili, Passing through Cape Cod Canal. _] Of course, it is true that such boats are blockade runners and in away, therefore, part and parcel of warfare. But they are unarmedmerchantmen just the same and their exclusively mercantile characterhas been officially acknowledged by the United States Government. Under conditions of peace, however, it is very doubtful whethersubmarine merchantmen would pay, nor does it seem as if theypossessed any advantages at all over surface merchant vessels. Nevertheless they represent an entirely new development of submarinenavigation and, therefore, deserve attention. During her stay in the United States, very few people were permittedto get more than a glance of the _Deutschland_. As a result, comparatively little became known regarding her mechanical details. The _Scientific American_, however, in its issue of July 22, 1916, gives a fairly detailed description of this first merchantsubmarine. From this account we learn that the _Deutschland_ conforms ratherclosely to the typical German naval U-boat. The hull proper consistsof an internal cigar-shaped, cylindrical structure, which extendsfrom stem to stern, and in its largest diameter measures abouttwenty feet. Enclosing this hull is a lighter false hull, which isperforated, to permit the entrance and exit of the sea-water, and isso shaped as to give the submarine a fairly good ship model fordriving at high speed on the surface and at a much lesser speedsubmerged. The upper portion of the false hull does not present sucha flat deck-like appearance as is noticeable in the naval U-boats. In fact, the whole modelling of the _Deutschland_, as compared withthe naval boats, suggests that she has been fulled out somewhat, with a view to obtaining the necessary displacement for cargocarrying. The interior cylindrical hull is divided by four transverse bulkheads into five separate water-tight compartments. Compartment No. 1, at the bow, contains the anchor cables and electric winches for handling the anchor; also general ship stores, and a certain amount of cargo. Compartment No. 2 is given up entirely to cargo. Compartment No. 3, which is considerably larger than any of the others, contains the living quarters of the officers and crew. At the after end of this compartment, and communicating with it, is the conning tower. Compartment No. 4 is given up entirely to cargo. Compartment No. 5 contains the propelling machinery, consisting of two heavy oil engines and two electric motors. The storage batteries are carried in the bottom of the boat, below the living compartment. For purposes of communication, a gangway, 2 feet 6 inches wide by 6 feet high, is built through each cargo compartment, thus rendering it possible for the crew to pass entirely from one end of the boat to the other. The length of the _Deutschland_ is about 315 feet; beam 30 feet, and draught 17 feet. For surface propulsion and for charging the batteries, the boat carries two 4-cylinder, Diesel, heavy-oil motors of about 600 H. P. Each. The speed at the surface is from 12 to 13 knots; and submerged it is 7 knots. At the surface the displacement of the boat is about 2000 tons, and she has a cargo capacity of about 700 tons. The freeboard to the main deck, which runs the full length of the boat, but is only about 5-1/2 feet wide, is about 6 feet, and the cockpit at the top of the conning tower is about 15 feet above the water. This cockpit, by the way, is suggestive of the protection afforded a chauffeur in an automobile, there being a shield in front of the quartermaster, so shaped as to throw the wind and spray upwards and clear of his face. Two periscopes are provided; one at the forward end of the conning tower, and the other, of larger diameter, being forward and on the starboard of the conning tower. An interesting feature is the two folding, steel, wireless masts, about 50 feet in height, both of which fold aft into pockets built in the deck of the ship. The forward one of these masts carries a crow's nest for the lookout. The commander of the _Deutschland_, Captain Paul König, was before thewar a popular captain of North German Lloyd liners. He has published avery vivid and interesting account of the _Deutschland's_ trip, the_Voyage of the Deutschland_. In this book, he tells us how he wasoffered this novel command while the plans were still being drawn andthat he immediately accepted, making, however, the proviso "if thething really comes off. " The men, backing the venture, lost no time and, so Captain Königtells us, in less than two months a telegram called me to Berlin to an important conference. Here I looked at sketches, plans, and working drawings until my eyes swam. Four more months passed which I utilized to the full. I then went to Kiel and saw a remarkable framework of steel slowly take shape upon the stocks across the way at Gaarden. Rotund, snug, and harmless the thing lay there. Inside it were hidden all the countless, complicated, and powerful features of those sketches and working drawings. I cannot boast that the reality as executed in steel and brass was any easier to grasp than the endless network of lines and circles which had bewildered me when inspecting the blueprints. Those of you who have seen illustrations and photographs of the interior of the "central station" or the "turret" of a submarine, will understand what I mean. And should you have entered a submarine itself and felt yourself hopelessly confused by the bewildering chaos of wheels, vents, screws, cocks, pipes, conduits--above, below, and all about--not to speak of the mysterious levers and weird mechanisms, each of which has some important function to fulfill, you may find some consolation in the thought that my own brains performed a devils' dance at the sight. But