PRODUCTION NOTES: Notes referred to in the book (*) are shown in square brackets ([])at the end of the paragraph in which the note is indicated. Italics are indicated by underscore characters (_) at thestart and finish of the italicised words. References to the charts have been retained though, of course, the charts are not present in the text only version of the ebook. The original punctuation and spelling and the use of italics and capitalletters to highlight words and phrases have, for the most part, beenretained. I think they help maintain the "feel" of the book, which waspublished nearly 200 years ago. Flinders notes in the preface that "Iheard it declared that a man who published a quarto volume without anindex ought to be set in the pillory, and being unwilling to incur thefull rigour of this sentence, a running title has been affixed to all thepages; on one side is expressed the country or coast, and on the oppositethe particular part where the ship is at anchor or which is the immediatesubject of examination; this, it is hoped, will answer the main purposeof an index, without swelling the volumes. " This treatment is, of course, not possible, where there are no defined pages. However, Flinders' pageheadings are included at appropriate places where they seem relevant. These, together with the Notes which, in the book, appear in the margin, are represented as line headings with a blank line before and after them. A VOYAGE TO TERRA AUSTRALISUNDERTAKEN FOR THE PURPOSE OF COMPLETING THE DISCOVERY OF THATVAST COUNTRY, AND PROSECUTED IN THE YEARS1801, 1802 AND 1803, INHIS MAJESTY'S SHIP THE INVESTIGATOR, AND SUBSEQUENTLY IN THE ARMED VESSEL PORPOISEAND CUMBERLAND SCHOONER. WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THESHIPWRECK OF THE PORPOISE, ARRIVAL OF THE CUMBERLAND AT MAURITIUS, AND IMPRISONMENT OF THECOMMANDER DURING SIX YEARS AND A HALF IN THAT ISLAND. BY MATTHEW FLINDERSCOMMANDER OF THE INVESTIGATOR. IN 2 VOLUMES WITH AN ATLAS. VOLUME 2. LONDON:PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO. CLEVELAND ROW, AND PUBLISHED BY G. AND W. NICOL, BOOKSELLERS TO HIS MAJESTY, PALL-MALL. 1814 [Facsimile Edition, 1966] A VOYAGE TO TERRA AUSTRALIS VOLUME II TABLE OF CONTENTS. (For both volumes) IN THE FIRST VOLUME. INTRODUCTION. PRIOR DISCOVERIES IN TERRA AUSTRALIS. SECTION I. NORTH COAST. Preliminary Remarks:Discoveries of the Duyfhen; ofTorres;Carstens;Pool;Pietersen;Tasman; and ofthree Dutch vessels. Of Cook;M'Cluer;Bligh;Edwards;Bligh and Portlock; andBampton and Alt. Conclusive Remarks. SECTION II. WESTERN COASTS. Preliminary Observations. Discoveries of Hartog:Edel:of the Ship Leeuwin:the Vianen:of Pelsert:Tasman:Dampier:Vlaming:Dampier. Conclusive Remarks. SECTION III. SOUTH COAST. Discovery of Nuyts. Examination of Vancouver:of D'Entrecasteaux. Conclusive Remarks. SECTION IV. EAST COAST, WITH VAN DIEMEN'S LAND. PART I. Preliminary Observations. Discoveries of Tasman;of Cook;Marion and Furneaux. Observations of Cook;Bligh; and Cox. Discovery of D'Entrecasteaux. Hayes. PART II. Preliminary Information. Boat expeditions of Bass and Flinders. Clarke. Shortland. Discoveries of Bass to the southward of Port Jackson;of Flinders;and of Flinders and Bass. Examinations to the northward by Flinders. Conclusive Remarks. BOOK I. TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGETO THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT JACKSON. CHAPTER I. Appointment to the Investigator. Outfit of the ship. Instruments, books, and charts supplied, with articles for presents andbarter. Liberal conduct of the Hon. East-India Company. Passage round to Spithead. The Roar sand. Instructions for the execution of the voyage. French passport, and orders in consequence. Officers and company of the Investigator, and men of science whoembarked. Account of the time keepers. CHAPTER II. Departure from Spithead. Variation of the compass. The Dezertas. Arrival at Madeira. Remarks on Funchal. Political state of the island. Latitude and longitude. Departure from Madeira. The island St. Antonio. Foul winds; and remarks upon them. The ship leaky. Search made for Isle Sable. Trinidad. Saxemberg sought for. Variation of the compass. State of the ship's company, on arriving at the Cape of Good Hope. Refitment at Simon's Bay. Observatory set Up. The astronomer quits the expedition. Rates Of the time keepers. Some remarks on Simon's Bay. CHAPTER III. Departure from False Bay. Remarks on the passage to Terra Australis. Gravity of sea-water tried. Cape Leeuwin, and the coast from thence to King George's Sound. Arrival in the Sound. Examination of the harbours. Excursion inland. Country, soil, and productions. Native inhabitants: Language and anatomical measurement. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER IV. Departure from King George's Sound. Coast from thence to the Archipelago of the Recherche. Discovery of Lucky Bay and Thistle's Cove. The surrounding country, and islands of the Archipelago. Astronomical and nautical observations. Goose-Island Bay. A salt lake. Nautical observations. Coast from the Archipelago to the end of Nuyts' Land. Arrival in a bay of the unknown coast. Remarks on the preceding examination. CHAPTER V. Fowler's Bay. Departure from thence. Arrival at the Isles of St. Francis. Correspondence between the winds and the marine barometer. Examination of the other parts of Nuyts' Archipelago, and of the maincoast. The Isles of St Peter. Return to St. Francis. General remarks on Nuyts' Archipelago. Identification of the islands in the Dutch chart. CHAPTER VI. Prosecution of the discovery of the unknown coast. Anxious Bay. Anchorage at Waldegrave's and at Flinders' Islands. The Investigator's Group. Coffin's Bay. Whidbey's Isles. Differences in the magnetic needle. Cape Wiles. Anchorage at Thistle's Island. Thorny Passage. Fatal accident. Anchorage in Memory Cove. Cape Catastrophe, and the surrounding country. Anchorage in Port Lincoln, and refitment of the ship. Remarks on the country and inhabitants. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER VII. Departure from Port Lincoln. Sir Joseph Banks' Group. Examination of the coast, northward. The ship found to be in a gulph. Anchorage near the head of the gulph. Boat expedition. Excursion to Mount Brown. Nautical observations. Departure from the head, and examination of the east side of the gulph. Extensive shoal. Point Pearce. Hardwicke Bay. Verification of the time keepers. General remarks on the gulph. Cape Spencer and the Althorpe Isles. New land discovered: Anchorage there. General remarks on Kangaroo Island. Nautical observations. CHAPTER VIII. Departure from Kangaroo Island. Examination of the main coast, from Cape Spencer eastward. The Investigator's Strait. A new gulph discovered. Anchorage at, and examination of the head. Remarks on the surrounding land. Return down the gulph. Troubridge Shoal. Yorke's Peninsula. Return to Kangaroo Island. Boat expedition to Pelican Lagoon. Astronomical observations. Kangaroo Island quitted. Back-stairs Passage. The coast from Cape Jervis, eastward. Meeting, and communication with Le Geographe. Remarks upon the French discoveries on the South Coast. CHAPTER IX. Examination of the coast resumed. Encounter Bay. The capes Bernouilli and Jaffa. Baudin's Rocks. Differences in the bearings on tacking. Cape Buffon, the eastern limit of the French discovery. The capes Northumberland and Bridgewater of captain Grant. Danger from a south-west gale. King's Island, in Bass' Strait: Anchorage there. Some account of the island. Nautical observations. New Year's Isles. Cape Otway, and the north-west entrance to Bass' Strait. Anchorage in, and examination of Port Phillip. The country and inhabitants. Nautical observations. CHAPTER X. Departure from Port Phillip. Cape Schanck. Wilson's Promontory, and its isles. Kent's Groups, and Furneaux's Isles. Hills behind the Long Beach. Arrival at Port Jackson. Health of the ship's company. Refitment and supply of the ship. Price of provisions. Volunteers entered. Arrangement for the succeeding part of the voyage. French ships. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER XI Of the winds and currents on the south coast of Terra Australis, and in Bass' Strait. Usual progress of the gales. Proper seasons for sailing eastward, and for going westward:best places of shelter in each case, with some instructions for the Strait. APPENDIX. Account of the observations by which the _Longitudes_ of places on thenorth coast of Terra Australis have been settled. IN THE SECOND VOLUME. BOOK II. TRANSACTIONS DURING THE CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF TERRA AUSTRALIS, FROM THE TIME OF LEAVING PORT JACKSON TO THE RETURN TO THAT PORT. CHAPTER I. Departure from Port Jackson, with the Lady Nelson. Examination of various parts of the East Coast, from thence to SandyCape. Break-sea Spit. Anchorage in Hervey's Bay, where the Lady Nelson joins after aseparation. Some account of the inhabitants. Variations of the compass. Run to Bustard Bay. Port Curtis discovered, and examined. Some account of the surrounding country. Arrival in Keppel Bay, and examination of its branches, one of which leads into Port Curtis. Some account of the natives, and of the country round Keppel Bay. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER II. The Keppel Isles, and coast to Cape Manifold. A new port discovered and examined. Harvey's Isles. A new passage into Shoal-water Bay. View from Mount Westall. A boat lost. The upper parts of Shoal-water Bay examined. Some account of the country and inhabitants. General remarks on the bay. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER III. Departure from Shoal-water Bay, and anchorage in Thirsty Sound. Magnetical observations. Boat excursion to the nearest Northumberland Islands. Remarks on Thirsty Sound. Observations at West Hill, Broad Sound. Anchorage near Upper Head. Expedition to the head of Broad Sound:another round Long Island. Remarks on Broad Sound, and the surrounding country. Advantages for a colony. Astronomical observations, and remarks on the high tides. CHAPTER IV. The Percy Isles: anchorage at No. 2. Boat excursions. Remarks on the Percy Isles; with nautical observations. Coral reefs: courses amongst them during eleven days searchfor a passage through, to sea. Description of a reef. Anchorage at an eastern Cumberland Isle. The Lady Nelson sent back to Port Jackson. Continuation of coral reefs;and courses amongst them during three other days. Cape Gloucester. An opening discovered, and the reefs quitted. General remarks on the Great Barrier;with some instruction relative to the opening. CHAPTER V. Passage from the Barrier Reefs to Torres' Strait. Reefs named Eastern Fields. Pandora's Entrance to the Strait. Anchorage at Murray's Islands. Communication with the inhabitants. Half-way Island. Notions on the formation of coral islands in general. Prince of Wales's Islands, with remarks on them. Wallis' Isles. Entrance into the Gulph of Carpentaria. Review of the passage through Torres' Strait. CHAPTER VI. Examination of the coast on the east side of the Gulph of Carpentaria. Landing at Coen River. Head of the Gulph. Anchorage at Sweers' Island. Interview with Indians at Horse-shoe Island. Investigator's Road. The ship found to be in a state of decay. General remarks on the islands at the Head of the Gulph, and their inhabitants. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER VII. Departure from Sweers' Island. South side of C. Van Diemen examined. Anchorage at Bountiful Island: turtle and sharks there. Land of C. Van Diemen proved to be an island. Examination of the main coast to Cape Vanderlin. That cape found to be one of a group of islands. Examination of the islands; their soil, etc. Monument of the natives. Traces of former visitors to these parts. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER VIII. Departure from Sir Edward Pellew's Group. Coast from thence westward. Cape Maria found to be an island. Limmen's Bight. Coast northward to Cape Barrow: landing on it. Circumnavigation of Groote Eylandt. Specimens of native art at Chasm Island. Anchorage in North-west Bay, Groote Eylandt;with remarks and nautical observations. Blue-mud Bay. Skirmish with the natives. Cape Shield. Mount Grindall. Coast to Caledon Bay. Occurrences in that bay, with remarks on the country and inhabitants. Astronomical and nautical observations. CHAPTER IX. Departure from Caledon Bay. Cape Arnhem. Melville Bay. Cape Wilberforce, and Bromby's Isles. The English Company's Islands: meeting there with vessels from Macassar. Arnhem Bay. The Wessel's Islands. Further examination of the North Coast postponed. Arrival at Coepang Bay, in Timor. Remarks and astronomical observations. CHAPTER X. Departure from Timor. Search made for the Trial Rocks. Anchorage in Goose-Island Bay. Interment of the boatswain, and sickly state of the ship's company. Escape from the bay, and passage through Bass' Strait. Arrival at Port Jackson. Losses in men. Survey and condemnation of the ship. Plans for continuing the survey;but preparation finally made for returning to England. State of the colony at Port Jackson. CHAPTER XI. Of the winds, currents, and navigation along the east coast of TerraAustralis, both without and within the tropic; also on the north coast. Directions for sailing from Port Jackson, through Torres' Strait, towardsIndia or the Cape of Good Hope. Advantages of this passage over that round New Guinea. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES FROM THE TIME OF QUITTING PORT JACKSON IN 1803, TO ARRIVINGIN ENGLAND IN 1810. CHAPTER I. Departure from Port Jackson in the Porpoise, accompanied by the Bridgewater and Cato. The Cato's Bank. Shipwreck of the Porpoise and Cato in the night. The crews get on a sand bank; where they are left by the Bridgewater. Provisions saved. Regulations on the bank. Measures adopted for getting back to Port Jackson. Description of Wreck-Reef Bank. Remarks on the loss of M. De La Pérouse. CHAPTER II. Departure from Wreck-Reef Bank in a boat. Boisterous weather. The Coast of New South Wales reached, and followed. Natives at Point Look-out. Landing near Smoky Cape; and again near Port Hunter. Arrival at Port Jackson on the thirteenth day. Return to Wreck Reef with a ship and two schooners. Arrangements at the Bank. Account of the reef, with nautical and other remarks. CHAPTER III. Passage in the Cumberland to Torres' Strait. Eastern Fields and Pandora's Entrance. New channels amongst the reefs. Anchorage at Half-way Island, and under the York Isles. Prince of Wales's Islands further examined. Booby Isle. Passage across the Gulph of Carpentaria. Anchorage at Wessel's Islands. Passage to Coepang Bay, in Timor; and to Mauritius, where the leakiness of the Cumberland makes it necessary to stop. Anchorage at the Baye du Cap, and departure for Port Louis. CHAPTER IV. Arrival at Port Louis (or North-West) in Mauritius. Interview with the French governor. Seizure of the Cumberland, with the charts and journals of theInvestigator's voyage; and imprisonment of the commander and people. Letters to the governor, with his answer. Restitution of some books and charts. Friendly act of the English interpreter. Propositions made to the governor. Humane conduct of captain Bergeret. Reflections on a voyage of discovery. Removal to the Maison Despeaux or Garden Prison. CHAPTER V. Prisoners in the Maison Despeaux or Garden Prison. Application to admiral Linois. Spy-glasses and swords taken. Some papers restored. Opinions upon the detention of the Cumberland. Letter of captain Baudin. An English squadron arrives off Mauritius: its consequences. Arrival of a French officer with despatches, and observations thereon. Passages in the Moniteur, with remarks. Mr. Aken liberated. Arrival of cartels from India. Application made by the marquis Wellesley. Different treatment of English and French prisoners. Prizes brought to Mauritius in sixteen months. Departure of all prisoners of war. Permission to quit the Garden Prison. Astronomical observations. CHAPTER VI. Parole given. Journey into the interior of Mauritius. The governor's country seat. Residence at the Refuge, in that Part of Williems Plains called Vacouas. Its situation and climate, with the mountains, rivers, cascades, andviews near it. The Mare aux Vacouas and Grand Bassin. State of cultivation and produce of Vacouas;its black ebony, game, and wild fruits; and freedom from noxious insects. CHAPTER VII. Occupations at Vacouas. Hospitality of the inhabitants. Letters from England. Refusal to be sent to France repeated. Account of two hurricanes, of a subterraneous stream and circular pit. Habitation of La Pérouse. Letters to the French marine minister, National Institute, etc. Letters from Sir Edward Pellew. Caverns in the Plains of St. Piérre. Visit to Port Louis. Narrative transmitted to England. Letter to captain Bergeret on his departure for France. CHAPTER VIII. Effects of repeated disappointment on the mind. Arrival of a cartel, and of letters from India. Letter of the French marine minister. Restitution of papers. Applications for liberty evasively answered. Attempted seizure of private letters. Memorial to the minister. Encroachments made at Paris on the Investigator's discoveries. Expected attack on Mauritius produces an abridgment of Liberty. Strict blockade. Arrival of another cartel from India. State of the public finances in Mauritius. French cartel sails for the Cape of Good Hope. CHAPTER IX. A prospect of liberty, which is officially confirmed. Occurrences during eleven weeks residence in the town of Port Louisand on board the Harriet cartel. Parole and certificates. Departure from Port Louis, and embarkation in the Otter. Eulogium on the inhabitants of Mauritius. Review of the conduct of general De Caen. Passage to the Cape of Good Hope, and after seven weeks stay, from thence to England. Conclusion. APPENDIX. No. I. Account of the observations by which the _Longitudes_ of places on theeast and north coasts of Terra Australis have been settled. No. II. On the errors of the compass arising from attractions within the ship, and others from the magnetism of land; with precautions for obviatingtheir effects in marine surveying. No. III. General Remarks, geographical and systematical, on the Botany of TerraAustralis. By ROBERT BROWN, F. R. S. _Acad. Reg. Scient. Berolin. Corresp. _ NATURALIST TO THE VOYAGE. A LIST OF THE PLATES, WITH DIRECTIONS TO THE BINDER. IN VOLUME I. View from the south side of King George's Sound. Entrance of Port Lincoln, taken from behind Memory Cove. View on the north side of Kangaroo Island. View of Port Jackson, taken from the South Head. IN VOLUME II. View of Port Bowen, from behind the Watering Gully. View of Murray's Islands, with the natives offering to barter. View in Sir Edward Pellew's Group--Gulph of Carpentaria. View of Malay Road, from Pobassoo's Island. View of Wreck-Reef Bank, taken at low water. IN THE ATLAS. Plate. I. General Chart of TERRA AUSTRALIS and the neighbouring lands, from latitude 7° to 44½° south, and longitude 102° to 165° east. II. Particular chart of the South Coast, from Cape Leeuwin tothe Archipelago of the Recherche. III. Ditto from the Archipelago of the Recherche to past the headof the great Australian Bight. IV. Ditto from the head of the great Australian Bight to pastEncounter Bay. V. Ditto from near Encounter Bay to Cape Otway at the west entranceof Bass' Strait. VI. Ditto from Cape Otway, past Cape Howe, to Barmouth Creek. VII. Particular chart of Van Diemen's Land. VIII. Particular chart of the East Coast, from Barmouth Creekto past Cape Hawke. IX. Ditto from near Cape Hawke to past Glass-house Bay. X. Ditto from Glass-house Bay to Broad Sound. XI. Ditto from Broad Sound to Cape Grafton. XII. Ditto from Cape Grafton to the Isle of Direction. XIII. Particular chart of the East Coast from the I. Of Directionto Cape York, and of the North Coast from thence to Pera Head;including Torres Strait and parts of New Guinea. XIV. A particular chart of the North Coast, from Torres' Straitto Point Dale and the Wessel's Islands, including the wholeof the Gulph of Carpentaria. XV. The north-west side of the Gulph of Carpentaria, on a large scale. XVI. Particular chart of Timor and some neighbouring islands. XVII. Fourteen views of headlands, etc. On the south coastof Terra Australis. XVIII. Thirteen views on the east and north coasts, and one of Samow Strait. AND Ten plates of selected plants from different parts of Terra Australis. BOOK II TRANSACTIONS DURING THE CIRCUMNAVIGATION OF TERRA AUSTRALIS, FROM THE TIME OF LEAVING PORT JACKSON TO THE RETURN TO THAT PORT. CHAPTER I. Departure from Port Jackson, with the Lady Nelson. Examination of various parts of the East Coast, from thence to SandyCape. Break-sea Spit. Anchorage in Hervey's Bay, where the Lady Nelson joins after aseparation. Some account of the inhabitants. Variations of the compass. Run to Bustard Bay. Port Curtis discovered, and examined. Some account of the surrounding country. Arrival in Keppel Bay, and examination of its branches, one of which leads into Port Curtis. Some account of the natives, and of the country round Keppel Bay. Astronomical and nautical observations. [EAST COAST. TOWARDS HERVEY'S BAY. ] THURSDAY 22 JULY 1802 Lieutenant John Murray, commander of the brig Lady Nelson, havingreceived orders to put himself under my command, I gave him a small codeof signals, and directed him, in case of separation, to repair toHervey's Bay; which he was to enter by a passage said to have been foundby the south-sea whalers, between Sandy Cape and Break-sea Spit. In themorning of July 22, we sailed out of Port Jackson together; and thebreeze being fair and fresh, ran rapidly to the northward, keeping at alittle distance from the coast. (Atlas, Plate VIII. ) At eleven o'clock, the south head of Broken Bay bore W. By N. Threeleagues; and Mr. Westall then made a sketch of the entrance, with that ofthe Hawkesbury River, which falls into it (Atlas, Plate XVIII, View 2). The colonists have called this place Broken Bay, but it is not what wasso named by captain Cook; for he says it lies in latitude 33° 42'(Hawkesworth III. 103), whereas the southernmost point of entrance is notfurther than 33° 34' south. There is, in captain Cook's latitude, a verysmall opening, and the hills behind it answer to his description of "somebroken land that seemed to form a bay, " when seen at four leagues, thedistance he was off; but in reality, there is nothing more than a shallowlagoon in that place. In consequence of this difference in position, CapeThree-points has been sought three or four leagues to the north of BrokenBay; whereas it is the north head of the entrance into the bay itselfwhich was so named, and it corresponds both in situation and appearance. At noon, the south-eastern bluff of Cape Three-points bore S. 64° W. , seven or eight miles, and was found to lie in 33° 32½' south and 151°23½' east. In steering northward along the coast, at from six to twomiles distance, we passed two rocky islets lying under the high shore;and at sunset, Coal Island, in the entrance of Port Hunter, bore N. 9°W. , five or six miles. This port was discovered in 1797 by the latecaptain John Shortland, and lies in 32° 56' south, longitude 151° 43'east. We passed Port Stephens a little before midnight; and the breeze beingfresh at W. By S. , the Lady Nelson was left astern, and we lay to for anhour next morning [FRIDAY 23 JULY 1802], to wait her coming up. The landwas then scarcely visible, but a north course brought us in with theThree Brothers (Atlas Plate IX. ); and at four in the afternoon, they borefrom S. 56° to 65° W. , the nearest land being a low, but steep point, distant four or five miles in the first direction. The Three Brothers liefrom one to five miles behind the shore, at the eastern extremity of arange of high land, coming out of the interior country. The northernmosthill is the broadest, most elevated, and nearest to the water side; andbeing visible fifty miles from a ship's deck, is an excellent landmarkfor vessels passing along the coast: its latitude is 31° 43' south, andlongitude 152° 45' east. To the northward of the Three Brothers there is four leagues of low. Andmostly sandy shore; and after passing it, we came up with a projection, whose top is composed of small, irregular-shaped hummocks, thenorthernmost of them being a rocky lump of a sugar-loaf form; further on, the land falls back into a shallow bight, with rocks in it standing abovewater. When abreast of the projection, which was called _Tacking Point_, the night was closing in, and we stood off shore, intending to make thesame part next morning; for some of this coast had been passed in thedark by captain Cook, and might therefore contain openings. SATURDAY 24 JULY 1802 At daybreak of the 24th, Tacking Point was distant three miles, and thebreeze fresh at S. W. By W. With fine weather. Our little consort beingout of sight, we stood an hour to the southward; and not seeing her inthat direction, bore away along the coast until noon, when our situationwas as under: Latitude observed 30° 58¼'Longitude by time-keepers 153 6½Northern Brother, dist. 48 miles, bore S. 23 W. Smoky Cape, distant 3 or 4 miles, N. 41° to 30 W. Northern extreme of the land, N. 5 W. The coast from Tacking Point to Smoky Cape is generally low and sandy;but its uniformity is broken at intervals by rocky points, which firstappear like islands. Behind them the land is low, but quickly rises tohills of a moderate height; and these being well covered with wood, thecountry had a pleasant appearance. Smoky Cape was found to answer thedescription given of it by captain Cook; its centre lies in 30° 55'south, and 153° 4' east. The three hummocks upon it stand on so manyprojecting parts; and at half a mile from the southernmost lie two rocks, and a third two miles further south, which were not before noticed. Onthe north side of Smoky Cape, the coast falls back four or five miles tothe westward, forming a bight in the low land, where there may probablybe a shallow inlet; it afterwards resumed a northern direction, andconsisted as before of sandy beaches and stony points. Our consort was not yet in sight; but we kept on until five in theevening, when the nearest land was two miles off, and the northernhummock on Smoky Cape bore S. 4° W. Nine leagues. I had before seen thecoast further northward, as far as 29° 20'; and having therefore noinducement to lose a night's run for its examination, we steered onward, passing without side of the Solitary Isles. At three in the morning[SUNDAY 25 JULY 1802], hove to until day-light; and at eight o'clock madethe south head of a bay discovered in the Norfolk (Introd. Vol I, "Inlatitude 29° 43', we discovered a small opening like a river, with anislet lying in the entrance; and at sunset, entered a larger, to which Igave the name of SHOAL BAY, an appellation which it but too wellmerited. "), and named _Shoal Bay_. One of the marks for finding thissmall place is a peaked hummock on the low land, thirteen miles distant;and it was now set over the south head of the bay at S. 20° W. Insteering northward close along the coast, we passed two small reefs, andthe water shoaled to 10 fathoms; they lie two miles off the land, andthere did not seem to be any safe passage within them. Our latitude atnoon was 29° 4', and longitude by time keepers 153° 31'; the shore wasthree miles off but until we came up with Cape Byron at five in theevening, there was no projection worthy of being particularly noticed. From Shoal Bay to Cape Byron is fifty miles, where the coast, with theexception of two or three rocky heads, is mostly low and sandy; and thesoundings, at from two to four miles off, vary between 10 and 32 fathoms, on a sandy bottom. A few miles back the land rises to hills of moderateelevation, which were poorly covered with wood in the southern part, buttowards the cape had a more fertile appearance. Cape Byron is a small steep head, projecting about two miles from the lowland, and in coming along the coast makes like an island; its latitude is28° 38', and longitude 153° 37', or 7' east of the situation assigned toit by captain Cook. There are three rocks on its north side; and in thedirection of N. 57° W. , eight or nine leagues from it, is the peaked topof a mass of mountains, named by its discoverer _Mount Warning_; whoseelevation is about 3300 feet, and exceeds that of Mount Dromedary, or anyother land I have seen upon this East Coast. To Mr. Westall's sketch ofthis remarkable peak (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View 3. ) it may be added, thatthe surrounding hills were well covered with wood, whose foliageannounced a soil more fertile than usual so near the sea side. The sun was near setting at the time Cape Byron bore west, three or fourmiles; and the coast from thence to Point Look-out having been seen bycaptain Cook, we steered off in order to avoid falling in with the reefsof Point Danger in the night. At eleven, hauled more in for the land; andat eight next day [MONDAY 26 JULY 1802], Mount Warning was set at S. 25°W. , twenty leagues. On coming in with Point Look-out, I took observationsfor the latitude and longitude, which fixed it in 27° 27' south, and 153°31' east. The latitude is the same as it had been made in the Norfolk, (Introd. Vol. I), but is 19' south, and 3' west of the situation given incaptain Cook's chart. The bearings of the land at noon were, Point Look-out, distant 3 leagues, S. 9° W. Moreton entrance to Glass-house Bay, S. 55 W. Cape Moreton, distant six leagues, N. 18 W. A strange vessel seen to the southward, had induced me to carry littlesail all the morning; it was now perceived not to be the Lady Nelson, butprobably one of the two whalers known to be fishing off the coast; wetherefore made sail for Cape Moreton, and came up with it at fouro'clock. I was much surprised to see a small, but dangerous reef lyingbetween four and five miles off this cape to the north-east, which hadnot been noticed in the Norfolk; in entering Glass-house Bay I had thenhauled close round Cape Moreton at dusk in the evening, and in coming outhad passed too far westward to observe it. The longitude of Cape Moretonwas now fixed by the time keepers at 153° 26½' east, differing only 1½'from the lunar observations before taken in the Norfolk; when itslatitude had been settled at 27° 0½' south. (Atlas, Plate X. ) TUESDAY 27 JULY 1802 After passing the dangerous reef, we steered northward until three in themorning; and then hove to until daylight, for the purpose of examiningthe land about Double-island Point and Wide Bay, which did not appear tohave been well distinguished by captain Cook. At seven o'clock the pointbore N. 2° W. , six leagues, and the shore abreast, a beach with sandyhills behind it, was distant six miles. Between the S. 63. W. And a lowbluff head bearing S. 32° W. , was a bight in the coast where the sandhills seemed to terminate; for the back land further south was high androcky with small peaks on the top, similar to the ridge behind the GlassHouses, of which it is probably a continuation. At half past nine we hauled close round Double-island Point, within arock lying between one and two miles to the N. N. E. , having 7 fathomsfor the least water. The point answered captain Cook's description: it isa steep head, at the extremity of a neck of land which runs out two milesfrom the main, and lies in 25° 56' south, and 153° 13' east. On the northside of the point the coast falls back to the westward, and presents asteep shore of white sand; but in curving round Wide Bay the sandy landbecomes very low, and a small opening was seen in it, leading to a pieceof water like a lagoon; but the shoals which lie off the entrance renderit difficult of access, if indeed there be a passage for any thing largerthan boats. Had the Lady Nelson been with me, I should have attempted toget her into the lagoon, having previously entertained a conjecture thatthe head of Hervey's Bay might communicate with Wide Bay; but theapprehension that lieutenant Murray would arrive at the first rendezvous, and proceed to the next before we could join him, deterred me fromattempting it with the Investigator or with boats. Upon the north side of the opening there was a number of Indians, fiftyas reported, looking at the ship, and near Double-island Point ten othershad been seen, implying a more numerous population than is usual to thesouthward. I inferred from hence, that the piece of water at the head ofWide Bay was extensive and shallow; for in such places the natives drawmuch subsistence from the fish which there abound, and are more easilycaught than in deep water. So far as could be seen from the mast head atthree or four miles off, the water extended about five miles westward, tothe feet of some hills covered with small wood. Its extent north andsouth could not be distinguished, and it seemed probable that one, andperhaps two streams fall into it; for there were many large medusasfloating at the entrance, such as are usually found near the mouths ofrivers in this country. We passed the shoals of Wide Bay in from 12 to 5 fathoms water; andsteered northward at the distance of six, and from that to two miles offthe shore, until dark. Captain Cook describes this part of the coast asmoderately high and very barren; there being great patches of moveablesand many acres in extent, through which appeared in some places thegreen tops of trees half buried, and in others the naked trunks of suchas the sand had destroyed. We sailed some miles nearer to it than theEndeavour had done, and saw extensive, bare patches in many parts; butnothing to indicate the sands being moveable; and in general, there wereshrubs, bushes, and some trees scattered over the hills in front of thesea. Nothing however can well be imagined more barren than thispeninsula; but the smokes which arose from many parts, corroborated theremark made upon the population about Wide Bay; and bespoke that freshwater was not scarce in this sandy country. Our course at night was directed by the fires on the shore, and the windbeing moderate from the south-westward, it was continued until teno'clock; after which we stood off and on till daylight [WEDNESDAY 28 JULY1802], and then had Indian Head bearing S. 54° W. One mile and a half. This head was so named by captain Cook, from the great number of Indiansassembled there in 1770. Mr. Westall's sketch of it (Atlas, Plate XVIII, View 4. ), taken as we steered close along the shore for Sandy Cape, willshow that the same sterility prevailed here as in the southern part ofthe peninsula; and it continued to the northern extremity. At eleven o'clock we reached Sandy Cape, and the master was sent ahead tosound in a small passage through Break-sea Spit. The ship followed undereasy sail, until we got into 3 fathoms; and the master not making thesignal for any deeper water, I tacked and called the boat on board. Thechannel appeared to go quite through the Spit, into Hervey's Bay; but asthere were, in many parts, not more than 2 fathoms, it can be passed onlyby small vessels. At noon, Sandy Cape, distant a miles, bore S. 64° to 80° W. Indian Head, distant 7 leagues, S. 12 E. Our observations fixed Sandy Cape in 24° 42' south, and 153°' 16' east, being 3' north, and 7' east of the position assigned to it by captainCook. [EAST COAST. HERVEY'S BAY. ] At one o'clock we steered northward, close to the edge of Break-sea Spit, searching for a passage through it into Hervey's Bay. There were manysmall winding channels amongst the breakers, and a larger being perceivedat three, the boat was sent to make an examination; in the mean time, thewind having shifted to north-west and become very light, we dropped thestream anchor two miles from the Spit, in 11 fathoms, fine grey sand. Thechannel where the boat was sounding, and out of which a tide came of morethan one mile an hour, bore W. By N. ½ N. , and Sandy Cape S. 24° to 41°W. , about three leagues. Soon after sunset the master returned, and reported the channel to benearly a mile and a half wide, and that it went quite through to the bay;but it did not generally contain more than fourteen feet water, and wastherefore impassable for the Investigator. The bottom of this, and of theformer small channel, as also the shoaler banks of the Spit, were ofcoral, mixed with coral sand. THURSDAY 29 JULY 1802 At three in the morning, on a breeze springing up at S. W. By S. , westretched south-eastward; and a vessel having been observed over nightoff Indian Head, this tack was prolonged till seven o'clock; when seeingnothing of her, we stood back for the Spit, and coasted close along itseast side as before, in from 10 to 5 fathoms water. At forty minutesafter noon we passed over the tail of the Spit, in latitude 24° 24'; thewater then deepening suddenly from 6 and 7, to 22 fathoms, and the whitepatches on Sandy Cape bearing S. 8° E. In standing N. W. By W. We crosseda bank in 11 fathoms, and on tacking, passed another part of it with only5; the water upon it was not discoloured, nor had it been observed eitherby captain Cook, or by me in the Norfolk: it lies about 6 miles W. N. W. From the end of Break-sea Spit. The first rendezvous appointed for lieutenant Murray, was the anchoragenear Sandy Cape; but the wind being unfavourable, we did not reach ittill four on the following afternoon [FRIDAY 30 JULY 1802]; at which timethe anchor was dropped in 7 fathoms, sandy bottom, with the outerextremity of the cape bearing S. 79° E. , and the nearest part distant twomiles. A vessel was seen on the outside of the Spit, which proved to bethe Lady Nelson; and the master being sent with a boat to assist herthrough the passage, she anchored near us at sunset, and lieutenantMurray came on board. The account he gave of his separation, and thedelay in arriving at the rendezvous, convinced me both of the Lady Nelsonbeing an indifferent vessel, and of the truth of an observation beforemade upon the currents: that they run much stronger to the southward atthe distance of six, and from that to twenty leagues off the coast, thanthey do close in with the shore. Mr. Murray not being much accustomed tomake free with the land, had kept it barely within sight, and had beenmuch retarded. In order to give the botanists an opportunity of examining theproductions of Sandy Cape, I determined to remain here a day; and somenatives being seen upon the beach, a boat was sent to commence anacquaintance with them; they however retired, and suffered Mr. Brown tobotanise without disturbance. Next morning [SATURDAY 31 July 1802] thebrig anchored within a quarter of a mile of the shore, to cover ourlanding parties; and the armed boats being moored at grapnels, out of thereach of the natives, we separated into three divisions. The naturalist'sparty, consisting of six persons, walked along the shore towards theupper part of the bay; Mr. Murray and his people went to cut wood forfuel; and the party with me, also of six persons, including my nativefriend _Bongaree_, went towards the extremity of Sandy Cape. SeveralIndians with branches of trees in their hands, were there collected; andwhilst they retreated themselves, were waving to us to go back. Bongareestripped off his clothes and laid aside his spear, as inducements forthem to wait for him; but finding they did not understand his language, the poor fellow, in the simplicity of his heart, addressed them in brokenEnglish, hoping to succeed better. At length they suffered him to comeup, and by degrees our whole party joined; and after receiving somepresents, twenty of them returned with us to the boats, and were feastedupon the blubber of two porpoises, which had been brought on shorepurposely for them. At two o'clock the naturalists returned, bringingsome of the scoop nets used by the natives in catching fish; and we thenquitted our new friends, after presenting them with hatchets and othertestimonials of our satisfaction. These people go entirely naked, and otherwise much resemble theinhabitants of Port Jackson in personal appearance; but they were morefleshy, perhaps from being able to obtain a better supply of food withthe scoop nets, which are not known on the southern parts of the coast. Inoticed in most of them a hard tumour on the outer knuckle of the wrist, which, if we understood them aright, was caused by the stretcher of thescoop coming in contact with this part in the act of throwing the net. Our native did not understand a word of their language, nor did they seemto know the use of his _womerah_ or throwing stick; for one of them beinginvited to imitate Bongaree, who lanced a spear with it very dexterouslyand to a great distance, he, in the most awkward manner, threw bothwomerah and spear together. Nothing like a canoe was seen amongst thesepeople; but they must have some means of passing over the water to shortdistances, since I found, in 1799, that Curlew Islet, near the head ofthis bay, had been visited. A species of _pandanus_ before found at Glass-house and Shoal Bays, growsin abundance upon Sandy Cape; and notwithstanding the extreme sterilityof the soil, the sand hills were mostly covered with bushes, and thevallies contained trees of the _casuarina_ and _eucalyptus_. There wasfresh water in a pool near the shore, and as a ship may lie within half amile, both wood and water might be procured here without greatdifficulty; but I doubt if the water would not altogether fail in the dryseason. A tolerably regular tide set past the ship, N. N. E. And S. S. W. , nearlyone mile an hour; and it appeared by the shore to be high water _abouteight hours after_ the moon's passage, and the common rise to be betweensix and seven feet. No mention has been made of the variation of the compass since leavingPort Jackson, A gradual diminution seems to take place from Twofold Bay, near the southern extremity of this coast, to Sandy Cape; as will appearfrom the following observations. Lat. 37° 4' Azim. , one compass, on shore, 9° 29' E. 33 52 do, do, do, 8 51 31 36 do, do, head north, 9 8 30 32 do, three comp. , do, 8 42 26 10 do, one comp. , head N. By W. 8° 40', corr. 8 7 25 0 Ampl. , do, head N. W. By N. 9 39, corr. 8 9 24 43 do, do, head S. E. ½ S. 6 33, corr 8 14 The coast lies nearly north, and except Sandy Cape, appears to be mostlyof free stone, which I have not found to produce any effect upon theneedle; and what is remarkable, on comparing my observations with thoseof captain Cook, it appeared that little or no change had taken place inthe variation, during thirty-two years; for wherever our observationswere taken with the ships heads in the same direction, there the samevariation was obtained to a few minutes. Within Break-sea Spit, an amplitude gave the variation when corrected, 7°25' east; and one taken at the anchorage near Sandy Cape, butuncorrected, the direction of the ship's head being unknown, 7° 57' east. There is little doubt that on bringing the land to the eastward of theship, the variation was diminished at least half a degree: the stone ofSandy Cape is granitic. SUNDAY 1 AUGUST 1802 In the morning of August 1, the wind was from the southward, and westeered across Hervey's Bay, towards a sloping hummock on the west side, where my examination in the Norfolk had terminated. The soundingsincreased from 7, gradually to 18 fathoms, and afterwards decreased tillhalf past four in the afternoon; when the sloping hummock bore S. 2° E. Eight miles, and we had no more than 3½ fathoms near some dry banks andbreakers, which extend out three miles from two shallow inlets in thecoast. At dusk the anchor was let go in 6½ fathoms, mud and sand; theshallow inlets to the south being distant 6 miles, and the slopinghummock bearing S. 17° E. In captain Cook's chart, the width of Hervey'sBay is fifty-nine miles, which had appeared to me too great when here inthe Norfolk; and I now made the distance, from the north-west extremityof Sandy Cape to a low point running out from the hummock, to be fortythree miles by the _time keepers_. Such errors as this are almostunavoidable without the aid of these instruments, when sailing eitheralong a coast which lies nearly on the same parallel, or where no land isin sight to correct the longitude by bearings. From Port Jackson to SandyCape, captain Cook's positions had been found to differ from mine, notmore than from 10' east to 7' west; which must be considered a greatdegree of accuracy, considering the expeditious manner in which he sailedalong the coast, and that there were no time keepers on board theEndeavour; but from Sandy Cape northward, where the direction of thecoast has a good deal of westing in it, greater differences began to showthemselves. [EAST COAST. NEAR BUSTARD BAY. ] There was a little tide running past the ship in the first part of thenight from N. N. W. , which appeared to be the flood setting into Hervey'sBay. At daybreak [MONDAY 2 AUGUST 1802] we pursued our course along theshore, at the distance of four or five miles, in soundings between 5 and9 fathoms. The coast was low, but not sandy; and behind it was a range ofhills extending north-westward, and like the flat country, was not illclothed with wood. There was no remarkable projection till we came to thesouth head of Bustard Bay; and the night being then at hand, we ran inand anchored on a sandy bottom, in 4½ fathoms, nearly in the same spotwhere the Endeavour had lain thirty-two years before. The rocky south head of Bustard Bay, from the survey between thepreceding and following noons, should lie in 24° 9' south, and the timekeepers placed it in 151° 52' east; or 5' south and 10' east of captainCook's situation; nor did the form of the Bay correspond to his chart. *The variation observed a few miles from the anchorage, was 8° 20' east, with the ship's head N. W. By N. , or 6° 52' reduced to the meridian;nearly as had been found in the morning, when it was 6° 56' corrected. This is a full degree less than it was on the east side of Sandy Cape, and captain Cook's observations show a still greater diminution. [* The latitude 24° 4' was observed on board the Endeavour, at anchorhere; by whom is uncertain, but it was not by captain Cook or Mr. Green. In the _Astronomical Observations_ of the voyage, p. 134, Mr. Wales, indeducing the position of Bustard Bay, takes no notice of thisobservation, and omits the latitude. ] TUESDAY 3 AUGUST 1802 At daylight we proceeded along the coast; but the wind being very light, were no more than abreast of the north head of Bustard Bay at noon; andthe ship being drifted by the tide toward some rocks lying off the head, a boat went to sound amongst them for a passage; in the mean time an airsprung up at north; and having got the ship's head to the eastward, westretched off from the rocks. This north head lies in latitude 24° 0', aslaid down by captain Cook, and bears from the south head N. 44° W. , twelve miles; it is moderately high, and behind it is a mass of hummocky, barren hills, which extend far to the westward. A reef lies out as far astwo miles from the north head; but within the outer rock above water ourboat had 14 fathoms, and there was room for a ship to pass. Not being able to weather the reef before dark, we worked to windwardduring the night; bearing down frequently to the Lady Nelson, to preventseparation. At daylight [WEDNESDAY 4 AUGUST 1802], the wind had shiftedgradually round, from north to the south-westward; and at noon the northhead of Bustard, Bay was brought to bear S. 16° E. , four leagues, ourlatitude being then 23° 48', and longitude 151° 40'. A low island wasseen from the mast head, bearing north at the supposed distance of sixleagues, of which captain Cook does not make any mention;* and thefurthest visible part of the main land was a conspicuous hill, named_Mount Larcom_, in compliment to captain Larcom of the navy. It bore W. ½° N. , ten or eleven leagues; but the coast line between it and the northhead of Bustard Bay, seemed to be much broken. [* A cluster of low islands, about fifteen leagues from the coast, wasseen in the following year by Mr. Bunker, commander of the Albion, southwhaler. He described the cluster to be of considerable extent, and aslying in latitude 23¾°, and longitude about 152½°; or nearly a degree tothe eastward of the low isle above mentioned. It is probably to theseislands, whose existence captain Cook suspected, that the great flightsof boobies he saw in Hervey's Bay retire at night. ] In the afternoon, a breeze from the north-westward enabled us to stretchin for the land; and we anchored soon after sunset in 10 fathoms, brownsand, five or six miles from a projection which received the name of_Gatcombe Head_; and to the southward of it there was a rather deep bightin the coast. The bearings of the land, taken a few minutes beforeanchoring, were as under. North head of Bustard Bay, dist. 5 leagues, S. 56° E. Gatcombe Head, S. 86 W. Mount Larcom, N. 80 W. Northern extreme of the coast, N. 46 W. The chain of hills which rises near Bustard Bay, was seen to stretchwestward a few miles behind the shore, till it was lost at the back ofMount Larcom. These hills were not destitute of wood, but they had abarren appearance; and the coast was more rocky than sandy. At thisanchorage, the flood tide came from the north-by-east, and the ebb seteast, half a mile per hour. [EAST COAST. PORT CURTIS. ] THURSDAY 5 AUGUST 1802 At daylight of the 5th, we closed in with the shore, steeringnorth-westward; and at nine o'clock a small opening was discovered, andwater seen over the low front land. The Lady Nelson was ordered to lookfor anchorage; and at eleven we came to, in 4 fathoms brown sand, onemile from the east point of the opening; and the following bearings werethen taken: Southern extreme of the coast, over the east point, S. 36° E. Rocky islet in the middle of the opening, dist. 1½ mile, S. 28 W. Mount Larcom, S. 75 W. Hummock at the northern extreme (C. Capricorn), N. 18 W. The opening was not so much as a mile in width, but from the extent ofwater within, it was conjectured to have a communication with the bighton the south side of Gatcombe Head; and this being an object worthy ofexamination, the sails were furled and the boats hoisted out. Thenaturalist and his companions landed at the west side of the entrance, where some Indians had assembled to look at the ship; but they retired onthe approach of our gentlemen, and afterwards taking the advantage of ahillock, began to throw stones at the party; nor would they desist untiltwo or three muskets were fired over their heads, when they disappeared. There were seven bark canoes lying on the shore, and near them hung upona tree some parts of a turtle; and scoop nets, such as those of Hervey'sBay, were also seen. I proceeded up the opening in a boat, and lieutenant Murray got under wayto follow with the brig; but the tide ran up so rapidly, over a bottomwhich was rocky and very irregular in depth, that he anchored almostimmediately, and came to the middle islet where I was taking angles. Wethen went over to the west shore, and ascended a hill called in thechart, _Hill View_; from whence it was evident, that this water didcertainly communicate with the bight round Gatcombe Head, and by anopening much more considerable than that in which the vessels wereanchored; the port was also seen to extend far to the westward, and I wasinduced to form a regular plan for its examination. The northern entrancebeing too full of rocks and shoals for the Lady Nelson to pass, althoughdrawing no more than six feet when the keels were hoisted up, Mr. Murraywas desired to go round to the southern opening; and about sunset he gotunder way. FRIDAY 6 AUGUST 1802 Early in the morning I went off in the whale boat, with two daysprovisions, and made nearly a straight course up the port, for a lowpoint on the south shore called _South-trees Point_. The water was veryshallow, with many rocks and dry banks, until the southern entrance wasfairly open, when the depth varied between 7 and 3 fathoms; but there wasfrom 6 to 8 close to the low point. This forms the inner part of thesouthern entrance, and Gatcombe Head, the outer part, lies from it S. 64°E. About four miles; from the head southward, however, the width of thechannel is much less, being contracted by banks which extend out from theopposite shore. Seeing nothing of the brig, I proceeded in the examination, steeringwestward for a small island four or five miles up the port. This is thesouthernmost of six islets, lying behind the point of Hill View, and fromone of two hillocks upon it, another set of bearings was taken. The depthof water thus far, had varied from 8 fathoms, to six feet upon a middleshoal; after which it deepened to 3, 4, and 7 fathoms, and there was 10close to the southern islet. The Lady Nelson made her appearance offGatcombe Head about noon; but not waiting for her, I went to a point onthe northern shore, near two miles higher up, where the water was so deepthat a ship might make fast to the rocks and trees: the soundings werevery irregular from the southern islet, but the least depth was 5fathoms. The port was here contracted to one mile in width; but it opened outhigher up, and taking a more northern direction, assumed the form of ariver. In steering across to the western shore, I carried from 8 to 4, and afterwards from 6 to 2 fathoms; when turning northward for two isletscovered with mangroves, the depth increased again to 7 fathoms. We triedto land upon a third islet, it being then sunset; but a surrounding bankof soft mud making the islet inaccessible, we rowed on upwards, andlanded with difficulty on the west shore before it became quite dark. Thebreadth of the stream here was about a mile; and the greatest depth 6fathoms at low water. SATURDAY 7 AUGUST 1802 In the morning, a small opening was observed in the opposite, easternshore; but reserving this for examination in returning, I proceededupwards with a fair wind, five miles further, when the greatest depth anywhere to be found was 3 fathoms. The stream then divided into two arms;the largest, about one mile in breadth, continuing its direction to theN. W. By N. , and apparently ending a little further up; the other runningwestward, but the greater part of both occupied by shallow water and mudbanks. Upon the point of separation, which is insulated at high water, there were some low, reddish cliffs, the second observed on the westshore; and from thence I set Mount Larcom at S. 15° 15' W. , distant sevenor eight miles. This station was nine miles above the steep point, where the port isfirst contracted, and the steep point is ten from Gatcombe Head; andconceiving it could answer no essentially useful purpose to pursue theexamination where a ship could not go, I returned to the small opening inthe eastern shore, opposite to where we had passed the night. There was 4fathoms in the entrance of this little branch; but it presently becameshallow, and I landed to ascend a hill which had but little wood at thetop. The sea was visible from thence; and the ship at the northernentrance of the port was set at N. 89½° E, and Mount Larcom S. 59½° W. The small, mangrove islets below this branch, were passed on the eastside in our way down, there being a narrow channel with from 3 to 5fathoms in it, close past two trees standing alone in the water; and atsunset we got on board the brig, lying at anchor off South-trees Point. Lieutenant Murray had found some difficulty in getting into the southernentrance, from a shoal which lay to the S. E. By E. , one mile and a halffrom Gatcombe Head. He passed on the north side of the shoal, and broughtdeep water as far as South-trees Point; but in steering onward, inmid-channel, had met with other banks, and was obliged to anchor. Idesired Mr. Murray to ascertain as he went out, whether there were anychannel on the south side of the shoal near Gatcombe Head; and quittingthe brig next morning [SUNDAY 8 AUGUST 1802], I landed on the largerisland to the south of the point of Hill View, to take angles; and soonafter nine o'clock, reached the ship. During my absence, the botanical gentlemen had been on shore every day, lieutenant Flinders had made astronomical observations, and boats hadbeen employed, though unsuccessfully, in fishing. No Indians had beenseen on the east side of the port, and I therefore gave a part of theship's company leave this afternoon, to land there and divert themselves. At eight in the evening a gun was heard in the offing; and by theguidance of our light, the Lady Nelson returned to her anchorage fourhours afterward. Mr. Murray had struck upon a reef, having kept too nearthe shore in the apprehension of missing the anchorage in the dark; buthis vessel did not appear to have sustained any other damage than themain sliding keel being carried away. As much time having been employed in the examination of this port as thevarious objects I had in view could permit, we prepared to quit it on thefollowing morning. This part of the East Coast had been passed in thenight by captain Cook; so that both the openings escaped his notice, andthe discovery of the port fell to our lot. In honour of admiral Sir RogerCurtis, who had commanded at the Cape of Good Hope and been so attentiveto our wants, I gave to it the name of PORT CURTIS; and the island whichprotects it from the sea, and in fact forms the port, was called _FacingIsland_. It is a slip of rather low land, eight miles in length, and fromtwo to half a mile in breadth, having Gatcombe Head for its southernextremity. The northern entrance to Port Curtis is accessible only to boats; butships of any size may enter the port by the southern opening. Mr. Murraydid not find any passage on the south side of the shoal near GatcombeHead, but could not say that none existed; he thought the deep channel tobe not more than a mile wide; but at half a mile from the head there wasfrom 6 to 10 fathoms, and the channel from thence leads fair up the portto beyond South-trees Point; I suspected, however, from the account givenby Mr. Murray, that there might be a second shoal, lying not so much as amile from the head, and one is marked in the plan accordingly, that shipsmay be induced to greater caution. There is good anchorage just withinGatcombe Head; and at a small beach there, behind a rock, is a rill offresh water, and wood is easily to be procured. I cannot venture to give any other sailing directions for going up thisport, than to run cautiously, with a boat ahead and the plan upon thebinnacle. Both the bottom and shoals are usually a mixture of sand, withmud or clay; but in the northern entrance, and off some of the upperpoints and islands where the tides run strong, the ground is in generalrocky. The country round Port Curtis is overspread with grass, and produces the_eucalyptus_ and other trees common to this coast; yet the soil is eithersandy or covered with loose stones, and generally incapable ofcultivation. Much of the shores and the low islands are overspread withmangroves, of three different species; but that which sends down roots, or rather supporters from the branches, and interweaves so closely as tobe almost impenetrable, was the most common. This species, the_Rhizophora Mangle_ of Linnaeus, is also the most abundant in the Eastand West Indies; but is not found at Port Jackson, nor upon the southcoast of this country. Granite, streaked red and black, and cracked in all directions, appearedto be the common stone in the upper parts of the port; but a stratifiedargillaceous stone was not unfrequent; and upon the larger island, lyingoff the point of Hill View, there was a softish, white earth, which Itook to be calcareous until it was tried with acids, and did not produceany effervescence. Traces of inhabitants were found upon all the shores where we landed, butthe natives kept out of sight after the little skirmish on the first dayof our arrival; they subsist partly on turtle, and possess bark canoesand scoop nets. We saw three turtle lying on the water, but were not sofortunate as to procure any. Fish seemed to be plentiful, and some werespeared by Bongaree, who was a constant attendant in my boat; and yet ourefforts with the seine were altogether unsuccessful. The shores aboundwith oysters, amongst which, in the upper parts of the port, was the kindproducing pearls; but being small and discoloured, they are of no value. The attempts made near the ship with the dredge, to procure largeroysters from the deep water, were without success. I saw no quadrupeds in the woods, and almost no birds; but there weresome pelicans, gulls, and curlews about the shores and flats. Fresh waterwas found in small pools on both sides of the northern entrance, and atthe point of Hill View I met with some in holes; but that which bestmerits the attention of a ship, is the rill found by Mr. Murray at theback of the small beach within Gatcombe Head. The _latitude_ of our anchorage at the northern entrance, from fourmeridian altitudes of the sun, is 23° 44' 16" south. Six sets of distances of the sun west of the moon, taken by lieutenantFlinders, would make the _longitude_ 151° 21' 22" east; the two timekeepers gave 151° 20' 10"; and fifty sets of distances, reduced fromBroad Sound by the survey, which I consider to be the best authority, place the anchorage in 151° 20' 15" east. These being reduced by the survey to the southern entrance, placeGatcombe Head in latitude 23° 52½° S. Longitude 151° 24' E. No _variations_ were observed at the anchorage; but two amplitudes offGatcombe Head gave 11° 11', and azimuths with three compasses, 10° 50'east, the ship's head being W. S. W. And W. N. W. These being reduced tothe meridian, will give the true variation to be 8° 40' east. This is an increase of near 2° from Bustard Bay; and seems attributableto the attraction of the granitic land which lay to the westward, anddrew the south end of the needle that way. The rise of _tide_ at the place where I slept near the head of the port, was no more than four feet; but upon the rocky islet in the northernentrance, there were marks of its having risen the double of thatquantity. The time of high water was not well ascertained, but it will bebetween eight and nine hours after the moon's passage over and under themeridian. MONDAY 9 AUGUST 1902 On getting under way at daylight of the 9th, to prosecute the examinationof the coast, the anchor came up with an arm broken off, in consequenceof a flaw extending two-thirds through the iron. The negligence withwhich this anchor had been made, might in some cases have caused the lossof the ship. [EAST COAST. KEPPEL BAY. ] In following the low and rather sandy shore, northward to Cape Capricorn, we passed within a rocky islet and another composed of rock and sand, four miles south-east of the cape, the soundings being there from 8 to 9fathoms; and at ten o'clock hauled round for Cape Keppel, which lies fromCape Capricorn N. 80° W. , ten miles. The shore is low, with some smallinlets in it, and sand banks with shoal water run off more than twomiles; at six miles out there is a hummocky island and four rocks, one ofwhich was at first taken for a ship. We passed within these, as captainCook had before done; and at half past two in the afternoon anchored inKeppel Bay, in 6 fathoms soft bottom, three-quarters of a mile from ahead on the east side of the entrance. My object in stopping at this bay was to explore two openings marked init by captain Cook, which it was possible might be the entrances ofrivers leading into the interior. So soon as the ship was secured, a boatwas sent to haul the seine, and I landed with a party of the gentlemen toinspect the bay from an eminence called _Sea Hill_. There were fourplaces where the water penetrated into the land, but none of theseopenings were large; that on the west side, in which were two islands, was the most considerable, and the hills near it were sufficientlyelevated to afford an extensive view; whereas in most other parts, theshores were low and covered with mangroves. These considerations inducedme to begin the proposed examination by the western arm; and early nextmorning [TUESDAY 10 AUGUST 1802] I embarked in the Lady Nelson, intendingto employ her and my whale boat in exploring the bay and inlets, whilstthe botanists made their excursions in the neighbourhood of the ship. The depth in steering for the western arm was from 6 to 9 fathoms, forabout one mile, when it diminished quickly to 2, upon a shoal whichseemed to run up the bay; the water afterwards deepened to 5 and 7fathoms, but meeting with a second shoal, the brig was obliged to anchor. I then went on in my boat for the nearest of the two islands, passingover the banks and crossing the narrow, deep channels marked in the plan. The two islands are mostly very low, and the shores so muddy and coveredwith mangroves, that a landing on the northern and highest of them couldbe effected only at the west end; but a hillock there enabled me to takean useful set of bearings, including Mount Larcom, which is visible fromall parts of this bay, as it is from Port Curtis. In the afternoon I proceeded up the western arm, having from 3 to 8fathoms close along the northern shore; and about four miles up, wherethe width was diminished to one mile, found a landing place, a rareconvenience here, and ascended a hill from whence there was a good view. At five or six leagues to the south, and extending thence north-westward, was a continuation of the same chain of hills which rises near BustardBay and passes behind Mount Larcom; but at the back of Keppel Bay itforms a more connected ridge, and is rocky, steep, and barren. Withinthis ridge the land is low, and intersected by various streams, somefalling into the western arm at ten or twelve miles above the entrance, and others into the south-west and south arms of the bay. The borders ofthe western arm, and of its upper branches so far as could be perceived, were over-run with mangroves; whence it seemed probable the water wassalt, and that no landing was practicable, higher than this station; thesun also was near setting when my bearings from _West-arm Hill_ werecompleted; and I therefore gave up the intention of proceeding further, and returned to the northern island in the entrance, to pass the night. It was high water here at seven in the evening, and the tide fell nineand a half feet; but the morning's tide rose to six and a half only[WEDNESDAY 11 AUGUST 1802]. In rowing out between the two islands, I hadfrom 8 to 3 fathoms; but shoal water in crossing from thence to theentrance of the south-west arm, where again there was 5 to 8 fathoms. Astrong wind from the south-eastward did not permit me to go up this arm, and the extensive flats made it impossible to land upon the south side ofthe bay; and finding that nothing more could be done at this time, Ireturned to the ship. The numerous shoals in Keppel Bay rendering the services of the LadyNelson in a great measure useless to the examination, I directedlieutenant Murray to run out to the hummocky island lying to thenorth-east from Cape Keppel, and endeavour to take us some turtle; forthere were no signs of inhabitants upon it, and turtle seemed to beplentiful in this neighbourhood. He was also to ascend the hills, andtake bearings of any island or other object visible in the offing; andafter making such remarks as circumstances might allow, to return notlater than the third evening. THURSDAY 12 AUGUST 1802 Next afternoon, I went, accompanied by the naturalist, to examine theeastern arm of the bay, which is divided into two branches. Pursuing theeasternmost and largest, with soundings from 6 to 3 fathoms, we came toseveral mangrove islands, about four miles up, where the stream changedits direction from S. S. E. To E. S. E. , and the deepest water was 2fathoms. A little further on we landed for the night, cutting a paththrough the mangroves to a higher part of the northern shore; but theswarms of musketoes and sand flies made sleeping impossible to all exceptone of the boat's crew, who was so enviably constituted, that theseinsects either did not attack him, or could not penetrate his skin. Itwas high water here at nine o'clock; and the tide afterwards fell betweenten and twelve feet. FRIDAY 13 AUGUST 1802 In the morning, I set Broad Mount in Keppel Bay at N. 61° 20' W. AndMount Larcom S. 8° 20' E; and we then steered onward in six to eight feetwater, amongst various little islands of mud and mangroves; the wholewidth of the stream being still more than half a mile, nearly the same asat the entrance. Three miles above the sleeping place the water began toincrease in breadth, and was 2 fathoms deep; and advancing further, ittook a direction more southward, and to our very agreeable surprise, brought us to the head of Port Curtis; forming thus a channel ofcommunication from Keppel Bay, and cutting off Cape Capricorn with apiece of land twenty-five miles in length, from the continent. I landed on the eastern shore, nearly opposite to the reddish cliffswhich had been my uppermost station from Port Curtis, and set Broad Mount in Keppel Bay at N. 60° 45' W. Mount Larcom, S. 16 15 W. Having found one communication, we rowed up the western branch near thereddish cliffs, hoping to get back to Keppel Bay by a second new passage;but after going two miles, with a diminishing depth from 4 fathoms tothree feet, we were stopped by mangroves, and obliged to return to themain stream. The tide was half ebbed when we came to the shallowest part of thecommunicating channel; and it was with much difficulty that the boatcould be got over. A space here of about two miles in length, appears tobe dry, or very nearly so, at low water; but it is possible that somesmall channel may exist amongst the mangroves, of sufficient depth for aboat to pass at all times of tide. We reached the entrance of the eastern arm from Keppel Bay, with the lastof the ebb; and took the flood to go up the southern branch. The depth ofwater was generally 3 fathoms, on the eastern side, and the width nearlyhalf a mile. This continued three miles up, when a division took place;in the smallest, which ran southward, we got one mile, and up the other, leading south-westward, two miles; when both were found to terminate inshallows amongst the mangroves. It was then dusk; and there being nopossibility of landing, the boat was made fast to a mangrove bush tillhigh water, and with the returning ebb, we got on board the ship ateleven o'clock. The Lady Nelson had returned from the hummocky island, without taking anyturtle. No good anchorage was found, nor was there either wood or waterupon the island, worth the attention of a ship. Mr. Murray ascended thehighest of the hummocks with a compass, but did not see any lands in theoffing further out than the Keppel Isles. SATURDAY 14 AUGUST 1802 I left the ship again in the morning, and went up the southern arm to alittle hill on its western shore; hoping to gain from thence a betterknowledge of the various streams which intersect the low land on thesouth side of the bay. This arm is one mile in width, and the depth in itfrom 3 to 6 fathoms; the shores are flat, as in other parts, and coveredwith mangroves; but at high water a landing was effected under the _SouthHill_, without much trouble. The sides of this little eminence are steep, and were so thickly covered with trees and shrubs, bound together andintertwisted with strong vines, that our attempts to reach the top werefruitless. It would perhaps have been easier to climb up the trees, andscramble from one to another upon the vines, than to have penetratedthrough the intricate net work in the darkness underneath. Disappointed in my principal object, and unable to do any thing in theboat, which could not then approach the shore within two hundred yards, Isought to walk upwards, and ascertain the communication between the southand south-west arms; but after much fatigue amongst the mangroves andmuddy swamps, very little more information could be gained. The smallfish which leaps on land upon two strong breast fins, and was first seenby captain Cook on the shores of Thirsty Sound, was very common in theswamps round the South Hill. There were also numbers of a small kind ofred crab, having one of its claws uncommonly large, being, indeed, nearlyas big as the body; and this it keeps erected and open, so long as thereis any expectation of disturbance. It was curious to see a file of thesepugnacious little animals raise their claws at our approach, and opentheir pincers ready for an attack; and afterwards, finding there was nomolestation, shoulder their arms and march on. At nine in the evening, the tide brought the boat under the hill, andallowed us to return to the ship. All the examination of Keppel Bay whichour time could allow, was now done; but a day being required for layingdown the plan of the different arms, I offered a boat on Sunday [15AUGUST 1802] morning to the botanists, to visit the South Hill, whichafforded a variety of plants; but they found little that had not beforefallen under their observation. A part of the ship's company was allowedto go on shore abreast of the ship, for no Indians had hitherto been seenthere; but towards the evening, about twenty were observed in companywith a party of the sailors. They had been met with near Cape Keppel, andat first menaced our people with their spears; but finding them inclinedto be friendly, laid aside their arms, and accompanied the sailors to theship in a good-natured manner. A master's mate and a seaman were, however, missing, and nothing was heard of them all night. MONDAY 16 AUGUST 1802 At daylight, two guns were fired and an officer was sent up the smallinlet under Sea Hill; whilst I took a boat round to Cape Keppel, in thedouble view of searching for the absentees and obtaining a set ofbearings from the top of the cape. This station afforded me a better viewof the Keppel Isles than any former one; and to the northward of themwere two high peaks on the main land, nearly as far distant as CapeManifold. Amongst the number of bearings taken, those most essential to theconnection of the survey were as under. Cape Capricorn, outer hummock, S. 79° 30' E. Mount Larcom, S. 6 10 E. The ship at anchor, S. 59 50 W. Highest peak near Cape Manifold, N. 25 10 W. Keppel Isles, outermost, called first lump, N. 0 45 E. Hummocky Island, N. 54° 35' to 61 40 E. On my return to the ship, the master's mate and seaman were on board. Theofficer had very incautiously strayed away from his party, after nativeshad been seen; and at sunset, when he should have been at the beach, heand the man he had taken with him were entangled in a muddy swamp amongstmangroves, several miles distant; in which uncomfortable situation, andpersecuted by clouds of musketoes, they passed the night. Next morningthey got out of the swamp; but fell in with about twenty-five Indians, who surrounded and took them to a fire place. A couple of ducks werebroiled; and after the wanderers had satisfied their hunger, andundergone a personal examination, they were conducted back to the ship insafety. Some of the gentlemen went to meet the natives with presents, andan interview took place, highly satisfactory to both parties; the Indiansthen returned to the woods, and our people were brought on board. TUESDAY 17 AUGUST 1802 The anchor was weighed at daylight of the 17th, but the wind and tidebeing unfavourable, it took the whole day to get into the offing; at duskwe came to, in 9 fathoms, mud and sand, having the centre of the hummockyisland bearing S. 72° E. Two leagues. A sketch of the island and of CapeKeppel was taken by Mr. Westall (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View 5. ) whilstbeating out of the bay. Keppel Bay was discovered and named by captain Cook, who sailed past itin 1770. A ship going in will be much deceived by the colour of thewater; for the shores of the bay being soft and muddy, the water runningout by the deep channels with the latter part of the ebb, is thick;whilst the more shallow parts, over which the tide does not then set, arecovered with sea water, which is clear. Not only are the shores for themost part muddy, but a large portion of the bay itself is occupied byshoals of mud and sand. The deep water is in the channels made by thetides, setting in and out of the different arms; and the best informationI can give of them, will be found by referring to the plan. The broadestof these channels is about two miles wide, on the east side of the bay;and our anchorage there near Sea Hill, just within the entrance, seems tobe the best for a ship purposing to make but a short stay. Wood is easilyprocured; and fresh water was found in small ponds and swamps, at alittle distance behind the beach. This is also the best, if not the soleplace in the bay for hauling the seine; and a fresh meal of good fish wasthere several times procured for all the ship's company. The country round Keppel Bay mostly consists either of stony hills, or ofvery low land covered with salt swamps and mangroves. Almost all theborders of the bay, and of the several arms into which it branches, areof this latter description; so that there are few places where it was notnecessary to wade some distance in soft mud, and afterwards to cutthrough a barrier of mangroves, before reaching the solid land. Mention has been made of the ridge of hills by which the low land on thesouth side of the bay is bounded. The upper parts of it are steep androcky, and may be a thousand, or perhaps fifteen hundred feet high, butthe lower sloping sides are covered with wood; Mount Larcom and the hillswithin the ridge, are clothed with trees nearly to the top; yet theaspect of the whole is sterile. The high land near the western arm, though stony and shallow in soil, is covered with grass, and trees ofmoderate growth; but the best part of the country was that near CapeKeppel; hill and valley are there well proportioned, the grass is of abetter kind and more abundant, the trees are thinly scattered, and thereis very little underwood. The lowest parts are not mangrove swamps, aselsewhere, but pleasant looking vallies, at the bottom of which are pondsof fresh water frequented by flocks of ducks. Cattle would find here atolerable abundance of nutritive food, though the soil may perhaps be nowhere sufficiently deep and good to afford a productive return to thehusbandman. After the mangrove, the most common trees round Keppel Bay are differentkinds of _eucalyptus_, fit for the ordinary purposes of building. Aspecies of _Cycas_, described by captain Cook (Hawkesworth, III. 220, 221) as a third kind of palm found by him on this coast, and bearingpoisonous nuts, was not scarce in the neighbourhood of West-arm Hill. Wefound three kinds of stone here: a greyish slate, quartz and variousgranitic combinations, and a soft, whitish stone, saponaceous to thetouch; the two first were often found intermixed, and the last generally, if not always lying above them. The quartz was of various colours, andsometimes pure; but never in a state of crystallisation. Wherever we landed there had been Indians; but it was near the ship only, that any of them made their appearance. They were described by thegentlemen who saw them, as stout, muscular men, who seemed to understandbartering better than most, or perhaps any people we had hitherto seen inthis country. Upon the outer bone of the wrist they had the same hardtumour as the people of Hervey's Bay, and the cause of it was attempted, ineffectually, to be explained to one of the gentlemen; but as cast netswere seen in the neighbourhood, there seems little doubt that the mannerof throwing them produces the tumours. These people were not devoid ofcuriosity; but several things which might have been supposed most likelyto excite it, passed without notice. Of their dispositions we had everyreason to speak highly, from their conduct to our sailors; butparticularly to the master's mate and seaman who had lost themselves, andwere absolutely in their power. On the morning we quitted the bay, alarge party was again seen, coming down to the usual place; which seemedto imply that our conduct and presents had conciliated their good will, and that they would be glad to have communication with another vessel. It is scarcely necessary to say, that these people are almost black, andgo entirely naked, since none of any other colour, or regularly wearingclothes, have been seen in any part of Terra Australis. About their fireplaces were usually scattered the shells of large crabs, the bones ofturtle, and the remains of a parsnip-like root, apparently of fern; andonce the bones of a porpoise were found; besides these, they doubtlessprocure fish, and wild ducks were seen in their possession. There arekangaroos in the woods, and several bustards were seen near Cape Keppel. The mud banks are frequented by curlews, gulls, and some lesser birds. Oysters of a small, crumply kind, are tolerably plentiful; they do notadhere to the rocks, but stick to each other in large masses on thebanks; here are also pearl oysters, but not so abundantly as in PortCurtis. The _latitude_ of our anchorage, from the mean of three meridianaltitudes to the north, was 23° 29' 34" south. _Longitude_ from twenty-four sets of distances of the sun and moon, theparticulars of which are given in Table I. Of Appendix No. I. To thisvolume, 151° 0' 28"; but from fifty other sets, reduced by the surveyfrom Broad Sound, the better longitude of the anchorage is 150° 58' 20"east. According to the time keepers the longitude would be 150° 57' 43"; and inan interval of six days, they were found to err no more than 5" oflongitude on the Port-Jackson rates. From three compasses on the binnacle, lieutenant Flinders observed the_variation_ 6° 48', when the ship's head was north, and 5° 47' when itwas south-south-east. This last being reduced to the meridian, the meanof both will be 6° 47' east, nearly the same as in Bustard Bay; but 2°less than was observed off Gatcombe Head. At the different stations roundKeppel Bay whence bearings were taken, the variation differed from 5° 10'to 6° 30' east. Whilst beating off the entrance, I had 7° 52' east variation, fromazimuths with the surveying compass when the head was N. W. , and from anamplitude, with the head N. By W. , 6° 54'; the mean reduced to themeridian. Will be for the outside of the bay 6° 16' east. Captain Cook had 7° 24' near the same situation, from amplitudes andazimuths observed in 1770, with the Endeavour's head W. N. W. The rise of _tide_ in the entrance of Keppel Bay seems to vary at theneaps and springs, from nine to fourteen feet, and high water to takeplace _nine hours and a half_ after the moon's passage over and under themeridian; but the morning's tide fell two or three feet short of that atnight. The set past the ship was greatest at the last quarter of theflood and first of the ebb, when it ran two-and-half knots, and turnedvery suddenly. In the offing, the flood came from the eastward, at therate of one mile per hour. CHAPTER II. The Keppel Isles, and coast to Cape Manifold. A new port discovered and examined. Harvey's Isles. A new passage into Shoal-water Bay. View from Mount Westall. A boat lost. The upper parts of Shoal-water Bay examined. Some account of the country and inhabitants. General remarks on the bay. Astronomical and nautical observations. [EAST COAST. FROM KEPPEL BAY. ] AUGUST 1802 The rocks and islands lying off Keppel Bay to the northward, are numerousand scattered without order; two of them are of greater magnitude thanthe rest, and captain Cook had attempted to pass between these and themain land, from which they are distant about five miles; but shoal waterobliged him to desist. When we got under way in the morning of the 18th[WEDNESDAY 18 AUGUST 1802], our course was directed for the outside ofthese two islands, and we passed within a mile of them in 9, and fromthat to 13 fathoms water. They are five miles asunder, and thesouthernmost and largest is near twelve in circumference; its rocky hillsare partly covered with grass and wood, and the gullies down the sides, as also the natives seen upon the island, implied that fresh water was tobe had there. [EAST COAST. CAPE MANIFOLD. ] At the back of the islands the main coast is low and sandy, with theexception of two or three rocky heads; but at a few miles inland there isa chain of hills, moderately elevated and not ill clothed with wood. These hills are a continuation of the same which I had ascended on thewest side of Keppel Bay, and extend as far as the two peaks behind CapeManifold. After passing the Keppel Isles we steered for a small opening in thecoast, seven or eight miles to the north-west, and the Lady Nelson wasdirected to lead in; but on her making the signal for 3 fathoms, and theinlet appearing to be a sandy cove fit only for boats, we kept onnorthward, between one and two miles from the shore. At five o'clock, thesouth-east breeze died away, and a descent of the mercury announcingeither little wind for the night or a breeze off the land, a kedge anchorwas dropped in 8 fathoms, sandy bottom. The bearings then taken were, Keppel Isles, the first lump, S. 45° E. C. Manifold, east end of the island near it, N. 9 E. Peaked islet in the offing, N. 28½ E. Flat islet, distant four or five leagues, N. 43 E. The two last are called the Brothers. , in captain Cook's chart; thoughdescribed in the voyage as being, one "low and flat, and the other highand round. " A perforation in the higher islet admits the light entirelythrough it, and is distinguishable when it bears nearly south-east. THURSDAY 19 AUGUST 1802 At seven next morning, having then a light air from the land with foggyweather, we steered northward along the coast; and at noon were inlatitude 22° 47¾', and two rocks near the shore bore S. 54° W. Two orthree miles. From that time until evening, we worked to windward againsta breeze from the north-east, which afterwards veered to N. N. W. ; and atnine o'clock, a small anchor was dropped in 14 fathoms, two miles fromthe shore. The Lady Nelson had fallen to leeward; and made no answer toour signals during the night. FRIDAY 20 AUGUST 1802 At daylight, supposing the brig had passed us by means of a shift of windto W. N. W. , we proceeded along the coast to the island lying off CapeManifold. This island, with some of the northern hills, had been sketchedby Mr. Westall (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View 6. ) on the preceding evening; itis slightly covered with vegetation, and lies in latitude 22° 42', andlongitude 150° 50'. The cape is formed of several rocky heads andintermediate beaches; and the hills behind, from which the cape wasnamed, rise one over the other to the two peaks set from Cape Keppel, andappeared to be rocky and barren. The easternmost, and somewhat thehighest peak, is about four miles from the shore, and lies S. 49° W. Fromthe east end of the island whose situation is above given. The wind was from the northward at noon, and we were then making astretch for the land, which was distant four or five miles. Latitude, observed to the north, 34° 36½'C. Manifold, east end of the island, S. 1 W. C. Manifold, the highest peak, S. 30½ W. Small isle (Entrance I. ) at the northern extreme, N. 29 W. Peaked islet in the offing, distant 7 miles, S. 61 E. From Cape Manifold the coast falls back to a sandy beach, six miles long, and near it are some scattered rocks. The land is there very low; but atthe north end of the beach is a hilly projection, from which we tacked atone o'clock, in 12 fathoms; being then within a mile of two rocks, andtwo miles from the main land. The brig was seen to the south-eastward, and we made a long stretch off, to give her an opportunity of joining, and at two in the morning [SATURDAY 21 AUGUST 1802] lay by for her; butthe wind veering to south-west at five, we stretched in for the land, andapproached some rocky islets, part of the Harvey's Isles of captain Cook, of which, and of the main coast as far as Island Head, Mr. Westall made asketch (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View 7). At half past nine, when we tackedfrom Harvey's Isles, I was surprised to see trees upon them resemblingthe pines of Norfolk Island; none such having been before noticed uponthis coast, nor to my knowledge, upon any coast of Terra Australis. Pineswere also distinguished upon a more southern islet, four miles off, thesame which had been the northern extreme at the preceding noon; andbehind it was a deep bight in the land where there seemed to be shelter. The breeze had then shifted to south, and the Lady Nelson being towindward, the signal was made for her to look for anchorage; but the brigbeing very leewardly, we passed her and stood into the bight by anopening between the islets of one mile wide and from 10 to 7 fathoms indepth. On the soundings decreasing to 5, we tacked and came to an anchornear the pine island in the entrance, in 7 fathoms coarse sand, exposedbetween N. 75° and S. 23° E, and the wind was then at south-east; buthaving a fair passage by which we could run out to the northward. , incase of necessity, I did not apprehend any danger to the vessels. [EAST COAST. PORT BOWEN. ] Instead of a bight in the coast, we found this to be a port of someextent; which had not only escaped the observation of captain Cook, butfrom the shift of wind, was very near being missed by us also. I named itPORT BOWEN, in compliment to captain James Bowen of the navy; and to thehilly projection on the south side of the entrance (see the sketch), Igave the appellation of Cape Clinton, after colonel Clinton of the 85th, who commanded the land, as captain Bowen did the sea forces at Madeira, when we stopped at that island A boat was despatched with the scientific gentlemen to the north side, where the hills rise abruptly and have a romantic appearance; anotherwent to the same place to haul the seine at a small beach in front of agully between the hills, where there was a prospect of obtaining freshwater; and a third boat was sent to _Entrance Island_ with the carpentersto cut pine logs for various purposes, but principally to make a mainsliding keel for the Lady Nelson. Our little consort sailed indifferentlyat the best; but since the main keel had been carried away at FacingIsland, it was as unsafe to trust her on a lee shore, even in moderateweather. On landing at Entrance Island, to take angles and inspect theform of the port, I saw an arm extending behind Cape Clinton to thesouthward, which had the appearance of a river; a still broader arm ranwestward, until it was lost behind the land; and between Entrance Islandand Cape Clinton was a space three miles wide, where nothing appeared toobstruct the free passage of a ship into both arms. Finding the port tobe worthy of examination, and learning that the seine had been successfuland that good water was to be procured, I left orders with lieutenantFowler to employ the people in getting off pine logs and watering theship; and early next morning [SUNDAY 22 AUGUST 1802], set off in my whaleboat upon an excursion round the port. From the ship to the inner part of Cape Clinton the soundings were from 5to 8 fathoms, on a sandy bottom; but close to the innermost point therewas no ground at 10 fathoms. From thence I steered up the western arm, passing to the south of a central rock lying a mile out; and got withdifficulty to the projection named _West-water Head_. The arm terminateda little further on; but to the northward, over the land, I saw a longshallow bay at the back of Island Head, and beyond it was the sea. Thiswestern arm being full of sandy shoals, and of no utility, if at allaccessible to ships, I observed the latitude and took angles, and thenreturned to the inner part of Cape Clinton. In rowing to the southward, close along the inside of the cape, we had from 3 to 9 fathoms water; butit was too late in the evening to make an examination of the southernarm, and I therefore ascended a hill near the shore, to inspect it. Thiswas called _East-water Hill_, and I saw from its top, that the southernarm extended S. 16° W. About seven miles, to the foot of the hills behindCape Manifold, where it terminated in shallows and mangroves. Close underEastwater Hill there was a small branch running eastward, nearlyinsulating Cape Clinton; but neither this branch nor the main arm seemedto be deep enough to admit a ship much higher than the cape; and inconsequence, I gave up the further examination, and returned on board atseven o'clock. Amongst the useful bearings for the survey, taken at Eastwater Hill, werethe following: Entrance Island, centre, N. 9° 45' E. Peaked Islet in the offing, S. 58 45 E. Cape Manifold, east end of the island, S. 29 40 E. Cape Manifold, highest of the two peaks, S. 3 20 W. By means of this last bearing, the longitude of Port Bowen was connectedwith Keppel Bay and Port Curtis, independently of the time keepers. A fresh wind from the south-eastward had blown all day, and raised somuch surf on the north side of the port, that our watering there was muchimpeded; a midshipman and party of men remained on shore with casks allnight, and it was not until next evening [MONDAY 23 AUGUST 1802] that theholds were completed and pine logs got on board. The water was very good;it drained down the gully to a little beach between two projecting beadswhich have rocky islets lying off them. The gully is on the west side ofthe northern entrance, and will easily be known, since we sent there onfirst coming to an anchor, in the expectation