AGESILAUS By Xenophon Translation by H. G. Dakyns Dedicated To Rev. B. Jowett, M. A. Master of Balliol College Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B. C. He was a pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans, and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land and property in Scillus, where he lived for many years before having to move once more, to settle in Corinth. He died in 354 B. C. The Agesilaus summarises the life of his Spartan friend and king, whom he met after the events of the Anabasis. PREPARER'S NOTE This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon, " a four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though there is doubt about some of these) is: Work Number of books The Anabasis 7 The Hellenica 7 The Cyropaedia 8 The Memorabilia 4 The Symposium 1 The Economist 1 On Horsemanship 1 The Sportsman 1 The Cavalry General 1 The Apology 1 On Revenues 1 The Hiero 1 The Agesilaus 1 The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2 Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The diacritical marks have been lost. AGESILAUS An Encomium The date of Agesilaus's death is uncertain--360 B. C. (Grote, "H. G. " ix. 336); 358 B. C. (Curt. Iv. 196, Eng. Tr. ) I To write the praises of Agesilaus in language equalling his virtue andrenown is, I know, no easy task; yet must it be essayed; since it werebut an ill requital of pre-eminence, that, on the ground of hisperfection, a good man should forfeit the tribute even of imperfectpraise. As touching, therefore, the excellency of his birth, what weightier, what nobler testimony can be adduced than this one fact? To thecommemorative list of famous ancestry is added to-day the name (1)Agesilaus as holding this or that numerical descent from Heracles, andthese ancestors no private persons, but kings sprung from the loins ofkings. Nor is it open to the gainsayer to contend that they were kingsindeed but of some chance city. Not so, but even as their family holdshighest honour in their fatherland, so too is their city the mostglorious in Hellas, whereby they hold, not primacy over the secondbest, but among leaders they have leadership. (1) Or, "even to-day, in the proud bead-roll of his ancestry he stands commemorated, in numerical descent from Heracles. " And herein it is open to us to praise both his fatherland and hisfamily. It is notable that never throughout these ages has Lacedaemon, out of envy of the privilege accorded to her kings, tried to dissolvetheir rule; nor ever yet throughout these ages have her kings strainedafter greater powers than those which limited their heritage ofkingship from the first. Wherefore, while all other forms ofgovernment, democracies and oligarchies, tyrannies and monarchies, alike have failed to maintain their continuity unbroken, here, as thesole exception, endures indissolubly their kingship. (2) (2) See "Cyrop. " I. I. 1. And next in token of an aptitude for kingship seen in Agesilaus, before even he entered upon office, I note these signs. On the deathof Agis, king of Lacedaemon, there were rival claimants to the throne. Leotychides claimed the succession as being the son of Agis, andAgesilaus as the son of Archidamus. But the verdict of Lacedaemonfavoured Agesilaus as being in point of family and virtueunimpeachable, (3) and so they set him on the throne. And yet, in thisprinceliest of cities so to be selected by the noblest citizens asworthy of highest privilege, argues, methinks conclusively, anexcellence forerunning exercise of rule. (4) (3) For this matter see "Hell. " III. Iii. 1-6; V. Iv. 13; Plut. "Ages. " iii. 3 (Cloigh, iv. 3 foll. ); Paus. Iii. 3. (4) See Aristides ("Rhet. " 776), who quotes the passage for its measured cadence. And so I pass on at once to narrate the chief achievements of hisreign, since by the light of deeds the character of him who wroughtthem will, if I mistake not, best shine forth. Agesilaus was still a youth (5) when he obtained the kingdom, and hewas still but a novice in his office when the news came that the kingof Persia was collecting a mighty armament by sea and land for theinvasion of Hellas. The Lacedaemonians and their allies sat debatingthese matters, when Agesilaus undertook to cross over into Asia. Heonly asked for thirty Spartans and two thousand New Citizens, (6)besides a contingent of the allies six thousand strong; with these hewould cross over into Asia and endeavour to effect a peace; or, if thebarbarian preferred war, he would leave him little leisure to invadeHellas. (5) B. C. 399; according to Plut. ("Ages. " ad fin. ) he was forty-three, and therefore still "not old. " See "Hell. " III. Iv. 1 for the startling news, B. C. 396. (6) For the class of Neodamodes, see Arnold's note to Thuc. V. 34 (Jowett, "Thuc. " ii. 307); also Thuc. Vii. 58; "Hell. " I. Iii. 15. The proposal was welcomed with enthusiasm on the part of many. Theycould not but admire the eagerness of their king to retaliate upon thePersian for his former invasions of Hellas by counter-invasion on hisown soil. They liked the preference also which he showed for attackingrather than awaiting his enemy's attack, and his intention to carry onthe war at the expense of Persia rather than that of Hellas; but itwas the perfection of policy, they felt, so to change the arena ofbattle, with Asia as the prize of victory instead of Hellas. If wepass on to the moment when he had received his army and set sail, Ican conceive no clearer exposition of his generalship than the barenarration of his exploits. The scene is Asia, and this his first achievement. Tissaphernes hadsworn an oath to Agesilaus on this wise: if Agesilaus would grant himan armistice until the return of certain ambassadors whom he wouldsend to the king, he (Tissaphernes) would do his utmost to procure theindependence of the Hellenic cities in Asia. And Agesilaus took acounter oath: without fraud or covin to observe the armistice duringthe three months (7) necessary to that transaction. But the compact wasscarcely made when Tissaphernes gave the lie to the solemn undertakinghe had sworn to. So far from effecting peace, he begged the King tosend him a large armament in addition to that which he already had. Asto Agesilaus, though he was well aware of these proceedings, headhered loyally to the armistice. (7) See Grote, "H. G. " x. 359; "Hell. " III. Iv. 5. And for myself, I look upon this as the first glorious achievement ofthe Spartan. By displaying the perjury of Tissaphernes he robbed himof his credit with all the world; by the exhibition of himself incontrast as a man who ratified his oath and would not gainsay anarticle of his agreement, he gave all men, Hellenes and barbariansalike, encouragement to make covenant with him to the full extent ofhis desire. When Tissaphernes, priding himself on the strength of that army whichhad come down to aid him, bade Agesilaus to be gone from Asia or toprepare for war, (8) deep was the vexation depicted on the faces of theLacedaemonians there present and their allies, as they realised thatthe scanty force of Agesilaus was all too small to cope with thearmaments of Persia. But the brow of their general was lit with joy asgaily he bade the ambassadors take back this answer to Tissaphernes:"I hold myself indebted to your master for the perjury whereby he hasobtained to himself the hostility of heaven, and made the godsthemselves allies of Hellas. " And so without further pause hepublished a general order to his soldiers to pack their baggage andprepare for active service; and to the several cities which lay on theline of march to Caria, the order sped to have their markets inreadiness; while to the men of Ionia and the Aeolid and the Hellesponthe sent despatches bidding them send their contingents to Ephesus tojoin in the campaign. (8) Lit. "When Tissaphernes, priding himself... Bade Agesilaus be gone... Deep was the annoyance felt. " Tissaphernes meanwhile was influenced by the fact that Agesilaus hadno cavalry, and that Caria was a hilly district unsuited for that arm. Moreover, as he further bethought him, Agesilaus must needs be wrothwith him for his deceit. What could be clearer, therefore, than thathe was about to make a dash at the satrap's home in Caria? Accordinglyhe transported the whole of his infantry into Caria and marched hiscavalry round the while into the plain of the Maeander, persuaded thathe would trample the Hellenes under the hoofs of his horses longbefore they reached the district where no cavalry could operate. But Agesilaus, instead of advancing upon Caria, turned right about andmarched in the direction of Phrygia. Picking up the various forcesthat met him on his progress, he passed onwards, laying city aftercity at his feet, and by the suddenness of his incursion capturingenormous wealth. Here was an achievement which showed the genius of a general, as allagreed. When once war as declared, and the arts of circumvention anddeceit were thereby justified, he had proved Tissaphernes to be a verybade in subtlety; (9) and with what sagacity again did he turn thecircumstances to account for the enrichment of his friends. Owing tothe quantity of wealth captured, precious things were selling for amere song. Thereupon he gave his friends warning to make theirpurchases, adding that he should at once march down to the sea-coastat the head of his troops. The quartermasters meanwhile receivedorders to make a note of the purchasers with the prices of thearticles, and to consign the goods. The result was that, without priordisbursement on their part, or detriment to the public treasury, hisfriends reaped an enormous harvest. Moreover, when deserters came withoffers to disclose hidden treasures, and naturally enough laid theirproposal before the