after this monster, with its tangle of tubes and pipes, had been duly christened, and its huge grey-green body had slid majestically into the water, it suddenly became a ship. It swam in its element as though born to it--as though it had never known another. For the first time I trod the tiny deck and mounted the turret to the navigation platform. From here I glanced down and was surprised to see beneath me a long, slender craft--with gracious lines and dainty contours. Only the sides, where the green body vaulted massively above the water, gave an indication of the huge size of the hull. I felt pride and rapture as my eye took in this picture. The fabric swayed slightly beneath my feet--an impressive combination of power and delicacy. And now I know that what had at first seemed to me nothing more than the product of some mad phantasy on the part of the technicians was in reality a ship. It was a ship in which oceans might be crossed, a real ship, to which the heart of an old sailor like myself might safely attach itself. Then came a short period of trial trips and diving tests, all of which were carried off successfully, and at last the day of departure arrived. As soon as the last escort had turned around a final diving test was ordered. Instantly the response came back from the turret and the central station, and the men hurried to their posts. The oil engines were still hammering away at a mad rate. I left the manhole of the turret. The cover was battened down, the engines stopped at the same moment. We felt a slight pressure in our ears for a moment. We were cut off from outside and silence reigned. But this silence was merely an illusion--and was due to the change. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _A Submarine Entrapped by Nets. _] "Open the diving-valves! Submerge!" The valves were flung open and the compressed air escaped hissing from the tanks. At the same time a gigantic, intermittent snorting ensued, like the blowing and belching of some prehistoric monster. There was an uncomfortable pressure in our ears, then the noise became more regular, followed by a buzzing and a shrill hum. All the high notes of the engines in the central station intermingled and made a bewildering noise. It was like a mad diabolical singsong. And yet it was almost like silence after the dull, heavy pounding of the oil-motors--only more insistent and irritating. The penetrating hum in the various vents announced the fact that the diving mechanism was in operation. It moaned and sang lower and lower in the scale of tones. These slowly diminishing and steadily deepening tones give one the physical feeling of mighty volumes of water pouring in and flooding full. You have the sensation of growing heavier and sinking as the boat grows heavier and sinks, even though you may not be able to see through the turret window, or the periscope, how the bows are gradually submerged and the water climbs higher and higher up the turret until all things without are wrapped in the eerie twilight of the depths. The faithful lamps burned, however, and then a real silence suddenly ensued. There was no sound but the gentle trembling rhythm of the electric engines. I then gave the order: "Submerge to twenty meters!" "Both engines half steam ahead!" I was able to follow our submersion by means of the manometer. Through flooding the tanks, the boat is given several tons over-weight and the enclosed ship's space is made heavier than the displaced quantity of water. The titanic fish, therefore, began to sink downward in its element, that is to say, it began, in a certain sense, to fall. At the same time the electric engines are put into motion and the propulsive force of the propellers acts upon the diving rudders and causes the sinking to become a gliding. After the required depth has been reached--something which may easily be read from the manometer that records the depth--all further sinking may be stopped by simply lightening the hull, which is done by forcing out some of the water in the submarine's tanks. The furious growling of the pump is always a sure sign that the required depth is being approached. The noise ceased, only the electric motors continued to purr, and the word came from the central station: "Twenty meters--even keel!" "Rudder set!" So we forged ahead at a depth of twenty meters. Of course we are "blind" under such conditions and can regulate our movements only by means of the depth recorder and that precious little jewel of the boat, our compass. No ray of light reached us any longer from without, the periscope was submerged long ago and the steel safety covers over the windows were closed. We had been metamorphosed completely into a fish. [1] [Footnote 1: ©] Orders were then given to rise again. The _Deutschland_ carried outthis manoeuvre with the same facility with which she had taken theinitial dive of her long voyage. In record time the ballast tankswere emptied and the change from electric motors to oil engines wascompleted without further loss of time. The boat was started at topsurface speed towards her ultimate goal, the United States. On the following day the _Deutschland_ barely escaped running foulof a British submarine chaser, disguised as a neutral merchantman. Aquick dive alone saved her. When she came up again a wild storm anda heavy sea were raging. Even before the change from the electricmotors to the oil engines had been completed, another dangerouslooking vessel appeared and before long was recognized as a hostiledestroyer by Captain König. He tells us that he "Made one jump intothe turret and slammed the cover fast. " "Alarm! Dive quickly! Flood!" "Set diving rudder!" "Twenty meters' depth!" The commands were uttered in almost one breath. But the execution of them! To attempt