of finding water, but Mr. Westall's sketch will obviate any difficulty (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View9). There were pine trees in the watering gully and on the neighbouringhills; but the best, and also the most convenient, were those uponEntrance Island, some of them being fit to make top masts for ships. Thebranches are very brittle; but the carpenter thought the trunks to betough, and superior to the Norway pine, both for spars and planks:turpentine exudes from between the wood and the bark, in considerablequantities. For a ship wanting to take in water and pine logs, the most convenientplace is under Entrance Island, where we lay in the Investigator; indeedfresh water was not found in any other place; but this anchorage is nottenable against a strong south-east wind. At the entrance of the southernarm, just within Cape Clinton, a ship may lie at all times in perfectsafety; and might either be laid on shore or be hove down, there being 3fathoms close to the rocks, at each end of the beach; it is moreoverprobable, that fresh water might be there found, or be procured bydigging at the foot of the hills. In the southern arm the bottom ismuddy; but it is of sand in other parts of the port. Of the country round Port Bowen not much can be said in praise; it is ingeneral either sandy or stony, and unfit for cultivation; nevertheless, besides pines, there are trees, principally _eucalyptus_, of moderatesize, and the vallies of Cape Clinton are overspread with a tolerablygood grass. No inhabitants were seen, but in every part where I landed, fires had been made, and the woods of Cape Clinton were then burning; thenatives had also been upon Entrance Island, which implied them to havecanoes, although none were seen. There are kangaroos in the woods; hawks, and the bald-headed mocking bird of Port Jackson are common; and ducks, sea-pies, and gulls frequent the shoals at low water. Fish were moreabundant here than in any port before visited; those taken in the seineat the watering beach were principally mullet, but sharks and flying fishwere numerous. The _latitude_ of the north-west end of Entrance Island, from anobservation taken by lieutenant Flinders in an artificial horizon, is 22°28' 28" south. _Longitude_ from twelve sets of lunar distances by the same officer, 150°47' 54"; and by the time keepers, 150° 45' 36"; but from the fifty setswhich fix Broad Sound, and the reduction from thence by survey, the morecorrect situation will be 150° 45' 0" east. _Dip_ of the south end of the needle, 50° 20'. _Variation_ from azimuths with the theodolite, 7° 40' east; but on thetop of the island, where my bearings were taken, the variation appearedto be 8° 30' east; and 8° in other parts of the port. The time of high water, as near as it could be ascertained, was _tenhours after_ the moon's passage over and under the meridian, being halfan hour later than in Keppel Bay; and the tide rises more than nine feet, but how much was not known; it is however to be presumed, from what wasobserved to the south and to the north of Port Bowen, that the springtides do not rise less than fifteen feet. TUESDAY 24 AUGUST 1802 At daylight of the 24th, we steered out of Port Bowen by the northernpassage, as we had gone in. The wind was from the westward; but so light, that when the ebb tide made from the north-west at ten o'clock, it wasnecessary to drop the kedge anchor for a time. In the evening we came to, in 10 fathoms fine grey sand, one mile and a half from the main; beingsheltered between N. E. By E. And E. By S. By the same cluster of smallisles upon which the pine trees had been first seen. In the morning[WEDNESDAY 25 AUGUST 1802] we worked onward along the coast, against abreeze at north-west, till ten o'clock; when the tide being unfavourable, an anchor was dropped in 15 fathoms, sand and shells, near three islets, of which the middlemost and highest bore S. 29° E. , one mile: these werealso a part, and the most northern of Harvey's Isles. A boat was lowered down, and I landed with the botanical gentlemen on themiddle islet; where we found grass and a few shrubs, and also ants, grasshoppers, and lizards. Upon the rocks were oysters of the small, crumply kind, which seemed to indicate that the sea here is not violentlyagitated; and in the water we saw several large turtle, but were not ableto harpoon any of them. Several of the Northumberland Isles were in sightfrom the top of the islet, and the following observations were taken. Latitude, observed in artificial horizon, 22° 20' 42"Longitude, deduced from survey, 150 42Peaked Islet in the offing bore S. 35 35 E. Island Head, distant 3 miles, S. 82 45 W. Cape Townshend, the rock near it, N. 57 45 W. Northumberland Isle, the 4th, a peak, N. 43 30 W. When the tide slacked in the afternoon we stretched over towards IslandHead, and saw a canoe with two Indians, who made for the shore near aplace where the woods were on fire. At dusk we anchored in 18 fathoms, soft mud, in a bight between Island Head and Cape Townshend, at thebottom of which was an opening one mile wide, where captain Cook hadsuspected an entrance into Shoalwater Bay. The Lady Nelson had fallen toleeward, as usual; and not being come up in the morning [THURSDAY 26AUGUST 1802], the master was sent ahead of the ship in a boat, and westeered for the opening with a strong flood tide in our favour. From 22fathoms, the water shoaled to 12, and suddenly to 3, on a rocky bottom, just as we reached the entrance. A kedge anchor was dropped immediately;but seeing that the opening went through, and that the master had deepwater further in, it was weighed again, and we backed and filled thesails, drifting up with the tide so long as it continued to run. At nineo'clock the anchor was let go in 6 fathoms, sand and shells, one milewithin the entrance, the points of which bore N. 34° and S. 89° E. ; butthe extent of deep water was barely sufficient for the ship to swing at awhole cable. [EAST COAST. STRONG-TIDE PASSAGE. ] (Atlas, Plate XI. ) Lieutenant Flinders landed on the north side of the entrance, andobserved the latitude 22° 17' 53', from an artificial horizon; and a boatwas sent to haul the seine upon a beach on the eastern shore, where fishto give half the ship's company a meal was procured. We had no prospectof advancing up the passage until the turn of tide, at three in theafternoon; and I therefore landed with a party of the gentlemen, andascended the highest of the hills on the eastern side. From the top of itwe could see over the land into Port Bowen; and some water was visiblefurther distant at the back of it, which seemed to communicate withShoal-water Bay. Of the passage where the ship was lying, there was anexcellent view; and I saw not only that Cape Townshend was on a distinctisland, but also that it was separated from a piece of land to the west, which captain Cook's chart had left doubtful. Wishing to follow theapparent intention of the discoverer, to do honour to the noble family ofTownshend, I have extended the name of the cape to the larger island, anddistinguish the western piece by the name of _Leicester Island_. Besidesthese, there were many smaller isles scattered in the entrance ofShoal-water Bay; and the southernmost of them, named _Aken's Island_after the master of the ship, lies in a bight of the western shore. Outat sea there were more of the Northumberland Islands, further westwardthan those before seen, the largest being not less distant than fifteenleagues; Pier Head, on the west side of Thirsty Sound, was also visible;and in the opposite direction was the highest of the two peaks behindCape Manifold, the bearing of which connected this station with PortCurtis and Keppel Bay. The view was, indeed, most extensive from thishill; and in compliment to the landscape painter, who made a drawing fromthence of Shoal-water Bay and the islands, I named it Mount Westall. * Thebearings most essential to the connection of the survey, were these; Pier Head, the northern extreme, N. 62° 40' W. Aken's Island in Shoal-water Bay, N. 86 55 W. Pine Mount, on its west side, S. 80 40 W. Double Mount, S. 56 35 W. Cape Manifold. , highest peak behind it, S. 20 10 E. West-water Head in Port Bowen, S. 30 25 E. Northern Harvey's Isles, last station, N. 81 20 E. Cape Townshend, north-east extreme, N. 20 25 W. Northumberland Isles, the 4th, a peak, N. 26 25 W. [* A painting was made of this view, and is now in the Admiralty; but ithas not been engraved for the voyage. ] Mount Westall and the surrounding hills are stony, and of steep ascent;pines grow in the gullies, and some fresh water was found there, standingin holes. The lower hills are covered with grass and trees, as is alsothe low land, though the soil be shallow and sandy; the wood is mostly_eucalyptus_. No natives were seen during our walk, and only onekangaroo. At dusk in the evening, when we returned on board, I found the LadyNelson at anchor near us, and two boats absent from the ship. In haulingthem up to be hoisted in, the cutter had been upset from the rapidity ofthe tides, which ran above four knots, the man in her was thrown out, andthe boat went adrift. The man was taken up by the Lady Nelson; but theboatswain, who with two men in a small gig had gone after the cutter, wasnot heard of till next morning [FRIDAY 27 AUGUST 1802], when he returnedwithout any intelligence of his object, having been bewildered in thedark by the rapid tides in a strange place, and in danger of losinghimself. [EAST COAST. SHOAL-WATER BAY. ] On weighing the kedge anchor to go further up the passage, it came upbroken near the crown, having in all probability hooked a rock. The LadyNelson went one mile ahead, a boat was kept sounding close to the ship, and in this manner we drifted up with the flood tide, till half pasteight; when another kedge anchor was dropped in 7 fathoms, a short milefrom the land on each side, and two from the inner end of the opening. Lieutenant Fowler was immediately sent away in the whale boat, to searchfor the lost cutter; and in the mean time we weighed with the afternoon'sflood, to get through the passage. On approaching a low, triangularisland on the eastern shore, the depth diminished quick, and an anchorwas let go; but in swinging to it, the ship caught upon a bank of sandand shells where there was no more than twelve feet water. In half anhour the tide floated her off; and the whale boat having returned, butwithout any information of the cutter, it was kept ahead; and before darkwe anchored in 5 fathoms, at the entrance of Shoalwater Bay. The opening through which we had come was named _Strong-tide Passage_. Itis six miles long, and from one to two broad; but half the width is takenup by shoals and rocks, which extend out from each shore and sometimeslie near the mid-channel; and the rapid tides scarcely leave to a shipthe choice of her course. The bottom is rocky in the outer entrance, butin the upper part seems more generally to consist of sand and shells. Bythe swinging of the ship, it was high water _ten hours after_ the moon'spassage, and the rise was thirteen feet by the lead; but at the top ofthe springs it is probably two or three feet greater; and the rate atwhich the tides then run, will not be less than five miles an hour. Itwill be perceived, that I do not recommend any ship to enter Shoal-waterBay by this passage. SATURDAY 28 AUGUST 1802 In the morning, I went in the whale boat to the westward, both to searchfor the lost cutter and to advance the survey. In crossing the inner endof Strong-tide Passage, my soundings were 5, 4, 3, 2½, 2, 3 fathoms, to arock near the south end of Townshend Island, whence it appeared that thedeepest water was close to the Shoals on the eastern side. Aftersearching along the shore of Townshend Island. , and amongst the rockyislets near it, I crossed the western channel over to the south end ofLeicester Island; where a set of bearings was taken, and the latitudeobserved to be 22° 18' 17" from an artificial horizon. This channel isabout one mile wide, and I proceeded up it until a passage out to sea wasclearly distinguishable; but although there be from 4 to 7 fathoms with asoft bottom, the deep part is too narrow for a stranger to pass with aship. I returned on board in the evening, without having discovered anytraces of the lost cutter or seen any thing worthy of particular notice;unless it were three of the large bats, called flying foxes at PortJackson: when on the wing and at a distance, these animals might be takenfor crows. SUNDAY 29 AUGUST 1802 On the following morning, we got up the anchor and steered further intoShoal-water Bay. The land on the western side appeared to be high; and asthe botanists were likely to find more employment there, during the timeof my proposed expedition to the head of the bay, than they could promisethemselves at any other place, I was desirous of leaving the ship on thatside, in a situation convenient for them. After running three miles tothe westward, mostly in 3 fathoms, we anchored in 6, till four o'clock, and then again weighed. The soundings became very irregular; and at five, seeing a shoal which extended up and down the middle of the bay, wetacked from it and came to, in 5 fathoms soft bottom, it being then lowwater. Mount Westall bore N. 86° E. Leicester Island, the south end, N. 9 W. Pine Mount, S. 78 W. The western land was still six or seven miles distant, but there was noprospect of getting nearer, without taking time to make a previousexamination of the shoal; and I therefore embarked early next morning[MONDAY 30 AUGUST 1802] on board the brig, and proceeded towards the headof the Bay. Steering south-eastward, in a slanting course up the bay from the middleshoal, we had from 5 to 8 fathoms; and passed a shallow opening in theeastern low shore, four miles above Strong-tide Passage. Three mileshigher up there was another opening, near two miles in width; and thewind being then light and foul, I quitted the brig and proceeded threemiles up in my boat, when the arm was found to be divided into twobranches. Pursuing that which led eastward in a line for Port Bowen, andwas three-quarters of a mile wide, I carried a diminishing depth, from 6fathoms to six feet, above two miles further; and the branch thenterminated at the foot of a ridge of hills. I wished much to ascend thisridge, believing that Westwater Head in Port Bowen, lay close at theback; but the shore was so defended by mud flats and interwovenmangroves, that it was impossible to land. The other branch of the eastern arm led south-eastward, and was a milewide, with a depth of 6 fathoms as far as two miles above the division;it then separated into three, but the entrances were shallow and theborders every where muddy and covered with mangroves. I thereforereturned to the brig which had anchored at the entrance of the branch;and in the night, we dropped out of the eastern arm with the tide, to beready for going up the bay with the morning's flood. TUESDAY 31 AUGUST 1802 On the 31st, in steering for the middle of the bay, the brig groundedupon a spit which runs out from the south point of entrance to theeastern arm, and I believe extends so far down the bay as to join themiddle shoal near the ship. The bottom was muddy, and the rising tidesoon floated her; but our progress being slow, I went onward in the boatand got into a channel of a mile wide, with regular soundings from 6 to 4fathoms. Abreast of the eastern arm, the width of the bay had diminished to aboutfour miles; and in advancing upwards, I found it to go on contractinguntil, at four miles above the arm, the shores were less than one mileasunder, and the head of the bay assumed the form of a river, though thewater remained quite salt. The depth here was from 4 to 6 fathoms; andthe east side of the contracted part being a little elevated, I was ableto land and take a set of angles to fix its position. The width and depthcontinued nearly the same two miles higher up, to a woody islet in themiddle of the channel; where the latitude 22° 37' 6" was observed from anartificial horizon, and more bearings taken. A ship may get up as high as this islet, for the channel is no where lessthan half a mile wide, nor the depth in it under 3 fathoms; but there thestream divides into several branches, which appeared to terminate amongstthe mangroves, similar to the branches of the eastern arm. The largestruns S. S. E; and I could see three or four miles up it, near to the footof the hills behind Cape Manifold, where it probably ends, as did thesouthern arm of Port Bowen. The islet had been visited by Indians, and several trees upon it werenotched, similar to what is done by the people of Port Jackson when theyascend in pursuit of opossums. Upon the main, to the west of the islet, where I walked a mile inland, fire Places and other signs of inhabitantswere numerous, and still more so were those of the kangaroo; yet neitherthat animal nor an Indian was seen. Around the extinguished fires werescattered the bones of turtle, and the shells of crabs, periwinkles, andoysters of the small kind; and in the low grounds I observed many holes, made apparently by the natives in digging for fern roots. An iguana ofbetween two and three feet long, which lay upon the branch of a high treewatching for its prey, was the sole animal killed; but the mud banks arefrequented at low water by sea pies of both kinds, curlews, and smallcranes. The soil was stiff, shallow, and often stony; the vegetation consisted oftwo or three species of _eucalyptus_ and the _casuarina_, not thickly setnor large--of several kinds of shrubs, amongst which a small grass-treewas abundant--and of grass, with which the rest of the soil was thinlyoverspread. After making my observations, I rejoined the Lady Nelson two miles belowthe woody islet; but the wind blowing fresh up the bay, and the brigbeing leewardly, went on and with some difficulty landed on the westside, opposite to the entrance of the eastern arm. This part is stony;but equally low with the rest of the shores, and is probably an island athigh water. A confined set of bearings was taken here; and the sun beingthen nearly down and the brig at anchor, I went on board for the night. Next afternoon [WEDNESDAY 1 SEPTEMBER 1802], when the ebb tide enabledthe vessel to make progress against the strong north-west wind, we beatdown in a channel of between one and two miles wide, with soundings from2 to 8 fathoms; but they were not regular, for the depth was less in someparts of the middle than at the sides of the channel. The wind moderatedin the evening; and being then within three miles of the ship, I quittedthe brig, and got on board at sunset. One object of my research in this expedition had been the lost cutter, and orders had been left with lieutenant Fowler to send again intoStrong-tide Passage upon the same errand, but all was without success. During my absence, the naturalist and other gentlemen had gone over inthe launch to the west side of the bay, where they had an interview withsixteen natives; their appearance was described as being much inferior tothe inhabitants of Keppel and Hervey's Bays, but they were peaceable, andseemed to be very hungry. They had bark canoes which, though not so wellformed, were better secured at the ends than those of Port Jackson; andin them were spears neatly pointed with pieces of quartz, for strikingturtle. The number of bones lying about their fire places bespoke turtleto be their principal food; and with the addition of shell fish, andperhaps fern roots, it is probably their sole support. The same muddy flats which rendered landing so difficult in the upperparts of the bay, run off to some distance from the shore under _DoubleMount_; and the land is low for two or three miles back. The hills thenrise, ridge over ridge to a considerable elevation; and at the top areseveral hummocks, of which two, higher than the rest, obtained for thishigh land its present name. So far as the gentlemen were able to ascend, the hills were found to be tolerably well covered with pines and othertrees; and the soil of the vallies was better than in those near MountWestall on the opposite side of the bay. THURSDAY 2 SEPTEMBER 1802 Early on the 2nd the brig rejoined; and the wind being at S. By E. , westeered across towards Pine Mount, passing over the shoal in sixteenfeet. In crossing the middle channel, our soundings increased to 9, andthen diminished to less than 3 fathoms upon a second shoal, the width ofthe channel here being not quite three miles. On the west side of thesecond shoal is another channel, nearly as wide as the former; and thegreatest depth in it, reduced to low water as usual, was 8 fathoms. Thewater shoaled again suddenly on approaching the west side of the bay, andobliged us to veer round off; we then steered to pass within Aken'sIsland, intending to anchor in the West Bight behind it; but the depthnot being sufficient for the ship at low water, we came to in 4 fathoms, muddy bottom, one mile from the shore and two from Aken's Island, theeast end of which bore N. 27° W. Pine Mount is a single round hill with a high peaked top, standing abouttwo miles inland from the West Bight; and to obtain a set of bearingsfrom it which should cross those from Mount Westall, had induced me toanchor here; but finding my health too much impaired by fatigue toaccomplish a laborious walk, I sent the launch next morning [FRIDAY 3SEPTEMBER 1802] with the scientific gentlemen, and as an easier task, landed upon Aken's Island and took angles from the little eminence at itsnorth-east end. At every port or bay we entered, more especially after passing CapeCapricorn, my first object on landing was to examine the refuse thrown upby the sea. The French navigator, La Pérouse, whose unfortunatesituation, if in existence, was always present to my mind, had beenwrecked, as it was thought, somewhere in the neighbourhood of NewCaledonia; and if so, the remnants of his ships were likely to be broughtupon this coast by the trade winds, and might indicate the situation ofthe reef or island which had proved fatal to him. With such anindication, I was led to believe in the possibility of finding the place;and though the hope of restoring La Pérouse or any of his companions totheir country and friends could not, after so many years, be rationallyentertained, yet to gain some certain knowledge of their fate would doaway the pain of suspense; and it might not be too late to retrieve somedocuments of their discoveries. Upon the south-east side of Aken's Island, there was thrown up a confusedmass of different substances; including a quantity of pumice stone, several kinds of coral, five or six species of shells, skeletons of fishand sea snakes, the fruit of the pandanus, and a piece of cocoa-nut shellwithout bernacles or any thing to indicate that it had been long in thewater; but there were no marks of shipwreck. A seine was hauled upon thesmall beaches at the south end of the island, and brought on shore a goodquantity of mullet, and of a fish resembling a cavally; also a kind ofhorse mackerel, small fish of the herring kind, and once a sword fish ofbetween four and five feet long. The projection of the snout, or sword ofthis animal, a foot and a half in length, was fringed with strong, sharpteeth; and he threw it from side to side in such a furious way, that itwas difficult to manage him even on shore. A boat was sent in the evening to the foot of Pine Mount, for thenaturalist and his party, but returned without any tidings of them; andit was noon next day [SATURDAY 4 SEPTEMBER 1802] before they got onboard. They had reached the top of the mount, but were disappointed inthe view by the pines and underwood. In returning to the boat, a chaseafter a kangaroo had led one of the gentlemen out of his reckoning; andthis, with the labour of bringing down their prize, had prevented themfrom reaching the water side that night. Pine Mount is stony, but coveredwith large trees of the kind denoted by its epithet; the country betweenit and the water side is grassy, bears timber trees, and is of atolerably good soil, such as might be cultivated. There are small creeksof salt water in the low land; and in one of them a fish was shot whichfurnished the party with a dinner. Pine Mount is composed of the _greenstone_ of the German mineralogists;but in some other parts of the neighbourhood the stone seems to bedifferent, and contains small veins of quartz, pieces of which are alsoscattered over the surface. At Aken's Island there was some variety. Themost common kind was a slate, containing in some places veins of quartz, in a state nearly approaching to crystallization, and in others somemetallic substance, probably iron. The basis of most other parts of theisland was _greenstone_; but in the eastern cliffs there was a soft, whitish earth; and on the north-west side of the island, a part of theshore consisted of water-worn grains and small lumps of quartz, of coral, pumice stone, and other substances jumbled together, and concreted into asolid mass. Speaking in general terms of Shoal-water Bay, I do not conceive it tooffer any advantages to ships which may not be had upon almost any otherpart of the coast; except that the tides rise higher, and in the winterseason fish are more plentiful than further to the south. No fresh waterwas found, unless at a distance from the shore, and then only in smallquantities. Pine trees are plentiful; but they grow upon the stony hillsat a distance from the water side, and cannot be procured with any thinglike the facility offered by Port Bowen. The chart contains the bestinformation I am able to give of the channels leading up the bay, and ofthe shoals between them; but it may be added, that no alarm need beexcited by a ship getting aground, for these banks are too soft to doinjury. The shelving flats from the shores are also soft; and with themangroves, which spread themselves from high water at the neaps, up inthe country to the furthest reach of the spring tides, in some places formiles, render landing impossible in the upper parts of the bay, except atsome few spots already noticed. Were an English settlement to be made in Shoal-water Bay, the better soilround Pine Mount and the less difficulty in landing there, would causethat neighbourhood to be preferred. There is not a sufficient depth atlow water, for ships to go into the West Bight, by the south side ofAken's Island, and the north side was no otherwise sounded than inpassing; but there is little doubt that the depth on the north side isadequate to admit ships, and that some parts of the bight will affordanchorage and good shelter. The tides do not run strong in Shoal-water Bay, the rate seldom exceedingone knot; but they stir up the soft mud at the bottom. , and make thewater thick, as in Keppel Bay. I am not able to speak very accurately ofthe rise in the tide; but it may be reckoned at twelve or fourteen feetat the neaps, and from seventeen to eighteen at the springs. High watertakes place about _ten hours and a half after_ the moon's passage; but onthe east side of the bay, the flood runs up a full hour later. The _latitude_ of the north-east end of Aken's Island, from anobservation in the artificial horizon, is 22° 21' 35" south. _Longitude_ from twelve sets of distances of the sun and moon, taken bylieutenant Flinders, and reduced to the same place, 150° 18' 45"; butfrom the survey, and the position afterwards fixed in Broad Sound, it ispreferably 150° 15' 0" east. _Variation_ from azimuths taken with a theodolite at the same place, 9°48'; but the bearings on the top of the eminence showed it to be 9° 0'. The variation on shore, on the _west_ side of the bay, may therefore betaken at 9° 24' east. Upon Mount Westall on the east side, and at the south end of LeicesterIsland, it was from the bearings 8° 50'. Upon the small islet at the headof the bay, 9° 25'. At our anchorage on the west side of the bay, Mr. Flinders took azimuthswhen the ship's head was S. E. By E. , which gave 6° 31' by one compass;before he had done, the ship swung to the flood tide with her head W. N. W. , and two other compasses then gave 11° 27' and 11° 4': the meancorrected to the meridian, will be 8° 46' east. At an anchorage towards the east side of the bay, the same officerobserved the variation with two compasses, when the head was east, to be4° 49', or corrected, 7° 21' east. The difference in Strong-tide Passage, where the land was one mile to thesouth-south-east on one side, and the same to the west on the other, wasstill more remarkable; for when the head was N. E. By N. , an amplitudegave me 9° 10', or corrected, 10° 34' east. There might have been an error in any of the ship observations of half adegree; but I am persuaded that the attraction of the land, sometimes tothe east and sometimes west, as the ship was near one or the other sideof the bay, was the great cause of the difference in the correctedresults; and it will presently be seen, that the effect on a neighbouringpart of the coast was much more considerable. CHAPTER III. Departure from Shoal-water Bay, and anchorage in Thirsty Sound. Magnetical observations. Boat excursion to the nearest Northumberland Islands. Remarks on Thirsty Sound. Observations at West Hill, Broad Sound. Anchorage near Upper Head. Expedition to the head of Broad Sound:another round Long Island. Remarks on Broad Sound, and the surrounding country. Advantages for a colony. Astronomical observations, and remarks on the high tides. [EAST COAST. THIRSTY SOUND. ] SATURDAY 4 SEPTEMBER 1802 At noon September 4, when the botanical gentlemen returned from theirexcursion to Pine Mount, we made sail out of Shoal-water Bay with abreeze from the eastward. In steering north-west amongst the smallislands, the soundings were between 9 and 14 fathoms; and nearly the sameafterwards, in keeping at three or four miles from the coast. I intendedto go into Thirsty Sound; but not reaching it before dark, the anchor wasdropped in 8 fathoms, sandy bottom, when the top of Pier Head bore west, three miles. In the morning [SUNDAY 5 SEPTEMBER 1802] we ran into theSound, and anchored in 6 fathoms, with the points of entrance bearing N. 16° and S. 67° E. , one mile. The carpenters had for some time beenemployed in making a sliding keel for the Lady Nelson, from the pine logscut in Port Bowen; and being now finished, it was sent on board. The botanists landed upon the east shore, preferring the main land fortheir pursuits; and the launch was sent to haul the seine on that side, at a beach a little way up the Sound. I went to the top of Pier Head andtook bearings of the Northumberland Islands, as also of the points andhills of the coast to the east and west; the most essential of them tothe connexion of the survey, were as under: Mount Westall, station on the top, S. 63° 20' E. Aken's Island, station on the N. E. End, S. 43 10 E. Pine Mount, S. 25 5 E. Long Island, the north point, distant 8 miles, N. 65 5 W. Peaked Hill, west side of Broad Sound, N. 61 25 W. Northumberland I. , a peak, marked h, N. 22 25 W. Northumberland I. , No. 3 peak (of Percy Isles), N. 20 10 E. Captain Cook observed, when taking bearings upon the top of Pier Head, "that the needle differed very considerably in its position, even tothirty degrees, in some places more, in others less; and once he found itdiffer from itself no less than two points in the distance of fourteenfeet. " (Hawkesworth, III, 126); from whence he concluded there was ironore in the hills. I determined, in consequence, to make more particularobservations, both with the theodolite and dipping needle; and shallbriefly state the results obtained on this, and on the following day. Azimuths were taken, and the bearing of Mount Westall, distantthirty-four miles, was set at S. 63° 28' E. (true), whilst the theodoliteremained in the same place; and from a comparison between this bearingand those of the same object at different parts of the head, thevariations were deduced. The dip was observed with both ends of theneedle, and the face of the instrument changed each time. At the highest top of Pier Head, Var. 3° 25' E. Dip 53° 20' S. West, three yards from it, 6 10S. E. Three yards, 10 5S. S. E. , ten yards, 8 6 52 19North, four, 6 55N. E. , twenty, 6 50 50 35N. N. E. , one-sixth mile, at the water side, 7 6 50 28S. E. , one-third mile, at ditto, 8 2 50 50 There are here no differences equal to those found by captain Cook; butit is to be observed, that he used a ship's azimuth compass, probably notraised further from the ground than to be placed on a stone, whereas mytheodolite stood upon legs, more than four feet high. The dipping needlewas raised about two feet; and by its greater inclination at the top ofthe hill, shows the principal attraction to have been not far fromthence. The least dip, 50° 28', taken at the shore on the north side ofthe head, was doubtless the least affected; but it appears to have beenhalf a degree too much, for at Port Bowen, twenty-two miles furthersouth, it was no more than 50° 20'. An amplitude taken on board the shipin the Sound by lieutenant Flinders, when the head was S. S. W. , gavevariation 8° 39', or corrected to the meridian, 7° 40' east. As Pier Headlay almost exactly in the meridian, from the ship, its magnetism wouldnot alter the direction of the needle; and I therefore consider 7° 40' tobe very nearly the true variation, when unaffected by local causes: inPort Bowen, it varied from 7° 40' to 8° 30' east. Notwithstanding this very sensible effect upon the needle, bothhorizontally and vertically, I did not find, any more than captain Cook, that a piece of the stone applied to the theodolite drew the needle atall out of its direction; nevertheless I am induced to think, that theattraction was rather dispersed throughout the mass of stone composingPier Head, than that any mine of iron ore exists in it. The stone is aporphyry of a dark, blueish colour. MONDAY 6 SEPTEMBER 1802 On the 6th, at noon, when the observations were finished and I hadproposed to quit Thirsty Sound, the wind and tide were both against us. To employ the rest of the day usefully, I went over in the whale boat, accompanied by the landscape painter, to the 6th, 7th, and 8thNorthumberland Islands, which, with many low islets and rocks near them, form a cluster three or four leagues to the north-east of the Sound. Orders were left with lieutenant Fowler to get the ship under way asearly as possible on the following morning, and come out to meet us. Nearly mid-way between Pier Head and the cluster, lie some rockssurrounded with breakers; and until they were passed the depth was from 6to 8 fathoms, and 11 afterwards. We rowed to a beach at the north-westend of the 7th island, proposing there to pass the night, and hoped toturn some turtle; but proofs of natives having lately visited, or beingperhaps then on the island, damped our prospects, and still more did theabsence of turtle tracks; yet under each tree near the shore were theremains of a turtle feast. TUESDAY 7 SEPTEMBER 1802 In the morning I ascended the highest hill on the 7th island, and tookbearings; but the hazy weather which had come on with a strong wind at E. S. E. , confined them within a circle of three leagues. This island issomewhat more than a mile in length, and was covered with grass, butalmost destitute of wood; the rock is a greenish, speckled stone, withveins of quartz finely inserted, and is something between granite andporphyry. The 6th island is the largest of this little cluster, being twoand a half miles long; and it was well covered with wood. We rowed overto it with some difficulty on account of the wind, but could not sound inthe channel; it appeared to be deep, its least width three-quarters of amile, and in fine weather a ship might anchor there and procure pines fitfor top masts, at several places in the group. Water was found under thehills on the 6th island; but not in sufficient quantities for the purposeof a ship. I looked anxiously, but in vain, for lieutenant Fowler to come out ofThirsty Sound; for the wind blew so strong that it was uncertain whetherthe boat could fetch over, or that it was even safe to attempt it; ourprovisions, besides, were nearly exhausted, and nothing more substantialthan oysters could be procured. Pressed by necessity, we set off underclose-reefed sails; and the boat performing admirably, fetched the lowneck to leeward of Pier Head, whence another boat took us to the ship;and at high water in the evening, the whale boat floated over the neckand followed. When Mr. Fowler had weighed in the morning, according to my directions, the ship had driven so near the shore before the stream anchor was at thebows, that he let go the small bower; but the cable parted, and obligedhim to drop the best bower, being then in 3 fathoms water with the windblowing strong into the sound. By means of a warp to the brig, the bestbower was shifted into 4 fathoms; and when I got on board, the stream andsmall bower anchors had just been recovered. The weather tide made atnine in the evening, and we ran into 7 fathoms in the channel; and atdaylight stood out of the sound, with the brig in company, having then amoderate breeze at south-east. Of Thirsty Sound as a harbour, very little can be said in praise; thenorth-east and east winds throw in a good deal of sea, and there is notroom for more than three or four ships, without running up into thenarrow part; and what the depth may be there I did not examine, but sawthat there were shoals. The entrance of the sound may be known by tworound hills, one on each side, lying nearly north and south, one mile anda half from each other: the northernmost is Pier Head. The surroundingcountry is clothed with grass and wood; but on the Long-Island side thegrass is coarse, the trees are thinly scattered, and the soil is everywhere too stony for the cultivation of grain. There were many traces of natives, though none recent. Judging from whatwas seen round the fire places, turtle would seem to be their principalfood; and indeed several turtle were seen in the water, but we had notdexterity enough to take any of them. In fishing with the seine, at asmall beach two miles up the sound, we always had tolerably good success;but no fresh water accessible to boats could be found in theneighbourhood. The _latitude_ of Pier Head, from an observation made at the top in anartificial horizon, is 22° 6' 53" S. _Longitude_ from thirteen sets of distances of the sun west of the moon, observed by lieutenant Flinders, 149° 47' 50"; but by the survey and thefixed position in Broad Sound, with which the time-keepers agreed, itwill be more correctly 150° 0' 10" E. Captain Cook specifies the situation of Thirsty Sound to be in latitude22° 10', longitude 149° 42' (Hawkesworth, III, 128); but in the chartpublished by Mr. Dalrymple, it is 22° 7' and 149° 36', which agreesnearer with the deductions of Mr. Wales (_Astron. Obs. _ p. 135). Ineither case it appears, that my longitude was getting more eastward fromcaptain Cook as we advanced further along the coast. WEDNESDAY 8 SEPTEMBER 1802 The tides in Thirsty Sound were neaped at this time, and the rise, judging by the lead line, was from ten to twelve feet; but captain Cooksays, "at spring tides the water does not rise less than sixteen oreighteen feet, " which I have no doubt is correct. It ceases at _ten hoursand three quarters after_ the moon passes over and under the meridian. On quitting Thirsty Sound we steered north-westward, to pass round achain of rocks extending six miles out from Pier Head, and behind whichthere was a bight in Long Island, with some appearance of an opening. Itwas my intention to examine Broad Sound up to the furthest navigablepart, and we hauled up between the north point of Long Island and acluster of small isles lying three miles to the north-west; but findingthe water too shallow, and that it would be more advantageous to beginthe examination on the west side, I desired Mr. Murray to lead round the_North-point Isles_ and across the sound. A small reef lies between fourand five miles N. E. By E. From the largest and easternmost of theseisles; it is covered at half tide, and therefore dangerous, but we had 7to 8 fathoms at less than a mile distance, on the inside. At noon, the depth was 8 fathoms, the largest North-point Isle, which isnearly separated into two, was distant four miles, and our situation wasas under: Latitude observed to the north, 21° 56' 17"Pier Head top, bore S. 38 E. Northumberland Island, peak marked 'h', N. 15 W. North-point I. , westernmost, highest part, S. 56 W. North-point I. , largest, S. 37 to 16 W. In steering W. By N. , rippling water was seen ahead at one o'clock. Andthe depth diminishing to 4 fathoms, we hauled a little to the southwardand then resumed our course. This rippling seems to have been on a partof the same shoal near which captain Cook anchored in 3 fathoms; for itlies five miles from the North-point Isles, and as he says, "half waybetween them and three small islands which lie directly without them. " [EAST COAST. BROAD SOUND. ] Our course for the west side of Broad Sound passed close to some low, flat isles, lying to the south-east of the peaked West Hill set from PierHead. At dusk I sought to anchor behind the hill, for it had theappearance of being separated from the main land; but the water being tooshallow, we hauled off upon a wind. At ten o'clock, however, the breezehaving become light and the sea gone down, an anchor was dropped in 5fathoms, sandy bottom; whence the top of West Hill bore N. 68° W. Threemiles. A flood tide was found running from the N. N. E. , one mile and aquarter per hour. THURSDAY 9 SEPTEMBER 1802 In the morning I landed with the botanical gentlemen, and wished toascend the top of the hill; but the brush wood was too thick to bepenetrable. Upon a projecting head on the north-east side, I took a part, and about half way up the hill on the south-east side, the remainder of aset of bearings, which included many of the Northumberland Isles notbefore seen, and other of the Flat Isles within Broad Sound. The furthestvisible part of the main land towards Cape Palmerston, was distant aboutfive leagues, and behind it was a hill to which, from its form, I gavethe name of _Mount Funnel_; the shore both to the north and south waslow, and the Flat Isles to the southward of the ship were mostly over-runwith mangroves. I did not go round West Hill, and could not see whetherit were connected with the main land, or not; but if joined, it must beby a very low isthmus. The bearings at this station, most essential tothe connection of the survey, were these: Main coast, the extremes, N. 1° and S. 10° 45'E. Pier Head, the top, S. 61 25E. Northumberland Isles, peak marked 'h', N. 61 45E. Northumberland Isles, high northmost marked 'i', dist. 11 L. N. 19 15E. The stone of the hill had in it specks of quartz or feldtspath, and wasnot much unlike that of Pier Head; but it had a more basaltic appearance. A piece of it applied to the theodolite, drew the needle two degrees outof its direction, and yet the bearings did not show any great differencefrom the true variation; for an amplitude taken on board the ship by Mr. Flinders, when the head was N. N. E, gave 6° 18', or corrected to themeridian, 7° 17' east, and the variation on the eastern side of the hillwas 8° 15', according to the back bearing of Pier Head. From an observation of the sun's upper and lower limbs in an artificialhorizon, the latitude was 21° 50' 18", and the ship bore from thence S. 68° E. Two miles and a half; the latitude of the ship should thereforehave been 21° 51' 14"; but a meridian altitude observed to the north bylieutenant Flinders, gave 21° 49' 54"; and I believe that altitudes fromthe sea horizon can never be depended on nearer than to one minute, onaccount of the variability of the horizontal refraction. From this causeit was that, when possible, we commonly observed the latitude on boardthe ship both to the north and south, taking the sun's altitude one wayand his supplement the other, and the mean of the two results wasconsidered to be true; separately, they often differed 1', 2', and even3', and sometimes they agreed. The observation to the north most commonlygave the least south latitude, but not always, nor was there any regularcoincidence between the results and the heights of the barometer orthermometer; though in general, the more hazy the weather, the greaterwere the differences. At this time, the wind was light from the eastwardand weather hazy; the thermometer stood at 72°, and barometer at 30. 15inches. At two o'clock we got under way to go up Broad Sound, it being then nearlow water. After steering south-east one mile, the depth rapidlydiminished and we tacked; but the ship was set upon a bank of sand, whereshe hung five minutes and then swung off. I afterwards steered nearer tothe shore, in deeper water; and at dusk the anchor was dropped in 5fathoms, sandy bottom, between the Flat Isles and the main, West Hillbearing N. 35° W. Three leagues; the master sounded towards the coast, which was five miles off, and found the deepest water to be on that side. In the morning [FRIDAY 10 SEPTEMBER 1802] the wind had shifted to south, and we beat up in a channel formed by the Flat Isles and the shoalsattached to them, on one side, and the shelving banks from the maincoast, on the other. We had the assistance of a strong flood tide tilleleven o'clock; at which time the anchor was let go, one mile from thenorth end of the 4th Flat Island. I landed immediately, with the botanists; and at the south-east end ofthe island, which is a little elevated, took bearings and the meridianaltitude of both limbs of the sun from an artificial horizon. Thelatitude deduced was 22° 8' 33"; and the ship bearing N. 19° 30' W. , twomiles, it should have been for her, 22° 6' 40"; but lieutenant Flinders'observation to the north gave 22° 5' 19", or 1' 21" less, nearly as onthe preceding day; and it was ascertained that the difference aroseneither from the eye nor the instrument. Amongst the bearings were, West Hill, the top, N. 16° 40' W. Northumberland Isles. The peak marked 'h', N. 25 15 E. Long Island, extreme of the north point, N. 73 35 E. Upper Head, on the west shore up Broad Sound, S. 39 55 E. The 4th Flat Isle is about one mile long, and there is a smaller lyingoff its south-east end; they are a little elevated, and bear grass andsmall trees; but the shores are covered with mangroves, and surroundedwith extensive flats of mud and sand. The main coast, from which they lietwo or three miles, is also low, with mangroves and shelving mud banks;but there is a deep channel between, of a mile in width. In the evening, when the flood made, we steered into this channel with a lightsea-breeze; but not having time to clear it before dark, the anchor wasdropped in 4 fathoms at six o'clock. My attention was attracted this evening by the vast extent of mud leftdry on each side of the channel, and I ordered particular attention to bepaid to the tides during the night. At eleven o'clock, when the flood hadceased running, the depth was sounded and the lead line measured, and thesame at half past five in the morning [SATURDAY 11 SEPTEMBER 1802] whenit was low water; the difference was no less than thirty-two feet, and itwanted a day of being full moon; so that the springs may reach two orthree feet higher. The flood set S. By E. , but its greatest rate did notexceed one mile and three quarters an hour. At daylight the wind was south-east, directly against us. We backed andfilled, drifting up with the flood between the shoals on each side, andhaving the Lady Nelson and a boat ahead; but on approaching the end ofthe channel, our passage into the sound was blocked up by a bank runningacross, upon which there was not water enough for the ship by a fathom, and we therefore anchored. At nine the tide had risen a fathom. And wepassed over into the open sound; the depth immediately increasing to 4and 7 fathoms, reduced to low water. So long as the flood continuedrunning we worked up the sound; and when it ceased, anchored three milesfrom a shallow opening in the low western shore, the second which hadbeen observed. We again proceeded upwards with the evening's tide untildusk; and at nine next morning [SUNDAY 12 SEPTEMBER 1802] passed a fifthopening, and anchored abreast of the hilly projection on its east side, which I have named _Upper Head_, in 4 fathoms, soft bottom, two-thirds ofa mile from the shore. This was the first place on the main where therewas any prospect of being able to land; for the western shore, thus farup, was equally low, and as much over-run with mangroves and defended bymuddy flats, as the shores of Keppel Bay. It being my intention to explore the head of Broad Sound with the brigand whale boat, a situation where tents could be fixed and an easycommunication held with the ship during my absence, was the object nowsought; and I immediately went with a party of the gentlemen, toascertain how far Upper Head was calculated for our purpose. We landed athalf flood, without difficulty; and on ascending the hill, obtained aview of the Sound which exceeded my expectations. Amongst the manybearings taken, were the following fixed points in the survey. Pine Mount, of Shoal-water Bay, S. 84° 38' E. Pier Head, the western part, N. 36 7 E. West hill, the top, N. 28 5 W. Flat Isles, the 4th, station there, N. 39 53 W. The breadth of the Sound, from Upper Head over to the inner end of LongIsland, appeared to be three leagues, but it contracted upwards, andassumed the same river-like form as Shoalwater Bay; and it was to befeared, from the mangrove shores and muddiness of the water, that itwould terminate in the same manner. No shoals could be thendistinguished; but towards low water in the evening I again ascended thehill, and saw to my regret, that the upper parts were mostly occupiedwith banks of mud and sand, many of which were dry, and extended downwardpast the inner entrance of Thirsty Sound. Amongst the banks were variouschannels; but that of about two miles wide where the ship lay, was by farthe most considerable. The small fifth opening, close on the west side ofUpper Head, ran some miles in the low land towards the foot of a ridge ofhills, lying three or four leagues at the back of the shore; but thegreater part of this inlet was also taken up by mud banks, and theborders covered with mangroves. There was no fresh water at Upper Head, nor did I see any prospect of obtaining wherewith to complete the holdsof the two vessels before leaving the coast; unless it were at a place alittle higher up on the same side, to which the appearance of anotheropening between two hills, induced me to move the ship. MONDAY 13 SEPTEMBER 1802 Next morning, when the flood made, we drifted upwards, with the LadyNelson and a boat sounding ahead. After advancing three miles the brigsuddenly took the ground, and we dropped a stream anchor; but in swingingto it, the ship was caught upon a bank of quick sand in eleven feet; andthe tide running strong upon the broad side, it made her heel in a mannerto excite alarm. The sails were immediately clewed down, and thetop-gallant yards struck; and it appearing that the stream anchor allowedthe ship to drive further up the bank as the tide rose, the best bowerwas let go, and then she righted and swung to the tide. The Lady Nelsonalso got off safe; but a part of the after sliding keel was carried away. I went in a boat to examine the place which had presented the appearanceof an opening; but it proved to be only a bending in the shore, and themud banks and mangroves did not admit of landing; we therefore went backwith the returning ebb to Upper Head, and moored the ship nearly in ourfirst situation; where there was something more than 3 fathoms all round, at low water. TUESDAY 14 SEPTEMBER 1802 On the following morning, the time keepers and other instruments weresent on shore under the charge of lieutenant Flinders, with two of theyoung gentlemen to assist him, and a guard of marines for the protectionof the tents. It had appeared from the survey, that the time keepers werelosing more than the Port-Jackson rates supposed; and before quittingthis coast for the Gulph of Carpentaria, it was necessary to take freshobservations. Mr. Flinders undertook as usual to perform this service, whilst I should be absent up the Sound; and lieutenant Fowler wasdirected to examine and air all the stores, and make the ship ready forsea against my return. Having made these dispositions, I embarked in the Lady Nelson with thenaturalist, taking my whale boat and surveying instruments. We had astrong flood tide; and after grounding on a bank, anchored eleven milesabove the ship, in 3 fathoms, that being the greatest depth to be found. It was then high water; and the brig being expected to be left dry by theebb, we prepared for it by mooring, to prevent all chance of settling onthe anchor, and hove up the fore and after keels; the new main keel beingswelled by the wet, could not be raised, and when it took the ground, thevessel turned about violently and dragged both the anchors, until thekeel broke off, and then she lay easy. At low water, the seamen went out upon the dry flat and found the bestbower cable parted, and the anchor so far buried in the quicksand, thatit could not be raised. At ten o'clock the flood tide came rolling in, and presently set the brig afloat; the anchor was then weighed with ease, by means of a hawser previously bent to it, and the vessel rode by thesmall bower, against a tide which ran at the strongest between four andfive knots. WEDNESDAY 15 SEPTEMBER 1802 The Lady Nelson again took the ground at six in the morning. On soundingover to the east shore, distant half a mile, I found a small channelleading upwards, with four or five feet more water in it than where thebrig lay; the western shore was two miles distant over a silty flat, which was dry at low water and level as a race ground. At eleven, the flood came in, six or eight inches perpendicular, with aroaring noise; and so soon as it had passed the brig, I set off with Mr. Brown and Mr. Lacy in the whale boat, to follow it up the small channelon the eastern shore; and having a fair wind we outran the tide and weresometimes obliged to wait its rising before we could proceed. At the endof six miles the small channel led across to the western side; and therare opportunity of a landing place induced me to pitch our tent therefor the night: two miles higher up, the whole breadth of the Sound wasreduced to half a mile. The country here was a stiff, clayey flat, covered with grass, and seemedto have been overflowed at spring tides; though the high water of thisday did not reach it by five feet. Three or four miles to the southwardthere were some hills, whence I hoped to see the course of the stream upto its termination; and having time before dark, we set off. The grass ofthe plain was interspersed with a species of sensitive plant, whoseleaves curled up in, and about our footsteps in such a manner, that theway we had come was for some time distinguishable. From the nearest ofthe small hills, I set the bearings of Double and Pine Mounts, our tent, and the brig at anchor, by which this station was fixed as in the chart;but in order to reconcile the bearings, I found it necessary to allow 12°of east variation. Towards Double Mount and Shoal-water Bay, the country consisted ofgently-rising hills and extensive plains, well covered with wood andapparently fertile. The stream at the head of Broad Sound could not betraced from hence more than three or four miles above the tent; but itmay possibly run up much further to the south-eastward, though too smallto be distinguished in the wood, or to be navigable for boats. To thesouth and westward there was a ridge of high land, which appeared to be aprolongation of the same whence the upper branches of Port Bowen andShoal-water Bay take their rise, and by which the low land and small armson the west side of Broad Sound are bounded. A similar ridge ran behindPort Curtis and Keppel Bay, and it is not improbable that the two areconnected, and of the same substance; for at Port Curtis the basis stoneof the country was a granite, and this small hill was the same. It hasbeen more than once observed, that granite is amongst the substanceswhich exert an influence upon the magnetic needle; and it is to theattraction of the ridge of mountains to the south and westward, that Iattribute the great variation found in the bearings at this station. We returned to the tent at sunset; and there passed a disagreeable nightamongst musketoes, sand flies, and ants. At four in the morning [THURSDAY16 SEPTEMBER 1802] the ebb had made, and we embarked in the boat; but thedepth of water was so little that we could not proceed, and were obligedto re-land and wait for the following tide; not without apprehension ofbeing left till the next springs came on. At two in the afternoon theflood came up rapidly, and in half an hour it was high water; we set offimmediately, and after some trouble from the shoals, reached the brig atfive o'clock. Mr. Murray got under way at three the next morning [FRIDAY17 SEPTEMBER 1802] to beat down to Upper Head, the wind being from thenorthward; but the Lady Nelson getting aground, I went off with Mr. Brownin my boat, and reached the ship at seven o'clock, and in the evening, the brig arrived. Lieutenant Fowler had gone through the most essential duties, and theship was nearly ready for sea; but on landing at the tents I found thatthe time keepers had been let down, and the business of finding new ratesfor them was to be recommenced. This accident would require a week to berepaired; and being unwilling to remain so long inactive, I determined toleave Mr. Flinders at Upper Head, and take the ship over to the inner endof Thirsty Sound, where it appeared there was something to correct incaptain Cook's chart. SATURDAY 18 SEPTEMBER 1802 The Lady Nelson had lost two sheets of copper, and the trunks of thesliding keels required some reparation; I therefore desired lieutenantMurray to lay his vessel on shore and get these matters arranged, to cutwood for himself, and be ready to sail in a week for Torres' Strait; andhis stock of water was completed out of the Investigator. SUNDAY 19 SEPTEMBER 1802 On the 19th in the morning we unmoored the ship, and a little before lowtide stretched over towards Thirsty Sound; but the numerous shoals to beencountered, and which cannot be concisely described otherwise than in achart, caused much delay; and it was near noon of the day following[MONDAY 20 SEPTEMBER 1802] before we anchored at the south end of LongIsland, in 3 fathoms, and about one mile from the low mangrove shore. Atthe south end of the island was a small hill, bearing S. 55° E. One mileand a half from the ship, where I landed with a party of the gentlemen;it forms the west point of the inner entrance to Thirsty Sound, as somelow red cliffs, one mile and a half distant, do the east point; but ashoal, dry at low water, lies in the middle, and the channels on eachside are not calculated for a ship. The small hill was found to be on adetached islet one mile long, the greater part of which is mud coveredwith mangroves; the hill is partly excavated by an arched way runningthrough it, and the stone is of a mixed red and white colour, and of anochry consistence. From the highest top, I set: Upper Head, bearing S. 28° 22' W. Double Mount. S. 53 20 E. Pine Mount, S. 61 5 E. These bearings place the inner end of Thirsty Sound in latitude 22° 16';and curtail the distance of thirty miles from Pier Head in captain Cook'schart, to twelve miles and a half. TUESDAY 21 SEPTEMBER 1802 On the 21st, the botanical gentlemen went over in the launch to the eastside of Thirsty Sound, the main land having been always found moreproductive in the objects of their pursuit, than any island howeverlarge. I went to examine along the west side of Long Island; but had notproceeded two miles before an opening presented itself amongst themangroves. It led to the eastward, and then separated into two branches;and in following that which trended north-east I came into Thirsty Sound, and landed five miles above the inner entrance, at an islet inmid-channel, which had been set from Pier Head and is laid down bycaptain Cook. No less than five different pieces of land were found to be cut off fromthe south end of Long Island, by winding channels amongst the mangroves;and I now saw the prospect of a passage through the middle, leading outat the bight between the north point and Pier Head. A woody and ratherelevated islet obscures the inner end of the opening, and seems to haveprevented captain Cook's observing this separation when going up ThirstySound in his boat. I found in it a good bottom, with 3 to 5 fathomswater, and room for a ship to swing, or sail through as far as the outeropening to sea; but another island lies in the outlet, the bottom isrocky, and the regular depth at low water is not so much as 3 fathoms oneither side. Having taken a second set of angles, and passed out by the new opening, Isteered northward along the east side of Long Island; but although theland be high and rather steep, there was seldom so much as 3 fathoms at amile distance. I landed at the north end of the island, to ascertainbetter the forms and positions of the North-point Isles; and then, steering southward along the west side, entered a cove where the form ofthe surrounding land gave a hope of finding fresh water for the ship; butthe borders were covered with mangroves, and we could not getsufficiently far up to know whether any part of the stream runningthrough them were fresh. Another set of angles was taken from a hill onthe south side of the cove; and the sun being then set, our tent waspitched for the night. WEDNESDAY 22 SEPTEMBER 1802 Next morning I steered onward along the west side of Long Island, landingoccasionally to examine the gullies made by the rains; but at this timethey were all dry. As far to the south as Westside Islet, the shore istolerably high and the water deep; and near to the inner end of theislet, where I landed to take angles, there was no bottom with 10fathoms; but the shore from thence to the ship was low and covered withmangroves, and even the rocky points cannot be approached within half amile, except by boats. Not a single Indian was seen during this excursion round Long Island; norfrom the length of the grass and appearance of their fire places, do Ithink they had been there for some months. THURSDAY 23 SEPTEMBER 1802 Next day I made a further examination of the winding channels at thesouth end of Long Island; and also went to an inlet on the east side ofBroad Sound, the entrance of which is so much obstructed by shoals, thatit was difficult to find a sufficient depth, even for the boat. I landedwith the naturalist at a low, cliffy head on the north side of theentrance; but not without wading a quarter of a mile in the mud. We sawfrom thence, that this inlet, though presenting the appearance of arespectable river when the tide was in, had no perceptible breadth atfive miles within the land, that it was almost wholly dry at low water, and that the shores were covered with mangroves to a great extent; eventhe cliffy head where we stood, was surrounded with mangroves, andappeared to be insulated at spring tides. FRIDAY 24 SEPTEMBER 1802 In the morning of the 24th, we got under way to return to Upper Head; andhaving the same difficulties to encounter amongst the shoals as before, did not reach our former anchorage until next day [SATURDAY 25 SEPTEMBER1802]. On landing at the tents, I found, to my no less surprise thanregret, that the time keepers had again been let down; and no more thanone day's rates had been since obtained. Twenty-five sets of distances ofthe sun and moon had been taken to correspond with an equal number on theopposite side; and it appeared that lieutenant Flinders being intent uponthese, had forgotten to wind up the time keepers on the 22nd at noon. This fresh difficulty was very embarrassing. To go away for Torres'Strait and the Gulph of Carpentaria without good rates, was to cripplethe accuracy of all our longitudes; and on the other hand, the expectedapproach of the contrary monsoon on the North Coast admitted of no longerdelay in Broad Sound. On comparing the last day's rates with those of thefour days previously obtained, the letting down did not appear to haveproduced any material alteration; and I therefore determined to combinethe whole together, and to sail immediately. SUNDAY 26 SEPTEMBER 1802 The following day was occupied in completing the holds with wood, takingon board our shore establishment, and preparing for sea; and next morning[MONDAY 27 SEPTEMBER 1802] we steered down Broad Sound, with the LadyNelson in company, keeping near the western side to avoid the middleshoals. On a sea breeze coming in at north, we tacked towards theNorth-point Isles; and at sunset, the flood tide having then made, anchored in 8 fathoms, upon a bottom of sand and rock, thenorth-westernmost isle bearing N. 6° E. , two leagues. In the morning wepassed round the North-point Isles, with a breeze from the south-east;and thus quitted Broad Sound, steering off for the outermost and largestof the Northumberland Islands. There remains little to be said upon the navigation of Broad Sound, morethan what has been related of our courses in it, and what will be foundin the chart. The western channel, between the Flat Isles and the main, is not to be recommended; but after steering up the middle of the Soundand passing these isles, the western shore should be kept nearest a-bord. A ship may then reach Upper Head without difficulty, and lie there inperfect safety from all winds, at two-thirds of a mile off; but cannot gohigher up the sound without risk of grounding on the banks. From halfflood to half ebb, landing is easy at Upper Head, and it is perhaps thesole place on the main possessing that advantage; every where else theshore is very low, fronted with mud banks, and covered, in some placesmiles deep, with interwoven mangroves, amongst which the tide flows athigh water. The stone of Upper Head, and apparently of all the hills in itsneighbourhood, is granitic; whilst that of Long Island and West Hillapproach nearer to porphyry. At the inner entrance of Thirsty Sound thepoints are mostly composed of an earth, which is not heavy, is sometimesred, but more frequently white, or mixed; and of a consistence not harderthan ochre. Long Island, though covered with grass and wood, is stony and incapableof ordinary cultivation. On the main land, the low parts between themangroves and the hills seemed to be of a tolerably good soil; andaccording to the report of some of the gentlemen, who made an excursionat the back of Upper Head, the vallies there produce good grass andappeared fertile. There seems, indeed, to be a considerable extent ofland about Broad Sound and on the peninsula between it and Shoal-waterBay, which, if not calculated to give a rich return to the cultivator ofwheat, would support much cattle, and produce maize, sugar, and tobacco;and cotton and coffee would grow upon the more rocky sides of the hills, and probably even upon Long Island. Should it ever be in contemplation tomake an establishment in New South Wales within the tropic, in aid ofPort Jackson and the colonies to the southward, this neighbourhood wouldprobably be chosen; and the great rise of tide presents advantages whichmight be some time turned to account in ship building. On the west sideof the sound, near the Flat Isles, the rise at spring tides is not lessthan thirty, and perhaps reaches to thirty-five feet. At Upper Head it isfrom twenty at the neaps, to thirty or more at the springs; but thebottom rises so much towards the top of the sound, that the tide therenever seems to exceed twelve feet. The time of high water is nearly_eleven hours after_ the moon's passage over and under the meridian;though the flood runs up near an hour on the west side of the sound, after it is high water by the shore. The places best calculated for the construction of docks, appear to be atthe uppermost or 4th Flat Isles, where the shoals form a natural harbour, and at the entrance of the opening near Upper Head, in which is a smallislet of sand and rock, not covered with mangroves nor surrounded withmud flats. The pines of Port Bowen, Shoal-water Bay, and theNorthumberland Isles, would furnish the necessary spars and lighterplanking; and there is no reason to think that the _eucalyptus_, whichgrows all over the country, should not be as fit for timbers, etc. , as itis found to be further southward. No iron ore was seen in theneighbourhood; but were a colony established and the back ridge ofmountains well examined, this and other metallic productions might befound. The attraction which the mountains seemed to have upon the needle, is in favour of this probability; but the iron work might be prepared atPort Jackson where the ore exists, and in whose vicinity there are plentyof coals. Fresh water was scarce at this time, none being any where discovered nearthe sea side, except a small rill at the back of Upper Head, little morethan adequate to the supply of the tents; it can however be scarcelydoubted, that fresh water for domestic purposes would be found in mostparts of the country; and there is a season of the year, most probablythe height of summer, when rain falls abundantly, as was demonstrated bythe torrent-worn marks down the sides of the hills. Not a single native was seen, either on the shores of Thirsty, or BroadSounds, during the whole time of our stay. There are kangaroos in the woods, but not in numbers. The shoals all overthe sound are frequented by flocks of ducks and curlews; and we saw inthe upper part, some pelicans, an individual of a large kind of crane, and another of a white bird, in form resembling a curlew. Many turtlewere seen in the water about Long Island, and from the bones scatteredaround the deserted fire places, this animal seemed to form the principalsubsistence of the natives; but we had not the address to obtain any. Hump-backed whales frequent the entrance of the sound, and would presentan object of interest to a colony. In fishing, we had little success withhook and line; and the nature of the shores did not admit of hauling theseine. The climate here, being one degree within the tropic, was warm at thisseason, which may be considered as the spring and the driest time of theyear. On board the ship, the height of the thermometer did not exceed76°, with the warm winds from the northward, but at the tents it averagedat noon somewhat above 90°; and the musketoes and sand flies were verytroublesome at all places near the mangroves. We did not see any snakesor other venemous reptiles or insects. The _latitude_ of Upper Head, from six meridian observations in theartificial horizon, is 22° 23' 24" S. _Longitude_ from fifty sets of distances of the sun and moon, given inTable II of the second Appendix to this Volume, 149° 46' 53" E. The errors of the time keepers from mean Greenwich time, at noon thereSept. 26, and their mean rates of going during seven days, of which fourwere before and three after they had been let down the second time, wereas under: Earnshaw's No. 543 slow 2h 3' 37. 23" and losing 9. 62" per day. Earnshaw's No. 520 slow 3h 29' 15. 57" and losing 21. 41" per day. These errors and rates were found by lieutenant Flinders, from equalaltitudes taken with a sextant on a stand, and using an artificialhorizon of quicksilver. The longitudes given by the time keepers on Sept. 12 a. M. At Upper Head, with the Port-Jackson rates, were these: No. 543, 149° 54' 27" east. No. 520, 149° 53' 47. 5" east. The mean is 7' 14" to the east of the lunars; but on using rates equallyaccelerated from those at Port Jackson to the above at Upper Head, andcommencing the acceleration on Aug. 15, at Keppel Bay, where the timekeepers were found to be keeping their former rates, the mean longitudewill be 149° 48' 56. 6", or 2' 3. 6" from the lunar observations; which istherefore the presumable sum of their irregularities after August 15, orin 27. 7 days. In fixing the positions of places along the East Coast, I have made useof the time keepers from Port Jackson to Port Curtis, without anycorrection. From Port Curtis to Broad Sound, the coast and islands arelaid down from theodolite bearings taken on shore, combined with theobserved latitudes; and consequently the accuracy in longitude of thefirst portion depends upon that of Port Jackson and the time keepers, andof the last, upon Upper Head and the survey. These two unconnectedlongitudes meet at Port Curtis, and the difference between them is thereno more than 5". From observations with the theodolite upon the top of Upper Head, the_variation_ was 8° 37' east; but on moving the instrument ten yards tothe south-west, it was 45' less. At two other stations on the west sideof the sound, it was 8° 15', and 8° 0'; and on board the ship 7° 17' and7° 46', corrected. On the east side of the sound it differed at sixstations on shore, from 8° to 6°; and on board the ship was 6° 44'corrected. As general results, therefore, but subject to many smalldeviations, the variation may be taken, On the west side of Broad Sound at 8° 0' E. On the east side 7 0At the head of the sound it was, at one station 12°, at another 10°;the mean, 11 0 The differences between the two sides of the sound, both on shore and onboard, are nearly similar to what took place in Shoal-water Bay. The rise of _tide_ and time of high water have been mentioned; but it maybe proper to say what I conceive to be the cause of the extraordinaryrise in Broad Sound. From Cape Howe, at the southern extremity of theEast Coast, to Port Curtis at the edge of the tropic, the time of highwater falls between seven and nine hours after the moon's passage, andthe rise does not exceed nine feet; but from thence to the northward, commencing with Keppel Bay, the time becomes later, and the riseaugments, till, at Broad Sound, they reach eleven hours, and betweenthirty and thirty-five feet. The principal flood tide upon the coast issupposed to come from the south-east, and the ebb from the north, ornorth-west; but from the particular formation of Keppel and Shoal-waterBays, and of Broad Sound, whose entrances face the north, or north-west, this ebb tide sets into them, and accumulates the water for some time, becoming to them a flood. This will, in some degree, account for thelater time and greater rise of the tide; and is conformable to whatcaptain Cook says upon the same subject (Hawkesworth, III. 244); but Ithink there is still a super-adding cause. At the distance of aboutthirty leagues to the N. N. W. From Break-sea Spit, commences a vast massof reefs, which lie from twenty to thirty leagues from the coast, andextend past Broad Sound. These reefs, being mostly dry at low water, willimpede the free access of the tide; and the greater proportion of it willcome in between Break-sea Spit and the reefs, and be late in reaching theremoter parts; and if we suppose the reefs to terminate to the north, ornorth-west of the Sound, or that a large opening in them there exist, another flood tide will come from the northward, and meet the former; andthe accumulation of water from this meeting, will cause an extraordinaryrise in Broad Sound and the neighbouring bays, in the same manner as themeeting of the tides in the English and Irish Channels causes a greatrise upon the north coast of France and the west coast of England. That an opening exists in the reefs will hereafter appear; and captainCook's observations prove, that for more than a degree to the north-westof Broad Sound, the flood came from the northward. I found, when atanchor off Keppel Bay, and again off Island Head, that the flood therecame from the east or south-east; but when lying three miles out fromPier Head, there was no set whatever; and I am disposed to think that itis at the entrance of Broad Sound, where the two floods meet each other. CHAPTER IV. The Percy Isles: anchorage at No. 2. Boat excursions. Remarks on the Percy Isles; with nautical observations. Coral reefs: courses amongst them during eleven days search for a passage through, to sea. Description of a reef. Anchorage at an eastern Cumberland Isle. The Lady Nelson sent back to Port Jackson. Continuation of coral reefs;and courses amongst them during three other days. Cape Gloucester. An opening discovered, and the reefs quitted. General remarks on the Great Barrier;with some instruction relative to the opening. [EAST COAST. PERCY ISLES. ] TUESDAY 28 SEPTEMBER 1802 On quitting Broad Sound, we steered for the north-easternmost of theNorthumberland Islands. , which I intended to visit in the way to Torres'Strait. These are no otherwise marked by captain Cook, than as a singlepiece of land seen indistinctly, of three leagues in extent; but I hadalready descried from Mount Westall and Pier Head a cluster of islands, forming a distinct portion of this archipelago; and in honour of thenoble house to which Northumberland gives the title of duke, I named them_Percy Isles_. (Atlas, Plate XI. ) At noon, the observed latitude on both sides was 21° 51' 20"; the westend of the largest North-point Isle bore S. 18° W. Three or four leagues, and the Percy Isles were coming in sight ahead. The weather was hazy; andthe wind at E. S. E. Preventing us from fetching No. 2, the largest isle, we tacked at five o'clock, when it bore S. 31° to 54° E, two or threeleagues; No. 5, the north-westernmost of the cluster, bearing N. 24° W. , two miles and a half. At dusk the anchor was dropped in 14 fathoms, sandyground, two or three miles from some rocky islets which lie off the westside of No. 2. The flood tide at this anchorage came from the north-east, one mile per hour. We got under way again in the morning [WEDNESDAY 29 SEPTEMBER 1802]; butthe wind being light and unfavourable, and the tide adverse, I went offin the whale boat, accompanied by Messrs. Brown and Westall, to examinethe passage between the rocky islets and No. 2, directing lieutenantFowler to follow with the ship when the signal should be made. We firstlanded at the islets, where the same kind of pine as seen at Port Bowenand other places, was abundant; and leaving the two gentlemen there, Isounded the passage, which was a mile and a half wide, with a sandybottom of 8 to 13 fathoms deep, and sheltered from all eastern winds. Thesignal was then made to the ship; and so soon as she was brought toanchor, I went to examine a little cove, or basin, into which the heightof the surrounding hills gave expectation of finding a run of freshwater. The entrance is little more than wide enough for the oars of arowing boat, the basin, within side, is mostly dry at low water, and theborders are over-run with the tiresome mangrove; but when the tide is in, it is one of the prettiest little places imaginable. In searching roundthe skirts, between the mangroves and feet of the hills, a torrent-worngully was found with several holes of water; and one in particular, nearthe edge of the mangroves, where, by cutting a rolling way for the casks, the holds of the two vessels might be filled; and at a beach without sideof the entrance to the basin, several hauls of the seine were made withgood success. THURSDAY 30 SEPTEMBER 1802 Early next morning, lieutenant Fowler landed with a party of men preparedto cut through the mangroves; but fresh water was discovered to ooze outfrom amongst them, much below high-water mark; and by digging in the sandat half ebb, our casks might be filled more easily, and with better waterthan in the gully. Whilst this duty was going on, the carpenters weresent to cut fire wood and pine logs upon the rocky islets, the botanicalgentlemen followed their pursuits where it best pleased them, and my timewas occupied in surveying. From a hill near the head of the basin, I tookbearings of all the objects to the south and westward; amongst which, thefive following were the most important to the connexion of the survey. Mount Westall on the main (not distinct), S. 23° 5' E. Northumberland Islands, the 4th, a peak, S. 18 20 E. Northumberland Islands, the 7th, station on the hill, S. 19 30 W. Northumberland Islands, a peaked I. Marked 'h', S. 89° 55' to N. 87 35 W. Northumberland Islands, high northmost, marked 'i', N. 57 0 W. The circle was completed in the afternoon, from a higher part of theisland near the north point; and the weather being tolerably clear, nearly the whole of the Northumberland Islands were comprehended in thebearings from one or the other station. Two distant pieces of land in theN. W. By N. , marked _k_ and _k1_, situate near the eastern CumberlandIslands of captain Cook, were also distinguished; but to the north-east, where I expected to see a continuation of the reefs discovered by captainCampbell of the brig Deptford, in 1797, neither reef nor island wasvisible. SATURDAY 2 OCTOBER 1802 On the 2nd of October, Mr. Brown accompanied me to No. 1, thesouthernmost of the Percy Isles, which is near five miles long, and thesecond of the group in magnitude. Fresh water was found in ponds near theshore, and there were clusters of pine trees; but in general, this islandis inferior to No. 2, both in soil and productions. Of the two peakedhills upon it, the south-easternmost is highest; but being craggy anddifficult to be ascended, my bearings were taken from the western hill. In returning to the ship in the evening, we passed between No. 6 and theeast side of No. 2, and round the north end of the latter island, inorder to see the form of its coasts: the water was deep, and thereappeared to be no hidden dangers. SUNDAY 3 OCTOBER 1802 On the 3rd, Mr. Bauer, the natural-history painter, went with me to thenorthern Percy Isles, upon each of which is a hill somewhat peaked; butthat on No. 3 is much the most so, and the highest; and being thicklycovered with pine trees, is called _Pine Peak_: it lies in 21° 31½' southand 150° 14½' east. My principal object was to take angles for thesurvey; and not being able to ascend Pine Peak, from its great acclivity, we went onward to the two smaller islands No. 4; and from the top of theeasternmost, a third Cumberland Island, marked _k2_, was distinguished, and the following amongst many other bearings, were taken. Percy Isle No. 3, Pine Peak, distant 2½ miles, S 2° 5' W. The ship, at anchor under No. 2, S. 10 48 W. Northumberland I. , the 7th, station, S. 14 0 W. Northumberland I. , the peak marked 'h', S. 67 35 W. Northumberland I. , the high, northmost, marked 'i', N. 73 10 W. Cumberland I. , marked 'k', centre, N. 36 0 W. Cumberland I. , marked 'k2', centre, N. 42 50 W. There is no shelter amongst the northern Percy Isles against east winds;but ships may pass between them, taking care to avoid a rock which liesone mile northward from the Pine Peak, and is dry at low water. Nothingwas seen on these islands to merit more particular notice; and theirforms and situations will be best learned from the chart. On returning to the ship at nine in the evening, I found lieutenantFowler had quitted the shore with his tents and people, the holds werecompleted with water, and both vessels ready for sea. No. 2, the largest of the Percy Isles, is about thirteen miles incircumference; and in its greatest elevation perhaps a thousand feet. Thestone is mostly of two kinds. A concreted mass of different substances, held together by a hard, dark-coloured cement, was the most abundant; Idid not see either coral or pumice-stone in the composition, but itotherwise much resembled that of Aken's Island in Shoal-water Bay, andstill more a stratum seen at the north-west part of Long Island: it wasfound at the tops of the highest hills, as well as in the lower parts. The second kind of stone is light, close-grained, and easily splits, butnot in layers; it is of a yellowish colour, and probably argillaceous. The surface of the island is either sandy or stony, or both, with a smallproportion of vegetable soil intermixed. It is generally covered withgrass and wood; and some of the vallies round the basin might be made toproduce vegetables, especially one in which there was a small run, andseveral holes of fresh water. The principal wood is the _eucalyptus_, orgum tree, but it is not large; small cabbage palms grow in the gullies, and also a species of fig tree, which bears its fruit on the stem, instead of the ends of the branches; and pines are scattered in the mostrocky places. No inhabitants were seen upon any of the islands, but there were desertedfire places upon all. The Indians probably come over from the main landat certain times, to take turtle, in which they must be much moredexterous than we were; for although many turtle were seen in the water, and we watched the beaches at night, not one was caught. There are nokangaroos upon the Percy Isles; nor did we see any useful birds. Thelarge bats or vampyres, common to this country, and called flying-foxesat Port Jackson, were often found hanging by the claws, with their headsdownward, under the shady tops of the palm trees; and one solitary eel ofa good size, was caught on clearing out the hole where our water caskshad been first intended to be filled. Pines, fresh water, and fish will be some inducement to visit the PercyIsles; as perhaps may be the hump-backed whales, of which a considerablenumber was seen in the vicinity. The best and most convenient anchorage, and indeed the only one to be recommended, is that where the Investigatorlay, directly off the basin; in mid-channel between No. 2 and the westernpine islets. It is sheltered at fourteen points to the eastward, andthree towards the west; and there being a clear passage out, both to thenorth and south, no danger is to be apprehended: the bottom, however, does not hold very well. A wet dock might be made of the basin without other trouble or expensethan a little deepening of the narrow entrance, and throwing a pair ofgates across; and were the mud to be cleared out, the basin would containfifteen or twenty sail of merchant ships with great ease. The flood _tide_ came from the north and the ebb from the south, past theanchorage; but on the outside, they run south-west and north-east. It isnot extraordinary that the rise and fall by the shore did not exactlycoincide with the swinging of the ship; but that the time of high watershould differ three hours, and the rise twenty feet from Broad Sound, isremarkable. According to Mr. Fowler's observations in the basin, it washigh water there _eight hours after_ the moon's passage; and the rise atthe neaps and springs appeared to be from eight to twelve feet. Three meridian observations to the north, taken by lieutenant Flinders, gave the _latitude_ of our anchorage, 21° 39' 31" S. _Longitude_, according to the position of Upper Head and the survey fromthence, 150° 12' E. _Variation_ of the needle, observed on the low south-west point of No. 2, 8° 28' E. Three compasses on board the ship at anchor, gave 5° 34' when the headwas east, or corrected to the meridian, 8° 4' E. Upon the different elevated places whence bearings were taken, thevariation differed from 7° 30' to 9° 30' east. MONDAY 4 OCTOBER 1802 Early in the morning of the 4th, we got under way, with the Lady Nelsonin company, to proceed on our voyage to Torres' Strait and the Gulph ofCarpentaria. The wind was at E. By N. , and we kept close up to weatherthe northern Percy Isles; for I had a desire to fall in with the reefslaid down by Mr. Campbell, three-quarters of a degree to the eastward, inlatitude 21½°; and to ascertain their termination to the north-westward. [EAST COAST. BARRIER REEFS. ] The tide prevented us from weathering the islands till three in theafternoon; we then passed between No. 4 and some rocks lying two miles tothe north-east, with 33 fathoms water. During the night we tacked everytwo hours, working to the eastward, in from 30 to 36 fathoms; and atdaylight [TUESDAY 5 OCTOBER 1802], my station on the eastern isle No. 4bore N. 89° W. , four leagues. Nothing was seen in the offing, but instretching to the N. N. E, reefs were discovered from the mast head alittle before noon; and after the observation for the latitude was taken, I set one bearing East to E. By S. , two leagues, and another N. 14° W. To29° E. , four or five miles. Our situation was in 21° 15 2/3' south, andlongitude from the bearing of the Pine Peak, 150° 34' east. These reefs were not exactly those seen by Mr. Campbell; but they areprobably not more than five or six leagues to the north-westward of them, and form part of the same _barrier_ to the coast. In standing on betweenthe two reefs above set, others, or parts of the same, came in sightahead; upon which I shortened sail to the three top sails, desired theLady Nelson to take the lead, and bore away north-westward along theinner side of the northern reef. In an hour we had passed its west end;but another reef came in sight, and for a time obliged us to steer W. ByS. At four o'clock we ran northward again, following the direction of thereef on its lee side; and at six anchored in 27 fathoms, coarse sand, inthe following situation: Latitude observed from the moon. , 21° 4' S. Longitude from bearings, 150 19 E. Nearest part of the reef, dist. 2½ miles, E. ½ S. A smaller reef, distant 3 miles, N. W. ½ N. Percy Isles, Pine Peak of No. 3, S. 9 0 W. Cumberland Island marked 'k', W. 6 0 N. The reefs were not dry in any part, with the exception of some smallblack lumps, which at a distance resembled the round heads of negroes;the sea broke upon the edges, but within side the water was smooth, andof a light green colour. A further description of these dangers isunnecessary, since their forms and relative positions, so far as theycould be ascertained, will be best learned from the chart. Until midnight, five hours after the moon had passed the meridian, a tidecame from S. By E. , half a mile per hour. The ship then tended to the N. E. By E. ; and this tide, whose rate was one mile, appearing to be theflood, led me to suppose there might be an open sea in that direction. Inthe morning [WEDNESDAY 6 OCTOBER 1802], I sent a boat to lieutenantMurray with instructions for his guidance in case of separation; andappointed him Murray's Islands in Torres' Strait, discovered by captainEdwards in 1791, for the first rendezvous; cautioning him to be strictlyon his guard against the treachery of the natives. We weighed at seven o'clock, and steered N. N. E. , close to the wind; atten, reefs came in sight, extending from W. By N. , to N. By E. ½ E. , which we weathered one mile, having 35 fathoms water. Our situation atnoon was in latitude 20° 45' 40", from observations to the north andsouth, and the longitude by time keeper 150° 28'; the east end of thegreat reef to leeward bore S. W. ½ W. Two miles, and it extended inpatches to N. 16° W. , where, at the distance of two leagues, was either adry white sand or high breakers but which could not be discerned from thereflection of the sun. Nothing was seen to the north-east, and we now layup in that direction; but at one o'clock there was a small reef bearingN. ½ E. ; and at three, a larger one extended from N. By W. ½ W. To E. N. E. , and on the outside of it were such high breakers, that nothing lessthan the unobstructed waves of the ocean could produce them. We stood onfor this reef, until four; and being then one mile off, tacked to thesouthward, having 33 fathoms, nearly the same depth as before. The larbord tack was continued to six o'clock, at which time we anchoredin 32 fathoms, white sand, shells, and pieces of coral, having neitherreef nor danger of any kind in sight; but the smoothness of the waterleft no doubt of many lying to windward. From the high breakers seen inthe afternoon, however, hopes were entertained of soon clearing thereefs; for by this time I was weary of them, not only from the danger towhich the vessels were thereby exposed, but from fear of the contrarymonsoon setting in upon the North Coast, before we should get into theGulph of Carpentaria. At this anchorage, the tide came from between S. W. By S. And W. By S. , till midnight; and at two in the morning [THURSDAY 7 OCTOBER 1802] theship rode north, and afterwards N. E. By E. , to the flood; which seemedto imply two openings in the reefs, and one of them near the highbreakers. The depth of water changed from 35 to 32 fathoms, in the night;but a part of the difference might arise from irregularities in thebottom. We got under way at daybreak, and stretched south-east to gain the wind;at nine, a reef was passed on each beam; and at noon, when we tacked tothe northward in 20° 58' south and 150° 48' east, there were five others, distant from two to five miles, bearing from S. 20° W. , round by the eastand north to N. 25° W. ; but apparently with passages between most ofthem. Upon these reefs were more of the dry, black lumps, called negroheads, than had been seen before; but they were so much alike as to be ofno use in distinguishing one reef from another; and at high water, nearlythe whole were covered. In the afternoon, a very light wind at north-east left no prospect ofweathering the reef before dark, upon which the high breakers had beenseen; we therefore tacked to the E. S. E. , and anchored at sunset in 84fathoms, fine white sand, not far from our noon's situation; a reef, partly dry, was then distant one mile and a half, and bore E. ½ S. To S. E. The flood tide here ran something more than