king himself, he took care to have the capture ofthese treasures effected by his friends, which would enable them to doa stroke of business, and at the same time redound to their prestige. For this reason he was not long in discovering many an eager aspirantto his friendship. (9) See below, xi. 4; "Mem. " III. I. 6; IV. Ii. 15; "Cyrop. " I. Vi. 31; Plut. "Ages. " xi. (Clough, iv. 10). But a country pillaged and denuded of inhabitants would not longsupport an army. That he felt. A more perennial source of supply wassurely to be found in waving cornfields and thickly clusteringhomesteads. So with infinite pains he set himself not merely to crushhis foes by force, but also to win them to his side by gentleness. Inthis spirit he often enjoined upon his soldiers to guard theircaptives as fellow-men rather than take vengeance upon them asevildoers; (10) or, on a change of quarters, if aware of littlechildren left behind by the dealers (since the men often sold them inthe belief that it would be impossible to carry them away and rearthem), he would show concern in behalf of these poor waifs and havethem conveyed to some place of safety; or he would entrust them to thecare of fellow-prisoners also left behind on account of old age; in nocase must they be left to ravening dogs and wolves. In this way he wonthe goodwill not only of those who heard tell of these doings but ofthe prisoners themselves. And whenever he brought over a city to hisside, he set the citizens free from the harsher service of a bondsmanto his lord, imposing the gentler obedience of a freeman to his ruler. Indeed, there were fortresses impregnable to assault which he broughtunder his power by the subtler force of human kindness. (10) See Grote, vol. Ix. P. 365 foll. But when, in Phrygia even, the freedom of his march along the flatswas hampered by the cavalry of Pharnabazus, he saw that if he wishedto avoid a skulking warfare under cover, a force of cavalry wasindispensable. Accordingly he enlisted the wealthiest members of everycity in those parts to breed and furnish horses; with this savingclause, however: that the individual who furnished a horse and armswith a good rider should be exempt from service himself. By this meanshe engendered an eagerness to discharge the obligation, not unlikethat of the condemned man, casting about to discover some one to diein his place. (11) He further ordered some of the states themselves tofurnish contingents of mounted troopers, and this in the convictionthat from such training-centres he would presently get a pick ofcavaliers proud of their horsemanship. And thus once more he wongolden opinions by the skill with which he provided himself with abody of cavalry in the plenitude of strength and ripe for activeservice. (11) Instead of the plain {zetoie} of the parallel passage ("Hell. " III. Iv. 15) the encomiast prefers the poetical {masteuoi}. On the approach of early spring (12) he collected his whole armament atEphesus, and set himself to the work of training it. With that objecthe proposed a series of prizes: one set for the cavalry squadron whichrode best, another for the heavy infantry divisions which presentedthe best physique, another again for various light troops, peltasts, and bowmen, which showed themselves most efficient in their respectiveduties. (12) B. C. 395; see "Hell. " III. Iv. 16; Plut. "Marcel. " (Clough, ii. 262); Polyb. Xii. 20, 7. Thereupon it was a sight to see the gymnasiums thronged with warriorsgoing through their exercises, the racecourses crowded with trooperson prancing steeds, the archers and the javelin men shooting at thebutts. Nay, the whole city in which he lay was transformed into aspectacle itself, so filled to overflowing was the market-place witharms and armour of every sort, and horses, all for sale. Here werecoppersmiths and carpenters, ironfounders and cobblers, painters anddecorators--one and all busily engaged in fabricating the implementsof war; so that an onlooker might have thought the city of Ephesusitself a gigantic arsenal. It would have kindled courage in the breastof a coward to see the long lines of soldiers, with Agesilaus at theirhead, all garlanded as they marched in proud procession from thegymnasiums and dedicated their wreaths to our Lady Artemis. Since, where these three elements exist--reverence towards heaven, practicein military affairs, and obedience to command--all else must needs befull of happy promise. But seeing that contempt for the foe is calculated to infuse a certainstrength in face of battle, he ordered his criers to strip naked thebarbarians captured by his foraging parties, and so to sell them. Thesoldiers who saw the white skins of these folk, unused to strip fortoil, soft and sleek and lazy-looking, as of people who could onlystir abroad in carriages, concluded that a war with women wouldscarcely be more formidable. Then he published a further order to thesoldiers: "I shall lead you at once by the shortest route to thestronghold (13) of the enemy's territory. Your general asks you to keepyourselves on the alert in mind and body, as men about to enter thelists of battle on the instant. " (13) Or, "the richest parts of the country, " viz. Lydia; Plut. "Ages. " x. But Tissaphernes was persuaded that this was all talk on his part forthe purpose of outwitting him a second time: now certainly Agesilauswould make an incursion into Caria. So once again the satraptransported his infantry over into that country just has he had donebefore, and as before he posted his cavalry in the plain of theMaeander. This time, however, Agesilaus was true to his word. In accordance withhis published order he advanced straight upon the region of Sardis, and, during a three days' march through a country where not an enemywas to be seen, provided his army with abundant supplies. On thefourth day the enemy's cavalry came up. The Persian general orderedthe commandant of his baggage train to cross the Pactolus and encamp, whilst his troopers, who had caught sight of the camp followers of theHellenes scattered in search of booty, put many of them to the sword. Agesilaus, aware how matters were going, ordered his cavalry to therescue, and the Persians on their side, seeing the enemy's supportsapproaching, collected and formed up in line to receive them with theserried squadrons of their cavalry. And now Agesilaus, conscious thathis enemy's infantry had not as yet arrived, whilst on his side noelement in his preparation was lacking, felt that the moment was cometo join battle if he could. Accordingly he sacrificed and advancedagainst the opposing lines of cavalry. A detachment of heavy infantry, the ten-years-service men, had orders to close with them at the run, while the light infantry division were told to show them the way at aswinging pace. At the same time he passed the order along the line ofhis cavalry to charge in reliance of the support of himself and themain body in their rear. Charge they did, these troopers, and the pickof Persian cavalry received them bravely, but in face of the conjointhorror of the attack they swerved, and some were cut down at once inthe river-bed, while others sought safety in flight. The Hellenesfollowed close on the heels of the flying foe, and captured his camp. Here the peltasts, not unnaturally, fell to pillaging, whereuponAgesilaus formed a cordon of troops, round the property of friends andfoes alike, and so encamped. Presently hearing that the enemy were in a state of disorder, theresult of every one holding his fellow responsible for what hadhappened, he advanced without further stay on Sardis. Having arrived, he fell to burning and ravaging the suburbs, while at the same time hedid not fail to make it known by proclamation that those who asked forfreedom should join his standard; or if there were any who claimed aright of property in Asia he challenged them to come out and meet herliberators in fair fight and let the sword decide between them. Finding that no one ventured to come out to meet him, his march becamefor the future a peaceful progress. All around him he beheld Helleneswho formerly were forced to bow the knee to brutal governors nowhonoured by their former tyrants, while those who had claimed to enjoydivine honours were so humbled by him that they scarce dared to look aHellene in the face. Everywhere he saved the territory of his friendsfrom devastation, and reaped the fruits of the enemy's soil to suchgood effect that within two years he was able to dedicate as a titheto the god at Delphi more than one hundred talents. (14) (14) = 25, 000 pounds nearly. It was then that the Persian king, believing that Tissaphernes was toblame for the ill success of his affairs, sent down Tithraustes andcut off the satrap's head. After this the fortunes of the barbariansgrew still more desperate, whilst those of Agesilaus assumed a bolderfront. On all side embassies from the surrounding nations came to maketerms of friendship, and numbers even came over to him, stretching outeager arms to grasp at freedom. So that Agesilaus was now no longerthe chosen captain of the Hellenes only, but of many Asiatics. And here we may pause and consider what a weight of admiration is dueto one who, being now ruler over countless cities of the continent, and islands also (since the state had further entrusted the navy tohis hands), just when he had reached this pinnacle of renown andpower, and might look to turn to account his thronging fortunes; when, too, which overtops all else, he was cherishing fond hopes to dissolvethat empire which in former days had dared to march on Hellas;--atsuch a moment suffered himself not to be overmastered by thesepromptings, but on receipt of a summons of the home authorities tocome to the assistance of the