to dive with such a sea running was sheer madness, as experience has taught us. What was I to do? The destroyer might have seen us already! Well, we knew we must get under--and as quickly as possible. The men in the central below me were working away in silent haste. All the exhausts were opened wide, the compressed air hissed from the tanks--the diving vents were chanting in all possible keys. I stood with my lips pressed together and stared out of the turret window upon the tossing sea, and watched for the first sign of our going down. But our deck remained still visible and we were continually lifted into the air by some wave. There was not a moment to be lost. I ordered the diving rudder to be set still more sharply and both engines to drive ahead with full power. The whole vessel quivered and thrilled under the increased pressure of the engines and made several leaps. She staggered about in the furious seas--but still seemed loath to leave the surface. Then she gave a jerk and her bows suddenly dipped and cut into the flood. She began to sink into the depths at an ever-increasing angle. The coming daylight vanished from the windows of the turret, the manometer in rapid succession showed 2--3--6--10 meters' depth. But the angle of the boat also began to increase. We staggered about, leaned back, slipped off our feet. We then lost our footing entirely--for the floor of the _Deutschland_ slanted sharply toward the front. I was just able to catch hold of the ocular or eye-piece of the periscope. Down in the central the men were hanging on to the hand-wheels of the diving rudder. A few terrible seconds passed thus. We had not yet seized the full significance of this new situation when there came a severe shock. We were hurled to the floor and everything that was not fastened down went flying in all directions. We found ourselves in the queerest attitudes--and stared into one another's faces. There was a grim silence for a moment, then First Officer Krapohl remarked dryly: "Well, we seem to have arrived!" This broke the ghastly tension. We were all rather pale around the gills, but at once tried to get our bearings. What had happened? What had caused this unnatural inclination of the boat? And why were the engines above us raving at intervals in a way that made the whole boat roar from stem to stern? Before any of us had arrived at any solution of the mystery, our Chief Engineer, little Klees, had jumped up from his crouching position, and, swift as lightning, had swept the engine-signal dial around to "Stop!" And suddenly there was a deep silence. We slowly assembled our proper legs and arms and thought hard over what had happened. The vessel had slanted down toward the bows at an angle of about 36 degrees. She was standing, so to speak, on her head. Our bow was fast upon the bottom of the sea--our stern was still oscillating up and down like a mighty pendulum. The manometer showed a depth of about 15 meters. [2] [Footnote 2: ©] [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Diagram of a German Submarine Mine-Layer Captured by British. _] However, the _Deutschland_ finally worked herself free and soon wasagain on the surface. Luck must have been with her, for she hadsuffered no damage and, in spite of the mountains of water which shemust have thrown up, the hostile destroyer had not discovered her. Once more she was off on her way. So the days went by and before long the merchant submarine hadpassed, without having been detected, beyond the territory in whichBritish patrol boats were operating. Then came a succession ofuneventful days and fine weather. Practically every day diving testswere made. One of these the captain describes as follows: During these experimental diving tests we were treated to a spectacle of fairy-like loveliness. I had set the rudder in such a way that the turret was travelling about three yards under water. Overhead the sun shone brilliantly and filled the deeps with a clear radiance. The pure water was luminous with colour--close at hand it was of a light azure blue, of fabulous clearness and transparent as glass. I could see the entire boat from the turret windows. The shimmering pearls of the air-bubbles which rise constantly from the body of the craft played about the entire length of the vessel from deck to bows, and every detail stood out in miraculous sharpness. Farther ahead there was a multi-coloured twilight. It seemed as if the prow kept pushing itself noiselessly into a wall of opalescent green which parted, glistening, and grew to an ethereal, rainbow-like translucency close at hand. We were spell-bound by this vision of beauty. The fairy-like effect was increased by medusć which, poised in the transparent blue, frequently became entangled in the wires of the mine-guards or the railings and glowed like trembling fires of rose, pale gold, and purple. [3] [Footnote 3: ©] But less pleasant things were in store for the _Deutschland's_ crew. The nearer the boat came to the region of the Gulf Stream, the moreviolent the weather became. Though she still ran most of the time onthe surface, it became necessary to keep all openings battened down. Even the manhole, leading to the turret, could be kept open onlyfor short periods. Naturally the temperature was rising all thetime. It was midsummer and the Gulf Stream contributed its share ofwarmth. No wonder, therefore, that Captain König compares conditionsbelow decks to a "veritable hell, " and then continues: While in the Gulf Stream we had an outer temperature of 28° Celsius. This was about the warmth of the surrounding water. Fresh air no longer entered. In the engine-room two 6-cylinder combustion motors kept hammering away in a maddening two-four time. They hurled the power of their explosions into the