one mile an hour, and camefrom between north and north-west, the ship tending to it at one in themorning. FRIDAY 8 OCTOBER 1802 At seven, when the flood had done running, the two vessels were lying upE. N. E. , with a light breeze from the northward; but a rippling whichextended a mile from the reef, caused us to tack until a boat was sent tosound upon it; for the Lady Nelson was so leewardly, that much time waslost in waiting for her. At ten we passed through the rippling, in from14 to 34 fathoms; and at noon were in latitude 20° 55', and longitude150° 55' by time keeper. We seemed at this time to be surrounded withreefs; but it was ascertained by the whale boat, that many of theseappearances were caused by the shadows of clouds and the ripplings andeddies of tide, and that the true coral banks were those only which hadeither green water or negro heads upon them. Of these, however, there wasa formidable mass, all round ahead, with but one small channel throughthem; and this I was resolved to attempt, in the hope of its carrying usout to windward of the high breakers. At two o'clock, the eastern reef, which was a mile distant to leeward andnearly dry, was seen to terminate, whilst the northern reefs extended outof sight to the north-east; the opening between them was a mile and ahalf wide, and full of ripplings; but having the whale boat ahead, webore away E. S. E. , to go through the least agitated part. Having littlewind, and a flood tide making against us, the boat was called back totow, and the brig directed to take its station by means of her sweeps. Our soundings were irregular in the narrow part, between 24 and 9fathoms, on rocky ground; but after getting through, we had from 30 to32, the usual depth in the open places. At sunset, the stream anchor wasdropped on a bottom of coral sand and shells; the reefs then in sightextending from about E. S. E. , round by the north to N. W. , where was thegreat northern bank. Whether there were any passage through them, couldnot be discerned; but the breakers on many of the outer parts proved theopen sea to be not far distant, and that the waves ran high; whilstwithin side, the water was as tranquil as in harbour. The ship rode north-west, till between eight and nine o'clock, when itappeared to be high water, and the depth was 35 fathoms; at 9h 34' themoon passed the meridian, and we were then riding S. By W. , to a tidewhich ran at the strongest one and a quarter mile per hour. Between threeand four in the morning [SATURDAY 9 OCTOBER 1802] this tide had done, thedepth was 31 fathoms, and the ship afterwards rode N. N. E. Tilldaylight. The first of the flood therefore came from the N. N. E. And thelatter part from N. W. ; it was high water at _one hour before_ the moon'spassage, and the rise at least three fathoms, or eighteen feet. This timeof high water coincides with that of Broad Sound; but it is remarkable, that at the Percy Isles, lying between them, it should be three hoursearlier. The rise in Broad Sound was five fathoms, and three, or more, amongst the reefs; whereas at the Percy Isles, there was nothing on theshore to indicate a higher tide than two fathoms. In the morning we steered E. N. E. , with a light air from the southward;the brig was ahead, and at half past nine, made the signal for immediatedanger; upon which the stream anchor was dropped in 16 fathoms. The tideran one mile and a half to the E. N. E, and this leading me to expectsome opening in that direction, I sent the master to sound past the brig;and on his finding deeper water we followed, drifting with the tide. Ateleven he made the signal for being on a shoal, and we came to, in 35fathoms, broken coral and sand; being surrounded by reefs, except to thewestward from whence we had come. On the outside were high breakers, notmore than three or four miles distant; these terminated at E. By S. , andbetween them and other reefs further on, there seemed a possibility offinding an outlet; but no access to it could be had, except by a windingcircuit amongst the great mass of banks to the southward, which it wasnot advisable to make upon such an uncertainty. I therefore determined toremain at the present anchorage till low water, when the reefs would bedry, and the channels between them, if any such there were, would bevisible: and should nothing better then present itself, to steernorth-westward, as close within the line of the high breakers aspossible, until an opening should be found. The latitude observed to the north and south, at this fifth anchorageamongst the reefs, was 20° 53' 15"; longitude by time keeper, 151° 5'east. In the afternoon, I went upon the reef with a party of thegentlemen; and the water being very clear round the edges, a newcreation, as it was to us, but imitative of the old, was there presentedto our view. We had wheat sheaves, mushrooms, stags horns, cabbageleaves, and a variety of other forms, glowing under water with vividtints of every shade betwixt green, purple, brown, and white; equallingin beauty and excelling in grandeur the most favourite _parterre_ of thecurious florist. These were different species of coral and fungus, growing, as it were, out of the solid rock, and each had its peculiarform and shade of colouring; but whilst contemplating the richness of thescene, we could not long forget with what destruction it was pregnant. Different corals in a dead state, concreted into a solid mass of adull-white colour, composed the stone of the reef. The negro heads werelumps which stood higher than the rest; and being generally dry, wereblackened by the weather; but even in these, the forms of the differentcorals, and some shells were distinguishable. The edges of the reef, butparticularly on the outside where the sea broke, were the highest parts;within, there were pools and holes containing live corals, sponges, andsea eggs and cucumbers;* and many enormous cockles (_chama gigas_) werescattered upon different parts of the reef. At low water, this cockleseems most commonly to lie half open; but frequently closes with muchnoise; and the water within the shells then spouts up in a stream, threeor four feet high: it was from this noise and the spouting of the water, that we discovered them, for in other respects they were scarcely to bedistinguished from the coral rock. A number of these cockles were takenon board the ship, and stewed in the coppers; but they were too rank tobe agreeable food, and were eaten by few. One of them weighed 47½ lbs. Astaken up, and contained 3lbs. 2 oz. Of meat; but this size is muchinferior to what was found by captains Cook and Bligh, upon the reefs ofthe coast further northward, or to several in the British Museum; and Ihave since seen single shells more than four times the weight of theabove shells and fish taken together. [* What we called sea cucumbers, from their shape, appears to have beenthe _bêche de mer_, or _trepang_; of which the Chinese make a soup, muchesteemed in that country for its supposed invigorating qualities. ] There were various small channels amongst the reefs, some of which led tothe outer breakers, and through these the tide was rushing in when wereturned to the ship; but I could not any where see an openingsufficiently wide for the vessels. Low water took place at a quarter pastthree, which corresponded with the time of high water observed at thepreceding anchorage. It was too late in the day to begin following the line of the highbreakers to the north-westward; but we lifted the anchor to removefurther from the eastern reef, which was dry within a mile of the ship. The wind was light at south-east; and in steering westward, with a boatsounding ahead, we got into one of the narrow streams of tide whichcarried us rapidly to the south-west; nor could the boat assist usacross, so much was it twisted about by the whirlpools. At six o'clock, being well clear of the stream, an anchor was dropped upon coral sand, in30 fathoms; at ten, when the ship swung to the ebb, the depth was 33fathoms, and 28 at low water; as, however, we had two-thirds of a cableout, some of the difference probably arose from the irregularity of thebottom. SUNDAY 10 OCTOBER 1802 At daylight we steered N. N. W. ; but reefs were presently seen all roundin that direction, and the course was altered for the small passagethrough which we had come on the 8th. Such, however, was the change inthe appearance of the reefs, that no passage could then be discovered;and fearing to be mistaken, I dared not venture through, but took a moresouthern channel, where before no passage had appeared to exist. At nineo'clock, having sandy ground in 32 fathoms, and it being very difficultto distinguish the shoals at high water, the anchor was dropped inlatitude 20° 56½' south and longitude 150° 54½' east. Between one and twoin the afternoon, we steered W. N. W. And N. W. ; and meeting with a smalldry reef at four, hauled up northward, following the line of the greatnorthern reefs upon which the high breakers had been seen. At half pastfive we came to, in 26 fathoms sand and shells, having reefs from S. ByE. , round by the east and north, to W. By S. ; but there were openings atN. N. W. ½ W. And N. E. By E. , and we had the pleasure to see highbreakers, five or six miles distant in the latter direction. The latitudehere, from an observation of the moon, was 20° 49½', and longitude 150°48' by time keeper. MONDAY 11 OCTOBER 1802 Next morning, the brig and whale boat went ahead, and we steered north, after them; the eastern opening was choaked up with small reefs, and wehad scarcely entered that to the west when Mr. Murray made the signal fordanger, and hauled the wind to the southward. We did the same, round twoinner shoals; and finding the bottom irregular, and more shallow thanusual, dropped the stream anchor in 27 fathoms. The Lady Nelson wascarried rapidly to the south-west, seemingly without being sensible ofit, and I therefore made the signal of recall; but although favoured by afresh breeze, she did not get up against the tide till past nine o'clock. We rode a great strain on the stream cable, and the ship taking a suddensheer, it parted at the clinch and we lost the anchor; a bower wasimmediately let go; but the bottom being rocky, I feared to remain duringthe lee tide, and in a short time ordered it to be weighed. Mr. Murrayhad lost a kedge anchor, and was then riding by a bower; and when thesignal was made to weigh, he answered it by that of inability. The tidewas, indeed, running past the brig at a fearful rate, and I feared itwould pass over her bows; for she lay in one of the narrow streams whichcame gushing through the small openings in the outer reef. So soon as ouranchor was purchased, a boat's crew was sent to her assistance; and justbefore noon she got under sail. We beat up till one o'clock, towards the anchorage of the precedingevening; but the reefs being deeply covered, they could not bedistinguished one from the other; and having found a good bottom, in 35fathoms, we came to, and made signal for the brig to do the same. Lieutenant Murray informed me that his anchor had come up with a palmbroken off; and having only one bower left, he applied to me for another. Our anchor had swiveled in the stock; and the work required to it, withgetting the last stream anchor out of the hold, and sending Mr. Murraytwo grapnels, which were all that our own losses could allow of beingspared, occupied us till the evening. At low water, two reefs were seen, bearing N. 18°to 41° E. , a third S. 72° E. , and a fourth S. 74° W. ; theirdistances being from two to four or five miles. The loss of anchors we had this day sustained, deterred me from any moreattempting the small passages through the Barrier Reef; in these, thetide runs with extraordinary violence, and the bottom is coral rock; andwhether with, or without wind, no situation can be more dangerous. Myanxious desire to get out to sea, and reach the North Coast before theunfavourable monsoon should set in, had led me to persevere amongst theseintricate passages beyond what prudence could approve; for had the windcome to blow strong, no anchors, in such deep water and upon loose sand, could have held the ship; a rocky bottom cut the cables; and to have beenunder sail in the night was certain destruction. I therefore formed thedetermination, in our future search for a passage out, to avoid allnarrow channels, and run along, within side the larger reefs, until agood and safe opening should present itself. This plan, which wasdictated by a common regard to safety, might carry us far to thenorth-west, and delay our arrival in the Gulph of Carpentaria; yet Ihoped not; for captain Cook had found the flood tide to come fromsouth-east after passing the Cumberland Islands, whereas before, it ranfrom the northward; a circumstance which seemed to indicate a terminationof the reefs, or a great opening in them. , to the north or north-west ofthose islands. TUESDAY 12 OCTOBER 1802 In the morning. , we got under way and steered N. N. W. ; but anchoredagain on finding the flood tide too strong to be stemmed with a lightbreeze. Our latitude at this tenth anchorage amongst the reefs, was 20°53' 10", from observations to the north and south, and longitude by timekeeper 150° 42' east. At one o'clock our course was resumed, andcontinued till sunset in clear water; when we came to, in 32 fathoms sandand shells, not far to the south of where the first high breakers hadbeen seen, in the afternoon of the 6th. A dry reef bore N. ½ E. , distanttwo and a half, and another E. ½ S. One-and-half miles; and from the masthead others were seen at the back of them, extending from N. W. By N. Tonear S. E. By E. WEDNESDAY 13 OCTOBER 1802 On going upon deck next morning at daybreak, to get the ship under way, Ifound her situation different to that wherein we had anchored in theevening. The wind had been light, and as usual in such cases, the cablewas shortened in; and it appeared from the bearings, and from thesoundings marked every hour on the log board, that between four and fivein the morning, the anchor had been lifted by the tide, or dragged, twomiles north-east amongst the reefs, from 33 into 28 fathoms; where it hadagain caught. This change of place had not been perceived; and it wasdifficult, from the circumstance having occurred at the relief of thewatch, to discover with whom the culpable inattention lay; but it mighthave been attended with fatal consequences. Having weighed the anchor, we steered westward with the brig and whaleboat ahead, until past ten; when the eastern breeze died away and thestream anchor was dropped in 30 fathoms, fine white sand. The reefs werethen covered. And a dry bank, bearing N. W. By W. Five or six miles, wasthe sole object above water; and towards noon it was covered also. Between this bank and the great reef and breakers, was a space whichseemed to be open; but it was not sufficiently large, nor did the tiderun with that regularity and strength, to induce a belief that, if therewere a passage, it could be such as I desired for the vessels. Wetherefore again steered westward, on a breeze rising at N. W. , untilreefs were seen extending southward from the dry bank, and we bore awayalong their eastern side. At sunset, the anchor was dropped in 36fathoms, near to our situation on the 6th at noon; the dry reefs bearingfrom S. 20° to N. 21° W. , distant from one to three miles. THURSDAY 14 OCTOBER 1802 At daylight the breeze was still from the north-westward, and our coursewas pursued to the south and south-west, close round the inner end of thereefs, till they trended west and we could no longer keep in with them. The Pine Peak of the northern Percy Isles, and several of the CumberlandIslands were then in sight; and at noon our situation and bearings wereas under. Latitude observed to the north and south, 21° 2' S. Longitude by time keeper, 150 11 E. Pine Peak, S. 6 30 E. Northumberland I. , marked 'i', S. 60 40 W. Cumberland I. , marked 'k', N. 89° to N. 85 30 W. Cumberland I. , six others, S. 75 to N. 54 30 W. The nearest of these isles was little better than a sand bank surroundedwith rocks, and was distant two leagues in the direction of N. 54° W. Wetacked ship at one, and at four o'clock; and anchored at dusk, in 27fathoms fine sand, about five miles to the N. N. W. Of our noon'ssituation. FRIDAY 15 OCTOBER 1802 The wind was at S. By E. In the morning, and we steered northward afterthe brig, in order to fall in with the reefs and prosecute our search foran opening; in an hour they were visible, and we passed along their westside at the distance of a mile. Before nine o'clock the brig made signalfor having only 17 fathoms, other reefs were discovered in thenorth-west, and the course was altered to pass within them. At eleven werounded their west end; and at noon were in latitude 20° 38' 58", andfrom the bearing of the Cumberland Isle _k_, in longitude 150° 1' east. We were now obliged to steer westward again, having reefs at the distanceof two miles, from N. E. By E. , to N. W. By W. ; and seeing that theyextended onward, and the breeze was fresh, I hauled up for the CumberlandIsland marked _l_, the largest yet seen, with the intention of anchoringthere for the night. The tide carried us too far to leeward, but wefetched a lesser island, _l2_, seven miles to the north; and came to, in17 fathoms grey sand, one mile from a beach on its north-west side, andhalf a mile from the reef which surrounds the island. SATURDAY 16 OCTOBER 1802 Early in the morning I landed with a party of the gentlemen, andscrambled through a thick brush and over lumps of rock, to the highestpart near the north end of the island. Hazy weather much contracted myview; but several new Cumberland Islands were visible, making up thenumber to fifteen, of which the greater part had not been seen by captainCook. Amongst the bearings taken with a theodolite, were those of 'k' and'k2', which had been set from No. 4 of the Percy Isles. 'k', the extremes, bore S. 48° 30' to 46° 40' E. 'k2', S. 36 50 to 33 40 E. Ship at anchor, dist. One mile, N. 64 0 W. From these bearings and the several latitudes, I ascertained thedifference of longitude made from Upper Head to the ship, to be 12' 37"west. This little island _l2_ is of a triangular shape, and each side of it isa mile long; it is surrounded by a coral reef which, as usual, presenteda beautiful piece of marine scenery. The stone which forms the basis ofthe island, and is scattered loosely over the surface, is a kind ofporphyry; a small piece of it, applied to the theodolite, did not affectthe needle, although, on moving the instrument a few yards southward, theeast variation was increased 2° 23'. Not much vegetable earth wascontained amongst the stones on the surface, yet the island was thicklycovered with trees and brush wood, whose foliage was not devoid ofluxuriance. Pines grow here, but they were more abundant, and seeminglylarger, upon some other of the islands, particularly on _l3_, to thewestward. There did not appear to be any fixed inhabitants; but proofs ofthe island having been visited some months before, were numerous; andupon the larger island _l_, there was a smoke. The time of high watercoincided with the swinging of the ship, and took place one hour beforethe moon's passage, as it had done amongst the barrier reefs; from ten tofifteen feet seemed to be the rise by the shore, and the flood came fromthe northward. We returned on board the ship at noon; but I deferred getting under waytill next morning, on account of the wind blowing fresh, and somebusiness to be executed which could not be attended to whilst among thereefs. This gave an opportunity of making further observations by thetime keepers, from which it appeared that they gave only 8' 36. 3" oflongitude west from Upper Head, with the rates there found; whereas bythe survey, we had made 12' 37". The time keeper No. 520, taken alone, gave 11' 35. 8"; and when the correction, afterwards found necessary inthe Gulph of Carpentaria, is applied, the difference becomes 12' 41", almost exactly as by survey. The previous positions of the ship amongstthe reefs, and wherever I had not any bearings of fixed points, havetherefore been deduced from this time keeper. The _latitude_ of the anchorage, from observations to the north andsouth. , was 20° 45' 28' S. _Longitude_ from a chain of bearings, connected with the fixed station inBroad Sound, 149° 34' 12" E. _Variation_ of the theodolite, observed on the north-west beach of _l2_, 7° 39' east; but it differed on the north head of the island, from 7° to9° 23' east, in the space of a few yards. The variation amongst the Barrier Reefs has not been mentioned; but fiveazimuths and amplitudes were taken between the 6th, p. M. And the 15tha. M. When corrected to the meridian, the extremes were 7° 53' and 7° 11';and the mean, in latitude 20° 44', longitude 150° 32', will be 7° 30'east. SUNDAY 17 OCTOBER 1802 At daylight on the 17th, the breeze was moderate at E. By N. , with fineweather; and in steering northward, close to the wind, we passed threemiles to leeward of a dry bank of rocks and sand. Several of theCumberland Islands were in sight at noon, when our situation and the mostessential bearings were as under. Latitude, observed to the north and south, 20° 23' 56"Longitude from bearings, 149 33¼Island l2, station on the north end, S. 5 E. Other isles, large and small, from thence to N. 67½ W. Pentecost I. (of capt. Cook), resembling a tower, S. 89 W. No reefs were in sight, nor in steering N. N. E. And N. E. By N. , couldany be distinguished from the mast head all the afternoon. At half pastfive we tacked and bore down to the brig; and then anchored in 31fathoms, speckled sand and small stones, and sent a boat to lieutenantMurray with orders. Our latitude here, by an observation of the moon, was 20° 10' south; andnow hoping we should not meet with any more interruption from the reefs, I resolved to send the brig back to Port Jackson. The Lady Nelson sailedso ill, and had become so leewardly since the loss of the main, and partof the after keel, that she not only caused us delay, but ran great riskof being lost; and instead of saving the crew of the Investigator, incase of accident, which was one of the principal objects of herattendance, it was too probable we might be called upon to render herthat assistance. A good vessel of the same size I should have consideredthe greatest acquisition in Torres' Strait and the Gulph of Carpentaria;but circumstanced as was the Lady Nelson, and in want of anchors andcables which could not be spared without endangering our own safety, shewas become, and would be more so every day, a burthen rather than anassistant to me. Lieutenant Murray was not much acquainted with the kindof service in which we were engaged; but the zeal he had shown to makehimself and his vessel of use to the voyage, made me sorry to deprive himof the advantage of continuing with us; and increased my regret at thenecessity of parting from our little consort. The stores and provisions already supplied to the brig, were returned;and Mr. Murray spared us his old launch, to replace, in some sort, thecutter we had lost in Strong-tide Passage. _Nanbarre_, one of the twonatives, having expressed a wish to go back to Port Jackson, was sent tothe Lady Nelson in the morning [MONDAY 18 OCTOBER 1802], with two seamenexchanged for the same number of that vessel's crew; and Mr. Denis Lacy, who had been lent, returned back to the Investigator. I wrote to HisExcellency governor King, an account of our proceedings and discoveriesupon the East Coast; and requested a new boat might be built against ourreturn to Port Jackson, and that the brig should be repaired and equippedready to accompany me in the following year. At nine o'clock we got under way, and showed our colours to bid farewellto the Lady Nelson; she steered southward for the Cumberland Islands, whilst our course was directed north-east, close to the wind. The brigwas not out of sight when more reefs were discovered, extending from eastto N. N. W. ; and in pursuance of my plan to avoid small openings, we boreaway to run along their inner side. At noon, the latitude was 19° 58'20", and longitude by time keeper, 149° 37' east. Reefs extended from E. ½ N. To S. ½ E. , at the distance of one to three miles; and there wereseparate patches somewhat further, bearing W. By N. ½ N. And N. N. E. Between the first and last bearing was an opening of a good appearance, and we hauled up for it; but the water having shoaled to 12 fathoms, though no breakers were seen ahead, we kept away again; and from thattime till evening, passed a variety of reefs, hauling up between them tolook into the openings, and bearing away when repulsed. None of thesebanks were dry, nor was there much breaking water upon them; which madeit probable that they were far within the outer line of the barrier. The breeze was fresh at south-east, and by sunset we had run elevenleagues upon various courses to the north-westward, with soundings from14 to 33 fathoms; the bottom being rocky in the shallow, and sandy in thedeeper parts. We were steering north-west, at the rate of six knots, whennew reefs were discovered, from ahead to abaft the larbord beam; uponwhich we clapped upon a wind to the southward, and just weathered them, passing through rippling water in 30 fathoms. Upon this occasion I feltvery happy that the Lady Nelson was gone, for in all probability shecould not have escaped this danger. Being now dark, it was too hazardousto stand on; and therefore, on finding a bottom of grey sand in 34fathoms, we came to with the best bower, veered to a whole cable, andsent down the top-gallant yards. The latitude here, from a meridianaltitude of the moon, was 19° 48 1/3', and the longitude 149° 13½'; therewas a small drain of ebb tide from the S. By W. , until eleven o'clock, but no run was perceptible afterwards. TUESDAY 19 OCTOBER 1802 In the morning, we saw the reef from N. ½ E. To W. ½ N. , not furtherdistant than two miles, and the northernmost of captain Cook's CumberlandIslands bore S. 56° W. , about eight leagues. The wind was at E. S. E, blowing fresh; and our course was pursued along the south side of thereef till nine o'clock; when it terminated, and we steered northwardtwelve miles, with no soundings at 30 fathoms. Another reef was thenseen, bearing from N. ½ E. To W. N. W. , and obliged us to steer westwardagain. The latitude at noon was 19° 35' 15", and longitude by time keeper 148°47½'; four reefs then extended from E. By S. To N. W. By W. , at thedistance of two to five miles; the northern Cumberland Island bore S. 9°E, and the outer of two hills which I judged to be upon Cape Gloucester, S. 39½° W. This bearing, and captain Cook's latitude of the cape, wouldmake its longitude to be 148° 26½', or 15½' east of what that greatnavigator lays it down; and it is to be observed, that from the time ofpassing Sandy Cape, my longitude had gradually become more eastward as weadvanced along the coast. It has before been said, that captain Cook hadno time keeper in his first voyage; nor did he possess many of ouradvantages in fixing the positions of places; it cannot therefore bethought presumptuous, that I should consider the Investigator's longitudeto be preferable. We ran from noon, five leagues W. ¾ N. Along the south side of the reefs;and seeing their termination at two o'clock, steered N. N. W. , HolborneIsle then bearing S. 53° W. , about four leagues. At half past four we hada small reef two or three miles to the W. S. W. , and a larger four milesto the N. E. ; and behind this last was one more extensive, with highbreakers on the outside, reaching from N. E. By N. To E. ½ S. I hauled upwith the intention of anchoring under the lee of these reefs, tillmorning; but not finding sufficient shelter against the sea, we tackedand stretched southward for the clear water between the reefs and theland. At sunset, the variation from amplitude was 5° 39' east; HolborneIsle bore S. By W. From the mast head, and no breakers were in sight. This tack was prolonged, under treble-reefed top sails, till ten o'clock;when a light was seen bearing S. By E. ½ E. , probably upon the isle, andwe stood to the northward. The wind blew fresh from the eastward all night, and raised a short swellwhich tried the ship more than any thing we had encountered from the timeof leaving Port Jackson; and I was sorry to find, brought on her formerleakiness, to the amount of five inches of water per hour. We tacked tothe south, soon after mid-night, and to the northward at three in themorning [WEDNESDAY 20 OCTOBER 1802]. Holborne Isle was seen bearing S. 6°W. , four or five leagues, at daylight; and at seven we passed betweenthree small reefs, of which the easternmost had been set at W. S. W. Onthe preceding afternoon. In half an hour, when the latitude from the moonwas 19° 14', and longitude by time keeper 148° 21½', distant highbreakers were seen to the north and eastward; the nearest small reef boreS. W. ½ W. , two miles, and a much larger one extended from N. ½ E. To W. By N. The passage between these two being three miles wide, we bore awaythrough it; and in following the south side of the great reef, leftanother, five or six miles long, on the larbord hand, the passage beingequally wide with the former, and the least depth 21 fathoms. Soon afterten o'clock, we steered northward, round the west end of the great reef. At noon, the latitude from observations to the north and south was 19° 8'15", and longitude by time keeper, 147° 59' east. No land was in sight, and the high breakers were lost in the eastern quarter; but we haddetached reefs in the N. E. , the N. E. By N. , and W. N. W. , distant fromtwo to five miles. Towards the north there was six points of clear water, and I steered onward till near three o'clock; when, besides two new reefsalready passed, one on each side, we had five others: two in the E. By N. At the distances of one and five miles. One E. S. E. Four miles, anotherN. W. By W. Six miles, and a fifth N. W. By N. Three miles. Whether tosteer onward amongst these, and trust to finding shelter for the night, or to run south-westward towards the land, and get within all the reefsbefore night came on, was an important, but difficult point to decide. The reefs in sight were small, and could not afford shelter against thesea which was breaking high upon them; but these breakers excited a hopethat we might, even then, be near an opening in the barrier; and althoughcaution inclined to steering back towards the land, this prospect of anoutlet determined me to proceed, at least until four o'clock, at thechance of finding either larger reefs for shelter, or a clear sea. Wewere successful. At four, the depth was 43 fathoms, and no reefs insight; and at six, a heavy swell from the eastward and a depth of 66fathoms were strong assurances that we had at length gained the open sea. The topsails were then treble reefed, and we hauled to the wind, whichblew strong at E. S. E. , with squally weather. At eight, hove to andsounded: no ground with 75 fathoms; and at twelve, none with 115. But thewind unfortunately headed two points; and the probability of meetingunknown reefs being thereby much increased, I tacked to the southward atone in the morning [THURSDAY 21 OCTOBER 1802]; preferring, if we must ofnecessity be again driven amongst them, to come in where we knew of anopening, rather than where their formation was totally unknown. At four, tacked ship to the northward, and sounded with 100 fathoms, nobottom. At daylight, no reefs could be seen from the mast head, the windhad moderated its strength, and we made all possible sail to the N. ByE. ; keeping two points free, to make the ship go through the water. Wenow considered ourselves entirely clear of the reefs; but at noon highbreakers were seen extending from West to N. N. W. , at the distance ofsix or seven miles, and we hauled up a point more to the eastward. Ourlatitude was 17° 54', longitude 148° 37', and at the depth of 100 fathomsthere was no ground; the variation observed in the morning, with threeazimuth compasses, was 6° 8' east, corrected to the meridian. Anotherreef was discovered at two o'clock, lying nearly three leagues to thenorthward of the former; but although there were many boobies, and tropicand man-of-war birds about, no more dangers had been descried at dusk;nor did we see any more until approaching Torres' Strait. I shall conclude this chapter with some general remarks on the reefs, which form so extraordinary a barrier to this part of New South Wales;and amongst which we sought fourteen days, and sailed more than fivehundred miles, before a passage could be found through them, out to sea. The easternmost parts of the barrier seen in the Investigator, lie nearlyin 21° south and 151° 10' east; but there can be no doubt that they areconnected with the reefs lying to the southward, discovered in 1797 bycaptain Campbell of the brig Deptford; and probably also with thosefurther distant, which captain Swain of the Eliza fell in with in thefollowing year. If so, the Barrier Reefs will commence as farsouth-eastward as the latitude 22° 50' and longitude about 152° 40', andpossibly still further; Break-sea Spit is a coral reef, and a connexionunder water, between it and the barrier, seems not improbable. Theopening by which we passed out, is in 18° 52', and 148° 2'; so that, didthe Barrier Reefs terminate here, their extent would be near 350 miles ina straight line; and in all this space, there seems to be no largeopening. Mr. Swain did, indeed, get out at the latitude 22°; but it wasby a long, and very tortuous channel. Of what extent our opening may be, is uncertain; but since captain Cookhad smooth water in running to the west and northward to CapeTribulation, where he first saw the reefs, it should seem to be not verygreat; certainly, as I think, not exceeding twenty, and perhaps not fiveleagues. I therefore assume it as a great probability, that with theexception of this, and perhaps several small openings, our Barrier Reefsare connected with the Labyrinth of captain Cook; and that they reach toTorres' Strait and to New Guinea, in 9° south; or through 14° of latitudeand 9° of longitude; which is not to be equalled in any other known partof the world. The breadth of the barrier seems to be about fifteen leagues in itssouthern part, but diminishes to the northward; for at the NorthumberlandIslands it is twelve, and near our opening the breadth is not more thanseven or eight leagues. The reefs seen in latitude 17¾°, after we gotthrough, being forty leagues from the coast, I consider to be distinctbanks out at sea; as I do those discovered by Mons. De Bougainville in15½°, which lie still further off. So far northward as I explored theBarrier Reefs, they are unconnected with the land; and continue so tolatitude 16°; for, as before said, captain Cook saw none until he hadpassed Cape Tribulation. An arm of the sea is inclosed between the barrier and the coast, which isat first twenty-five or thirty leagues wide; but is contracted to twenty, abreast of Broad Sound, and to nine leagues at Cape Gloucester; fromwhence it seems to go on diminishing, till, a little beyond CapeTribulation, reefs are found close to the shore. Numerous islands liescattered in this inclosed space; but so far as we are acquainted, thereare no other coral banks in it than those by which some of the islandsare surrounded; so that being sheltered from the deep waves of the ocean, it is particularly well adapted to the purposes of a coasting trade. Thereader will be struck with the analogy which this arm of the sea presentsto one in nearly the same latitude of the northern hemisphere. The Gulphof Florida is formed by the coast of America on the west, and by a greatmass of islands and shoals on the east; which shoals are also of coral. On the outside of the barrier, the sea appears to be generallyunfathomable; but within, and amongst the reefs, there are soundingsevery where. Nor is the depth very unequal, where the bottom is sandy;but like the breadth of the reefs and the arm they inclose, it diminishesas we advance northward, from 60 to 48, to 35, and to 30 fathoms near ouropening; and to 20 at Cape Tribulation. The further to leeward, theshallower the water, seems to be a law amongst coral reefs. There is some variation in the tide in different parts of the barrier, but the most general rise is about two fathoms; abreast of theNorthumberland Islands, however, where the flood from the south-east seemsto meet that from the northward, it is three fathoms, and perhaps more. The time of high water there, and also at the eastern Cumberland Islands, is _eleven hours after_ the moon's passage; but it probably acceleratesnorth-westward, to the opening, and then retards further on: at EndeavourRiver, captain Cook found it to be high water an hour and a half earlierthan is above given. It has been said, that the width of the opening by which we got out tosea, is uncertain; it is undoubtedly four, and possibly more leagues, butthere are many small, unconnected banks in it. To a ship desiring accessto any part of the coast, south of Endeavour River, I should certainlyrecommend her to enter the inclosed sea by the way of Break-sea Spit, ifable to choose her own route; but the question is, whether a ship drivenby stress of weather, or by accident, to seek the coast, might steer forthe opening with a fair prospect of passing through in safety? Icertainly think she might; with the precaution of not attempting thepassage late in the day. The marks to be given for it, are, the latitude18° 52', longitude 148° 2', variation 6° east with the ship's head northor south, and the soundings. When right off the opening, bottom will befound at from 70 to 40 fathoms before any reefs come in sight; whereas, if breakers be seen and no soundings can be obtained, it may be certainlyconcluded that the ship is not in the fair way for this opening, andprobably, that no large opening exists in that part of the barrier. Ongetting soundings and afterwards making the reefs near the situationabove given, a ship should push through the first opening of two mileswide that presents itself, and steer south-westward amongst the innerreefs for the land; and it will not be many hours, perhaps minutes, before she will find smooth water and anchoring ground. The commander whoproposes to make the experiment, must not, however, be one who throws hisship's head round in a hurry, so soon as breakers are announced fromaloft; if he do not feel his nerves strong enough to thread the needle, as it is called, amongst the reefs, whilst he directs the steerage fromthe mast head, I would strongly recommend him not to approach this partof New South Wales. CHAPTER V. Passage from the Barrier Reefs to Torres' Strait. Reefs named Eastern Fields. Pandora's Entrance to the Strait. Anchorage at Murray's Islands. Communication with the inhabitants. Half-way Island. Notions on the formation of coral islands in general. Prince of Wales's Islands, with remarks on them. Wallis' Isles. Entrance into the Gulph of Carpentaria. Review of the passage through Torres' Strait. [EAST COAST. TOWARDS TORRES' STRAIT. ] THURSDAY 21 OCTOBER 1802 The last reefs were out of sight in the evening of Oct. 21, and ourcourse was continued for Torres' Strait; but the barrier was yet at toolittle distance, not to cause apprehension of straggling reefs; and Ithought it too hazardous to run in the night, during this passage. At noon of the 22d [FRIDAY 22 OCTOBER 1802], our latitude was 16° 39', longitude 148° 43', and there was no bottom at 150 fathoms (Atlas, PlateXII. ); nor was any thing unusual to be seen, unless it were tropic andman-of-war birds, and gannets. The _Bâture de Diane_ of Mons. DeBougainville should lie about thirty-eight leagues to the N. E. By E. , and his western reefs about twenty-eight leagues to the N. N. W. ½ W. , ofthis situation; and to them, or perhaps some nearer banks, the birdsmight probably belong. * A piece of land is marked to the south-west ofthe first reefs, but its existence is very doubtful; for all that M. DeBougainville says of it (II, 163) is, that "some even thought they sawlow land to the south-west of the breakers. " [* Bougainville's longitude of the north end of Aurora Island, one of his_Archipel de Grandes Cyclades_ (the New Hebrides of Cook), differed 54'of longitude to the east of captain Cook's position; and it seems veryprobable that it was as much too great when the above dangers werediscovered. Admitting this to be the case, the situations extracted fromhis voyage (II, 161, 164) will be as under:Bâture de Diane 15° 41' south 150° 25' east of Greenwich. Reef 15 34½ 148 6Second reef, 15 17 147 57 ] SATURDAY 23 OCTOBER 1802 Next day at noon, we were in 15° 12' south, and 149° 2' east; the currenthad set half a knot to the N. N. W. , and many of the former kinds ofbirds, as also boobies and petrels, were seen. Hitherto we had kept upnearly to the wind, in order to gain an offing from the coast and BarrierReefs; but next morning [SUNDAY 24 OCTOBER 1802] the course was directedN. W. At noon, latitude 13° 47', longitude 148° 39': many boobies seen, and some petrels and tropic birds. On the 25th [MONDAY 25 OCTOBER 1802], a shag flew round the ship, and a large flock of petrels was seen:latitude at noon, 12° 55', longitude 147° 23', and the current settingmore than a mile an hour to the west (Atlas, Plate XIII. ). At eight inthe evening, when we hauled to the wind, there was no bottom at 130fathoms. WEDNESDAY 27 OCTOBER 1802 In the morning of the 27th, a small land bird, resembling a linnet, wasseen; at noon we were in 10° 28' south and 146° 7' east, and the currenthad set W. N. W. , three quarters of a mile an hour, since the 25th. Thewind, which had been at south-east, then shifted suddenly to north, andblew fresh with squally weather; but at midnight it veered to south-eastagain. These changes were accompanied with thunder, lightning and rain;indications, as I feared, of the approaching north-west monsoon. We layto, during a part of the night; and at day-break [THURSDAY 28 OCTOBER1802] bore away again upon our north western course. At eight o'clock, breakers were seen extending from S. W. By W. To N. By. E. , distant fromtwo to six miles; there was a small gap in them, bearing N. By W. ½ W. , but we hauled up north-east, to windward of the whole, and made moresail. I ventured to bear away at ten; and at noon our latitude was 9° 51'36", and longitude 145° 45½' by time keeper. No reefs were then in sight;but in steering west, we passed through a rippling of tide or current, and a single breaker was seen from the mast head, at three o'clock, bearing S. W. Four or five miles. These reefs lie nearly a degree to the eastward of those first seen bythe captains Edwards and Bligh, when entering Torres' Strait; for thenorth-eastern extreme lies in 10° 2' south, and 145° 45' east. From thisposition, the eastern line of the breakers extended ten or twelve milesto the S. S. W. , and the single breaker afterwards seen, lies about sixleagues to the W. N. W. ; but how far they may be connected, or what theextent of the reefs may be to the south-west, could not be seen. In thebelief that this was the first discovery of these coral banks, I calledthem the _Eastern Fields_; intending thereby to designate their positionwith respect to the other reefs of Torres' Strait. Our latitude at noon was exactly that of the opening by which captainEdwards of the Pandora had entered the Strait in 1791; and which I callthe _Pandora's Entrance_. This opening appeared to be preferable to thatfurther northward, by which captain Bligh and Mr. Bampton had got withinthe reefs; more especially as it led directly for Murray's Islands, where, if possible, I intended to anchor. Our course was thereforesteered west; and seeing no more reefs, it was continued until eight inthe evening, at which time we hauled to the wind, having no bottom at 105fathoms. FRIDAY 29 OCTOBER 1802 At daylight, after sounding ineffectually with 100 fathoms, we bore awayon our western course. Two reefs were seen at six o'clock; the onebearing N. By W. ½ W. Three, and the other W. By N. ½ N. Four miles. Theyseemed to be small, and unconnected; but in all probability were parts ofthose which form the north side of the Pandora's Entrance, and whichcaptain Bligh, who saw them more to the northward, named collectively, Portlock's Reef. The situation of the southernmost part, deduced from thepreceding and following noons, will be 9° 48' south, and 144° 45' east. [EAST COAST. TORRES' STRAIT. ] After passing these reefs, our course was west, by compass; and nothingfurther was descried till eleven o'clock; breakers then came in sightahead, and we hauled up north-east, till noon; when the observed latitudefrom both sides was 9° 36' 55", longitude 144° 13', and the depth 50fathoms on a bottom of fine, white sand. The reef was distant one mileand a half in the nearest part, and three miles at the extremes, whichbore N. 15° E. And S. 60° W. ; a sand bank or key upon it bore W. ¾ S. , and is probably dry at all times, for it was then near high water. Finding by the latitude that we had been set considerably to the north, and were out of the parallel of Murray's Islands, I tacked to the S. S. W. ; and at two o'clock, the largest island was seen bearing S. 38° W. About five leagues. Soon afterward, a reef came in sight to thesouth-east, extending in patches toward the islands; and presentlyanother was distinguished to the westward, from the mast head, which tooknearly a parallel direction, the passage between them being about fourmiles wide. We steered along the lee side of the eastern reef, at thedistance of a mile, with soundings from 29 to 24 fathoms, coral sand, until four o'clock; the reef then trended more southward, and we edgedaway for the islands, of which Mr. Westall sketched the appearance (AtlasPlate XVIII. View 10). At half past five, the largest island bore S. 36°E. To 28° W. , one mile and a half; and there being more reefs coming insight to the westward, the anchor was immediately let go in 20 fathoms, coarse sand and shells. The north and east sides of the island aresurrounded by a reef, which may probably include the two smaller isles onits southwest side; but it is totally unconnected with the reefs to thenorth-east. These appear to be a northern continuation of the vast bank, on the outside of which the Pandora sailed as far as 11½° south, and inthe chart of captain Edwards' track, published by Mr. Dalrymple, it ismarked as surrounding the islands; whereas it is at least four milesdistant from the reef which probably does surround them. A number of poles standing up in various places, more especially betweenthe islands, appeared at a distance like the masts of canoes, and made meapprehend that the inhabitants of the Strait had collected a fleet here;but on approaching nearer, the poles were found to be upon the reefs, andwere probably set up for some purpose connected with fishing. We hadscarcely anchored when between forty and fifty Indians came off, in threecanoes. They would not come along-side of the ship, but lay off at alittle distance, holding up cocoa nuts, joints of bamboo filled withwater, plantains, bows and arrows, and vociferating _tooree! tooree!_ and_mammoosee!_ A barter soon commenced, and was carried on in this manner:a hatchet, or other piece of iron (tooree) being held up, they offered abunch of green plantains, a bow and quiver of arrows, or what they judgedwould be received in exchange; signs of acceptance being made, the Indianleaped overboard with his barter, and handed it to a man who went downthe side to him; and receiving his hatchet, swam back to the canoe. Somedelivered their articles without any distrust of the exchange, but thiswas not always the case. Their eagerness to get tooree was great, and atfirst, any thing of that same metal was received; but afterwards, if anail were held up to an Indian, he shook his head, striking the edge ofhis right hand upon the left arm, in the attitude of chopping; and he waswell enough understood. At sunset, two of the canoes returned to Murray's Island, paddling towindward with more velocity than one of our boats could have rowed; thethird set a narrow, upright sail, between two masts in the fore part ofthe canoe, and steered north-westward, as I judged, for the Darnley'sIsland of captain Bligh. I did not forget that the inhabitants of these islands had made an attackupon the Providence and Assistant in 1792 (Vol I, Introduction*); northat Mr. Bampton had some people cut off at Darnley's Island in 1793 (VolI, Introduction**). The marines were therefore kept under arms, the gunsclear, and matches lighted; and officers were stationed to watch everymotion, one to each canoe, so long as they remained near the ship. Bowsand arrows were contained in all the canoes; but no intention ofhostility was manifested by the Indians, unless those who steered forDarnley's Island might be supposed to go for assistance. [* "On the 5th, boats were again sent to sound the passage. Several largesailing canoes were seen; and the cutter making the signal forassistance, the pinnace was sent to her, well manned and armed. On thereturn of the boats in the afternoon, it appeared, that, of four canoeswhich used their efforts to get up to the cutter, one succeeded. . . . "] [** "After having gone entirely round the island, and seen nothing of theobject of his research, Mr. Dell returned to the first cove; where agreat concourse of natives, armed with bows, arrows, clubs, and lances, were assembled at the outskirt of the wood. . . . "] [SATURDAY 30 OCTOBER 1802] We did not get under way in the morning, until the sun was high enoughfor altitudes to be taken for the time keepers. Soon after daylight, thenatives were with us again, in seven canoes; some of them came under thestern, and fifteen or twenty of the people ascended on board, bringing intheir hands pearl-oyster shells and necklaces of cowries; with which, andsome bows and arrows, they obtained more of the precious _tooree_. Wishing to secure the friendship and confidence of these islanders tosuch vessels as might hereafter pass through Torres' Strait, and notbeing able to distinguish any chief amongst them, I selected the oldestman, and presented him with a hand-saw, a hammer and nails, and someother trifles; of all which we attempted to show him the use, but Ibelieve without success; for the poor old man became frightened, onfinding himself to be so particularly noticed. At this time we began to heave short for weighing, and made signs to theIndians to go down into their canoes, which they seemed unwilling tocomprehend; but on the seamen going aloft to loose the sails, they wenthastily down the stern ladder and ship's sides, and shoved off; andbefore the anchor was up they paddled back to the shore, without our goodunderstanding having suffered any interruption. The colour of these Indians is a dark chocolate; they are active, muscular men, about the middle size, and their countenances expressive ofa quick apprehension. Their features and hair appeared to be similar tothose of the natives of New South Wales, and they also go quite naked;but some of them had ornaments of shell work, and of plaited hair orfibres of bark, about their waists, necks, and ancles. Our friendBongaree could not understand any thing of their language, nor did theypay much attention to him; he seemed, indeed, to feel his owninferiority, and made but a poor figure amongst them. The arms of thesepeople have been described in the voyage of captain Bligh (Vol I, Introduction*); as also the canoes. , of which the annexed plate, from adrawing by Mr. Westall, gives a correct representation. The two masts, when not wanted, are laid along the gunwales; when set up, they standabreast of each other in the fore part of the canoe, and seemed to besecured by one set of shrouds, with a stay from one mast head to theother. The sail is extended between them; but when going with a sidewind, the lee mast is brought aft by a back stay, and the sail thenstands obliquely. In other words, they brace up by setting in the head ofthe lee mast, and perhaps the foot also; and can then lie within sevenpoints of the wind, and possibly nearer. This was their mode, so far as adistant view would admit of judging; but how these long canoes keep tothe wind, and make such way as they do, without any after sail, I am at aloss to know. [* "Their arms were bows, arrows, and clubs, which they bartered forevery kind of iron work with eagerness; but appeared to set little valueon any thing else. The bows are made of split bamboo; and so strong, thatno man in the ship could bend one of them. The string is a broad slip ofcane, fixed to one end of the bow; and fitted with a noose, to go overthe other end, when strung. The arrow is a cane of about four feet long, into which a pointed piece of the hard, heavy, _casuarina_ wood, isfirmly and neatly fitted; and some of them were barbed. Their clubs aremade of the _casuarina_, and are powerful weapons. The hand part isindented, and has a small knob, by which the firmness of the grasp ismuch assisted; and the heavy end is usually carved with some device: Onehad the form of a parrot's head, with a ruff round the neck; and was notill done. "] Murray's largest island is nearly two miles long, by something more thanone in breadth; it is rather high land, and the hill at its western endmay be seen from a ship's deck at the distance of eight or nine leagues, in a clear day. The two smaller isles seemed to be single hills, risingabruptly from the sea, and to be scarcely accessible; nor did we see uponthem any fires, or other marks of inhabitants. On the shores of the largeisland were many huts, surrounded by palisades, apparently of bamboo;cocoa-nut trees were abundant, both on the low grounds and the sides ofthe hills, and plantains, with some other fruits, had been brought to us. There were many Indians sitting in groups upon the shore, and the sevencanoes which came off to the ship in the morning, contained from ten totwenty men each, or together, about a hundred. If we suppose thesehundred men to have been one half of what belonged to the islands, and tothe two hundred men add as many women and three hundred children, thepopulation of Murray's Isles will amount to seven hundred; of whichnearly the whole must belong to the larger island. The _latitude_ of the highest hill, deduced from that of the ship at thefollowing noon, is 9° 54' south, and _longitude_ by the time keepercorrected, 144° 2' east; being 3' north, and 20' east of its position bycaptain Edwards. A regular tide of about one knot an hour set E. By S. And W. By N. , past the ship; and by her swinging, it was high water athalf an hour after midnight, or about _ten hours and a half after_ themoon had passed over the meridian. The bottom seemed to be loose at ouranchorage; but were these islands examined, it is probable that betterground and shelter would be found on their western sides. I distinguishedfrom the mast head the north end of a reef, three miles distant to the W. N. W. ; but could not see whether it joined the reef surrounding the largeisland. At N. N. W. ¾ W. Four miles, was the south-west end of anotherreef; and when we got under way at half past eight in the morning, ourcourse was directed between the two. Ripplings of a suspicious appearance caused the whale boat to be keptahead for some time; but finding no ground upon them with 30 fathoms, andthe breeze becoming fresh, the boat was called on board. At 9h 40' thefollowing bearings were taken: Darnley's Island, highest part, N. 39° W. Murray's Islands, the largest, S. 58° to 40 E. Murray's Islands, two smaller, nearly touching, S. 36 to 27 E. Rippling off the N. End of a reef, dist. ½ mile, S. W. ½ W. East end of a reef, distant 1½ miles, N. 6 E. Mr. Westall's second view of Murray's Isles was taken from this position. (Atlas Pl. XVIII. View 11. ) Knowing the difficulties experienced by captain Bligh and Mr. Bampton inthe northern part of the strait, I kept as much up to the southward, forCape York, as the direction of the reefs would admit. On the windwardside, we had a long chain of them extending W. S. W. To a great distance;but its breadth was not great, as the blue water was seen beyond it, fromthe mast head. On the north side there was no regular chain, and but onereef of much extent; small patches were indeed announced every now andthen, from aloft, but these did not cause us much impediment; thegreatest was from two right in our track; but being a mile apart, wepassed between them at eleven o'clock. [NORTH COAST. TORRES' STRAIT. ] Until noon, we had no soundings with from 25 to 30 fathoms of line, butthen found broken coral and shells at the latter depth; the great reefsto windward were two or three miles distant, stretching south-west, andour situation and bearings were as under: Latitude observed, 9° 53½' S. Longitude from time keeper, 143 42 E. Murray's Isles, the largest, highest part, S. 88½ E. Murray's Isles, the westernmost, highest part, S. 81½ E. Darnley's I. , highest part, obscure, N. 10 E. A small, low isle, To the westward. Nearest reef, distant two miles, S. 67° to N. 43 W. Having a fresh breeze at S. E. By E, we ran at the rate of six knots, following the chain of reefs lying to windward. On the other side, therewere still very few reefs; but several low isles were distinguished, similar to that seen at noon; these were small, but seemingly wellcovered with wood, and appertain, as I judge, to the group called by Mr. Bampton, Cornwallis' Range. At half past two, we passed between reefs onemile and a half asunder, having no ground at 25 fathoms; and then thechain which had been followed from Murray's Isles, either terminated ortook a more southern direction. Another small, woody isle was then insight, nearly in our track, at four it bore N. 67° W. , two-and-halfmiles; and not seeing any other island ahead to afford shelter for thenight, we bore away round the south end of its reef, and came to ananchor in 17 fathoms, coral sand. Cent. Of the island, dist. 1¼ miles, bore, S. 83° E. The surrounding reef, N. 78° to S. 12 E. A woody isle, westmost of five seen this p. M. , N. 9 W. A dry sand, set from the mast head, S. W. ¾ S. A boat was lowered down, and I went on shore with the botanicalgentlemen, to look about the island. It is little better than a bank ofsand, upon a basis of coral rock; yet it was covered with shrubs andtrees so thickly, that in many places they were impenetrable. Thenorth-western part is entirely sand, but there grew upon it numbers of_pandanus_ trees, similar to those of the east coast of New South Wales;and around many of them was placed a circle of shells of the _chamagigas_, or gigantic cockle, the intention of which excited my curiosity. It appeared that this little island was visited occasionally by theIndians, who obtained from it the fruit of the pandanus, and probablyturtle, for the marks of them were seen; and the reef furnishes them withcockles, which are of a superior size here to those we had found upon thereefs of the East Coast. There being no water upon the island, they seemto have hit upon the following expedient to obtain it: Long slips of barkare tied round the smooth stems of the pandanus, and the loose ends areled into the shells of the cockle, placed underneath. By these slips, therain which runs down the branches and stem of the tree, is conducted intothe shells, and fills them at every considerable shower; and as eachshell will contain two or three pints, forty or fifty thus placed underdifferent trees will supply a good number of men. A pair of these cockleshells, bleached in the sun, weighed a hundred and one pounds; but stillthey were much inferior in size to some I have since seen. The fruit of the pandanus, as it is used by these Indians and by thenatives of Terra Australis, affords very little nourishment. They suckthe bottom part of the drupes, or separated nuts, as we do the leaves ofthe artichoke; but the quantity of pulp thus obtained, is very small, andto my taste, too astringent to be agreeable. In the third volume of theAsiatic Researches, the fruit of the pandanus is described as furnishing, under the name of _Mellori_, an important article of food to theinhabitants of the Nicobar Islands; and in Mauritius, one of thesespecies is planted for its long and fibrous leaves, of which sacks, mats, and bags for coffee and cotton are in a made. This little island, or rather the surrounding reef, which is three orfour miles long, affords shelter from the south-east winds; and being ata moderate day's run from Murray's Isles, it forms a convenient anchoragefor the night to a ship passing through Torres' Strait: I named it_Half-way Island_. It is scarcely more than a mile in circumference, butappears to be increasing both in elevation and extent. At no very distantperiod of time, it was one of those banks produced by the washing up ofsand and broken coral, of which most reefs afford instances, and those ofTorres' Strait a great many. These banks are in different stages ofprogress: some, like this, are become islands, but not yet habitable;some are above high-water mark, but destitute of vegetation; whilstothers are overflowed with every returning tide. It seems to me, that when the animalcules which form the corals at thebottom of the ocean, cease to live, their structures adhere to eachother, by virtue either of the glutinous remains within, or of someproperty in salt water; and the interstices being gradually filled upwith sand and broken pieces of coral washed by the sea, which alsoadhere, a mass of rock is at length formed. Future races of theseanimalcules erect their habitations upon the rising bank, and die intheir turn to increase, but principally to elevate, this monument oftheir wonderful labours. The care taken to work perpendicularly in theearly stages, would mark a surprising instinct in these diminutivecreatures. Their wall of coral, for the most part in situations where thewinds are constant, being arrived at the surface, affords a shelter, toleeward of which their infant colonies may be safely sent forth; and tothis their instinctive foresight it seems to be owing, that the windwardside of a reef exposed to the open sea, is generally, if not always thehighest part, and rises almost perpendicular, sometimes from the depth of200, and perhaps many more fathoms. To be constantly covered with water, seems necessary to the existence of the animalcules, for they do notwork, except in holes upon the reef, beyond low-water mark; but the coralsand and other broken remnants thrown up by the sea, adhere to the rock, and form a solid mass with it, as high as the common tides reach. Thatelevation surpassed, the future remnants, being rarely covered, losetheir adhesive property; and remaining in a loose state, form what isusually called a _key_, upon the top of the reef. The new bank is notlong in being visited by sea birds; salt plants take root upon it, and asoil begins to be formed; a cocoa nut, or the drupe of a pandanus isthrown on shore; land birds visit it and deposit the seeds of shrubs andtrees; every high tide, and still more every gale, adds something to thebank; the form of an island is gradually assumed; and last of all comesman to take possession. Half-way Island is well advanced in the above progressive state; havingbeen many years, probably some ages, above the reach of the highestspring tides, or the wash of the surf in the heaviest gales. Idistinguished, however, in the rock which forms its basis, the sand, coral, and shells formerly thrown up, in a more or less perfect state ofcohesion; small pieces of wood, pumice stone, and other extraneous bodieswhich chance had mixed with the calcareous substances when the cohesionbegan, were inclosed in the rock; and in some cases were still separablefrom it without much force. The upper part of the island is a mixture ofthe same substances in a loose state, with a little vegetable soil; andis covered with the _casuarina_ and a variety of other trees and shrubs, which give food to paroquets, pigeons, and some other birds; to whoseancestors it is probable, the island was originally indebted for thisvegetation. The latitude of Half-way Island, deduced from that of the preceding andfollowing noons, is 10° 8' south, and longitude by time keeper corrected, 143° 18' east. From the time of anchoring, to nine at night, there was aset past the ship to the north-east, of half a knot; it ceased for threehours, then recommencing at a slower rate, ran to the same point. Thusfar in the strait, the current had been found to run at the rate offourteen miles a day to the westward; and the above set might have beenan eddy under the lee of the reef, for it seemed too irregular to be atide. [SUNDAY 31 OCTOBER 1802] At daylight in the morning the south-east trade blew fresh with squallyweather. We steered south-westward, passing at seven o'clock between twodry sands, three or four miles apart, with a depth of 15 fathoms; ateight, another dry bank was left two miles to the southward, and a small, low island set at N. By W. , two or three leagues. From this time, andrunning at the rate of seven knots, nothing was seen until ten; a drysand then bore N. 78° W. , two miles and a half, and two more low isleswere seen to the northward; the soundings had become regular, between 10and 9 fathoms, and the bottom was of mixed sand and shells, fit foranchorage. Our latitude at noon was 10° 26' 45", and longitude 142° 39½';and we had high land bearing S. 3° E. Ten or twelve miles, which Isupposed might be the easternmost of the York Isles, although captainCook's longitude of it was 38' more westward. The weather being hazy, noother land was seen, nor any reefs; but at one o'clock, I set thesebearings: York Isle, high flat top, S. 35° E. A more northern, double isle, S. 84 W. A high peaked hill (Mt. Ernest of Bligh), N. 16 W. [NORTH COAST. PRINCE OF WALES' ISLANDS. ] At two o'clock, when we passed on the north side of the double isle, itwas seen to be surrounded with a coral reef, and there were rocks on itswest and south sides. We then hauled tip S. W. By S. For some rockyislets lying, as I supposed, off Cape York; but finding no shelter there, bore away round the north end of an island, of which Mr. Westall took aview (Atlas, Plate XVIII. View 12), and anchored in 7 fathoms, gravel andshells, one mile and a half from the land, and two or three cables lengthfrom a shoal to the southward, which became dry at low water. Ourlatitude here was 10° 30' from bearings, and longitude by time-keeper142(? illegible in book) 18½' east; but I was altogether at a loss toknow what islands these were, under which we had anchored. Supposing theflat-topped island to have been the easternmost York Isle, the land wehad in sight to the southward should have been Cape York; but no suchisles as those around us were laid down by captain Cook, to the north ofthat cape. On consulting the sketch made by captain Bligh in the Bounty'slaunch (Voyage to the South Seas, p. 220), it appeared that the firstland was not the easternmost isle, but one much nearer to Cape York; andthat our anchorage was under the southern group of the Prince of Wales'Islands, the longitude of which, by captain Cook, is 1° 12' west of whatI make it. * The north-eastern isle of this group, under which we moreimmediately lay, is that named Wednesday Island by captain Bligh; to theother isles he gave no name; but the one westward of the ship seems tohave been the Hammond's Island of captain Edwards, when passing here withthe Pandora's boats. So soon as the weather cleared a little, thesubjoined bearings were taken. [* Mr. Wales deduces from captain Cook's observations in the Endeavour, that the error of his chart here, is 35' west (_Astron. Observations_, p. 131). ] Wednesday I. , distant 1½ to 3 miles, S. 89° E. To 21° W. Hammond's Isle, dist. 4 or 5 miles, S. 52 W. To 71 W. Hawkesbury I. (of Edwards), highest part, N. 52 W. Mount Augustus (of Bligh), N. 2 W. A small isle, distant three leagues, N. 24 E. Mount Ernest, peak, N. 36 E. Double Isle, passed at 2 p. M. , N. 70½ E. Breakers on a reef, distant 3½ miles, N. 64 to 30 W. [MONDAY 1 NOVEMBER 1802] This evening and all the next day, the wind blew so strong that it wasimpossible to land; nor did I think it prudent to quit the anchorage, though anxious to commence the survey of the Gulph of Carpentaria. UponHammond's Island some fires were seen; but Wednesday Island showed nosigns of being inhabited, unless some whitish, conical figures likesentry boxes, were huts; there were bushes and small trees scattered overboth islands, but their general appearance was rocky and barren. The tide here ran nine hours to the westward, at the strongesttwo-and-half knots; and three hours north-eastward, but scarcelyperceptible; which deviation from the regular order was probably causedby the current setting westward. So far as the soundings taken every hourcould ascertain the rise, it was at least two fathoms, and high watertook place _four or five hours after_ the moon's passage over and underthe meridian, and was completed by the three hours tide. According tothis, it would be high water here, and low water at Murray's Islands atthe same time, which would present a remarkable analogy between thisstrait and that of Bass to the southward; this however is certain, thatthe tide set E. By S. One knot and a quarter, at Murray's Islands, atfour in the morning; and that two days afterward, at Wednesday Island, itset from one-and-half to two-and-half knots W. By S. , from one till sevenin the morning. I will not venture to say that the latter part of theflood comes from southwest at the Prince of Wales' Islands, thoughappearances bespoke it; because captain Cook, who had better opportunityfor observation, found it setting from the east, in Endeavour's Strait. He also gives the time of high water at one or two hours after the moon, which comes nearer to what I observed at Murray's Islands. From azimuths with the surveying compass when the head was S. E. By E. , the variation was 3° 32', or corrected to the meridian, 4° 52' east. TUESDAY 2 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning of Nov. 2, the wind being more moderate and at E. S. E. , we steered between Hammond's Island and the north-western reef, withsoundings from 6 to 9 fathoms. Another island appeared beyond Hammond's, to the south-west, which, as it had no name, I called _Good's Island_, after Mr. Good, the botanical gardener; and we hauled up for it, passinga rock and a small reef between the two. On seeing an extensive shoalahead, which would have carried us off the land to go round it, weanchored in 7 fathoms, dead coral and shells, with the north end ofHammond's Island bearing N. 64° E. , four or five miles. The botanicalgentlemen landed on Good's Island; and in the afternoon I took thesebearings amongst others, from a hill near its south-west end. The ship, distant 1¼ miles, N. 58° 0' W. Wallis' Isles, over the Shoal Cape of Bligh, S. 23 5 W. Booby Isle, centre, S. 80 0 W. Northern isles, the westernmost visible, N. 28° 10' to 24 5 W. Hawkesbury Island, N. 9 15 to 4 0 W. North-west reef, its apparent termination, N. 38 50 W. The shoal which stopped our progress did not run off from Shoal Cape, ascaptain Bligh had supposed, but from a smaller and nearer island, twomiles from my station. Within the large island, of which Shoal Cape formsthe north-western point, I saw water like an inclosed port, probably theWolf's Bay of captain Edwards; and it seemed possible that the land maybe there divided; but the best information I can give of the forms andextent of all these islands, will be seen in the particular chart. It was now ascertained, that the figures resembling sentry boxes were anthills, of eight or more feet high; Pelsert found similar hills on theWest Coast, and says they might have been taken for the houses ofIndians, as in fact we did take them at a distant view. They were alsoseen by Dampier on the North-west Coast, who mistook them in the sameway; but says he found them to be so many rocks, probably from not makingthe examination with his usual care. The insects which inhabit, and Isuppose erect these structures, are small, reddish, with black heads, andseemed to be a sluggish and feeble race. We found the common black fliesexcessively numerous here; and almost as troublesome as Dampier describesthem to be on the North-west Coast. Good's Island is between one and two miles long, and resembles the restof the cluster in being hilly, woody, and rocky, with small beaches onthe leeward side. The stone is granitic and brittle; but there is alsoporphyry, and in one place I found streaks of verdegrease, as if thecliffs above had contained copper ore. A log of wood, resembling thecedar of Port Jackson, was thrown up on the beach, but none of the treeswere seen; those scattered over the island, though of various kinds, weresmall and fit for little else than the fire. A species of silk-cottonplant was plentiful; the fibres in the pod are strong, and have a finegloss, and might perhaps be advantageously employed in manufacture. From two supplements of the sun's meridian altitude to the north, the_latitude_ of our anchorage would be 10° 34' 12"; but the supplementsobserved on the 31st having given 1' 14" too far south, the correctlatitude is taken to be 10° 32' 58". The _longitude_ from nine sets ofdistances of the sun west of the moon, was 142° 23'; but by the correctedtime keeper, which I prefer, it was 142° 10½' east. To compare thislongitude with that of captain Cook, it must be reduced to some pointdistinctly laid down by him, and I take Booby Island, which was in sight. According to that navigator, Booby Isle is in 140° 38' east (Hawkesworth, III, 214); whereas I made it to lie in 141° 57', or 1° 19' further east, a difference which certainly appears very extraordinary; but it is stillmore so, that the island should be laid down 63' of longitude to the westof the high, flat-topped York Isle, instead Of 43' or 44'. To show thatthe longitude by my time keeper was not much, if any thing too great, Ihave to observe, that in captain Bligh's manuscript chart of 1792, MountAugustus is laid down from his time keepers in 142° 14'; and the mean ofhis lunar observations, taken eight days before and six days afterward, was 16' _more east_. My time keeper now placed Mount Augustus in 142°18', or only 4' more east than captain Bligh's chart, consequently in 12'less than by his lunar observations; by which quantity it was also lessthan the nine sets of distances now taken by lieutenant Flinders. No run of tide was perceptible at the anchorage, from eight in themorning to two p. M. ; but it then set westward, and continued so to dountil four next morning, and was then running one knot and a half. Thetime of high water appeared by the soundings, to be nearly as they gaveit at Wednesday Island. WEDNESDAY 3 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning of the 3rd, the wind was moderate at E. S. E. , and we madesail to get in with the main land to the south of the Prince of Wales'Islands. In hauling round the dry part of the shoal, we fell into 3fathoms, and were obliged to steer round off; nor was it until after manyattempts, and running four or five miles further to the south-westward, that the shoal would allow us to steer a southern course. At 8h 45', being then in 5 fathoms, Booby Isle bore, N. 56° W. Cape Cornwall, S. 58 E. Station on Good's Island, dist. 11 miles N. 54½ E. From hence we carried 6 to 7 fathoms until past ten, and afterwardsirregular soundings between 3 and 9 fathoms, to noon; the latitude from asupplement to the north, with the same correction as applied on the 2nd, was then 10° 50' 44", and the bearings of the land were these; Station on Good's Island, N. 29½° E. Cape Cornwall, N. 68 E. Wallis' Isles, the highest, distant 2½ miles, N. 84 E. Wallis' Isles, a lower and broader, dist. 3 or 4 miles, S. 71° to 64 E. Main land, low sandy point, dist. 8 miles, S. 43 E. Main land, furthest extreme near a smoke, S. 77 E. Between Cape Cornwall and the low main land above set, is the openingcalled in the old Dutch chart, Speult's River; but which captain Cook, who sailed through it, named Endeavour's Strait. Wallis' Isles are small, low, and rocky, and the northernmost seemed destitute of vegetation; theyare surrounded with sandy shoals, which appeared to connect with the mainland and leave no ship passage between them. On the north side of theisles there are several banks at the outlet of Endeavour's Strait; andthe passage this way into the Indian Ocean is thereby rendered muchinferior to that between Wednesday Island and the north-west reef, inwhich there are no difficulties. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] We passed Wallis' Isles, steering southward to get in with the maincoast; but the shoals forced us to run seven or eight miles to the west, out of sight of land, before regular soundings could be obtained and asouthern course steered into the Gulph of Carpentaria. At dusk, theanchor was dropped in 8 fathoms, soft mud, in latitude 11° 5', asobserved from the moon to the north and south, and longitude 141° 51' bytime keeper. The variation from amplitude at sunset, was 2° 33', with theship's head S. S. E. , or 3° 10' east when reduced to the meridian; whichis 1° 42' less than was obtained from azimuths under Wednesday Island. I now considered all the difficulties of Torres' Strait to be surmounted, since we had got a fair entry into the Gulph of Carpentaria; and to haveaccomplished this, before the north-west monsoon had made any strongindications, was a source of much satisfaction, after the unexpecteddelay amongst the Barrier Reefs on the East Coast. It was thisapprehension of the north-west monsoon that prevented me from making anyfurther examination of the Strait, than what could be done in passingthrough it; but even this was not without its advantage to navigation, since it demonstrated that this most direct passage, from the southernPacific, or Great Ocean to the Indian Seas, may be accomplished _in threedays_. It may be remembered, that the reefs on the north side of thePandora's Entrance were passed at six in the morning of Oct. 29; andthat, after lying two nights at anchor, we reached the Prince of Wales'sIslands at three in the afternoon of the 31st; and nothing then preventedus from passing Booby Isle, had I wished it, and clearing Torres' Straitbefore dusk. Our route was almost wholly to seek, and another ship whichshall have that route laid down to her, may surely accomplish the passagein the same time; it must however be acknowledged, that this navigationis not without difficulties and dangers; but I had great hope ofobviating many of them, and even of finding a more direct passage by thesouth of Murray's Islands in the following year, when I should have theassistance of the Lady Nelson in making a survey of the Strait. CHAPTER VI. Examination of the coast on the east side of the Gulph of Carpentaria. Landing at Coen River. Head of the Gulph. Anchorage at Sweers' Island. Interview with Indians at Horse-shoe Island. Investigator's Road. The ship found to be in a state of decay. General remarks on the islands at the Head of the Gulph, and their inhabitants. Astronomical and nautical observations. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] THURSDAY 4 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning of Nov. 4, the wind was at south-east, and we steeredsouthward, close to it, with soundings from 8 to 11 fathoms. Several landbirds of the size of a pigeon, but more slender, came off to the ship;when taken they fought desperately, being armed for war with a strongclaw upon each wing. This bird had been seen at Port Philip on the SouthCoast, and belongs to the genus _Tringa_, being very nearly allied to the_Tringa Goensis_. At noon, the latitude was 11° 24½', longitude 141°46½'; and at three, a sea breeze which set in from south-west, enabled usto steer in for the coast of Carpentaria on the east side of the Gulph;and it came in sight from the mast head soon afterwards. At five, thenearest part was six or eight miles distant, and the extremes bore N. E. To S. S. E. ; the depth of water was 10 fathoms, which decreased to 7½ atdusk, when we anchored on a bottom of gravel and shells; the shore beingthen distant four miles, and the extremes bearing N. 38° to S. 8° E. Itwas sandy and low, like that on the south side of Endeavour's Strait, with which it is no doubt connected; although, in a space of five or sixleagues, our distance was too great for the land to be seen; behind theshore it was indifferently covered with shrubs and small trees, buttotally destitute of any thing like a hill: fires bespoke it to beinhabited. There was no set of tide past the ship in the night, but thedepth of water diminished from 7½ to 6¼ fathoms. FRIDAY 5 NOVEMBER 1802 When we got under way in the morning to proceed along shore, the wind waslight, off the land, and soon after nine it fell calm; a drain of tidesetting to the north-east, induced me to drop a stream anchor, four orfive miles from a part of the beach where some natives were collectedround a fire. At eleven the sea breeze came in from W. By N. , with darkcloudy weather, and we steered onward, passing a small opening at oneo'clock, four or five miles south of the natives. A much larger openingcame in sight at two, into which I hoped to get the ship; but the waterwas so shallow at five or six miles off, that we were obliged to tack;and after making a second ineffectual attempt, it became dusk, and weanchored in 6½ fathoms, fine dark sand, the centre of the opening bearingS. 