fatherland, obeyed the mandate of hisstate as readily (15) as though he stood confronted face to face withthe Five in the hall of ephors; and thus gave clear proof that hewould not accept the whole earth in exchange for the land of hisfathers, nor newly-acquired in place of ancient friends, nor basegains ingloriously purchased rather than the perilous pursuit ofhonour and uprightness. (16) (15) Cf. Hor. "Od. " III. V. 50. (16) See Pindar, "Olymp. " vi. 14. And, indeed, glancing back at the whole period during which heremained in the exercise of his authority, no act of deepersignificance in proof of his kingly qualities need be named than this. He found the cities which he was sent out to govern each and all aprey to factions, the result of constitutional disturbances consequenton the cessation of the Athenian empire, and without resort to exileor sanguinary measures he so disposed them by his healing presencethat civil concord and material prosperity were permanentlymaintained. Therefore it was that the Hellenes in Asia deplored hisdeparture, (17) as though they had lost, not simply a ruler, but afather or bosom friend, and in the end they showed that theirfriendship was of no fictitious character. At any rate, theyvoluntarily helped him to succour Lacedaemon, though it involved, asthey knew, the need of doing battle with combatants of equal prowesswith themselves. So the tale of his achievements in Asia has an end. (17) See Plut. "Ages. " xv. II He crossed the Hellespont and made his way through the very tribestraversed by the Persian (1) with his multitudinous equipment in formerdays, and the march which cost the barbarian a year was accomplishedby Agesilaus in less than a single month. He did not want to arrive aday too late to serve his fatherland. And so passing through Macedoniahe arrived in Thessaly, and here the men of Larissa, Crannon, Scotussa, and Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians, and indeedall the Thessalians, with the exception of those who were in exile atthe time, combined to dog his steps and do him damage. For a while heled his troops in a hollow square, posting one half of his cavalry inthe van and the other half on his rear, but finding his march hinderedby frequent attacks of the Thessalians on his hindmost divisions, hesent round the mass of his cavalry from the vanguard to support hisrear, reserving only his personal escort. (2) And now in battle orderthe rival squadrons faced each other; when the Thessalians, not likinga cavalry engagement in face of heavy infantry, wheeled and step bystep retreated; their opponents with much demureness following. ThenAgesilaus, detecting the common error under which both partieslaboured, sent round his own bodyguard of stalwart troopers withorders to their predecessors (an order they would act upon themselves)to charge the enemy at full gallop and not give him a chance to rally. The Thessalians, in face of this unexpected charge, either could notso much as rally, or in the attempt to do so were caught with theirhorses' flanks exposed to the enemy's attack. Polycharmus, thePharsalian, a commandant of cavalry, did indeed succeed in wheeling, but was cut down with those about him sword in hand. This was thesignal for a flight so extraordinary that dead and dying lined theroad, and the living were captured wholesale, nor was a halt madeuntil the pursuers reached Mount Narthacius. Here, midway between Prasand Narthacius, Agesilaus erected a trophy, and here for the moment hehalted in unfeigned satisfaction at his exploit, since it was from anantagonist boasting the finest cavalry in the world that he hadwrested victory with a body of cavalry organised by himself. (1) I. E. "Xerxes. " (2) I. E. "the Three hundred. " See Thuc. V. 72; "Pol. Lac. " xiii. 6. Next day, crossing the mountain barrier of Achaea Phthiotis, his marchlay through friendly territory for the rest of the way as far as thefrontiers of Boeotia. Here he found the confederates drawn up inbattle line. They consisted of the Thebans, the Athenians, theArgives, the Corinthians, the Aenianians, the Euboeans, and bothdivisions of the Locrians. (3) He did not hesitate, but openly beforetheir eyes drew out his lines to give them battle. He had with him adivision (4) and a half of Lacedaemonians, and from the seat of waritself the allied troops of the Phocians and the men of Orchomenusonly, besides the armament which he had brought with him from Asia. (3) See "Hell. " IV. Ii. 7. (4) Lit. "mora. " I am not going to maintain that he ventured on the engagement in spiteof having far fewer and inferior forces. Such an assertion would onlyreveal the senselessness of the general (5) and the folly of the writerwho should select as praiseworthy the reckless imperilling of mightyinterests. On the contrary, what I admire is the fact that he hadtaken care to provide himself with an army not inferior to that of hisenemy, and had so equipped them that his cohorts literally gleamedwith purple and bronze. (6) He had taken pains to enable his soldiersto undergo the fatigue of war, he had filled their breasts with aproud consciousness that they were equal to do battle with anycombatants in the world, and what was more, he had infused a wholesomerivalry in those about him to prove themselves each better than therest. He had filled all hearts with sanguine expectation of greatblessings to descend on all, if they proved themselves good men. Suchincentives, he thought, were best calculated to arouse enthusiasm inmen's souls to engage in battle with the enemy. And in thisexpectation he was not deceived. (5) Lit. "Agesilaus. " (6) See "Cyrop. " VI. Iv. 1. I proceed to describe the battle, for in certain distinctive featuresit differed from all the battles of our day. The contending forces meton the plain of Coronea, Agesilaus and his troops approaching from theCephisus, the Thebans and their allies from the slopes of the Helicon. These masses of infantry, as any eye might see, were of duly balancedstrength, while as near as could be the cavalry on either side wasnumerically the same. Agesilaus held the right of his own army, and onhis extreme left lay the men of Orchomenus. On the opposite side theThebans themselves formed their own right and the Argives held theirleft. While the two armies approached a deep silence prevailed oneither side, but when they were now a single furlong's (7) space apartthe Thebans quickened to a run, and, with a loud hurrah, dashedforward to close quarters. And now there was barely a hundred yards (8)between them, when Herippidas, with his foreign brigade, rushedforward from the Spartan's battle lines to meet them. This brigadeconsisted partly of troops which had served with Agesilaus ever sincehe left home, with a portion of the Cyreians, besides Ionians, Aeolians, and their neighbours on the Hellespont. All these took partin the forward rush of the attack just mentioned, and coming withinspear-thrust they routed that portion of the enemy in front of them. The Argives did not even wait for Agesilaus and his division, but fledtowards Helicon, and at that moment some of his foreign friends wereon the point of crowning Agesilaus with the wreath of victory, whensome one brought him word that the Thebans had cut through thedivision from Orchomenus and were busy with the baggage-train. Accordingly he at once deployed his division and advanced bycounter-march against them. The Thebans on their side, seeing thattheir allies had scattered on Helicon, and eager to make their wayback to join their friends, began advancing sturdily. (7) Lit. "a stade. " (8) Lit. "three plethra. " To assert that Agesilaus at this crisis displayed real valour is toassert a thing indisputable, but for all that the course he adoptedwas not the safest. It was open to him to let the enemy pass in theireffort to rejoin their friends, and that done to have hung upon theirheels and overmastered their rear ranks, but he did nothing of thesort: what he did was, to crash front to front against the Thebans. And so with shields interlocked they shoved and fought and fought andshoved, dealing death and yielding life. There was no shouting, noryet was there even silence, but a strange and smothered utterance, such as rage and battle vent. (9) At last a portion of the Thebansforced their way through towards Helicon, but many were slain in thatdeparture. (9) Or, "as the rage and fury of battle may give vent to. " See "Cyrop. " VII. I. 38-40. A graphic touch omitted in "Hell. " IV. Iii. 19. Victory remained with Agesilaus. Wounded himself, they bore him backto his own lines, when some of his troopers came galloping up to tellhim that eighty of the enemy had taken refuge with their arms (10)under cover of the Temple, (11) and they asked what they ought to do. He, albeit he had received wounds all over him, having been the markof divers weapons, did not even so forget his duty to God, and gaveorders to let them go whithersoever they chose, nor suffered them tobe ill-treated, but ordered his bodyguard of cavalry to escort themout of reach of danger. (10) I. E. "they had kept their arms. " (11) See Plut. "Ages. " xix. ; Paus. Ix. 34. And now that the battle had ceased, it was a sight to see where theencounter took place, the earth bedabbled with gore, the dead lyingcheek by jowl, friend and foe together, and the great shields hackedand broken to pieces, and the spears snapped asunder, the daggerslying bare of sheaths, some on the ground, some buried in the bodies, some still clutched in the dead men's hands. For the moment then, seeing that it was already late in the day, they dragged together thecorpses of their slain apart from those of the enemy (12) and laid themwithin the lines, and took their evening meal and slept; but