whirling crankshafts. The red-hot breath of the consumed gases went crashing out through the exhausts, but the glow of these incessant firings remained in the cylinders and communicated itself to the entire oil-dripping environment of steel. A choking cloud of heat and oily vapour streamed from the engines and spread itself like a leaden pressure through the entire ship. During these days the temperature mounted to 53° Celsius. And yet men lived and worked in a hell such as this! The watch off duty, naked to the skin, groaned and writhed in their bunks. It was no longer possible to think of sleep. And when one of the men fell into a dull stupor, then he would be aroused by the sweat which ran incessantly over his forehead and into his eyes, and would awake to new torment. It was almost like a blessed deliverance when the eight hours of rest were over, and a new watch was called to the central or the engine-room. [Illustration: Redrawn from _The Sphere_. Permission of _ScientificAmerican_. _A Submarine Discharging a Torpedo. _] But there the real martyrdom began. Clad only in an undershirt and drawers, the men stood at their posts, a cloth wound about their foreheads to keep the running sweat from streaming into their eyes. Their blood hammered and raced in their temples. Every vein boiled as with fever. It was only by the exertion of the most tremendous willpower that it was possible to force the dripping human body to perform its mechanical duty and to remain upright during the four hours of the watch. . . . But how long would we be able to endure this? I no longer kept a log during these days and I find merely this one note: "Temperature must not rise any higher if the men are to remain any longer in the engine-room. " But they did endure it. They remained erect like so many heroes, they did their duty, exhausted, glowing hot, and bathed in sweat, until the storm centre lay behind us, until the weather cleared, until the sun broke through the clouds, and the diminishing seas permitted us once more to open the hatches. [4] [Footnote 4: ©] The _Deutschland_ was now near her goal. Without any trouble sheentered Hampton Roads and was docked at Baltimore. There her cargowas discharged and her return cargo loaded. This latter operationinvolved many difficulties. During her stay a United StatesGovernment Commission made a detailed inspection of the_Deutschland_ to determine beyond all question her mercantilecharacter. But at last the day of departure, August 1, had arrived. Properly escorted she made the trip down the Patapsco River andChesapeake Bay. On her way down she made again diving trials whichCaptain König describes as follows: In order to see that everything else was tight and in good order, I gave the command to set the boat upon the sea bottom at a spot which, according to the reading upon the chart, had a depth of some 30 meters. Once again everything grew silent. The daylight vanished the well-known singing and boiling noise of the submerging vents vibrated about us. In my turret I fixed my eyes upon the manometer. Twenty meters were recorded, then twenty-five. The water ballast was diminished--thirty meters appeared and I waited the slight bump which was to announce the arrival of the boat at the bottom. Nothing of the sort happened. Instead of this the indicator upon the dial pointed to 32--to 33--to 35 meters. . . . I knocked against the glass with my finger--correct--the arrow was just pointing toward thirty-six. "Great thunder! what's up?" I cried, and reached for the chart. Everything tallied. Thirty meters were indicated at this spot and our reckoning had been most exact. And we continued to sink deeper and deeper. The dial was now announcing 40 meters. This was a bit too much for me. I called down to the central and got back the comforting answer that the large manometer was also indicating a depth of over forty meters! The two manometers agreed. This, however, did not prevent the boat from continuing to sink. The men in the central began to look at one another. . . . Ugh! it gives one a creepy feeling to go slipping away into the unknown amidst this infernal singing silence and to see nothing but the climbing down of the confounded indicator upon the white-faced dial. . . . There was nothing else to be seen in my turret. I glanced at the chart and then at the manometer in a pretty helpless fashion. In the meantime the boat sank deeper; forty-five meters were passed--the pointer indicated forty-eight meters. I began to think the depth of the Chesapeake Bay must have some limit; we surely could not be heading for the bottomless pit? Then--the boat halted at a depth of fifty meters without the slightest shock. I climbed down into the central and took counsel with Klees and the two officers of the watch. There could be only one explanation; we must have sunk into a hole which had not been marked upon the chart. [5] [Footnote 5: ©] [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _A German Submarine in Three Positions. _] When orders were now given to rise, it was found that the exhaustpumps refused to work. After a while, however, the chief engineersucceeded in getting them started. They reached the surface afterabout two hours of submergence. It was dark by the time the merchant submarine was approaching thethree-mile limit. Outside of it hostile warships were lying in wait. That the _Deutschland_ escaped them well illustrates the fact thatsubmarines may be kept by various means from entering a bay or aharbour, but that to blockade their exit is practically impossible. This is how Captain König speaks of his escape. We knew that the most dangerous moment of our entire voyage was now approaching. We once more marked our exact position, and then proceeded to make all the preparations