37° E. Three leagues. The coast was low, as before, but the trees upon it were taller. Thelargest opening is about two miles wide, leading in south-east; butturning afterwards more east, and apparently contracting its width. Nearthe south-west point of the entrance, which projects a little from thegeneral line of the shore, was a clump of trees, higher than usual, presenting the first mark I had yet found for bearings. The latitude ofthis opening is 11° 55', and agrees nearly with that of Batavia River inthe old Dutch chart; but the shoal which runs six miles out, seemed torender it inaccessible to a ship. SATURDAY 6 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning we had a breeze off the land; and the fear of thenorth-west monsoon preventing me from taking time to beat up, we passedBatavia River at the distance of six miles, with soundings from 5 to 8fathoms. Several flocks of ducks were seen coming from the westward, where they had probably been to pass the night upon some island notinhabited. Our latitude at noon, from double altitudes, was 11° 56', andlongitude by time keeper 141° 50'; the clump of trees near the entranceof Batavia River bore E. 1° S. , the furthest extreme of the land, S. 11°W. , and the nearest part was distant four miles. The land wind continued to blow all day, but permitted us to lie alongthe shore. On its falling calm toward sunset, we anchored in 10 fathoms, soft mud, three or four miles from the coast; the extremes bearing N. 49°E. And S. 2° W. A light air came off the land at four in the morning[SUNDAY 7 NOVEMBER 1802], and at daylight we again steered southward; butin two hours the wind died off, and an anchor was dropped in 9 fathoms. There was a small opening at E. 5° S. , about three miles; and thebotanical gentlemen being desirous of seeing the productions of this partof the country, the whale boat was lowered down, and we went to examinethe inlet. On approaching the entrance, a canoe, or something like one, passed andrepassed from the north to the south side, the rower using both hands tothe paddle like the natives of Murray's Islands. We had a good deal ofdifficulty to get in, on account of the shoals; the channel amongst thembeing narrow and winding, and not more than nine to twelve feet deep. Onthe north side was a party of natives, and Bongaree went on shore tothem, naked and unarmed; but although provided with spears, theyretreated from him, and all our endeavours to bring about an interviewwere unsuccessful. It was not safe for the gentlemen to botanise inpresence of these suspicious people; and therefore we rowed a mile higherup, to a green looking point on the same side, and landed about noon. Thedepth thus far, was 2 fathoms; and I could see two-and-half miles furtherup the inlet to the E. S. E. , where it turned more southward, round awoody point; and from the strength of the tide, probably extended somemiles into the country. Whilst the botanists where making their examination and I walked alongthe shore to shoot some birds, several voices were heard in the wood, asof people advancing towards us; and there being too much opportunity hereto creep on secretly, we assembled and retired into the boat, to waittheir approach. A sea breeze had then set in; and the Indians notappearing, we rowed back to the first place, where the country was open;and the gentlemen botanised whilst centinels kept watch on the sandyhillocks. In the upper parts of the port the country was well covered with wood, mostly _eucalyptus_; but near the entrance it was little better than baresand, with some scattered trees of the _casuarina_ and _pandanus:_ astone of imperfectly concreted coral sand and shells formed the basis. Foot marks of the kangaroo were imprinted on the sand, and a dog wasseen; drupes of the pandanus, which had been sucked, lay in everydirection, and small cockle shells were scattered on the beaches. Isought in vain for the canoe which had landed here, nor did I find anyhuts of the natives. Before quitting the shore, a hatchet was made fast to the branch of atree, and set up conspicuously near the water side. We had scarcelyshoved off, when the party of Indians, sixteen in number, made theirappearance and called to us; but when the boat's head was turned towardthem, they ran away. On the south side of the entrance were four othernatives, who also ran at our approach; we therefore set up anotherhatchet for them on the beach, and returned back to the ship. These people were all naked; and in colour, as in every thing else, seemed to have a perfect resemblance to the inhabitants of the east andsouth coasts of Terra Australis. In Torres' Strait bows and arrows arethe offensive weapons; but here we saw spears only: each man had severalin his hand, and something which was supposed to be a throwing stick. This small opening appears to be the _Coen River_ of the Dutch chart; butthe entrance is too small and shallow to admit any thing larger thanboats: its latitude is 12° 13' south, and longitude 141° 47' east; andthe variation of the compass, observed with the ship's head in themagnetic meridian, was 4° 36' east. The tide was running from south-west, at ten in in the morning, and on entering the inlet it was found to besetting in with considerable strength; at two in the afternoon the floodwas still running; and admitting that it would be high water an hourafterwards, as seemed probable, the time would be _five hours and a halfafter_ the moon passed the lower meridian; or an hour later than it had_appeared_ to be at the Prince of Wales' Islands. Lieutenant Fowler had got the ship under way, on the sea breeze settingin, and stood off and on the entrance to Coen River, until our return atthree o'clock. We then steered south-westward along the shore; and soonafter sunset, anchored in 10 fathoms, nearly four miles from the land, which extended from N. 38° to S. 6° E. And was still low and woody, andfronted with a sandy beach. A breeze came off the land at night, as usual, and the weather was darkand squally. Early in the morning [MONDAY 8 NOVEMBER 1802] we steeredalong the coast, with good soundings between 10 and 9 fathoms, muddybottom. A sandy point with two hillocks on it, which had been the extremeof the preceding evening, was passed at ten o'clock; and seeing a largebight round it, we tacked to work up. At noon, the point bore from N. 44°E. , one mile and a half, to the southern extreme at east, three miles. This point is one of the very few remarkable projections to be found onthis low coast, but it is not noticed in the Dutch chart; there is littledoubt, however, that it was seen in 1606, in the yacht Duyfhen, the firstvessel which discovered any part of Carpentaria; and that the remembrancemay not be lost, I gave the name of the vessel to the point. Ourobservations placed the south extreme of _Duyfhen Point_ in 12° 35'south, and 141° 42' east; and the variation from amplitude, with theships head W. N. W. , was 5° 24', or reduced to the meridian, 3° 43' east. On the sea breeze setting in at two o'clock, we steered into the bightuntil past five; when having no more than 2½ fathoms, we tacked andstretched out. The bight extends eleven or twelve miles back from theline of the coast, and there are three small openings in it; but theshore being very low, and in many places over-run with mangroves, and thewater shallow four or five miles off, these openings are probably no morethan drains out of salt swamps or lagoons. The bearings when we tacked in2½ fathoms, were, Duyfhen Point, south extreme, dist. 6 or 7 miles, N. 63° W. Small opening behind it, distant 5 or 6 miles, N. 23 W. A second opening, distant four miles, N. 64 E. A third, distant three miles, S. 78 E. At eight in the evening, having reached out of the bight, and a breezecoming off the land, we steered southward until half past ten; and thenanchored in 8 fathoms, muddy bottom. In the morning [TUESDAY 9 NOVEMBER1802], I set the west extreme of Duyfhen Point at N. 9° E. ; and thefurthest land in the opposite direction, at S. 9° E. This land forms thesouth side of the large bight; and besides projecting beyond the coastline, and being a little higher than usual, is remarkable for having somereddish cliffs in it, and deep water near the shore. It is not noticed inthe Dutch chart; but I called it _Pera Head_, to preserve the name of thesecond vessel which, in 1623, sailed along this coast. (Atlas, Plate XIV. ) Pera Head was passed at the distance of one mile and a half, at noon, with 9 fathoms water; and the most projecting part of the cliffs found tobe in 12° 58½' south, and 141° 40' east. The sea breeze had then set in, and we steered southward till past four o'clock; when a decrease in thesoundings to 3 fathoms, obliged us to tack at a league from the land; andthe wind being at S. W. , we worked along shore till ten in the evening, and then anchored in 6 fathoms, oozy bottom. At daylight [WEDNESDAY 10NOVEMBER 1802], the land was seen to be five miles distant, equally lowand sandy as before; and a small opening in it, perhaps not accessible toboats, bore S. 79° E. On getting under way again, we closed in with theshore and steered along it at the distance of two or three miles, insoundings from 3 to 7 fathoms until noon; our latitude was then 13° 42'35", longitude 141° 32', being nearly the position of _Cape Keer-Weer_, at which the yacht Duyfhen gave up her examination. I could see nothinglike a cape here; but the southern extreme of the land, seen from themast head, projects a little; and from respect to antiquity, the Dutchname is there preserved. At four o'clock we passed the southern extremity of Cape Keer-Weer, roundwhich the coast falls back somewhat; the water then became more shallow, and did not admit of being safely approached nearer than four miles. Anopening is laid down here in the Dutch chart, called Vereenigde River, which certainly has no existence. All this afternoon the sea breeze wasfresh and favourable; and by eight o'clock, when we anchored in 5fathoms, the distance run from noon exceeded forty miles. A fire was seenon the land about four miles off, and some smokes had been passed in theday; so that the country should seem to be at least as well peopled inthis part of Carpentaria as further northward. The coast was, ifpossible, still lower than before; not a single hill had yet been seen;and the tops of the trees on the highest land, had scarcely exceeded theheight of the ship's mast head. THURSDAY 11 NOVEMBER 1802 The land wind came from N. N. E. ; and in the morning our course waspursued along the shore at the usual distance. At eight o'clock the depthdecreased to 2½ fathoms, and obliged us to steer off, though five milesfrom the land; and when fair soundings were obtained, the tops of thetrees only were visible from the deck. At noon we had closed in again, the shore being distant five or six miles, and the depth 6 fathoms on agravelly bottom; our latitude was 14° 51' 5", longitude 141° 33', theextremes seen from the deck bore N. 29° to S. 66° E. , and a smoke wasseen rising at S. 28° E. The sea breeze came in from the south-westward;but the trending of the coast being nearly S. S. E. , we lay along ituntil past four o'clock, and then tacked off, in 3 fathoms; the nearestpart of the land being distant two or three miles, and the extremesbearing N. 3° and S. 7° W. At eight in the evening the breeze died away, and a stream anchor was dropped in 5 fathoms, mud and shells, five or sixmiles off shore; where the latitude from an observation of the moon was15° 5' south. FRIDAY 12 NOVEMBER 1802 At sunrise, next morning, the ship was steering southward with a landwind at east; and at seven o'clock we passed an opening near whichseveral natives were collected. The entrance seemed to be a full mile inwidth; but a spit from the south side runs so far across, that there isprobably no access to it, unless for rowing boats: its latitude is 15°12' south, corresponding with a bight in the Dutch chart to the south ofthe second _Water Plaets_; and the variation, with the ship's head in themeridian, was 4° 43' east. Our course southward was continued at two orthree miles from the shore, in 3 to 4 fathoms; but at eleven o'clock, thesea breeze having then set in, the depth diminished suddenly to 2fathoms; and in tacking, the ship stirred up the mud. The latitude at noon was 15° 25' 20", and longitude 141° 32'; at oneo'clock we steered S. S. W. , with the whale boat ahead, and carried from4 to 6 fathoms until seven in the evening, when the stream anchor wasdropped about four miles from the shore, in 5 fathoms, muddy bottom. Thisdepth had diminished at daylight [SATURDAY 13 NOVEMBER 1802] to 3¾fathoms, after a tide had been setting nine hours to the N. By E. ; andfor the first time upon this coast it had run with some strength, therate being one mile an hour. We were again under way soon after five o'clock; and at six, being thenfour miles from the land, and steering S. S. W. , a lagoon was seen fromthe mast head, over the front beach. It has doubtless some communicationwith the sea, either by a constant, or a temporary opening, but none suchcould be perceived. The latitude 15° 53' corresponds with that of _NassauRiver_ in the old chart; and from the examples already had of the Dutchrivers here, it seems probable that this lagoon was meant. A few milesfurther south, the shoal water obliged me to run westward, out of sightof land from the deck; and even at the mast head, the tops of the treeswere only partially distinguished; yet the depth was no more than from 4to 6 fathoms. At noon, when our latitude was 16° 24' 29" and longitude141° 14½', trees were visible from the deck at N. 70° E. , and from thenceto S. 50° E; the nearest part, whence a smoke arose, being distant sevenor eight miles, and the depth of water 4 fathoms. The slight projectionhere is probably one of those marked in the old chart on each side ofStaten River; but where that river can be found I know not. The nearest approach made to the land in the afternoon, was five or sixmiles, with 3 fathoms water; at dusk we anchored in 6 fathoms, mud, atsix or seven miles from the shore, having been forced off a little by thesea breeze veering southward. A tide here ran gently to the S. S. W. , till near ten o'clock, and then set northward till daylight [SUNDAY 14NOVEMBER 1802]; at which time the water had fallen nine feet by the leadline. We got under way with a land wind from the north-east, whichafterwards veered to north-west, and steered a course nearly due south;which, as the coast then trended south-westward, brought us in with it. At noon, the latitude was 17° 3' 15", longitude 141° 0'; a projectingpart bore N. 59° E. Three or four miles, and the depth was 3½ fathoms. There appeared to be a small opening on the south side of this littleprojection, which corresponds in latitude to _Van Diemen's River_ in theold chart; but across the entrance was an extensive flat, nearly dry, andwould probably prevent even boats from getting in. If this place had anytitle to be called a river in 1644, the coast must have undergone a greatalteration since that time. In the afternoon our course along shore was more westward; and this, withthe increasing shallowness of the water, made me apprehend that the Gulphwould be found to terminate nearly as represented in the old charts, anddisappoint the hopes formed of a strait or passage leading out at someother part of Terra Australis. At four o'clock, after running more thanan hour in 3½ fathoms, or less than 3 at low water, our distance from theshore was five miles; and a small opening then bore S. 14° E, which seemsto be the _Caron River_, marked at the south-east extremity of the Gulphin the Dutch chart; but whatever it might have been in Tasman's time, nonavigator would now think of attempting to enter it with a ship: thelatitude is 17° 26', and longitude 140° 52' east. From four till sevenour course was W. By S. , close to the wind, the depth being mostly 3fathoms, and the land barely within sight from the mast head. We thenstood off; and the water being smooth, anchored on muddy ground, in 4½fathoms, which became 3½ at low water. The flood tide here set S. S. W. , till midnight; and the ebb N. By E. , till we got under way in themorning. MONDAY 15 NOVEMBER 1802 On the 15th, we ran before a north-east wind towards the furthest landseen from the mast head. The soundings were 3½, 3, and soon after seveno'clock, 2½ fathoms; which made it necessary to steer further off, thoughthe land was distant six or eight miles, and scarcely visible from thedeck. We kept in 3 fathoms, steering various westward courses, untilnoon; when the latitude was 17' 30' 9", and longitude 140° 23'. The landwas distant seven or eight miles to the southward, and the furthest partdistinguished from the mast head was at S. By W. ½ W. ; it was low andsandy as ever, and with less wood upon it than any part before seen. Asea breeze at N. N. W. Scarcely permitted us to lie along the shore inthe afternoon; but the ground being soft, and soundings regular, thoughshallow, we kept on until five o'clock; and then tacked in 2½ fathoms, having reached within three miles of the land. At eight o'clock, theanchor was let go in 4 fathoms, on a bottom of mud and shells. The coast to which we approached nearest this evening, was sandy and verybarren; but there were some natives collected upon the hillocks, to lookat the ship; so that even here, and at the end of the dry season, freshwater may be had. These people were black and naked, and made many wildgestures. Between this part and the land set at S. By W. ½ W. At noon, there was a bight falling back as far as the latitude 17° 42', or perhapsfurther, which appeared to be the southern extremity of the Gulph ofCarpentaria; for the coast from thence took a direction to the northwardof west. Shoals extended a great way out from the bight; and were almostdry to a considerable distance. TUESDAY 16 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning our route was pursued along the shore, at the distance ofsix to nine or ten miles; the course being N. W. , close to a N. N. E. Wind, and the soundings remarkably regular, between 3 and 3½ fathoms. Twoleagues from the place where the natives had been seen, was a projectingpart where the country again became woody; but the coast there, andonward, was as low as before. At noon, the observed latitude was 17° 21'15", and the longitude by time keeper 139° 54' east; the furthestcontinuation of the land seen from the mast head, bore W. ½ S. , but therewas a small lump bearing N. 35° W. , towards which we kept up as much aspossible. At two o'clock the wind headed, and on coming into 2½ fathoms, we tacked; being then five miles from the low southern land, and three orfour leagues from the northern hill, which bore N. 18° W. Not much wasgained in working to windward from that time till dusk; and the anchorwas then dropped in 4½ fathoms, blue mud, no other land than the smallhill being in sight. There being no island marked in the Dutch chart so near to the head ofthe Gulph as this hill, made me conclude that it was upon the main land;and to hope that the space of four leagues, between it and the southerncoast, was an opening of some importance. In the morning [WEDNESDAY 17NOVEMBER 1802], a fresh land wind at south-east favoured our course, thewater deepened to 10 fathoms, and at eight o'clock to no ground with 13, near the south end of a reef extending out from the hill. On coming into5 fathoms behind the reef, the anchor was dropped on a muddy bottom, withthe hill bearing N. 15° E. , one mile and a quarter, and the dry extremityof the reef S. E. ½ E. The coast to the southward was scarcely visiblefrom the mast head, but land was seen to extend westward from the hill, as far as nine or ten miles; and in order to gain a better knowledge ofwhat this land might be, I went on shore, taking instruments with me toobserve for the rates of the time keepers. The hill proved to be a mass of calcareous rock, whose surface was cutand honeycombed as if it had been exposed to the washing of a surf. Itwas the highest land we had seen in Carpentaria, after having followedone hundred and seventy-five leagues of coast; nor was any land to bedistinguished from the top of the hill which had an equal degree ofelevation; yet it did not much exceed the height of the ship's mast head!The land round it proved to be an island of five miles long; separatedfrom other land to the west by a channel of nearly two miles in width. The wide opening between this land and the low coast to the southward, Itake to have been what is called Maatsuyker's River in the old chart; andthat the island, which Tasman, or whoever made the examination, did notdistinguish well from being too far off, is the projecting point markedon the west side of that river. Maatsuyker was one of the counsellors atBatavia, who signed Tasman's instructions in 1644; but as there is noriver here, his name, as it stands applied in the old chart, cannotremain. I would have followed in the intention of doing him honour, bytransferring his name to the island, but Maatsuyker's Isles already existon the south coast of Van Diemen's Land; I therefore adopt the name ofSweers, another member of the same Batavia council; and call the islandat the entrance of the supposed river, _Sweers' Island_. The hillobtained the name of _Inspection Hill_; and after taking bearings fromit, I rowed into the channel which separates Sweers' Island from thewestern land; and finding the shelter to be good, the bottom soft, andsoundings regular between 3 and 6 fathoms, the shores on each side weresearched for fresh water, with a view to filling up the holds there andcaulking the ship, before proceeding further in the examination of theGulph: the search, however, was unsuccessful. In Torres' Strait, when running with a fresh side wind, the ship hadleaked to the amount of ten inches of water per hour. And in some hoursthe carpenters had reported as much as fourteen; but no anchorage, adapted to the purpose of caulking the bends, had presented itself untilour arrival here. Before going on shore, I had left orders for the shipto be put on a careen, and the carpenters began upon the larbord side. Inthe course of their work two planks were found to be rotten, and thetimber underneath was in no better state; it was therefore desirable tofind a place where the holds could be completed with water, and thebotanists and myself find useful employment for a few days, whilst thedeficiencies were repairing. Such a place, it was reasonable to expect, the opening to the westward would afford; and the carpenters havingpatched up the bad part by the evening of the 18th [THURSDAY 18 NOVEMBER1802], and another set of observations for the time keepers beingobtained, we were then ready to proceed in the examination. [NORTH COAST. WELLESLEY'S ISLANDS. ] FRIDAY 19 NOVEMBER 1802 Next morning at sunrise, we steered up the opening with a land wind at S. S. E. ; and until ten o'clock, when we had reached the furthest part ofthe western land seen from Inspection Hill, the soundings were between 6and 3 fathoms, reduced to low water. This land proved to be an island often or eleven miles long, and I have given it the name of Bentinck, inhonour of the Right Hon. LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK; of whose obligingattention, when governor of Madras, I shall hereafter have to speak inpraise. To the north-west of Bentinck's Island, several small isles camein sight; but a northern sea breeze having set in, we kept on our westerncourse for the low main land, which trended here north-westward. At oneo'clock the diminution of depth to 2½ fathoms, obliged us to tack; themain being four miles distant, and the eastern extreme of the nearestisland bearing N. 3° W. , two leagues: this was named _Allen's Isle_, after the practical miner of the expedition. In working to windward, thewater was found to be shallow in almost every direction; and the deepestbeing at three or four miles from the south-west point of Bentinck'sIsland, the anchor was there dropped in 4½ fathoms, muddy bottom. SATURDAY 20 NOVEMBER 1802 In the morning we steered towards Allen's Isle, with the whale boatahead; and anchored one mile and a half from its south-east end, in 3½fathoms, mud. Our latitude here was 17° 5', longitude 139° 26'; andazimuths taken with the surveying compass, when the head was N. By E. , gave variation 2° 49', or 3° 15' east, corrected. I went on shore withthe botanical gentlemen, in order to take bearings, and explore furtherup the opening. Allen's Isle is between four and five miles in length, and thoughgenerally barren, there are bushes and small trees upon it, and sometolerable grass. It is altogether low land; but the south-east end iscliffy, and within two cables length of it there is 4 fathoms; no freshwater was found near the shore, nor any place where casks could beconveniently landed. After taking a set of bearings I left the gentlemento follow their pursuits, and rowed north-westward, intending to go roundthe island; but an impassable reef extended so far out, that the projectwas given up; and after taking angles from one of the rocks, I wenteastward to a smaller island two miles off, where several Indians whereperceived. The water was too shallow for the boat to get near them; butwe landed at a little distance, and walked after three men who weredragging six small rafts toward the extreme northern rocks, where threeother natives were sitting. These men not choosing to abandon their rafts, an interview wasunavoidable, and they came on shore with their spears to wait ourapproach. One of us advanced towards them, unarmed; and signs being madeto lay down their spears, which were understood to mean that they shouldsit down, they complied; and by degrees, a friendly intercourse wasestablished. They accepted some red worsted caps and fillets, as also ahatchet and an adze, the use of which being explained, was immediatelycomprehended. In return, they gave us two very rude spears, and a_womerah_, or throwing stick, of nearly the same form as those used bythe natives of Port Jackson. The rafts consisted of several straight branches of mangrove, very muchdried, and lashed together in two places with the largest ends one way, so as to form a broad part, and the smaller ends closing to a point. Nearthe broad end was a bunch of grass, where the man sits to paddle; but theraft, with his weight alone, must swim very deep; and indeed I shouldscarcely have supposed it could float a man at all. Upon one of the raftswas a short net, which, from the size of the meshes, was probablyintended to catch turtle; upon another was a young shark; and these, withtheir paddles and spears, seemed to constitute the whole of their earthlyriches. Two of the three men were advanced in years, and from the resemblance offeature were probably brothers. With the exception of two chiefs atTaheity, these were the tallest Indians I had ever seen; the two brothersbeing from three to four inches higher than my coxswain, who measuredfive feet eleven. They were not remarkable for being either stout orslender; though like most of the Australians, their legs did not bear theEuropean proportion to the size of their heads and bodies. The thirdnative was not so tall as the other two; and he was, according to ournotions, better proportioned. Their features did not much differ fromthose of their countrymen on the South and East Coasts; but they had eachof them lost two front teeth from the upper jaw. Their hair was short, though not curly; and a fillet of net work, which the youngest man hadwrapped round his head, was the sole ornament or clothing seen amongstthem. The two old men appeared, to my surprise, to have undergonecircumcision; but the posture of the youngest, who remained sitting down, did not allow of observation being made upon him. After being five minutes with them, the old men proposed to go to ourboat; and this being agreed to, we proceeded together, hand in hand. Butthey stopped half way, and retreating a little, the eldest made a shortharangue which concluded with the word _jahree!_ pronounced withemphasis: they then returned to the rafts, and dragged them towards theirthree companions who were sitting on the furthest rocks. These I judgedto be women, and that the proposal of the men to go to our boat was afeint to get us further from them; it did not seem, however, that thewomen were so much afraid of us, as the men appeared to be on theiraccount; for although we walked back, past the rafts, much nearer thanbefore, they remained very quietly picking oysters. It was not my desireto annoy these poor people; and therefore, leaving them to their own way, we took an opposite direction to examine the island. This low piece of land is between one and two miles long, and from itsform received the name of _Horse-shoe Island_; there is very little soilmixed with the sand on its surface, and except the mangrove trees uponthe shore, it bears nothing larger than bushes. We did not find any huts;but the dried grass spread round two or three neighbouring fire places, marked the last residence of the Indians. Near it were lying severallarge spiral shells, probably the vessels in which they had brought waterfrom the main land; for none was found on the island, nor was there anyappearance that it could be procured. Shells and bones of turtle, some ofthem fresh, were plentifully scattered around; upon the beach also therewere turtle tracks, and several of these animals were seen in the waterduring the day; but it was not our fortune to take one of them. In returning to the ship in the evening, I steered from Horse-shoe, tothe south-east end of Allen's Isle, and sounded the channel between them;but had only once so much as 3 fathoms. There was consequently no fitpassage this way for the ship, and the several low islets to thenorth-east, precluded the expectation of finding one any where to thewest of Bentinck's Island; I therefore judged it most advisable toreturn, and place the ship between Bentinck's and Sweers' Islands, untilthe necessary caulking was finished. Natives had been seen on both thoseislands; and this gave a hope that water might still be found to completethe holds previously to encountering the bad weather of the north-westmonsoon, which I had been expecting to set in every day. SUNDAY 21 NOVEMBER 1802 At daylight next morning the anchor was weighed; and having to workagainst foul winds, the breadth of the ship passage between Bentinck'sIsland and the southern main, was ascertained and sounded; and at dusk inthe evening we anchored half a mile from the west sandy point of Sweers'Island, in 5 fathoms, small stones and shells. This anchorage between thetwo islands, though it may not be called a port, is yet almost equallywell sheltered, and I named it _Investigator's Road_; it has theappearance of being exposed between N. N. W. And N. E. ½ N. ; but therocks from each shore occupy nearly one half of the space, and the wateris too shallow in the remaining part to admit any surge to endanger aship. MONDAY 22 NOVEMBER 1802 Next day, a boat was sent to fish with the seine upon Sweers' Island, andan officer went to the opposite shore to dig for water; the botanistsdivided themselves into two parties, to visit both islands, and thecarpenters began caulking the starbord side of the ship. I repeated theobservations under Inspection Hill, for the rates of the time keepers;and being informed on my return, that the midshipman of the seining boathad discovered a small hole containing a little muddy water, with a shelllying near it, I had the place dug out, through the sand and a stratum ofwhitish clay, to the depth of ten or eleven feet. Under the clay we founda bottom of stone and gravel, and the water then flowed in clear, andtolerably fast. This was a great acquisition; more especially as thespring was not far from the beach at the west point of Sweers' Island, where the casks could be conveniently landed, and where we had had greatsuccess in fishing. The gentlemen who visited Bentinck's Island, found a small lake of freshwater at no great distance from the sea side; and it appeared that theinterior part of Sweers' Island, towards the northern end, was occupiedby swamps. This comparative abundance of water upon such low islands, andat the end of the dry season, seemed very remarkable; it may perhaps beattributed to the clayey consistence of the stratum immediately under thesand, and to the gravelly rock upon which that stratum rests; the onepreventing the evaporation of the rains, and the other obstructing theirfurther infiltration. TUESDAY 23 NOVEMBER 1802 Early next morning the ship was removed to within two cables length ofthe west point, nearer to the spring; and lieutenant Fowler wasestablished on shore with a party of seamen and marines, taking tents, aseine, and other necessaries for watering the ship and supplying us withfish. The carpenters proceeded in their work of caulking; but as theyadvanced, report after report was brought to me of rotten places found indifferent parts of the ship--in the planks, bends, timbers, tree-nails, etc. , until it became quite alarming [WEDNESDAY 24 NOVEMBER 1802]. Itherefore directed the master and carpenter to make a regular examinationinto all such essential parts, as could be done without delaying theservice; and to give me an official report thereon, with answers tocertain queries put to them. After two days examination, their report wasmade in the following terms [FRIDAY 26 NOVEMBER 1802]. SIR, In obedience to your directions we have taken with us the oldestcarpenter's mate of the Investigator, and made as thorough an examinationinto the state of the ship as circumstances will permit, and which wefind to be as under: Out of ten top timbers on the larbord side, near the fore channel, fourare sound, one partly rotten, and five entirely rotten. We have seen but one timber on the larbord quarter, which is entirelyrotten. On the starbord bow, close to the stem, we have seen three timbers whichare all rotten. Under the starbord fore chains we find one of thechain-plate bolts started, in consequence of the timber and inside plankbeing rotten; and also a preventer eyebolt, from the same cause. On boring into the second futtock timbers from the main hold, close underthe beams of the lower deck on the larbord side, we find one sound andtwo rotten; and on the other side, one sound and one rotten. On boring into one of the second futtock timbers in the cockpit, on eachside, we find it to be sound on the starbord, but on the other siderotten: the inside plank on both sides is rotten. On boring into onetimber of a side in the after hold, we find them to be sound. On boring into one timber of a side from the bread room, one is sound;but on the larbord side it is rotten. The stem appears to be good; but the stemson is mostly decayed. The lower breast hook is decayed within side. The transoms, sleepers, stern post, and postson are all sound. The ends of the beams we find to be universally in a decaying state. The tree-nails are in general rotten. From the specimens we have seen of the top-sides and bends, we expectthat the insides of them are rotten, fore and aft; but that about oneinch of the outside of the greater part is yet quite sound. After the above report, and upon due consideration, we give the followinganswers to the four questions put to us. 1st. The ship having before made ten inches of water an hour, in a commonfresh breeze, we judge from that, and what we have now seen, that alittle labouring would employ two pumps; and that in a strong gale, withmuch sea running, the ship would hardly escape foundering; so that wethink she is totally unfit to encounter much bad weather. 2nd. We have no doubt but that, if the ship should get on shore under anyunfavourable circumstances, she would immediately go to pieces; but witha soft bottom and smooth water, she might touch for a short time withoutany worse consequences than to another ship, if she did not heel much;but altogether, we judge it to be much more dangerous for her to getaground in her present state, than if she were sound. 3rd. It is our opinion that the ship could not bear heaving down on anyaccount; and that laying her on shore might so far strain her as to startthe copper and butt ends, which would make her unable to swim withoutvast repair. 4th. Mr. Aken has known several ships of the same kind, and built at thesame place as the Investigator; and has always found that when they beganto rot they went on very fast. From the state to which the ship seems nowto be advanced, it is our joint opinion, that in twelve months there willscarcely be a sound timber in her; but that if she remain in fine weatherand happen no accident, she may run six months longer without much risk. We are, Sir, To Matthew Flinders, Esq. Your obedient servants, Commander of His Majesty's John Aken, master, sloop the Investigator. Russel Mart, carpenter. I cannot express the surprise and sorrow which this statement gave me. According to it, a return to Port Jackson was almost immediatelynecessary; as well to secure the journals and charts of the examinationsalready made, as to preserve the lives of the ship's company; and myhopes of ascertaining completely the exterior form of this immense, andin many points interesting country, if not destroyed, would at least bedeferred to an uncertain period. My leading object had hitherto been, tomake so accurate an investigation of the shores of Terra Australis thatno future voyage to this country should be necessary; and with thisalways in view, I had ever endeavoured to follow the land so closely, that the washing of the surf upon it should be visible, and no opening, nor any thing of interest escape notice. Such a degree of proximity iswhat navigators have usually thought neither necessary nor safe topursue, nor was it always persevered in by us; sometimes because thedirection of the wind or shallowness of the water made it impracticable, and at other times because the loss of the ship would have been theprobable consequence of approaching so near to a lee shore. But whencircumstances were favourable, such was the plan I pursued; and with theblessing of GOD, nothing of importance should have been left for futurediscoverers, upon any part of these extensive coasts; but with a shipincapable of encountering bad weather--which could not be repaired ifsustaining injury from any of the numerous shoals or rocks upon thecoast--which, if constant fine weather could be ensured and all accidentsavoided, could not run more than six months--with such a ship, I knew nothow to accomplish the task. A passage to Port Jackson at this time, presented no common difficulties. In proceeding by the west, the unfavourable monsoon was likely to provean obstacle not to be surmounted; and in returning by the east, stormyweather was to be expected in Torres' Strait, a place where themultiplied dangers caused such an addition to be peculiarly dreaded. These considerations, with a strong desire to finish, if possible, theexamination of the Gulph of Carpentaria, fixed my resolution to proceedas before in the survey, during the continuance of the north-westmonsoon; and when the fair wind should come, to proceed by the west toPort Jackson, if the ship should prove capable of a winter's passagealong the South Coast, and if not, to make for the nearest port in theEast Indies. SUNDAY 28 NOVEMBER 1802 By the 28th, the watering and wooding of the ship were completed, thegunner had dried all his powder in the sun, and the tents and people werebrought on board. All that the carpenters could do at the ship was tosecure the hooding ends to the stem--shift some of the worst parts in therotten planking--and caulk all the bends; and this they had finished. Thewind being south-east on the morning of the 29th [MONDAY 29 NOVEMBER1802], I attempted to quit the Investigator's Road by steering out to thenorthward; but this being found impracticable, from the shallowness ofthe water, we were obliged to beat out to the south; and so contrary didthe wind remain, that not being able to weather the reef at thesouth-east end of Sweers' Island, we anchored within it on the evening ofthe 30th [TUESDAY 30 NOVEMBER 1802]. I shall now sum up into one view, the principal remarks made during ourstay amongst these islands. The stone most commonly seen on the shores isan iron ore, in some places so strongly impregnated, that I conceive itwould be a great acquisition to a colony fixed in the neighbourhood. Above this is a concreted mass of coral, shells, coral sand, and grainsof iron ore, which sometimes appears at the surface, but is usuallycovered either with sand or vegetable earth, or a mixture of both. Suchappeared most generally to be the consistence of all the islands; butthere are many local varieties. The soil, even in the best parts, is far behind fertility; but the smalltrees and bushes which grow there, and the grass in some of the lesscovered places, save the larger islands from the reproach of beingabsolutely sterile. The principal woods are _eucalyptus_ and _casuarina_, of a size too small in general, to be fit for other purposes than thefire; the _pandanus_ grows almost every where, but most abundantly in thesandy parts; and the botanists made out a long list of plants, several ofwhich were quite new to them. We saw neither quadruped nor reptile upon the islands. Birds were rathernumerous the most useful of them were ducks of several species, andbustards and one of these last, shot by Mr. Bauer, weighed between tenand twelve pounds, and made us an excellent dinner. The flesh of thisbird is distributed in a manner directly contrary to that of the domesticturkey, the white meat being upon the legs, and the black upon thebreast. In the woody parts of the islands were seen crows and whitecockatoos; as also cuckoo-pheasants, pigeons, and small birds peculiar tothis part of the country. On the shores were pelicans, gulls, sea-pies, ox-birds, and sand-larks; but except the gulls, none of these tribes werenumerous. The sea afforded a variety of fish; and in such abundance, thatit was rare not to give a meal to all the ship's company from one or twohauls of the seine. Turtle abound amongst the islands; but it seemed tobe a fatality that we could neither peg any from the boat, nor yet catchthem on shore. Indians were repeatedly seen upon both Bentinck's and Sweers' Islands;but they always avoided us, and sometimes disappeared in a manner whichseemed extraordinary. It is probable that they hid themselves in cavesdug in the ground; for we discovered in one instance a large hole, containing two apartments (so to call them), in each of which a man mightlie down. Fire places under the shade of the trees, with dried grassspread around, were often met with; and these I apprehend to be theirfine-weather, and the caves their foul-weather residences. The fern orsome similar root, appears to form a part of their subsistence; for therewere some places in the sand and in the dry swamps, where the ground hadbeen so dug up with pointed sticks that it resembled the work of a herdof swine. Whether these people reside constantly upon the islands, or come over atcertain seasons from the main, was uncertain; canoes, they seemed to havenone, but to make their voyages upon rafts similar to those seen atHorse-shoe Island, and of which some were found on the shore in otherplaces. I had been taught by the Dutch accounts to expect that theinhabitants of Carpentaria were ferocious, and armed with bows and arrowsas well as spears. I found them to be timid; and so desirous to avoidintercourse with strangers, that it was by surprise alone that our soleinterview, that at Horse-shoe Island, was brought about; and certainlythere was then nothing ferocious in their conduct. Of bows and arrows notthe least indication was perceived, either at these islands or at CoenRiver; and the spears were too heavy and clumsily made, to be dangerousas offensive weapons: in the defensive, they might have some importance. It is worthy of remark, that the three natives seen at Horse-shoe Islandhad lost the two upper front teeth; and Dampier, in speaking of theinhabitants of the Northwest Coast, says, "the two front teeth of theupper jaw are wanting in all of them, men and women, old and young. "Nothing of the kind was observed in the natives of the islands in Torres'Strait, nor at Keppel, Hervey's, or Glass-house Bays, on the East Coast;yet at Port Jackson, further south, it is the custom for the boys, onarriving at the age of puberty, to have _one_ of the upper front teethknocked out, but no more; nor are the girls subjected to the sameoperation. At Twofold Bay, still further south, no such custom prevails, nor did I observe it at Port Phillip or King George's Sound, on the SouthCoast; but at Van Diemen's Land it seems to be used partially, for M. Labillardière says (p. 320 of the London translation), "we observed some, in whom one of the middle teeth of the upper jaw was wanting, and othersin whom both were gone. We could not learn the object of this custom; butit is not general, for the greater part of the people had all theirteeth. " The rite of circumcision, which seemed to have been practisedupon two of the three natives at Horse-shoe Island, and of which betterproofs were found in other parts of the Gulph of Carpentaria, is, Ibelieve, novel in the history of Terra Australis. On Sweers' Island, seven human skulls and many bones were found lyingtogether, near three extinguished fires; and a square piece of timber, seven feet long, which was of teak wood, and according to the judgment ofthe carpenter had been a quarter-deck carling of a ship, was thrown up onthe western beach. On Bentinck's Island I saw the stumps of at leasttwenty trees, which had been felled with an axe, or some sharp instrumentof iron; and not far from the same place were scattered the brokenremains of an earthen jar. Putting these circumstances together, itseemed probable that some ship from the East Indies had been wreckedhere, two or three years back--that part of the crew had been killed bythe Indians--and that the others had gone away, perhaps to the main land, upon rafts constructed after the manner of the natives. This could be nomore than conjecture; but it seemed to be so supported by the facts, thatI felt anxious to trace the route of the unfortunate people, and torelieve them from the distress and danger to which they must be exposed. The advantages to be obtained here by a ship are briefly these: shelteragainst all winds in the Investigator's Road, wood for fuel, fresh water, and a tolerable abundance of fish and turtle; for to anticipate a littleon the voyage, there are islands lying within reach of a boat from theRoad, where the turtle are not disturbed by the Indians. Should it everenter into the plan of an expedition, to penetrate into the interior ofTerra Australis from the head of the Gulph of Carpentaria, theInvestigator's Road is particularly well adapted for a ship during theabsence of the travellers: the season most favourable to their operationswould be in May, June, and July; but not so for the vessel, as the crewwould probably be unable to procure turtle at that time. For a similarexpedition from the opposite part of the South Coast, September, October, and November would seem to be most proper. From the time of first arriving, to that of quitting Sweers' Island, therange of the thermometer on board the ship was between 81° and 90°, andon shore it might be 5° to 10° higher in the day time; the weather wasconsequently warm; but being alleviated by almost constant breezes eitherfrom sea or land, it was seldom oppressive; and the insects were not verytroublesome. The mercury in the barometer ranged between 30. 06 and 29. 70It stood highest with the winds from the sea, between north-east andnorth-west; and lowest when they blew gently off the land, betweensouth-east and south-west, but most so from the latter direction. On theSouth Coast the winds from these points had produced a contrary effect:the mercury there stood lowest when the northern winds blew, and highestwhen they came from the southward; they coincided, however, so far, inthat the sea winds raised, and the land winds depressed the mercury, thesame as was observed at Port Jackson on the East Coast. The _latitude_ of Inspection Hill, from several single and two doubleobservations, was 17° 8' 15" S. _Longitude_ from forty-two sets of lunar distances taken by lieutenantFlinders, the particulars of which are given in Table III. Of theAppendix No. I. To this volume, 139° 44' 52" E. The rates of the time keepers were deduced from morning's altitudes, taken with a sextant and artificial horizon at the shore under InspectionHill, from Nov. 16 to 29; and the mean rates during this period, with theerrors from mean Greenwich time at noon there on the 30th, were as under: Earnshaw's No. 543, slow 2h 16' 29. 51" and losing 14. 74" per day. Earnshaw's No. 520, slow 3h 52' 19. 70" and losing 20. 01" per day. The longitude given by the time keepers, with the rates from Upper Headin Broad Sound, on our arrival Nov. 16, was by No. 543, 140° 6' 35. 2" east. No. 520, 139° 47' 42. 2" east. No. 520 therefore differed very little to the east of the lunarobservations, and the first day's rate was almost exactly the same asthat with which we had quitted Upper Head; whilst No. 543 differedgreatly, both in longitude and rate. A similar discordance had beennoticed at the Cumberland Island, marked _l2_, twenty days after leavingUpper Head; No. 520 then differed only 1' 1. 2" from the survey, but No. 543 erred 7' 2. 2" to the east. I have therefore been induced to preferthe longitude given by No. 520, to the mean of both time keepers; andaccordingly, the positions of places before mentioned or laid down in thecharts, between Upper Head and Sweers' Island, including Torres' Strait, are from this time keeper alone; with such small correction equallyproportioned; as its error from the lunars, 2' 50. 2" to the east infifty-two days, made necessary. No. 543 had undergone some revolution on the passage, but seemed at thistime to be going steadily; whereas No. 520, which had kept its rate sowell, now varied from 18. 79" to 25. 39", and ceased to be entitled to anequal degree of confidence. Mean _dip_ of the south end of the needle, observed upon the west pointof Sweers' Island, 44° 27'. _Variation_ of the theodolite in the same place, 4° 7' E. _Variation_ of the surveying compass in the Road, 2° 28' with the ship'shead E. N. E, and 4° 30' with the head northward; the mean corrected tothe meridian, will be 4° 31' E. In bearings taken on the east side of Bentinck's Island, the variationappeared to be a full degree greater than on the west side of Sweers'Island. The _tides_ in the Investigator's Road ran N. N. E. And S. S. W. , as thechannel lies, and their greatest rate at the springs, was one mile and aquarter per hour; they ran with regularity, but there was only one floodand one ebb in the day. The principal part of the flood came from N. N. E. ; but according to lieutenant Fowler's remarks on shore, between the23rd and 27th, it was high water three hours after the opposite tide hadset in; or about _three hours and a quarter before_ the moon came to themeridian. At the Prince of Wales' Islands, and at Coen River, it had alsoappeared that the tide from south-west made high water. The time herehappened between 8½h and 11½h at night, from the 23rd to the 27th; butwhether high water will always take place at night, as it did at KingGeorge's Sound on the South Coast, I cannot be certain. About twelve feetwas the greatest rise, which I apprehend would be diminished to eight, atthe neap tides. CHAPTER VII. Departure from Sweers' Island. South side of C. Van Diemen examined. Anchorage at Bountiful Island: turtle and sharks there. Land of C. Van Diemen proved to be an island. Examination of the main coast to Cape Vanderlin. That cape found to be one of a group of islands. Examination of the islands; their soil, etc. Monument of the natives. Traces of former visitors to these parts. Astronomical and nautical observations. [NORTH COAST. WELLESLEY'S ISLANDS. ] WEDNESDAY 1 DECEMBER 1802 (Atlas, Plate XIV. ) On the 1st of December we got under way, and passed the reef at thesouth-east end of Sweers' Island. I wished to run close along the northside of this, and of Bentinck's Island, and get in with the main land tothe west; but the shoal water and dry banks lying off them presented somuch impediment, that we steered north-westward for land which came insight in that direction. At noon, the land was distant six or sevenmiles, and appeared to be the inner part of that great projection of themain, represented in the old chart under the name of _Cape Van Diemen_;but the rocky nature of the shore and unevenness of the surface were sodifferent from the sandy uniformity of the continent, that I much doubtedof its connexion. Our situation at this time, and the bearings taken wereas under: Latitude, observed to the north and south, 16° 48' 29"Land of Cape Van Diemen, N. 70° W. To 25 W. A piece apparently separated, N. 18 W. To 11 E. Bentinck's I. , highest part at the north end, S. 15 E. A smoke was rising in the direction of Horse-shoe Island, but no land wasthere visible. We had a light breeze at E. By N. , and steered westward along the rockyshore, at the distance of two or three miles, till five in the evening;when the breeze having shifted to S. W. , we tacked and came to an anchorin 6 fathoms, mud and shells. The land was then distant three miles, andextended from N. 61° E. To a point with a clump of high trees on it, which appeared to be the south-west extremity of the northern land andbore N. 84° W. Whether the space between it and the main near Allen'sIsle were the entrance of an inlet, or merely a separation of the twolands, could not be distinguished; but the tide set W. By S. , into theopening, and there was a low island and many rocks in it. From anamplitude at this anchorage, the variation was 3° 16' east, corrected tothe meridian, nearly the same as at Allen's Isle, five leagues to thesouth; and a full degree less than in the Investigator's Road. THURSDAY 2 DECEMBER 1802 At five next morning we steered for the opening, with light, variablewinds. On each side of the low island and rocks there seemed to bepassages leading into a large spread of water, like the sea; and ourcourse was directed for the northernmost, until the water shoaled to 2½fathoms and we tacked to the southward. The south-west point of thenorthern land then bore N. 74° W. Four miles, and the north end ofAllen's Isle was seen from the mast head, bearing S. 3° W. Five leagues;but that part of the opening between them, not occupied by the main land, seemed to be so choaked with rocks that there was little prospect of apassage for the Investigator. This being the case, and the wind becomingunfavourable to the search, we steered back eastward, along the shore;and at eight in the evening, anchored near the furthest part yet seen inthat direction, in 6½ fathoms sand and shells. FRIDAY 3 DECEMBER 1802 At daylight, the piece of hilly land before judged to be an island, andwhich still appeared so, bore N. 86° to 28° W. , two or three miles, withsome nearer rocks lying in front; the northern land extended from behindit to N. 32° E. , and we followed its course at the distance of five, andfrom that to two miles off shore. At noon we approached the easternextremity, and saw a small island two leagues further out, one of threelaid down in the old chart near Cape Van Diemen; it is thickly coveredwith wood, principally of that softish, white kind, whence it obtainedthe name of _Isle Pisonia_. Another and a larger island afterwards openedfrom the cape; but this could not be one of the three, for it lies soclose, that Tasman, or whoever discovered these parts, would scarcelyhave observed the separation; and in fact, the other two isles presentlycame in sight to the southward, nearly in the situation assigned to them. The wind being unfavourable to doubling the cape, we bore away for thetwo islands; and soon after four o'clock, anchored on the south-east sideof the outermost, in 6½ fathoms, good holding ground. Turtle tracks were distinguished on the beach as we rounded thenorth-east point, and afforded us the pleasurable anticipation of somefresh food. We had explored tropical coasts for several months, withoutreaping any one of the advantages usually attending it, and beenfrequently tantalized with the sight of turtle in the water, and of bonesand shells round the fire places on shore; but we now hoped to have founda place where the Indians had not forestalled us, and to indemnifyourselves for so many disappointments. In rowing to the Island, we carried 5 fathoms nearly close to the beach. Several turtle were swimming about, and some perceived above high-watermark, which we ran to secure, but found them dead, and rotten; theyappeared to have fallen on their backs in climbing up a steep part of thebeach, and not being able to right themselves, had miserably perished. Iwalked the greater part of the length of the island; and from the highesthillock set the eastern extreme of the island close to Cape Van Diemen, at N. 34¾° W. , and Isle Pisonia from N. 22¾° to 19½° W. During my absence from the boat, the impatient crew, not waiting for theturtle to come on shore, had been attacking them in the water; and hadcaught three large ones, and broken my harpoon. They had also beenscratching out some of the holes, of which the upper part of the sandybeach was full; from one they filled a hat with turtles eggs, and fromanother took a swarm of young ones, not broader than a crown piece, whichI found crawling in every part of the boat. It was then past sunset, andnumbers of turtle were collected, waiting only for our departure to takethe beach; I therefore hastened to the ship, and sent lieutenant Fowlerwith a party of men, to remain all night and turn them. SATURDAY 4 DECEMBER 1802 Next morning, two boats went to bring off the officer and people withwhat had been caught; but their success had been so great, that it wasnecessary to hoist out the launch; and it took nearly the whole day toget on board what the decks and holds could contain, without impedimentto the working of the ship. They were found by Mr. Brown to be nearlysimilar to, but not exactly the true green turtle, and he thought mightbe an undescribed species. We contrived to stow away forty-six, the leastof them weighing 250 lbs, and the average about 300; besides which, manywere re-turned on shore, and suffered to go away. This _Bountiful Island_, for so I termed it, is near three miles long, and generally low and sandy; the highest parts are ridges of sand, overspread with a long, creeping, coarse grass, which binds the sandtogether, and preserves it from being blown away; grass of the commonkind grows in the lower parts, and in one place there were some bushesand small trees. The basis consists partly of a streaked, ochrous earth, and in part of sand, concreted with particles of iron ore. Nothingbespoke this island to have been ever before visited, whence it isprobable that the natives of the neighbouring lands do not possesscanoes; for with them, the distance of four leagues from Cape Van Diemenwould not have been too great to be passed, though too far in a tide'sway for such rafts as I saw at Horse-shoe Island. A kind of bustard, with a very strong bill, and not larger than a hen, was numerous at Bountiful Island; and appeared to subsist upon the youngturtle. The effect of instinct is admirable in all cases, and was verystriking in these little amphibious creatures. When scratched out fromtheir holes, they no sooner saw the day light than they made for thewater, and with speed, as if conscious that the bustards were watchingthem; when placed in a direction from the sea, which was done forexperiment, they turned themselves and took the straightest course to thewater side. But it is not only in the bustards, nor on land alone, thatthey have enemies to fear; tiger sharks were numerous. And so voracious, that seven were hooked along-side the ship, measuring from five to ninefeet in length. These were ready to receive such of the little animals asescape their first enemies; and even one of the full grown turtle hadlost a semi circular piece, equal to the tenth part of its bulk, whichhad been bitten out of its side; and what seemed more extraordinary, theshell had closed, and the place was healed up. Were it not for theimmense destruction made of these animals in the different stages oftheir existence, and that food must in the end fail, their fecundity issuch, that all the tropical seas and shores would scarcely afford roomfor them in a few years. The number of eggs found in the females, andthere were few, if any males amongst the forty-six taken here, usuallyran from four to seven hundred; and in one weighing 459 lbs, takenearlier in the following season, the number of eggs counted was 1940, asrecorded in lieutenant Fowler's journal; but many were not bigger, somenot so large as peas. They seem to lay from twenty to a hundred eggs atonce, and this is done many times in the season; after which they go verylittle on shore. In Terra Australis, the season appears to commence inAugust, and to terminate in January or February. The _latitude_ of our anchorage, one mile from the south-east side ofBountiful Island, was 16° 41' south. Lieutenant Flinders observed sixsets of lunar distances, which gave 139° 46' 18" east _longitude_; butthe time keeper No. 543 made it 14½' east of Inspection Hill, or in 139°59½'. The _variation_ of the compass, from azimuth and amplitude observedwith the ship's head in the magnetic meridian, was 3° 46' east; and at mystation on shore, an amplitude with the theodolite gave 3° 47' east. Froma little past ten in the morning to eleven at night, the _tide_ ran halfa mile an hour to the S. W. , and N. E. During the remainder of thetwenty-four hours; the first, which seemed to be the flood, was onlythree hours after the moon, above six hours earlier than in theInvestigator's Road; but the time of high water by the shore might bevery different: no greater rise than five feet was perceivable by thelead line. SUNDAY 5 DECEMBER 1802 In the morning of the 5th, we quitted Bountiful Island to resume ourexamination at Cape Van Diemen; and the weather being rainy, with thunderand lightning, and the wind fresh at N. N. E. , we passed round thesmaller island, two miles to the southwest, before hauling to thenorthward. At ten o'clock, Cape Van Diemen was distant three miles, andwe tacked to the east; and from that time till evening, continued to workup between the cape and a shoal lying two leagues from it to the E. S. E. This shoal is a narrow ridge of sand, over which we had passed in goingto Bountiful Island; but there were now breakers upon a more southernpart. It seems to be formed by different sets of tide amongst theislands, and to be steep to; for in passing over, the soundings had been13, 4, 5, 7, 11 fathoms, almost as quick as the lead could be heaved. Atdusk the wind had gone down, and the anchor was dropped in 6 fathoms, sand and shells, in the following situation. C. Van Diemen, the S. E. Extreme, dist. 3 miles, S. 75° W. The island close to it, N. 57° to 21 W. Isle Pisonia, distant 3 miles, N. 55 to 61 E. Bountiful I. , station on the green hillock, S. 40 E. That part of Cape Van Diemen above set, is in latitude 16° 32' south, andlongitude 139° 49½ east. The tide here set N. N. E. And S. S. W. , between the island close to thecape and Isle Pisonia; and at daylight [MONDAY 6 DECEMBER 1802] westeered for the middle of the opening. On seeing breakers ahead, themaster was sent in the whale boat to sound, and we kept more westward, after him. There were natives upon the island nearest to the land, whoseemed to wait in expectation of being visited; but our soundingsdiminishing to 3 fathoms, and the master having still less, we stood outand were followed by the boat. The wind was then at N. E. ; and IslePisonia being brought to bear N. W. At nine o'clock, we tacked andweathered it nearly a mile, carrying from 9 to 13 fathoms water. Turtletracks were very distinguishable upon the beach, but these prognostics, once so much desired, did not now interest us; however, on the windbecoming so light that we could not weather some breakers whilst the leetide was running, the stream, anchor was dropped in 9 fathoms, and I wentto the island with the botanical gentlemen. More holes were scratched in the sand here by the turtle, than even uponthe island last quitted; and several of the poor animals were lying deadon their backs. The isle is nothing more than a high sand bank upon abasis of coral rock, which has become thickly covered with wood, and muchresembles several of the smaller isles in Torres' Strait. There was notrace of former visitors, though it is not more than four miles from theisland where Indians had been seen in the morning; the tides probably runtoo strong in a narrow, four-fathom channel, close to Isle Pisonia, to beencountered by their rafts. TUESDAY 7 DECEMBER 1802 Next morning, the wind was at N. E. ; and after weathering a reef whichruns out three miles from the island under Cape Van Diemen, we closed inwith the land, and steered westward along it with soundings from 9 to 4fathoms. A low head with white cliffs was passed at nine o'clock, andproved to be the northernmost point of this land; beyond it the coastextended W. By S. , in a long sandy beach, and the country was betterclothed with trees than on the south side. At noon we came abreast of alow woody point, with a shoal running off, where the coast took asouth-west direction; and our situation and bearings were then as under: Latitude, observed to the north. , 16° 26'Longitude, from time keeper and bearings, 139 25Cliffy north head of this land, N. 86 E. Woody shoal point, distant two miles, S. 35 E. Furthest southern extreme, S. 29 W. Islet from the mast head, distant 3 leagues, North. From one o'clock till four, we steered S. S. W. Past three other smallcliffy projections; and I then saw the clump of high trees on thesouth-west point of this land, bearing S. 31° E. Six miles, the samewhich had been set five days before from the inner side. Our course wascontinued, to get in with the main land; but in half an hour the depthhad diminished to 2½ fathoms, and obliged us to haul out W. By N. , closeto the wind. The low main coast was then in sight from the mast head tothe south-westward, and at dusk we anchored about three leagues off, in 5fathoms, sandy bottom. No doubt remained that the land of Cape Van Diemen was an island; for ithad been circumnavigated, with the exception of about three leagues, which the rocks and shoal water made impracticable. Its extent isconsiderable, being thirty-five miles long, and the circumference nearninety, independently of the smaller sinuosities in the coast; I did notland upon any part, but the surface appeared to be more rocky than sandy;and judging from the bushes and trees with which it is mostly covered, there must be some portion, though perhaps a small one, of vegetablesoil. In any other part of the world, this would be deemed low land; buthere, where even the tops of the trees on the main scarcely exceed aship's mast head in elevation, it must be called moderately high; for itmay in some parts, reach three hundred feet. Several smokes and somenatives were seen, and it is reasonable to suppose there are fixedinhabitants, but their number is probably small. Had not the name of Van Diemen so often occurred in Terra Australis, asto make confusion, I should have extended it from the cape to the wholeisland; but such being the case, I have taken this opportunity ofindulging my gratitude to a nobleman of high character and consideration;who, when governor-general of British India, humanely used his efforts torelieve me from an imprisonment which was super-added to a shipwreck inthe sequel of the voyage. This large island is therefore distinguished bythe name of _Isle Mornington_; and to the whole of the group, nowdiscovered to exist at the head of the Gulph of Carpentaria, I have giventhe appellation of WELLESLEY'S ISLANDS. WEDNESDAY 8 DECEMBER 1802 In the morning of the 8th, the wind was light from the southward, andunfavourable for closing in with the main land; but a water spout broughtthe wind up from north-east, and obliged us to double reef the top sails. At noon the squalls had mostly passed over, and the shore, which thenextended from S. E. By S. To W. S. W. , was distant five miles in thenearest part; our latitude being then 16° 42½' south, and longitude 138°49' east. We continued to steer westward till five o'clock, at nearly thesame distance from the land, and in soundings between 5 and 3 fathoms;the wind then drew forward, and the trending of the shore being W. N. W. , we could barely lie along it. At seven, tacked for deeper water; and inhalf an hour anchored in 4 fathoms, sand and shells, the land beingdistant five or six miles, and the furthest extreme from the mast headbearing N. 70° W. A meridian altitude of the star _Achernar_ gave thelatitude 16° 39 2/3'; and from the sun's western amplitude the variationwas 4° 10', with the ship's head N. W. , or 2° 37' east, corrected to themeridian. The main land, from Wellesley's Islands to this anchorage, is of the samedescription as that along which we had previously sailed a hundred andninety leagues, being a very low, woody country, fronted by a sandybeach; there are some slight wavings in the shore, but so slight, thatnot any part of it could be set twice. This tedious uniformity began, however, to be somewhat broken; for a range of low hills was perceived atthree or four leagues inland, and the sinuosities of the shore werebecoming more distinguishable: two smokes were seen during the day. THURSDAY 9 DECEMBER 1802 Our progress next morning was very little, until the sea breeze set in;and we were then obliged, from the more northern trending of the coast, to keep up to the wind. The soundings varied between 6 and 3 fathoms; andat five in the evening diminished rather suddenly to 2½, on a rockybottom, two or three miles from the land. We then tacked, and worked towindward till dark, when the anchor was dropped in 4½ fathoms upon rockyground covered with mud; but as there was little wind and no sea, theanchor held. The observed latitude here, from the moon, was 16° 28', andlongitude by time keeper 138° 6½' east. During the night, the wind came as usual off the land; and in the morning[FRIDAY 10 DECEMBER 1802] we lay up N. By W. , nearly parallel to the thendirection of the coast. At ten, the sea breeze set in at N. By W. ; andfrom that time until evening we worked to windward, tacking from theshore when the depth diminished to 2½ fathoms, and stretching in againwhen it increased to 6; the distances from the land being in miles, asnearly as might be what the depth was in fathoms, a coincidence which hadbeen observed in some parts on the east side of the Gulph. At sunset, ahillock upon a projecting point bore N. 73° W. Four miles, and behind itwas a small opening which answered in situation to the _River Van Alphen_of the old chart; our last tack was then made from the shore; and at duskwe anchored in 4 fathoms, coarse sand and gravel. Variation fromamplitude, with the head W. By N. , 4° 45', or corrected to the meridian, 2° 38' east, nearly as on the 8th. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] SATURDAY 11 DECEMBER 1802 At daylight, we steered northward with a land wind; and when the seabreeze came, stretched W. S. W. Towards the shore. At noon, Latitude observed, 16° 11½'Longitude by time keeper, 137 53The extremes of the land bore S. 21° E. To 89 W. Nearest part, dist. 3 miles, S. 35 W. Small opening, supposed R. Van Alphen, S. 3 W. This opening may be half a mile in width, but a dry sand runs across fromthe west side, and left no prospect of its being accessible to the ship;the shoal water, indeed, extended further out than usual, being caused, probably, by a deposit of sand from the inlet. The range of low hills, before mentioned as running behind the coast, was still perceived; but infront, the country was low as before, and somewhat less covered withwood. The direction of the coast, which had been from north to north-west theday before, was now again W. N. W. ; and after making a tack at noon, in 3fathoms, and stretching off for an hour, we lay along it till near eighto'clock. At that time the depth diminished from 3½, suddenly to 2½fathoms; and before the helm was put down the ship touched upon a rock, and hung abaft. By keeping the sails full she went off into 3 fathoms, but in five minutes hung upon another rock; and the water being moreshallow further on, the head sails were now laid aback. On swinging off, I filled to stretch out by the way we had come; and after another slighttouch of the keel we got into deep water, and anchored in 4 fathoms, on abottom of blue mud. The bad state of the ship would have made oursituation amongst these rocks very alarming, had we not cleared them soquickly; but the water was very smooth at this time, and it could not beperceived that any injury had been sustained. Our distance here from the shore was three miles. It is very low andbroken, with many dry rocks and banks lying near it; and in the space ofseven or eight miles we had counted five small openings, and behind themsome lagoons were perceived from the mast head. _The Abel Tasman's River_of the old chart is marked in about this situation; and however littlethese shallow openings and salt lagoons resemble a river, there is noother place to which the name could have been applied. I was preparing to take altitudes of the star _Rigel_, to ascertain ourlongitude at this anchorage, when it was found that the time keepers hadstopped, my assistant having forgotten to wind them up at noon. In themorning [SUNDAY 12 DECEMBER 1802] they were set forward, and altitudes ofthe sun taken to find their errors from the time under this meridian. Themoon and planet Mars had been observed in the night, from which, and thenoon's observation following, the latitude of the anchorage wasascertained to be 16° 7½'; and a projection on the west side of the R. Van Alphen, which had been the nearest shore at the preceding noon, wasnow set at S. 64½° E. From these _data_ and from the log, I ascertainedthe difference of longitude, from half past ten in the morning of the11th, when the last observations for the time keepers had been taken, tobe 20' 18"; and that this anchorage was in 137° 37' 18" east. The errorsfrom mean Greenwich time were thence obtained; and they were carried onas before, with the rates found at Sweers' Island, which it was to bepresumed, had undergone no alteration from the letting down, since nonehad been caused by former accidents of the same kind. An amplitude takenwhen the ship's head was W. N. W. , gave variation 3° 46', or 1° 47' east, corrected to the meridian; being nearly a degree less than on the eastside of the River Van Alphen, when the land lay to the west of the ship. Soon after seven o'clock the anchor was weighed; and the breeze being atN. W. , we stretched off till noon, when the observed latitude from bothsides was 16° 2' 11", and the land was nine or ten miles distant; but theonly part visible from the deck was the range of low hills, two or threeleagues behind the shore. We then tacked to the westward, and keptclosing in with the coast until sunset; at which time the correctedvariation was 1° 47' east, as on the preceding evening, and the followingbearings were taken. Eastern extreme of the shore S. 31° E. Small opening, dist. 4 or 5 miles, S. 54 W. Western extreme of the main, a sandy head, N. 75 W. Beyond the head, much higher land than any we had passed in the gulph wasseen from aloft as far as N. W. By N. This I expected was the CapeVanderlin of the old chart; and if so, there ought to be a large doublebay between it and the sandy head; and in fact, no land was visible therein a space of two points. Our course along the shore was prolonged till dusk, when we tacked in 3½fathoms; and on getting 4½, came to an anchor upon fine sandy ground. Inthe morning [MONDAY 13 DECEMBER 1802], the wind was light from thesouth-westward, and little progress was made until the sea breeze set in. At noon, our situation was in Latitude, observed to the north avid south, 15° 50' 31"Longitude by time keeper, 137 19½West extreme of the sandy head, dist. 7 miles, S. 24 W. Land of Cape Vanderlin, N. 28° to S. 88 W. Land of Cape Vanderlin, highest part, N. 56 W. Land of Cape Vanderlin, sandy east point, dist. 6 miles, N. 47 W. Low islet off the south end. , S. 77½ to S. 85 W. Many rocks are scattered along the east side of this land; some of themare steep, and one, which we approached within a mile soon after oneo'clock, resembled the crown of a hat. The whale boat was then senttowards the opening, and we bore away S. W. By S. After her; but thewater shoaling fast, and looking worse ahead, we hauled out close to thewind, and worked northward; anchoring at dusk, two or three miles fromthe east point of the northern land, in 6 fathoms, coarse sand andshells. The main coast on the south side of the opening had been seen extendingW. N. W. , two or three leagues from the sandy head; it was low as ever, and there was no appearance of the northern land, which was hilly androcky, being connected with it; and I therefore called the separatedpiece _Vanderlin's Island_. Having no prospect of being able to get theship up the opening, we proceeded northward next morning [TUESDAY 14DECEMBER 1802], along the east side of the island; but the wind beingdirectly contrary, it was sunset before the outermost of the scatteredrocks could be weathered; soon afterward the anchor was dropped in 6fathoms, one mile and a quarter from the north-east point, and somethingmore from the outer rocks which bore S. 63° E. The north point of theisland, which is the true Cape Vanderlin, bore N. 71° W. , and was distantthree or four miles: its utmost extremity lies in 15° 34½' south, and137° 8½' east. Some Indians had been seen tracking a canoe or raft, along the east side, and a body of thirty-five of them had been there collected, looking atthe ship. This comparatively numerous population, and the prospect therewas of this island proving more than usually interesting to thenaturalists, made me desirous of finding a secure anchorage near it; andin the morning [WEDNESDAY 15 DECEMBER 1802] we landed at the north-eastpoint, which is a peninsula joined to the island by a low sandy neck, andhas three hummocks upon it, near the extremity. From the highest of thesehummocks, I set two small islands in the offing, to the north-west, wheretwo are laid down in the old chart; and saw more land to the west of CapeVanderlin, apparently a large and distinct island. The water between themwas extensive; and as it promised to afford good shelter, we returned onboard after a short examination, in order to work the ship into it. A hard, close-grained sand stone forms the basis of the north-east pointof Vanderlin's Island; but the hummocks and the upper rocks arecalcareous, similar to Inspection Hill at the head of the Gulph. The soilis very sandy, and poorly clothed with vegetation; though in the morecentral parts of the island the hills seemed to be moderately wellcovered with wood. There were foot marks of men, dogs, and kangaroos, andtracks of turtle near the shore; but none of the men, nor of the animals, were seen. We got under way soon after ten o'clock with a breeze from thenorth-westward, and were obliged to make a long stretch to sea beforeCape Vanderlin could be weathered. Towards evening we came in with asmall reef, lying N. 40° E. Two-and-half miles from the extremity of thecape; and this, with the lateness of the hour, making it hazardous to runinto the new opening, we anchored at dusk, under the easternmost of thetwo small islands in the offing, in 6 fathoms, coral sand and rock. Thewhite beach here seemed to be so favourable a situation for turtle, thatan officer with a party of men was sent on shore to watch them; but hereturned immediately, on finding the beach to be not sand, but pieces ofcoral bleached white by the sun, which bore no traces of turtle. [NORTH COAST. PELLEW'S GROUP. ] THURSDAY 16 DECEMBER 1802 I landed early in the morning, with the botanical gentlemen, to takebearings; and amongst them set the craggy north end of the westernisland. , which I call _Cape Pellew_, at S. 87° W. , distant three or fourmiles. It lies in latitude 16° 30½', longitude 137° 2', and there is arock lying half a mile off to the N. E. ; indeed these two small isles andanother rock may be considered as also lying off, and appertaining to it. The basis of the easternmost and largest isle was found to be the sameclose-grained sand stone as at Vanderlin's Island; but the surfaceconsisted of loose pieces of coral, with a slight intermixture ofvegetable soil, producing a few shrubs and small bushes: there were notraces either of men or turtle. On our return to the ship, we steered for the opening between the CapesVanderlin and Pellew; the wind was from the north-westward, and thisbeing now the most settled quarter for it, we anchored under the westernisland, in 4½ fathoms soft bottom, half a mile from the shore; with theextremes bearing N. 25° E. One mile, and S. 23° W. Two miles. An outerrocky islet near Cape Vanderlin bore N. 70° E. , and a small island withinhalf a mile of the ship covered five points in the south-eastern quarter;to the south there was very little land visible, but no sea was to befeared from that side; and the sole direction in which we were notsheltered, was between N. N. E. And E. N. E. The botanical gentlemen landed abreast of the ship, and lieutenantFlinders went to commence a series of observations for the rates of thetime keepers on the small isle, thence called _Observation Island_. Myattention was attracted by a cove in the western shore, upon the bordersof which, more abundantly than elsewhere, grew a small kind of cabbagepalm, from whence it was called _Cabbage-tree Cove_. This presented theappearance of a complete little harbour; and supposing it to afford freshwater, was just such a place as I wished for the ship, during the timenecessary for making an examination of the islands in my whale boat. Ifound the cove to run near two miles into the island, and there was asmall rill at the head; but unfortunately, the depth at the entrance wasinsufficient for the ship, being no more than 2 fathoms, and in the upperpart it was too shallow even for a boat. FRIDAY 17 DECEMBER 1802 In the morning, a party of men was sent to cut wood at the nearest shore;and there being a sort of beach, uncovered at low tide, the seine washauled there with some success. A small drain of fresh water ran behindthe mangroves at the back of the beach, and by cutting a rolling way toit, our empty casks, it was thought, might be filled; but I hoped to finda better place, and went away in the boat, as well with that object inview as to carry on the survey. From the furthest part of the western island visible from the ship, Ifound the shore trending S. 73° W. , to a point where there was an openingout to the westward, of a mile and a half wide and of considerable depth. About three leagues up the opening were two craggy islands; and beyondthem was more extensive land, which proved to be an island also, and fromits situation in this group was called _West Island_. The island whosenorth end is Cape Pellew, and whose southern extremity I had now reached, was called _North Island_; and the land opposite to me, which formed thesouth side of the opening and seemed to be extensive, is marked with thename of _Centre Island_ in the chart. These lands are moderately high, and seemed to form several coves and small inlets, with promise of runsof fresh water; but the weather was too unfavourable to make muchexamination at this time, and after taking bearings from the south andsouth-east points of North Island, I returned on board. SATURDAY 18 DECEMBER 1802 The wooding of the ship was carried on next day; and although the weatherremained squally, with frequent heavy rain, some further bearings wereobtained, and observations taken for the time keepers. In the morning ofthe 19th [SUNDAY 19 DECEMBER 1802], the weather cleared, and I took theship over to Cape Vanderlin; both for the convenience of the survey, andto give the botanical gentlemen a better opportunity of examining thatisland, which appeared to be the most interesting, as it was the largestof the group. Besides three rocky islets, lying off the west side of thecape, there is a small island one mile to the south-west, and I sought toanchor behind it; but being prevented by a shoal which extends southwardfrom the island, the anchor was dropped half a mile without side, in 4½fathoms, muddy ground. After the latitude had been observed, and bearings taken from the island, we crossed over in the boat to Cape Vanderlin. There was a depth of 4 to7 fathoms between them, with a passage leading in from the north, and aship would lie here in perfect safety during the south-east monsoon; butwith the present north-west winds and squally weather, this otherwisegood anchorage was not equal to the place we had quitted. The highestparts of Cape Vanderlin are hillocks of almost bare sand; on the isthmusbehind it were many shrubs and bushes, and amongst the latter was found awild nutmeg, in tolerable abundance. The fruit was small, and not ripe;but the mace and the nut had a hot, spicy taste. There was no appearance of fresh water here, nor was the ship in asituation safe to remain all night; so soon, therefore, as my bearingswere taken from the top of Cape Vanderlin, we returned on board, andsteered for the opening between North and Centre Islands. At dusk, theanchor was dropped in 6 fathoms, muddy ground, a little within theopening; where we had land at different distances all round, with theexception of one point to the W. N. W. TUESDAY 21 DECEMBER 1802 During the two days we remained here, I examined a shallow bay on theeast side of Centre Island, and went to the westward as far as the CraggyIsles, taking bearings from various stations. Several rills of freshwater were found at the heads of little coves, but the depth was notsufficient for the ship to get near any of them; and therefore wereturned to our first anchorage near Cabbage-tree Cove [WEDNESDAY 22DECEMBER 1802], to cut through the mangroves and get the holds completedwith water at the small run there. This duty I left to the care of thefirst lieutenant, and the rates of the time keepers to be continued bythe second; and went away the same afternoon in my boat, upon anexcursion of four days, accompanied by Mr. Westall, the landscapepainter. The soundings we had in steering for the west point of Vanderlin's Islandand southward along the shore, will be best known from the particularplan of this group. Bearings were taken at two chosen stations; and westopped in the evening, at the furthest of two small isles near thesouth-west side of the island, to pass the night without disturbance fromthe Indians. It then rained and blew hard, with thunder and lightning, and the soil being sandy and destitute of wood to break off the wind, itwas with difficulty the tent could be secured; the islet had beenvisited, and we found the remains of more than one turtle feast. Amongstthe bearings set from hence was a projecting part of the low main land, at S. 19½° W. Six or seven miles, and it was the furthest visible. THURSDAY 23 DECEMBER 1802 We had more moderate weather in the morning, and went on towards thesouth point of Vanderlin's Island; but stopped two or three miles shortof it, at a station whence the south point and the low islet lying offwere visible, as also was the sandy head set from the ship on the 12thand 13th; and from the bearings of these objects my survey roundVanderlin's Island became connected. A part of the sandy main coast wasdistant not more than four miles to the S. S. W. , whence it extended asfar as S. 62° W. ; the water appeared to be too shallow for a ship to passbetween it and the island. A fresh wind from the north-west prevented me from going any further toleeward; and it was with much difficulty that we rowed back to the islewhere we had passed the night. Strong squalls again came on towardsevening, and the larger isle, lying a mile to the north-west, was chosenfor our night's residence, on account of its affording some shelter; butthe lightning was so violent and close to us, that I feared to place thetent near the trees. And was surprised in the morning, not to see half ofthem shivered to pieces: the rain fell in torrents, during a part of thenight. FRIDAY 24 DECEMBER 1802 Next morning the weather was better, but the wind still adverse to myproject of going over to the south end of Centre Island; by noon, however, we reached a low islet half way across. Where I observed thelatitude 15° 42° 47", and took a set of bearings very useful to thesurvey; and we afterwards made an attempt to get over, and succeeded. Arocky hillock on the south-east point of Centre Island, was my nextstation; and from thence we proceeded westward along the south side, to alow islet near the south-west point, for the purpose of landing, the sunbeing then set; but the islet proving to be a mere mud bank covered withmangroves, we rowed onward to the large South-west Island, in veryshallow water; and there passed a night which, happily for the fatiguedboat's crew, turned out fine. SATURDAY 25 DECEMBER 1802 I took azimuths and some bearings in the morning, and we then proceedednorthward through a small passage between the Centre and South-westIslands; there was 5 fathoms in the very narrow part, but no deep waterwithin; and without side, it was also very shoal for two or three miles. Near the north-west point of Centre Island lies an islet and two rocks, and from the cliffy north end of the islet another set of bearings wastaken; after which we steered eastward, sounding along the north side ofCentre Island. It was noon when we reached the north-east point, and Iobserved the latitude 15° 39' 35" upon the south-east end of a rockyislet there, and took more bearings from the top; and in the afternoon, we reached the ship. Very little has been said upon the islands or their productions, or uponthe various traces of native inhabitants and of former visitors found inthis, and in former boat excursions; the observations on these headsbeing intended for the general and conclusive remarks upon this group. These are now to be given; for the wooding and watering were completed onthe day after my return [SUNDAY 26 DECEMBER 1802], and the ship was thenready to proceed in the examination of the Gulph. In the old Dutch chart, Cape Vanderlin is represented to be a greatprojection from the main land, and the outer ends of North and WestIslands to be smaller points of it. There are two indents or bightsmarked between the points, which may correspond to the openings betweenthe islands; but I find difficulty in pointing out which are the foursmall isles laid down to the west of Cape Vanderlin; neither does theline of the coast, which is nearly W. S. W. In the old chart, correspondwith that of the outer ends of the islands, and yet there is enough ofsimilitude in the whole to show the identity. Whether any change havetaken place in these shores, and made islands of what were parts of themain land a century and a half before--or whether the Dutch discoverermade a distant and cursory examination, and brought conjecture to aid himin the construction of a chart, as was too much the practice of thattime--it is perhaps not now possible to ascertain; but I conceive thatthe great alteration produced in the geography of these parts by oursurvey, gives authority to apply a name which, without prejudice to theoriginal one, should mark the nation by which the survey was made; and incompliment to a distinguished officer of the British navy, whose earnestendeavours to relieve me from oppression in a subsequent part of thevoyage demand my gratitude I have called this cluster of islands SIREDWARD PELLEW'S GROUP. The space occupied by these islands is thirty-four miles east and west, by twenty-two miles of latitude; and the five principal islands are fromseven to seventeen miles in length. The stone which seems to form thebasis of the group is a hard, close-grained sand stone, with a smalladmixture of quartz, and in one or two instances it was slightlyimpregnated with iron; calcareous, or coral rock was sometimes found atthe upper parts, but the hard sand stone was more common. Where thesurface is not bare rock, it consists of sand, with a greater or lessproportion of vegetable soil, but in no case did I see any near approachto fertility; yet all the larger islands, and more especially the westernside of Vanderlin's, are tolerably well covered with trees and bushes, and in some low places there is grass. As in most other parts of Terra Australis, the common trees here arevarious species of the _eucalyptus_, mostly different from, and smallerthan those of the East and South Coasts. The cabbage palm, a new genusnamed by Mr. Brown _Livistona inermis_, is abundant; but the cabbage istoo small to be an interesting article of food to a ship's company; ofthe young leaves, drawn into slips and dried, the seamen made handsomelight hats, excellent for warm weather. The nutmeg was found principallyon Vanderlin's Island, growing upon a large spreading bush; but the fruitbeing unripe, no accurate judgment could be formed of its quality. Amongst the variety of other plants discovered by the naturalist, weretwo shrubs belonging to the genus _Santalum_, of which the sandel wood, used as a perfume in the East, is also one; but this affinity to sovaluable a tree being not known at the time, from the description of thegenus being imperfect, no examination was made of it with that object inview. All the larger islands seem to possess the kangaroo; for though none wereseen, their foot marks were perceptible in most of the sandy places whereI landed: the species seemed to be small. In the woods were hawks, pigeons of two kinds, and some bustards; and on the shore were seen apretty kind of duck and the usual sea fowl. Turtle tracks were observedon most of the beaches, but more especially on the smaller islands, whereremains of turtle feasts were generally found. There were traces of Indians on all the islands, both large and small, but the latter are visited only at times; these people seemed to beequally desirous of avoiding communication with strangers, as those ofWellesley's Islands, for we saw them only once at a distance, from theship. Two canoes found on the shore of North Island were formed of slipsof bark, like planks, sewed together, the edge of one slip overlayinganother, as in our clincher-built boats; their breadth was about twofeet, but they were too much broken for the length to be known. I cannotbe certain that these canoes were the fabrication of the natives, forthere were some things near them which appertained, without doubt, toanother people, and their construction was much superior to that on anypart of Terra Australis hitherto discovered; but their substance of barkspoke in the affirmative. The same degree of doubt was attached to asmall monument found on the same island. Under a shed of bark were set uptwo cylindrical pieces of stone, about eighteen inches long; which seemedto have been taken from the shore, where they had been made smooth fromrolling in the surf, and formed into a shape something like a nine pin. Round each of them were drawn two black circles, one towards each end;and between them were four oval black patches, at equal distances roundthe stone, made apparently with charcoal. The spaces between the ovalmarks were covered with white down and feathers, stuck on with the yolkof a turtle's egg, as I judged by the gluten and by the shell lying nearthe place. Of the intention in setting up these stones under a shed, noperson could form a reasonable conjecture; the first idea was, that ithad some relation to the dead, and we dug underneath to satisfy ourcuriosity; but nothing was found. This simple monument is represented inthe annexed plate, with two of the ducks near it: the land in the background is Vanderlin's Island. Indications of some foreign people having visited this group were almostas numerous, and as widely extended as those left by the natives. Besidespieces of earthen jars and trees cut with axes, we found remnants ofbamboo lattice work, palm leaves sewed with cotton thread into the formof such hats as are worn by the Chinese, and the remains of blue cottontrousers, of the fashion called moormans. A wooden anchor of one fluke, and three boats rudders of violet wood were also found; but what puzzledme most was a collection of stones piled together in a line, resembling alow wall, with short lines running perpendicularly at the back, dividingthe space behind into compartments. In each of these were the remains ofa charcoal fire, and all the wood near at hand, had been cut down. Mr. Brown saw on another island a similar construction, with not less thanthirty-six partitions, over which was laid a rude piece of frame work;and the neighbouring mangroves, to the extent of an acre and a half, hadbeen cut down. It was evident that these people were Asiatics, but ofwhat particular nation, or what their business here, could not beascertained; I suspected them, however, to be Chinese, and that thenutmegs might possibly be their object. From the traces amongstWellesley's Islands, they had been conjectured to be shipwrecked people;but that opinion did not now appear to be correct. The barometer stood here from 29. 96 to 29. 62 inches, being highest withthe winds at north-east, and lowest with those from the southward; in theheavy squalls of wind, rain, thunder, and lightning from the north-west, the mercury stood at a medium elevation. On board the ship, the averagestandard of the thermometer was nearly 85°. On shore it was hotter, yetthe musketoes were not very troublesome; but the common black flies, fromtheir extraordinary numbers and their impudence, were scarcely lessannoying than musketoes; they get into the mouth and nose, and settleupon the face or any other part of the body, with as much unconcern asthey would alight on a gum tree; nor are they driven away easily. Thiswas the case on shore, and on board the ship whilst lying at anchor, andfor a day or two afterwards; but the society of man wrought a change inthe manners even of these little animals. They soon became more cautious, went off when a hand was lifted up, and in three or four days afterquitting the land, behaved themselves orderly, like other flies; andthough still numerous on board, they gave little molestation. Dampierfound these insects equally troublesome on the North-west Coast; for hesays (Vol. I. P. 464), speaking of the natives, "Their eye-lids arealways half closed, to keep the flies out of their eyes; they being sotroublesome here, that no fanning will keep them from coming to one'sface; and without the assistance of both hands to keep them off, theywill creep into one's nostrils, and mouth too, if the lips are not shutvery close. " Sir Edward Pellew's Group, as will be seen by a reference to the plan, affords numerous anchorages against both the south-east and north-westmonsoon; but unless it should be within the two small isles near thesouth-west side of Vanderlin's Island, where the depth was not wellascertained, there is not a single harbour, the different bays and covesbeing too shallow to admit a ship. Wood for fuel is easy to be procured;and water may be had in December, and probably as late as April or May, but I think not afterwards. The most accessible watering place we couldfind, was at the back of the mangroves near our principal anchorage, within the east point of North Island, where, with some trouble, ourcasks were filled; and at a beach there, left dry at low water, the seinewas hauled with some success. At Vanderlin's Island there are manybeaches fit for the seine; and indeed it seemed superior to the otherislands as well for this, as for every other purpose, when a ship can liethere; it is also the most frequented by the Indians, and may probablyhave fixed inhabitants. The _latitude_ of Observation Island, from two meridian altitudes to thenorth and south, is 15° 36' 46" S. _Longitude_ from six sets of distances of the sun east of the moon, givenin Table IV. Of Appendix No. 1, 137° 6' 42"; but by the time keeper No. 543 corrected, it is preferably 137° 3' 15" E. The rates of the time keepers were found from afternoon's altitudes in anartificial horizon, between the 16th and 26th; and the means, with theirerrors from mean Greenwich time, at noon there on the last day ofobservation, were as under: Earnshaw's No. 543, slow 2h 29' 11. 17" and losing 14. 93" per dayEarnshaw's No. 520, slow 4h 11' 37. 59" and losing 28. 25" per day This rate of No. 543 is only 0. 19" more than that found at Sweers'Island, and so far as the six sets of lunars may be relied on, thelongitude by this time keeper was not far from the truth; the lettingdown on the passage therefore did not seem to have produced anychange; but in No. 520, the rate is more than 8" greater, and thelongitude was getting 1½' per day too much to the east, as well before asafter it was let down. The coast from Sweers' to Observation Island isconsequently laid down by No. 543, with the small accelerating correctionarising from the 0. 19" increase of rate in 16. 4 days. _Variation_ of the theodolite, observed on the east side of South-westIsland, 2° 22' east. In the bearings taken at different parts within the group, the variationseemed to differ from 2° 30' to l° 30'. The largest variations were onthe east sides of the islands, and the smallest on the west sides;seeming to show an attraction of the land upon the south end of theneedle. On board the ship, when coasting along the east side ofVanderlin's Island, and the whole group lay to the west, the variationappeared from the bearings to be as much as 4° east. The best observation made on the _tide_, was on the 23rd, during my boatexcursion to the south end of Vanderlin's Island. On that morning themoon passed over the meridian at sixteen minutes past ten, and theperpendicular movements of the tide were as follows. At seven o'clock, when I left the shore, the tide was falling; on landing at nine it wasstationary, and appeared to be low water; at noon it rose fast, and atthree was still rising, and continued so to do, but slowly, until sevenin the evening, The tide then began to fall; but after subsiding onefoot, it rose again until ten o'clock, and had then attained its greatestheight. Low water took place therefore about an hour before, and highwater at _eleven hours and a quarter after_ the moon passed the meridian:the rise appeared to be from four to seven feet. At Wellesley's Islandshigh water had taken place an hour and a half earlier, which seemsextraordinary, if, as it necessarily must, the flood come from thenorthward. I think it very probable, that the tide in both places willfollow what was observed in King George's Sound on the South Coast; wherehigh water, after becoming gradually later till midnight, happened on thefollowing day before seven in the evening, and then later as before. The break of three hours in the tide here, is somewhat remarkable: it wasnot observed amongst Wellesley's Islands, where the tide ran twelve hourseach way; but was found to increase as we proceeded west and northwarduntil it became six hours, and the tides assumed the usual course. CHAPTER VIII. Departure from Sir Edward Pellew's Group. Coast from thence westward. Cape Maria found to be an island. Limmen's Bight. Coast northward to Cape Barrow: landing on it. Circumnavigation of Groote Eylandt. Specimens of native art at Chasm Island. Anchorage in North-west Bay, Groote Eylandt;with remarks and nautical observations. Blue-mud Bay. Skirmish with the natives. Cape Shield. Mount Grindall. Coast to Caledon Bay. Occurrences in that bay, with remarks on the country and inhabitants. Astronomical and nautical observations. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] MONDAY 27 DECEMBER 1802 (Atlas, Plate XIV. ) At daylight of Dec. 27, we got under way from Pellew's Group; and passingbetween the small isles near Cape Pellew, stretched off to sea with afresh breeze at W. N. W. At noon the cape bore S. 26° W. Four leagues, and towards evening we weathered it, having 10 fathoms water at thedistance of five miles; the soundings afterwards diminished gradually to4½ fathoms, at two miles from West Island, where the anchor was droppedon a muddy bottom, for the night. Next morning [TUESDAY 28 DECEMBER1802], the wind being still at north-west, we again stretched out to sea;and at noon, when the latitude was 15° 24', Cape Pellew bore S. 60° E. Four leagues. We were then standing south-westward; and at three o'clock, West Isle bore from S. 74° E. To about South, the last extreme beinghidden by an islet and rock distant two-and-half miles. The main coastwas in sight to the south and westward, and we stood for it until six;the ship was then tacked to the north-east, in 3 fathoms, the shore beingthree miles off, and extending from behind West Island to N. 36° W. Itwas low, mostly sandy, and covered with wood behind the beaches; andexcept that some places on the shore were rocky, it altogether resembledthe more eastern parts of the gulph. At dusk, the anchor was let go in 6fathoms, mud and shells. WEDNESDAY 29 DECEMBER 1802 A small reef was seen in the morning, two miles to the north-east of theship, and about seven from the coast. We passed half a mile to windwardof it with 3½ fathoms, and stretched off to sea until noon, with theusual north-western wind; the latitude was then 15° 7', longitude 135°40', and we tacked towards the land, which was not in sight from the masthead. At six in the evening it was distant two leagues, and the extremesbore S. 26° E. To 74° W. , the first being the same part which had beenset at N. 36° W. , the evening before. At seven, we tacked from the shorein 3½ fathoms, and on the water deepening to 4, anchored on coarse sandyground. In working along the shore next day [THURSDAY 30 DECEMBER 1802], we met with a shoal of sand and rocks. , as far as three leagues off theland; the outer part, upon which we had less than 2½ fathoms at noon, lying in 15° 13' south and 136° 16' east. After getting clear of thisdanger, we stretched off until dusk; and then anchored in 9 fathoms, greysand, some back hills being visible in the S. W. By W. , but no part ofthe low shore. FRIDAY 31 DECEMBER 1802 We had the wind at W. By S. In the morning, and stood off until noon, nine or ten leagues from the coast; two small lumps of land were thenseen, bearing S. 53° and 58° W. , and at the mast head they were perceivedto join, and apparently to form an island. On the wind veering to thesouth and eastward we steered for it, and before sunset got to an anchorin a small bay on its south side, in 4 fathoms; the extremes of theisland bearing N. 81° E. One mile and a half, to S. 83° W. Three miles. The main land was visible three or four leagues to the southward, and aprojecting part of the back hills, which at first made like a head land, bore S. 3° W. A similar error to that at the Capes Van Diemen and Vanderlin has beenmade here in the Dutch chart, this island being represented as aprojection of the main land, and called Cape Maria. To the west of it ismarked a large bay or bight, called Limmen's Bogt, where the coast turnsnorth-eastward to a projecting cape without name, which has a shoal, forty miles in length, running out from it; and between this shoal andCape Maria, is laid down a small island. In these particulars, the oldchart was found to be correct as to the general matter of fact, buterroneous in the forms and positions. SATURDAY 1 JANUARY 1803 Fires were seen at night, upon the island; and early in the morning Ilanded with the botanical gentlemen, to examine the productions and takebearings. My attention was attracted by something like a native's hut, which proved to be an ant hill composed of red earth, about eight feethigh, and formed like a haycock; the inhabitants were the same feeblerace of insect as before seen at the Prince of Wales' Islands, and theleast pressure was sufficient to crush them. From the highest hill on thesouth side of the island, I set the furthest visible extremity of themain land to the eastward, near which is a low islet, at S. 21° 50' E. ;from thence it extended past the projecting part of the hills to N. 80°W. , where it was lost in Limmen's Bight; but re-appearing 16° furthernorth, it was distinguishable to N. 33° W. The length of the island is about seven miles, N. E. And S. W. , by avariable breadth from one to four miles; and its northern extremity, towhich I continue the name of _Cape Maria_, lies in 14° 50' south, and135° 53½' east. A slaty rock seemed to form its basis; the surface ishilly, well covered with wood, and grass grows up from amongst the loosestones; and notwithstanding its barren soil, the appearance from the shipwas green and pleasant. That men were upon the island was shown by thefires, and it was corroborated by the fresh prints of feet upon the sand;but they eluded our search, and we did not find either canoes orhabitations. On returning to the ship at nine o'clock, we stretched southward for themain coast, with the wind at west. When within five or six miles, thewater shoaled to 3½ fathoms; and the ship being found to drift to leewardwith the tide, a stream anchor was dropped. There seemed to be two tideshere in the day, setting nearly east and west, but the rise and fall wereso imperceptible by the lead, that it could not be known which was theflood. The west wind died away at noon, and being succeeded by a sea breeze fromthe north-eastward, we steered for Limmen's Bight so long as it lasted;and then anchored in 4 fathoms, blue mud, with the island of Cape Mariabearing S. 56° to 86° E. , ten or twelve miles. The main land was eight ornine miles off, and visible all round the Bight and as far as N. 6° W. ;it was low and woody, and an extensive shelving flat seemed to render itinaccessible to a ship. At seven in the evening, the land wind came off in a strong squall, withthunder, lightning, and rain; afterwards the weather cleared; and at daylight [SUNDAY 2 JANUARY 1803] we followed the line of the coast to thenorthward. I wished to get as near to it as possible; but the watershoaling to 2½ fathoms when six or seven miles off, we ran out east, tillit deepened to 4, and then steered north-eastward, parallel to the lineof the shoal. A low rock came in sight to seaward, which I took to be thesmall island laid down to the north-east of Cape Maria, but it liesnearly north from it. At nine o'clock, when the main land was distantseven miles and the depth 6 fathoms, The low rock, distant 4 miles, bore S. 65½° E. Station hill near C. Maria, dist. 6 leagues, S. 7½ E. A sloping part of the main, higher than the rest, N. 50 W. Extreme from the mast head, North. Our latitude at noon was 14° 26' 29", and longitude 135° 54½'; the maincoast was seven miles off, and seen from the mast head as far as N. N. E. Three miles to the N. 80° E. There were two dry sands, and shoal waterextended from them to the north and southward, further than could bedistinguished. We had already no more than 3 fathoms; but a sea breezehaving set in at E. By S. , unfavourably for going without side of thesands, we kept on close to the wind, hoping to find a passage withinthem. The depth varied between 8 and 4 fathoms, till past five o'clock, when it diminished to 2½, the main coast being distant five or six miles, and the sands out of sight astern; we then tacked, and stretched E. S. E. Into 4 fathoms, and anchored at dusk on a bottom of gravel. Anobservation of the moon gave the latitude here 14° 19'; and the variationfrom an amplitude, with the head E. By S. , was 0° 43' east, or correctedto the meridian upon the principle often before mentioned, 2° 44' eastfor the true variation. There is no doubt that the dry banks seen at noon, were meant to berepresented in the Dutch chart by the great shoal to the north-east ofCape Maria; but their direction from the cape is there too far eastward;neither do they join to the main land, nor lie out from it more thanone-quarter of the distance marked: several turtle were seen in thevicinity of the banks. The main coast in the northern part of Limmen'sBight is not altogether so low as at the head; but the shoal waterextends equally far out, and even the southern head of the gulph is notmore inaccessible to ships. We had strong squalls of wind in the night, with rain, thunder, andlightning, and were obliged to drop a second anchor; the wind, however, remained in the north-east, and at daylight [MONDAY 3 JANUARY 1803] westood for the edge of the shoal. At seven, tacked ship in 3 fathoms; anda breeze coming off the land soon afterward, we steered along the shoreuntil noon, with a good depth of water. Several pieces of distant land, which seemed to be islands of greater elevation than usual, were thenseen, from N. By E. To E. S. E. ; the main coast was about five miles off, and the furthest part bore north from the mast head. Our latitude at thistime was 14° 5', and longitude 136° 6' east. In the afternoon, the soundings became irregular between 4 and 7 fathoms, and the whale boat was sent ahead; but a fresh wind setting in at N. E. , the boat was called back, and in being veered astern, got filled withwater, broke adrift, and the two men were thrown out. Another boat waslowered down to save them and I ran the ship to leeward and came to ananchor. The whale boat was picked up, as also one of the men; but theother, William Murray, captain of the fore top, being unable to swim, wasunfortunately lost. The weather remained squally, and wind unsettled during the night. In themorning [TUESDAY 4 JANUARY 1803] our course was continued to thenorthward, leaving extensive land, which I supposed to be the _GrooteEylandt_ of the old charts, six or eight leagues on the starbord hand. Before commencing the investigation of that island, I wished to trace themain coast further on, and if possible, give the botanists an opportunityof examining its productions; for it was upon the main that they usuallymade the most interesting discoveries, and only once, since entering theGulph of Carpentaria, had we been able to land there. At seven o'clock weedged in for the coast; and on coming into 3½ fathoms, dropped the anchoron a bottom of blue mud, within a mile of the shore. No part of GrooteEylandt was in sight; but an island of considerable extent and elevation, not noticed in the old chart, lay six or seven miles to the E. N. E. ; andI have called it BICKERTON'S ISLAND, in compliment to admiral Sir RichardBickerton. Between it and the main coast is an open space, from four tosix or seven miles wide, through which, to all appearance from this side, a ship might safely pass. Whilst the botanical gentlemen landed abreast of the ship, I took thewhale boat to a woody islet, five miles off, close to Bickerton's Island, the soundings across the opening in going to it, being from 3 to 7fathoms. A meridian observation to the north and south, placed the isletin latitude 13° 48' 30", and the points of the opening to the northwardbore N. 18° E. And N. 2½° W. ; this last was the furthest visible part ofthe main land; and proving afterwards to be a projecting cape, I named it_Cape Barrow_, after John Barrow. Esq. , author of the interesting travelsat the Cape of Good Hope. The islet is about half a mile long, and thoughmany bushes and some trees grew upon it, is little more than a bed ofsand. There were holes in the beach, made by turtle; and besides otherproofs of the islet being sometimes visited by the Indians, I found fourhuman skulls lying at the back of the shore. From the woody islet I crossed over to the main land near the ship, andtook another set of bearings for the survey. Upon the shore were piecesof bamboo, and other traces of the same foreign people of whom mentionhas frequently been made; and three small huts were found, so entirelycovered with grass that no opening was left; but they were empty, andnothing was buried underneath. On the borders of a small fresh lake thebotanists reaped a harvest of new plants, without molestation; indeed nonatives were seen any where; but several skeletons were found, standingupright in the hollow stumps of trees; and the skulls and bones beingsmeared or painted, partly red and partly white, made a very strangeappearance. Some kangaroos were perceived at a distance; and judging bytheir foot-marks on the sand, they were rather numerous. The country nearthe sea side is stony and barren; further back, it rises gently to asmall elevation, and seemed to be moderately well covered with grass andwood. WEDNESDAY 5 JANUARY 1803 In the morning of the 5th we got under way, and steered eastward forGroote Eylandt, which I now intended to circumnavigate. In passing thesouth side of Bickerton's Island, we observed in it a deep bight or baywhich would afford shelter in the north-west monsoon. , if there be depthsufficient for a ship; and the hills at the back being high and woody, there was a probability of its receiving a stream of fresh water. Thecountry round the entrance of the bight, had the appearance of beingsandy and sterile. Between the nearest parts of Groote and Bickerton's Islands is a space ofeight miles, which seemed to offer a perfectly safe passage, withsoundings, if I may judge from what we had in crossing the south side, between 13 and 17 fathoms; nor can the rather high and woody isle, whichlies almost exactly in the middle of the opening, be considered aspresenting any obstacle. This isle, from its local position, would seemto be the central one of three laid down in the Dutch chart betweenGroote Eylandt and the main; but the latitude corresponds with thesouthernmost. I call it _Connexion Island_; because my survey roundGroote Eylandt was connected by its means, and made in a great measureindependent of the time keepers. The centre of Connexion Island, fromobservations at noon to the north and south, lies in 13° 50½' south; andthe longitude, deduced at three o'clock when the extremes bore N. 20° W. To 11° E. Four miles, would be 136° 27' from the best time keeper; butfrom the survey and lunar observations, 136° 24½' east should be morecorrect. Our distance from the west side of Groote Eylandt at four o'clock, wasnot quite three miles, and we then bore away southward along the shore, in 8 to 6 fathoms water. This depth diminished gradually to 4 fathoms, and suddenly from that to 2½; on which we steered off into 7, and thenresumed our southern course. Soon after sunset, Bickerton's island, south point, bore N. 53° W. Connexion I. , the west extreme. , N. 11 W. Groote Eylandt, north-west extreme, N. 16 E. Groote Eylandt, central hill. , N. 87 E. Groote Eylandt, a low projection, dist. 4 or 5 miles, S. 42 E. In half an hour, the anchor was dropped in 11 fathoms, muddy bottom. At the north-west end of Groote Eylandt is a bluff head, the terminationthat way of a range of woody hills from the interior, of which thehighest is what was set under the name of Central Hill. On the west sideof the island these hills do not come close to the water side, but leavea space of increasing breadth to the southward, where the land is low, sandy, and sterile; and even the hills, though mostly covered with wood, had little of fertility in their appearance: the shore is partly rock, and in part sandy beach. THURSDAY 6 JANUARY 1803 We had the wind light and variable in the morning, and proceeded to thesouthward very slowly. The shore trended S. S. E. , for some time; andthen turning westward to the south-west cape, it formed a bight in thelow land three or four miles back, in which there seemed to be much shoalwater. There is a sandy hill upon the south-west cape, and a rock liesclose to it; and at three or four miles off the soundings wereexceedingly irregular, jumping from 7 to 5, and 4 to 11 fathoms, on arocky bottom. This irregularity, and the meeting of two tides, one fromthe north and another from the east, caused great ripplings in the water;and with the light winds, retarded our progress round the cape. Theextreme south-west point lies in latitude 14° 15' south, and from sixsets of lunar distances with stars east and west, the longitude would be136° 17' east; but according to the survey, 136° 25' is the bettersituation. An amplitude at sunset gave the variation 1° 9', with theship's head S. E. , or corrected to the meridian, 2° 36' east. We anchoredat dusk in 13 fathoms, muddy bottom, five or six miles to the south ofthe cape. [NORTH COAST. GROOTE EYLANDT. ] SATURDAY 8 JANUARY 1803 On the 7th and 8th, the winds hung between S. E. And N. N. E. ; and thedirection of the south side of Groote Eylandt being nearly east, it tookus those two days and part of a third, to make the examination, thoughthe extent be little more than twelve leagues. The land here is moresandy than on the west side, and the trees upon the hills are more thinlyscattered and present a less agreeable foliage. No islands are laid downnear the south side in the Dutch chart; but I counted eight scatteredalong it, of which the easternmost and largest is more than two mileslong; and besides these, there are several rocks. The positions of theserocks and islets, with our courses and soundings amongst them, will bebest seen in the chart. SUNDAY 9 JANUARY 1803 In the afternoon of the 9th, we passed round the south-east rocky pointof Groote Eylandt, which lies in 14° 17' south, and 137° 2½' east. Theshore then trended northward, to a small cluster of rocks and isletsthree miles distant; and two miles further was another islet, behindwhich we anchored in 12 fathoms, coarse sand, in a sandy bight of thegreat island; but the bight being exposed to south-east winds, andcontaining much foul ground, the anchorage was far from being good. MONDAY 10 JANUARY 1803 In the morning, we steered out on the north side of the islet, between itand a low point two miles off, with a boat ahead; our soundings being 9, 6, 4, 2½, 5, 8, and soon afterward 23 fathoms. The low point, which hasseveral rocks near it, lies seven or eight miles northward from thesouth-east extremity of Groote Eylandt; from thence the shore trendswestward about four leagues, and forms a large bight, mostly bounded by asandy beach; but in the middle of it is a point with many rocks. On thewest side of the bight, two or three miles back, are the same woody hillswhich seem to occupy all the middle of the island; and on this side theyterminate to the north-east in a bluff. The depth of water at noon was 19fathoms, and our situation and principal bearings were as under. Latitude, observed to the north and south, 14° 5' 31"Longitude by time keeper and survey, 137 3Groote Eylandt, low eastern point, dist. 4 miles, S. 1 W. Groote Eylandt, woody hills, the north-east bluff, N. 64 W. Groote Eylandt, furthest visible extreme, N. 6 W. We were then steering across the bight before a south-east wind; but thedepth of water becoming less, and the wind more dead on the shore, wehauled up N. By E. For the furthest land in sight. At three o'clock, asmall opening was seen under the north-east bluff, but our distance ofthree leagues was too great to distinguish it accurately. Towardsevening, when three miles from the shore, the sounding jumped from 9 to 4fathoms, and we tacked to the south-east; and the night promising to befine, anchored at dusk in 19 fathoms, mud and sand, with the north-eastpoint of Groote Eylandt bearing N. 33° W. , about seven miles (Atlas, Plate XV. ); further out lay two small islands, and a hill upon theoutermost was set at N. 10° W. The latitude of this anchorage wasascertained, from altitudes of two stars and the moon, to be 13° 53 1/3'south; and an amplitude with the ship's head N. E. By N. , gave variation2° 57', or 4° 4' east, corrected to the meridian. TUESDAY 11 JANUARY 1803 We had the wind at N. W. In the morning, and steered close to it on thelarbord tack, until noon; when the hill on the outer north-east island, bore S. 89½° W. , nine or ten miles. The latitude of the hill is 13° 38¼', and from six sets of distances of stars east and west of the moon, itslongitude would be 136° 36'; but from the survey and more numerousobservations, it is 137° 0½' east. * After a calm the sea breeze came in, and our course was directed for the north-east point of Groote Eylandt;at sunset we approached a rocky islet three or four miles from the point, and anchored under it in 6½ fathoms, sandy ground, with the point bearingS. 5° E. , and the furthest visible part, very low and sandy, S. 63° W. Five or six miles. On the other side, the north-east islands extendedfrom N. 32° E. To 39° W. , with many small rocks scattered along them; thenearest of which, a split rock, was distant a short mile. [* The apparent error of 24½' in the first longitude, is greater thanshould exist in the mean result of six sets of distances. There is aninterval of three days in the observations of the moon at Greenwich withwhich these distances were compared; and it seems probable that a greatpart of the error might arise from that cause. ] WEDNESDAY 12 JANUARY 1803 In the morning we steered close to a N. N. W. Wind, for the low sandypoint, where the shore was found to trend southward; and five or sixmiles to the west there was other land, moderately high and in someplaces cliffy, which took nearly a parallel direction; and the bightbetween them ran so far up towards the north-east bluff of the woodyhills, that a junction with the small opening seen on the outsideappeared to be probable. A shelving spit extended out from the low point, and on opening the bight our soundings decreased from 6 to 2½ fathoms, which made it necessary to tack; and the wind being adverse to passingwithin the north-east islands, if indeed there be water enough for aship, which seemed doubtful, we steered out by the way we had come in. Having little wind, the isles were not passed till late in the evening, and from the same cause not much progress was made to the westward nextday [THURSDAY 13 JANUARY 1803]; but the land was better distinguishedthan before, and many straggling rocks and two islets were seen to lieoff the north end of Groote Eylandt. In the morning of the 14th [FRIDAY14 JANUARY 1803] we weathered all these, and on the wind dying away, anchored in 11½ fathoms, blue mud; the outer _North-point Islet_, whichlies in 13° 37' south and 136° 45' east, then bore E. 3° S. Five miles, and the furthest extreme of a higher cliffy island, S. 38° W. Threemiles. I went in a boat to this last island with the botanical gentlemen, intending to take bearings from the uppermost cliffs; but the many deepchasms by which the upper parts are intersected, made it impossible toreach the top in the short time we had to spare, and a few bearings fromthe eastern low point were all that could be obtained. This was called_Chasm Island_; it lies one mile and a half from a low point of GrooteEylandt, where the shore trends southward and seemed to form a bay, intowhich I proposed to conduct the ship. We found upon Chasm Island a fruit which proved to be a new species of_eugenia_, of the size of an apple, whose acidity of taste was agreeable;there were also many large bushes covered with nutmegs, similar to thoseseen at Cape Vanderlin; and in some of the chasms the ground was coveredwith this fruit, without our being able, for some time, to know whence itcame. Several trees shot up in these chasms, thirty or forty feet high, and on considering them attentively, these were found to be the treeswhence the nutmegs had fallen; thus what was a spreading bush above, became, from the necessity of air and light, a tall, slender tree, andshowed the admirable power in nature to accommodate itself to localcircumstances. The fruit was small, and not of an agreeable flavour; noris it probable that it can at all come in competition with the nutmeg ofthe Molucca Islands: it is the _Myristica insipida_ of Brown's _Prodrom. Nov. Holl. _ p. 400. In the steep sides of the chasms were deep holes or caverns, underminingthe cliffs; upon the walls of which I found rude drawings, made withcharcoal and something like red paint upon the white ground of the rock. These drawings represented porpoises, turtle, kangaroos, and a humanhand; and Mr. Westall, who went afterwards to see them, found therepresentation of a kangaroo, with a file of thirty-two persons followingafter it. The third person of the band was twice the height of theothers, and held in his hand something resembling the _whaddie_, orwooden sword of the natives of Port Jackson; and was probably intended torepresent a chief. They could not, as with us, indicate superiority byclothing or ornament, since they wear none of any kind; and therefore, with the addition of a weapon, similar to the ancients, they seem to havemade superiority of person the principal emblem of superior power, ofwhich, indeed, power is usually a consequence in the very early stages ofsociety. A sea breeze had sprung up from the eastward, and the ship was under waywhen we returned on board at three in the afternoon. At five we hauledround Chasm Island with 12 fathoms water, which diminished gradually aswe proceeded up the bay, to 4½, where the anchor was dropped on a muddybottom; the south-west end of Chasm Island then bore N. 16° E. , three orfour miles, and the cliffy end of a smaller isle on the west side of theentrance, N. 29° W. Two miles and a half; and except between these twobearings, we were sheltered from all winds. The situation of this bay inGroote Eylandt, led me to give it the name of _North-west Bay_. It isformed on the east and south by that island; and on the west by aseparate piece of land, five or six miles long, which, in honour of thenoble possessor of Burley Park, in the county of Rutland, I named_Winchilsea Island_; and a small isle of greater elevation, lying a shortmile to the east of the ship, was called _Finch's Island_. SATURDAY 15 JANUARY 1803 Early next morning the botanists landed on Groote Eylandt, and I went toFinch's Island with the second lieutenant, to take bearings andastronomical observations. From the western head, I saw that the bayextended six or eight miles above the ship, to the southward, and thatthe southern outlet, beyond Winchilsea Island, was about one mile wide;but the whole seemed to be too shallow for any thing larger than boats. Amongst the bearings taken from this station, those most essential to thesurvey were, Groote Eylandt, the woody north-west bluff, S. 56° 46' W. A distant wedge-shaped rock, the N. E. Bluff, N. 59 55 W. Chasm I. , the steep west end, N. 3 51 E. And from another station, half a mile to the E. S. E. , I set GrooteEylandt, the central hill, at S. 14° 27' E. This bearing and that of the north-west bluff, formed connecting links inthe chain of longitude round the island. SUNDAY 16 JANUARY 1803 Next day the botanists landed upon Winchilsea Island, and furtherastronomical observations were taken upon that of Finch; where also apart of the ship's company went to divert themselves, and to wash theirlinen; and in the evening, we prepared to quit North-west Bay. A close-grained sand stone, nearly resembling that of Pellew's Group, seems to form the basis of Groote and the neighbouring islands; we foundalso coral, ironstone, and quartz. In many places, quartz in almost acrystallised state was sprinkled in grains through the sand stone, andin others, the sand stone itself was partly vitrified. Wherever welanded, the surface was so entirely composed of stone and sand, that theidea of any kind of cultivation could in no wise be assimilated with it;the hills at a little distance from the water side were, however, wellcovered with wood, and it is not improbable, that there may be vallies inthe central parts of Groote Eylandt possessing some degree of fertility. The central hill, which is six or eight hundred feet in elevation, appeared to be not so much as three leagues from the head of North-westBay, and I was desirous to have made an excursion to the top, to see theinterior of the island; but the state of the ship being such as to pressus forward with all practicable haste, it was not attempted; nor did Istop to examine particularly the head of the bay, since it appeared to beshallow, and of little interest to navigation. The wood on Groote Eylandt was mostly composed of different species of_eucalyptus_; the trees were small, and might do for fire wood and verycommon purposes, but did not seem calculated for any superior use. ChasmIsland was the sole place where the nutmeg was found, though in general, the gleanings of the botanists were tolerably fortunate. None of thenative inhabitants were seen, nor any kangaroos or other quadrupeds; andbirds seemed to be scarce. Small quantities of water, deposited in holesof the rocks by the late rains, were useful to the seamen for washingtheir clothes; but we did not find any from which a ship could besupplied, nor were there any beaches convenient for hauling the seine. The _latitude_ of Finch's Island, from a meridian observation to thenorth and south, is 14° 43' 31" S. _Longitude_ from six sets of distances of the sun east of the moon, takenby myself, 136° 38' 47", and from twelve sets by lieutenant Flinders (seeTable V. Of Appendix No. I), 136° 23' 38"; but there being noobservations of the moon at Greenwich within two or three days, thelongitude from survey and the position of Caledon Bay afterwards fixed, is preferred, and is 136° 36' 53" E. _Dip_ of the south end of the needle, 39° 22'. _Variation_ of the theodolite, 3° 6' east. The variations of the surveying compass, from amplitudes taken neardifferent parts of Groote Eylandt during the circumnavigation, werethese:-- Near the main, opp. The S. W. Pt. , head E. By S. , 0° 43', cor. 2° 44' E. Near the south-west point, S. E. , 1 9, cor. 2 36Off the east side, N. E. By N. , 2 57, cor. 4 4Near the north-east isles. , N. W. By W. , 3 33, cor. 1 58Off the north end, S. W. By W. , 5 51, cor. 4 14 Whether the small variation near the north-east isles arose from anypeculiar attraction, or from some oversight in taking the amplitude, Icannot determine; if from the latter, it would appear that the variationis a degree and a half less on the south-west, than on the east and northsides of Groote Eylandt. Scarcely any run of _tide_ was perceptible in North-west Bay, nor did therise appear to exceed four or five feet at any part of the island, thoughit runs with some strength off the projecting points. The irregularity indifferent places was such, that the time of high water could not beascertained; but I think there is only one full tide in the day, and thatthe flood comes from the northward. MONDAY 17 JANUARY 1803 Early on the 17th we worked out of the bay, and stretched off to sea witha W. N. W. Wind; at noon the latitude was 13° 27' 10", and the furthestextreme of Chasm Island bore S. 26° W. After a calm in the afternoon, thesea breeze came in, and we steered south-westward till nine o'clock; whena bower anchor was let go in 14 fathoms, two or three miles from thenorth end of Winchilsea Island. In the morning [TUESDAY 18 JANUARY 1803]we lay up south-west, on the starbord tack, and weathered the island, leaving a rock one mile and a half on the other side. I wished, by a goodbearing of Connexion Island, to join the survey completely round GrooteEylandt; and at nine o'clock it was set at S. 27½° to 47° W. , twoleagues. The wind then came ahead, and we tacked towards two small isles, where the anchor was dropped at ten, one mile and a half from their southside, in 16 fathoms, sand and shells. Our latitude here was 13° 43' 42"south, and the east side of Connexion Island bore S. 9½° W. Six or sevenmiles; the difference of longitude from our situation on the 5th at threep. M. , was hence ascertained to be it 1' 55" east, not differing 5" fromwhat was given by No. 543, but No. 520 showed 6½' too much; thedifferences of longitude by the former time keeper alone have thereforebeen used round Groote Eylandt. I went immediately, with the botanical gentlemen, to the northern andlargest of the two sandy isles; and after observing the latitude 13° 42'17" on the south-west point, ascended the highest hillock, which, fromthe clump of trees upon it, was called _Pandanus Hill_. Some of the treesbeing cut down, I had a tolerably extensive view of points and islandsbefore passed; and saw more to the north-westward, behind Wedge Rock, allof which the Dutch chart represents as parts of the main land. One ofthese I have called _Burney's Island_, in compliment to captain JamesBurney of the navy, and another _Nicol's Island_, after His Majesty'sbookseller, the publisher of this work. Beyond these was a more extensiveland, which also proved to be an island; and its form having someresemblance to the whaddie or woodah, or wooden sword used by the nativesof Port Jackson, it was named _Isle Woodah_. A low sandy island, lyingfour or five miles N. By. E. From my station, seems to be thenorthernmost of the three isles laid down between Groote Eylandt and themain; but it is placed, as are also the neighbouring lands, half a degreetoo far north: Connexion Island, taking it to be the southernmost of thethree, is well fixed in latitude. Amongst the many bearings taken at the top of Pandanus Hill, those whichfollow were the most important to the survey. North-point Islet, outer extreme N. 73° 15' E. Chasm Island, N. 74° 15' to N. 78 25 E. Groote Eylandt, central hill, S. 44 30 E. Groote Eylandt, north-west extreme, S. 9 0 E. The ship distant 1¾ miles, S. 7 45 E. Connexion Island, S. 8 0 to S. 22 30 W. Bickerton's Island, S. 43 40 to N. 75 45 W. Isle Woodah, N. 60 30 to N. 38 15 W. Wedge Rock, steep north-east end, N. 30 45 W. Nicol's I. , steep east end, N. 26 5 W. There was very little wood upon the two sandy isles, nor did they furnishany thing new to the botanists; but they were partly covered with longgrass amongst which harboured several bustards, and I called them_Bustard Isles_. The basis of the largest is nearly the same mixture ofsand-stone and quartz, as at North-west Bay; broken coral and sand formedthe beaches; and some fresh turtle tracks being there perceived, and theappearance of the weather being unfavourable, it induced me to remain atanchor all night; but only one turtle was procured. WEDNESDAY 19 JANUARY 1803 In the morning we had a north-east wind, and after passing round a shoalwhich runs one or two miles from the south-west end of the Bustard Isles, hauled up to weather Bickerton's Island; but owing to a tide setting toleeward it was not accomplished before two in the afternoon. Soon afterthree we got to anchor one mile from the south side of Burney's Island, in 4½ fathoms, mud and shells; and I went on shore with the botanists. This island is moderately high, rocky, and barren, yet thickly coveredwith the _eucalyptus_ and _casuarina_. From the highest rock on thesouth-east side, I took bearings of the objects in sight; and amongstthem set Wedge Rock, the north extreme, at N. 83° 50' E. Chasm Island, north extreme, S. 79 55 E. Pandanus Hill, the last station, S. 53 5 E. I afterwards got through the wood, intending to set the objects lying tothe north and westward; but no clear place could be found for placing thetheodolite. A small bay was observed on the north-west side of theisland, which might be convenient for boats; and from the steep declivityof the land round it, there seemed a probability that fresh water mightbe procured at this season. The stone of this island is the same as thatof the Bustard Isles; and the Indians had visited both. A set ofazimuths, observed at the same station whence the bearings were taken, gave variation 2° 50' east; but on board the ship, with the head N. E. ByE. , Mr. Flinders observed 0° 23' east, with three compasses, which wouldbe 2° 0' corrected; whence it should seem, that the stone of the islandhad some attraction on the south end of the needle. [NORTH COAST. BLUE-MUD BAY. ] THURSDAY 20 JANUARY 1803 In the morning, we steered S. W. To take up the survey of the main coastat Cape Barrow, between which and Isle Woodah was an opening where noland was visible; but meeting with shoal water, and the wind being light, a stream anchor was dropped until the boat had time to sound. On herreturn, we steered for the north side of the opening, with a depth whichincreased from 4 fathoms to 17 off the south end of Woodah. A higherisland, two or three miles long, then showed itself to the N. N. W. ; andon the water shoaling to 3½ fathoms, the anchor was dropped at four inthe afternoon, one mile and a half from its south side, on a bottom ofblue mud. The main land was in sight to the westward, forming a large baywith Isle Woodah, and Bickerton's Island covered the entrance, so thatthe ship was in complete shelter. On landing with the botanical gentlemen, I ascended a hummock at the eastend of the island, where alone the view was not impeded by wood. Many ofmy former fixed points were visible from thence, and the main land wastraced round to the northward, to a hill named _Mount Grindall_, nearwhich was another round hill upon an island; and behind them the mainextended eastward, nearly as far as over the middle of Isle Woodah. Amongst the numerous bearings taken from this eastern hummock, thefollowing six were most essential to the survey. Chasm Island, the centre, S. 67° 46' E. Wedge Rock, steep north-east end, S. 59 47 E. Cape Barrow, the eastern extreme, S. 6 50 W. Mount Grindall, N. 13 16 W. Round-hill Island, the top, N. 8 5 W. Extreme of the main, over Woodah, N. 55 20 E. FRIDAY 21 JANUARY 1803 A party of men was sent to cut wood on the following morning, and anotherto haul the seine; the botanists also landed, and I went to observe thelatitude and take bearings from the west end of the island; every personwas armed, for marks of feet had been perceived, so newly imprinted onthe sand, that we expected to meet with Indians. After accomplishing myobjects, I walked with a small party round the north-west end of theisland; and then returned over the high land, through a most fatiguingbrush wood, towards the wooders and the boat. On clearing the wood, fouror five Indians were seen on a hill, half a mile to the left, and some ofthe wooding party advancing towards them. The sight of us seemed to givethe natives an apprehension of being surrounded, for they immediatelyran; but our proceeding quietly down to the boat, which I did in the hopethat our people might bring on an interview, appeared to satisfy them. The scientific gentlemen accompanied me on board to dinner; and I learnedfrom Mr. Westall, that whilst he was taking a sketch at the east end ofthe island, a canoe, with six men in it, came over from Woodah. He tooklittle notice of them until, finding they saw him and landed not far off, he thought it prudent to retreat with his servant to the wooding party. The natives followed pretty smartly after him; and when they appeared onthe brow of the hill, Mr. Whitewood, the master's mate, and some of hiswooders went to meet them in a friendly manner. This was at the time thatthe appearance of my party caused them to run; but when we left the shorethey had stopped, and our people were walking gently up the hill. The natives had spears, but from the smallness of their number, and ourmen being armed, I did not apprehend any danger; we had, however, scarcely reached the ship, when the report of muskets was heard; and thepeople were making signals and carrying some one down to the boat, as ifwounded or killed. I immediately despatched two armed boats to theirassistance, under the direction of the master; with orders, if he metwith the natives, to be friendly and give them presents, and by no meansto pursue them into the wood. I suspected, indeed, that our people musthave been the aggressors; but told the master, if the Indians had made awanton attack, to bring off their canoe by way of punishment; intendingmyself to take such steps on the following day, as might be foundexpedient. At five o'clock Mr. Whitewood was brought on board, with four spearwounds in his body. It appeared that the natives, in waiting to receiveour men, kept their spears ready, as ours had their muskets. Mr. Whitewood, who was foremost, put out his hand to receive a spear which hesupposed was offered; but the Indian, thinking perhaps that an attemptwas made to take his arms, ran the spear into the breast of his supposedenemy. The officer snapped his firelock, but it missed, and he retreatedto his men; and the Indians, encouraged by this, threw several spearsafter him, three of which took effect. Our people attempted to fire, andafter some time two muskets went off, and the Indians fled; but notwithout taking away a hat which had been dropped. Thomas Morgan, amarine, having been some time exposed bare-headed to the sun, was struckwith a _coup-de-soleil_; he was brought on board with Mr. Whitewood, anddied in a state of frenzy, the same night. So soon as the master had learned what had happened, he went round in thewhale boat to the east end of the island, to secure the canoe; andforgetting the orders I had given him, sent Mr. Lacy with the woodersoverland, to intercept the natives on that side. Their searches were forsome time fruitless; but in the dusk of the evening three Indians wereseen by the wooders, and before they could be intercepted had pushed offin the canoe. A sharp fire was commenced after them; and before they gotout of reach, one fell and the others leaped out and dived away. A seamanwho gave himself the credit of having shot the native, swam off to thecanoe, and found him lying dead at the bottom, with a straw hat on hishead which he recognised to be his own. Whilst displaying this intriumph, he upset the ticklish vessel, and the body sunk; but the canoewas towed to the shore, and the master returned with it at nine o'clock. I was much concerned at what had happened, and greatly displeased withthe master for having acted so contrary to my orders; but the mischiefbeing unfortunately done, a boat was sent in the morning [SATURDAY 22JANUARY 1803] to search for the dead body, the painter being desirous ofit to make a drawing, and the naturalist and surgeon for anatomicalpurposes. The corpse was found lying at the water's edge, not lengthwise, as a body washed up, but with the head on shore and the feet touching thesurf. The arms were crossed under the head, with the face downward, inthe posture of a man who was just able to crawl out of the water and die;and I very much apprehend this to have been one of the two natives whohad leaped out of the canoe, and were thought to have escaped. He was ofthe middle size, rather slender, had a prominent chest, small legs, andsimilar features to the inhabitants of other parts of this country; andhe appeared to have been circumcised! A musket ball had passed throughthe shoulder blade, from behind; and penetrating upwards, had lodged inthe neck. The canoe was of bark, but not of one piece, as at Port Jackson; itconsisted of two pieces, sewed together lengthwise, with the seam on oneside; the two ends were also sewed up, and made tight with gum. Alongeach gunwale was lashed a small pole; and these were spanned together infive places, with creeping vine, to preserve the shape, and to strengthenthe canoe. Its length was thirteen and a half, and the breadth two and ahalf feet; and it seemed capable of carrying six people, being largerthan those generally used at Port Jackson. It does not accord with the usually timid character of the natives ofTerra Australis, to suppose the Indians came over from Isle Woodah forthe purpose of making an attack; yet the circumstance of their beingwithout women or children--their following so briskly after Mr. Westall--and advancing armed to the wooders, all imply that they rathersought than avoided a quarrel. I can account for this unusual conductonly by supposing, that they might have had differences with, andentertained no respectful opinion of the Asiatic visitors, of whom we hadfound so many traces, some almost in sight of this place. The body of Thomas Morgan who died so unfortunately, was this daycommitted to the deep with the usual ceremony; and the island was namedafter him, _Morgan's Island_. The basis stone is partly argillaceous, andin part sand stone, with a mixture in some places of iron ore, but morefrequently of quartz. A little soil is formed upon the slopes of thehills and in the vallies; and there, more especially at the east end ofthe island, it is covered with small trees and coarse grass, which thelate rains had caused to look fresh and green; there were also sometemporary drains of fresh water. The _latitude_ of the hummock at the east end of Morgan's Island, is 13°27½', and _longitude_ from the survey, 136° 9½'. Azimuths observed at theanchorage, with three compasses and the ship's head in the magneticmeridian, gave 2° 23' east _variation_, which corresponded very well withthe bearings. The _tides_ here are very inconsiderable, and thereappeared to be only one flood and one ebb in the day; high water tookplace about midnight, when the moon was a little past the lower meridian;but whether it will always be so far behind the moon, may admit of adoubt. A view of the main land to the westward, from Cape Barrow to MountGrindall, had been obtained from the higher parts of Morgan's Island; buta probability still remaining that some river might fall into the bay, Iproposed to coast round it with the ship. On a breeze springing up at E. S. E, early in the afternoon, we steered round the west end of theisland, and hauled to the northward; but meeting almost immediately withshoal water, the course was altered for the south-west, and afterwardsfor the south part of the bay; and finding no where more than 3 fathoms, we tacked to the N. E. At dusk, and came to an anchor. The bottom here, and in most other parts of the bay, is a blue mud of so fine a quality, that I judge it might be useful in the manufactory of earthern ware; andI thence named this, _Blue-mud Bay_. It was evident from the uniform shallowness of the water, that Blue-mudBay did not receive any stream of consequence, either in its south orwestern part; and to the north, it seemed not to be accessible from thisside. The main land rises very gradually from the water side into thecountry; and the wood upon it made a greater show of fertility than onany borders of the Gulph of Carpentaria we had before seen. SUNDAY 23 JANUARY 1803 We got under way again at daylight; but the wind coming to blow strongfrom the eastward, with rain, thunder, and lightning, were not able topass round the south end of Isle Woodah and get out of the bay, until themorning of the 25th [TUESDAY 25 JANUARY 1803]. Our soundings in workingout diminished to 2½ fathoms, near the opening between Bickerton's Islandand Cape Barrow; and it is probable that no ship passage exists there, although I had previously found as much as 7 fathoms in the southern partof the opening. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] After clearing Blue-mud Bay, we worked to the north-eastward; and ateight in the evening, anchored under Nicol's Island in 5½ fathoms, muddybottom, one mile from the shore, and two and a half from the low easternpoint of Isle Woodah: two large rocks and much shoal water lie betweenthe islands, and prevented me from seeking shelter there. In the morning[WEDNESDAY 26 JANUARY 1803] we stretched N. N. E. , for the projectingpart of the main land before set at N. 55° 20' E. From the easternhummock of Morgan's Island; and to which I have given the name of CAPESHIELD, in compliment to captain W. Shield, a commissioner of the navy. There is a small bay on its south-west side, and we anchored there in 4fathoms, blue mud, with the outer points of the bay bearing S. 41° E. AndN. 21° W. , each distant one mile. On landing with the botanists, I found the beach convenient for haulingthe seine, and ordered one to be sent from the ship, which had tolerablesuccess. The cape is low land, mostly covered with wood; and a sandyhillock, perceived from the mast head about one mile behind the beach, being the sole place whence a view was likely to be obtained, I wentthere with a theodolite. No part of the main coast to the eastward couldbe seen from thence beyond a low projection distant seven or eight miles, which I named _Point Arrowsmith_; to the west my view was obstructed bytrees, but some points before set were visible, and more to thesouthward; and the following, amongst many useful bearings, were taken. Chasm I. , centre of the highest part, S. 33° 15' E. Wedge Rock, centre, S. 5 55 W. Nicol's I. , south-east point (over the southextreme of C. Shield, dist. 1½ miles), S. 26 30 W. Round-hill Island, the top, S. 89 25 W. Point Arrowsmith, N. 62 20 E. The sand hill whence these bearings were taken, stands close to the wateron the east side of Cape Shield; and directly off it, at a mile and ahalf distance, lies a small island: upon the shore was found a carling ofa ships deck, of teak wood, in a decayed state. On the land side of thehill was a small lake of fresh water, frequented by ducks, teal, andsmaller aquatic birds, several of which were shot. Cape Shield lies in latitude 13° 19¾' south, longitude by the survey 136°23' east; it projects out six miles from the body of the land, andappears, when seen from the south, to be an island. Two cassowaries wereseen upon it, and many tracks of men, dogs, and kangaroos. The wood issmall, and the soil sandy; but the botanists made an ample collection ofplants, some few of which made an addition to their former discoveries. THURSDAY 27 JANUARY 1803 Next morning we steered westward, with a fair wind, to explore the maincoast up to Mount Grindall, and see the northern part of Blue-mud Bay. Atthree leagues from Cape Shield, we passed a projecting point to which Igave the name of _Point Blane_, in compliment to Dr. (now Sir Gilbert)Blane, of the naval medical board. Five miles from it to the W. S. W. , lies Round-hill Island, and after passing between them with 4 fathomswater, I sent the boat to sound between the island and Mount Grindall, purposing to anchor there; but the depth was too little for the ship. Wethen worked up to a large bight on the west side of Point Blane; and thewater being shallow towards the head, anchored in 3 fathoms, muddyground, with the extremity of the point bearing S. 41° E. Two and a halfmiles. An officer was sent on shore to search for fresh water and examine thebeach with a view to hauling the seine, but had no success; thenaturalist accompanied him, to botanise, and not coming down to the boatat dusk, the officer left a man with a fire on the beach, to wait hisarrival. At ten o'clock a gun was fired, and the boat sent back; butnothing had been heard of the naturalist, or the seaman who carried hisspecimen boxes, and some apprehensions began to be entertained. Soonafter daylight [FRIDAY 28 JANUARY 1803] we had the satisfaction to seeMr. Brown on the shore. It appeared that from one of those mistakes whichso frequently occur in thick woods and dull weather, when without acompass, the east had been mistaken for west; and Mr. Brown reached thewater side at dusk, but on the wrong side of the point. He thought itmore prudent to remain there all night, than to re-enter the wood in thedark; and the report of the gun having given him the true direction, hehad no difficulty in the morning. No natives were seen; but the howlingof dogs was heard not far off. Whilst the botanists continued to follow their pursuits upon Point Blane, I went over in the whale-boat to Mount Grindall, with the landscapepainter; from whence, after cutting down some small trees at the top, myview extended over all the neighbouring islands, points, and bays. Blue-mud Bay was seen to reach further north than Mount Grindall, makingit to be upon a long point, which I also named _Point Grindall_, fromrespect to the present vice-admiral of that name; further west, in thebay, was a stream running five or six miles into the land, terminating ina swamp, and with shoal banks and a low island at the entrance; all thenorthern part of the bay, indeed, seemed to be shallow, and to have noship passage into it on the north side of Isle Woodah. The large bightbetween Points Grindall and Blane extended two leagues above the ship, but it did not appear to receive any stream of water; a still largerbight, between Point Blane and Cape Shield was also visible, though notso distinct as to speak of it particularly: the extremity of the capebore S. 76° 15' E. An observation to the north and south, taken on theoutermost rocks, places Mount Grindall in 13° 15½' south; and thelongitude from survey is 136° 6 1/3' east. Mr. Westall's sketch in theAtlas, taken from the ship at anchor under Point Blane, will show theappearance of this mount and of the neighbouring land. (Atlas, PlateXVIII. View 13. ) The top of Mount Grindall consists of the same kind of sand stone, withparticles of quartz in it, as seen at Groote Eylandt; but the rocks onthe shore are granite, and one block made a brilliant appearance from thequantity of mica it contained. There is very little soil on thesurrounding land, the surface being either sandy or stony; it was howevermostly covered with grass and wood, and amongst the trees was a clusterof the new species of _eugenia_, from which the boat's crew filled theirhandkerchiefs with fruit, which they called apples. Two natives weredistinguished upon Round-hill Island; but none at Point Grindall, nor anything to show that they had been there recently: the foot-marks of dogsand kangaroos were both recent and numerous. Strong squalls from the eastward, with rain, much impeded our return tothe ship in the evening; and from a continuance of the same unfavourableweather, Point Blane could not be repassed until the afternoon of the30th [SUNDAY 30 JANUARY 1803]. The wind was then S. E. , and we worked towindward all night, between the main coast and Isle Woodah; and not beingable to weather Cape Shield on the following day [MONDAY 31 JANUARY1803], we ran to our former anchorage under it, and remained there forthe night. TUESDAY 1 FEBRUARY 1803 Next morning we stood out of the bay with light winds; and after beingput into some danger by them, in passing the island near Cape Shield, abreeze sprung up at W. By S. And we proceeded in the examination of themain coast. The situation of the ship at noon, and the bearings of theland were as under: Latitude, observed to the north and south, 13° 20' 16"Chasm I. , centre of the high part, S. 16 E. Cape Shield, the south extremity, N. 86 W. Point Arrowsmith, dist. 6 miles, N. 18 W. Furthest extreme visible from the deck. N. 10 E. Our course was then directed N. E. By N. , parallel with the coast, untilthe wind veered round ahead and drove us off to the eastward; at sixo'clock Point Arrowsmith bore W. 2° S. , ten or eleven miles, and a roundhummock, beyond the noon's extreme, was then seen at N. 2½° E. The coasthere shows some projections on which are sandy hills, with shallow bightsbetween them; the hills further back, especially behind Point Arrowsmith, are better covered with wood, but there was no appearance of fertility inthe country, nor of shelter in the bights. [NORTH COAST. CALEDON BAY. ] We worked to windward all night, with a north-western breeze; and in themorning [WEDNESDAY 2 FEBRUARY 1803] saw two islands, the outermost ratherlow and flat, nearly in the situation where three are marked in the Dutchchart. These are laid down at the entrance of an opening, of a river-likeform; and there appeared to be a wide opening behind them, the entrancebeing round a projection upon which is the hummock set at N. 2½° E. Inthe evening: this projection I have named CAPE GREY, in compliment to theHon. General Grey, lately commander of the forces at the Cape of GoodHope. Our situation and bearings at noon were, Latitude. Observed to the north and south. 13° 3' 41"Longitude from survey, 136 46½Furthest southern extreme, from the deck, S. 73 W. Cape Grey, the round hummock, N. 56 W. Cape Grey, outermost rocks near it, N. 41 W. Outer and rather flat isle, centre, N. 3 W. On the wind veering to north-east, we were enabled to weather the rocksnear Cape Grey, but not more than a quarter of a mile; the depth inpassing was 9 fathoms, and it continued between that and 11, two milesfurther up the bay, where, on its falling calm, an anchor was dropped. Inthe evening we ran further up, and at sunset anchored in 9 fathoms, mudand sand, near the innermost and largest of three islands which lie inthe entrance. Around, and between these islands, were many islets androcks, and others were seen to the north-eastward; the bay extended tothe north-west, and was divided into two branches by a projection named_Point Middle_, the eastern branch being defended from the sea by atongue of land, whose south point seemed to be connected by a reef ofrocks with the inner island. This point I have called _Point Alexander_;and to a hill upon the furthest visible part of the coast to thenorthward, the appellation of _Mount Alexander_ is given. THURSDAY 3 FEBRUARY 1803 In the morning, there being no wind to move the ship, I sent the masterup the bay with the whale boat, to search for fresh water and a secureanchorage; and on his making the signal to follow, a little before noon, we steered for Point Middle. A shoal was seen to extend from it, down thebay; and the depth having diminished to 4 fathoms, we hauled up into theeastern branch, and anchored under Point Alexander in 4½ fathoms, muddybottom; our distance from the shore being one mile, and two cables lengthfrom a bank in front of it, upon which there was only six feet water. Inthis situation, the outer rocks near Cape Grey bore S 28° E. , and theinner rocks from the island near Point Alexander. , S. 35° E. ; theintermediate angle of 7° being that at which alone we were open to thesea. Several natives were seen on the shore abreast of the ship, andlieutenant Fowler was sent to communicate with them, and to search forfresh water. They stayed to receive him, without showing that timidity sousual with the Australians; and after a friendly intercourse in whichmutual presents were made, Mr. Fowler returned with the information thatfresh water was plentiful. FRIDAY 4 FEBRUARY 1803 Early next morning, having given directions for two tents, a seine, and acorporal's guard, to be sent on shore under the command of the firstlieutenant, I landed with the botanical gentlemen; the natives runningfrom their night residences to meet us. There were twelve middle-aged andyoung men, all of whom expressed much joy, especially at seeing_Bongaree_, our good-natured Indian from Port Jackson. On the arrival oftwo other boats, the natives retreated into the wood, except two, whoassisted in hauling the seine; and the others came back by degrees, without arms as before, and received a portion of the fish. A situationwas chosen for the tents, and confidence seeming to be established, Iwent into the wood, towards some sand hills, for the purpose of takingbearings; but whilst making the circuit of a salt swamp which lay in theway, the natives were heard running in the wood, and calling to eachother. This happened twice, and at length a musket was fired; upon whichI returned to the tents with all expedition. When the botanical gentlemen had entered the wood with their attendants, the greater part of the natives followed them; and one took anopportunity of snatching a hatchet from the hand of a servant. TheIndians then ran off, but seeing no pursuit, nor much notice taken, soonreturned, and became more friendly than ever. Each of our party had anative with him, walking arm in arm, and Mr. Brown's servant had two, whopaid him particular attention; so much so, that whilst one held him bythe arm, the other snatched the musket off his shoulder, and they allagain ran off; that is, all who remained, for several had previouslywithdrawn themselves. A musket was fired after the thief; but he hadalready got some distance, and it produced no other visible effect thanthat of making him run faster. The botanists then judged it imprudent tofollow their pursuit, and returned to the tents. Two hours passed before any thing more was heard of the natives; somewere then seen in the wood, and an interview was obtained with two, whobeing made to understand that a hatchet would be given on the musketbeing returned, they went off to fetch it. In a little time it wasactually brought, with the stock broken and ramrod gone, and the hatchetwas paid; after which the natives came to the tents with confidence, andsome would have remained all night, had they been permitted. SATURDAY 5 FEBRUARY 1803 This afternoon and the following morning, I took bearings from twostations on Point Middle, and others from a sandy hummock on PointAlexander. The natives came early to the tents, and behaved themselvestranquilly until noon; when one of those who had been most kindlytreated, ran off with a wooding axe, and from the thickness of theforest, eluded the pursuit made after him. The corporal and anothermarine, who had run after the Indian without their hats, received a_coup-de-soleil_, and were sent on board in a state nearly approaching todelirium; but they happily recovered. Finding these people so determinately bent upon stealing every thingwithin their reach, I ordered lieutenant Fowler to watch an opportunityof seizing two of them; and after a while to release one, making himunderstand that the other would be carried away in the ship, if thestolen axe were not returned. In the evening, I went over with two of thegentlemen to the south side of the bay; for the purpose of taking astation upon a hill there named _Mount Caledon_, whose height exceededthat of any other near the water side. We landed at dusk, at the foot of the mount; and ascended the top nextmorning [SUNDAY 6 FEBRUARY 1803] before the heat of the sun becameexcessive, passing in the way several streamlets which were coursingrapidly down to the sea. The view was fully equal to what had beenanticipated, and extended to a projection half way to Point Arrowsmith onone side, and over all the islands in the entrance to Mount Alexander onthe other. Out of thirty-nine bearings taken at this station, thefollowing are selected as being most essential to the survey of thecoast. The tents, N. 2 ° 50' E. Point Alexander, the extremity, N. 60 0 E. Outer, and rather flat isle, N. 86° 15' to 88 22 E. Mount Alexander, the top N. 37 30 E. Cape Grey, the outer rocks near it, S. 65 5 E. A southern projection of the coast, S. 14 8 E. We returned to the ship in the afternoon, and the natives had not thenapproached the tents since the theft of the axe; but next morning [MONDAY7 FEBRUARY 1803] two of them advanced, bringing some small fruits; and onbeing invited to eat fish, they sat down and were immediately seized, some others who followed, running away on hearing their cries. In alittle time the eldest and most intelligent of them was liberated; on hispromising by signs to restore the axe, and being made to understand thathis companion would be carried off, should he fail. We observed from theship much running of the natives amongst the bushes, and peeping aboutthe tents; and least they should attempt any mischief, a spring was putupon the cable, and a six-pounder, with grape shot, kept ready; but afterone of the prisoners was released they seemed to have less anxiety, andseveral swam back across a salt creek, to their usual place of residence. In the evening I landed at the tents; and taking the native, a youth offourteen named _Woga_, into the boat, rowed to the place most frequentedby the Indians, many of whom were seen behind the bushes. Two cameforward, bringing a young girl in their arms; and by expressive signsthey offered her to Bongaree, in order to entice him on shore, for thepurpose, apparently, of seizing him by way of retaliation. We demandedthe restoration of the axe, and our prisoner seemed to use all his powersto enforce it; but the constant answer was, that the thief _Yehangeree_, had been beaten and was gone away; and finding no axe likely to bebrought, Woga was carried on board the ship, through a great deal ofcrying, entreating, threatening, and struggling on his part. He there ateheartily, laughed, sometimes cried, and noticed every thing; frequentlyexpressing admiration at what he saw, and especially at the sheep, hogs, and cats. We had not seen any bows and arrows in the Gulph ofCarpentaria, nor in any part of Terra Australis; but some of those fromMurray's Islands being shown to Woga, he knew the use of them, and gavetheir names in his language; it may therefore be true, as BurgomasterWitsen relates, that they are used by the natives on the North-west Coastand in the Gulph; but when he describes the bows as being "of such alength, that one end rests on the ground when shooting, " I cannot helpsuspecting some exaggeration in his informer. TUESDAY 8 FEBRUARY 1803 After breakfast next morning, I took our prisoner to the tents. Onapproaching the shore, he was preparing to make a spring out of the boat, which made it necessary to bind him again, for he had been loosed onboard the ship. He struggled much, calling upon Bongaree to assist him;but after a while, became quiet, and I left him bound to a tree, eatingrice and fish. A party of the gentlemen landed near the head of the bay, hoping tobotanize without interruption; but a number of natives had collectedthere, two of whom advanced, and sought to entice them into the wood byexplaining how many animals might be there shot. The gentlemen were awareof the treachery, and soon thought it advisable to return to the boat;upon which the natives closed in upon them, with poised spears and everyappearance of intended mischief. The pointing of muskets stopped theirforwardness for a moment; but they came on again, and a shot was fired ateach of the two foremost, which put them to flight, and they were notseen afterwards; but the gentlemen thought it unsafe to proceed in theiroccupation, and returned to the ship. Neither of the two natives dropped;but the muskets being loaded with buck shot, it was supposed that one orboth, must have been wounded. The second evening of Woga's captivity came, and there was no appearanceof the axe being restored; his detention, on the contrary, had causedsome annoyance to us, and mischief to his countrymen; and if perseveredin to the extent of carrying him away, might be an injury to those whoshould come after us, especially to captain Baudin, whom we dailyexpected to meet, according to what he had said at Port Jackson. Had theconsequences affected ourselves alone, the time of our departure was sonear that I should have been glad to have kept Woga; for he was asprightly lad, whom our treatment would soon have reconciled, and in anyfuture intercourse with his countrymen, as also in furnishing informationupon many interesting points, he might have been of service; but for theabove reason, and that it was not altogether just to do otherwise, Idetermined to release the poor prisoner though the axe should not berestored, and went to the tents for that purpose. Woga appeared to be alittle melancholy in his bondage, but upon the whole, had not faredamiss, having been eating the greater part of the morning and afternoon. He begged hard to be released, promising, with tears in his eyes, tobring back the axe; and after giving him some clothing and presents, hewas suffered to depart. As far as two hundred yards, he walked awayleisurely; but then, looking firs behind him, took to his heels with allhis might, leaving us no faith in the fulfilment of his patheticpromises. At this time the holds were completed with water and wood, and on thefollowing morning [WEDNESDAY 9 FEBRUARY 1803] the last observations forthe time keepers were taken; after which the shore establishment wasembarked, and we prepared for sea. The botanists made an excursion uponPoint Middle, and pursued their researches without disturbance; andneither Woga nor any of his countrymen were seen during the whole day. It has been said, that an opening of a river-like form is laid down inthe Dutch chart, in the situation of this bay. No name is there given toit; and as I conceive our examination to confer the right of bestowingone, I have distinguished it by the title of CALEDON BAY, as a mark ofrespect to the worthy nobleman, lately governor of the Cape of Good Hope, after whom the mount on the south side was also named. There is no other safe passage into the bay than that between the islandsin the entrance and Cape Grey; which cape is remarkable for the roundhummock on its extremity, and lies in latitude 13° 1' south, andlongitude 136° 42' east. The western branch of the bay appeared to beshallow, and not well sheltered, so that I did not go up it to sound; butin the eastern branch, which is near three miles wide, there is from 4 to3 fathoms on blue mud, up to within three-quarters of a mile of a rockypoint at the head; and the rocks of Point Alexander may there be nearly, if not altogether brought to shut on with those of Cape Grey. Wood forfuel was plentiful every where, and there was no difficulty in procuringwater from the ponds and holes in the low, sandy land near the shore ofPoint Alexander; but from May to December, I doubt whether they would notall be dried up, as well as the small streams which descended from MountCaledon. Our success with the seine was very moderate, more sea slugs, orwhat we called sea cucumbers from their shape, being brought on shorethan fish; these differed from what we had seen on the reefs of the EastCoast, in being of a more firm consistence, and of a light brown or grey, instead of a black colour: when these slugs were pressed with the foot, they threw out a stream of water to some distance. The country round Caledon Bay, especially at the heads of the twobranches, is generally low land; Mount Caledon and the hills of the southside are of granite, and this stone is found in some other parts; but atPoint Alexander the basis is a sand stone, more or less impregnated withiron, and at Point Middle it is almost iron ore. A piece of this laststone carried the needle of the theodolite entirely round; yet thebearings taken from thence did not show any difference from those atMount Caledon, and from those upon Point Alexander, taken from a hillockof sea sand, they did not differ more than half a degree. So far as our examination went the soil is poor, being either sandy orstony, with a small mixture in some places of vegetable earth;notwithstanding which both the grass and wood were luxuriant, owing tothe abundance of rain which had lately fallen, and to the warmth of theclimate: in the dry season, I should judge the country would be almostburnt up. The _casuarina_ was plentiful in the sandy places, and the_eucalyptus_ amongst the rocks, where it reached a tolerable size; thewild nutmeg was found upon Point Middle, and there alone; our apple, thenew species of _eugenia_, grew on Point Alexander and elsewhere, and alsoa few other plants bearing small fruits of little use. Foot marks of thekangaroo were seen in different places, but none of the animals, norindeed any quadruped; and birds seemed to be rare, both in the woods andon the shores. The natives of Caledon Bay are the same race of men as those of PortJackson and King George's Sound, places at nearly the two oppositeextremities of Terra Australis;* in personal appearance they were behindsome tribes we had seen, but the difference did not go beyond what a lessabundant supply of food might produce. All those who came to the tentshad lost the upper front tooth on the left side, whereas at Port Jacksonit is the right tooth which is knocked out at the age of puberty; whetherthe women undergo the same operation, contrary to the usage at PortJackson, we had no opportunity of knowing, having seen only one female, and that at a distance. This girl wore a small piece of bark, in guise ofa fig leaf, which was the sole approximation to clothing seen among them. Above the elbow the men usually wore a bandage of net work, in which wasstuck a short piece of strong grass, called _tomo_, and used as a toothpick; but the most remarkable circumstance in their persons was, that thewhole of them appeared to have undergone the Jewish and Mahometan rite ofcircumcision. The same thing was before noticed in a native of IsleWoodah, and in two at Wellesley's Islands; it would seem, therefore, tobe general on the west side of the Gulph of Carpentaria; but with whatview it may be done, or whence the custom were received, it is not in mypower to state. No such practice was found on the South or East Coasts, nor was it observed in the natives of the islands in Torres' Strait, whohowever, go naked as the Australians. [* In Van Diemen's Land, according to captain Cook and succeedingvisitors, and on the North-west Coast, according to Dampier, theinhabitants have woolly hair; in which particular they are different fromthe race above mentioned. Which of them may be aborigines can be onlyconjectured, until the interior of the new continent shall be explored. ] No other weapons than spears were seen amongst these people; but theywere not unacquainted with bows and arrows. It is probable that they havebark canoes, though none were seen, for several trees were foundstripped, as if for that purpose; yet when Bongaree made them a presentof the canoe brought from Blue-mud Bay, they expressed very littlepleasure at the gift, and did not seem to know how to repair it. That this bay had before received the visits of some strangers, wasevinced by the knowledge which the natives had of fire arms; theyimitated the act of shooting when we first landed, and when a musket wasfired at their request, were not much alarmed. A quantity of posts waslying near the water, which had been evidently cut with iron instruments;and when we inquired of the inhabitants concerning them, they imitatedwith their hands the motion of an axe cutting down a tree, and thenstopping, exclaimed _Poo!_ Whence we understood that the people who cutthe wood had fire arms. This was all that could be learned from thenatives; but from the bamboos and partitions of frame work found here, similar to those at Pellew's Group, they were doubtless the same Asiaticnation, if not the same individuals, of whom so many traces had been seenall the way from the head of the gulph. The propensity shown by thenatives to steal, especially our axes, so contrary to all I have knownand heard of their countrymen, is not only a proof that they had beenpreviously visited by people possessing iron implements, but from theiraudacity it would appear, that the effect of fire arms was either notvery certain in the hands of the strangers, or had seldom been resortedto in the punishment of aggression; and from the circumstance of theIndians bringing us a few berries, as a recompense for the last stolenaxe, it should seem that they had been accustomed to make very easyatonements for their thefts. I have some hope that those who may followus will not be robbed, at least with so much effrontery; and at the sametime, that the inhabitants of Caledon Bay will not avoid, but be desirousof further communication with Europeans. I do not know that the language at any two parts of Terra Australis, however near, has been found to be entirely the same; for even at BotanyBay, Port Jackson, and Broken Bay, not only the dialect, but many wordsare radically different;* and this confirms one part of an observation, the truth of which seems to be generally admitted: that althoughsimilarity of language in two nations proves their origin to be the same, yet dissimilarity of language is no proof of the contrary position. Thelanguage of Caledon Bay may therefore be totally different to what isspoken on the East and South Coasts, and yet the inhabitants have onecommon origin; but I do not think that the language is absolutely andwholly different, though it certainly was no better understood byBongaree than by ourselves. In three instances I found a similarity: thepersonal pronoun of Port Jackson, _gni-a_ (I), was used here, andapparently in the same sense; when inquiry was made after the axe, thenatives replied "_Yehangeree py_, " making signs of beating; and _py_signifies to beat, in the Port-Jackson language; the third instance wasof the lad Woga calling to Bongaree in the boat, which after he had doneseveral times without being answered, he became angry, and exclaimed_Bongaree-gah!_ in a vehement manner, as Bongaree himself would have donein a similar case. For the following list of words I am principallyindebted to Mr. Brown, naturalist to the expedition; who remarked thatthe word here for eye was very nearly the same with that used, both atKing George's Sound and Port Jackson, to express the same organ. [* This multiplicity of tongues in the same country presents anextraordinary contrast with the _islands_ in the Great Ocean, where, fromthe Sandwich Isles near the northern tropic, to the furthest extremity ofNew Zeeland in 47° south, the language is almost every where the same;and with so little difference of dialect, that the several inhabitantshave not much difficulty to understand each other. ] [LIST OF ENGLISH WORDS AND THOSE USED BY THE PEOPLE AT CALEDON BAYTO EXPRESS THE SAME IDEA. --not included in ebook. ] In collecting the words some errors may possibly have been made, eitherfrom misunderstanding the natives or from their deceiving usintentionally; for after the trick put upon Mons. Labillardière at theFriendly Islands, in the words given him for the high numerals, they arealways to be suspected. During the week we remained in Caledon Bay, the following astronomicalobservations were taken. _Latitude_ from three observations to the north and south, taken in aboat astern of the ship and reduced to the tents on Point Alexander, 12°47' 16" S. _Longitude_ from twelve sets of distances of stars east and west of themoon, taken on a stand by lieut. Flinders, and of which the individualresults are given in Table VI. Of the Appendix No. I, 136° 35' 47. 5" E. The rates of the time keepers were found from morning's altitudes of thesun in an artificial horizon, between Feb. 3 and 8; and the means, withthe errors from mean Greenwich time at noon there on the 9th, were asunder: Earnshaw's No. 543, slow 2h 41' 0. 91" and losing 16. 53" per day. Earnshaw's No. 520, slow 2h 27' 19. 55" and losing 30. 83" per day. No. 520 had been accidentally let down in Blue-mud Bay, whence itslongitude is not now noticed; that given by No. 543 on Feb. 3, with therate from Observation Island, was 136° 43' 3. 5", or 7'16" greater thanthe lunars. Were a rate used, equally accelerated from that ofObservation Island to what was found in Caledon Bay, the longitude wouldbe 0' 55" less than the lunars; but during the twelve days occupied incircumnavigating Groote Eylandt, it was proved that this time keeper waskeeping its former rate, and consequently the acceleration cannot here beadmitted. In constructing the chart of the coast and islands between Pellew's Groupand Caledon Bay, a time keeper was required only in laying down the southand east sides of Groote Eylandt, and the main coast up to Cape Barrow;in all the remaining parts the longitude was preserved by a connectedchain of bearings, mostly taken on shore. The time-keeper reckoning fromObservation Island, and that by survey worked back from the fixed pointin Caledon Bay, meet each other on Jan. 5 p. M. At Connexion Island; andthe difference was there found to be 2' 41", which the time keeper gavemore to the east. This may have arisen from Observation Island being laiddown in a longitude too great by that quantity, or Caledon Bay toolittle, or from a small error in each; but the time keeper was notthought entitled to such perfect confidence, as to cause an alteration tobe made in these stations. The difference of 2' 41" is thereforecorrected by applying -16. 3" of longitude per day to the time keeper, from Observation to Connexion Island; Groote Eylandt is laid down mostlyfrom the time keeper, with the fixed correction -2' 41" all round; andfrom thence to Caledon Bay the chart is constructed from bearings andobserved latitudes. The mean _dip_ of the south end of the needle, observed at the tents, was36° 28'. _Variation_ of the theodolite, 2° 20' E. On board the ship, at anchor off the south-west side of the inner islandat the entrance, the variation from three compasses, with the head N. W. By W. , was 2° 26'; by the surveying compass alone, 2° 46' east, and this, which I consider to be the best, would be, corrected, 1° 14' E. At my different stations on shore, the variation seemed to be between 2°and 2° 20' east; except on the north-east end of the outer island in theentrance, where it appeared to be no more than 1° 30'. The rise of _tide_ in Caledon Bay was so small, that nothing certaincould be determined on board, either upon the quantity or the time; butit appeared from the observations of lieutenant Fowler at the tents, thatthere were two tides in the day, the rise of which varied from 3 feet 10, to 4 feet 10 inches; and that the time of high water took place at _ninehours and a half after_ the moon passed over and under the meridian. On board the ship, the range of the thermometer was from 83° to 87°, nearly as it had been from first entering the Gulph of Carpentaria; andon shore it was probably 10° higher. Several of our people were ill ofdiarrhoeas at this time, accompanied with some fever, which wasattributed by the surgeon to the heat and the moist state of theatmosphere; for since December, when the north-west monsoon began, notmany days had passed without rain, and thunder squalls were frequent. Exposing the head uncovered to the sun, more especially if engaged instrong exercise, was proved to be very dangerous here; I lost one man inBlue-mud Bay from a want of due precaution in this particular, and atthis place two others very narrowly escaped. Musketoes were numerous andexceedingly troublesome on shore, as also the black flies; but novenemous reptiles were seen in our limited excursions round Caledon Bay. The mercury in the barometer stood between 29. 90 and 29. 95 inches, in therainy weather with strong winds from the eastward; but with fine weatherand variable winds, more especially from the south and westward, itdescended to 29. 80 inches. CHAPTER IX. Departure from Caledon Bay. Cape Arnhem. Melville Bay. Cape Wilberforce, and Bromby's Isles. The English Company's Islands: meeting there with vessels from Macassar. Arnhem Bay. The Wessel's Islands. Further examination of the North Coast postponed. Arrival at Coepang Bay, in Timor. Remarks and astronomical observations. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] THURSDAY 10 FEBRUARY 1803 (Atlas, Plate XV. ) At daylight in the morning of Feb. 10, we sailed down Caledon Bay, andsteered eastward along the south side of the islands lying in theentrance. In passing the outer island I landed with the botanicalgentlemen, and took bearings from a small elevation on its north-eastend, which materially assisted in fixing the positions of the northernislets, and extending the survey onward along the coast. Cape Grey, the hummock on it, bore S. 27° 13' W. Mount Alexander, N. 11 45 W. Furthest extreme northward, N. 13 43 E. This outer island is nearly a mile long, E. By N. And W. By S. , andmostly destitute of wood; but one valley was thickly covered, and sointerlaced with vines as to be impenetrable. The latitude observed to thenorth and south, at the sandy west point, was 12° 52' 59" south. We re-joined the ship at one o'clock, and steered northward, without sideof the islets and rocks which lie scattered along the shore as far asMount Alexander. Amongst these are three near to each other, withhummocks upon them, which, as in many points of view they seem to makebut one island, may probably have been meant by the northernmost of thethree isles in the Dutch chart. The wind had been from the southward, but on closing in with the coast atMount Alexander it came from N. W. By N. , and edged us off a little fromthe land. At sunset the shore was three or four miles distant, and Mount Alexander bore S. 53° W. A hummock at the furthest extreme, N. 9 E. We steered on till eight o'clock, and then anchored in 21 fathoms, bluemud. At daylight [FRIDAY 11 FEBRUARY 1803], the shore was found to bedistant four or five miles; the furthest part then seen was near theeastern extremity of Arnhem's Land, and this having no name in the Dutchchart, is called CAPE ARNHEM. Mount Alexander was set at S. 48° W. Two rocks under the shore, dist. 5 or 6 miles, N. 15 W. Cape Arnhem, rising land within the extremity, N. 11½ W. From Mount Alexander to Cape Arnhem there is nine leagues of waving sandycoast; it affords only one small opening, which is on the south side of acliffy point, with two islets lying off the entrance, and may probablyafford shelter for boats. At eight in the morning we passed Cape Arnhem, a smooth grassy projectionwhich rises gently from the water's edge into the country, but is nowhere of much elevation; a broad rock lies near the south-easternextremity, and its position was ascertained to be 12° 19' south, and 137°1' east. Strong ripplings of a tide or current extended some distance offthe cape, and in passing through them we had irregular soundings between27 and 18 fathoms; beyond Cape Arnhem the shore trended N. W. By N. , inrocky points and shallow bights, but the wind being from that direction, we could not follow it closely. The furthest land visible at noon was aflat-topped hill which I call _Mount Saunders_, and nearer to us was ahigher and more woody hill, also flat-topped and steep at its north end, to which is given the name of _Mount Dundas_; their bearings, and ourposition at this time were as under: Latitude observed, 12° 12½'Longitude from survey and time keeper, 137 2½Mount Dundas, bluff north end, dist. 8 miles, S. 85 W. Mount Saunders, north end, N. 84½ W. Cape Arnhem, a rising within the extremity, S. 21 W. We tacked to the westward in the afternoon, and an island came in sight, lying to the north of the two mounts, with several rocks and isletsscattered on its north-east side. At sunset the wind died away, and astream anchor was dropped in 16 fathoms sandy ground; our situation beingfive miles from the shore under Mount Dundas, and three from the nearestrocky islets to the north-west. The flood tide set gently to thewestward, and induced me to suppose there might be a passage within theisland and rocks, and in the morning [SATURDAY 12 FEBRUARY 1803] ourendeavours were used to reach it; but the winds being light and mostlycontrary, the evening came before we got through. An anchor was thendropped in 4 fathoms, coarse sand, one mile and a half from the sandyshore under Mount Saunders, and three miles from the south-west end ofthe island. The passage is more than two miles wide, and our soundings inworking through it were between 4½ and 6 fathoms on a gravelly bottom;but afterwards we had little more in some places than 3 fathoms. [NORTH COAST. MELVILLE BAY. ] Two natives, with a canoe, had been seen upon the island; and as our boatstood that way, sounding ahead of the ship, they waved and called to thepeople. The island is about five miles long, and between one and two inbreadth; it is low, mostly destitute of wood, and the shores in generalare sandy; and not being laid down in the Dutch chart, I distinguish it, with the islets and rocks to the north and north-east, by the name of_Melville Isles_: the south end which forms the passage, lies in 12° 8½'south, and 136° 52' east. In the opposite shore, between Mount Saundersand Dundas, is a sandy bight where ships would be sheltered from allwinds except those at north-east, if the water be deep enough for them. The trees upon the hills showed a dark-green foliage; but the low land, especially under Mount Saunders, was sandy and barren, and so continuedfor seven miles westward, to a low point near a woody islet. Further on, the coast took a northern direction, and was seen from the mast head asfar as N. N. W. ; but no other part could be set from the deck than thehighest of several eminences on the back land, named _Mount Bonner_, which proved to be an useful mark in the survey. The bearings taken atthis anchorage were principally these: Mount Dundas, bluff north end, S. 54° E. Woody islet, near a western sandy point, S. 62 W. Mount Bonner, N. 82 W. Melville Isles, the northernmost, N. 13 E. Melville Isles, the largest, N. 83° E. To East. SUNDAY 13 FEBRUARY 1803 In the morning we steered westward, with a light air of wind at south anda flood tide in our favour; and having passed over some ripplings nearthe anchorage, our soundings became regular, increasing from 7 to 12fathoms. On a breeze setting in at north-west, the course was directedtowards a bight behind the woody islet; and a little before noon itsappearance became so promising, that I steered into it before the wind. In passing the islet and sandy point we had from 10 to 7 fathoms, in anopening of four miles wide; and a bay of considerable extent then laybefore us. In the middle of the bay were three rocks, and to thenorth-east of them a headland, beyond which the water extended eastward;we steered to pass between these till the depth diminished to 4 fathoms, when we tacked and let go the anchor in the north-eastern part of thebay, in 5 fathoms, muddy bottom; the sandy point at the entrance bore W. By N. , one mile and a quarter, and the largest of some granitic rocks infront of the beach, N. By W. Half a mile. A boat was sent to haul the seine on the beach, and I went there with thebotanical gentlemen. The depth was 5 fathoms close to the shore, evenwithin the rocks; and the ship might have been placed there in perfectsecurity, though the room was scarcely sufficient to allow of swinging atsingle anchor. I called the largest of the rocks which form thesouth-east side of this snug little place, _Harbour Rock_; and the sandypoint at the entrance of the bay is named _Point Dundas_. After the seinehad been hauled with good success, I walked to the extremity of thepoint; and from a hillock of sand a little way back, took a set ofbearings to commence the survey, in which was included the bluff northend of Mount Saunders at N. 74° 55' E. Many foot-marks of men, dogs, andsmall kangaroos were observed on the beach. , but neither natives norquadrupeds were seen. MONDAY 14 FEBRUARY 1803 Early next morning a party of men was sent to cut wood, and the botanicalgentlemen landed on Point Dundas upon their pursuits; I went to examinethe north-eastern part of the bay, where the water extended two milesabove the ship; but the depth in it presently diminished to 2½ fathoms, and to 1 near the end. Beyond a low isthmus there, a piece of water wasseen communicating with the south-eastern part of the bay, and making apeninsula of the high rocky land named _Drimmie Head_; at high water, indeed, it is an island, for the tide then flows over some parts of theisthmus. After taking two sets of bearings, I rowed southward along theshore of Drimmie Head; and from a hill near the south-west extremityobtained a good view of the bay, and saw the western coast as farnorthward as a cliffy cape which was named after _William Wilberforce_, Esq. , the worthy representative of Yorkshire. The principal bearings fromhence were, Car. E Wilberforce, highest part, N. 25° 40' W. Mount Bonner, N. 51 55 W. Point Dundas, distant 2 miles, N. 52 30 W. Leaving Drimmie Head, I steered over to the middlemost of the three rocksin the bay, with a depth of water from 3 to 6½ fathoms, on muddy ground. These rocks lie nearly due south from Point Dundas, and I proposed toobserve the latitude on both sides from thence, whilst lieutenantFlinders did the same at the point, that a base line for the survey mightbe obtained from the difference; but the difficulty of finding aconvenient position disappointed me, and no satisfactory base wasobtained here; so that the extent of this bay in the chart is ratheruncertain. My course from the three rocks was directed S. S. E. , for the south sideof the bay; the distance was three miles, and the depth for half the wayfrom 5 to 3 fathoms, but afterwards shoal. Upon some low cliffs there, partly composed of pipe clay, a few bearings were taken; and afterwalking a little way inland, to examine the country, I rowed back to asmall island near the south extremity of Drimmie Head, with soundingsmostly between 3 and 6½ fathoms; but there is no ship passage between itand the head. Having taken some additional bearings and looked over theislet, I returned on board in the evening; passing in the way near arock, dry at half tide, but round which, at a ship's length, there is 2½to 3 fathoms. TUESDAY 15 FEBRUARY 1803 Some further bearings and observations were taken on the 15th, and myintention to sail on the following morning being frustrated by a freshwind at north-west, with unsettled weather, Messieurs Brown and Baueraccompanied me [WEDNESDAY 16 FEBRUARY 1803] in a boat excursion to theeastern part of the bay. We first landed at the islet near Drimmie Head, that Mr. Brown might examine its mineralogy; and then steered three mileseastward for a low projection covered with mangroves, growing on rocks ofstrongly impregnated iron stone. Coasting along the mangrove shore fromthence northward, and after landing at one other place, we came to theisthmus which connects Drimmie Head to the land of Point Dundas; and itbeing near high water, the boat was got over the isthmus by a smallpassage through the mangroves, and we reached the ship at one o'clock, where every thing was prepared for weighing the anchor. This bay is unnoticed in the Dutch chart, and I name it MELVILLE BAY, incompliment to the Right Hon. Robert Saunders Dundas, viscount Melville, who, as first lord of the Admiralty, has continued that patronage to thevoyage which it had experienced under some of his predecessors. It is thebest harbour we found in the Gulph of Carpentaria; the entrance is fromthe N. N. W. , four miles wide, and free from danger; and within side, thesole dangers not conspicuous, are a sandy spit running half a mile to theS. S. E. From Point Dundas, and the _Half-tide Rock_. This lies half amile from the north-west part of Drimmie Head, and bears (true as usual), From the sandy hillock within Point Dundas, S. 48° 35' E. From Harbour Rock, S. 10 39 E. Melville Bay every where affords good holding ground, the bottom beingeither mud or sand; and there is depth for a ship to run between thethree rocks in the middle of the bay and Drimmie Head, and steer eastwarduntil the head is brought to bear N. N. W. , at the distance of one or twomiles; but the most convenient anchorage is just within the entrance, between Point Dundas and Harbour Rock, where a ship may lie close to thesandy beach in from 3 to 5 fathoms. Even within the rock there is depthenough; and were moorings laid down, four or five sail might swing therein perfect security. We obtained here fire wood, and a tolerable supplyof fish; and had water been wanted, it might have been obtained bydigging at the foot of the small hills to the north-east of Harbour Rock, since a hole made there by the natives was found to contain good water. The stone on the north side of Melville Bay is a granitic composition ofquartz, mica, and coarse garnets; the garnets are large, and give thestone a plum-pudding-like appearance, and when polished, it would bebeautiful: over the granite is a crust of calcareous rock in many places. On the south side of the bay the stone is argillaceous, but frequentlymixed with ferruginous grains; and on the south-east side the rocks areof iron ore, of which a small piece drew the needle of my theodolite 8°from the meridian. The bearings taken here were found to have been 50°wrong; but too late to ascertain whether the error arose from theattraction of the shore, or from the needle having been placed at 310° bymistake, instead of 360°. There did not appear to be any rich soil on the borders of the bay; buton the south and eastern sides the country was covered with an agreeableintermixture of grass and trees, and better adapted for cattle than any Ihave seen in so low a latitude. The soil, though not deep, would producemost things suited to the climate; for the heat and moisture do so muchfor vegetation, that very little earth seems necessary to its support. Onthe south side the trees are mostly different species of _eucalyptus_, growing tall and straight, though not large; whereas on the sandy partsof Point Dundas, a _casuarina_, of the same species as seen at Coen Riverand other parts of the gulph, was most abundant, and served us for fuel. A _santalum_, more nearly allied to the true sandel wood than any beforeseen in this country, was found on the borders of the bay. No inhabitants were perceived, nor any fresh traces of them; but as dogswere seen twice, it is probable the natives were watching us at no greatdistance; they had visited all the places where I landed, and shouldtherefore seem to possess canoes. Traces of the same strangers, of whommention has been so often made, were found here; and amongst others werepartitions of frame work and part of a large earthen jar. Kangaroosappeared to be rather numerous in the woods, brown doves and large whitepigeons were tolerably plentiful, and a bird nearly black, of the sizeand appearance of a hen, was shot; there were also cockatoos, both blackand white, and a beautiful species of paroquet not known at Port Jackson. The aquatic birds were blue and white cranes, sea-pies, and sand-larks. Besides fish, our seine usually brought on shore many of the grey slugsor sea cucumbers, but not so abundantly as in Caledon Bay. We were not here pestered so much with the black flies as before; but themusketoes and sand flies were numerous and fierce. Most of the bushescontained nests made by a small green ant; and if the bush weredisturbed, these resentful little animals came out in squadrons, andnever ceased to pursue till the disturber was out of sight. In forcingour way amongst the underwood, we sometimes got our hair and clothesfilled with them; and as their bite is very sharp, and their vengeancenever satisfied, there was no other resource than stripping asexpeditiously as possible. The sun was at this time very near the zenith, which not only preventedthe latitude from being observed in the artificial horizon, but renderedthe observations from the sea horizon, to the north and south at the samenoon, liable to inaccuracies; and in consequence, our positions in thisneighbourhood may not be very correct. The _latitude_ of Point Dundas, from one double observation, was 12° 13'50"; but from the bearing of Mount Saunders, it is taken to be 12° 13' 0"S. _Longitude_ by survey from Caledon Bay, being 1' greater than by timekeepers, 136° 41' 40" E. _Variation_ of the theodolite on Harbour Rock, 1° 13' east. And except in the doubtful instance of the iron-stone shore on thesouth-east side of the bay, the bearings in other parts did not differmore than 20' from it. The greatest rise of _tide_ here, according to the marks on shore, didnot seem to have exceeded eight feet. High water took place nearly fivehours before, and _seven hours after_ the moon's passage over themeridian; which is nearly two hours and a half earlier than in CaledonBay, as that is earlier than in Blue-mud Bay, further south in the gulph. [NORTH COAST. GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. ] WEDNESDAY 16 FEBRUARY 1803 At two in the afternoon of the 16th, the wind being moderate at N. N. W. , we worked out of Melville Bay; and anchored at dusk, five miles from theentrance in 13 fathoms, sand and mud. Next morning [THURSDAY 17 FEBRUARY1803], in following the line of the western shore with a breeze off theland, we passed three rocks lying out from a point under Mount Bonner;and further on, six or seven miles short of Cape Wilberforce, there was asmall shallow opening. From the north part of this cliffy cape, a chainof islands and rocks extends out three or four leagues to the E. N. E. , which I call _Bromby's Isles_, after my worthy friend the Rev. JohnBromby of Hull. One of these is cliffy, and two miles long; the rest aresmaller, and the whole seemed to be connected by rocks under water; butbetween Cape Wilberforce and the nearest islet was a space three-quartersof a mile wide, towards which we worked up against a fresh wind at W. N. W. At noon, the two cliffy parts of the cape bore S. ¼ E. And W. ¼ N. , from one to two miles; and the latter, which is the north extremity, wasascertained to lie in 11° 52' south, and 136° 33' east. At this time the weather became squally with much rain; but afternumberless tacks, made under double-reefed top sails and courses in thenarrow passage, with soundings from 10 to 18 fathoms, we cleared it attwo o'clock, and stretched southwestward as the main coast was found totrend; and thus was the examination of the Gulph of Carpentaria finished, after employing one hundred and five days in coasting along its shoresand exploring its bays and islands. The extent of the Gulph in longitude, from Endeavour's Strait to Cape Wilberforce, is 5½° and in latitude 7°;and the circuit, excluding the numerous islands and the openings, islittle less than four hundred leagues. It will be remarked that the formof it, given in the old charts, is not very erroneous, which proves it tohave been the result of a real examination; but as no particulars wereknown of the discovery of the south and western parts, not even the nameof the author, though opinion ascribed it with reason to Tasman, so thechart was considered as little better than a representation of fairyland, and did not obtain the credit which it was now proved to havemerited. Henceforward, the Gulph of Carpentaria will take its stationamongst the conspicuous parts of the globe in a decided character. [NORTH COAST. ENGLISH COMPANY'S ISLANDS. ] After clearing the narrow passage between Cape Wilberforce and Bromby'sIsles, we followed the main coast to the S. W. ; having on the starbordhand some high and large islands, which closed in towards the coast aheadso as to make it doubtful whether there were any passage between them. Under the nearest island was perceived a canoe full of men; and in a sortof roadsted, at the south end of the same island, there were six vesselscovered over like hulks, as if laid up for the bad season. Ourconjectures were various as to who those people could be, and what theirbusiness here; but we had little doubt of their being the same, whosetraces had been found so abundantly in the Gulph. I had inclined to theopinion that these traces had been left by Chinese, and the report of thenatives in Caledon Bay that they had fire arms, strengthened thesupposition; and combining this with the appearance of the vessels, I setthem down for piratical Ladrones who secreted themselves here frompursuit, and issued out as the season permitted, or prey invited them. Impressed with this idea, we tacked to work up for the road; and ourpendant and ensign being hoisted, each of them hung out a small whiteflag. On approaching, I sent lieutenant Flinders in an armed boat, tolearn who they were; and soon afterward we came to an anchor in 12fathoms, within musket shot; having a spring on the cable, and all handsat quarters. Every motion in the whale boat, and in the vessel along-side which shewas lying, was closely watched with our glasses, but all seemed to passquietly; and on the return of lieutenant Flinders, we learned that theywere prows from Macassar, and the six Malay commanders shortly afterwardscame on board in a canoe. It happened fortunately that my cook was aMalay, and through his means I was able to communicate with them. Thechief of the six prows was a short, elderly man, named _Pobassoo_; hesaid there were upon the coast, in different divisions, sixty prows, andthat _Salloo_ was the commander in chief. These people were Mahometans, and on looking into the launch, expressed great horror to see hogs there;nevertheless they had no objection to port wine, and even requested abottle to carry away with them at sunset. The weather continued squally all night, with frequent heavy rain, andthe wind blew strong; but coming off the islands, the ship rode easily. In the morning [FRIDAY 18 FEBRUARY 1803], I went on board Pobassoo'svessel, with two of the gentlemen and my interpreter, to make furtherinquiries; and afterwards the six chiefs came to the Investigator, andseveral canoes were along-side for the purpose of barter. Before noon, five other prows steered into the road from the S. W. , anchoring near theformer six; and we had more people about the ship than I chose to admiton board, for each of them wore a short dagger or cress by his side. Mypeople were under arms, and the guns were exercised and a shot fired atthe request of the chiefs; in the evening they all retired quietly, butour guns were kept ready and half the people at quarters all night. Theweather was very rainy; and towards morning [SATURDAY 19 FEBRUARY 1803], much noise was heard amongst the prows. At daylight they got under sail, and steered through the narrow passage between Cape Wilberforce andBromby's Isles, by which we had come; and afterwards directed theircourse south-eastward into the Gulph of Carpentaria. My desire to learn every thing concerning these people, and the strictlook-out which it had been necessary to keep upon them, prevented meattending to any other business during their stay. According to Pobassoo, from whom my information was principally obtained, sixty prows belongingto the Rajah of Boni, and carrying one thousand men, had left Macassarwith the north-west monsoon, two months before, upon an expedition tothis coast; and the fleet was then lying in different places to thewestward, five or six together, Pobasso's division being the foremost. These prows seemed to be about twenty-five tons, and to have twenty ortwenty-five men in each; that of Pobassoo carried two small brass guns, obtained from the Dutch, but the others had only muskets; besides which, every Malay wears a cress or dagger, either secretly or openly. Iinquired after bows and arrows, and the _ippo_ poison, but they had noneof them; and it was with difficulty they could understand what was meantby the _ippo_. The object of their expedition was a certain marine animal, called_trepang_. Of this they gave me two dried specimens; and it proved to bethe _beche-de-mer_, or sea cucumber which we had first seen on the reefsof the East Coast, and had afterwards hauled on shore so plentifully withthe seine, especially in Caledon Bay. They get the _trepang_ by diving, in from 3 to 8 fathoms water; and where it is abundant, a man will bringup eight or ten at a time. The mode of preserving it is this: the animalis split down one side, boiled, and pressed with a weight of stones; thenstretched open by slips of bamboo, dried in the sun, and afterwards insmoke, when it is fit to be put away in bags, but requires frequentexposure to the sun. A thousand trepang make a _picol_, of about 125Dutch pounds; and one hundred picols are a cargo for a prow. It iscarried to Timor, and sold to the Chinese, who meet them there; and whenall the prows are assembled, the fleet returns to Macassar. By Timor, seemed to be meant Timor-laoet; for when I inquired concerning theEnglish, Dutch, and Portuguese there, Pobassoo knew nothing of them: hehad heard of Coepang, a Dutch settlement, but said it was upon anotherisland. There are two kinds of trepang. The black, called _baatoo_, is sold tothe Chinese for forty dollars the picol; the white, or grey, called_koro_, is worth no more than twenty. The _baatoo_ seems to be what wefound upon the coral reefs near the Northumberland Islands; and were acolony established in Broad Sound or Shoalwater Bay, it might perhapsderive considerable advantage from the trepang. In the Gulph ofCarpentaria, we did not observe any other than the _koro_, or grey slug. Pobassoo had made six or seven voyages from Macassar to this coast, within the preceding twenty years, and he was one of the first who came;but had never seen any ship here before. This road was the firstrendezvous for his division, to take in water previously to going intothe Gulph. One of their prows had been lost the year before, and muchinquiry was made concerning the pieces of wreck we had seen; and acanoe's rudder being produced, it was recognised as having belonged toher. They sometimes had skirmishes with the native inhabitants of thecoast; Pobassoo himself had been formerly speared in the knee, and a manhad been slightly wounded since their arrival in this road: theycautioned us much to beware of the natives. * [* A question suggests itself here: Could the natives of the west side ofthe Gulph of Carpentaria have learned the rite of circumcision from theseMalay Mahometans? From the short period that the latter had frequentedthe coast, and the nature of the intercourse between the two people, itseems to me very little probable. ] They had no knowledge of any European settlement in this country; and onlearning the name Port Jackson, the son of Pobassoo made a memorandum ofit as thus, (foreign characters), writing from left to right. Until thistime, that some nutmegs were shown to them, they did not know of theirbeing produced here; nor had they ever met with cocoa nuts, bananas, orother edible fruits or vegetables; fish, and sometimes turtle, being allthey procured. I inquired if they knew of any rivers or openings leadingfar inland, if they made charts of what they saw, or used any charts? Toall which Pobassoo answered in the negative. There was a river at Timor, into which the ship could go; and he informed me of two turtle islands, one of them not far to the north-west of our situation in the road; theother would be seen from the mast head as we sailed along the shore. I could find no other nautical instrument amongst them than a very smallpocket compass, apparently of Dutch manufacture; by this their course isdirected at sea, without the aid of any chart or astronomicalobservation. They carry a month's water, in joints of bamboo; and theirfood is rice, cocoa nuts, and dried fish, with a few fowls for thechiefs. The black _gummotoo_ rope, of which we had found pieces at SirEdward Pellew's Group, was in use on board the prows; and they said itwas made from the same palm whence the sweet syrup, called _gulah_, isobtained. My numberless questions were answered patiently, and with apparentsincerity; Pobassoo even stopped one day longer at my desire, than he hadintended, for the north-west monsoon, he said, would not blow quite amonth longer, and he was rather late. I rewarded his trouble and that ofhis companions with several presents, principally iron tools, which theyseemed anxious to possess; and he begged of me an English jack, which heafterwards carried at the head of his squadron. He also expressed adesire for a letter, to show to any other ship he might meet; and Iaccordingly wrote him a note to captain Baudin, whom it seemed probablehe might encounter in the Gulph, either going or returning. So soon as the prows were gone, the botanical gentlemen and myselfproceeded to make our examinations. The place where the ship wasanchored, and which I call _Malay Road_, is formed by two islands: one tothe S. W. . Now named _Pobassoo's Island_, upon which was a stream offresh water behind a beach; the other to the north, named _Cotton'sIsland_, after captain Cotton of the India directory. The opening betweenthem is nearly half a mile wide; but the water being shallow, the road iswell sheltered on the west side, and the opposite main coast lies notfurther off to the east than three miles; so that N. E. Is the solequarter whence much swell can come. I landed upon Cotton's Island; andascending a high cliff at the south-east end, saw Mount Saunders and thenorthernmost Melville Isle over the land of Cape Wilberforce. Cotton'sIsland extends six or seven miles to the north. And beyond it, to thenorth-east, was another large island, which I called _Wigram's_, whosesouth-east part is also a high cliff. Further off were two small isles;and at a greater distance another, named _Truant Island_, from its lyingaway from the rest. Pobassoo's Island intercepted my view to the S. W. ;but on moving back to a higher station, two other islands were seen overit, close to each other; to the furthest and largest I gave the name of_Inglis_, and to the nearer that of _Bosanquet_. In the west also, andnot more than three miles distant, was an island of considerable size, which was distinguished by the name of _Astell_. The general trending ofall these islands is nearly N. E. By E. , parallel with the line of themain coast and of Bromby's Isles. In the Dutch chart, if they be markedat all, it is as main land, and without distinctive appellation; I havetherefore applied names to each, mostly after gentlemen in the East-Indiadirectory; and in compliment to that respectable body of men, whoseliberal attention to this voyage was useful to us and honourable to them, the whole cluster is named the ENGLISH COMPANY'S ISLANDS. Amongst the bearings taken from the south-eastern cliff of Cotton'sIsland, the following were most essential to the survey. Ship at anchor, distant 1¼ miles, S. 41° 50' W. Mount Bonner, S. 21 12 E. Mount Saunders, north end, S. 47 52 E. Cape Wilberforce, N. W. Cliff, N. 74 15 E. Bromby's Isles, the largest, N. 66° 39' to 69 39 E. Wigram's Island, N. 41 45 to 15 40 E. Moved S. 52½° W. One-third mile. Furthest part of the main land, S. 49 5 W. Inglis' Island, N. E. Cliff, S. 53 30 W. Bosanquet's I. , N. W. Extreme S. 69 5 W. The Dutch chart contains an island of great extent, lying off this partof the North Coast; it has no name in Thevenot, but in some authors bearsthat of Wessel's or Wezel's Eylandt, probably from the vessel whichdiscovered Arnhem's Land in 1636; and from the south end of Cotton'sIsland distant land was seen to the N. W, which I judged to be a part ofit; but no bearings could be taken at this time, from the heavy cloudsand rain by which it was obscured. From the 19th to the 22nd, the weather was frequently rainy, with thunderand lightning; and the wind blew strong in squalls, generally between thenorth and west, and made it unsafe to move the ship. During these days, the botanical gentlemen over-ran the two islands which form Malay Road;and I made a boat excursion to Astell's, and another to the north end ofCotton's Island, to sound and take bearings for the survey. In the latterexcursion [TUESDAY 22 FEBRUARY 1803], three black children were perceivedon the north-east beach; and on walking that way we saw two bark huts, and an elderly man was sitting under a tree, near them. He smiled onfinding himself discovered, and went behind a bush, when a confused noisewas heard of women and children making off into the wood; the man alsoretreated up the hill, and our friendly signs were ineffectual to stophim. In one of the huts was a net bag, containing some pieces of gum, bone, and a broken spike nail; and against a neighbouring bush werestanding three spears, one of which had a number of barbs, and had beenwrought with some ingenuity. This I took away; but the rest of the arms, with the utensils and furniture of the huts, consisting of the aforesaidnet bag and a shell to drink out of, were left as we found them, with theaddition of a hatchet and pocket handkerchief. Cotton's, Pobassoo's, and Astell's Islands, to which our examinationswere limited, are moderately high, woody land; they slope down nearly tothe water on their west sides, but on the east, and more especially thesouth-east, they present steep cliffs; and the same conformation seemedto prevail in the other islands. The stone of the upper parts is grit orsandstone, of a close texture; but the lower part of the cliffs isargillaceous and stratified, splitting in layers of differentthicknesses, from that of a shilling to two or three feet; and the stratadip to the westward, about 15°. On breaking some pieces out of thecliffs, I found them curiously marked with the representation of flowersand trees, owing, as I am told, to manganese or iron ore inserting itselfpartially into the fissures. The layers are of a reddish colour, resembling flat tiles, and might, I conceive, be used as such, almostwithout any preparation; there are enough of them to cover a whole town, and the sand stone at the top of the cliffs is equally well calculatedfor building the walls of the houses. The upper surfaces of these islands are barren; but in the vallies, downwhich ran streams of water at this time, there is a tolerable soil. Oneof these vallies, at the south end of Cotton's Island, might be made adelightful situation to a college of monks, who could bear the heat ofthe climate, and were impenetrable to the stings of musketoes. Here grewthe wild nutmeg, in abundance, the fig which bears its fruit on the stem, two species of palm, and a tree whose bark is in common use in the Eastfor making ropes; besides a variety of others, whose tops were overspreadwith creeping vines, forming a shade to the stream underneath. But thisapparently delightful retreat afforded any thing rather than coolness andtranquillity: the heat was suffocating, and the musketoes admitted not ofa moment's repose. Upon Pobassoo's Island, near the stream of water at the back of thebeach, Mr. Good, the gardener, planted four of the cocoa nuts procuredfrom the Malays; and also some remnants of potatoes which were found inthe ship. The _latitude_ of Malay Road, from two not very satisfactoryobservations, was 11° 53¾' S. _Longitude_ by the survey from Caledon Bay 136° 27' E. From observations made on shore in the artificial horizon, thetime-keeper No. 520 was differing from its Caledon-Bay rate, 15. 4" oflongitude per day, to the east, but No. 543 only 9. 8"; and when thelongitude of this last is corrected by the proportion afterwards foundnecessary, it will agree with the survey to less than half a mile. No observations were taken for the _variation_ of the compass, but Ijudge it to have been about 1° east, when not affected by any localattraction. Near the north-east end of Cotton's Island, and at thesouth-west point, the variation was 2° _more east_ than upon thesouth-east head; as if the south end of the island attracted the northpoint, and the north end the south point of the needle. On the day of the new moon, a particular observation was made upon thetide in Malay Road; and it was high water at ten minutes past eight inthe morning, or nearly _eight hours and a quarter after_ the moon hadpassed the lower meridian; and the rise was ten feet two inches. Therewere two tides in the day; but from the swinging of the ship in the road, it appeared that the last of the ebb, as well as the whole of the flood, came from the N. E. ; an irregularity which might be caused by the shallowpassage between the two islands. WEDNESDAY 23 FEBRUARY 1803 The weather was still squally on the 23rd, but in the afternoon becamefiner; and at three o'clock we steered south-westward, between theislands and the main, with a flood-tide in our favour and the whale boatsounding ahead. All the points of the main coast, like the western sidesof the islands, are low and rocky, and they are bordered with reef; butwe had tolerably good soundings, from 20 to 7 fathoms, in passing alongthem at the distance of a mile. At dusk in the evening we came to, in 5fathoms muddy ground, in a place much like Malay Road; it is formed byInglis' and Bosanquet's Islands, and except in a space between them, ofhalf a mile wide, we had land at various distances all round. Inglis' Island forms here a pretty looking cove, in which is a woodyislet. In the morning [THURSDAY 24 FEBRUARY 1803] I sounded the cove; andfinding it to be shallow, went on, accompanied by the landscape painter, to take bearings from the steep north-east head of the island. Fromthence the main coast was visible four leagues further, extending in thesame south-western direction; at the end of it was an island ofconsiderable elevation, which I named _Mallison's Island_, and west of itanother, with land running at the back. The bearings which most servedto prolong the survey, were these: Pobassoo's I. , east cliff, in a line with Malay Road, N. 55° 0' E. Moved back S. 53° W. ¼ mile. Mallison's I. , steep south-east head, S. 38 25 W. Mallison's I. , outer of two rocks on the north-west side, S. 48 47 W. We had not brought any provision in the boat; but Inglis' Islandappearing to terminate three or four miles further on, I hoped to makethe circuit, and reach the ship to a late dinner. An Indian followedalong the shore, inviting us by signs to land; but when the boat's headwas turned that way, he retreated into the wood, and we had no time tofollow, or to wait his pleasure to come down; for a good deal of delayhad been caused by the tide, and the island was found to extend severalmiles further than was expected, to another steep head, from which I wasdesirous to obtain a set of bearings. At five o'clock, when we reachedthe head, it rained fast, which deterred me from attempting the steepascent, and we pushed onward; but the island, instead of terminatinghere, extended four miles further in a west direction, to a low point, where sunset and the bad weather obliged us to stop for the night. Nowood could be found to make a fire, nor had we any tent; and from therain, the cold, and musketoes, and our want of dinner, the night passeduncomfortably. FRIDAY 25 FEBRUARY 1803 At day-light, I took bearings from the low south-west point, whilstBongaree speared a few fish. Mallison's I. , the high south-east head, bore S. 11° 10' E. Mallison's I. , west extreme S. 11 30 W. A probable island, dist. 5 miles, S. 47° 50' W. To West. The main coast was close at the back of, and perhaps joined the ProbableIsland; and to the south of it were other lands, apparently insulated, between which and Mallison's Island was an opening of four miles wide, which I marked for our next anchorage. Bongaree was busily employed preparing his fish, when my bearings wereconcluded. The natives of Port Jackson have a prejudice against all fishof the ray kind, as well as against sharks; and whilst they devour witheager avidity the blubber of a whale or porpoise, a piece of skate wouldexcite disgust. Our good natured Indian had been ridiculed by the sailorsfor this unaccountable whim, but he had not been cured; and it sohappened, that the fish he had speared this morning were three small raysand a mullet. This last, being the most delicate, he presented to Mr. Westall and me, so soon as it was cooked; and then went to saunter by thewater side, whilst the boats' crew should cook and eat the rays, although, having had nothing since the morning before, it may be supposedhe did not want appetite. I noticed this in silence till the whole wereprepared, and then had him called up to take his portion of the mullet;but it was with much difficulty that his modesty and forbearance could beovercome, for these qualities, so seldom expected in a savage, formedleading features in the character of my humble friend. But there was oneof the sailors also, who preferred hunger to ray-eating! It might besupposed he had an eye to the mullet; but this was not the case. He hadbeen seven or eight years with me, mostly in New South Wales, had learnedmany of the native habits, and even imbibed this ridiculous notionrespecting rays and sharks; though he could not allege, as Bongaree did, that "they might be very good for white men, but would kill him. " Themullet accordingly underwent a further division; and Mr. Westall andmyself, having no prejudice against rays, made up our proportion of thisscanty repast from one of them. We rowed northward, round the west end of Inglis' Island, leaving ahummocky isle and a sandy islet to the left; but on coming to a low pointwith a small island near it, the rapidity of the flood tide was such, that we could not make head way, and were obliged to wait for high water. I took the opportunity to get another set of bearings, and then followedthe example of the boat's crew, who, not finding oysters or any thing toeat, had fallen asleep on the beach to forget the want of food. It was high water at eleven o'clock, and we then passed between the isletand sandy point, and across two rather deep bights in Inglis' Island; andleaving three rocks and as many small islands on the left hand, enteredthe passage to the west of the ship, and got on board at two in theafternoon. This island is twelve miles long, by a varying breadth of one to threemiles. Its cliffs and productions are much the same as those of Cotton'sIsland; but in the south-eastern part it is higher, and the size andfoliage of the wood announced more fertility in the soil. The construction of my chart, and taking bearings from the north end ofBosanquet's Island, occupied me the next day [SATURDAY 26 FEBRUARY 1803];astronomical observations were also taken; and it appeared that thecliffy east end of Bosanquet's Island, a mile north of the anchorage, wasin 11° 57 1/3' south, and 136° 19' east. According to the swinging of theship in the evenings, the flood tide ceased to run at eight hours and ahalf after the moon passed the upper meridian, whereas in the mornings itceased seven hours and a half after the moon passed below; whether thesame difference took place in the times of high water by the shore, Icannot tell; but if the mean of the morning's and evening's tides betaken as the time of high water, it will follow _eight hours after_ themoon, the same nearly as in Malay Road. [NORTH COAST. ARNHEM BAY. ] SUNDAY 27 FEBRUARY 1803 In the morning of the 27th, we steered south-westward between Inglis'Island and the main, to explore the opening on the west side ofMallison's Island. The tide, which was in our favour, so stirred up thesoft mud, that we did not perceive a shoal until from 4½, the depthdiminished to 2¼ fathoms, and the ship stuck fast. This was at less thana mile from the north-east head of Inglis' Island, yet the deepest waterlay within; and towards noon, by carrying out a stream anchor, we gotthere into 10 fathoms, without having suffered any apparent injury. Onthe approach of low water next morning [MONDAY 28 FEBRUARY 1803], weresumed our course, keeping nearly midway between the main coast and theisland, with soundings from 13 to 7 fathoms, muddy ground; the shores areabove two miles asunder, but the reefs from each side occupy more thanhalf of the open space. On clearing the south end of the passage, theboat ahead made signal for 4 fathoms, and we tacked, but afterwardsfollowed till noon; heavy rain then came on, and the wind dying away, ananchor was dropped in 6 fathoms. There was a rippling not far from the ship, and the master found it to beon a narrow shoal extending north and south, which seems to have beenformed in the eddy of the tides. We got under way, on a breeze from N. W. Bringing finer weather; and at two o'clock passed over the shoal withsoundings twice in 3 fathoms, and afterwards in 5, 7, 10, 12, and 14. Thebearings taken in 3 fathoms were, Inglis' Island, north-east head, N. 50° E. Inglis' Island, low south-west point, N. 15 W. Mallison's I. , high south-east head, S. 3 E. At six o'clock we entered the opening, and steered south-eastward into avast piece of water where the land could not be seen from the mast head;and the soundings were deep, though irregular, varying from 11 to 33fathoms. At half past eight, being well within the opening, we tackedtowards Mallison's Island, and came to an anchor in 15 fathoms, sand andshells. TUESDAY 1 MARCH 1803 In the morning, our distance from the south side of the island was foundto be something above a mile, and the extremes bore N. 64° W. To 39° E. In going to the shore with a party of the gentlemen I carried a gooddepth all the way, there being 5 fathoms within a few yards of a littlebeach where a stream of fresh water descended from the hills. A firstview of the cliffs led me to think they contained coals; but thisappearance arose from the colour of the slate, of which the lower partsare composed. The top of the island is of sand stone, similar to theEnglish Company's Islands; and it seemed to be equally, or more barrenthan they, and to be destitute of any rich vallies. My bearings were taken on the south-eastern head; but even from thence, the land was not visible to the southward beyond a low islet surroundedwith shoals, and to the E. S. E. It was but faintly seen. The west sideof the entrance was composed of broken land, like islands, extending outfar to the northward; on the east, the space which separated Mallison'sIsland from the nearest part of the main seemed to be not more than halfa mile broad, and was so filled with rocks as scarcely to admit thepassage of a boat. This part of the main land is a projecting cape, lowwithout side but forming a steep head within; and I have named it _CapeNewbald_. The most essential bearings were these:-- Inglis' I. Station on the north-east head, N. 39° 5' E. Inglis' I. West extreme, N. 15 18 W. Furthest western land visible, N. 26 10 W. Probable Island, low north point, N. 39 2 W. Low islet up the bay, dist. Ten miles, S. 7° to 9 13 E. These bearings and the observations place the south-east head ofMallison's Island in 12° 11¾' south, and 136° 8' east. We returned on board at eleven, and then steered eastward along the southside of Cape Newbald; the flood tide, which set in that direction, havinginduced the hope of finding a river there. The wind was light and scant, so that we advanced principally by means of the tide; and finding it torun against us at five in the evening, anchored in 5 fathoms, mud andshells, eight or nine miles above the entrance of the bay, and one and ahalf from a rocky point on the Cape-Newbald side. We proceeded with theflood tide, next morning [WEDNESDAY 2 MARCH 1803], in a varying depthfrom 3 to 5 fathoms; and after advancing four or five miles, it was foundimpossible to go further without risk of getting aground, and wetherefore came to an anchor. The land on the east side of the bay wasdistant three miles, and no other than a shallow opening in thenorth-east corner could be seen; a disappointment which left little to beexpected in the southern parts of the bay, to which no set of tide hadbeen perceived. In consequence, I gave up the intention of furtherprosecuting the examination in the ship, in favour of going round in myboat; and directed lieutenant Fowler, so soon as the botanical gentlemenshould have explored the productions on the nearest part of Cape Newbald, to return with the ship to the entrance of the bay, and anchor near somelow cliffs on the western side, where the botanists could again pursuetheir researches until my arrival. Mr. Bauer the natural-history painter, himself a good botanist, expresseda wish to accompany me, and with Mr. Bell, the surgeon, we went off inthe afternoon, steering S. S. E. For a small beach in the low, woodyshore, five or six miles off. Squalls of wind with heavy rain preventedsounding in the first half of the way; but we then had nine feet, andnearly the same to the beach, where we landed at dusk. The wood was verythick here, the ground swampy, and the musketoes numerous and fierce; sothat between them and our wet clothes we had very little rest. THURSDAY 3 MARCH 1803 In the morning, after bearings had been taken from a projecting part ofthe ironstone shore, we steered four miles to the S. S. W. , mostly in 2fathoms, to some low cliffs of red earth; where Mr. Bauer examined theproductions of the main land, whilst I took bearings from a small isletor bank of iron ore, lying near it. The ship at anchor, dist. 8 or 9 miles, bore N. 1° 15' E. Mallison's I. , south-western cliffs, N. 50 25 W. Low islet in the bay, centre. , S. 89 30 W. Seeing that the shore took a western direction about five miles furtheron, we steered for the low islet; and at a mile from the land had 3, andafterwards 5 fathoms until approaching a long sandy spit, which extendsout from the east end of the islet and was then dry. I landed upon it intime to observe the sun's meridian altitude, which gave 12° 22' 6" south, but a passing cloud deprived me of the supplement. The islet is littleelse than a bed of sand, though covered with bushes and small trees;there were upon it many marks of turtle and of turtle feasts; and findingthe musketoes less numerous than on the main, we stopped to repose duringthe heat of the day. In the afternoon, after taking bearings, we steered over to the southside of the bay, four miles off, with soundings from 7 at the deepest, to3 fathoms at a mile from the iron-stone shore. The land is low andcovered with wood, and the traces of kangaroo being numerous, the surgeonwas induced to make a little excursion into the wood, whilst I tookbearings and Mr. Bauer pursued his botanical researches. Mr. Bell foundthe country to be tolerably fertile, but had no success in his hunting;and at night we returned to the islet to sleep, hoping to procure someturtle; but no more than three came on shore, and one only was caught, the laying season appearing to be mostly past. FRIDAY 4 MARCH 1803 At daylight we steered for a low rocky island, seven or eight miles tothe W. N. W. , where I took angles from the iron-stone rocks at its southend, and Mr. Bauer examined the vegetable productions. To the S. S. W. , about five miles, was a woody point, on the east side of which no landwas visible; and the depth of water in coming across from Low Islethaving been as much as 10 fathoms, it left a suspicion that a river mightfall into the south-west corner of the bay, and induced me to row over tothe point. The soundings diminished from 5 to 3 fathoms; in which depththe boat being brought to a grapnel, I found the latitude to be 12° 20'27", from observations to the north and south, and set Low Islet E. 7° S. By a pocket compass. From thence to the point the water was shallow, and the open space provedto be a shoal bight, with very low land at the back. After I had takenbearings, to ascertain the position of the point and form this side ofthe bay, we returned northward, passing on the west side of the rockyisland; and the ship having arrived at the appointed station, got onboard at eight o'clock in the evening. SATURDAY 5 MARCH 1803 On laying down the plan of this extensive bay, I was somewhat surprisedto see the great similarity of its form to one marked near the samesituation in the Dutch chart. It bears no name; but as not a doubtremains of Tasman, or perhaps some earlier navigator, having explored it, I have given it the appellation of the land in which it is situate, andcall it ARNHEM BAY. So far as an extent of secure anchoring ground isconcerned, it equals any harbour within my knowledge; there being morethan a hundred square miles of space fit for the reception of ships, andthe bottom seemed to be every where good. Of the inducements to visitArnhem Bay, not much can be said. Wood is plentiful at all the shores, and the stream which ran down the hills at Mallison's Island would havesupplied us conveniently with water, had it been wanted; but in threemonths afterwards it would probably be dried up. In the upper parts ofthe bay the shores are low, and over-run with mangroves in many places;but near the entrance they may be approached by a ship, and there arebeaches for hauling the seine, where, however, we had not much success. We saw no other stone on the low shores than iron ore, similar to thatfound in the upper part of Melville Bay, and on Point Middle in CaledonBay; and it seems probable, that iron runs through the space of countrycomprehended between the heads of the three bays, although the exteriorshores and the hills be either granitic, argillaceous, or of sand stone. The flat country where the iron ore is found, seems to afford a goodsoil, well-clothed with grass and wood, much superior to that wheregranite or sand stone prevails; this I judge from what was seen near theheads of the bays, for our excursions inland were necessarily veryconfined, and for myself, I did not quit the water side at Arnhem Bay, being disabled by scorbutic ulcers on my feet. This country does not seem to be much peopled, though traces of men werefound wherever we landed; in the woods were several species of birds, mostly of the parrot kind, and the marks of kangaroo were numerous, as atMelville Bay. These circumstances would be in favour of any colony whichmight be established in the neighbourhood; but should such a step come tobe contemplated, it would be highly necessary, in the first place, to seewhat the country is in the dry season, from June to November; for it isto be apprehended that the vegetation may then be dried up, and thesources of fresh water almost entirely fail. The middle of the entrance into Arnhem Bay is in latitude 12° 11' south, and longitude 136° 3' east. Azimuths taken on board the ship, when atanchor in the north-eastern part of the bay and the head E. By N. , gave0° 48' east variation, which corrected to the meridian, would be 2° 31'east; but the most allowed to the bearings on shore is 1° 40', and theleast 1°, no greater difference being produced by the iron stone uponwhich some were taken. From general observation, the time of high waterwas nearly the same as in Malay Road, or about _eight hours after_ themoon's passage, and the rise seemed to be six or eight feet. Before noon of the 5th we quitted Arnhem Bay, and steered northward alongthe chain of islands extending out from the west side of the entrance. Onapproaching the north end of Probable Island the soundings diminished to4 fathoms, and a short tack was made to the S. E. ; and the flood tidebecoming too strong to be stemmed with a light breeze, an anchor wasdropped in 17 fathoms, sand and stones. A dry reef had been set fromMallison's Island, and should have lain about two miles S. E. From thisanchorage; but it was not seen from the ship, being probably covered bythe tide. There were two natives, with a canoe, under Probable Island, and some others were standing on the beach; but no attempt was made toapproach the ship, nor did I send on shore to them. SUNDAY 6 MARCH 1803 In the morning we had a moderate breeze at E. S. E. , and pursued the lineof the main coast and islands to the northward at the distance of threeor four miles, with soundings from 10 to 17 fathoms. Both the coast andislands are in general so low and near to each other, that it wasdifficult to say whether some were not connected; at eleven, however, weapproached two which certainly were islands, and there being a clearpassage between the surrounding reefs of a mile and a half wide, westeered through it with 12 to 17 fathoms. The north-easternmost most, which I have named after captain _Cunningham_ of the navy, is four orfive miles in circumference, and of moderate elevation; and lies in 11°47' south and 136° 6' east by the survey. [NORTH COAST. WESSEL'S ISLANDS. ] A third chain of islands commences here, which, like Bromby's and theEnglish Company's Islands, extend out north-eastward from the coast. Ihave frequently observed a great similarity both in the ground plans andelevations of hills, and of islands in the vicinity of each other; but donot recollect another instance of such a likeness in the arrangement ofclusters of islands. This third chain is doubtless what is marked in theDutch chart as one long island, and in some charts is called Wessel'sEylandt; which name I retain with a slight modification, calling themWESSEL'S ISLANDS. They had been seen from the north end of Cotton'sIsland to reach as far as thirty miles out from the main coast; but thisis not more than half their extent, if the Dutch chart be at all correct. At noon, when Cunningham's Island bore from S. 1° to 26° E. , at thedistance of two miles, the furthest visible part of Wessel's Islands boreN. 53° E. ; it was not distant, for the weather was squally with rain, andboth prevented us from seeing far and obscured the sun. To the westward, we had land at the distance of three or four miles; and from itsnorth-east end, which is named _Point Dale_, three small isles with rocksextended out to the bearing of N. 16° E. , which we could not weatherwithout making a tack. At three they were passed; and at six in theevening the outer islet bore S. 14° E. , four leagues, and the mostwestern part of the land of Point Dale, S. 36° W. ; but whether this lastwere an island or a part of the main, was still doubtful. For the last several days the wind had inclined from the eastward, and atthis time blew a steady breeze at E. By S. , with fine weather; as if thenorth-west monsoon were passed, and the south-east trade had resumed itscourse. We had continued the survey of the coast for more than one-halfof the six months which the master and carpenter had judged the shipmight run without much risk, provided she remained in fine weather and noaccident happened; and the remainder of the time being not much more thannecessary for us to reach Port Jackson, I judged it imprudent to continuethe investigation longer. In addition to the rottenness of the ship, thestate of my own health and that of the ship's company were urgent toterminate the examination here; for nearly all had become debilitatedfrom the heat and moisture of the climate--from being a good dealfatigued--and from the want of nourishing food. I was myself disabled byscorbutic sores from going to the mast head, or making any moreexpeditions in boats; and as the whole of the surveying department restedupon me, our further stay was without one of its principal objects. Itwas not, however, without much regret that I quitted the coast; both fromits numerous harbours and better soil, and its greater proximity to ourIndian possessions having made it become daily more interesting; andalso, after struggling three months against foul winds, from their nowbeing fair as could be wished for prosecuting the further examination. The accomplishment of the survey was, in fact, an object so near to myheart, that could I have foreseen the train of ills that were to followthe decay of the Investigator and prevent the survey being resumed--andhad my existence depended upon the expression of a wish, I do not knowthat it would have received utterance; but Infinite Wisdom has, ininfinite mercy, reserved the knowledge of futurity to itself. [NORTH COAST. TOWARDS TIMOR. ] (Atlas Plate I. ) On quitting Wessel's Islands, we steered a north-west course all night, under easy sail; having a warrant officer placed at the look-out, and thelead hove every quarter of an hour. The soundings increased verygradually till daylight [MONDAY 7 MARCH 1803], when we had 30 fathoms;and no land being distinguishable, the course was then altered to W. ByS. Our latitude at noon was 10° 56' 40", longitude by timekeeper 135°10'; and I judged that part of the coast seen by lieutenant McCluer, in1791, to lie about fifty miles to the southward. This was the first landseen by him in his course from New Guinea; and according to thecomparison afterwards made of his longitude, it should not lie more thantwelve leagues from the western part of Point Dale. Mr. McCluer saw some islands near the coast, and amongst others an outerone called New Year's Isle, in latitude 10° 52' south and 133° 12' east, which I purposed to visit in the hope of procuring turtle. But ourfriendly trade wind gradually died away, and was succeeded by light airsfrom the N. W. And S. W. , by calms, and afterwards by light winds fromthe north-eastward; so that it was not until daylight of the 12th[SATURDAY 12 MARCH 1803], that the island was seen. At eleven o'clock, lieutenant Fowler went on shore to examine the beach for traces ofturtle; but finding none recent, he returned before two, and we againmade sail to the westward. New Year's Isle is a bed of sand mixed with broken coral, thrown up on acoral reef. It is four or five miles in circumference, and the higherparts are thickly covered with shrubs and brush wood; but much of it isover-run with mangroves, and laid under water by the tide. Fresh printsof feet on the sand showed that the natives had either visited it verylately, or were then upon the island; turtle also had been there, buttheir traces were of an old date. The reef extends about a mile off, allround; we had 22 fathoms very near the outer edge, and saw no otherdanger. Broken land was perceived to the southward, probably the innerisles marked by lieutenant McCluer; and six or seven leagues to the S. W. Was a part of the main, somewhat higher but equally sandy, which wetraced above half a degree to the westward. I made the _latitude_ of theisland to be 10° 55' south, and _longitude_ by time keeper corrected 133°4' east; being 3' more south and 8' less east than Mr. McCluer'sposition. The _variation_ of the compass, from azimuths taken twentyleagues to the east of New Year's Isle, was 1° 55' east, with the ship'shead W. N. W. ; and at thirteen leagues on the west side, 1° 20' with thehead N. W. ; these being corrected to the meridian, will be 0° 23' and 0°12' east. The _tide_ ran strong to the N. W. Whilst it was ebbing by theshore, so that the flood would seem to come from the westward; whereas inthe neighbourhood of Cape Arnhem the flood came mostly from the oppositedirection: whether this change were a general one, or arose from someopening to the S. E. Of New Year's Isle, our knowledge of the coast wastoo imperfect to determine. We had continued to have soundings, generally on a muddy bottom, from thetime of quitting Wessel's Islands; nor did they vary much, being rarelyless than 25, and never more than 35 fathoms. On the 13th [SUNDAY 13MARCH 1803] at noon we had 34 fathoms, being then in 10° 41' south and132° 40' east, and the coast still in sight to the southward. The windsthen hung in the southern quarter, being sometimes S. W. , and at othersS. E. , but always light; and I steered further off the land, in the hopeof getting them more steady. Our soundings gradually increased until the18th, when the depth was 150 fathoms in latitude 9° 47' and longitude130° 17'; at midnight we had no ground at 160, but next morning [SATURDAY19 MARCH 1803] the coral bottom was seen under the ship, and we tackeduntil a boat was sent ahead; from 7 fathoms on the bank, the soundings insteering after the boat increased to 9, 10, 13, and suddenly to 92fathoms. This small bank appeared to be nearly circular, and about four milesround; it lies in latitude 9° 56', longitude 129° 28' and as I judge, about twenty-five leagues from the western extremity of the northern VanDiemen's Land. In some of the old charts there are shoals marked to aconsiderable distance from that cape; and it seems not improbable, that achain of reefs may extend as far out as the situation of this bank. Weafterwards had soundings at irregular depths, from 30 to 100 fathoms, until the evening of the 26th [SATURDAY 26 MARCH 1803], in 10° 38' southand 126° 30' east; in which situation they were lost. (Atlas, Plate XVI. ) The winds had hung so much in the south-west, and retarded our passage aswell as driven us near to the island Timor, that I judged it advisable toobtain refreshments there for my ship's company; under the apprehensionthat, as the winter season was fast advancing on the south coast of TerraAustralis, the bad state of the ship might cause more labour at the pumpsthan our present strength was capable of exerting. Some of the smallerarticles of sea provision. , such as peas, rice, and sugar, which formed aprincipal part of our little comforts, were also become deficient, inconsequence of losses sustained from the heat and moisture of theclimate, and leakiness of the ship's upper works; and these I was anxiousto replenish. Coepang is a Dutch settlement at the south-west end of Timor and thedetermination to put in there being made, I revolved in my mind thepossibility of afterwards returning to the examination of the north andnorth-west coasts of Terra Australis, during the winter six months, andtaking the following summer to pass the higher latitudes and return toPort Jackson. There was little chance of obtaining salt provisions atCoepang, but there might be a ship or ships there, capable of furnishinga supply, and by which an officer might be conveyed to England; for itwas a necessary part of my project to despatch lieutenant Fowler to theAdmiralty, with an account of our proceedings, and a request that hemight return as speedily as possible, with a vessel fit to accomplish allthe objects of the voyage; and I calculated that six months employed uponthe North and North-west Coasts, and the subsequent passage to PortJackson, would not leave much more than the requisite time for refreshingthe ship's company before his arrival might be expected. It is to beobserved, that the ship had leaked very little in her sides since thecaulking done at the head of the Gulph; and the carpenter being nowdirected to bore into some of the timbers then examined, did not findthem to have become perceptibly worse; so that I was led to hope andbelieve that the ship might go through this service, without much morethan common risk, provided we remained in fine-weather climates, as wasintended. MONDAY 28 MARCH 1803 On the 28th, being then in 10° 36' south, and 125° 47' east, the highland of Timor was seen bearing N. 61° W. , at the distance of thirty, orperhaps more leagues; but no soundings could be obtained with 90, nor inthe evening with 160 fathoms. Next day [TUESDAY 29 MARCH 1803], the lightsouth-west wind suddenly veered to S. E. , and blew fresh; and from itsdying away at sunset was evidently a sea breeze attracted by the land, which, however, was forty miles off in its nearest part. Our latitude onthe 30th [WEDNESDAY 30 MARCH 1803] was 10° 37' 13", longitude 124° 18½', and the land, mostly high mountains, extended from N. N. E. ½ E. To W. N. W. , the nearest part was distant seven or eight leagues, but we still hadno soundings. The island Rottee is reckoned tolerably high land, but mustbe greatly inferior to Timor; since the round hill at its eastern end wasnot seen from the mast head till four this afternoon, when its distancewas little more than fifteen leagues. We carried all sail for the straitbetween the two islands till midnight, and then had soundings in 120fathoms, muddy ground; an hour and a half afterwards the land was close, and the depth no more than 10 fathoms, upon which we hauled off tillmorning. THURSDAY 31 MARCH 1803 At daylight, the north-east point of Rottee was distant two miles, and westeered along the shore, looking for boats and people to obtainintelligence, and if possible some refreshments; but none were seen, although we passed close to a deep and well-sheltered cove. At teno'clock, when the sandy north point of Rottee was distant one mile and ahalf, we hauled up north-eastward, across the passage of about six mileswide, between it and the northern lands; for the purpose of enteringSamow Strait, which was then open, and of which Mr. Westall took the viewgiven in the Atlas (Plate XVIII, last View). The south-west point ofTimor is surrounded by a reef, which extends from half a mile to a mileoff, and runs some distance up the strait; both sides of the entrance arelow land, yet at eleven o'clock we had no ground between them with 75fathoms. The width of the entrance is three miles and a half, andcontinues nearly the same upwards, with a depth of 36 or more fathoms, and no dangers in it, other than the reef before mentioned. From theobservations at noon, the extreme south-west point of Timor lies in 10°22' south, and longitude by survey back from Coepang, 123° 29' east;captain Cook places it in 10° 23' and 123° 55', and calls it the southpoint, but there is a sloping projection, three leagues to the eastward, which I set in a line with it at E. 2° S. [NORTH COAST. COEPANG BAY. ] Two vessels were lying under the north-east end of Samow; and on ourensign and pendant being hoisted, the one showed American, and the otherDutch colours. An officer was sent to them for information, as well ofthe propriety of going into Coepang Bay at this season, as of thepolitical state of Europe; for although the intelligence of peace hadarrived before we left Port Jackson, it seemed to be doubtful how long itmight last. On his return with favourable intelligence, I steered throughthe northern outlet of the strait, which is not more than a mile and ahalf wide, but so deep that 65 fathoms did not reach the bottom; and atfour o'clock the anchor was let go in 17 fathoms, muddy ground, half amile from the shore, with the flag staff of Fort Concordia bearing S. S. E. I sent the second lieutenant to present my respects to the Dutchgovernor, and inform him of our arrival and wants, with an offer ofsaluting the fort provided an equal number of guns should be returned;and the offer being accepted, mutual salutes of thirteen guns passed, andthe same evening we received a boat load of refreshments. Next day[FRIDAY 1 APRIL 1803], I went with three officers and gentlemen to waitupon _Mynheer Giesler_, the governor, who sent the commandant of the fortand surgeon of the colony to receive us at the water side. The governordid not speak English, nor I any Dutch; and our communications would havebeen embarrassed but for the presence of captain Johnson, commander ofthe Dutch brig, who interpreted with much polite attention. Coepang is dependant on Batavia for a variety of articles, and amongstothers, for arrack, rice, sugar, etc. Mr. Johnson had arrived not longbefore with the annual supply, yet I found some difficulty in obtainingfrom the governor the comparatively small quantities of which we stood inneed; and I had no resource but in his kindness, for there were nomerchants in Coepang, nor any other who would receive bills in payment. Having made an agreement for the provisions, I requested permission forour botanists and painters to range the country, which was readilygranted; with a caution not to extend their walks far from the town, asthey might be there liable to insults from the natives, over whom thegovernor had no power. We were occupied nearly a week in completing our water, which was broughton board in Malay boats, and in obtaining and stowing away theprovisions. [SUNDAY 3 APRIL 1803] The governor, with captain Johnson andtwo other gentlemen were entertained on board the Investigator, andreceived under a salute; and the day before we proposed to sail [THURSDAY7 APRIL 1803], I went with some of my principal officers and gentlemen todine with the governor, the fort firing a salute on our landing; and itis but justice to Mr. Giesler and the orders under which he acted, tosay, that he conducted himself throughout with that polite and respectfulattention, which the representative of one friendly nation owes to thatof another. A part of the ship's company was permitted to go on shore so soon as ourwork was completed; and two men, my Malay cook and a youth from PortJackson, being absent in the evening, the town was searched for them, butin vain. We got under way early next morning [FRIDAY 8 APRIL 1803], before the sea breeze set in, and stood off and on until lieutenantFowler again went after the men. On his return without success, westretched out of the bay; but the wind being light, and the governorhaving promised to send off the men, if found before the ship was out ofsight, I still entertained a hope of receiving my deserters. Timor is well known to be one of the southernmost and largest of theMolucca Islands. Its extent is more considerable than the charts usuallyrepresent it, being little less than 250 miles in a north-easterndirection, by from thirty to sixty in breadth. The interior part is achain of mountains, some of which nearly equal the peak of Teneriffe inelevation; whilst the shores on the south-east side are represented to beexceedingly low, and over-run with mangroves. Gold is said to becontained in the mountains, and to be washed down the streams; but thenatives are so jealous of Europeans gaining any knowledge of it, that ata former period, when forty men were sent by the Dutch to make search, they were cut off. In the vicinity of Coepang, the upper stone is mostlycalcareous; but the basis is very different, and appeared to me to beargillaceous. The original inhabitants of Timor, who are black but whose hair is notwoolly, inhabit the mountainous parts, to which they appear to have beendriven by the Malays, who are mostly in possession of the sea coast. There were formerly several Portuguese establishments on the north sideof the island, of which Diely and Lefflow still remained; but these haveall gradually declined, and the governor of Diely was now said to be thesole white Portuguese resident on the island. The Dutch territory atCoepang did not extend beyond four or five miles round Fort Concordia;and the settlement affording no other advantage to the Company than thatof keeping out other nations, it seemed to be following, with acceleratedsteps, the ruin of their affairs. During the war which terminated in1801, the communication with Batavia was interrupted, and the town takenby the English forces; an insurrection was raised by the half-castpeople, and some of the troops left as a garrison were massacred, and therest abandoned the island. During these troubles the town had been set onfire; and at this time, all the best houses were in ruins. The few troopskept by the Dutch were mostly Malays, some of the officers even, beingmulattos; and the sole person amongst them, who had any claim torespectability, was a Swiss who had the command of Fort Concordia, butwith no higher rank that that of serjeant-major. Besides the governor andtwo or three soldiers, I saw only two European residents at Coepang; onewas the surgeon of whom captain Bligh speaks so handsomely in hisnarrative, the other a young gentleman named Viertzen, who had latelyarrived. Coepang has little other trade than with Batavia. Sandel wood, bees-wax, honey, and slaves, are exported; and rice, arrack, sugar, tea, coffee, beetel nut, and the manufactures of China, with some from India andEurope, received in return; and the duties upon these were said tosuffice the expense of keeping up the establishment. A vessel laden withammunition, clothing, and other supplies for the troops, is annually sentfrom Batavia; but what may be called the trade of Coepang, is mostlycarried on by the Chinese, some of whom are settled in the town, and haveintermixed with the Malays. Coepang Bay is exposed to the westward; but from the beginning of May tothe end of October, the anchorage is secure; and there is little toapprehend from north-west winds after the middle of March, or before themiddle of November; but the standing regulations of the Dutch companywere, that until the first of May their vessels should lie under thenorth-east end of Pulo Samow, about five miles from Coepang; althoughBabao Road on the north side of the bay, of which Dampier speaks, wassaid to be a more secure and convenient anchorage. The commander of theAmerican ship Hunter had gone under Samow, because he found the Dutchbrig there; and although assured there was almost nothing to beapprehended in the bay, he feared to come up till encouraged by ourexample. This ship was upon a trading speculation, and the commander was buyinghere sandel wood and bees-wax. For the best kind of wood he paid twentydollars per picol, for the inferior sort thirteen, and seven dollars forthe refuse; and bees-wax cost him twenty-five dollars. Upon all these heexpected to make three hundred per cent. At Canton, besides the advantageof paying for them with cutlasses, axes, and other iron tools, at anequally great advance; he reported, however, that iron was still morevaluable at Solor, Flores, and the neighbouring islands; and thatsupplies of fresh provisions were more plentiful. The usual profits oftrade here, seemed to be cent. Per cent. Upon every exchange; and thisthe commander of the Hunter proposed to make many times over, during hisvoyage. At Solor he had bought some slaves for two muskets each, whichmuskets he had purchased at the rate of 18s. In Holland, at theconclusion of the war; these slaves were expected to be sold at Batavia, for eighty, or more probably for a hundred dollars individually, makingabout thirty capitals of the first price of his muskets. If suchadvantages attend this traffic, humanity must expect no weak struggle toaccomplish its suppression; but what was the result of this tradingvoyage? That the commander and his crew contracted a fever at Diely, andnearly the whole died before they reached Batavia. Spanish dollars were rated at 5s. 4d. According to the Dutch company'sregulations, but their currency at Coepang was sixty stivers or pence;whence it arose that to a stranger receiving dollars, they would bereckoned at 5s. 4d. Each, but if he paid them it was at 5s. Besidesdollars, the current coins were ducatoons, rupees, and doits, with somefew gold rupees of Batavia; but the money accounts were usually kept inrix dollars, an imaginary coin of 4s. I made many inquiries concerning the Malay trepang fishers, whom we hadmet at the entrance of the Gulph of Carpentaria, and learned thefollowing particulars. The natives of Macassar had been long accustomedto fish for the trepang amongst the islands in the vicinity of Java, andupon a dry shoal lying to the south of Rottee; but about twenty yearsbefore, one of their prows was driven by the north-west monsoon to thecoast of New Holland, and finding the trepang to be abundant, theyafterwards returned; and had continued to fish there since that time. Thegovernor was of opinion, that the Chinese did not meet them atTimor-laoet, but at Macassar itself, where they are accustomed to tradefor birds nests, trepang, sharks fins, etc. ; and it therefore seemsprobable that the prows rendezvous only at Timor-laoet, on quittingCarpentaria, and then return in a fleet, with their cargoes. The value of the common trepang at Canton, was said to be forty dollarsthe picol, and for the best, or black kind, sixty; which agrees with whatI had been told in Malay Road, allowing to the Chinese the usual profitof cent. Per cent. From Macassar to their own country. About ten days before our arrival, a homeward-bound ship from India hadtouched at Coepang; and had we been so fortunate as to meet with her, itmight have enabled me to put in execution the plan I had formed ofsending an officer to England, and returning to the examination of thenorth and north-west coasts of Terra Australis. This plan was nowfrustrated; and the sole opportunity of writing to Europe was by captainJohnson, who expected to sail for Batavia in May, and promised to forwardour letters from thence. I committed to his care an account of ourexaminations and discoveries upon the East and North Coasts, for theAdmiralty; with the report of the master and carpenter upon the state ofthe ship, and the information I had obtained of the trepang fishery. Our supplies for the ship, procured at Coepang, were rice, arrack, sugar, and the palm syrup called _gulah_; with fresh meat, fruit, and vegetablesduring our stay, and for ten days afterwards. The animal food consistedof young _karabow_, a species of buffalo, and of small pigs and kids; thekarabow being charged at eight, the pigs at five, and kids at two rixdollars each. Vegetables were dear and not good, and for many of thefruits we were too early in the season; but cocoa-nuts, oranges, limes, bananas, and shaddocks were tolerably plentiful. Tea, sugar candy, andsome other articles for our messes, were purchased at the little shopskept by the Chinese-Malays; and poultry was obtained along-side bybarter. To judge from the appearance of those who had resided any length of timeat Coepang, the climate is not good; for even in comparison with us, whohad suffered considerably, they were sickly looking people. Yet they didnot themselves consider the colony as unhealthy, probably from makingtheir comparison with Batavia; but they spoke of Diely, the Portuguesesettlement, as very bad in this respect. Captain Baudin had lost twelvemen from dysentery, during his stay at Coepang, and I found a monumentwhich he had erected to his principal gardener; but it was even thenbeginning to decay. The _latitude_ of our anchorage, three-fifths of a mile to the north ofFort Concordia, was 10° 8' 2" from seven meridian altitudes of the sun;but these being all taken to the north, I consider it to be morecorrectly, 10° 8½' S. _Longitude_ of the anchorage and fort, from fifty four sets of lunardistances, of which the particulars are given in Table VII. Of theAppendix No. I. , 123° 35' 46" E. Lieutenant Flinders took altitudes from the sea horizon, between April 1p. M. And 8 a. M. , for the rates of the time keepers; the mean of which, with the errors from mean Greenwich time at noon there on the last day ofobservation, were as under: Earnshaw's No. 543, slow 2h 57' 14. 56", and losing 16. 73", per day, Earnshaw's No. 520, fast 1h 57' 19. 28", and losing 33. 99", per day; the rate of No. 543 differing only 0. 2" from that with which we had leftCaledon Bay. The longitude given by this time keeper on April 1, p. M. , with the Caledon rate, was 123° 39' 8. 4" east, or 3' 22" more than thelunars; and when the Caledon rate is accelerated, the difference is only2' 3½" east. This quantity, if the longitudes of Caledon and Coepang Baysbe correct, is the sum of the irregularities of No. 543, during thefifty-one days between one station and the other. The time keeper No. 520had been let down on the passage, and its rate being now more than 3"greater than at Caledon Bay, its longitude was not attended to at thistime. In laying down the coasts and islands of Arnhem's Land, the bearings andobserved latitudes were used, with very little reference to the timekeepers; but No. 543, when corrected, did not differ so much from thesurvey as 1' in twenty-five days. The rest of the track, from Wessel'sIslands to Coepang, is laid down by this time keeper with the acceleratedrate, and the application of a proportional part of 2' 3½", itsirregularity during fifty-one days. _Variation_ of the surveying compass, 0° 46' west, observed when theship's head was E. S. E. , or corrected to the meridian, 0° 37' east; butthis variation seems to apply only to Coepang Bay; for about two degreesto the eastward it was 1° 4' west, corrected, and one degree to thesouth-west it was 1° 41' west. The flood _tide_ comes from the southward, through Samow Strait, andrises from three to nine or ten feet; high water usually took place asthe moon passed under and over the meridian, but the winds make a greatdifference both in the time and rise of the tide. CHAPTER X. Departure from Timor. Search made for the Trial Rocks. Anchorage in Goose-Island Bay. Interment of the boatswain, and sickly state of the ship's company. Escape from the bay, and passage through Bass' Strait. Arrival at Port Jackson. Losses in men. Survey and condemnation of the ship. Plans for continuing the survey;but preparation finally made for returning to England. State of the colony at Port Jackson. [FROM TIMOR. TOWARDS CAPE LEEUWIN. ] FRIDAY 8 APRIL 1803 (Atlas, Plate XVI. ) When we stretched out of Coepang Bay on the 8th of April, the wind waslight from the westward; in the afternoon we tacked towards Pulo Samow, hoping that a canoe seen under the land might have the two deserters onboard; but this not being the case, they were given up. At six in theevening, when we stood off, the town of Coepang bore S. 60° E. , six orseven miles, and the north point of Samow distant one mile, with thenorth-west extremity behind it, S. 70° W. In this situation the depth was74 fathoms, and soon afterwards 130 did not reach the bottom. During the night the breeze veered to the south and eastward, and in themorning [SATURDAY 9 APRIL 1803] to north-east, and we coasted along thewest side of Samow, four or five miles off, without getting soundings; itis woody, hilly land, but not mountainous, and toward the south end isquite low. A woody islet, called Tios in the charts, lies off thesouth-west point, which is the sole thing like danger on the west side ofSamow; but the tides run strong here, and make ripplings which at firstalarm, from their great resemblance to breakers. SUNDAY 10 APRIL 1803 It was evening on the 10th before we had any regular wind; it then sprungup from the southward, and at six, when we made sail, Samow, north-west point, bore N. 48° E. Tios, dist. 5 miles, the south extreme, S. 60 E. Rottee, furthest visible parts, S. 51½° E. To 18 W. The island Sauw, or Savu came in sight to the westward next morning[MONDAY 11 APRIL 1803], and also a small isle called Douw or Dowa, lyingoff the west end of Rottee; at noon, when our latitude was 10° 37' 22"and longitude 122° 35½', Savu bore from the mast head, N. 76° to 88° W. Rottee, furthest visible parts, S. 84 to 45 E. Dowa, distant ten miles, S. 35 to 20 E. We tried for soundings with 230 fathoms of line, without finding ground;and it should appear that there is no bottom amongst these islands at anyreasonable depth, unless very near the shores. The wind was still light; and on the following day [TUESDAY 12 APRIL1803] we had rain, thunder, and lightning. Savu was seen in a clearinterval towards evening, bearing N. 3° W. , and another piece of land, apparently Benjoar, was perceived from the mast head to the N. N. W. ;this was the last sight we had of these islands, for the breeze freshenedup from the eastward, and at noon next day [WEDNESDAY 13 APRIL 1803] ourlatitude was 12° 20' south. Having been disappointed in procuring salt provisions and the means ofsending an officer to the Admiralty from Coepang, I had necessarily givenup the project of going back to the north coast of Terra Australis; butsince the decay of the ship did not appear to have advanced so rapidly aswas expected, I judged there would not be much hazard in taking thisopportunity of executing the article of my instructions, which directedme "to examine as particularly as circumstances would allow, the bankwhich extends itself from the Trial Rocks towards Timor. " (Atlas, PlateI. ) Upon what authority the bank was thus described, I had noinformation; but that it did not reach so far as either Timor or Rottee, was proved by our having passed the west end of the latter island andsounded with more than 200 fathoms without finding bottom. It seemed tome probable, that if such a bank existed and had any connexion to thenorth-east, it was more likely to be with the Sahul Shoal than withTimor; and I therefore steered a course to get upon the line between thetwo; proposing afterwards to run westward, across the line of directionfrom the Rocks to Timor, so as in either case to fall in upon the bank. We sounded every two hours, and hove to three times a day, to get agreater depth; and in this way ran S. W. Until the 16th [SATURDAY 16APRIL 1803] at noon, to latitude 16° 15' and longitude 116° 45', withoutfinding bottom with from 100 to 240 fathoms of line. Our course was thenW. By S. , sounding in the same manner, until the 21st [THURSDAY 21 APRIL1803] in the morning, to latitude 17° 45' and longitude 107° 58', butequally without success as to the bank; and I then hauled to the wind atS. E, . In order to make the rocks themselves. The Trial Rocks obtained their name from the English ship Trial, whichwas lost upon them in 1622; but their exact situation seemed not to bewell known. Mr. Dalrymple had published a sketch of them upon theauthority of a Dutch sloop, apparently sent from Batavia expressly fortheir examination; and in this they are described to lie in 19° 30'south, eighty leagues from the coast of New Holland; but Arrowsmith inhis large chart of the South Sea, laid the Trial Rocks down in 20° 40'south, and 104° 30' east, or near double the distance from the coast. Thesoundings of two East-Indiamen near the rocks, given in the South-Seachart, stamped this last position with an authority which decided myopinion in its favour, and I accordingly steered for it. Dull weather, with frequent heavy rain, thunder, and lightning, hadprevailed from the time of leaving Coepang, and it produced the sameeffect upon the health of the ship's company as similar weather hadbefore done in the Gulph of Carpentaria; for we had at this time ten menin the sick list with diarrhoea, and many others were slightly affected. It seemed possible that the change of food, from salt provisions to thefresh meat, fruit, and vegetables of Timor--a change by which I hoped tobanish every appearance of scurvy, might have had an influence inproducing the disease; and if so, it was avoiding Scylla to fall uponCharybdis, and was truly unfortunate. SATURDAY 23 APRIL 1803 At noon of the 23rd, we had reached the latitude 20° 50', and were inlongitude 105° 13' east, without having had soundings at 100 fathoms; Ithen steered a west course, lying to from eight in the evening tilldaylight; and at the following noon [SUNDAY 24 APRIL 1803] we observed in20° 49' south, and the longitude was 103° 49' east. This was more thanhalf a degree to the west of Mr. Arrowsmith's position, and we neitherhad soundings at 140 fathoms, nor any thing in sight to betoken thevicinity of land; I therefore ran N. W. To get somewhat to the north ofthe latitude 20° 40', and at dusk hauled up to the wind, as near to eastas the ship could lie, to make further search in that direction. On the 25th, some tropic birds were seen; and the next day [TUESDAY 26APRIL 1803], when our latitude was 20° 36' and longitude 104° 55', therewere several birds of the petrel kind about the ship; very vague signs ofland, it is true, but still they gave us hopes; and once we wereflattered with the appearance of breakers, and bore away for them, but itwas a deception. We continued to stretch eastward all the next day[WEDNESDAY 27 APRIL 1803]; but the wind having veered from south to S. E. , a good deal of northing was made with it; and having reached thelatitude 19° 53' and longitude 106° 41', without finding bottom, or anymore signs of land, I tacked to the S. S. W. And gave up the search. It should appear from our examination, that the Trial Rocks do not lie inthe space comprehended between the latitudes 20° 15' and 21° south, andthe longitudes 103° 25' and 106° 30' east. That they exist, does not seemto admit of a doubt, and probably they will be found near the situationassigned to them by the Dutch sloop; but no bank can extend in a linefrom thence at all near to Timor. The variations of the compass observedduring our search for the Trial Rocks, were 3° west with the head N. W. , 5° 11' at E. By S. , and 5° 38' at E. S. E. ; and the mean, corrected to themeridian, will be 3° 43' west, in 20° 33' south and 104° 20' eastlongitude. From the 27th of April we steered eight days to the S. S. W. , mostly withsouth-eastern winds; they were sometimes light, but occasionally fresh, and at these times the ship made five inches of water in the hour. Thediarrhoea on board was gaining ground, notwithstanding all the attentionpaid to keeping the ship dry and well aired, and the people clean and ascomfortable as possible. Some of the officers began to feel its attack;and in order to relieve them and the people, now that we had noexpectation of meeting danger, I directed the ship's company to bedivided into three watches, and put the officers to four; giving Mr. Denis Lacy, master's mate, the charge of acting lieutenant in the fourthwatch. THURSDAY 5 MAY 1803 On May 5, in latitude 26° 24' and longitude 103° 21', the south-east winddied away, and a breeze sprung up from the opposite quarter, which veeredafterwards to the S. W. , blowing fresh with squally, moist weather. Ourcourse was then directed for Cape Leeuwin, with the wind usually a-beam;the sea being too high for the ship to make good way any nearer. In thispassage we were accompanied by several petrels, and amongst them by thealbatross, the first of which had been seen in the latitude 23° FRIDAY 13 MAY 1803 On the 13th, we had reached the parallel of Cape Leeuwin, and weresteering E. By S. , to make it. At six in the evening, tried for soundingswith 180 fathoms, without finding ground; but after running S. 67° E. Twenty-six miles, we had 75 fathoms, fine white sand; and at daylight[SATURDAY 14 MAY 1803] the land was seen, bearing N. 23° to 52° E. Abouteight leagues. (Atlas, Plate II. ) The soundings should therefore seem notto extend more than ten or twelve leagues to the west, or but littlefurther than the land will be visible in fine weather. Our latitude at noon was 34° 43', and the land of Cape Leeuwin bore fromN. 2° to 22° E. ; the uncorrected longitude of the time keepers from Timormade the cape four or five leagues to the east of the position beforeascertained, but when corrected, the difference was too small to beperceptible. At six in the evening we had 40 fathoms, coral bottom, atseven leagues from Point D'Entrecasteaux; but the weather was too thickto take any bearings which might improve my former survey. We steeredalong the coast at the distance of seven or eight leagues, with a freshbreeze and a strong current in our favour; and on the next day [SUNDAY 15MAY 1803] at noon I set land, which had the appearance of Bald Head, atN. 31° W. , distant about five leagues. Mount Gardner and Bald Island weredistinguished in the afternoon; but the land was visible at times only, from the haziness of the weather. [FROM TIMOR. ARCHIPELAGO OF THE RECHERCHE. ] My intention in coming so near the South Coast, was to skirt along theouter parts of the Archipelago of the Recherche, which had before beenseen imperfectly; and to stop a day or two in Goose-Island Bay, for thepurposes of procuring geese for our sick people, seal oil for our lamps, and a few casks of salt from the lake on Middle Island. It was night[MONDAY 16 MAY 1803] when we approached the archipelago, and I thereforesteered to make Termination Island, which is the outermost part; at fourin the morning of the 17th [TUESDAY 17 MAY 1803], it was seen about twoleagues to the N. E, and we had 62 fathoms on a bottom of white sand. Mondrain Island was set at daylight, and the positions of many otherplaces were either verified or corrected, during the run to noon; at thattime we had 45 fathoms, and a reef was seen which may probably be thatmarked _Vigie_, in the French chart, and is the more dangerous from thesea breaking upon it only at times. No observation was obtained for thelatitude, but it should be 34° 13' south, from the following bearingsthen taken. Western Twin, N. 5° W. A nearer isle, surrounded with breakers, N. 3 E. Cape Arid, top of the mount on it, N. 53 E. Middle I. , highest top of the mount, N. 66½ E. Douglas's Isles, two appearing in one, N. 80 E. High breakers, distant 6 miles, S. 42 E. At one o'clock in steering for Douglas's Isles, a single breaker was seenright ahead of the ship, lying six miles N. E. ½ N. Of the formerdangerous reef, and about eight from the isles, in a W. By ½ S. Direction. We passed to the northward of it, having no ground at 25fathoms; and as we approached to do the same by the isles, Mr. CharlesDouglas, the boatswain, breathed his last; and I affixed his name to thetwo lumps of land, which seemed to offer themselves as a monument to hismemory. We hauled up close along the east side of Middle Island with thewind at west; and at six in the evening anchored in Goose-Island Bay, in12 fathoms, fine sand, one-third of a mile from the middle rock. Andnearly in a line between it and the north-east point of Middle Island. WEDNESDAY 18 MAY 1803 In the morning, a party of men was sent to kill geese and seals upon therocky islets to the eastward, and another upon Middle Island to cut woodand brooms. There was now so much more surf upon the shores of the baythan in January of the former year, that we could not land at the easternbeach, behind which lies the salt lake; I therefore went with the masterto the middle beach, and being scarcely able to get out of the boat fromscorbutic sores, sent him to examine the lake and make choice of aconvenient place for filling some casks; but to my surprise he reportedthat no good salt could be procured, although it had been so abundantbefore, that according to the testimony of all those who saw the lake, itwould have furnished almost any quantity: this alteration had doubtlessbeen produced by the heavy rains which appeared to have lately fallen. Icaused a hole to be dug in a sandy gully, in order to fill a few casks ofwater, thinking it possible that what we had taken in at Timor might havebeen injurious; but the water was too salt to be drinkable, althoughdraining from land much above the level of the sea. This may afford someinsight into the formation of salt in the lake; and it seems notimprobable, that rock salt may be contained in some part of MiddleIsland. We remained here three days, cutting wood, boiling down seal oil, andkilling geese; but our success in this last occupation was very inferiorto what it had been in January 1802, no more than twelve geese being nowshot, whereas sixty-five had then been procured. Mr. Douglas was interredupon Middle Island, and an inscription upon copper placed over his grave;William Hillier, one of my best men, also died of dysentery and feverbefore quitting the bay, and the surgeon had fourteen others in his list, unable to do any duty. At his well-judged suggestion, I ordered thecables, which the small size of the ship had made it necessary to coilbetween decks, to be put into the holds, our present light statepermitting this to be done on clearing away the empty casks; by thisarrangement more room was made for the messing and sleeping places; andalmost every morning they were washed with boiling water, aired withstoves, and sprinkled with vinegar, for the surgeon considered thedysentery on board to be approaching that state when it becomescontagious. SATURDAY 21 MAY 1803 At daylight of the 21st, having a fresh breeze at N. W. , we prepared todepart, and hove short; but the ship driving before the sails wereloosed, and there being little room astern, a second bower was droppedand a kedge anchor carried out. This last not holding after the bowerswere weighed, a stream anchor was let go; and before the ship brought up, it was again necessary to drop the best bower. At this time we were notmore than a cable's length from the rocks of Middle Island; and the shipbeing exposed to great danger with the least increase of wind, we got aspring on the stream cable and began to heave on the best bower. In themean time the ship drove with both anchors ahead, which obliged me, onthe instant, to cut both cables, heave upon the spring, and run up thejib and stay-sails; and my orders being obeyed with an alacrity not to beexceeded, we happily cleared the rocks by a few fathoms, and at noon madesail to the eastward. This example proved the anchorage in the eastern part of Goose-Island Bayto be very bad, the sand being so loose as not to hold the ship with twoanchors, though the water was smooth and the wind not more than adouble-reefed-top-sail breeze; yet further westward, between Goose Islandand the west beach, our anchor had held very well before. The most securesituation should seem to be off the east end of the middle beach, betweenit and the rock, in 4 or 5 fathoms; but I cannot answer for the groundthere being good, though to all appearance it should be the best in thebay. The _latitude_ observed from an artificial horizon on the middle beachwas 34° 5' 23" south; and the _longitude_ of the place of observation, alittle east of that before fixed by the time keepers from King George'sSound, (Vol. I. ), will be 123° 9' 37. 6" east. Mr. Flinders took threesets of altitudes between the 18th p. M. And 21st a. M. , from which therates of the time keepers, and their errors from Greenwich time at noonthere of the 21st, were found to be as under; Earnshaw's No. 543, slow 3h 10' 59. 53" and losing 19. 63" per day. Earnshaw's No. 520, fast 1h 31' 54. 28" and losing 34. 07" per day. At the first observation, the longitudes deduced from the Coepang rateswere, by No. 543--123° 33' 37. 5" east, No. 520--123 25 22. 5 east; the mean of which is 19' 52. 4" more than what I consider to be the truelongitude, but on using rates equally accelerated from those at Coepangto what were found above, the error becomes reduced to 12' 11. 6" east;which is the sum of the apparent irregularity of the time keepers fromApril 8 to May 18, or in 40. 2 days. The corrections applied to thelongitude during the last passage, are therefore what arise from theequal acceleration of the rates, and from the proportional part of the12' 11. 