earlynext morning Agesilaus ordered Gylis, the polemarch, to marshal thetroops in battle order and to set up a trophy, while each man donned awreath in honour of the god, and the pipers piped. So they busiedthemselves, but the Thebans sent a herald asking leave to bury theirdead under cover of a truce. And so it came to pass that a truce wasmade, and Agesilaus departed homewards, having chosen, in lieu ofsupreme greatness in Asia, to rule, and to be ruled, in obedience tothe laws at home. (12) Reading, {tous ek ton polemion nekrous}, after Weiske. It was after this (13) that his attention was drawn to the men ofArgos. They had appropriated Corinth, and were reaping the fruits oftheir fields at home. The war to them was a merry jest. Accordingly hemarched against them; and having ravaged their territory throughout, he crossed over by the pass (14) down upon Corinth and captured thelong walls leading to Lechaeum. And so having thrown open the gates ofPeloponnese he returned home in time for the Hyacinthia, (15) where, inthe post assigned to him by the master of the chorus, he shared in theperformance of the paean in honour of the god. (13) B. C. 393. (14) {kata ta stena}. See "Hell. " IV. Iv. 19. {kata Tenean}, according to Koppen's emendation. (15) See Grote, "H. G. " v. 208; Herod. Ix. 7; "Hell. " IV. V. 10. Later on, it being brought to his notice that the Corinthians werekeeping all their cattle safely housed in the Peiraeum, sowing thewhole of that district, and gathering in their crops; and, which was amatter of the greatest moment, that the Boeotians, with Creusis astheir base of operations, could pour their succours into Corinth bythis route--he marched against Peiraeum. Finding it strongly guarded, he made as if the city of Corinth were about to capitulate, andimmediately after the morning meal shifted his ground and encampedagainst the capital. Under cover of night there was a rush fromPeiraeum to protect the city, which he was well aware of, and withbreak of day he turned right about and took Peiraeum, defenceless asit lay, capturing all that it contained, with the various fortresseswithin; and having so done retired homewards. After these exploits (16) the Achaeans were urgent for an alliance, andbegged him to join them in an expedition against Acarnania. In thecourse of this the Acarnanians attacked him in a defile. Storming theheights above his head with his light troops, (17) he gave them battle, and slew many of them, and set up a trophy, nor stayed his hand untilhe had united the Acarnanians, the Aetolians, and the Argives, (18) infriendship with the Achaeans and alliance with himself. (16) B. C. 390-389? (17) See "Hell. " IV. Vi. 9-11, where it is expressly stated that the action was won by the Spartan hoplites. See Hartman, "An. Xen. " (cap. Xi. "De Agesilao libello"), p. 263, for other discrepancies between the historian and the encomiast. (18) See perhaps "Hell. " IV. Iv. 19; vii. 2 foll. When the enemy, being desirous of peace, sent an embassy, it wasAgesilaus who spoke against the peace, (19) until he had forced thestates of Corinth and of Thebes to welcome back those of them who, forLacedaemon's sake, had suffered banishment. (19) I. E. "of Antalcidas, B. C. 387. " See "Hell. " V. I. 36; Grote, "H. G. " ix. 537 note. And still later, (20) again, he restored the exiles of the Phliasians, who had suffered in the same cause, and with that object marched inperson against Phlius, a proceeding which, however liable to censureon other grounds, showed unmistakable attachment to his party. (21) (20) B. C. 383 and 380; see "Hell. " V. Ii. 10; iii. 10. (21) See "Hell. " V. Iii. 16. Thus, when the adverse faction had put to death those of theLacedaemonians then in Thebes, he brought succour to his friends, andmarched upon Thebes. (22) Finding the entire country fenced with ditchand palisading, he crossed Cynoscephalae (23) and ravaged the districtright up to the city itself, giving the Thebans an opportunity ofengaging him in the plain or upon the hills, as they preferred. Andonce more, in the ensuing year, (24) he marched against Thebes, and nowsurmounting these palisades and entrenchments at Scolus, (25) heravaged the remainder of Boeotia. (22) B. C. 378. (23) See "Hell. " V. Iv. 34 foll. ; for the site see Breitenbach, ad loc. (24) B. C. 377. (25) See "Hell. " V. Iv. 47. Hitherto fortune had smiled in common upon the king himself and uponhis city. And as for the disasters which presently befell, no one canmaintain that they were brought about under the leadership ofAgesilaus. But the day came when, after the disaster which hadoccurred at Leuctra, the rival powers in conjunction with theMantineans fell to massacring his friends and adherents (26) in Tegea (the confederacy between all the states of Boeotia, the Arcadians, andthe Eleians being already an accomplished fact). Thereupon, with theforces of Lacedaemon alone, (27) he took the field, and thus belied thecurrent opinion that it would be a long while before theLacedaemonians ventured to leave their own territory again. Havingravaged the country of those who had done his friends to death, he wascontent, and returned home. (26) Or intimates. (27) B. C. 370. See "Hell. "VI. V. 21. After this Lacedaemon was invaded by the united Arcadians, Argives, Eleians, and Boeotians, who were assisted by the Phocians, bothsections of the Locrians, the Thessalians, Aenianians, Acarnanians, and Euboeans; moreover, the slaves had revolted and several of theprovincial cities; (28) while of the Spartans themselves as many hadfallen on the field of Leuctra as survived. But in spite of all, hesafely guarded the city, and that too a city without walls andbulwarks. Forbearing to engage in the open field, where the gain wouldlie wholly with the enemy, he lay stoutly embattled on ground wherethe citizens must reap advantage; since, as he doggedly persisted, tomarch out meant to be surrounded on every side; whereas to stand atbay where every defile gave a coign of vantage, would give him masterycomplete. (29) (28) Lit. "perioecid"; see Plut. "Ages. " xxxii. (Clough, iv. 39); "Hell. " VI. V. 32. (29) Is this parallel to "Hell. " VII. V. 10, or "Hell. " VI. V. 28? According to the historian, Agesilaus adopted similar tactics on both occasions (in B. C. 369 and B. C. 362 alike). The encomiast after his manner appears to treat them as one. Once and again his hero "cunctando restituit rem, " but it was by the same strategy. After the invading army had retired, no one will gainsay the soundsense of his behaviour. Old age debarred him from active service onfoot or horse, and what the city chiefly needed now, he saw, wasmoney, if she looked to gain allies. To the task therefore ofproviding that he set himself. Everything that could be done bystopping at home he deftly turned his hand to; or when the call aroseand he could better help his country by departure he had no falsepride; he set off on foreign service, not as general, but asambassador. Yet on such embassy he achieved acts worthy of thegreatest general. Autophradates (30) was besieging Ariobarzanes, (31)who was an ally of Sparta, in Assos; but before the face of Agesilaushe fled in terror and was gone. Cotys, (32) besieging Sestos, whichstill adhered to Ariobarzanes, broke up the siege and departedcrestfallen. Well might the ambassador have set up a trophy incommemoration of the two bloodless victories. Once more, Mausolus (33)was besieging both the above-named places with a squadron of onehundred sail. He too, like, and yet unlike, the former two, yieldednot to terror but to persuasion, and withdrew his fleet. These, then, were surely admirable achievements, since those who looked upon him asa benefactor and those who fled from before him both alike made himthe richer by their gifts. (30) Satrap of Lydia. (31) Satrap of Propontis or Hellespontine Phrygia. (32) Satrap of Paphlagonia, king of Thrace. Iphicrates married his daughter. See Grote, "H. G. " x. 410. (33) Satrap of Caria. Tachos, (34) indeed, and Mausolus gave him a magnificent escort; and, for the sake of his former friendship with Agesilaus, the lattercontributed also money for the state of Lacedaemon; and so they spedhim home. (34) King of Egypt. And now the weight of, may be, fourscore years was laid upon him, (35)when it came under his observation that the king of Egypt, (36) withhis hosts of foot and horse and stores of wealth, had set his heart ona war with Persia. Joyfully he learned that he himself was summoned byKing Tachos, and that the command-in-chief of all the forces waspromised to him. By this one venture he would achieve three objects, which were to requite the Egyptian for the benefits conferred onLacedaemon; to liberate the Hellenes in Asia once again; and toinflict on the Persian a just recompense, not only for the oldoffences, but for this which was of to-day; seeing that, whileboasting alliance with Sparta, he had dictatorially enjoined theemancipation of Messene. (37) But when the man who had summoned himrefused to confer the proffered generalship, Agesilaus, like one onwhom a flagrant deception has been practised, began to consider thepart he had to play. Meanwhile a separate division (38) of the Egyptianarmies held aloof from their king. Then, the disaffection spreading, all the rest of his troops deserted him; whereat the monarch tookflight and retired in exile to Sidon in Phoenicia, leaving theEgyptians, split in faction, to choose to themselves a pair ofkings. (39) Thereupon Agesilaus took his decision. If he helpedneither, it meant that neither would pay the service-money due to hisHellenes, that neither would provide a market, and that, whichever ofthe two conquered in the end, Sparta would be equally detested. But ifhe threw in