necessary for our breaking through. Then we dived and drove forward. All our senses were keyed to the utmost, our nerves taut to the breaking-point with that cold excitement which sends quivers through one's soul, the while outwardly one remains quite serene, governed by that clear and icy deliberation which is apt to possess a man who is fully conscious of the unknown perils toward which he goes. . . . We knew our path. We had already been informed that fishermen had been hired to spread their nets along certain stretches of the three-mile limit; nets in which we were supposed to entangle ourselves; nets into which devilish mines had very likely been woven. . . . Possibly these nets were merely attached to buoys which we were then supposed to drag along after us, thus betraying our position. . . . We were prepared for all emergencies, so that in case of extreme necessity we should be able to free ourselves of the nets. But all went well. It was a dark night. Quietly and peacefully the lighthouses upon the two capes sent forth their light, the while a few miles further out death lay lowering for us in every imaginable form. But while the English ships were racing up and down, jerking their searchlights across the waters and searching again and again in every imaginable spot, they little surmised that, at times within the radius of their own shadows, a periscope pursued its silent way, and under this periscope the _U-Deutschland_. That night at twelve o'clock, after hours of indescribable tension, I gave the command to rise. We Had Broken Through! Slowly the _Deutschland_ rose to the surface, the tanks were blown out and the Diesel engines flung into the gearing. At our highest speed we now went rushing toward the free Atlantic. [6] [Footnote 6: ©] The homeward voyage was completed without untoward incident and longbefore the month had ended, the first--and probably last--merchantsubmarine was again safe and snug in her home port. The cargo-carrying submarine, however, is by no means the only typeof underwater vessel engaged in peaceful pursuits which has beensuggested so far. Mr. Simon Lake, the American submarine engineerand inventor, has frequently pointed out the commercialpossibilities of the submarine. In the early part of 1916 a series of articles from his pen appearedin _International Marine Engineering_. They contained a number ofapparently feasible suggestions looking towards the commercialdevelopment of the submarine. First of all he tells of experiments made with submarines fornavigation under ice. The proper development of this idea, ofcourse, would be of immense commercial value. Many harbours invarious parts of the world are inaccessible during the winter monthsfor vessels navigating on the surface. Navigation on many importantinland lakes likewise has to be stopped during that period. Submarines, built so that they can safely travel under the ice, would overcome these conditions and would make it possible to usemost ice-bound ports throughout the entire year at least in Mr. Lake's view. Ever since Mr. Lake began inventing and building submarines he hasbeen interested in the possibilities which submarines offer for theexploration of the sea-bottom and for the discovery of wrecks andrecovery of their valuable cargoes. His first boat, the _Argonaut_, as we have heard, possessed a diving chamber for just such purposes. He has continued his investigations and experiments along this line, and in these articles he shows illustrations of submarine boats anddevices adapted for such work. Properly financed and directed, therecovery of cargoes from wrecks undoubtedly would not only bringlarge financial returns to the backers of such a venture, but alsodo away with the immense waste which the total loss of sunkenvessels and cargoes inflicts now on the world. Submarines in peacemay yet recover for the use of man much of the wealth whichsubmarines in war have sent to the bottom of the sea. Marineinsurance, too, would be favourably affected by such an undertaking. Still one other commercial submarine boat is advocated by Mr. Lake. This is to be used for the location and collection of shellfish on alarge scale. Of this vessel its inventor says: The design of this submarine oyster-dredging vessel is such that the vessel goes down to the bottom direct, and the water is forced out of the centre raking compartment so that the oysters may be seen by the operator in the control compartment. With only a few inches of water over them, headway is then given to the submarine and the oysters are automatically raked up, washed, and delivered through pipes into the cargo-carrying chambers. Centrifugal pumps are constantly delivering water from the cargo compartments, which induces a flow of water through the pipes leading from the "rake pans" with sufficient velocity to carry up the oysters and deposit them into the cargo holds. In this manner the bottom may be seen, and by "tracking" back and forth over the bottom the ground may be "cleaned up" at one operation. This boat has a capacity of gathering oysters from good ground at the rate of five thousand bushels per hour. The use of the submarine will make the collection of oysters more nearly like the method of reaping a field of grain, where one "swathe" systematically joins on to another, and the whole field is "cleaned up" at one operation. Man's greediness for profit has already driven the salmon from therivers of New England where once they swarmed. Mechanical devicesfor taking them by the hundreds of thousands threaten a like resultin the now teeming rivers of Washington and British Columbia. Mr. Lake's invention has the demerit of giving conscienceless profiteersthe opportunity to obliterate the oyster from our national waters. [Illustration: Permission of _Scientific American_. _Sectional View of a British Submarine. _] It does not appear, however, that, except as an engine of war thesubmarine offers much prospect of future development or futureusefulness. And as we of the United States entered this war, whichnow engages our energies and our thoughts, for the purpose of makingit the last war the world shall ever know, speculation on the futureof the submarine seems rather barren. That does not mean howeverthat there will be a complete stoppage of submarine construction orsubmarine development. War is not going to be ended by completeinternational disarmament, any more than complete unpreparednesskept the United States out of the struggle. A reasonable armamentfor every nation, and the union of all nations against any one ortwo that threaten wantonly to break the peace is the most promisingplan intelligent pacifism has yet suggested. In such aninternational system there will be room and plenty for submarines. Indeed it is into just such a plan that they intelligently fit. Though not wholly successful in their operations against capitalships, they have demonstrated enough power to make nations hesitatehenceforth before putting a score of millions into ponderousdreadnoughts which have to retire from submarine-infested waters asthe British did in their very hour of triumph at Jutland. They havenot nullified, but greatly reduced the value of overwhelming seapower such as the British have possessed. A navy greater than thoseof any two other nations has indeed kept the German ships, naval andcommercial, locked in port. But less than two hundred inexpensivesubmarines bid fair to sweep the seas of all merchant ships--neutralas well as British unless by feverish building the nations can buildships faster than submarines can sink them. Huge navies mayhenceforth be unknown. The submarine has been the David of the war. It is a pity that itscourage and efficiency have been exerted mainly in the wrong causeand that the missiles from its sling have felled the wrong Goliath. Aircraft and submarine! It is still on the cards that when thedefinitive history of the war shall be written, its outcome may beascribed to one or the other of these novel weapons--the creation ofAmerican inventive genius. INDEX A _Aboukir_, 235, 236 Aërial mail service, 362 Aërial instruction, 109-121 Aërial Coast Patrol Unit, 188 Aerodromes, 170 Airplane costs, 224, 225 American aviators in France, 109, 111, 174 American Flying Corps, 175 André, General, 267-269 Andrée, Polar expedition, 41, 56, 57 Anti-aircraft guns, 128, 129, 144-147, 150, 151, 169, 172, 173, 211, 230, 297, 305 Antwerp, 195 "Archies, " _see_ anti-aircraft guns Arlandes, Marquis, d', 29 Archimedes, 19 Army Aviation School, Mineola, 188 Arras, 185 Astra-Torres, 81 Austrian, submarine, U-11, 190; seaplane, 191; warships _vs. _, British submarines, 334; submarines, 261, 360; submarine strength of, 306, 307 Aviation, in England, 104, 105, 106; in France, 104-106; Germany, 104-106, 108; Russia, 106; United States, 182-190, 194, 202, 221 "Avro" machines, 148 B Baker, Ray Stannard, quoted, 287-293 Ball, Captain, 212-214 Baltic, 157 Bauer, Wilhelm, 253, 254 Belgium, 18, 108, 184, 196 Belgium, mapping coast of, 150 Berlin, 65, 74, 75, 156, 357 Besnier, wings, 16 Blanchard, aeronaut, 35 Bleriot, aviator, 35, 95, 109; airplane, 186 Blockade, United States, 10 Boelke, Lieutenant, 118-120; story of air duel of, 214-216 Brazil, submarine strength of, 307 Briggs, Commander, 148 Bristol, biplane, 126 British, 105, 147, 149, 151, 152, 164, 166, 171, 183, 188, 190, 334; Admiralty, 236, 272; Navy, 195, 274; Royal Flying Corps, 105, 106, 164, 166, 167, 174, 212; Royal Naval Air Service, 150, 200; submarine strength, 301, 302 Brussels, 165 Bushnell, David, 246-249, 263 C Calmette, M. , 267-270 Canada, airplane factories in, 107 Caproni, airplanes, 204, 228 Cayley, Sir George, 36, 83 Channel, English, 30, 35, 55, 144, 324, 340, 341 Chanute, 90 Chapman, Victor, 176, 179, 180, 214 Charles, M. , 25; balloon, 31 Churchill, Winston, 155 Civil War, 5, 7, 10, 61, 260, 261, 333 _Clement-Bayard II. _, 56 Coffin, Howard E. , 202 Congress of the United States, 182, 187, 194, 196, 201, 221, 276, 301 Congressional Committee, 204 _Cressy_, 235, 236 Curtis, Glenn, 83, 98 Cuxhaven, 8, 108, 132, 148, 149, 150, 155 D Dardanelles, 157, 190, 310, 334 Da Vinci, Leonardo, 15 Day, J. , 242-246 "D. H. 5, " 126 Denmark, submarine strength of, 306, 307 Department of Aeronautics, 182 Deutsch, Henry, prize for aviation, 39, 46-50 _Deutschland_, The, 13, 364-378 Dewey, Admiral, 271, 272 Diesel motor, 308, 309, 319, 325, 363, 366 Douaumont, 162 Drachens, 220 Drebel, Cornelius, 238-240 Driggs, Lawrence La Tourette, 358, 359 Dubilier, William, 357 E Eiffel Tower, 42, 46-49, 51. _See also_ Santos-Dumont Emperor of Germany, 65, 69, 72 England, 73, 75, 95, 105, 108, 142, 147, 166, 182, 184, 194, 201, 202, 207, 209, 240, 251, 253, 303, 345 Essen, 8, 108 Expeditionary Army, 106 F Faotomu, Lieutenant Takuma, 352, 353 Farman, 95, 108, 218 Farragut, Admiral, 132 Fiske, Rear-Admiral, 155, 157, 206 Flanders, 6, 148 Fléchette, 138, 186 Fokker, 126, 128, 163, 170, 171, 212 Fort Myer, 96, 97 _Foucault_, submarine, 191 France, 59, 80, 81, 95, 104-106, 111, 120, 133, 142, 147, 167, 180, 182, 183, 195, 199, 200-202, 208, 209, 214, 240, 251, 254, 295, 303, 343 Franklin, Benjamin, views of balloons, 24; letters, 32, 33 French, airplanes at Battle of Somme, 198; Commission to United States, 196; guns, 147; improve on German airplane, 204; inspection of captive Zeppelin, 81; standardize their airplanes, 104; submarine, 309; submarine strength, 302, 303 French, General Sir John, 3-5, 106 Friedrichshaven, 8, 70, 75, 76, 108, 147 Fulton, Robert, 251, 252, 253 G George, Lloyd, 210 