6" of irregularity; and when thus corrected, the time keepers didnot appear to differ at Cape Leeuwin and Mount Gardner more than 1' fromthe longitude of the former year. [SOUTH COAST. TOWARDS PORT JACKSON] SATURDAY 21 MAY 1803 On clearing Goose-Island Bay we steered eastward, with cloudy weather anda fresh breeze which veered to S. S. W. A small round island, with tworocks on its north side, was discovered in the south-eastern part of thearchipelago, and also a reef; neither of which I had before seen, nor arethey noticed by admiral D'Entrecasteaux. At 3h 40' the following bearingswere taken: Cape Arid, top of the mount, N. 74½° W. Cape Pasley, N. 26 W. Two south-east isles, S. 19 W. Reef, distant 4 or 5 miles, S. 16 E. Small round isle, dist. 4 or 5 leagues, N. 88 E. We passed within three miles of the round isle at dusk, and saw no otherdanger near it than the two rocks, which are very distinguishable; theweather was squally, but as I did not expect to meet with any moredangers, we kept on, steering seven points from the wind all night, withthe precaution of having a warrant officer at the lookout. In the way toBass' Strait I wished to have completed the examination of KangarooIsland, and also to run along the space of main coast, from CapeNorthumberland to Cape Otway, of which the bad weather had prevented asurvey in the former year; but the sickly state of my people fromdysentery and fever, as also of myself, did not admit of doing any thingto cause delay in our arrival at Port Jackson. MONDAY 23 MAY 1803 (Atlas, Plate III. ) In the afternoon of the 23rd, being in latitude 35° 10' and longitude128° 54', the variation was observed with three compasses to be 4° 58'west, when the ship's head was at magnetic east; this corrected, will be1° 46' west, agreeing with the observations on each side of thislongitude in sight of the coast. On the 26th [THURSDAY 26 MAY 1803], in37° 53' south and 135° 48' east, with the head S. E. By E. , the variationwas 1° 33' west, or 1° 17' east corrected; and in the same longitude atthe head of Port Lincoln, we had found 1° 39' east. This day JamesGreenhalgh, sergeant of marines, died of the dysentery; a man whom Isincerely regretted, from the zeal and fidelity with which he hadconstantly fulfilled the duties of his situation. The winds continued to blow strong, usually between South and W. S. W. ;but the ship did not at any time leak more than five inches an hour. Onthe 29th [SUNDAY 29 MAY 1803], when approaching Bass' Strait, the breezedied away, and after some hours calm sprung up from the northward; nextday at noon [MONDAY 30 MAY 1803], our latitude was 40° 25 1/3', longitude143° 8', and we sounded with 98 fathoms, no ground (Atlas, Plate VI). Attwo o'clock the south end of King's Island was in sight; and at 4h 40', when it bore N. 5° to 35° E, a small island was seen from the mast head, bearing E. By S. , which I at first judged must be Albatross Island; butas no other could be seen more southward, it was probably the BlackPyramid of Hunter's Isles, discovered in the Norfolk sloop. I much wishedto fix its relative situation to King's Island; but night coming on, thebearing of S. 5° W. , in which this pyramidal lump was set at ten o'clockwith the assistance of a night glass, was the best point of connexion tobe obtained. The southern extremity of King's Island lies nearly in 40°7' south and 143° 53' east; and by our run from 4h 40' to ten o'clock, corrected for a tide setting to the south-westward, this lump of land, which I believe to have been the Black Pyramid, will be 29' or 30' oflongitude more east: its latitude made in the Norfolk was 40° 32' south. The wind blew fresh at north, and the ship could barely lie a course toclear Albatross Island, yet we passed without seeing it, though there wasmoonlight; so that supposing it was the Black Pyramid we had set at teno'clock, the tide, which I calculated to turn about that time, must haverun strong to the N. E. Our least sounding between King's Island andHunter's Isles was 28 fathoms, on red coral sand, nine or ten miles tothe south, as I judge, of Reid's Rocks; but they were not seen, nor haveI any certain knowledge of their position. They are laid down in thechart partly from the journal of lieutenant Murray, who saw them in goingfrom the Bay of Seals to Three-hummock Island; but principally from arough sketch of Mr. Bass, then commander of the brig Venus, who appearsto have seen King's Island, Reid's Rocks, and the Black Pyramid, all atthe same time. It was a great mortification to be thus obliged to pass Hunter's Islesand the north coast of Van Diemen's Land, without correcting theirpositions in longitude from the errors which the want of a time keeper inthe Norfolk had made unavoidable; but when I contemplated eighteen of mymen below, several of whom were stretched in their hammocks almostwithout hope, and reflected that the lives of the rest depended upon ourspeedy arrival in port, every other consideration vanished; and I carriedall possible sail, day and night, making such observations only as couldbe done without causing delay. TUESDAY 31 MAY 1803 At day break, land was seen from the mast head bearing S. W. By S. , probably Three-hummock Island; and at noon our Latitude observed was 39° 5 1/3'Wilson's Promontory, the S. W. Part, bore N. 16 1/2 E. Curtis' largest Isle, the top, N. 51 E. Kent's Group came in sight in the evening; and a little before nineo'clock the centre of the larger isles was set at N. By E, when thePyramid was distant four miles bearing S. ½ W. At eleven, we passedsufficiently near to the new rock, lying four leagues to the E. S. E. Ofthe group, to hear the growling of the seals; and land, apparently theSisters, was distinguished soon afterward in the S. E. , but tooimperfectly to be known. A set of bearings here would have beenessentially useful in fixing the relative positions of these lands, whichremained in some degree doubtful; but I dared not lose an hour's fairwind to obtain them. THURSDAY 2 JUNE 1803 On the 2nd of June we lost John Draper, quarter master, one of the mostorderly men in the ship; and it seemed to be a fatality, that thedysentery should fall heaviest on the most valuable part of the crew. Thewind had then veered against us, to the N. E. , as it had done the yearbefore in nearly the same situation; and it should seem that thedirection of the coast influences it to blow either from N. E. Or S. W. The weather was so hazy, that the hills at the back of the Long Beachwere not seen till the evening of the 3rd; and on the 4th [SATURDAY 4JUNE 1803] they were still visible, about twenty leagues to the N. 31° W. A fair breeze sprung up in the night; and at noon next day, the land fromCape Howe northward extended from S. 65° to N. 72° W. , and a hill whichappeared to be the highest of those behind Two-fold Bay, bore W. 1° S. ;our latitude was then 37° 13', and longitude by time keepers 150° 44'east. We steered a due north course, closing a little in with the land; atsunset [MONDAY 6 JUNE 1803] Mount Dromedary bore N. 45° W. , and at eightnext morning it was seen bearing S. 30° W. , at the distance of twentyleagues, although the weather was hazy (Atlas, Plate VIII). The shore wasfive miles off at noon, when the observed latitude was 35° 17'; the outerpart of Cape George bearing N. 32° E. , about eight miles, and the PigeonHouse S. 77° W. We passed the cape at the distance of two miles, havingthen but light winds; and at dusk, Bowen's Isle in the entrance ofJervis' Bay was set at N. 51° W. Hat Hill was abreast of the ship at noonnext day; but the wind had then veered to the northward, and we beat upuntil the following noon [WEDNESDAY 8 JUNE 1803] with little advantage, our situation being then in Latitude observed. 34° 21 2/3'Longitude by time keepers corrected, 151 12 1/2Hat Hill bore S. 70½ W. Saddle Hill, on Red Point, S. 53 W. Point Bass, S. 33 W. North extreme, near C. Solander. , N. 3 W. Nearest shore, distant 8 or 9 miles, N. 72. W. [EAST COAST. PORT JACKSON] Whilst beating against this foul wind the dysentery carried off anotherseaman, Thomas Smith, one of those obtained from governor King; and hadthe wind continued long in the same quarter, many others must havefollowed. Happily it veered to the southward at midnight, we passedBotany Bay at three in the morning [THURSDAY 9 JUNE 1803], and atdaybreak tacked between the heads of Port Jackson, to work up for SydneyCove. I left the ship at noon, above Garden Island, and waited upon HisExcellency governor King, to inform him of our arrival, and concertarrangements for the reception of the sick at the colonial hospital. Onthe following day [FRIDAY 10 JUNE 1803] they were placed under the careof Thomas Jamison, Esq. , principal surgeon of the colony; from whom theyreceived that kind attention and care which their situation demanded; butfour were too much exhausted, and died in a few days. The first of themwas Mr. Peter Good, botanical gardener, a zealous, worthy man, who wasregretted by all. Lieutenant Murray had arrived safely with the Lady Nelson, after asomewhat tedious passage from the Barrier Reefs; he made himself ananchor of heavy wood on the coast, for fear of accident to his soleremaining bower, but fortunately had no occasion to use it. Besides theLady Nelson, we found lying in Sydney Cove H. M. Armed vessel Porpoise, the Bridgewater extra-Indiaman, the ships Cato, Rolla, and Alexander, andbrig Nautilus. The Géographe and Naturaliste had not sailed for the SouthCoast till some months after I left Port Jackson to go to the northward, and so late as the end of December, captain Baudin was lying at King'sIsland in Bass' Strait; it was therefore not very probable that he shouldreach the Gulph of Carpentaria by the middle of February, when I hadfinished its examination, nor even at the beginning of March, when thesouth-west monsoon would set in against him. We found also at Port Jackson Mr. James Inman (the present professor ofmathematics at the Royal Naval College, Portsmouth), whom the Board ofLongitude had sent out to join the expedition as astronomer, in the placeof Mr. Crosley who had left us at the Cape of Good Hope. To thisgentleman's care I committed all the larger astronomical instruments, andalso the time keepers, after observations had been taken to compare theirlongitudes with that of Cattle Point. The results obtained on the 10tha. M. , with the Goose-island-Bay rates, were, From No. 543, 151° 18' 41" east. From No. 520, 151 16 22 east. Cattle Point having been settled in 151° 11' 49" (see Vol. I. ), the meanerror of the time keepers was 5' 42. 5" to the east; and as I have nomeans to form an accelerating correction to the Goose-Island Bay rates, the 5' 42. 5" of error has been equally apportioned throughout the twentydays between the two stations. In order to re-establish the health of the ship's company, I contractedfor a regular supply of vegetables and fresh meat; and such was thefavourable change in the state of the colony in one year, that the meat, pork one day and mutton another, was obtained at the average price of10d. Per pound, which before, if it could have been obtained, would havecost nearly double the sum. On my application to the governor, thecommissary was ordered to supply us with two pipes of port wine; and apint was given daily to all those on board, as well as on shore, whosedebilitated health was judged by the surgeon to require it. The arrangements being made which concerned the health of the ship'scompany, I inclosed to the governor the report of the master andcarpenter upon the state of the ship when in the Gulph of Carpentaria;and requested that he would appoint officers to make a survey of hercondition. A plank was ripped off all round, a little above the water'sedge; and on the 14th, the officers appointed by His Excellency made thesurvey, and their report was as follows: Pursuant to an order from His Excellency Philip Gidley King, esquire, principal commander of His Majesty's ship Buffalo. We whose names are hereunto subscribed, have been on board His Majesty'sship Investigator, and taken a strict, careful, and minute survey of herdefects, the state of which we find to be as follows. One plank immediately above the wales being ripped off all round theship, we began the examination on the larbord side forward; and out ofninety-eight timbers we find eleven to be sound, so far as the rippingoff of one plank enables us to see into them, ten of which are amongstthe aftermost timbers. Sixty-three of the remaining timbers are so farrotten as to make it necessary to shift them; and the remainingtwenty-four entirely rotten, and these are principally in the bow and themiddle of the ship. On the starbord side forward we have minutely examined eighty-ninetimbers, out of which we find only five sound; fifty-six are so fardecayed as to require shifting, and the remaining twenty-eight areentirely rotten. The sound timbers are in the after part of the ship, andthose totally decayed lie principally in the bow. The stemson is so far decayed, principally in its outer part, as to makeit absolutely necessary to be shifted. As far as we could examine under the counter, both plank and timbers arerotten, and consequently necessary to be shifted. We find generally, that the plank on both sides is so far decayed as torequire shifting, even had the timbers been sound. The above being the state of the Investigator thus far, we think italtogether unnecessary to make any further examination; being unanimouslyof opinion that she is not worth repairing in any country, and that it isimpossible in this country to put her in a state fit for going to sea. And we do further declare, that we have taken this survey with such careand circumspection, that we are ready, if required, to make oath to theveracity and impartiality of our proceedings. Given under our hands on board the said ship in Sydney Cove, this 14thJune 1803. (Signed) W. Scott, Commander of H. M. Armed vessel Porpoise. E. H. Palmer, Commander of the Hon. East-India-Company's extra shipBridgewater. Thomas Moore, Master builder to the Territory of New South Wales. I went round the ship with the officers in their examination, and wasexcessively surprised to see the state of rottenness in which the timberswere found. In the starbord bow there were thirteen close together, through any one of which a cane might have been thrust; and it was onthis side that the ship had made twelve inches of water in an hour, inTorres' Strait, before the first examination. In the passage along theSouth Coast, the strong breezes were from the southward, and the starbordbow being out of the water, the leaks did not exceed five inches; had thewind come from the northward, the little exertion we were then capable ofmaking at the pumps could hardly have kept the ship up; and a hard galefrom any quarter must have sent us to the bottom. The Investigator being thus found incapable of further service, variousplans were suggested, and discussed with the governor, for prosecutingthe voyage; but that which alone could be adopted without incurring aheavy expense to government, was to employ the armed vessel Porpoise; andas this ship was too small to carry all my complement, with the necessaryprovisions, to put the remainder into the Lady Nelson, under the commandof my second lieutenant. Both vessels were at this time required for afew weeks colonial service to Van Diemen's Land; and my people not beingin a state to fit out a new ship immediately, our final arrangements weredeferred until their return. I took this opportunity of making anexcursion to the Hawkesbury settlement, near the foot of the backmountains; and the fresh air there, with a vegetable diet and medicalcare, soon made a great alteration in the scorbutic sores which haddisabled me for four months; and in the beginning of July I returned tothe ship, nearly recovered. The sick in the hospital were alsoconvalescent, and some had quitted it; but one or two cases stillremained doubtful. 4 JULY 1803 On the 4th, the Porpoise arrived from Van Diemen's Land, and I requestedthe governor would order her to be surveyed, that it might be duly knownwhether she were, or could be in a short time made, capable of executingthe service which remained to be done. I had heard some reports of herbeing unsound; and it seemed worse than folly to be at the trouble andexpense of fitting out a ship which, besides causing a repetition of therisk we had incurred in the Investigator, might still leave the voyageunfinished. His Excellency, with that prompt zeal for His Majesty'sservice which characterised him, and was eminently shown in every thingwherein my voyage was concerned, immediately ordered the survey to bemade; and it appeared that, besides having lost part of the copper whichcould not be replaced, the repairs necessary to make her fit forcompleting what remained of the voyage, could not be done in less thantwelve months; and even then this ship was, from her small size and sharpconstruction, very ill adapted to this service. Other arrangements weretherefore suggested; and I received the following letter of propositionsfrom the governor. Government House, Sydney, July 10, 1803. I inclose the report of the survey on the Porpoise, and am much concernedthat the repairs and alterations of that ship will re quire so much timeto complete her fit for the service you have to execute. This being thecase, I can see no other alternatives than the following: 1. To wait the Porpoise being repaired and refitted. 2. To purchase the Rolla, and fit her. 3. To take the Lady Nelson and colonial schooner Francis. 4. Wait for the Buffalo's return from India, which will be about the nextJanuary; or 5. Return to England and solicit another ship to complete what you haveso successfully begun. On the first point, you will be the best able to determine how far itwould be advisable to wait so long a time for the Porpoise's repairs, nordo I think they can be completed in a less time here. The builder and your carpenter report to me, that the Rolla cannot be putinto the least convenient state to receive your establishment, stores, and provisions, in less than six months. It must also be considered thatshe grounded on the Brake with a full cargo; from which cause, somedefects may appear to render her useless in a shorter period than you canfinish your voyage. Added to which, I do not consider myself justified inassuming the responsibility of giving £11, 550. For little more than thehull, masts, and rigging of that ship; nor will the master, as he informsme, take less. If you think the Lady Nelson and Francis schooner equal to execute whatyou have to finish, they are at your service. The latter being absentgetting coals and cedar, I cannot say what state she may be in; althoughshe will require considerable repairs to make her fit for a long voyage. The Buffalo is now inspecting the islands to the eastward of Java, toascertain whether breeding stock can be procured among them. That serviceperformed, she proceeds to Calcutta for a cargo of cows, and may beexpected about January, when she may want some repairs, and of coursefitting. It is my intention, if you do not fix on her, to profit by yourdiscovery in stocking this colony with breeding animals, by the safe andexpeditious channel you have opened through Torres' Strait. If you do not consider waiting for the Porpoise's repairs advisable, itis my intention to send her to England by a summer's passage round CapeHorn; which it is thought she may perform in her present state. Butshould you conceive it may ultimately forward the service you areemployed on, to go to England in her, leaving this port when you judgeproper, and taking the route most conducive to perfectioning any part ofthe surveys you have commenced; I shall direct the commander of that shipto receive you and as many of your officers and people as can beaccommodated, as passengers; and to follow your directions and give youevery assistance in every circumstance connected with the execution ofthe orders you have received from my Lords Commissioners of theAdmiralty. You will, Sir, have the goodness to consider of the above and whateverthe result of your deliberation may be, I will most cheerfully give myconcurrence and assistance; knowing that your zealous perseverance inwishing to complete the service you have so beneficially commenced, couldonly be impeded by unforeseen and distressing circumstances; but which Ihope, for the benefit of science and navigation, will only be a temporarydelay. I am, etc. (Signed), Philip Gidley King. Each of the plans proposed in the governor's letter were attended withone common disadvantage: a delay in the completion of the surveys. Against the last proposition there did not seem to be any otherobjection; but the four first included so many more inconveniences anddifficulties, either to the voyage, or to the colony, that I saw thenecessity of concurring with the governor's opinion; notwithstanding thereluctance I felt at returning to England without having accomplished theobjects for which the Investigator was fitted out. My election wastherefore made to embark as a passenger in the Porpoise; in order to laymy charts and journals before the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and obtain, if such should be their pleasure, another ship to completethe examination of Terra Australis. The last service I could render tothe colony with the Investigator and my people, was to lay down anadditional pair of moorings in Sydney Cove; and that done, we left theship as a storehouse hulk on the 21st, and prepared for our voyage toEngland. The Porpoise was commanded by Mr. William Scott, a senior master in thenavy; but he and the greater part of his people having expressed a wishto be discharged, it was complied with; and the command was given to Mr. Fowler, first lieutenant of the Investigator, and another crew ofthirty-eight men selected from the ship's company. In disposing of theother officers and people their several inclinations were consulted. Thesurgeon took his passage in the Bridgewater to India, the gunner remainedcharged with the care of the Investigator's stores, and Mr. Evans, master's mate, was left sick at the hospital; Messrs. Brown, Bauer, andAllen stayed at Port Jackson to prosecute their researches in naturalhistory, until my arrival with another ship, or until eighteen monthsshould expire without their having received intimation that the voyagewas to be continued; nine men were discharged at their own request, andthe twenty-two remaining officers and men, including myself, embarked inthe Porpoise as passengers. Of the nine convicts who had been received into the Investigator, one haddied; another had behaved himself so improperly, that I could notrecommend him to the governor; and the remaining seven were fullyemancipated by His Excellency from their sentence of transportation, their conduct having been such throughout, as to receive my approbation. Four of these were entered into the complement of the Porpoise; but I amsorry to add, that the subsequent behaviour of two was different to whatit had been when their liberty was at stake, and that a third wascondemned to the hulks not very long after he reached England. Being about to take leave of Port Jackson, it might be expected that Ishould give some account of our colony there, and could this voyage haveappeared in due time, a chapter would have been devoted to it; but a muchlater account being now before the public, dispenses me from speaking ofit in other than a few general terms. In 1803, it was progressivelyadvancing towards a state of independence on the mother country for foodand clothing; both the wild and tame cattle had augmented in a proportionto make it probable that they would, before many years, be very abundant;and manufactures of woollen, linen, cordage, and leather, with breweriesand a pottery, were commenced. The number of inhabitants was increasingrapidly; and that energetic spirit of enterprize which characterisesBritain's children, seemed to be throwing out vigorous shoots in this newworld. The seal fishery in Bass' Strait was carried on with ardour--manyboats were employed in catching and preparing fish along thecoast--sloops and schooners were upon the stocks--various detachedsettlements were in a course of establishment, and more in project. Andall this, with the commerce carried on from Sydney to Parramatta and thevillages at the head of the port, and to those on the rivers falling intoBroken and Botany Bays, made the fine harbour of Port Jackson a livelyscene of business, highly interesting to the contemplator of the rise ofnations. In Sydney and Parramatta, houses of stone or brick were taking place ofwood and plaster; a neat church was built in the latter, and onecommenced in the former place; wharfs were constructing or repairing--astone bridge over the stream which runs through the town of Sydney wasnearly finished--and the whiskey, chariot, and heavy-laden waggon wereseen moving on commodious roads to different parts of the colony. In theinterior the forests were giving way before the axe, and their placesbecoming every year more extensively occupied by wheat, barley, oats, maize, and the vegetables and fruits of southern Europe; but thefollowing extract from the official returns in 1803, the fifteenth yearafter the establishment of the colony, will show its progress in a moreostensible manner. Lands employed by government, or granted to individuals 125, 476 acres. Quantity cleared of wood, 16, 624Ditto, sown with wheat, 7, 118 Last ann. Increase 2, 165Ditto, sown with barley, maize, etc. 5, 279Average produce of wheat landsthroughout the colony, 18 bushels/acre. No. Of horned cattle domesticated, 2, 447 Last increase 594No. Of Sheep, 11, 232 2, 614No. Of Hogs, 7, 890 3, 872No. Of Horses, 352 65 The number of wild horned cattle was supposed to exceed that ofthe tame, and to increase faster. Europeans of every description, resident in New South Wales, 7, 134Of which were victualled by government, 3, 026Number of inhabitants at Norfolk Island, 1, 200 Amongst the obstacles which opposed themselves to the more rapidadvancement of the colony, the principal were, the vicious propensitiesof a large portion of the convicts, a want of more frequent communicationwith England, and the prohibition to trading with India and the westerncoasts of South America, in consequence of the East-India-Company'scharter. As these difficulties become obviated and capital increases, theprogress of the colonists will be more rapid; and if the resources fromgovernment be not withdrawn too early, there is little doubt of New SouthWales being one day a flourishing country, and of considerable benefit tothe commerce and navigation of the parent state. CHAPTER XI. Of the winds, currents, and navigation along the east coast of TerraAustralis, both without and within the tropic; also on the north coast. Directions for sailing from Port Jackson, through Torres' Strait, towardsIndia or the Cape of Good Hope. Advantages of this passage over that round New Guinea. [EAST COAST. WINDS AND CURRENTS. ] On completing the first portion of the voyage, I entered into anexplanation of the winds and currents which had been found to prevailupon the south coast of Terra Australis; and to obtain greaterperspicuity and connection, I there anticipated upon the second portionso far as those subjects required. This plan of assembling at the end ofeach book such general observations upon the coast immediately beforeexamined as could not enter conveniently into the narrative, seemingliable to no material objection, I shall follow it here; and concludethis second part of the voyage with a statement of the winds and currentswhich appear to prevail most generally along the East and North Coasts;adding thereto such remarks, more particularly on Torres' Strait, as maytend to the safety of navigation. This statement will include theinformation gained in a subsequent passage, for the reasons whichinfluenced me in the former account; and the reader must not besurprised, should he remark hereafter that I did not, in that passage, follow very closely the directions here given; for besides that myinformation was then possessed only in part, the directions are intended, not for vessels seeking dangers, which was partly my object, but forthose desirous only of navigating these distant shores with expeditionand safety. The East Coast, with respect to winds and currents, requires a division, the part beyond the tropic of Capricorn being placed under different, andalmost opposite circumstances, to that within, or close to it. (Atlas, Plate I. ) From Cape Howe, where the South Coast terminates and the East commences, to Sandy Cape, within a degree of the tropic, the south-east trade mostgenerally prevails in the summer season, from the beginning of October tothe end of April; and produces sea and land breezes near the shore, withfine weather. There are however many occasional intermissions, especiallyin the southern parts, wherein gales from South or S. W. , and strongbreezes between North and N. E. , bring heavy rain, with thunder andlightning; but these are usually of short duration. A sultry land windfrom the N. W. In the summer, is almost certainly followed by a suddengust from between S. E. And S. S. W. , against which a ship near the coastshould be particularly guarded; I have seen the thermometer descend atPort Jackson, on one of these occasions, from 100° to 64° in less thanhalf an hour. In the winter season, from May to September, the western winds are mostprevalent, and generally accompanied with fine weather; the gales thenblow from the eastward, between north-east and south, and bring rain withthem; indeed there is no settled weather in the winter, with any windsfrom the sea, and even between north-west and north there is frequentrain, though the wind be usually light in those quarters. It is howeverto be understood, that the sea and land breezes in the summer are moreregular near the tropic; and that the winter winds partake more of thesouth-east trade than they do from latitude 30° to Cape Howe. It is a fact difficult to be reconciled, that whilst the most prevailingwinds blow from S. E. In summer, and S. W. In winter, upon thisextra-tropical part of the East Coast, the current should almostconstantly set to the south; at a rate which sometimes reaches two milesan hour. Its greatest strength is exerted near to the points whichproject most beyond the general line of the coast; but the usual limitsof its force may be reckoned at from four, to twenty leagues from theland. Further out, there seems to be no constancy in the current; andclose in with the shore, especially in the bights, there is commonly aneddy setting to the northward, from a quarter, to one mile an hour. It isin the most southern parts that the current runs strongest, and towardsCape Howe it takes a direction to the eastward of south; whereas in otherplaces, it usually follows the line of the coast. This exposition of the winds and currents beyond the tropic, points outthe advantage of keeping at not more than three or four leagues from theland, when sailing northward and intending to touch on the coast; but inthe winter season this must be done with caution, because gales thenoften blow from the eastward. A marine barometer will here be of signaladvantage. If the weather be tolerably fine, and the mercury do not standabove 30 inches, there is no probability of danger; but when the mercurymuch exceeds this elevation and the weather is becoming thick, a gale isto be apprehended; and a ship should immediately steer off, until it isseen how far the wind veers to blow dead on the coast. With respect to arise and fall in the marine barometer, it may be taken as a general ruleupon this East Coast, that a rise denotes either a fresher wind in thequarter where it then may be, or that it will veer more to seaward; and afall denotes less wind or a breeze more off the land; moreover, themercury rises highest with a south-east, and falls lowest with anorth-west wind; and north-east and south-west are points of meanelevation. The shelter for ships which may be caught so suddenly as not to be ableto clear the land, are these: Two-fold Bay, for vessels of four-hundredtons and under; Jervis and Botany Bays, Port Jackson, and Broken Bay;Port Hunter for brigs and small craft; Port Stephens; Shoal Bay forvessels not exceeding fifty tons; Glass-house Bay; and lastly Hervey'sBay, by going round Break-sea Spit. All these places will be found inPlates VI, VIII, IX, and X. Of the Atlas, with particular plans of theentrances to some of them. Directions for Port Jackson, and Botany andBroken Bays are given by captain Hunter in his voyage; and they may befound in Horsburgh's _East-India Directory_, Part II, p. 465-468. Two-fold Bay is described in the Introduction to this voyage, and mentionmade of Jervis, Shoal, Glass-house, and Hervey's Bays. A ship sailing along this coast to the southward, should not, to have theadvantage of the current, come nearer than five or six leagues unless tothe projecting points; and if the distance were doubled, so as to havethe land just in sight, an advantage would be found in it; and such anoffing obviates the danger of the gales. Whilst western winds prevail on the southern parts of the East Coast, thesouth-east trade blows with most regularity within, and close to thetropic, producing sea and land breezes near the shore, and serenity inthe atmosphere; and the further we go northward the longer does this fineweather last, till, near Cape York, it commences with the month of April, probably even March, and extends to the middle or end of November. Howthe winds blow from November to April, I have no experience; but there isgreat reason to believe that they come from the northward, and make thewet season here, whilst dry weather prevails beyond the tropic. In BroadSound and Shoal-water Bay we had more northern winds than any other, inthe month of September; but these appeared to be altogether local, causedby the peculiar formation of the coast; for they did not bring any rain, though it was evidently near the end of the dry season, and we found thesouth-east trade wind before losing sight of the land. [NORTH COAST. WINDS AND CURRENTS. ] The North Coast appears to have the same winds, with a little exception, as the tropical part of the East Coast. From March or April to November, the south-east trade prevails; often veering, however, to east, and evennorth-east, and producing fine weather, with sea and land breezes nearthe shore. At the head of the Gulph of Carpentaria, the north-westmonsoon began to blow at the end of November; but further westward, atthe northern Van Diemen's Land, I apprehend it will set in at thebeginning of that month, and continue till near the end of March. This isthe season of heavy rains, thunder, and lightning, and should seem, fromour experience, to be the sickly time of the year. It is thought to be a general rule, that a monsoon blowing directly infrom the sea, produces rain, and from off the land, fine weather, withsea and land breezes; this I found exemplified on the west side of theGulph of Carpentaria, where the rainy north-west monsoon, which then cameoff the land, brought fine weather: the rain came with eastern winds, which set in occasionally and blew strong for two or three days together. It seems even possible, that what may be the dry season on the NorthCoast in general, may be the most rainy on the west side of the Gulph;but of this I have doubts. According to Dampier, the winds and seasons on the north-west coast ofTerra Australis are nearly the same as above mentioned upon the NorthCoast; but he found the sea and land breezes, during the south-eastmonsoon, to blow with much greater strength. In speaking of the currents, I return to the tropical part of the EastCoast. Within the Barrier Reefs, it is not the current, for there isalmost none, but the tides which demand attention; and these, so far asthey came under my observation, have been already described, and aremarked on the charts. At a distance from the barrier there is a currentof some strength, at least during the prevalence of south-east winds; butinstead of setting southward, as I have described it to do from SandyCape to Cape Howe, the current follows the direction of the trade wind, and sets to the north-west, with some variation on either side, at therate of half a mile, and from thence to one mile an hour. This I found tocontinue amongst the reefs of Torres' Strait, nearly as far as Murray'sIslands; but from thence onward through the strait, its direction inOctober was nearly west, something more than half a mile; and socontinued across the Gulph of Carpentaria to Cape Arnhem, with a littleinclination toward the south. Along the north coast of Terra Australis, the current seems to run as thewind blows. In March, before the south-east monsoon was regularly set in, I found no determinate current until the end of the month, when Timor wasin sight, and it then set westward, three quarters of a mile an hour; butin the November following, I carried it all the way from Cape Arnhem, ascaptain Bligh had done from Torres' Strait in September 1792; the ratebeing from half a mile to one mile and a quarter in the hour. The navigation along the tropical part of the East Coast, within theBarrier Reefs, is not likely to be soon followed, any more than thatround the shores of the Gulph of Carpentaria; nor does much remain to besaid upon them, beyond what will be found in this Book II, and in thecharts; and in speaking of the outer navigation, my remarks will be moreperspicuous and useful if I accompany a ship from Port Jackson, throughTorres' Strait; pointing out the courses to be steered, and theprecautions to be taken for avoiding the dangers. It is supposed that theship has a time keeper, whose rate of going and error from mean Greenwichtime have been found at Sydney Cove, taking its longitude at 151° 11' 49"east; and that the commander is not one who feels alarm at the mere sightof breakers: without a time keeper I scarcely dare recommend a ship to gothrough Torres' Strait; and from timidity in the commander, perhaps moredanger is to be anticipated than from rashness. The best season forsailing is June or July; and it must not be earlier than March, nor laterthan the end of September. [NORTH COAST. SAILING DIRECTIONS. ] On quitting Port Jackson, the course to be steered is N. E. By E. Bycompass, to longitude about 155½°, when the land will be fifty leaguesoff; then North, also by compass, as far as latitude 24°. Thus far nodanger lies in the way; but there is then the _Cato's Bank_, a dry sandfrequented by birds and surrounded with a reef (Atlas, Plate X), andfurther northward is _Wreck Reef_, both discovered in the future part ofthis voyage. Wreck Reef consists of six distinct patches of coral, extending twenty miles east and west; upon four of them there are drybanks, also frequented by birds, and the easternmost bank is covered withwiry grass and some shrubs, and is called _Bird Islet_. Their situationsare these: Cato's Bank 23° 6' south, 155° 23' eastBird Islet 22 11½ 155 27 The bearing and distance of these dangers must be successively worked, and a course steered so as to leave them half a degree to the westward;but for fear of an error in the time keeper the latitude 23° 20' shouldnot be passed in the night. It is better to make short tacks tilldaylight, than to heave to; and allowance should be made for a probablecurrent of one mile an hour to the north-west. A good lookout must beconstantly kept; and a confidential officer should now go to the mastheadevery two hours in the day and to the fore yard at night, to listen aswell as look; for in dark nights the breakers may often be heard beforethey can be seen. It will not be amiss, if the time of the day befavourable, to make Bird Islet, which is well settled, in order to seehow the longitude by time keeper agrees; and should it err, thedifference, or more, must be added to, or subtracted from its futurelongitudes; for it is most probable that the error will continue toaugment the same way, more especially if the time keeper be a good one. [TORRES STRAIT. SAILING DIRECTIONS. ] (Atlas, Plate I. ) Having passed Wreck Reef, there are no other _known_ dangers near theroute for Torres' Strait, till we come to _Diana's Bank_; but as othersmay exist, it will be prudent to lie to, or preferably to make shorttacks in the night, during the rest of the passage to the Strait. Inlight nights, however, and moderate weather, there would be not much riskin closely following the Cumberland's track, carrying no more sail thanwill allow of the ship being conveniently hauled to the wind; but if anunusual number of boobies and gannets be seen in the evening, there isstrong suspicion of a bank and reef being near; and the direction whichthe birds take, if they all go one way as is usual in an evening, willnearly show its bearing. The longitude of Diana's Bank, according to M. De Bougainville, is 151° 19' from Greenwich; but his longitude at the NewHebrides, some days before, was 54' too far east, according to captainCook; and it is therefore most probable, that Diana's Bank lies in 15°41' south, 150° 25' east. I should steer, after passing Wreck Reef, so as to go a full degree tothe east of this position; and having so done, the next object ofattention is the Eastern Fields, reefs which lie a degree from thosewhere Torres' Strait may be said to commence. The position to be workedis, Eastern Fields (Atlas, Plate XIII), north-east end, 10° 2' south, 145° 45' east; and from this I would pass half a degree to the eastward. But if the Strait should be attempted without a time keeper, it will beadvisable for a ship to make that part of New Guinea lying in about 10°south and 147¾° east, which may be seen as far as twelve or fifteenleagues in clear weather; and having corrected the dead-reckoninglongitude by this land, to allow afterwards eighteen miles a day for acurrent setting to the W. N. W. The best latitude for passing the EasternFields, is 9° 45' to 50', steering a W. By S. Course, by compass; and itwill afterwards be proper, so long as there is daylight and no reefsseen, to carry all sail for the Pandora's Entrance, which is the bestopening yet known to the Strait. It is formed by reefs, and is eleven ortwelve miles wide, and lies, Pandora's Entrance, the middle, in 9° 54'S. , 144° 42' E. And it is very possible, if the Eastern Fields be passedin the morning, to get through without seeing the breakers, and obtain asight of Murray's Islands before dark. But it is most probable that reefswill be first met with; and should the latitude of the ship be thenuncertain, even to 5', the wind must be hauled until an observation canbe had, for it is by the latitude alone that the first reefs can bedistinguished one from the other. The reefs being in sight and the latitude known, a ship will steer forthe Pandora's Entrance, if she can fetch it; but if too much to thenorth, she may pass round the north end of Portlock's Reef, and haul upS. W. For Murray's Islands, which are visible eight or ten leagues fromthe deck in fine weather. (See View No. 10 in Plate XVIII. Of the Atlas. )It is best to approach these islands from the N. E. By N. , following theInvestigator's track, and to anchor the first night on the north side ofthe largest island, or otherwise under the reefs which lie to thenorth-east; but if neither can be reached before dark, haul to the windand make short trips till daylight, in the space between these reefs andPortlock's Reef. Murray's Islands should not be passed, or quitted if the ship haveanchored there, later than ten or eleven o'clock in the morning; becausethe sun will be getting ahead and obscure the sight before another goodanchorage can be secured. On passing the islands, keep the reef whichlies five miles to the north about a mile on the starbord hand, steeringW. ½ S. By compass, with a boat ahead; for in this part there are manytide ripplings scarcely to be distinguished from the reefs. Having passedthe ripplings, haul a point more to the southward; and after having runeight or ten miles, from the time that the largest island bore south, there will be very few reefs to the northward, and Darnley's Island willbe seen. On the larbord hand there will be a great mass of reefs: andthese it is necessary to follow at the distance of two or three miles, steering mostly W. S. W. , and gradually more southward as they are foundto trend. Some small patches will occasionally be met with; but havingthe boat to go ahead, and the commander, or a careful officer looking outaloft, the Investigator's track between them may be safely followed. Theleading mark in all this part of the course, is the line of the greatsouth-eastern reefs; and the situation of the ship may be known at anytime, by laying down cross bearings of Murray's and Darnley's Islands onthe chart, allowing, if the ship's head be westward and the compass onthe top of the binnacle, 5° of east variation. Several low, woody isles will come in sight ahead, or on the starbordbow; and before reaching the end of the south-eastern reefs, _Hay-wayIsland_, which is the southernmost of them, will be seen to thesouthwest; and here I would recommend the ship to anchor for the night. If this island can be passed, however, before three in the afternoon, andthe sun do not obscure the sight, she may push on south-westward till anhour before sunset; and anchor under the lee of any of those sand bankswhich lie in the route, the ground being better here than in the easternpart of the Strait. From Half-way Island, continue to follow the Investigator's track, steering S. W. To S. W. By W. By compass, as the small reefs and bankswill allow; and here there is no necessity for a boat to be kept ahead. The flat top of one of the York Isles, called Mount Adolphus by captainBligh, will be the first high land seen, and afterwards Mount Ernest; thecross bearings of which will show the situation on the chart, until theDouble Isle, which makes as two small hummocks, comes in sight. Steerthen for Double Isle, pass on the north side, and haul south-westward forWednesday Island, which will be three leagues distant. Pass it also onthe north side, about one mile, and the same by Hammond's Island, whichlies next to it. There will be an extensive reef on the starbord hand, but the smallest distance between it and the islands is above two miles;and a W. S. W. Course by compass, will lead fair through the passage, with soundings from 9 to 6 fathoms. Booby Isle will presently be seena-head, appearing at first like a white sand bank; it may be passedwithin a mile or two on either side, and is the last of the dangers, ifit can be classed under them, of Torres' Strait. A ship should afterwardssteer, by compass, W. By S. Thirty or forty miles; and the course maythen be directed for any part of the world. In case the approach of night, or any other circumstance should make itdesirable, shelter may be had under the Prince of Wales' Islands, orunder Booby Isle; and if a boat be sent on shore at dusk to Booby Isle, many birds, and perhaps some turtle' may be procured. This passage through Torres' Strait will occupy from three to five days, according to the freshness of the south-east trade, and the degree ofcaution which a commander may see necessary to employ. * He will, ofcourse, sound continually, though it have not been specified; and keep aboat ahead with sounding signals, from the time of passing Murray's Islestill Half-way Island is in sight, and wherever else there appears to hima necessity. Should he miss the Investigator's track in any part, whichis very possible, there is no occasion for alarm; most, if not all theinner reefs have deep channels through them at every four or five miles, and by these he may regain the track, with the assistance of his boat. [* The most expeditious passage known to have been made through theStrait, previously to the Investigator, was that of captains Bligh andPortlock, in nineteen days; the account of which, as also, that ofMessrs. Bampton and Alt in the Introduction, a commander shouldpreviously read with the chart before him; and if he do the same with thepassage of the Investigator, in Chapter V. Of this Book II. , and that ofthe Cumberland in Chapter III. Following, he will have a tolerablycorrect notion of the dangers in Torres' Strait, and of the advantage inpursuing the route above described. ] The following precautions must not be neglected: a strict and constantlook-out at the mast head, by the commander or his most confidentialofficer, all the time that the ship is amongst the reefs--not to passMurray's Islands without seeing them, since they are the leading mark forgetting into the proper track--and on anchoring there, or at any otherinhabited island, a strict watch must be kept on the natives, who willcome off in canoes to barter a few cocoa-nuts, plantains, and their arms, for hatchets and other iron ware. No boat should be sent to an islandwhere there are inhabitants; but if distress make it necessary, two orthree should go together, well armed; for they will certainly beattacked, if the Indians have been able to lay a plan and collect theirstrength. A British seaman will, at the same time, studiously avoid allcause of quarrel with these poor misguided people, and not fire upon thembut where self-defence makes it indispensable. Most of the dry sands and the uninhabited islands in the Strait appear tobe frequented by turtle; and in the month of August, September, or later, it is probable some might be taken by landing a party of men, who shouldsilently watch for their coming on shore at dusk. I do not know the kindof turtle most common in the Strait; at Booby Isle they were hawkes-bill, which furnish the finest tortoise shell, but are small and not the bestfor food. The advantage in point of time, which this route presents to a ship boundfrom the Great Ocean to India, or to the Cape of Good Hope, will be bestseen by a statement of two passages made at the same season; the one byTorres' Strait, the other round New Guinea. I sailed from Port Jackson in company with the Bridgewater, an extraEast-Indiaman; and we made Wreck Reef in eight days. From thence theBridgewater steered round Louisiade, through Bougainville's Strait, Dampier's Strait, Pitt's Passage, and the Strait of Salayer; and arrivedat Batavia in _eighty-eight days_. I left Wreck Reef some time afterward, in a small schooner of twenty-nine tons; took ten days to reach Torres'Strait, three to pass through it, seventeen to reach Coepang Bay, and tenmore to pass the longitude of Java Head. Adding to these the eight daysto Wreck Reef, the passage from Port Jackson to Java Head was_forty-eight days_, including various deviations and stoppages forsurveying; and it was principally made in a vessel which sailed no morethan four or five knots, when the Bridgewater would have gone six oreight. The difference, nevertheless, in favour of Torres' Strait, wasforty days; so that it seems within bounds to say, that in going fromPort Jackson to India or the Cape of Good Hope, it offers an advantageover the northern route of six weeks; and of four weeks in going from themore eastern parts of the Great Ocean. In point of safety, I know notwhether Torres' Strait have not also the advantage; for although it becertainly more dangerous than any one of the eastern passages, it isdoubtful whether it be more so than a four or six weeks extra navigationamongst the straits and islands to the east and north of New Guinea, where some new shoal, bank, or island is discovered by every vessel goingthat way. For myself, I should not hesitate to prefer Torres' Strait, were it only on this account; considering the long continuance of thedanger in one case, as being more than a counterbalance to the superiordegree of it in the other. With respect to a passage through Torres' Strait in the oppositedirection--from the Indian Sea to the Great Ocean--it has not, to myknowledge, been attempted; and I have some doubt of its practicability. Aship would have an advantage in entering the strait by its leastdangerous side; but as the passage could be made only in December, January, or February, the rainy squally weather which probably will thenprevail, would augment the danger from the reefs ten fold. The experimentis therefore too hazardous for any except a ship on discovery; whosebusiness it is to encounter, and even to seek danger, when it may produceany important benefit to geography and navigation. BOOK III. OCCURRENCES FROM THE TIME OF QUITTING PORT JACKSON, IN 1803, ARRIVING IN ENGLAND IN 1810. CHAPTER I. Departure from Port Jackson in the Porpoise, accompanied by the Bridgewater and Cato. The Cato's Bank. Shipwreck of the Porpoise and Cato in the night. The crews get on a sand bank; where they are left by the Bridgewater. Provisions saved. Regulations on the bank. Measures adopted for getting back to Port Jackson. Description of Wreck-Reef Bank. Remarks on the loss of M. De La Pérouse. [EAST COAST. PORT JACKSON] 1803 The third volume of my log book and journal having been lost in theevents which succeeded the decay of the Investigator, I have had recourseto a memorandum book and to officers journals to supply the dates andleading facts contained in the first three chapters following;fortunately, my bearings and the astronomical observations taken bylieutenant Flinders and myself were preserved, as also were the roughcharts, with one exception; so that there are few cases where thisdepartment of the voyage will have materially suffered. There are, however, many circumstances related in these chapters, which either donot enter at all, or are slightly mentioned in the officers journals; forthese, my public papers and copies of letters have principally furnishedmaterials, and a tolerably faithful memory has supplied the rest. Itseemed necessary to explain this, that the reader may know to what thedeficiencies and abridgments in some parts of these chapters are to beattributed; and this being premised, I resume the narrative of ourpreparations for returning to England. 20 JULY 1803 On July 20, lieutenant Fowler quitted the Investigator, with the crewselected for him, and took the command of His Majesty's armed vessel_Porpoise_; and on the following day I went on board with the rest of myofficers and people, to go with him as passengers. Amongst otherpreparations for the voyage, a green house was set up on the quarter deckof that ship; and the plants collected in the Investigator from thesouth, the east, and north coasts of Terra Australis were deposited init, to be conveyed to His Majesty's botanical garden at Kew; and as wehad had the misfortune to lose the gardener of the expedition, and Mr. Brown, the naturalist, remained behind, a man from Port Jackson wasengaged to take care of the plants during the passage. The examination of Torres' Strait was one of the most important articlesof my instructions which had been executed only in part; and although Icould not pretend to make any regular survey in the Porpoise, it was yetdesirable to pass again through the strait, and lay down as many more ofits dangers as circumstances would admit; and this being represented togovernor King, the following paragraph was made an article in lieutenantFowler's orders. "The objects which captain Flinders will have to finish in his routethrough Torres' Strait, requires that he should be assisted with boats, people, and have the entire direction of the ship as to the courses sheis to steer, making and shortening sail, anchoring, and every otherprompt attention to his directions as connected with his survey. You aretherefore further required to comply with every direction he may giveyou, to enable him to execute the orders of my Lords Commissioners of theAdmiralty; and as it will be necessary that the most expeditious routeshould be followed, for the purpose of ascertaining the length of time itwill take to make the voyage from hence to England, by Torres' Strait, and to enable captain Flinders to be in England as early as possible, youwill take especial care to lose no time in getting to England by theroute captain Flinders may indicate. " AUGUST 1803 In the beginning of August, the Porpoise was nearly ready to sail; andtwo ships then lying in Sydney Cove, bound to Batavia, desired leave toaccompany us through the Strait. These were the Hon. East-India-Company'sextra-ship Bridgewater, of about 750 tons, commanded by E. H. Palmer, Esq. , and the ship Cato of London, of about 450 tons, commanded by Mr. John Park. The company of these ships gave me pleasure; for if we shouldbe able to make a safe and expeditious passage through the strait withthem, of which I had but little doubt, it would be a manifest proof ofthe advantage of the route discovered in the Investigator, and tend tobring it into general use. On the 10th [WEDNESDAY 10 AUGUST 1803] I tookleave of my respected friend the governor of New South Wales, andreceived his despatches for England; and lieutenant Fowler having given asmall code of signals to the Bridgewater and Cato, we sailed out of PortJackson together, at eleven o'clock of the same morning, and steerednorth-eastward for Torres' Strait. Mr. Inman had re-delivered to me the two time-keepers, with a table oftheir rates deduced from equal altitudes, but the No. 543 had gone sovery irregularly, as not to be entitled to any confidence; the error ofNo. 520 from mean Greenwich time at noon there on the 2nd, and its rateof going during the twenty-five preceding days were as under: Earnshaw's No. 520, fast, 0h 49' 54. 85" and losing 33. 38" per day. [EAST COAST. STEERING NORTHWARD. ] (Atlas, Plate I. ) The winds were light, and mostly from the eastward during the first twodays of our quitting Port Jackson; and not being able to get far enoughfrom the land to avoid the southern current, it had retarded us 35' onthe 12th at noon [FRIDAY 12 AUGUST 1803], when the islands of PortStephens were in sight. On the following day the wind became more steadyin the south-western quarter, and as our distance from the landincreased, the current abated; and on the 15th, when the latitude was 27°27', longitude 156° 22', and distance from the coast about fifty leagues, the set was something in our favour. The wind was then at south, and ourcourse steered was north for twenty-four hours, then N. By W. ; and on the17th at noon [WEDNESDAY 17 AUGUST 1803] we were in latitude 23° 22', longitude 155° 34', and had the wind at S. E. By S. (Atlas, Plate X. ) Soon after two o'clock, the Cato being some distance on our larbordquarter made the signal for seeing land. This proved to be a dry sandbank, which bore S. S. W. About three leagues; and the Porpoise sailingfaster than the other ships, they were directed to keep on their coursewhilst we hauled up to take a nearer view of the bank. At three o'clock, when it bore S. By E. Five or six miles, we hove to and sounded but hadno bottom at 80 fathoms. The _Cato's Bank_, for so it was named, is smalland seemed to be destitute of vegetation; there was an innumerablequantity of birds hovering about, and it was surrounded with breakers;but their extent seemed very little to exceed that of the bank, nor couldany other reef near it be discovered. The situation was ascertained to benearly 23° 6' south, and 155° 23' east; and we then made sail after theBridgewater and Cato, to take our station ahead of them as before. Some apprehensions were excited for the following night by meeting withthis bank but as it was more than two degrees to the eastward of thegreat Barrier Reefs, we thought it unconnected with any other, like thetwo discovered by captain Ball and Mr. Bampton, further towards the northend of New Caledonia. I had, besides, steered for Torres' Strait in theInvestigator, from reefs several degrees to the westward, without meetingwith any other danger than what lay near the Barrier or belonged to theStrait; and by the time we had rejoined the ships in the evening, thedistance run from the bank was thirty-five miles, and no other danger hadbeen descried. It did not therefore seem necessary to lose a good night'srun by heaving to; and I agreed with lieutenant Fowler, that it would besufficient to make the signal for the ships to run under easy, workingsail during the night--to take our usual station ahead--and to charge oneof the Investigator's warrant officers with the look-out on the forecastle. These precautions being taken, and the top sails double reefed, our course was pursued to the N. By W. , with a fresh breeze and cloudyweather; and at eight o'clock the lead was cast, but no bottom found at85 fathoms. The Bridgewater was then about half a mile on the starbord, and the Cato a mile on the larbord quarter; and their distance seeming toincrease at nine, when our rate of going was eight knots, the fore sailwas hauled up to keep them in sight: wind then at S. E. By E. [EAST COAST. WRECK REEF. ] In half an hour, and almost at the same instant by the Investigator'scarpenter on the fore castle, and the master who had charge of the watchon the quarter deck--breakers were seen ahead. The helm was immediatelyput down, with the intention of tacking from them; but the Porpoisehaving only three double-reefed top sails set, scarcely came up to thewind. Lieutenant Fowler sprang upon deck, on hearing the noise; butsupposing it to be occasioned by carrying away the tiller rope, acircumstance which had often occurred in the Investigator, and having noorders to give, I remained some minutes longer, conversing with thegentlemen in the gun room. On going up, I found the sails shaking in thewind, and the ship in the act of paying off; at the same time there werevery high breakers at not a quarter of a cable's length to leeward. Inabout a minute, the ship was carried amongst the breakers; and strikingupon a coral reef, took a fearful heel over on her larbord beam ends, herhead being north-eastward. A gun was attempted to be fired, to warn theother vessels of the danger; but owing to the violent motion and theheavy surfs flying over, this could not be done immediately; and beforelights were brought up, the Bridgewater and Cato had hauled to the windacross each other. Our fore mast was carried away at the second or third shock; and thebottom was presently reported to be stove in, and the hold full of water. When the surfs permitted us to look to windward, the Bridgewater and Catowere perceived at not more than a cable's length distance; andapproaching each other so closely, that their running aboard seemed to usinevitable. This was an aweful moment; the utmost silence prevailed; andwhen the bows of the two ships went to meet, even respiration seemed tobe suspended. The ships advanced, and we expected to hear the dreadfulcrash; but presently they opened off from each other, having passed sideby side without touching; the Cato steering to the north-east, and theBridgewater to the southward. Our own safety seemed to have no otherdependence than upon the two ships, and the exultation we felt at seeingthis most imminent danger passed, was great, but of short duration; theCato struck upon the reef about two cables length from the Porpoise, wesaw her fall over on her broad side, and the masts almost instantlydisappeared; but the darkness of the night did not admit ofdistinguishing, at that distance, what further might have happened. Turning our eyes toward the Bridgewater, a light was perceived at hermast head, by which we knew she had cleared the reef; and our firstsensations were, that the commander would certainly tack, and send boatsto our assistance; but when a little reflexion had enabled us to putourselves in his place, it became evident that he would not choose tocome so near the reef in the night, blowing fresh as it did; and stillless to send his boats and people into the breakers, to their certaindestruction. The Porpoise had very fortunately heeled towards the reef so that thesurfs which struck against her turned-up side, flew over without washingany thing off the decks; and the smooth appearance of the water under thelee, afforded a prospect of being able to get the boats out on that side. The experiment was tried with a small four-oared gig, and succeeded; buta six-oared cutter was jerked against the sheet anchor by the violence ofthe shocks, and being stove, was filled with water. It was by no means certain how long the ship, being slightly built andnot in a sound state, might hold together; it was therefore deemedexpedient to lighten her, that she might drive further up the coral bankand lie more easily. On sounding, the depth was found to be 17 fathoms onthe windward side, but no more than a few feet on the reef; and Mr. Fowler ordered the main and mizen masts, and the starbord anchor to becut away; but on my suggesting to him the possibility of driving over thereef, with the rise of tide, and sinking in deep water as the Pandora haddone, the lightening of the ship was not prosecuted further. Beyond the smooth water close under the lee, there was a line ofbreakers, and further on the sea appeared to be tranquil; it thereforeseemed probable that boats might approach the ship on that side, and ifthis information could be conveyed to captain Palmer of the Bridgewater, that something might be speedily done towards saving the crew; and as itwas likely that my influence with him might be greatest, and being apassenger in the Porpoise no charge made my presence on board immediatelynecessary, I proposed to make the attempt in the gig, to which Mr. Fowlerassented. The boat being obliged to lie at a little distance from theship, to prevent being stove, I jumped over-board and swam to her; and wepushed through the breakers to the smooth water, receiving two or threesurfs by the way, from which we hardly escaped sinking. On examining intothe condition of the boat, I found nothing to bale out the water, andonly two oars which did not belong to it; and instead of the proper crewof four men, there were only three; but under the thwarts were stowedaway three others, the armourer, a cook, and a marine, who did not knowhow to handle an oar. These last were set to baling with their hats andshoes, and we rowed towards the Bridgewater's light, keeping under thelee of the breakers. That ship was standing from us, and I saw that anyattempt to get nearer before she tacked would be fruitless; and evenafterwards, it was much to be doubted whether, with two awkward oars andan overloaded boat, we could make any way against the sea on the windwardside of the reef; I therefore determined to remain under the lee of thebreakers until she should approach, and to lie near the Porpoise; that incase of her going to pieces before morning, we might save some of thepeople. In rowing back we met the cutter, which the men in her, havinggot the leak partly stopped, had pushed off without an officer, and weregoing they scarcely knew whither; they furnished us with a third oar, andI desired them to keep close to the gig, near the wreck, until morning. We found the bottom here to be coral rock, and the water so shallow, thata man might stand up in many places without being over head. I wished to have got on board the ship, to let them know of the boatsbeing safe and what we had discovered of the reef; but the breakersbetween us, and the darkness of the night cut off all hope ofcommunication before morning. They burned blue lights every half hour, asa guide to the Bridgewater; but her light was lost to us in the boats ateleven o'clock, and after two in the morning [THURSDAY 18 AUGUST 1803] itwas no longer seen from the Porpoise. At that time it appeared to be lowwater, and the ship lay so much more quiet than before, that theapprehension of her going to pieces before daylight had much subsided; tobe prepared, however, for the next flood, Mr. Fowler employed his peopleduring the night in making a raft of the spare top masts, yards, etc. , with short ropes all round it, by which the people might hold on; and acask of water, with a chest containing some provisions, a sextant, andthe Investigator's log books, were secured upon the raft. In the small gig we were quite drenched, the south-east wind blew freshand cold. , and the reflexions excited by the great change so suddenlymade in our situation. With the uncertainty of what had befallen the Catoand even the Bridgewater, did not tend to make this long night pass moreagreeably. My thoughts were principally occupied in devising plans forsaving ourselves, under the apprehension that we might see no more of theBridgewater; but not to discourage the people, I spoke of every bodygetting on board that ship in the morning, and of continuing our voyageto England, as not at all doubtful. Of the poor Cato, we could neither see nor hear any thing. It appearedthat captain Park, when meeting the Bridgewater on opposite tacks, stopped setting his main sail and bore away to leeward had he persevered, both ships must have come upon the reef together; but by his presence ofmind on this occasion, the Bridgewater weathered the breakers and escapedthe impending danger. When the Cato struck the reef, it was upon thepoint of a rock, under the larbord chess tree; and she fell over towindward, with her decks exposed to the waves. In a short time the decksand holds were torn up, and every thing washed away; and the sole placeleft, where the unfortunate people could hope to avoid the fury of thesea, was in the larbord fore channel, where they all crowded together, the greater part with no other covering than their shirts. Every time thesea struck the Cato, it twisted her about upon the rock with such violentjerks, that they expected the stern, which was down in the water, wouldpart every moment. In this situation, some lashing themselves to thetimber heads, others clinging to the chain plates and dead eyes, and toeach other, captain Park and his crew passed the night; their hope being, that the fore castle of the ship might hold upon the rock till morning, and that the Bridgewater would then send her boats to save them. From thePorpoise they entertained no hope; and until the signal lights were seen, they thought her gone to pieces. At the first dawning of day, I got on board the Porpoise by the help ofthe fallen masts. Every body was in good spirits at seeing the ship holdtogether so well, and finding the boats safe; for the gig, with all inher, had been given up for lost, some one having thought he saw her sinkin the breakers. With the daylight appeared a dry sand bank, not morethan half a mile distant, sufficiently large to receive us all with whatprovisions might be got out of the ship; and the satisfaction arisingfrom this discovery was increased by the Bridgewater being perceivedunder sail, and though distant, that she was standing towards the reef. On the other side, the appearance of the poor Cato, with the peoplewaving to us from the bowsprit and fore castle, the only parts abovewater, was truly distressing. The reef seemed to be a mile in breadth, and it extended in an east andwest direction to a distance beyond what could be distinguished from thePorpoise's deck; but there were in it several wide, and apparently deepopenings, by which the Bridgewater might run to leeward, and there anchoror lie to, whilst sending her boats to our assistance. Having made theseremarks, I left Mr. Fowler and his people getting up water andprovisions; and went to the bank for the purpose of being ready to go offin the gig so soon as that ship should be near enough, and pointing outto captain Palmer the means by which he might take on board the two crewsand what else might be saved; but he went upon the other tack soonafterward, and no more was seen of him during the day. A number of sea-birds eggs scattered over the bank, showed that it wasabove high-water mark, and I sent the gig back with this intelligence tolieutenant Fowler. Seeing that the Bridgewater did not approach, heordered the boat to lie opposite to the Cato; and captain Park and hismen, throwing themselves into the water with any pieces of spar or plankthey could find, swam to her through the breakers; and were then taken tothe Porpoise where they received food and some clothing. Several werebruised against the coral rocks, and three young lads were drowned. Oneof these poor boys, who, in the three or four voyages he had made to sea, had been each time shipwrecked, had bewailed himself through the night asthe persecuted Jonas who carried misfortune wherever he went. He launchedhimself upon a broken spar with his captain; but having lost his hold inthe breakers, was not seen afterwards. At low water, which happened about two o'clock, the reef was dry verynear to the Porpoise, and both officers and men were assiduously employedin getting upon it provisions and their clothes; they were brought fromthence by the boats, for the depth was several feet at a distance roundthe bank. Before dark, five half hogsheads of water, some flour, saltmeat, rice, and spirits were landed, with such of the pigs and sheep ashad escaped drowning; and every man from both ships had got on shore. Some of the Cato's sailors appeared in officers uniforms, given to themin the Porpoise; and I was pleased to see that our situation was notthought so bad by the people, as to hinder all pleasantry upon thesepromotions. Those who had saved great coats or blankets shared with theless fortunate, and we laid down to sleep on the sand in tolerabletranquillity, being much oppressed with fatigue; and except from those ofthe Cato's men who had been bruised or cut by the rocks, there was not acomplaining voice heard on the bank. The Porpoise's two cutters and the gig were hauled up to high-water mark;but the latter not having been well secured, and the night tide risinghigher than was expected, it was carried away, to our great loss. In themorning [FRIDAY 19 AUGUST 1803], we had the satisfaction to see the shipstill entire, and thrown higher up the reef; the Cato had gone to pieces, and all that remained was one of the quarters, which had floated over thefront ledge of the reef, and lodged near our bank. Of the Bridgewaternothing could be seen; and many fears were entertained for her safety. For the better preservation of discipline, and of that union between thecrews of the Porpoise and Cato and passengers of the Investigator, sonecessary in our circumstances, it was highly expedient that they shouldbe put on the same footing and united under one head. The Porpoise waslost beyond a possibility of hope, and the situation of the commander andcrew thereby rendered similar to that of their passengers; I thereforeconsidered myself authorised and called upon, as the senior officer, totake the command of the whole; and my intention being communicated tolieutenant Fowler, he assented without hesitation to its expediency andpropriety, and I owe to captain Park a similar acknowledgement. Thepeople were then assembled upon the top of the bank; and I informed theseamen of the Cato, one or two of whom had shown signs of discontent atbeing ordered to work, that as they doubtless expected to be fed from ourprovisions, so they must exert themselves to save as much as possible;*and although they were not in the King's pay, yet as a magistrate actingwithin the jurisdiction of the Admiralty, I would punish all deviationsfrom obedience and good conduct in them, the same as amongst our ownseamen. I ordered the Cato's men, who had saved nothing, to be quarteredin the messes of our people, in the proportion of one to three; anddirected lieutenant Fowler, who had charge of the provisions, to victualall alike. The surgeon of the Porpoise was ordered to examine thewounded, and give in a list of those really incapable of duty; and alarge party, consisting of as many men as the two cutters could contain, went off to the wreck under the command of Mr. Fowler, to disembarkprovisions and stores. [* When a merchant ship is lost, the seamen not only cease to be in pay, but lose all wages due to them after the last delivery of the cargo; andthe sole interest they have to save the stores, even of their own ship, is for the preservation of themselves, or the prospect of being rewardedby the owners or insurers. ] A top-sail yard was set up and secured as a flag staff on the highestpart of the bank, and a large blue ensign hoisted to it with the uniondownward, as a signal to the Bridgewater. We expected, if no accident hadhappened, that she would come to relieve us from our critical situationso soon as the wind should be perfectly moderate; but I judged it mostprudent to act as if we had no such resource, and this was justified bythe event. Captain Palmer had even then abandoned us to our fate, andwas, at the moment, steering away for Batavia, without having made anyeffort to give us assistance. He saw the wrecks, as also the sand bank, on the morning after our disaster, and must have known that the reef wasnot all connected, since it is spoken of by him as lying in patches; buthe did not seek to ascertain whether any of the openings were passablefor the Bridgewater, and might enable him to take those on board who hadescaped drowning. He bore away round all; and whilst the two haplessvessels were still visible from the mast head, passed the leewardextremity of the reef, and hove to for the night. The apprehension ofdanger to himself must then have ceased; but he neither attempted to workup in the smooth water, nor sent any of his boats to see whether someunfortunate individuals were not clinging to the wrecks, whom he mightsnatch from the sharks or save from a more lingering death; it was safer, in his estimation, to continue on his voyage and publish that we were alllost, as he did not fail to do on his arrival in India. * [* Against a British seaman filling a respectable situation, these areheavy charges; but Mr. Palmer is himself the authority. The followingextracts from his account are taken from a Calcutta paper, the _Orphan_of Feb. 3, 1804. The Bridgewater, he says, "was just beginning to draw off, when thePorpoise was scarcely a ship's length to leeward, settling with her headtowards us, and her broadside upon the reef; her foremast was gone andthe sea breaking over her. At this moment we perceived the Cato withinhalf a cable's length, standing stem on for us. I hailed to put theirhelm a-starboard, by which means she just cleared us, and luffed up underour stern; had she fallen on board of us the consequences must have beendreadful indeed. " On the 18th, "When the day was broke, we had themortification to perceive the Cato had shared the fate of the Porpoise;the bow and bow sprit of the latter only at intervals appearing throughthe surf. (The Porpoise and Cato were mistaken for each other. ) Thelatter lay with her bottom exposed to the sea, which broke withtremendous fury over her; not a mast standing. Finding we could notweather the reef, and that _it was too late had it been in our power togive any assistance_; and still fearing that we might be embayed orentangled by the supposed chain or patches; all therefore that remainedfor us to do was either by dint of carrying sail to weather the reef tothe southward, (meaning the Cato's Bank, ) or, if failing in that, to pushto leeward and endeavour to find a passage through the _patches of reef_to the northward. At ten a. M. , we found by chronometer we had gotconsiderably to the westward; and that it would be impossible, with thewind as it was then blowing strong from the S. E. With a heavy sea, toweather the southern reef; we therefore determined, while we had the daybefore us, to run to the westward of the northern reef. " "At two p. M. We got sight of the reef bearing N. N. E. At five p. M. _wecould perceive the wrecks, and ascertained the westernmost extent of thereef_ to lay in 155° 42' 30" east longitude. " "_After passing the reef we lay too for the night_; and in the morning welost sight cc of it, having drifted to the northward. " Such is the substantial part of Mr. Palmer's account, omitting his ownfears and congratulations, and his "most painful reflexions on thesufferings of the shipwrecked. " Nothing is said of the sand bank; but Ihave been favoured with a copy of the journal of Mr. Williams, third mateof the Bridgewater, and the following passages are taken from it. "At half past seven a. M. (Aug. 18. ) saw the reef on our weather bow, andfrom the mast head we saw the two ships, and to leeward of them a _sandbank_. The weather abated much, we set all our sails, and every manrejoiced that they should have it in their power to assist theirunfortunate companions; as there was every probability of our goingwithin two miles of the reef. The morning threatened; but before the windincreased we had time to satisfy ourselves if there were any still inexistence; we had nothing to apprehend but what could be seen before weapproached so near. The ships were very distinctly to be seen from aloft, and also from the deck; but instead of rendering them any succour, thecaptain ordered the ship to be put on the other tack, and said it wasimpossible to render them any relief. What must be the sensations of eachman at that instant? Instead of proceeding to the support of ourunfortunate companions, to leave them to the mercy of the waves, withoutknowing whether they were in existence, or had perished! From theappearance of the wrecks, there was every probability of their existing;and if any survived at the time we were within sight, what must have beentheir sensations on seeing all their anxious expectations of reliefblasted. " "Until our arrival at Bombay, nothing particular occurred, except mybeing sent on shore at Tillicherry with the account of the loss of thePorpoise and Cato; an account that served for the moment to blind thepeople. In executing this service, I did, for the first time to myknowledge, neglect my duty, and gave a contrary account; but for thisreason--I was convinced that the crews of those ships were on the reefs, and that this was an erroneous account made by captain Palmer to excusehis own conduct. I left it on shore for the perusal of the inhabitants, after relating the story as contrary as possible. This was the cause ofmany words; and at length ended with my quitting the ship, and forfeitingmy wages and a part of my clothes. " Such was the conduct of Mr. Palmer towards His Majesty's ship Porpoise, and towards the Cato which had given way in the moment of danger that hemight be saved. But the officers and crews of the Porpoise and Catoreached England in safety; whilst captain Palmer and the Bridgewater, wholeft Bombay for Europe, have not been heard of, now for many years. Howdreadful must have been his reflexions at the time his ship was goingdown! Lieutenant Tucker of the navy, who was first officer of theBridgewater, and several others as well as Mr. Williams, had happilyquitted the ship in India. ] The wind blew fresh from the south-eastward on the 18th, and 19th, but onthe two following days it was moderate with fine weather; we worked hardon board the Porpoise, and by the 22nd [MONDAY 22 AUGUST 1803] had gotmost of the water and provisions secured in a large tent made with sparsand sails; each mess of officers and men had also their private tent; andour manner of living and working had assumed the same regularity asbefore the shipwreck. One of the men whose liberty governor King hadgranted at my request, being guilty of disorderly conduct, the articlesof war were publicly read, and the man punished at the flag staff. Thisexample served to correct any evil disposition, if such existed; the menworked cordially together, and in all respects we preserved the samediscipline and order as on board His Majesty's ships. Our prospects of receiving succour from the Bridgewater having becomevery feeble, after two days of moderate weather had elapsed, I called acouncil of all the officers, to deliberate upon the best means ofrelieving ourselves from the precarious situation in which ourmisfortune, and captain Palmer's want of energy and humanity had left usexposed; and it was finally determined, that an officer and crew in thelargest of the two six-oared cutters, should endeavour to get to SandyCape, sixty-three leagues distant, and from thence along the coast toPort Jackson; and pray His Excellency, the governor, to send vessels tocarry us either back to that port or on towards England. But as the safearrival of the cutter at that season of the year, when strong windsusually prevail from the southward, was a subject of much apprehension;it was resolved that two decked boats, capable of transporting everyperson remaining on the bank, except one officer and boat's crew, shouldbe immediately laid down by the carpenters, to be built from what wasalready and might be still further saved from the wreck; and that, if theofficer in the cutter did not return with assistance in two months, theboats should then, or as soon after as they could be ready to sail, proceed to Port Jackson. The first and principal means, however, throughwhich our deliverance was to be expected, being the safe arrival of thecutter, the choice of an officer to conduct her was next considered. Lieutenant Fowler proposed, and it seemed to be the general wish, that Ishould undertake the execution of the task; and being satisfied that thepreservation of order on the bank, and the saving of the stores would beleft in good hands, the hope of being instrumental to the general safetyinduced me readily to comply. But to provide against sickness and thevarious accidents which might arise from the natives of the coast orotherwise, it was necessary that two officers should be in the boat; andcaptain Park of the Cato being desirous of returning to Port Jackson, tomake the necessary statements relative to the loss of his ship, he wasappointed my second with the general approbation. The smaller cutter with an officer, his second, and a boat's crew, Iproposed should remain with the stores, and in charge of my charts andbooks for a few weeks longer than the two months; and then go to PortJackson also, should no vessel arrive before that time. This precautionwas necessary, lest any unforeseen occurrence should delay my return tothe bank beyond two months, though not prevent it altogether; that thecharts, journals, and papers might still be found there, to be taken onto England if wanted. I designed my brother, lieutenant Flinders, forthis service; but Mr. Fowler claiming it as the post of honour, I toomuch respected the principle that influenced him not to accede to hisrequest; and therefore ordered, that the former officer and Mr. JohnAken, master of the Investigator, should take charge of the decked boats, with a master's mate in each capable of conducting them to Port Jackson, should illness or any accident happen to either of the officers. TUESDAY 23 AUGUST 1803 By the evening of the 23rd, the Porpoise was well nigh emptied of all themost essential things; and on a survey being made, there was foundsufficient water and provisions on the bank to serve ninety-four men, which was our number, for three months, even at fullallowance; although many casks were stove in the hold by the bulging ofthe larbord side, and much dry provisions spoiled by the salt water. Theprincipal contents of the warrant officers store rooms, as well as thesails. , rigging, and spars, were also on shore. My books, charts, andpapers had suffered much damage, from the top of the cabin beingdisplaced when the mizen mast fell; all such papers as chanced to beloose on the night of the shipwreck were then washed away by the surfs, and amongst them a chart of the west side of the Gulph of Carpentaria andpart of the North Coast, upon which I had been occupied in the afternoon. Part of my small library shared the same fate; but the rest of thecharts, with my log and bearing books and astronomical observations wereall saved, though some of them in a wet and shattered state. The rareplants collected on different parts of the south, the east, and northcoasts of Terra Australis, for His Majesty's botanic garden at Kew, andwhich were in a flourishing g state before the shipwreck. , were totallydestroyed by the salt water; as were the dried specimens of plants. Fortunately, the naturalist and natural-history painter, who remained atPort Jackson, had put on board only a small part of their collection ofspecimens; the great mass, with the preserved birds, quadrupeds, andinsects being kept for a future opportunity. Mr. Westall. The landscapepainter, had his sketches and drawings wetted and partly destroyed in hiscabin; and my little collection in mineralogy and conchology was muchdefaced, and one-half lost. THURSDAY 25 AUGUST 1803 The carpenters were employed until the evening of the 25th, in preparingthe cutter for her intended expedition; and the rest of the people inadding to the stores on the bank. As the Porpoise became lighter, the seathrew her higher up on the reef, and she was much shaken; but we hopedthe timbers and beams would hold together, at least until the next springtides, and that every thing would be got out. Of the Cato, nothing but afew scattered fragments had remained for several days before. Before leaving Wreck Reef, it will be proper to say something of the sandbank to which we were all indebted for our lives; and where the greaterpart of the officers and people were to remain in expectation of myreturn from Port Jackson. In the annexed view of it, Mr. Westall hasrepresented the corals above water, to give a better notion of theirforms and the way they are seen on the reefs; but in reality, the tidenever leaves any considerable part of them uncovered. The length of thebank is about one hundred and fifty fathoms, by fifty in breadth, and thegeneral elevation three or four feet above the common level of highwater; it consists of sand and pieces of coral, thrown up by the wavesand eddy tides on a patch of reef five or six miles in circuit; and beingnearly in the middle of the patch, the sea does no more, even in a gale, than send a light spray over the bank, sufficient, however, to preventthe growth of any other than a few diminutive salt plants. On its northand north-west sides, and at one or two cables length from the reef, there is from 18 to 25 fathoms on a bottom of coral sand; where theBridgewater might have anchored in safety, so long as the wind remainedbetween S. W. And E. S. E. , and received every person from the wrecks, with provisions for their subsistence. The latitude of the bank was foundto be 22° 11' south, and longitude by the time keeper No. 520, reduced upfrom an observation on the afternoon preceding the shipwreck, 155° 3';but this was afterwards found to require correction. This excellent timekeeper did not seem to have been affected by the violent motion of theship; but No. 513 stopped, and Arnold's watch No. 1736 was spoiled by thesalt water. In searching for something wherewith to make a fire on the first night ofour landing, a spar and a piece of timber, worm eaten and almost rotten, were found and burnt. The timber was seen by the master of the Porpoise, who judged it to have been part of the stern post of a ship of about fourhundred tons; and I have thought it might, not improbably, have belongedto _La Boussole_ or _L'Astrolabe_. Monsieur de la Pérouse, on quittingBotany Bay, intended to visit the south-west coast of New Caledonia; andhe might have encountered in the night, as we did, some one of theseveral reefs which lie scattered in this sea. * (Atlas, Plate I. ) Lessfortunate than we were, he probably had no friendly sand bank near him, upon which his people might be collected together and the means ofexistence saved out of the ships; or perhaps his two vessels both tookthe unlucky direction of the Cato after striking, and the seas whichbroke into them carried away all his boats and provisions; nor would LaPérouse, his vessels, or crews be able, in such a case, to resist theimpetuosity of the waves more than twenty-four hours. If such were theend of the regretted French navigator, as there is now but too muchreason to fear, it is the counterpart of what would have befallen all onboard the Porpoise and Cato, had the former ship, like the Cato, fallenover towards the sea instead of heeling to the reef. [* La Pérouse says, in his letter to M. De Fleurieu, dated Feb. 7, 1789from Botany Bay, "You will doubtless be glad to learn, that I have notallowed this misfortune (the massacre of captain De l'Angle and elevenothers at the Navigator's Isles) to derange the plan of the remainingpart of my voyage. " This plan, as expressed in a preceding letter ofSept. 