his lot with one of them, that one would in all likelihoodin return for the kindness prove a friend. Accordingly he chosebetween the two that one who seemed to be the truer partisan ofHellas, and with him marched against the enemy of Hellas and conqueredhim in a battle, crushing him. His rival he helped to establish on thethrone, and having made him a friend to Lacedaemon, and havingacquired vast sums besides, he turned and set sail homewards, even inmid-winter, hastening so that Sparta might not lie inactive, butagainst the coming summer be alert to confront the foe. (35) Or, "But to pass on, he was already, may be, eighty years of age, when it came under his observation.... " (36) This same Tachos. (37) See "Hell. " VII. I. 36; iv. 9. (38) I. E. "the army under Nectanebos. " See Diod. Xv. 92; Plut. "Ages. " xxxvii. (Clough, iv. 44 foll. ) (39) I. E. "Nectanebos and a certain Mendesian. " III Such, then, is the chronicle of this man's achievements, or of such ofthem as were wrought in the presence of a thousand witnesses. Being ofthis sort they have no need of further testimony; the mere recital ofthem is sufficient, and they at once win credence. But now I willendeavour to reveal the excellence indwelling in his soul, the motivepower of his acts, in virtue of which he clung to all thingshonourable and thrust aside all baseness. Agesilaus showed such reverence for things divine that even hisenemies regarded his oaths and solemn treaties as more to be relied onthan the tie of friendship amongst themselves. These same men, whowould shrink from too close intercourse with one another, deliveredthemselves into the hands of Agesilaus without fear. And lest theassertion should excite discredit, I may name some illustriousexamples. Such was Spithridates the Persian, who knew thatPharnabazus, (1) whilst negotiating to marry the daughter of the greatking, was minded to seize his own daughter unwedded. Resenting suchbrutality, Spithridates delivered up himself, his wife, his children, and his whole power, into the hands of Agesilaus. Cotys (2) also, theruler of Paphlagonia, had refused to obey a summons from the king, although he sent him the warrant of his right hand; (3) then fear cameupon him lest he should be seized, and either be heavily fined or diethe death; yet he too, simply trusting to an armistice, came to thecamp of Agesilaus and made alliance, and of his own accord chose totake the field with Agesilaus, bringing a thousand horsemen and twothousand targeteers. Lastly, Pharnabazus (4) himself came and heldcolloquy with Agesilaus, and openly agreed that if he were not himselfappointed general-in-chief of the royal forces he would revolt fromthe king. "Whereas, if I do become general, " he added, "I mean to makewar upon you, Agesilaus, might and main, " thus revealing hisconfidence that, say what he might, nothing would befall him contraryto the terms of truce. Of so intrinsic a value to all, and not leastto a general in the field, is the proud possession of an honest andGod-fearing character, known and recognised. Thus far, as touching thequality of piety. (1) See "Hell. " III. Iv. 10; Plut. "Ages. " xi. (Clough, iv. 9). (2) See "Hell. " IV. I. 3; Plut. "Ages. " xi. (Clough, iv. 13). (3) Diod. Xvi. 34. (4) See "Hell. " IV. I. 37. IV To speak next of his justice (1) in affairs of money. As to this, whattestimony can be more conclusive than the following? During the wholeof his career no charge of fraudulent dealing was ever lodged againstAgesilaus; against which set the many-voiced acknowledgment ofcountless benefits received from him. A man who found pleasure ingiving away his own for the benefit of others was not the man to robanother of his goods at the price of infamy. Had he suffered from thisthirst for riches it would have been easier to cling to what belongedto him than to take that to which he had no just title. This man, whowas so careful to repay debts of gratitude, where (2) the law knows noremedy against defaulters, was not likely to commit acts of robberywhich the law regards as criminal. And as a matter of act Agesilausjudged it not only wrong to forgo repayment of a deed of kindness, but, where the means were ample, wrong also not to repay such debtswith ample interest. (1) See Muller and Donaldson, "Hist. Gk. Lit. " ii. 196, note 2. (2) Or, "a state of indebtedness beyond the reach of a tribunal. " See "Cyrop. " I. Ii. 7. The charge of embezzlement, could it be alleged, would no less outrageall reason in the case of one who made over to his country the benefitin full of grateful offerings owed solely to himself. Indeed the veryfact that, when he wished to help the city or his friends with money, he might have done so by the aid of others, goes a long way to provehis indifference to the lure of riches; since, had he been in thehabit of selling his favour, or of playing the part of benefactor forpay, there had been no room for a sense of indebtedness. (3) It is onlythe recipient of gratuitous kindness who is ever ready to minister tohis benefactor, both in return for the kindness itself and for theconfidence implied in his selection as the fitting guardian of a gooddeed on deposit. (4) (3) Or, "no one would have felt to owe him anything. " (4) See "Cyrop. " VI. I. 35; Rutherford, "New Phrynichus, " p. 312. Again, who more likely to put a gulf impassable between himself andthe sordid love of gain (5) than he, who nobly preferred to be stintedof his dues (6) rather than snatch at the lion's share unjustly? It isa case in point that, being pronounced by the state to be the rightfulheir to his brother's (7) wealth, he made over one half to his maternalrelatives because he saw that they were in need; and to the truth ofthis assertion all Lacedaemon is witness. What, too, was his answer toTithraustes when the satrap offered him countless gifts if he wouldbut quit the country?"Tithraustes, with us it is deemed nobler for aruler to enrich his army than himself; it is expected of him to wrestspoils from the enemy rather than take gifts. " (5) Or, "base covetousness. " (6) Or reading, {sun auto to gennaio} (with Breitenbach), "in obedience to pure generosity. " See "Cyrop. " VIII. Iii. 38. (7) I. E. Agis. See Plut. "Ages. " iv. V Or again, reviewing the divers pleasures which master human beings, Idefy any one to name a single one to which Agesilaus was enslaved:Agesilaus, who regarded drunkenness as a thing to hold aloof from likemadness, and immoderate eating like the snare of indolence. Even thedouble portion (1) allotted to him at the banquet was not spent on hisown appetite; rather would he make distribution of the whole, retaining neither portion for himself. In his view of the matter thisdoubling of the king's share was not for the sake of surfeiting, butthat the king might have the wherewithal to honour whom he wished. Andso, too, sleep (2) he treated not as a master, but as a slave, subservient to higher concerns. The very couch he lay upon must besorrier than that of any of his company or he would have blushed forshame, since in his opinion it was the duty of a leader to excel allordinary mortals in hardihood, not in effeminacy. Yet there werethings in which he was not ashamed to take the lion's share, as, forexample, the sun's heat in summer, or winter's cold. Did occasion everdemand of his army moil and toil, he laboured beyond all others as athing of course, believing that such ensamples are a consolation tothe rank and file. Or, to put the patter compendiously, Agesilausexulted in hard work: indolence he utterly repudiated. (1) See "Pol. Lac. " xv. 4. See J. J. Hartman, "An. Xen. " 257. (2) See Hom. "Il. " ii. 24, {ou khro pannukhion eudein boulephoron andra}, "to sleep all night through beseemeth not one that is a counsellor. "--W. Leaf. And, as touching the things of Aphrodite, if for nothing else, at anyrate for the marvel of it, the self-restraint of the man deserves tobe put on record. It is easy to say that to abstain from that whichexcites no desire is but human; yet in the case of Megabates, the sonof Spithridates, he was moved by as genuine a love as any passionatesoul may feel for what is lovely. Now, it being a national customamong the Persians to salute those whom they honour with a kiss, Megabates endeavoured so to salute Agesilaus, but the latter with muchshow of battle, resisted--"No kiss might he accept. " (3) I ask whethersuch an incident does not reveal on the face of it the self-respect ofthe man, and that of no vulgar order. (4) Megabates, who looked uponhimself as in some sense dishonoured, for the future endeavoured notto offend in like sort again. (5) Whereupon Agesilaus appealed to onewho was his comrade to persuade Megabates again to honour him with hisregard; and the comrade, so appealed to, demanding, "If I persuadehim, will you bestow on him a kiss?" Agesilaus fell into a silence, but presently exclaimed: "No, by the Twins, not if I might this veryinstant become the swiftest-footed, strongest, and handsomest ofmen. (6) And as to that battle I swear by all the gods I would farrather fight it over again than that everything on which I set my eyesmight turn to gold. " (7) (3) See Plut. "Ages. " (Clough, iv. P. 13 foll. ) (4) Reading, {kai lian gennikon}; or, "a refinement of self-respect, " "a self-respect perhaps even over-sensitive. " (5) Lit. "made no further attempt to offer kisses. " (6) See Plut. "Ages. " ii. (Clough, iv. P. 2): "He is said to have been a little man of a contemptible presence. " (7) See Plut. "Ages. " xi. (Clough, iv. P. 14); "Parall. Min. " v; Ovid. "Met. " xi. 102 foll. What construction some will put upon the story I am well aware, butfor myself I am persuaded that many more people can master theirenemeis than the foes we speak of. (8) Doubtless