German, Admiralty, 190; air champion, 214; air raids on England, 207; attempt to starve England, 194; fleet, 183, 184; submarine attacks on allied shipping, 305; submarine destroyed by bombs, 191; submarines _vs. _ international law, 192; submarine strength, 303-305 German U-boats, 188, 206, 236, 304, 310, 314, 333, 336, 338 Germany, 61, 62, 69, 72, 73, 75, 79, 80, 81, 97, 104, 105, 106, 108, 121, 133, 142, 146-149, 157, 171, 183-185, 193, 198, 200, 210, 235, 280, 297, 310, 341, 361, 364 Ghent, 165 Gibbons, Floyd P. , 347-351 Giffard, dirigible, 37, 38, 41, 43 Grange, de la, Lieutenant, 196, 199 Great Britain, 57, 58, 105, 106, 120, 142, 143, 157, 191, 192, 202, 203, 204, 207, 310, 341, 343 Great War, 3, 12, 72, 80, 98, 103, 159 Greece, submarine strength of, 307 Grey, C. G. , quoted, 189 Gross, dirigible, 77, 78 Guynemer, Captain Georges, 211, 212, 214 Gyroscope compass, 312 H Hartlepool, 208 Harvard University, 175, 176 Harwich, 208 Heligoland, 155-157, 202, 333 _Hogue_, 235, 236 Holland, 150, 235; submarine strength of, 306, 307 Holland, John P. , 241, 274-277, 294; submarine, 294-296, 298, 301, 302, 304, 306, 313 Holland Torpedo Boat Company, 272, 277, 298 Hotchkiss, 147 _Housatonic_, U. S. S. , 259, 260 Hydro-airplane, 160, 189, 190, 206, 225 Hydroplane, 280, 308 I Icarus, 14 Immelman, Captain, 119, 212-214 Instruction, in aviation, 111-118; of American aviators, 11 _Ironsides_, 256, 257, 295 Italy, 81, 343; submarine strength of, 306 Italian submarines, 360 J Japan, submarine strength of, 306, 307 Japanese submarines, 352 Joffre, General, 4, 196 Jutland, battle of, 12, 381 K Kaiser, 78. _Also see_ Emperor of Germany Kiel, 9, 108, 155-157, 183, 195, 202, 230, 253, 314, 367 Kipling, Rudyard, 80, 166, 226, 227, 346 Kitchener, Lord, 58 Kitty-Hawk, 89, 94 Kluck, General von, 3, 4 König, Captain Paul, 367-377 Krebs, 39 L Lafayette Escadrille, 121, 175, 176, 216 Lake Constance, 62, 148 Lake, Simon, 278-295, 356, 364, 378-380; submarine, 294-296, 302, 304, 306, 317 Lana, Francisco, 17 Lancaster, F. W. , 144 Langley, Professor Samuel, 82, 83, 84, 183 _La Patrie_, 55 _La République_, 55 Latham, 95 Laurenti, Major, 300; submarine, 302, 306 Lebaudy Brothers, 54; airplane, 56, 78 Le Bris, 86-88 Lee, Ezra, 249, 250 Lewis gun, 217 Liberty motor, 222, 226; plane, 127 Ličge, 159 Lilienthal, Gustav, 84 Lilienthal, Otto, 84-86, 90 Lilienthals, 88 Lille, 185 London, 9, 134, 142, 156, 208, 209, 230 Lufbery, Captain Raoul, 121, 180 Lunardi, aeronaut, 30 _Lusitania_, 193, 210, 263, 343 M McConnell, Sergeant James R. , 160 Marne, battle of, 5, 183, 196 Maxim, Sir Hiram, 83 _Merrimac_, 12 Meuse river, 4, 161 _Monitor_, 12 Mons, battle of, 3, 5 Montgolfier Brothers, Jos. & Jacques, 20, 22; balloon, 21, 22, 23, 24, 28, 30 Moranes, 186 N Namur, 4 Napoleon, 99, 108, 252 Naval Committee, House of Representatives, 271, 272 Navy Department of U. S. , 188, 189, 278, 298, 300, 301 Navy Department, Civil War, 256, 257 Navy, Secretary of, 187, 194, 222 Needham, Henry Beach, 166 Nieuport, airplane, 140, 163, 186; town of, 150, 151, 154 Nordenfeldt, Swedish inventor, 263, 264, 275 North Sea, 6, 76, 144, 149, 154, 156, 157, 187, 188, 190, 235, 236, 305 Norway, submarine strength of, 306, 307 Noyes, Alfred, quoted, 335-340 O Ostend, 9, 150, 151, 191, 194, 200 P Paris, 3, 23-25, 28, 48, 50-53, 61, 110 Parseval, dirigible, 77, 78 Parseval-Siegfeld, 141 Pau, 110 Pčre Galien, 17 Periscopes, 296, 305, 310, 311, 326-328, 333, 366 Petersburg, 6 Pilcher, Percy S. , 84, 86, 88 Pitney, Fred B. , quoted, 323-328 Porter, Admiral David, 259 Prince, Norman, 176, 180, 216-221 R Rees, Major L. W. B. , 174 Renard, 38, 42, 43 Richmond, 6 Roberts Brothers' balloon, 34, 35 Rockwell, Kiffen, 176-179, 214 Royal Aërial Factory, 105 Rozier, Pilatre de, 27, 29; death of, 30 Rumsey, Adjt. , quoted, 217-220 Russia, 81, 106, 203, 254; submarine strength of, 306, 307 Russian ships sunk in Baltic, 157; submarine sunk by bombs, 190 S Santos-Dumont, 34; quoted, 38, 39-47, 48-50, 51-54, 59, 60, 62, 63, 88, 95 Scarborough, 208 Schutte-Lanz, dirigible, 77, 79 Schwartz, David, 63 Scott, Lieutenant, 133 Seaplanes, 105, 106, 108, 143, 149, 150, 154, 188, 191, 225, 236 _Severo Pax_, 77 Sikorsky, airplanes, 203 Sincay, Lieutenant de, 191 Sopwith, biplane, 126, 219 "S. P. A. D. , " 217 Spain, 81; submarine strength of, 306 St. Louis Exposition, 54 St. Petersburg, 63 Submarine, controversy between U. S. And Germany, 342; cruise on, 323-331; interior of, 318-323; losses, 351-354; tenders, 316; strength of different countries, 306, 307; ventilation, 239, 240, 307, 312; war zones, 342, 343 Submarine warfare, allied losses, 344; British losses, 344, 345; neutral losses, 344 Submarines: _Argonaut_, 282-295, 379 _David_, 256, 257 "E" class, 301 _Fenian Ram_, 275 "F-1, " 300 "F" (Holland type), 301 German type, 304 _Gustave Zédé_, 266, 267 _Gymnote_, 265, 266 _Holland No. 2_, 275 _Holland No. 4_, 275 _Holland No. 8_, 278 _Holland No. 9_, 271-273, 278 _Hundley_, 258-260 _Intelligent Whale_, 261 _Le Diable Marin_, 254 Laurenti type, 306 _Morse_, 267-270 _Mute_, 253 _Narval_, 267, 270 _Nautilus_, 252 _Nordenfeldt II. _, 264 _Octopus_, 299 _Plongeur_, 260 _Plunger_, 277, 278 _Resurgam_, 263 "S" class, 302 (Laurenti or "F. I. A. T. " type) _Turtle_, 247, 249, 275 "U-3, " 314 "U-20, " 330 "U-47, " 328-331 "V" class (Lake type), 302 "W" class (Laubeuf type), 302 "Viper" class, 299 Submarines, aircraft as enemy of, 357, 358; armament of, 312; (general topic), 159, 188, 190-195, 209; marksmanship, 322; microphone, 357; motives powers of, 308, 309; precautions and devices against, 345, 346, 355, 361; requirements of modern, 307-317 Sweden, submarine strength of, 306, 307 Switzerland, 150 T Taube, 126 Thaw, Lieutenant William, 214 Tissot, Professor, 357 Torpedo chamber, 320; plane, 156, 