such incidents whenknown to but few may well be discredited by many, but here we are inthe region of establishing facts, seeing that the more illustrious aman is the less can his every act escape notice. As to Agesilaus noeye-witness has ever reported any unworthy behaviour, nor, had heinvented it, would his tale have found credence, since it was not thehabit of the king, when abroad, to lodge apart in private houses. Healways lay up in some sacred place, where behaviour of the sort wasout of the question, or else in public, with the eyes of all menliable to be called as witnesses to his sobriety. For myself, if Imake these statements falsely against the knowledge of Hellas, thiswere not in any sense to praise my hero, but to dispraise myself. (8) Or, "than the seductions in question. " VI Nor, in my opinion, were those obscure proofs of courage and truemanliness which he furnished by his readiness ever to wage war againstthe strongest enemies, whether of Sparta or of Hellas, placing himselfin the forefront of the contests decided on. If the enemy cared tojoin issue in fair field he would not chance upon a victory won bypanic, but in stubborn battle, blow for blow, he mastered him; and setup trophies worthy of the name, seeing that he left behind himimperishable monuments of prowess, and bore away on his own bodyindelible marks of the fury with which he fought; (1) so that, apartfrom hearsay, by the evidence of men's eyes his valour stood approved. (1) Or, "visible signs of the spirit, " etc. See Plut. "Ages. " xxxvi. And amongst these we must not deem them trophies alone which heactually set up, but reckon the many campaigns which he undertook, since they were victories truly, even when the enemy refused toencounter him, victories devoid of danger, yet fraught with even moresolid advantage to the state of Sparta and her fellow-combatants; justas in our games we crown as victor him who walks over the field (2) noless than him who conquers by dint of battle. (2) Or, "without striking a blow. " Lit. "without the dust of the arena, 'sine pulvere. '" See Thuc. Iv. 73, {akoniti}. And to speak next of his wisdom, (3) I suppose there is not one of allhis doings but must illustrate it;--this man whose bearing towards hisfatherland was such that by dint of implicit obedience (he grew to sogreate a height of power), (4) whose zeal in the service of hiscomrades won for him the unhesitating attachment of his friends, whoinfused into the hearts of his soldiers a spirit, not of disciplineonly, but of self-devotion to their chief. And yet surely that is thestrongest of all battle-lines (5) in which obedience creates tacticalefficiency, and alacrity in the field springs out of loyal affectionfor the general. (3) Or, "his sagacity. " (4) The words {pleiston iskhue} are supplied from Plutarch ("Ages. " iv. ), who quotes the passage, "What Xenophon tells us of him, that by complying with, and, as it were, ruled by his country, he grew into such great power with them, that he could do what he pleased, is meant, " etc. (Clough, iv. P. 4). The lacuna in the MS. Was first noted, I believe, by Weiske. See Breitenbach's note ad loc. (5) See "Cyrop. " VII. I. 30; "Econ. " xxi. 7. Enemies he had to cope with, who had little excuse to disparage, however much they might be compelled to hate their opponent, seeingthat he was for ever contriving to give his allies some advantage overthem--by sheer deception, if occasion offered; now anticipating themif speed were requisite; now skulking in corners if concealmentserved; in all points observing one rule of behaviour to his friendsand another towards his foes. By turning night into day and day intonight (6) he drew so close a veil of mystery over his movements thatfrequently there was no saying where he was, or whither he would go, or what he might do next. The fastnesses of the enemy he transformedinto so many weaknesses, (7) passing this one by, and scaling that, andstealing like a thief into a third. (6) See "Hell. " VI. I. 15; "Pol. Lac. " v. 7; "Cyrop. " I. V. 12. (7) Or, "the strongholds of the enemy might to all intents and purposes have been open places. " When he was on the march, and was well aware that an enemy might, ifhe chose, deliver battle, his habit was to lead his troops in compactbattle order ready to confront emergencies, with soft, slow step, advancing, as it were, with maidenly demureness, (8) for in suchprocedure, as he believed, lay the secret of true calm, engendering adauntless self-assurance, imperturbable, unerring, impervious totreacherous assault. Therefore by such behaviour he was a terror tothe enemy, whilst he infused courage and strength in the hearts of hisfriends, so that throughout his life he continued to be a man whom hisfoes dared not despise, whom his fellow-citizens cared not to arraign, within the circle of his friends held blameless, the idol andadmiration of the outer world. (9) (8) See above, ii. 3; "Pol. Lac. " iii. 5. (9) Cf. Tacitus's phrase concerning Titus, "deliciae humani generis. " VII To describe his patriotism (1) point by point in detail were a tediousstory, since, as I suppose, there is not one of his severalachievements but must finally resolve itself into that. For, to put itbriefly, we all know well that where Agesilaus expected in any way tobenefit his country there was no toil he shrank from, no danger heavoided, no money he stinted, no excuse whether of age or body headmitted, but deemed it ever the true function of a good king (2) toshower blessings to the utmost on the subjects of his rule. (1) Lit. "love for his own city. " (2) Or, "regarded it as the cardinal virtue of a real prince. " See "Mem. " III. Ii. 3. And for my part I hold it as chief among the magnificent benefits soconferred by him upon his country that, being the most powerful memberof the state, he made no secret of his absolute submission to thelaws, (3) since what lesser man, seeing the king's obedience, wouldtake (4) on himself to disobey? Who, in discontentment at his own poorlot, would venture on revolution, knowing that the king himself couldcondescend to constitutional control? And that, too, a king who borehimself towards political opponents with a paternal mildness. (5) If herebuked them sharply for their misdemeanours, he none the lesshonoured their high endeavours, and proved himself a present help tothem in time of trouble. (6) No citizen could be his personal foe; ofthat he was assured. His desire was to commend them one and all alike, counting the common salvation of all a gain, and reckoning it as aloss if even a mean man perished. For thus he reasoned, nor made asecret of the conclusion he had come to: so long as her citizenscontinued tranquilly adherent to the laws the happiness of Sparta wassecure. (7) And for the rest Sparta would once again be strong on thatday when the states of Hellas should learn wisdom. (3) Or, "he was at the same time the most obvious in his allegiance to the laws. " (4) Lit. "would have taken on himself... Would have ventured on revolution. " (5) Lit. "as a father to his children. " (6) Or, "and was ready to stand by their side in time of trouble. " (7) Or, "For this was the clear tenor of his thought, that by tranquil continuance within the laws the citizens of Sparta might secure her happiness. And as to power, Sparta, etc. " See "Mem. " II. Vi. 27. And if, by admission, it is noble for every Hellene to be a lover ofhis fellow-Hellenes, yet we must fare far afield to find anotherinstance of a general who, expecting to sack some city, would haverefused to seize the prize; or who regarded victory in a war wagedagainst fellow-Hellenes as a species of calamity. Yet this man when amessage was brought him concerning the battle at Corinth, (8) in whichbut eight Lacedaemonians had fallen, but of their opponents tenthousand nearly, showed no sign of exultation, but sighed, saying, "Alas for Hellas! since those who now lie in their graves, were able, had they lived, to conquer the hosts of Asia. " (9) Again, when someCorinthian exiles informed him that their city was ripe for surrender, and showed him the engines by which they were confident they wouldtake the walls, he refused to make the assault, saying that Hellenecities ought not to be reduced to slavery, but brought back to abetter mind, (10) and added, "For if we lop off our offending members, haply we may deprive ourselves of the means to master the barbarians. " (8) B. C. 394. See "Hell. " IV. Ii. 9-23; Diod. Xiv. 83; Grote, "H. G. " ix. 429. (9) Lit. "all the barbarians. " (10) See "Econ. " i. 23. Again, if it is a sacred duty to hate the Persian, who of old set outon a campaign to enslave Hellas; the Persian, who to-day makesalliance with these (no matter to him which the party, provided itwill help him to work the greater mischief (11)); or gives presents tothose (who will take them and do the greatest harm to his foes theHellenes); or else concocts a peace that shall presently involve us ininternecine war, as he anticipates:--but why dwell on facts so patent?--I ask, did ever Hellene before Agesilaus so enter heart and soulupon his duty; whether it were to help some tribe to throw off thePersian yoke, or to save from destruction a revolted district, or ifnothing else, at any rate to saddle the Persian with such troubles ofhis own that he should cease to trouble Hellas? An ardent hater ofPersia surely was he, who, when his own country was at war withHellenes, did not neglect the common good of Hellas, but set sail towreak what harm he might upon the barbarians. (12) (11) Or, "the worse the mischief he can work, the better the side. " (12) See Isocr. "Ep. " ix. "To Archidamus, " S. 11-14. VIII To turn to another side, that grace of manner which was his, claimsmore than passing recognition. Here was a man to whom honour wasvouchsafed and power present, and who, to crown all else, held in hishands the sceptre of sovereignty--a kingship not plotted against, butrespected and beloved. Yet there was no trace of arrogance to be seenin him, but of tender affection and courteous service to his friendsproof in abundance without seeking. Witness the zest with which heshared in the round of lovers' talk; (1) the zeal with which he threwhimself into the serious concerns (2) of friends. By dint of a hopefuland cheery disposition and unflagging gaiety of heart he attracted tohis side a throng of visitors, who came, not simply for thetransaction of some private interest, but rather to pass away the dayin pleasant sort. Though little apt himself to use high-swellingwords, it did not annoy him to hear others sounding their own praises, which he regarded as a harmless weakness, the pledge at least of highendeavour (3) in the future. (1) See "Hell. " V. Iii. 20; "Cyrop. " I. Iv. 27; "Econ. " ii. 7; Plut. "Ages. " ii. ; xx. ; Lyc. Xx. (2) Or, "he would discuss graver matters, according to the humour of his friends. " (3) Or, "of courageous conduct, " "noble manhood. " But that he was capable of lofty sentiment and at the right seasonmust not be overlooked. Thus when a letter reached him from the king (I speak of that which was brought by the Persian agent in companywith Calleas (4) of Lacedaemon, proposing terms of hospitality andfriendship with the Persian monarch), he disdained to accept it, telling the bearer to take back to the king this answer: "He need notbe at pains to send him letters in private, but if he could provehimself a friend to Lacedaemon and the well-wisher of Hellas he shouldhave no cause to blame the ardour of his friendship, " but added, "ifyour king be detected plotting, let him not think to find a friend inme. No, not if he sends me a thousand letters. " For my part, then, Ihold it praiseworthy that, by comparison with pleasing hisfellow-Hellenes, Agesilaus scorned such friendship. And this, too, amonghis tenets I find admirable: the truer title to self-congratulationbelonged not to the millionaire, the master of many legions, but to himrather, who, being himself a better man, commanded the allegiance ofbetter followers. (4) See "Hell. " IV. I. 15; Plut. "Apophth. Lac. " p. 777; Grote, "H. G. " x. 402. And this, in proof of mental forecast, I must needs praise in him. Holding to the belief that the more satraps there were who revoltedfrom the king the surer the gain to Hellas, he did not suffer himselfto be seduced, either by gifts or by the mightiness in his power, tobe drawn into bonds of friendship with the king, but took precautionrather not to abuse their confidence who were willing to revolt. And lastly, as beyond all controversy admirable, note this contrast:First, the Persian, who, believing that in the multitude of his richeshe had power to lay all things under his feet, would fain have sweptinto his coffers all the gold and all the silver of mankind: for him, and him alone, the costliest and most precious things of earth. Andthen this other, who contrariwise so furnished his establishment as tobe totally independent of every adventitious aid. (5) And if any onedoubts the statement, let him look and see with what manner ofdwelling-place he was contented; let him view the palace doors: theseare the selfsame doors, he might well imagine, which Aristodemus, (6)the great-great-grandson of Heracles, took and set up in the days ofthe return. Let him endeavour to view the furniture inside; there hewill perceive how the king feasted on high holy days; and he will hearhow the king's own daughter was wont to drive to Amyclae in a publicbasket-carriage. (7) Thus it was that by the adjustment of expenditureto income he was never driven to the commission of any unjust deed formoney's sake. And yet if it be a fine thing to hold a fortressimpregnable to attack, I count it a greater glory that a man shouldhold the fortress of his soul inviolable against the assaults ofriches, pleasures, fears. (5) Or, "of all such external needs. " (6) See Herod. Vi. 52. (7) See Plut. "Ages. " xix. (Clough, iv. P. 23); the words {e thugater autou} were supplied from this passage by Casaubon. IX I will here state to what extent the style of living which hepresented stands out in striking contrast to the ostentatious mannerof the Persian. (1) In the first place, if the latter made a solemnaffectation of being but seldom seen, Agesilaus delighted to live inthe eye of day, believing that seclusion might accord well enough as ascreen for shameless conduct, but to a life of nobleness and beauty (2)heaven's light added new ornament. (3) And next, if the one pridedhimself on being unapproachable, the other rejoiced in beingaccessible to all the world; the one, with his airs and graces, waspleased to transact business slowly, the other was never so happy aswhen he could satisfy the demands of a petitioner without waste oftime. (4) (1) Or, "how he presented his own manner in antithesis to the false pretences of the Persian. " For {alazoneia} see "Mem. " I. Vii. 1; Aristot. "N. E. " iv. 7; Theophr. "Char. " vi. (2) Lit. "a life striving towards beauteousness. " (3) Or, "added but greater lustre. " (4) Lit. "could satisfy and dismiss his petitioners without delay. " Again, it is worthy of observation how much easier and simpler tosatisfy was the standard of comfort which the Spartan aimed at. (5) Forthe Persian, men must compass sea and land to discover some beveragewhich he will care to drink; he needs ten thousand pastrycooks tosupply the kick-shaws he will deign to eat; and to procure him theblessing of sleep no tongue can describe what a world of trouble mustbe taken. But Agesilaus was a lover of toil, and therefore not sodainty; the meanest beverage was sweet to his lips, and pleasantenough to his taste was the chance fare of the moment; and for thepurpose of refreshing slumber every place alike conducive. It was notmerely that to fare thus gave him pure pleasure, but in the sense ofcontrast lay a double satisfaction. Here was he roaming earth freelyin the midst of a world of delight, (6) and there lay the Persian, under his eyes, who to escape a life of pain must drag together fromthe uttermost parts of earth the separate ingredients for hispleasure. It was another source of joy that to himself it was given toconfront the appointed order of the universe (7) without pain; whilethrough weakness of soul his rival, it was plain to see, was driven toflee away from heat and cold, and to shape his life, not by thepattern of brave men, but of some mean and defenceless animal. (8) (5) See Herod. I. 135, for the luxury of the Persians and for the refinements of civilisation. See "Mem. " II. I. 10; "Cyrop. " VIII. I. 40. (6) Or, "in a round of festivity. " (7) See Plut. "Ages. " xiv. (Clough, iv. P. 17); "Apophth. Lac. " p. 102; Eur. "Supp. " 214, 215. {de ou truphomen, theou kataskeuen bio dontos toiauten, oisin ouk arkei tade}; (8) Or, "the most defenceless of God's creatures. " Lit. "the weakest of animals. " And what a fine trait this was in him, and betokening how lofty asentiment, that, being content to adorn his own house with works andpossessions suited to a man, and being devoted to the breeding of dogsand horses in large numbers for the chase and warfare, he persuadedhis sister Cynisca to rear chariot horses, (9) and thus by hervictory (10) showed that to keep a stud of that sort, however much itmight be a mark of wealth, was hardly a proof of manly virtue. Andsurely in the following opinion we may discern plainly the generosityof him who entertained it. To win victories over private persons in achariot race does not add one tittle to a man's renown. He, rather, who holds his city dear beyond all things else, who has himself sunkdeep into the heart of her affections, who has obtained to himself allover the world a host of friends and those the noblest, who can outdohis country and comrades alike in the race of kindliness, and hisantagonists in vengeance--such a man may, in a true sense, be said tobear away the palm of victory in conquests noble and magnificent;living and in death to him belongs transcendent fame. (9) I. E. "for the games. " (10) I. E. "at Olympia. " Cynisca, according to Pausanias (iii. 8), was the first woman who won a prize at Olympia. See also Plut. "Ages. " xx. (Clough, iv. P. 23). X It is as possessiong qualities such as these that I praise Agesilaus. And in these matters he was not like a man who chances upon a treasureand thereby becomes wealthier, albeit none the more skilful ineconomy; nor yet like him who, when a plague has fallen upon an enemy, wrests a victory, whereby he may add to his reputation for success, but not for strategy. Rather was his example that of one who in eachemergency will take the lead; at a crisis where toil is needful, byendurance; or in the battle-lists of bravery by prowess; or when thefunction of the counsellor is uppermost, by the soundness of hisjudgment. Of such a man I say, he has obtained by warrant indefeasiblethe title peerless. And if, as a means towards good workmanship, we count among the nobleinventions of mankind the rule and the plummet, (1) no less happilyshall we, who desire to attain a manly excellence, find in the virtueof Agesilaus a pattern and example. He was God-fearing, he was just inall his dealings, sound of soul and self-controlled. How then shall wewho imitate him become his opposite, unholy, unjust, tyrannical, licentious? And, truth to say, this man prided himself, not so much onbeing a king over others as on ruling himself, (2) not so much onleading his citizens to attack the enemy as on guiding them to embraceall