157; tubes, 298, 301, 303-306, 312, 315, 317, 320, 353 Trocadero, 49-51 Tulasne, Major, 196, 199 Turkey, submarine strength of, 307 Turkish, 177, 188, 334 U U-53, 12, 206, 353, 354 U-Boat attacks on, allied merchantmen; _Amiral Ganteaume, _ 340; _Gulflight_, 343; _Lusitania_, 193, 210, 263, 343; _Laconia_, 347-351; _Strathend_, 354; _West Point_, 354; _Stephano_, 354; _Bloomersdijk_, 354; _Christian Knudsen_, 354; in general, 346-354 United States, 56-58, 81, 91, 94-96, 103, 107, 111, 120, 142, 158, 166, 180, 182, 185, 187, 193, 194, 200, 202, 209, 221, 228, 230, 239, 260, 261, 271, 295, 297, 301, 303, 310, 334, 341, 343, 345, 361, 364, 365, 381; government of, 96, 272, 273, 276, 296, 343; declares war upon Germany, 342; Navy, 297, 298, 300, 354; submarine strength, 350 V Vanniman, 57, 159 Vaux, 162 Venice, 108 Verdun, 6, 55, 161, 162 Verne, Jules, 40, 262, 287 Vickers, gun, 217; scout airplane, 126, 131, 147, 164 Vicksburg, 6 Viney, Lieutenant, 191 von Bernstorff, Count, 353 W Wanamaker, Rodman, 160 War, Department of, 101; Secretary of, 187, 194, 222 War zones, 341, 342 Warneford, sub-Lieutenant R. A. J. , 164, 165, 214 Washington, D. C. , 96, 97, 204 Washington, General George, 247 Watt, James, 19 Weddigen, Captain, Otto von, 236, 305, 334 Wellington, 108 Wellman, Walter, 56, 57, 159 White, Claude Graham, 128 Whitehead torpedo, 261, 262, 264, 266 Wilhelmshaven, 132, 156, 157, 183, 195, 230, 353 Winslow, Carroll Dana, 111, 115, 116, 139 Woodhouse, Henry, 190 Wright Brothers, 14, 43, 58, 60, 64, 83, 84, 87, 89, 90-95, 97, 98, 109, 111, 183 Wright, Orville, 74, 75, 88, 99-102 Wright, Wilbur, 88, 91, 96, 97 Z Zédé, M. Gustav, 265, 266, 303 Zeebrugge, 8, 9, 150, 151, 153, 155, 195, 200, 230 Zeppelin, Count, von, 28, 34, 38, 50, 54, 59-65, 68-77, 79, 105, 362 Zeppelin, Eberhard, 64 Zeppelin disasters: _Zeppelin I. _, 66-69 _IV. _, 66, 72 _L-I_, 76 _L-II_, 67 Zeppelin raids, 9, 208, 209 Zeppelins, 8, 60, 62, 65-81, 100, 101, 104, 105, 108, 133, 134, 148-150, 164, 165, 208 _A Selection from the Catalogue of_ G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS Complete Catalogues sent on application THE MAKING OF A MODERN ARMY And Its Operations in the Field A Study Bated on the Experience of Three Years on the French Front 1914-1917 René Radiguet Général de Division, Army of France Translated by Henry P. Du Bellet Formerly American Consul at Rheims _12{o}. 18 Illustrations and Diagrams. $1. 50 net. By mail, $1. 65_ The younger Americans who are now in training for active service inthe field, and particularly those who have secured commissions asofficers or who are preparing to compete for such commissions, willhave a very direct interest in the instructions and suggestionspresented by General Radiguet in regard to the organization of anarmy and the method of its operations in the field. GeneralRadiguet's treatise is based upon a varied experience in thecampaigns of the present war. The old text-books must be put to one side. The methods oforganization and the methods of fighting have alike changed. It isonly those who have had responsibilities as leaders in the presentwar whose instructions can be accepted as authoritative. LIFE AT THE U. S. NAVAL ACADEMY The Making of the American Navy Officer: His Studies, Discipline, and Amusements By Ralph Earle Rear-Admiral, U. S. N. (Formerly Head of the Department of Ordnance and Gunnery, U. S. Naval Academy) With an Introduction by Franklin Roosevelt Assistant-Secretary of the Navy _12{o}. 73 Illustrations and a Map. $2. 00 net By mail, $2. 20_ This book follows the boy's procedure in entering and his firstsummer's course, after which it takes the midshipman through thecourse, not by years, but by clear discussions of the variousactivities that make up his daily life. The recitations, drills, practice cruises, physical training, medical care, athletics, recreations, and the career that the Navy affords one aftergraduation are related in a manner that will make the midshipman'slife easily understood by his parents and friends, and also show theboy intending to enter the Academy just what he may expect there. _At All Booksellers_ WEST POINT An Intimate Picture of the National Military Academy, and of the Life of the Cadet By Robert C. Richardson, Jr. Captain, 2d Cavalry, U. S. A. ; Aide-de-Camp to Major-General Thomas H. Barry Foreword by Major-General Hugh L. Scott Chief-of-Staff, U. S. Army _12{o}. 32 Illustrations, $2. 00 net By mail, $2. 20_ The book, while of interest to all who have attended theinstitution, is addressed primarily to the general public so thatthat public may become better acquainted with the aims and ideals oftheir National Military Academy. To the prospective cadet the bookis invaluable as a foretaste of the duties, responsibilities, andprivileges obtaining at West Point. TACTICS AND DUTIES FOR TRENCH FIGHTING By Georges Bertrand Capitaine, Chasseurs, de l'Armée de France and Oscar N. Solbert Major, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A. _16{o}. 35 Diagrams. $1. 50 net. By mail, $1. 65_ 000. 7 (OD) 1st Ind. War Department, A. G. O. , December 21, 1917--To Major O. N. Solbert, Corp of Engineers, Office of the Chief of Engineers. 1. The manuscript forwarded with this letter has been examined inthe War College Division and the opinion given that it hasexceptional merit, presenting the principles governing trenchwarfare in such a clear and logical manner that the publication, with some changes and additions, [7] will be of considerable value toour Officers. [Footnote 7: These changes have been made. ] 2. You are directed to confer with the Chief of the War CollegeDivision regarding the effecting of the changes desired. By order of the Secretary of War (Signed) F. W. Lewis Adjutant General. G. P. Putnam's Sons New York London