virtue. (1) See Aeschin. "c. Ctes. " p. 52, 25; Plat. "Phileb. " 56 B. (2) See Plut. "Apophth. Lac. " p. 104. Yet let it not be supposed, because he whom we praise has finishedlife, that our discourse must therefore be regarded as a funeralhymn. (3) Far rather let it be named a hymn of praise, since in thefirst place it is only the repetition, now that he is dead, of a talefamiliar to his ears when living. And in the next place, what is moreremote from dirge and lamentation than a life of glory crowned byseasonable death? What more deserving of song and eulogy thanresplendent victories and deeds of highest note? Surely if one manrather than another may be accounted truly blest, it is he who, fromhis boyhood upwards, thirsted for glory, and beyond all contemporarynames won what he desired; who, being gifted with a nature mostemulous of honour, remained from the moment he was king unconquered;who attained the fullest term of mortal life and died withoutoffence (4) committed, whether as concerning those at whose head hemarched, or as towards those others against whom he fought in war. (3) See Symonds' "Greek Poets, " ch. V. (4) As to the word {anamartetos} so translated, see Breitenbach, Exc. Ad x. 4 of his edition. XI It only remains for me, under the form of headings, (1) to review thetopic of this great man's virtue, in hopes that thus his eulogy maycling to the memory more lastingly. (1) Or, as others think, "in a summary. " Agesilaus reverenced the shrines and sacred places even of the enemy. We ought, he said, to make the gods our allies on hostile no less thanon friendly soil. He would do no violence to a suppliant, no, not even if he were hisown foe; since how irrational must it be to stigmatise robbers oftemples as sacrilegious and yet to regard him who tears the suppliantfrom the altar as a pious person. One tenet he never wearied of repeating: the gods, he said, are notless pleased with holy deeds than with pure victims. In the day of his prosperity his thoughts were not raised higher thanbefits a man; he gave thanks to the gods; and offered more victimswhen he had nothing to fear than he registered vows in time ofapprehension. He was accustomed in the midst of anxiety to wear an aspect of gaiety, but, when the victory was won, of gentleness. Amongst friends his warmest greeting was reserved, not for the mostpowerful, but for the most ardent; and if he hated, it was not himwho, being evil entreated, retaliated, but one who, having hadkindness done to him, seemed incapable of gratitude. He rejoiced when sordid greed was rewarded with poverty; and stillmore if he might himself enrich a righteous man, since his wish was torender uprightness more profitable than iniquity. He made it a practice to associate with all kinds of people, but to beintimate only with the best. As he listened to the praise of this man, or the censure of another, he felt that he learnt quite as much about the character of thespeakers themselves as of those whom they discussed. To be cheated by a friend was scarcely censurable, but he could findno condemnation strong enough for him who was outwitted by a foe. Oragain, to dupe the incredulous might argue wit, but to take in theunsuspecting was veritably a crime. The praise of a critic who had courage to point out his defectspleased him; and plainness of speech excited in him no hostility. Itwas against the cunning rather of the secretive person that he guardedhimself, as against a hidden snare. The calumniator he detested more than the robber or the thief, inproportion as the loss of friends is greater than the loss ofmoney. (2) (2) Mr. R. W. Taylor aptly quotes "Othello, " III. Iii. 157-- "Who steals my purse steals trash; 'tis something, nothing; 'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands; But he that filches from me my good name Robs me of that which not enriches him And makes me poor indeed. " The errors of private persons he bore with gently, but those of rulershe looked upon as grave; since the mischief wrought in the one casewas so small, and so large in the other. The proper attribute ofroyalty was, he maintained, not an avoidance of responsibility, but aconstant striving after nobleness. (3) (3) On the word {kalokagathia} so translated, see Demosth. 777, 5. Whilst he would not suffer any image (4) of his bodily form to be setup (though many wished to present him with a statue), he never ceasedelaborating what should prove the monument of his spirit, holding thatthe former is the business of a statuary, the latter of one's self. Wealth might procure the one, he said, but only a good man couldproduce the other. (4) See Plut. "Ages. " ii. (Clough, iv. P. 2); also Plut. "Ap. Lac. " p. 115; ib. P. 103; Cic. "ad Div. " V. Xii. 7. As for riches, he employed them not with justice merely, but withliberality, holding that for a just man it is sufficient if he letalone the things of others, but of a liberal man it is required thathe should take of his own and give to supply another's needs. He was ever subject to religious fear, (5) believing that no man duringhis lifetime, however well he lives, can be counted happy; it is onlyhe who has ended his days with glory of whom it can be said that hehas attained at last to blessedness. (6) (5) See "Cyr. " III. Iii. 58, and for the word {deisidaimon}, see Jebb, "Theophr. Char. " p. 263 foll. ; Mr. Ruskin, Preface to "Bibl. Past. " vol. I. P. Xxv. (6) See Herod. I. 34; Soph. "Oed. Tyr. " 1529; and Prof. Jebb's note ad loc. In his judgment it was a greater misfortune to neglect things good andvirtuous, knowing them to be so, than in ignorance. Nor was heenamoured of any reputation, the essentials of which he had notlaboriously achieved. (7) (7) Or, "for which he did not qualify himself by the appropriate labour. " He was one of the small band, as it seemed to me, who regard virtue, not as a thing to be patiently endured, (8) but as a supreme enjoyment. At any rate, to win the praise of mankind gave him a deeper pleasurethan the acquisition of wealth; and he preferred to display couragefar rather in conjunction with prudence than with unnecessary risks, and to cultivate wisdom in action more than by verbal discussion. (8) Or, "as a system of stoical endurance, " "a kind of stoicism. " But we must not let Xenophon, who is a Socratic, talk of the Stoa. If we knew certainly that the chapter was a much later production, the language would be appropriate enough. Very gentle to his friends, to his enemies he was most terrible. Whilst he could hold out against toil and trouble with the best, nothing pleased him better than yielding to his comrades. But passionwas kindled in him by beauty of deed rather than of person. (9) (9) Or, "beauteous deeds rather than bodily splendour. " Skilled in the exercise of self-command in the midst of externalwelfare, he could be stout of heart enough in stress of danger. Urbanity he practised, not with jest and witticism, but by thecourtesy of his demeanour. In spite of a certain haughtiness, he was never overbearing, but richin saving common sense. At any rate, while pouring contempt uponarrogance, he bore himself more humbly than the most ordinary man. Infact, what he truly took a pride in was the simplicity of his ownattire, in contrast with the splendid adornment of his troops; or, again, in the paucity of his own wants, combined with a bountifulliberality towards his friends. Besides all this, as an antagonist he could hit hard enough, but noone ever bore a lighter hand when the victory was won. (10) (10) Lit. "he was the heaviest of antagonists and the lightest of conquerors. " The same man, whom an enemy would have found it hard to deceive, waspliability itself in the concerns of his friends. Whilst for everoccupied in laying these on a secure foundation, he made it aceaseless task to baffle the projects of the national foe. The epithets applied to him are significant. His relatives found inhim a kinsman who was more than kind. To his intimates he appeared asa friend in need who is a friend indeed. To the man who had done himsome service, of tenacious memory. To the victim of injustice, aknight-errant. And to those who had incurred danger by his side, asaviour second only to the gods. It was given to this man, as it appears to me, to prove exceptionallythat though strength of body may wax old the vigour of a man's soul isexempt from eld. Of him, at any rate, it is true that he never shrankfrom the pursuit of great and noble objects, so long as (11) his bodywas able to support the vigour of his soul. Therefore his old ageappeared mightier than the youth of other people. It would be hard todiscover, I imagine, any one who in the prime of manhood was asformidable to his foes as Agesilaus when he had reached the limit ofmortal life. Never, I suppose, was there a foeman whose removal camewith a greater sense of relief to the enemy than that of Agesilaus, though a veteran when he died. Never was there a leader who inspiredstouter courage in the hearts of fellow-combatants than this man withone foot planted in the grave. Never was a young man snatched from acircle of loving friends with tenderer regret than this old graybeard. (11) Reading, {megalon kai kalon ephiemenos, eos kai to soma, k. T. L. } See Breitenbach. The benefactor of his fatherland, absolutely to the very end; withbounteous hand, even in the arms of death, dealing out largesse (12) tothe city which he loved. And so they bore him home to his eternalresting-place; (13) this hero, who, having raised to himself many amonument of his valour over the broad earth, came back to find in theland of his fathers a sepulture worthy of a king. (14) (12) See above, ii. 31. (13) See for this remarkable phrase, Diod. I. 51. (14) See "Pol. Lac. " xv. 9.