7, 1787, at Avatscha, was to "employ six months in visiting theFriendly Islands to procure refreshments, _the south-west coast of NewCaledonia_, the island of Santa Cruz of Mendana, the southern coast ofthe land of the Arsacides, with that of Louisiade as far as New Guinea. "_Voyage of La Pérouse_, Translation, London, 1799, VOL. II. P. 494-5, 502-3. As La Pe/rouse did not reach the Friendly Isles, it is probablethat he began with New Caledonia; and that upon the south-west coast, orin the way to it, disaster befel him. ] An opinion that La Pérouse had been lost in this neighbourhood, inducedme when examining the main coast to seek carefully at every place, amongst the refuse thrown upon the shores, for indications of shipwreckto windward; and could the search have been then prosecuted to the 15th, or 12th degree of latitude, I am persuaded it would not have been invain. Besides the extensive reefs which skirt the western side of NewCaledonia, and the Barrier Reefs on the opposite coast of New SouthWales, we are now acquainted with the six or eight following distinctbanks of coral in the sea between them, exclusive of Wreck Reef and theCato's Bank. Two reefs discovered by Bougainville. Bâture de Diane, by the same. Two reefs further westward, by the Investigator. Booby Shoal, towards New Caledonia, by captain H. L. Ball. Bellona's Shoal, by the ship of that name. Bampton's Shoal, an extensive reef with two small islands. There are also the islets and shoals seen by the ship Sovereign, whichare probably a part of those that extend so far from the northwest end ofNew Caledonia; and all these, with some others further northward, lie inthe space comprehended between Louisiade and New Guinea on the north--NewCaledonia to the east--New South Wales to the west--and a line drawn fromSandy Cape to the Isle of Pines on the south. Few ships have passedthrough this sea without making the discovery of some new bank of coral;and it is probable that several other patches of reef, yet unknown, willbe found in it, especially on the Caledonian side. This space might bevery appropriately called the _Corallian Sea_. CHAPTER II. Departure from Wreck-Reef Bank in a boat. Boisterous weather. The Coast of New South Wales reached, and followed. Natives at Point Look-out. Landing near Smoky Cape; and again near Port Hunter. Arrival at Port Jackson on the thirteenth day. Return to Wreck Reef with a ship and two schooners. Arrangements at the Bank. Account of the reef, with nautical and other remarks. [EAST COAST. IN THE BOAT. ] FRIDAY 26 AUGUST 1803 (Atlas, Plate X. ) On August 26, the largest cutter being ready for her expedition, waslaunched and named the _Hope_. The morning was fine, and wind light fromthe southward; and notwithstanding the day, which in the seaman'scalendar is the most unfortunate of the whole week to commence a voyage, I embarked for Port Jackson with the commander of the Cato. We had adouble set of rowers, making in all fourteen persons, with three weeksprovisions and two half hogsheads of water; so that the Hope was loadedrather too deeply. At eight in the morning, we pushed off amidst thecheers and good wishes of those for whom we were going to seek relief; anensign with the union downward, had hitherto been kept hoisted as asignal to captain Palmer of our distress; but in this moment ofenthusiasm a seaman quitted the crowd, and having obtained permission, ran to the flag staff, hauled down the ensign, and rehoisted it with theunion in the upper canton. This symbolical expression of contempt for theBridgewater and of confidence in the success of our voyage, I did not seewithout lively emotions. We made sail to the westward under the lee of the reef, and passed twoopenings in it of nearly a mile wide. The second league brought usabreast of a dry sand bank, smaller than that quitted; and at noon wecame to a third, lying ten miles west of Wreck-Reef Bank. Having thenlost the breeze, we stopped to cook our dinner on shore; and in the meantime I shot as many noddies as would give all the boat's crew a meal. Onquitting this third bank, which is near the western extremity of WreckReef, we crossed into the open sea; and a breeze springing up atsouth-east, made sail towards Sandy Cape. Many hump-backed whales wereplaying about the boat during the whole time we remained under the lee ofthe reef, but they did not follow us further. Nothing but clear water was visible at sunset, nevertheless we rancautiously in the dark, looking out for breakers; the night was fine, andwe made good progress by means of the oars, at which the twelve men tookwatch and watch, as Mr. Park and myself did at the helm: it was for thispurpose, and to guard against accidents, that I had taken so many men inthe boat. SATURDAY 27 AUGUST 1803 At day break the wind was E. S. E. , and no land in sight; the boat wasgoing four knots, and at noon our latitude by log was 23° 6' and thedistance made from Wreck-Reef Bank, ninety miles. The wind freshened inthe afternoon, and a cross sea rose which obliged us to reef the sails, and made the boat very wet. At four we close reefed and hauled to thewind, but this was not enough; the increased hollowness of the wavescaused the boat to labour so much, that every plunge raised anapprehension that some of the planks would start from the timbers. Havingno other resource, we emptied one of the two casks of water, threwover-board the stones of our fire place and wood for cooking, as also abag of pease and whatever else could be best spared; the boat was thensomewhat more easy; and before dark, the hollow swell had so far subsidedthat we kept two points from the wind, and again went along in tolerabletranquillity. This hollow sea was probably caused by a weather tide setting out of somepassage between the reefs to the north-westward; and the succeedingsmooth water by the tide having turned to leeward, or otherwise from theboat having passed across the stream; it is at least certain, that thesouthern part of the Barrier Reefs, seen by captain Swain of the shipEliza, was somewhere to the north-west of our situation at that time. Toavoid all these reefs, and to counteract the effect of a north-westerncurrent, I kept a S. S. W. Course all the following night. SUNDAY 28 AUGUST 1803 We had fine weather next morning, with a moderate breeze at north-east;and at noon, the distance run in the preceding twenty-four hours wasninety-one miles by the log, and the observed latitude 24° 53' south: thelead was put over-board. , but no bottom found at 50 fathoms. Oursituation being to the south of Sandy Cape, we steered a point more west, in the hope of seeing the land before night; it being my intention tokeep near the coast from thence to Port Jackson, that by landing, orrunning the boat on shore, we might escape foundering at sea should agale of wind come on. At sunset, the land was visible to the westward atthe distance of four or five leagues, and we then hauled up south, parallel to the coast; the night was fine, the wind light and fair, andat daylight [MONDAY 29 AUGUST 1803] the tops of the hills were seen inthe west, at the same distance as before. Our latitude at noon was 26°22', and a high hummock upon the land, somewhere between Double-islandPoint and Glass-house Bay, bore W. ¾ N. (Atlas, Plate IX. ) Our favourable breeze died away in the afternoon, and we took to theoars; it however sprung up again from the northward, and brought uswithin sight of Cape Moreton at sunset. Towards midnight the weatherbecame squally with heavy rain, and gave us all a thorough drenching; butthe wind not being very strong in these squalls, our course was stillpursued to the southward. After the rain ceased the wind came at S. S. W. ; and the weather remaining unsettled, we tacked at daylight [TUESDAY30 AUGUST 1803] to get close in with the land, and at noon anchored underPoint Look-out. This was only the fourth day of our departure from WreckReef, and I considered the voyage to be half accomplished, since we hadgot firm hold of the main coast; for the probability of being lost isgreater in making three hundred miles in an open boat at sea, than inrunning even six hundred along shore. It would have added much to oursatisfaction, could we have conveyed the intelligence of this fortunateprogress to our shipmates on the bank. The necessity for a supply of fresh water was becoming urgent, for ourremaining half hogshead was much reduced. There were about twenty Indiansupon the side of a hill near the shore, who seemed to be peaceablydisposed, amusing us with dances in imitation of the kangaroo; we madesigns of wanting water, which they understood, and pointed to a smallrill falling into the sea. Two of the sailors leaped over-board, withsome trifles for the natives and one end of the lead line; with the otherend we slung the empty cask, which they hauled on shore and filledwithout molestation. A shark had followed them to the beach; and fearingthey might be attacked in returning, we got up the anchor and went to aplace where the surf, though too much to allow of the boat landing, permitted us to lie closer. The cask of water, a bundle of wood, and thetwo men were received on board without accident; the natives keepingaloof during the whole time, and even retiring when our peopleapproached, though they were without arms and naked. It is probable thatthe Indians were astonished at the comparison between the moderatelywhite skins of the sailors and their own, and perhaps had heard of myexpedition to Glass-house Bay in 1799, in which I had been provoked tomake one of them feel the effect of our arms; and had they attempted anything against my two men, we were prepared to have given them a volleyfrom the boat which would probably have been a fearful confirmation ofthe truth of the report; but happily for both parties, we were notreduced to the necessity. On rowing to Point Look-out, to continue the voyage, I found the wind sofresh from the southward that the greatest fatigue at the oars couldadvance us little; we therefore ran to leeward of two rocks, lying a mileand a half north-west from the extremity of the point; and havinganchored there, arranged the boat so as that every person might take abetter night's rest than we had hitherto been able to enjoy. WEDNESDAY 31 AUGUST 1803 At daylight, the wind being light and variable, we proceeded along thecoast by using both sails and oars. The weather was dull, and preventedan observation at noon for the latitude; but a sight of Mount Warning atdusk showed that our progress was equal to expectation. We then had agentle breeze from the north-eastward; and at ten o'clock, passed closeto a projection of land which I supposed to be Point Danger, withoutseeing any breakers; it is therefore probable, that the reef laid down bycaptain Cook does not join to the land, for we kept a good look out, andthe night was tolerably fine. THURSDAY 1 SEPTEMBER 1803 At five on the following morning we passed Cape Byron, with a breeze atnorth-west, and at noon had made a hundred miles by our reckoning fromPoint Look-out; the observed latitude was then 29° 16', and the land nearShoal Bay was three leagues distant. We continued steering to thesouthward, in high spirits at being so favoured by the northern winds, which there was so little reason to expect; and at eight in the eveningreached abreast of the Solitary Isles. Smoky Cape was in sight nextmorning [FRIDAY 2 SEPTEMBER 1803]; but the wind coming round to south, and blowing fresh with thick weather, we tacked towards the shore; and atnoon landed behind a small ledge of rocks, about three leagues short ofthe Cape. The distance run these twenty-four hours was eighty five miles, and the southwardly current had moreover given its assistance. This ledge of rocks lies on the north side of a point upon which thereare some hummocks; and on ascending the highest, I saw a lagoon intowhich the tide flowed by a narrow passage on the inner side of the point. The _pandanus_ grows here; and as it was a tree unknown to Bongaree, thislatitude (about 30° 45') is probably near its southern limit. We took ina supply of fuel and gathered some fine oysters, and the wind dying awayto a calm in the afternoon, rowed out for Smoky Cape; but on reachingabreast of it the wind again rose ahead; and at one in the morning weanchored in a small bight at the extremity of the Cape, and remaineduntil daylight. SATURDAY 3 SEPTEMBER 1803 The wind was still contrary on the 3rd, nevertheless we stood out andbeat to the southward until four in the afternoon; when the sea havingbecome too high for the boat, we anchored under the lee of a smallprojecting point, eight or ten leagues to the south of Smoky Cape; whichdistance had been gained in about ten hours, principally by means of thecurrent. SUNDAY 4 SEPTEMBER 1803 On the 4th, we again attempted to beat to the southward; but the windbeing light as well as foul, and the sea running high, not much wasgained; at noon the weather threatened so much, that it became necessaryto look out for a place of shelter, and we steered into a bight withrocks in it, which I judge to have been on the north side of TackingPoint. At the head of the bight is a lagoon; but the entrance proving tobe very shallow, and finding no security, we continued on our voyage;trusting that some place of shelter would present itself, if obliged toseek it by necessity. Towards evening the wind and weather became morefavourable; in the morning [MONDAY 5 SEPTEMBER 1803] the Three Brotherswere in sight; and at noon I observed the latitude 31° 57', when themiddlemost of these hills bore N. N. W. And our distance off shore wastwo or three leagues. (Atlas, Plate VIII. ) At this time the wind blew a moderate sea breeze at E. S. E, Cape Hawkewas seen soon afterward, and at eight in the evening we steered betweenSugar-loaf Point and the two rocks lying from it three or four miles tothe south-east. At four next morning [TUESDAY 6 SEPTEMBER 1803], passedthe islands at the entrance of Port Stephens, and at noon the Coal Islandin the mouth of Port Hunter bore N. W. By N. ; the wind then shifted moreto the southward, with squally weather, and both prevented the boat fromlying along the coast and made it unsafe to be at sea. After strugglingtill four in the afternoon, with little advantage, we bore up to look forshelter behind some of the small projecting points; and almostimmediately found it in a shallow cove, exposed only to thenorth-eastward. This was the eleventh day of our departure from WreckReef, and the distance of Port Jackson did not now exceed fifty miles. At this place we slept on shore for the first time; but the weather beingsqually, rainy, and cold, and the boat's sails our best shelter, it wasnot with any great share of comfort; a good watch was kept during thenight, but no molestation was received from the natives. Notwithstandingour cramped-up position in the boat, and exposure to all kinds ofweather, we enjoyed excellent health; one man excepted, upon whom thedysentery, which had made such ravages in the Investigator, now returnedwith some violence. [EAST COAST. PORT JACKSON. ] WEDNESDAY 7 SEPTEMBER 1803 A cask of water was filled on the morning of the 7th, and our biscuitbeing all expended or spoiled, some cakes were baked in the ashes for ourfuture subsistence. At eleven o'clock, the rain having cleared away, westood out to the offing with light baffling winds, and towards eveningwere enabled to lie along the coast; but the breeze at south-east notgiving much assistance, we took to the oars and laboured hard all thefollowing night, being animated with the prospect of a speedy terminationto our voyage. The north head of Broken Bay was in sight next morning[THURSDAY 8 SEPTEMBER 1803], and at noon the south head was abreast ofthe boat; a sea breeze then setting in at E. N. E. , we crowded all sailfor Port Jackson, and soon after two o'clock had the happiness to enterbetween the heads. The reader has perhaps never gone 250 leagues at sea in an open boat, oralong a strange coast inhabited by savages; but if he recollect theeighty officers and men upon Wreck-Reef Bank, and how important was ourarrival to their safety, and to the saving of the charts, journals, andpapers of the Investigator's voyage, he may have some idea of thepleasure we felt, but particularly myself, at entering our destined port. I proceeded immediately to the town of Sydney, and went with captain Parkto wait upon His Excellency governor King, whom we found at dinner withhis family. A razor had not passed over our faces from the time of theshipwreck, and the surprise of the governor was not little at seeing twopersons thus appear whom he supposed to be many hundred leagues on theirway to England; but so soon as he was convinced of the truth of thevision before him, and learned the melancholy cause, an involuntary tearstarted from the eye of friendship and compassion, and we were receivedin the most affectionate manner. His Excellency lost no time in engaging the ship Rolla, then lying inport, bound to China, to go to the rescue of the officers and crews ofthe Porpoise and Cato; I accompanied the governor on board the Rolla aday or two afterwards, and articles were signed by which the commander, Mr. Robert Cumming, engaged to call at Wreck Reef, take every person onboard and carry them to Canton, upon terms which showed him to take theinterest in our misfortune which might be expected from a British seaman. The governor ordered two colonial schooners to accompany the Rolla, tobring back those who preferred returning to Port Jackson, with suchstores of the Porpoise as could be procured; and every thing was donethat an anxious desire to forward His Majesty's service and alleviatemisfortune could devise; even private individuals put wine, live stock, and vegetables, unasked, on board the Rolla for the officers upon thereef. My anxiety to get back to Wreck Reef, and from thence to England with thegreatest despatch, induced the governor to offer me one of the schoonersto go through Torres' Strait and by the most expeditious passage toEurope; rather than take the long route by China in the Rolla. Thisschooner was something less than a Gravesend passage boat, being only oftwenty-nine tons burthen; and therefore it required some considerationbefore acceding to the proposal. Her small size, when compared with thedistance from Port Jackson to England, was not my greatest objection tothe little Cumberland; it was the quickness of her motion and the want ofconvenience, which would prevent the charts and journal of my voyage frombeing prepared on the passage, and render the whole so much time lost tothis important object. On the other hand, the advantage of again passingthrough, and collecting more information of Torres' Strait, and ofarriving in England three or four months sooner to commence the outfit ofanother ship, were important considerations; and joined to some ambitionof being the first to undertake so long a voyage in such a small vessel, and a desire to put an early stop to the account which captain Palmerwould probably give of our total loss, they proved sufficient inducementsto accept the governor's offer, on finding his vessel had the characterof being a strong, good little sea boat. The Cumberland was at that time absent up the river Hawkesbury, and theFrancis, the other schooner, was lying on shore and could not be got offbefore the following spring tides; on these accounts, and from the Rollanot being quite fitted, it was thirteen days after my arrival in the boatbefore the whole could be ready to sail. This delay caused me muchuneasiness, under the apprehension that we might not arrive before ourfriends at the reef, despairing of assistance, should have made someunsuccessful attempt to save themselves; and this idea pursued me somuch, that every day seemed to be a week until I got out of the harbourwith the three vessels. Governor King's answer to my communication respecting the shipwreck ofthe Porpoise and Cato, and the orders under which I acted in embarking inthe Cumberland, are contained in the following letter. Sydney, New South Wales. , Sept. 17, 1803. Sir, In acknowledging the receipt of yours with its inclosure of the 9thinstant, whilst I lament the misfortune that has befallen the Porpoiseand Cato, I am thankful that no more lives have been lost than the threeyou mention. I have every reason to be assured that no precaution wasomitted by lieutenant Fowler and yourself to avoid the accident, and I amequally satisfied with your account of the exertions of the officers andmen after the loss of the ships, both for the preservation of the storesand maintaining order in their present situation; nor can I sufficientlycommend your voluntary services and those who came with you, inundertaking a voyage of 700 miles in an open boat, to procure relief forour friends now on the bank; and I hope for the honour of humanity, thatif the Bridgewater be safe, the commander may be able to give somepossible reason for his not ascertaining whether any had survived theshipwreck, as there appears too much reason to believe he has persuadedhimself all perished. No time has been lost in prevailing upon the master of the Rolla, boundto China, to take on board the officers and seamen now on the reef, belonging to the Porpoise and Investigator, and carrying them to Cantonwhither he is bound; on the conditions expressed in the agreement enteredinto with him by me, and which you have witnessed. For that purpose Ihave caused a proportion of all species of provisions to be put on boardat full allowance, for seventy men for ten weeks from the reef; I shallalso give to lieutenant Fowler the instructions for his conduct which Ihave communicated to you, and direct him to consult with you on themeasures to be adopted by him for executing those instructions, as far assituation and events may render them practicable. And as you agree with me that the Cumberland, colonial schooner oftwenty-nine tons, built here, is capable of performing the voyage toEngland by way of Torres' Strait, and it being essential to thefurthering His Majesty's service that you should reach England by themost prompt conveyance with your charts and journals, I have directed thecommissary to make that vessel over to you, with her present furniture, sails, etc; and to complete her from the stores of the Investigator withsuch other articles as you may require, together with a proportion ofprovisions for six months, for ten officers and men. And on your arrivalat Wreck Reef you will select such officers and men as you may judgenecessary, lieutenant Fowler having my orders on that head. After having given every assistance to get the people and as many storesas can be taken on board the Rolla, and given the commander of theFrancis schooner such orders as circumstances may require, for bringingthose who may choose to be discharged from the service and as many storesas she can bring, you will then proceed to England by the route you mayjudge most advisable and beneficial for His Majesty's service. On yourarrival in London you will deliver my letters to the Admiralty and theprincipal secretary of state for the colonies. In case any unforeseen circumstances should prevent the accomplishment ofthe voyage in the Cumberland, you will take such measures as may appearmost conducive to the interest of His Majesty's service, either byselling the vessel, or letting her for freight at the Cape or elsewhere, if any merchants choose to send proper officers and men to conduct herback; and in the event of your being obliged to dispose of her, you willaccount with His Majesty's principal secretary of state for the coloniesfor the proceeds. I am, etc. , (Signed) Philip Gidley King. [EAST COAST. TOWARDS WRECK REEF. ] The small size of the Cumberland made it necessary to stop at everyconvenient place on the way to England, for water and refreshment; and Iproposed Coepang Bay in Timor, Mauritius, the Cape of Good Hope, St. Helena, and some one of the Western Isles; but governor King objected toMauritius, from not wishing to encourage any communication between theFrench colonies and Port Jackson; and also because he had understood thathurricanes often prevailed in the neighbourhood of that island, about thetime of year when I should be passing; he left this matter, however, tobe decided by necessity and my judgment, and gave me two letters for thegovernor of Mauritius, to be forwarded from the Cape, or by the bestopportunity. At those places in the Indian Seas where I might stop, herequested me to make inquires into the facility of obtaining cattle forhis colony, with the price and the traffic with which they might be bestprocured; and to send this information by any ship bound to Port Jackson. WEDNESDAY 21 SEPTEMBER 1803 Every thing being prepared for our departure, I sailed out of the harbourin the Cumberland on the 21st at daylight, with the Rolla and Francis incompany. Mr. Inman, the astronomer, had taken a passage in the Rolla withhis instruments; and of the thirteen persons who came with me in theboat, captain Park and his second mate were on board that ship, and theboatswain of the Investigator with the ten seamen composed my crew in theschooner. We had a fresh breeze at south-east, and the Cumberlandappeared to sail as well as could be expected; but the wind becomingstronger towards night, she lay over so much upon the broad side thatlittle sail could be carried; and instead of being tight, as had beenrepresented, her upper works then admitted a great deal of water. Nextmorning [THURSDAY 22 SEPTEMBER 1803], the wind having rather increasedthan diminished, I found we should soon be obliged to lie to altogether, and that if we passed Port Stephens there was no place of shelter for along distance where the schooner could be saved from drifting on shore;the signal was therefore made to tack, and at dusk the Rolla and Francisran into Port Stephens. Not being able to reach so far, I anchored in asmall bight under Point Stephens, in very bad plight; the pumps provingto be so nearly useless, that we could not prevent the water from halffilling the hold; and two hours longer would have reduced us to balingwith buckets, and perhaps have been fatal. This essay did not lead me tothink favourably of the vessel, in which I had undertaken a voyage halfround the globe. FRIDAY 23 SEPTEMBER 1803 Next morning I joined the Rolla and Francis; and it being then calm, wedid not quit Port Stephens until the afternoon. At night the wind againblew strong from the south-east; but the desire to arrive at Wreck Reefovercoming my apprehensions, the schooner was made snug and wepersevered. Our inability to carry sail was so much the more provoking, that this wind was as fair as could be wished; but whilst the Cumberlandcould scarcely bear a close-reefed main sail and jib without danger ofoversetting, the Rolla went along under double-reefed top sails in greattranquillity; and to avoid parting company was obliged to keep hercourses up, and to back a top sail from time to time. SATURDAY 24 SEPTEMBER 1803 (Atlas, Plate X. ) The wind moderated next day, and allowed us to make better progress. Itafterwards veered round to the north-east, and prevented us from fetchingmore than ten miles to the east of the reef by Mr. Inman's time keeper, when we came into the proper latitude. We bore away for it, however, onOct. 1 [SATURDAY 1 OCTOBER 1803], and ran more than a degree to the west;when finding no reef or bank, it appeared that we must have beensomething to the west of Wreck Reef when the time keeper showed ten milesto the eastward. This obliged us to work back again, and it was not tillthe 7th [FRIDAY 7 OCTOBER 1803] that we got sight of the ensign upon thetop of the bank. * [* The want of my journal has prevented me from stating any particularsof this passage very correctly; but I have lately obtained a sight of Mr. Inman's observations, and it appears from them that his time keeper(Kendal's No. 45) erred 31' to the east on Oct. 1, and that on the 2nda. M. Our corrected longitude was 153° 52'. We ran westward till thatevening, and must therefore have gone to about 153° 25', or 1° 54' westof Wreck-Reef Bank; and as no dangers were seen, this shows howcompletely the Reef is separated from the great Barrier of the coast; apoint which it is of some importance to have ascertained. ] [EAST COAST. WRECK REEF. ] It was six weeks on this day that I had quitted the reef in the boat, forthe purpose of seeking the means to relieve my officers and people. Thebank was first seen from the Rolla's mast head, and soon afterward twoboats were perceived under sail; and advancing nearer, we saw one boatmake for the Rolla and the other returning to the bank. The Porpoise hadnot yet gone to pieces; but was still lying on her beam ends, high up onthe reef, a frail, but impressive monument of our misfortune. In the afternoon I anchored under the lee of the bank, in 18 fathomscoral sand, and a salute of eleven guns from it was immediately fired, the carronades of the Porpoise having been transported from the wreck. Onlanding, I was greeted with three hearty cheers, and the utmost joy by myofficers and people; and the pleasure of rejoining my companions so amplyprovided with the means of relieving their distress, made this one of thehappiest moments of my life. The two boats we had seen, were the Porpoise's remaining cutter and a newboat constructed during my absence; it was just completed, and lieutenantFowler had this morning gone out to try its sailing against the cutter. My safe arrival at Port Jackson became a subject of much doubt after thefirst month; and they had begun to reconcile their minds to making thebest use of the means they possessed to reach some frequented port. TheRolla's top-gallant sail was first seen in the horizon by a man in thenew boat, and was taken for a bird; but regarding it more steadfastly, hestarted up and exclaimed, d--n my bl--d what's that! It was soonrecognised to be a sail, and caused a general acclamation of joy, forthey doubted not it was a ship coming to their succour. LieutenantFlinders, then commanding officer on the bank, was in his tentcalculating some lunar distances, when one of the young gentlemen ran tohim, calling, "Sir, Sir! A ship and two schooners in sight!" After alittle consideration, Mr. Flinders said he supposed it was his brothercome back, and asked if the vessels were near? He was answered, not yet;upon which he desired to be informed when they should reach theanchorage, and very calmly resumed his calculations: such are the variedeffects produced by the same circumstance upon different minds. When thedesired report was made, he ordered the salute to be fired, and took partin the general satisfaction. My plan of proceeding at the reef having been arranged on the passage, Iimmediately began to put it in execution. The people were assembled onthe bank, and informed that such as chose to be discharged from theservice might return to Port Jackson in the Francis schooner; and thatthe rest would be taken on board the Rolla and carried to China, with theexception of ten officers and men whom I named, to go to England with mein the Cumberland, if they would risk themselves in so small a vessel;for notwithstanding what had been discovered of the bad qualities of theschooner, I determined to proceed, at least so far as to reach some portwhere a passage might be procured in a better vessel without losing time. The determinations of all were required to be given on the following day;and in the mean time we began to take on board the few stores necessaryto complete the Cumberland for our voyage, and especially to fill theholds with water, of which there was yet a good quantity remaining on thebank. MONDAY 10 OCTOBER 1803 On the 10th, three days after our arrival, the Rolla had received thepeople destined for her, with part of the provisions and stores; and theCumberland was ready to sail. All those whom I had named, with theexception of my clerk, volunteered to go in the schooner; viz. , Mr. JohnAken, master, and Mr. Edward Charrington, boatswain of the Investigator, my servant, and seven chosen seamen. A cask containing what had beensaved of my specimens of mineralogy and conchology was taken on board, asalso the charts, books, and papers of every kind, with the instrumentsreceived from the Navy Board and the sole time keeper which had notstopped. Mr. Denis Lacy, master's mate of the Investigator, desiring to return toPort Jackson, he was charged with my letter to His Excellency governorKing; and I gave him an order to command the new boat. It was about thesize of the Cumberland, had a deck, and was called the _Resource_; and wemanned her with a part of those people whose choice led them back to PortJackson. I ordered Mr. James Aikin, commander of the Francis, and Mr. Lacy, to take on board for the colony as much of the stores as theyshould be able; and on their arrival, to make a statement to the governorof the condition in which they might leave the Porpoise, and whatremained on the bank. The officers journals, which were to be sent to the Admiralty at theconclusion of the voyage, had not been demanded at the time of ourshipwreck; lieutenant Fowler was therefore directed to take all that weresaved belonging to the officers embarked with him in the Rolla; and lestany accident should happen to the Cumberland, I committed to his charge acopy of four charts, being all of the East and North Coasts which therehad been time to get ready; with these he took a short letter to thesecretary of the Admiralty, and one to the Victualling Board inclosingsuch vouchers as had been saved from the wreck. To Mr. Inman I gave theremaining instruments belonging to the Board of Longitude, reserving onlya time keeper and a telescope; the large and most valuable instrumentshad very fortunately been delivered to him before we had sailed from PortJackson in the Porpoise. These matters being arranged, I pressed captain Cumming to depart, fearing that a change of wind might expose the Rolla to danger; butfinding him desirous to take off more provisions and stores, I made sailfor a bank or rather islet seven miles distant at the eastern extremityof Wreck Reef, for the purpose of collecting seabirds eggs, and ifpossible taking a turtle. The Rolla joined on the following day [TUESDAY11 OCTOBER 1803], and I went on board to take leave of Messrs. Fowler andFlinders and the other officers and gentlemen; at noon we parted companywith three cheers, the Rolla steering north-eastward for China, whilst mycourse was directed for Torres' Strait. With the time keeper, Earnshaw's No. 520, I had received from lieutenantFlinders an account of its error from mean Greenwich time at noon thereOct. 6, and its rate of going during the fourteen preceding days, whichwere as under. No. 520, slow 0h 9' 49. 35" and losing 34. 13" per day. The _latitude_ of Wreck-Reef Bank was ascertained from eight meridianobservations from the sea, and four from an artificial horizon: the meanof the latter, which are considered the best, is 22° 11' 23" S. _Longitude_ from sixty sets of lunar distances, of which the individualresults are given in Table VIII. Of the Appendix No. I. To this volume, 155° 18' 50. 5" E. The longitude of the bank, as given by Earnshaw's No. 520 on Aug. 28, eleven days after the shipwreck, was 155° 4' 14. 6" with the Port Jacksonrate, or 14' 35. 9" less than the lunar observations. In laying down thePorpoise's track on the chart, this error has been corrected by an equalproportion, according to the time of each observation for the longitude. Mr. Flinders deduced the _variation_ of the compass from observing thesun's magnetic azimuth a. M. And p. M. , when equal altitudes were taken, and comparing the mean azimuth at corresponding altitudes with the truemeridian; this method is probably not the best, and the results from twocompasses differed considerably; Walker's compass, marked No. 1, giving9° 17' east from ten observations, and that marked No. 2, 13° 54' fromfive observations. The first is undoubtedly the best, though possibly notvery correct. There are here two regular _tides_ daily, and it was high water on theday of full moon at 8h 50' in the morning; the rise was six feet twoinches, but the night tide will probably reach to eight, or perhaps ninefeet at the height of the springs. Some account was given of Wreck-Reef Bank before quitting it in the boat, but I had not then acquired a knowledge of the whole extent of the reef. It is about twenty miles long, and from a quarter, to one mile and a halfin breadth; and consists of many distinct patches of differentmagnitudes, the six principal of which are from four to eight or tenmiles in circuit. They are separated by channels of one mile to near aleague in width; and in the two easternmost I found from 8 to 10 fathoms, and nothing to prevent a ship passing through in a case of necessity. Four of the six larger patches have each a sand bank near the middle, which do not appear to have been lately covered by the tide; and they arenow more or less frequented by sea birds, such as noddies, boobies, tropic, and man-of-war birds, gannets, and perhaps some others. Of thesefour banks, two lie to the west and one to the east of that near whichour ships struck; but the eastern bank is the most considerable, and mostfrequented by birds; turtle also land there occasionally, and this bankwas not improperly called _Bird Islet_, being now covered with coarsegrass, some shrubs, and a soil to which the birds are every day making anincrease. Bird Islet being to windward of, and only seven miles distant from ourbank, it was frequently visited by the gentlemen during my absence. Besides sea birds of the species already mentioned, they procured manythousand eggs; and also four turtle, of which one weighed 459 pounds, andcontained so many eggs, that lieutenant Fowler's journal says no lessthan 1940, large and small, were counted. These supplies, with shell fishgathered from the reef, and fish, were a great resource, and admitted ofa saving in the salt provisions; as the occasional rains, from whichseveral casks were filled, did of their fresh water. The _trepang_ wasfound on Wreck Reef, and soup was attempted to be made of it; but whetherour cooks had not the method of stewing it down, or that the trepang issuited only to the vitiated taste of the Chinese, nothing good wasproduced Oats, maize, and pumpkin seeds were planted upon Wreck-Reef Bank, as alsoupon Bird Islet; and the young plants had come up, and were in atolerably flourishing state; some of these may possibly succeed upon theislet, but upon the bank it is scarcely to be hoped. The cocoa nut iscapable of resisting the light sprays of the sea which frequently passover these banks, and it is to be regretted that we had none to plantupon them. A cluster of these majestic and useful palms would have beenan excellent beacon to warn mariners of their danger; and in the casewhere darkness might render them unavailing in this respect, their fruitwould at least afford some salutary nourishment to the shipwreckedseamen. The navigator who should distribute ten thousand cocoa nutsamongst the numerous sand banks of the Great Ocean and Indian Sea, wouldbe entitled to the gratitude of all maritime nations, and of every friendto humanity. I may be thought to attribute too much importance to thisobject in saying, that such a distribution ought to be a leading articlein the instructions for any succeeding voyage of discovery orinvestigation to these parts; but it is from having suffered ourselvesthat we learn to appreciate the misfortunes and wants of others. Andbecome doubly interested in preventing or relieving them. "The humanheart, " as an elegant author observes, "resembles certain medicinaltrees. Which yield not their healing balm until they have themselves beenwounded. "* [* Le coeur est comme ces sortes d'arbres, qui ne donnent leur baume pourles blessures des hommes que lorsque le fer les a blessés eux-mêmes. Chateaubriant's _Génie de Christianisme, Episode d' Attala_. ] CHAPTER III. Passage in the Cumberland to Torres' Strait. Eastern Fields and Pandora's Entrance. New channels amongst the reefs. Anchorage at Half-way Island, and under the York Isles. Prince of Wales's Islands further examined. Booby Isle. Passage across the Gulph of Carpentaria. Anchorage at Wessel's Islands. Passage to Coepang Bay, in Timor; and to Mauritius, where the leakiness of the Cumberland makes it necessary to stop. Anchorage at the Baye du Cap, and departure for Port Louis. [EAST COAST. TOWARDS TORRES' STRAIT] TUESDAY 11 OCTOBER 1803 (Atlas, Plate I. ) On parting from the Rolla, at noon Oct. 11, off Bird Islet, our coursewas steered N. N. W. By compass for Torres' Strait. At eight in theevening we had run thirteen leagues from Wreck Reef, without seeing anydanger; but I thought it advisable to lie to in the night, until thedistance was further increased. We made sail again at five in the morning[WEDNESDAY 12 OCTOBER 1803], and at noon were in 20° 46' south and 155°2' east. During the two following days and nights, our course by compasswas N. W. By N. , and afterwards N. W. ; and on the 15th [SATURDAY 15OCTOBER 1803] at noon we had reached the latitude 15° 29' and longitude151° 24', the current having set, upon the average of four days, ¾ of amile an hour to the W. N. W. This situation was a little to the north, and about one degree to the east of Bougainville's Bank of Diana, and thetropic birds, petrels, and boobies seen every day were this evening morenumerous, especially the boobies; they most probably belonged to Diana'sBank, but lest some other might lie in our way, we hauled to the wind ateight o'clock. The little Cumberland was still very leaky at such timesas the wind came more on the side and caused her to lie over; and thepumps were so bad that a fourth part of the day was frequently requiredat them to keep her free, and they were becoming worse from such constantuse. SUNDAY 16 OCTOBER 1803 Our north-west course was resumed at five in the morning, and continuedwithout interruption, or sight of any danger, to the 19th [WEDNESDAY 19OCTOBER 1803] at noon, when the latitude was 10° 53' south, and longitudeby time keeper 147° 6' east; the current had set above ¾ of a mile anhour to the N. 60° W. , and we had every day seen boobies, noddies, tropicbirds, and some gulls. At four in the afternoon the course was alteredone point more west, in order to make the Eastern Fields (Atlas, PlateXIII), whose extent to the southward, not having been seen in theInvestigator, I wished now to ascertain. The breakers came in sight ateight next morning [THURSDAY 20 OCTOBER 1803], and we hauled up to passround their south end; but the wind being scant for going to windward ofall, and the small gap before seen in the middle appearing to be passablefor the Cumberland, we bore up for it. The depth at less than a quarterof a mile off was 40 fathoms, then 6, 7, 4 in the centre of the opening, 8, and no ground with the hand line; this front reef seeming to be a mereledge of coral, which extended N. N. E. And S. S. W. ; and that part ofthe opening in it where the sea did not break, is about one mile wide. Immediately on getting through, altitudes were taken for the time keeper;and the longitude, reduced to the north-east extremity of the EasternFields, was 145° 44½' east, or about 1' less than what had been found inthe Investigator from Broad Sound. In steering W. N. W. , two smallpatches of reef were left to the south and one to the north, about fivemiles from the opening; other reefs then came in sight ahead and on eachbow; and after sounding in 34 fathoms coral sand, and observing thelatitude 10° 2 1/3', we passed through a narrow channel between them, having no ground at 7 fathoms. At one o'clock, the western extremity ofthese reefs bore S. 16° E. Two miles, and others were seen in the horizonextending from N. W. To W. S. W. ; we passed close round the north end ofthese; but the single breaker laid down the year before, and which shouldlie about five miles to the N. N. E. , was not perceived. At threeo'clock, in steering westward, the last reefs were out of sight astern;and nothing more had been seen at seven, when we hauled to the wind forthe night. An amplitude observed at sunset, with the schooner's head W. By S. , gave 6° 2' east variation. FRIDAY 21 OCTOBER 1803 We tacked every two or three hours, until daylight; and then bore away W. S. W. By compass, to make the south side of the Pandora's Entrance, whichI had not seen in the Investigator. Soon after eight o'clock, breakerscame in sight; and we stood off and on till noon, to fix their latitudeand longitude, and ascertain our position with respect to Murray'sIslands before entering the Strait. The sun was vertical and thereforedifficult to be observed; but in taking Mr. Aken's observation on oneside and mine on the other, which differed only 3½', the mean latitude10° 0½', could not be far wrong. The reef in sight was shown by thisobservation to be on the south side of the Pandora's Entrance, as Iwished; and its north end will lie in 10° 59' south, and longitude by thetime keeper 144° 40' east. We bore away so soon as the observation wasobtained, and in passing close round the north end, got soundings at twocasts, in 7 and 5 fathoms. This reef lies N. N. E. And S. S. W. , and is about seven miles long witha breadth from one to three miles; its form is nearly that of a boot, andthe outer edges are probably dry at low tide; but there was aconsiderable space within, where the water looked blue, as if very deep. The origin of that class of islands which abound in the Great Ocean, under the names of Bow, Lagoon, etc. , may here be traced. The exteriorbank of coral will, in the course of years, become land, as in them;whilst the interior water will preserve its depth to a longer period, andform a lagoon, with no other outlet than perhaps one or two littleopenings for canoes or boats. In Mr. Dalrymple's chart of the Pandora'strack, there is a dry bank marked on the north-west part of the reef; butthis commencement of the metamorphosis was not visible to us, probablyfrom its being covered by the tide, for it was then near high water. Insome future age, when Boot Island shall be visited, this little remark, it it live so long, may be of some interest to the geographer. [NORTH COAST. TORRES' STRAIT. ] I hauled up under the lee side of the reef, intending to anchor and go ina boat to sound the deep water within; but not finding any ground with 70fathoms at a mile off, we bore away at two o'clock to make Murray'sIslands. At three, breakers were seen four or five miles to thesouthward, and others, perhaps on the same reef, about three miles W. S. W. From them; in half an hour the largest of Murray's Islands came insight to the W. By N. ; and our course being continued to six o'clock, thecentre then bore N. 78° W. Nearly four leagues, but the front reefs, which could not be more than half that distance in the same direction, were not visible. We then hauled to the wind, and stood off and on tilldaylight [SATURDAY 22 OCTOBER 1803], when the largest island bore W. ByS. Murray's Islands may be considered as the key to the best passage yetknown through Torres' Strait, and my route to them in the Investigatorbeing circuitous, I wished to ascertain whether a more direct track mightnot be found; we therefore steered to make the north-eastern reefs, andon coming in with the breakers, ran along their south side at thedistance of one or two miles. At half past seven, the termination ofthese reefs bore N. N. W. ; but another reef, which extended far to thesouth, had for some time been in sight, and a dry sand on its north endnow bore S. W. By W. One mile. In the opening between them was a smallpatch of coral, and several green spots in the water round it; but thereappearing to be room for the Cumberland to pass on the north side, Iventured through, sounding in 20 and 23 fathoms without finding bottom. This opening is a mile wide, and lies five or six miles, nearly E. N. E. , from the largest of Murray's Islands; it would consequently be moredirect to pass through it than to follow the Investigator's track roundthe north-eastern reefs; but from the narrowness of the opening and themany green spots where the depth is unknown to me, I dare not recommendit to a ship, though very practicable for small vessels in fine weather. The dry bank on the south side of the opening will probably be covered atthree-quarters flood. After clearing the passage, I steered W. N. W. To avoid going nearMurray's Islands, lest the small size of the Cumberland should tempt theIndians to make an attack; this they were likely to do if the opportunityoffered, and many were standing on the shore with their canoes seeminglyin readiness. At 8h 50' the large island bore S. 6° E. To 13° W. , threeor four miles; and our position in longitude being very nearly the samewith that of my former anchorage, altitudes were taken for the timekeeper. The result, when corrected, was 144° 2' 0" east, and in theInvestigator it had been 144° 2' 58", being a difference scarcely worthnotice. When it is considered that Wreck Reef, whence the Cumberland'sdeparture was taken, and Coepang in Timor, by which the longitude iscorrected, are laid down from observations wholly distinct from those atUpper Head and Sweers' Island, which regulated the Investigator'slongitude, this near coincidence will be thought remarkable; and it mustalso be allowed to show, that an equally accelerated rate andsupplemental correction are improvements on the ordinary management oftime keepers. At this time, the large reef to the north of Murray's Islands was distantone or two miles, and we steered westward along it, to get into my formertrack; but the man at the mast head saying that the water wasdiscoloured, and that he did not think there was any passage in thedirection we steered, I thought myself deceived in the distance of theisland; and the schooner was hauled up two points to the southward, wherethe appearance was better. It became evident, however, that thediscoloured water was in the same ripplings of tide through which theInvestigator had passed without finding bottom at 30 fathoms; and nodoubt it was from these ripplings that the discolouring arose. At ten o'clock, the top of the largest island bore S. 74° E. Five or sixmiles, we had reefs at the distance of half a mile to a mile on eachbeam, and I then found that we were to the south of the Investigator'strack; but the channel being clear ahead, and taking a direction nearlystraight for Cape York, I steered onward, being rather pleased than sorryat having thus got by accident into a new route. Darnley's Island wasseen from the mast head before eleven; and when the top of Murray'sIsland bore E. 1° S. It was set at N. N. W. , the depth being then 52fathoms on a bottom of small stones, coral, and shells. The great line ofreefs which had been kept on the larbord beam of the Investigator, wasnow on the starbord beam of the schooner; but we had also a great mass ofreefs on the other side, forming between them a kind of channel from twoto four miles broad, leading south-westward. We ran on at the rate offive knots until noon, when the depth was 25 fathoms, soft sand, and oursituation as under, Latitude observed to the south, 9° 58½'Longitude brought on, 143 45Murray's I. , top of the largest, N. 78 E. Murray's I. , south-westernmost, N. 82 E. The channel was now five or six miles wide, and no interruption yetappeared; but breakers were seen a-head before two o'clock, and seemed toconnect the reefs to leeward with those on the weather side; and therebeing a small opening on the starbord beam, we bore away north-westthrough it, towards the Investigator's track. Other reefs, however, obstructed the way, upon one of which was a dry bank; and seeing a sortof middle channel within them, we hauled up W. By S. Into it, andafterwards S. W. The sea did not break upon these reefs, and the sunbeing on the starbord bow, prevented us from knowing how they lay toleeward. At four, the coral bottom was seen under the schooner, and thedepth was no more than 2 fathoms; we tacked immediately, and in tenminutes were able to weather the end of the reef at the outlet of themiddle channel, where no obstruction appeared; but a bank, probably notof coral, was found to run across, and in passing over it we had 3, 1½, 2, 3, 8 fathoms, and in five minutes 22 on a soft bottom. A swell wasthen perceived coming from E. S. E. , which showed that the weather reefsalso there terminated; it even implied that the waves had no obstructionfor many miles, probably as far as the great outer reef seen by thePandora. Half-way Island came in sight as soon as the middle channel was cleared, and we steered west, carrying all sail to reach it before dark. Inpassing round the north end of its reef at sunset, we had 18 fathoms, andpresently anchored in 20, with the centre of the island bearing S. By E. ½ E. One mile, and the reef from E. ½ S. To S. W. By S. Next morning atdaylight [SUNDAY 23 OCTOBER 1803], Mr. Aken went on shore to bring offsome shells of the large cockle (_chama gigas_), which the Indians placeunder the pandanus trees to catch water, and on his return at eighto'clock, we resumed our course to the south-westward, passing betweensome dry sands before seen in the Investigator. I then kept up moresouthward to fetch the York Isles, and this took us between two othersands surrounded with small reefs. There were many birds, and a pole wasstanding up on the northern bank; and the wind becoming very light, ananchor was dropped in 14 fathoms under the west side, and I went onshore. This bank or key was very little above high water; but a young pandanushad been planted on the top and surrounded with a circle of stones, apparently to protect it from the turtle, whose tracks were fresh on thesand. It appeared from thence, that the Indians come here at times; andthis tree had been planted with a view, most probably, to obtain freshwater by the same means as at Half-way Island. The latitude of the bank, according to Mr. Aken's meridian observation, is 10° 18' south, longitudeby the time keeper 143° 6' east, and there is a similar bank lying two orthree miles to the southward. On my return the south-east trade had freshened up, and we steered S. W. By compass, in soundings from 13 to 11 fathoms, soft ground. Some of thesmall woody isles before laid down, were seen to the north-westward, butnothing else till four o'clock; the high flat-topped York Isle then camein sight, and at six the following bearings were set. Mount Adolphus, the flat top, S. 33° W. Two rocks on its south side, S. 17 W. Western York Isle, the north end, S. 69 W. A low distant isle (from the mast head), S ½ E. I purposed anchoring between the flat-topped island and the western isle;but several rocks being seen there, and the night coming on, we bore awayto leeward of the rocks and came to in 13 fathoms, soon after seveno'clock. The tide was setting to the westward, and so continued tillhalf past nine, when it turned to the east, and ran till half pastthree in the morning [MONDAY 24 OCTOBER 1803]; if the rise by theshore corresponded with the stream, it was high water _three hoursand a half after_ the moon's passage; which would be five hours laterthan at Murray's Islands, and one hour earlier than it had appeared to beat those of the Prince of Wales (see Ch. V, 1 November). A fresh breezefrom south-east raised a swell here, but the anchor held all night; andbefore getting under way next morning, I set the following bearings ofthe land. Flat-topped I. , distant three miles S. 42° to 2° E. Flat-topped I. , centre of Mount Adolphus, S. 32 E. C. York, outer of three islets near the E. Extreme, S. 2 E. Western York I. , distant 1½ miles S. 18 to 88 W. Northern double I. , imperfectly from aloft, N. W. By W. ½ W. On passing the north end of the western isle at seven o'clock, I tookaltitudes for the time keeper, and from thence deduced the longitude ofMount Adolphus to be 142° 40' east; we then hauled up for Cape York, withsoundings between 14 and 10 fathoms, leaving on the starbord hand a rockwhich lies S. 78° W. Five miles from the north end of the western isle. At half past eight, two rocks close to the northern extremity of the Capewere distant four or five miles, the Prince of Wales's Islands werecoming in sight, and the following bearings were taken. Western York Isle, north end, N. 70° E. C. York, north extreme, S. 58 E. C. York, hill at the north-west extreme, S. 11 W. Possession Isle, apparently, of capt. Cook, S. 26° to 33 W. Northern double Isle, centre, North. On the largest of the Prince of Wales' Islands was a hill formingsomething like two horns at the top; we steered a direct course for thishill, and perceived a bight or opening two miles to the south of it, bywhich the sea may probably have a communication with the water beforeobserved within the great island. From abreast of Horned Hill we followedthe line of the shore northward, in soundings from 4 to 7 fathoms at oneor two miles off; and soon after ten o'clock hauled west into the openingbetween this land and Wednesday Island, to pass through the middle of thegroup. Our soundings were variable between 5 and 3 fathoms, untilapproaching Hammond's Island; when there not appearing to be depth enoughon its south side, I steered out northward, leaving a rock on thestarbord hand within which there was only 2 fathoms. This rock seems to be the small, dark-coloured island described by Mr. Hamilton as being near the centre of Sandwich Sound (see Introduction);and if so, Wolf's Bay, in which he says there is from 5 to 7 fathoms andcommodious anchorage for shipping, should be that inclosed piece of waterseen from the top of Good's Island; but to me at this time, there did notappear to be any ship passage into it from the northward. An island liesat the entrance, and on its west side the depth may probably be moreconsiderable. On getting out from between Wednesday and Hammond's Islands, we steeredalong the south side of the great north-western reef; and at noon ourobservation and bearings were as under. Latitude observed to the north, 10° 31'Hammond's I. , the north rock dist. 2 miles, N. 73 E. Good's I. , former station on the S. W. Hill, S. 23 W. Hawkesbury I. , the highest part, N. 14 W. Booby Isle was in sight from the mast head at one o'clock, bearing nearlyW. S. W. ; and soon after three we anchored one mile to leeward of it, in7 fathoms, soft sand. A boat was sent on shore, which presently came backloaded with boobies; and fresh turtle tracks having been perceived, thecrew returned to watch, and at midnight we received five turtle. Theseappeared to be of the species called hawkes-bill; the shells and skins, as also their fat, were of a red tinge, and they had longer necks thanthe turtle procured at Wellesley's Islands, to which they were muchinferior, both in size and quality. When entering the Gulph of Carpentaria in the Investigator, I hadremarked what appeared to be a considerable error in the relativepositions of Booby Isle and the flat-topped York Island, as they are laiddown by captain Cook; and to obtain more certainty, the longitude of theflat top had been observed this morning from the time keeper, and Ianchored here this afternoon to do the same by Booby Isle. The resultshowed the difference of longitude between them to be 43½', differingless than 1' from what had been deduced in the Investigator, whereas, bycaptain Cook, they are placed 63' asunder. The high respect to which thelabours of that great man are entitled, had caused me to entertain somedoubt of the reality of this error until the present verification. It isto be wholly ascribed to the circumstance of his not having had a timekeeper in his _first_ voyage; and a more eminent proof of the utility ofthis valuable instrument cannot be given, than that so able a navigatorcould not always avoid making errors so considerable as this, whendeprived of its assistance. A meridian altitude of the moon placed Booby Isle in latitude 10° 36'south; and the longitude from a medium of the Investigator's andCumberland's time keepers, was 141° 56½' east. A morning's amplitudetaken after quitting the isle when the schooner's head was W. By S. , gavethe uncorrected variation 5° 38' east. TUESDAY 25 OCTOBER 1803 At daybreak next morning, having a fresh trade wind, we steered W. By S. By compass, the soundings increasing gradually from 7 fathoms to 13 atnoon, when our latitude was 10° 38' and longitude 141° 17'. No reefs orother dangers had been seen to the west of Booby Isle; nor were any metwith in steering across the Gulph of Carpentaria towards Cape Wilberforce(Atlas, Plate XIV), though many birds, principally boobies, were seenevery day. We ran in the night, with the precaution of heaving to everyfour hours, to sound; the depth was from 30 to 36 fathoms on a muddybottom, nearly all across the Gulph. FRIDAY 28 OCTOBER 1803 (Atlas, Plate XV. ) On 28th at two in the morning, Cape Wilberforce being seen directlyahead, we hove to in 18 fathoms till daylight; the south-east extreme ofthe cape then bore S. 54° W, and the largest of Bromby's Isles was twomiles distant to the northward. After making some short tacks, we passedthrough between the two outer isles, with soundings from 6 to 11 fathoms;and at ten o'clock, when clear of the passage, the bearings of thenearest lands were as under: Bromby's I. , the largest, cliffy S. E. End, S. 34° W. Bromby's I. , outermost, highest part, dist. 1¼ m. , S. 50 E. Truant Isle, centre, N. 37 E. Two islets, dist. 5 miles, centres, N. 24° and 32 W. Wigram's Island, extremes, N. 55 to S. 87 W. The longitude of our situation according to the positions laid down inthe Investigator, would be 136° 41' 10", and the time keeper now gave136° 42' 12". It was principally for the sake of comparing the twolongitudes, that I made the land near Cape Wilberforce. [NORTH COAST. WESSEL'S ISLANDS. ] We steered northward for the two islets, and at noon, when the latitudefrom an observation to the south was 11° 43', but from bearings 11° 42', they were distant three quarters of a mile to the W. By S. ; these isletshad been set from the south-east head of Cotton's Island at N. 42° 35' to45° 5' E. , and that head was now seen bearing S. 45¼° W. At one o'clockthe Wessel's Islands came in sight, and I hauled more up, wishing toascertain their extent to the northward; but the wind being at E. N. E, we could not pass to windward before dark, and therefore steered for anopening between the two outer islands. There were strong ripplings andwhirlpools of tide at the entrance of the opening, with very variablesoundings between 5 and 16 fathoms; and finding we could not get throughin time, the sun being then near the horizon, an anchor was dropped neara small beach on the north side, in 4 fathoms, out of the set of thetides. SATURDAY 29 OCTOBER 1803 Next morning I landed on the northern island, to take bearings and searchfor water, and the boat's crew had axes to cut some fire wood. Four orfive Indians made their appearance, but as we advanced they retired; andI therefore left them to themselves, having usually found that to bringon an interview with the Australians, it was best to seem careless aboutit. A Malay prow had been thrown on the beach, and whilst the boat's crewwas busied in cutting up the wreck for fuel, the Indians approachedgradually, and a friendly intercourse took place; but as no water couldbe found, and time was more precious than the company of these people, they were presented with our axes after the work was done, and we gotunder way soon after ten o'clock. This island appears to be the outermost of the chain called Wessel'sIslands, which extend thirteen leagues in a north-east direction from themain land near Point Dale. It seemed to be eight or nine miles in length, by about five in breadth; the southern part is sandy and sterile, butsome trees are produced; and I saw kangaroos of a small kind, too lean tobe worth the pursuit their shyness required. The natives are of the samecolour and appearance as in other parts of Terra Australis, and goequally naked; their presence here showed the south end of the island tobe not wholly destitute of fresh water; but in the limited search we hadtime to make, none could be found, though traces of torrents denoted thefalling of heavy rains in some part of the year. The island to thesouth-west, which is of somewhat greater extent, though less inelevation, had much the same appearance. A distance of two miles between the islands seems to present a fairopening; but there is a reef of low rocks on the west side, and theripplings and whirlpools caused by the meeting of the tides take away thecommand of a vessel in light winds; so that, although I went throughsafely in the Cumberland, the passage can be recommended to a _ship_ onlyin a case of necessity. The latitude of our anchorage under the northernisland, from a supplement of the moon's meridian altitude, was 11° 242/3' south; and the longitude by time keeper, from altitudes of the star_Altair_, 136° 28½' east, but it is placed in 1' less, conformably to thepositions fixed in the Investigator. A head land seen in latitude 11°18', was probably the northern extremity of this island, and of the wholechain; at least nothing beyond it could be perceived. [NORTH COAST. TOWARDS TIMOR. ] In steering out of the channel we were carried near the western rocks bythe tide; but the water was deep, and a breeze soon took the schooner outof its influence. At noon our observed latitude was 11° 21', the northernisland bore N. 67° to S. 48° E, and the furthest part of the southernland S. 5° W. ; the wind was light at north-east, and until midnight westeered north-west to get off the coast; our course was then morewestward towards Timor, where I proposed to stop for a supply of waterand provisions. (Atlas, Plate I. ) NOVEMBER 1803 A moderate trade wind, coming generally from S. E. In the first part, andE. N. E. In the latter part of the day, carried us to the longitude ofthe northern Cape Van Diemen; beyond that, the winds were light andvariable, and frequently at south-west, which alarmed me lest theunfavourable monsoon should set in before we could get far enough to beout of its influence. Nov. 6 at noon [SUNDAY 6 NOVEMBER 1803], ourlatitude was 9° 28' south, longitude 127° 12' east (Atlas, Plate XVI), and I was surprised to see already the high land of Timor extending fromN. ½ W. To W. N. W. ; the first was probably the north-east extremity ofthe island, and distant about twenty-three leagues, but the high land inthe latter bearing could scarcely be nearer than thirty-five leagues. This distance, with ten feet elevation of the eye on the schooner's deck, would give the height to be more than 9000 feet, had it been seen in thehorizon, but it was perceptibly above, and this land is thereforeprobably not much inferior to the peak of Teneriffe. I did not measureits altitude above the horizon with a sextant, or the elevation mighthave been more nearly ascertained. The westward current had hitherto not exceeded half a mile an hour; butthe next day it was one mile, and on the day following [TUESDAY 8NOVEMBER 1803] one and a quarter to the W. S. W. We had then regained thetrade wind, and our situation at noon was 10° 3½' south and 125° 15'east; the northern part of Timor was obscured by haze, the nearest landvisible bore N. 75° W. About eight leagues, and the southern extreme W. 5° S. On the 9th [WEDNESDAY 9 NOVEMBER 1803], the round hill upon Rotteecame in sight, and bore S. 78° W. At noon, when our latitude was 10° 32¼'south and longitude 124° 0' east. We carried all sail to gain SamowStrait before dark; but it was eight o'clock when we hauled round the lowsouth-west point of Timor, in soundings from 6 to 14 fathoms, within aquarter of a mile of the reef. There were lights on both shores, whichwere useful in directing our course up the strait; but havingunfavourable winds, the northern outlet was not quite reached at noonnext day [THURSDAY 10 NOVEMBER 1803]; and it was near five in the eveningbefore we anchored abreast of Fort Concordia. This was the thirtieth dayof our departure from Wreck Reef, and two days might be deducted fromthem for the deviations and stoppages made for surveying; the indifferentsailing of the schooner was also against making a quick passage, for withall the sail we could set, so much as six knots was not marked on the logboard; yet notwithstanding these hindrances, and the much greater of mysix-weeks voyage in the boat to Port Jackson and twelve days stay atWreck Reef, the Bridgewater had arrived at Batavia only four days beforewe anchored in Coepang Bay. Had not the unfortunate accident happened tothe Porpoise, I have little doubt that we could, with the superiorsailing of that ship, have reached the longitude of Java Head on thefortieth, perhaps on the thirty-fifth day of our departure from PortJackson. [AT TIMOR. COEPANG BAY. ] Mynheer Geisler, the former governor of Coepang, died a month before ourarrival, and Mr. Viertzen at this time commanded. He supplied us withalmost every thing our situation required, and endeavoured to make mytime pass as pleasantly as was in his power, furnishing me with a housenear the fort to which I took the time keeper and instruments toascertain a new rate and error; but my anxious desire to reach England, and the apprehension of being met by the north-west monsoon beforepassing Java, induced me to leave him as soon as we could be ready tosail, which was on the fourth day. The schooner had continued to be veryleaky whenever the wind caused her to lie over on the side, and one ofthe pumps had nearly become useless; I should have risked staying two orthree days longer, had Coepang furnished the means of fresh boring andfitting the pumps, or if pitch could have been procured to pay the seamsin the upper works after they were caulked; but no assistance in this waycould be obtained; we however got a leak stopped in the bow, and thevessel was afterwards tight so long as she remained at anchor. Mr. Viertzen informed me that captain Baudin had arrived at Coepang neara month after I had left it in the Investigator, and had sailed early inJune for the Gulph of Carpentaria; and I afterwards learned, that beingdelayed by calms and opposed by south-east winds, he had not reached CapeArnhem when his people and himself began to be sickly; and fearing thatthe north-west monsoon might return before his examination was finished, and keep him in the Gulph beyond the extent of his provisions, heabandoned the voyage and steered for Mauritius in his way to Europe. The situation of Fort Concordia is considered to be 10° 9¼' south and123' 35' 46" east, according to the observations made in the Investigator(see Ch. IX). I took altitudes with a sextant and artificial horizon onthe 11th, 12th, 13th, and 14th, for the rate of the time keeper, which, with its error from mean Greenwich time at noon there on the last day ofobservation, was found to be as under: Earnshaw's No. 520, slow 0h 32' 59. 91" and losing 36. 74" per day. From the first observation on the 11th p. M. , the longitude given withthe rate from Wreck Reef, was 123° 48' 34", or 12' 48" too far east; buton using a rate equally accelerated from that found at Wreck Reef to thisat Coepang, the time keeper will differ only 0' 40" to the east, which isthe presumable amount of its irregularities between Oct. 6 at noon andNov. 11 p. M. , or in 36. 2 days. The longitudes of my track from Wreck Reefto Timor have been corrected agreeably to the accelerated rate, with thefurther allowance of a part of the supplemental error 0' 40", proportionate to the time of each observation; but in Torres' Strait, thesituations are fixed from a medium of the longitudes so obtained and ofthose of the Investigator with the corrections specified in Ch. VI. , preceding; the difference between them no where exceeding 1½' oflongitude. [FROM TIMOR. TOWARDS MAURITIUS. ] MONDAY 14 NOVEMBER 1803 On the evening of the 14th we sailed from Coepang, and having passedround the north end of Pulo Samow, steered south-westward with a fairbreeze; but the wind being light, and afterwards veering to S. S. W. , ourprogress was slow. At sunset on the 16th [WEDNESDAY 16 NOVEMBER 1803], the island Savu was seen to the N. W. By N. , and next morning [THURSDAY17 NOVEMBER 1803] at six o'clock, the following bearings were taken. Savu. , the highest part, N. 39° E. Benjoar, a round hill on it, N. 22 E. A rocky islet, distant 3 leagues, N. 48 W. At noon, the rocky islet bore N. 63° E. , and its position was ascertainedto be 10° 49½' south and 122° 49' east. A small low island is laid downby admiral D'Entrecasteaux, about three leagues to the north-west of thisposition, and had been previously seen by captain Cook in 1770; it seemspossible that these may be one and the same island, for the situation inD'Entrecasteaux's chart is marked _doubtful_; but they are both laid downin Plate XVI. , and such additions made to what little could bedistinguished of Savu and Benjoar, as D'Entrecasteaux, Cook, Bligh. AndDalrymple could furnish. It was my intention on quitting Timor, if the leaky condition of theschooner and the north-west monsoon did not oppose it, to pass southwardof all the Sunda Islands and direct for the Cape of Good Hope; but ifimpeded, to run through some one of the eastern straits, get into thenorth-east monsoon, and make for Batavia, or any port where the vesselcould be repaired. The veering of the wind to the westward of south, accompanied by a swell and the occasional appearance of lightning in thenorth-western quarter, made me apprehensive of being forced to thislatter plan; and we prepared a boarding netting to defend us against theMalay pirates, with which the straits between Java and Timor were said tobe infested; the wind however came back to the eastward, although thesouth-west swell continued, and we had frequent rain with sometimesthunder and lightning. FRIDAY 25 NOVEMBER 1803 On the 25th, our latitude was 12° 48' and longitude 103° 6', which waspast the meridian of Java Head, and beyond the ordinary limits of thenorth-west monsoon. The schooner was leaky, more so than before, and thepumps were getting worse; but hoping to reach the Cape of Good Hope, Ihad wholly given up the idea of Batavia as lying too far out of thetrack; Mauritius besides was in the way, should the vessel becomeincapable of doubling the Cape without repairs. Our course by compass was W. By S. For three days, and afterwards W. S. W. , with fresh south-eastern breezes and cloudy weather; but in the upperregions of the atmosphere the wind was unsettled, showers of rain werefrequent, and it appeared that we were only just in time to save ourpassage. On the 4th of December, in 19° 2' south and 83° 50' east, we hada good deal of following sea from the eastward, whilst the ground swellcame from the south-west; and the jumble caused by these differentmovements in the water made the vessel labour exceedingly. I varied thecourse a point on either side, to keep the wind in the easiest direction;but during this and the following day the leaks augmented so much, thatthe starbord pump, which was alone effective, was obliged to be workedalmost continually, day and night; and had the wind been on the starbordside, it is doubtful whether the schooner could have been kept abovewater. This state of things made it necessary to take into serious considerationthe propriety of attempting the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, without first having the vessel caulked and the pumps fresh bored andfitted. Should a western wind meet the current setting round the Cape, and it was to be expected, there would be much more sea running than wehad yet encountered; and with a fresh wind on the starbord side, whichmight probably occur, the remaining pump would not touch the water untilthe hold was half full; there was moreover cause to fear, that it alsowould soon become ineffective from constant use. After turning thesecircumstances over in my mind for a day or two, and considering what elsemight be urged both for and against the measure, I determined to put inat Mauritius; and on the 6th in the evening [TUESDAY 6 DECEMBER 1803], altered the course half a point for that island, to the satisfaction ofthe people. [AT MAURITIUS. BAYE DU CAP. ] In the orders from governor King, the ports to be touched at on the wayto England were left to my own choice; but when Mauritius had beenmentioned amongst others in conversation, the governor had objected toit, both on account of the hurricanes in that neighbourhood, and from notwishing to encourage a communication between a French colony and asettlement composed as is that of Port Jackson. It was theseconsiderations which had made me hesitate to take the step, though thenecessity for it was pressing; and as, in the case of accident happeningto the schooner, I might be called to answer before a court martial forgoing in opposition to the wish of a superior officer, it seemed properto state in my journal all the reasons which had any influence on mydecision. This journal is not in my possession; but notes of thestatement were made whilst the recollection of it was strong, and thefollowing was the substance and not far from the words. 1. The necessity of caulking the schooner and refitting the pumps beforeattempting to double the Cape, were stated nearly as above; to which wasadded a hope of obtaining a passage in a ship where my defaced charts andjournals, which remained untouched from the time of the shipwreck, mightbe put into a state to be laid before the Admiralty on arriving inEngland. In the case of meeting with such a passage, I intended to letthe Cumberland for freight back to Port Jackson, or to sell her, agreeably to the authority given me in governor King's orders. 2. Considering the proximity of Mauritius to the western coasts of TerraAustralis, which remained to be examined, I was desirous to see in whatstate it had been left by the revolution, and to gain a practicalknowledge of the port and periodical winds; with a view to its being usedin the future part of my voyage as a place of refitting and refreshment, for which Port Jackson was at an inconvenient distance. It was alsodesirable to know how far Mauritius, and its dependencies in Madagascarwhich I knew to abound in cattle, could be useful to Port Jackson insupplying it with breeding stock; an object concerning which the governorhad expressed anxiety for information from any place on the east side ofthe Cape of Good Hope. 3. The two letters from governor King to general Magallon, governor ofMauritius, instead of being forwarded from the Cape might be delivered inperson. 4. I was a stranger to what had passed in Europe for nearly twelvemonths, and there was consequently a possibility that war might againhave broken out; my passport from the French government would be good atMauritius, but in going to the Cape, it was uncertain what attention theDutch governor might pay to the orders of the first consul of France; andas promoters and encouragers of science, the character of the nation wasnot so high as to give me great expectation on that head. Mauritius wastherefore much more certain than the Cape, since the necessary succourwould be there obtained even in case of war; whereas at the Cape theremight be a risk of losing my charts and journals and of being made aprisoner. These reasons for stopping at Mauritius as we passed by it, in additionto the necessity arising from the state of the schooner, were written inmy rough journal for reference, without any idea of their beingcriticised, or even seen by any other than myself; and I have beenparticular in detailing them, on account of the unexpected occurrenceswith which they became connected. FRIDAY 9 DECEMBER 1803 On the evening of the 9th, a ship was seen to the northward, and wesought to speak her for information; but night coming on the sight of herwas lost, and we resumed our western course. I had no chart of Mauritius, nor other description than what is contained in the third edition of theEncyclopedia Britannica; this informed me that Port Louis was on thenorth-west side of the island, but not of the route usually taken toreach it; and the prevailing wind being south-east, it seemed to be amatter of indifference; I therefore steered to make the middle of theisland, intending to go by the north or south sides as the wind mighthappen to favour most. On the 15th [THURSDAY 15 DECEMBER 1803] beforedaylight, the land was seen, and the wind being E. By S. We hauled to thenorthward. When the day broke the island was seven or eight miles off, and bore from S. 42° to N. 51° W. ; but there was a distant round lump, whether connected with it did not appear, which bore N. By W. ; andfinding the schooner could not clear it, from the sea running high andcurrent setting to leeward, we veered round and steered southward alongthe edge of a reef which extends four or five miles from this part of theisland. Soon after eight o'clock we passed three flat rocks within thereef, lying, as I now suppose, at the entrance of Port Bourbon; theextremes of the island then bore N. 1° to S. 69° W. , and a steep point N. 39° W. Five or six miles. In steering westward along the shore, looking out for boats or vessels togain information, a flag was seen upon one of the hills; our colours werethen hoisted, and afterwards a French jack at the fore-top-mast head, asa signal for a pilot. At noon, the observed latitude was 20° 34' south, and the extremes of the island bore N. 54° E. To 61° W. There was a smalltown bearing N. By E. Two or three miles, from whence a schooner had comeout, and being ahead we made sail to speak her; but she hauled in towardsthe shore until we had passed, and then stood after us. On our heavingto, the schooner again steered for a place where some vessels were seenat anchor, and I began to take her movements as an intimation that weshould go in there for a pilot; accordingly we followed her through anarrow pass in the reefs, and anchored in 2½ fathoms, in a small reefharbour which I afterwards understood was called the _Baye du Cap_. If the schooner's actions were strange before, those of the people werenow more so; for no sooner was their anchor dropped, than without furlingthe sails they went hastily on shore in a canoe, and made the best oftheir way up a steep hill, one of them with a trunk on his shoulder. Theywere met by a person who, from the plume in his hat, appeared to be anofficer, and presently we saw several men with muskets on the top of thehill; this gave another view of the schooner's movements, and caused meto apprehend that England and France were either at war or very near it. To induce some person to come on board, I held up the letters for generalMagallon, the governor; but this being to no purpose, Mr. Aken went onshore in our little boat, taking with him the letters and Frenchpassport; in a short time he returned with the officer and two others, and I learned to my great regret that war was actually declared. The officer, whose name was _Dunienville_, spoke a little English; heasked if I were the captain Flinders mentioned in the passport, whetherwe had been shipwrecked, and to see my commission. Having perused it, hepolitely offered his services, inquired what were our immediate wants, and invited me to go on shore and dine with him, it being then near threeo'clock. I explained my wish to have a pilot for Port North-West (thename at that time for Port Louis), since it appeared no reparations couldbe done in the little bay, and requested to have a cask or two of water. The pilot was promised for the next day, and Mons. Dunienville sent acanoe for our empty casks and the master of the French schooner to moorthe Cumberland in a secure place. My passport was in French, and being a stranger to the language, I hadhad its general purport explained on first receiving it from theAdmiralty; but from that time, and more especially after thepreliminaries of peace had reached Port Jackson, the passport hadscarcely been looked at, and my knowledge of its contents was veryimperfect. When the officer was gone, I set myself to consider itattentively; and so far as I could make out, it seemed to be solely forthe Investigator, and without provision for any other vessel in which theloss of the ship, or her incapacity to pursue the voyage might oblige meto embark. The intention, no doubt, was to protect the voyage generally, and not the Investigator in particular; but it appeared that if thegovernor of Mauritius should adhere to the letter of the passport anddisregard the intention, he might seize the Cumberland as a prize; andthe idea of being detained even a week more than necessary wasintolerable. I inquired of the pilot whether the Cape of Good Hopebelonged to the Dutch or English; almost determining, should it not havebeen given up before the war commenced, to attempt the passage at allrisks, rather than incur the hazard of being stopped; but the Cape was inthe hands of the Dutch. An hour after M. Dunienville had been gone, we saw him returning withanother officer who proved to be his superior in rank; and they had withthem a gentleman who spoke English intelligibly. My passport andcommission were demanded in a rough manner, and after the officer hadexamined them with the assistance of his interpreter, he observed thatthe passport was not for the Cumberland, and required an explanation;having received it, he said it was necessary that both commission andpassport should be sent to the governor, and that I should remain withthe vessel till an answer was returned. To this arrangement I objected, alleging that since war was declared, these papers were my soleprotection and could not be given up; but if copies would do they mightbe taken. It was at length settled, that I should go over land to PortLouis with the passport and commission, and that Mr. Aken should befurnished with a pilot and bring the schooner round after me. I was conducted to the house of M. Dunienville, about a mile distant, tobe ready to set off on horseback early next morning. The gentleman whointerpreted informed me on the way, that general Magallon was at Bourbon, having been lately superseded by general De Caen, an officer of theFrench revolution. M. Dunienville had been a lieutenant of the navy andknight of St. Louis under the old government, and was then major of thedistrict of _La Savanne_; but the other officer, M. Etienne Bolger, hadlately been appointed commandant over his head, by the new governor. My reception at the major's house was polite and hospitable; and at dawnof day [FRIDAY 16 DECEMBER 1803] I rose to set off with my host for PortLouis, according to the plan settled over night. It appeared, however, that he first expected some orders from the commandant; and at teno'clock becoming impatient of the delay, I requested to know whether itwere, or were not intended to go overland? Major Dunienville seemed to behurt that the agreement had not been kept; but the direction was takenout of his hands, and not having received final orders he could donothing. I then returned to the Cumberland, with the intention of sailingeither with or without a pilot; but a wind favourable for quitting thebay being not expected before four o'clock it induced me to accept themajor's pressing invitation to dine at his house, where four or fivestrangers were assembled. Before dinner was over, an order came to himfrom the commandant _to permit the departure of the schooner he hadstopped_; and at five o'clock the pilot being on board, we stood out fromthe reefs in one of those squalls which come off the land at that hour inthe summer season. This little Baye du Cap lies about four miles east from Cape Brabant, aheadland at the south-west extremity of the island. The shelter is formedby coral reefs, through which a small river falling into the bay has keptopen a passage of about a cable's length wide, with a depth of 3 fathomsclose to the eastern breakers; within side there appeared to be anchoragefor six or eight small vessels, in from 2 to 3 fathoms; but on account ofthe flurries of wind which come down the gullies and off the precipices, it is necessary to moor head and stern. Mr. Aken found the latitude froman indifferent observation to be 20° 29½' south. At seven in the evening we passed round Cape Brabant, and the pilot thenkept north-eastward, close along the reefs under the high land; althoughby so doing we were frequently becalmed, and sometimes had strongflurries which made it necessary to take in all sail; but it appearedthat he was afraid of being driven off the island. At eight in themorning [SATURDAY 17 DECEMBER 1803], the mast heads of the vessels inPort Louis were in sight, and there was a large ship lying without sidewhich I hoped might be _Le Géographe_. Major Dunienville had informed methat this ship had been some time at Mauritius, and so far as he knew, was still at the port, though upon the eve of sailing for Europe. CaptainBaudin died soon after his arrival, and Mons. Melius, who had been firstlieutenant of Le Naturaliste when at Port Jackson, then commanded. During this passage to Port Louis, my mind was occupied in turning overall the circumstances of my situation, and the mode of proceeding likelyto be adopted by the new governor. The breaking out of the war, theneglect of providing in the passport for any such case as that in which Istood, and the ungracious conduct of the commandant at the Baye du Cap, gave me some apprehensions; but on the other hand, the intention of thepassport to protect the persons employed in the expedition, with theircharts and journals, must be evident; and the conduct of a governorappointed by the first consul Bonaparte, who was a professed patron ofscience, would hardly be less liberal than that of two preceding Frenchgovernments to captain Cook in the American, and captain Vancouver in thelast war; for both of whom protection and assistance had been ordered, though neither carried passports or had suffered shipwreck. Thesecircumstances, with the testimony which the commanders of the Géographeand Naturaliste had doubtless given of their treatment at Port Jackson, seemed to insure for me the kindest reception; and I determined to restconfident in this assurance, and to banish all apprehension as derogatoryto the governor of Mauritius and to the character of the French nation. CHAPTER IV. Arrival at Port Louis (or North-West) in Mauritius. Interview with the French governor. Seizure of the Cumberland, with the charts and journals of theInvestigator's voyage; and imprisonment of the commander and people. Letters to the governor, with his answer. Restitution of some books and charts. Friendly act of the English interpreter. Propositions made to the governor. Humane conduct of captain Bergeret. Reflections on a voyage of discovery. Removal to the Maison Despeaux or Garden Prison. [AT MAURITIUS. PORT LOUIS. ] SATURDAY 17 DECEMBER 1803 At four in the afternoon of Dec. 17, we got to an anchor at the entranceof Port Louis, near the ship which I had hoped might be Le Géographe; butcaptain Melius had sailed for France on the preceding day, and thisproved to be L'Atalante frigate. The peculiarity of my situation, arising from the renewal of war andneglect in the passport to provide for any accident happening to theInvestigator, rendered great precaution necessary in my proceedings; andto remove as much possible, any doubts or misconceptions, I determined togo immediately with my passport and commission to the French governor, and request his leave to get the necessary reparations made to theschooner; but learning from the pilot that it was a regulation of theport for no person to land before the vessel had been visited by theofficer of health, it was complied with. At five the boat camealong-side; and having answered some general questions proposed in goodEnglish, I went into the boat in my frock uniform, and was conducted tothe government house by an officer of the port and an interpreter. Thesegentlemen, after speaking with an aide-de-camp, told me that thecaptain-general was at dinner, and we must return in an hour or two; andthey took me to a shady place which seemed to be the common lounge forthe officers connected with the port. There were some who spoke English, and by way of passing the time, they asked if I had really come fromBotany Bay in that little vessel; whether a corvette, sent out the nightbefore to observe my motions, had been seen; and if I had not sent a boaton shore in the night? Others asked questions of monsieur Baudin'sconduct at Port Jackson, and of the English colony there; and alsoconcerning the voyage of monsieur Flinedare, of which, to their surprise, I knew nothing, but afterwards found it to be my own name which they sopronounced. In two hours we again went to the government house, and the officersentered to render their account, leaving me at the door for half an hourlonger. At length the interpreter desired me to follow him, and I wasshown into a room where two officers were standing at a table; the one ashortish thick man in a laced round jacket, the other a genteel-lookingman whose blood seemed to circulate more tranquilly. The first, which wasthe captain-general De Caen, fixed his eyes sternly upon me, and withoutsalutation or preface demanded my passport, my commission! Having glancedover them, he asked in an impetuous manner, the reason for coming to theIsle of France in a small-schooner with a passport for the Investigator?I answered in a few words, that the Investigator having become rotten, the governor of New South Wales had given me the schooner to return toEngland; and that I had stopped at the island to repair my vessel andprocure water and refreshments. He then demanded the order for embarkingin the schooner and coming to the Isle of France; to which my answer was, that for coming to the island I had no order, necessity had obliged me tostop in passing--my order for embarking in the Cumberland was on board. At this answer, the general lost the small share of patience of which heseemed to be possessed, and said with much gesture and an elevatedvoice--"You are imposing on me, sir! (_Vous m'en imposez, monsieur!_)It is not probable that the governor of New South Wales should send awaythe commander of an expedition on discovery in so small a vessel!--" Hethen gave back my passport and commission, and I made a motion to followthe interpreter out, but was desired to stop a little. In a few minutesthe interpreter returned with a military officer, to whom some orders notexplained to me were given, and I was desired to follow them; when goingout the captain-general said in a softer tone something about my beingwell treated, which I could not comprehend. In the way to the wharf, I inquired of the interpreter where they weretaking me? He said, on board the schooner, and that they had orders tobring my books and papers on shore; in effect, they took all the charts, papers, and journals relating to my voyage, as also the Port-Jacksonletters and packets, both public and private; and having put them into atrunk which was sealed by me at their desire, they made out a report(_procès verbal_) of their proceedings, and requested me to sign it withthem. The preamble of this report set forth something upon the suspicionsexcited by my appearance at the Isle of France, with thecaptain-general's opinion thereon; I therefore refused to sign it, butcertified at the bottom, that all the charts, journals, and papers of thevoyage, together with all the letters on board the schooner had beentaken. The conduct of these gentlemen being polite, I expressed to them mysentiments of general De Caen's manner of receiving me, and the injusticeof taking away the papers of a voyage protected by a passport from theFrench government; and added, that the captain-general's conduct mustalter very much before I should pay him a second visit, or even set myfoot on shore again. The interpreter hoped I would go on shore with them, for the general had ordered a lodging to be provided for me; and that, infact, they had orders to take me there. I looked at him and at theofficer, who was one of the aides-de-camp--What! I exclaimed in the firsttransports of surprise and indignation--I am then a prisoner! Theyacknowledged it to be true; but said they hoped it would last only a fewdays, until my papers were examined; and that in the mean time, directions had been given that I should want for nothing. Mr. Aken was also to go on shore; and whilst we put a few clothestogether in a trunk, several black men, under the direction of anotherpilot, were warping the schooner up into the port. At one in the morning[SUNDAY 18 DECEMBER 1803] the officers took us into their boat, leavingthe Cumberland, with Mr. Charrington and the crew, under a guard ofsoldiers. We were conducted to a large house in the middle of the town, and througha long dark entry, up a dirty stair case, into the room destined for us;the aide-de-camp and interpreter then wished us a good night, and weafterwards heard nothing save the measured steps of a sentinel, walkingin the gallery before our door. The chamber contained two truckle beds, asmall table and two rush-bottomed chairs; and from the dirty appearanceof the room I judged the lodging provided for us by the general to be oneof the better apartments of a common prison; there were, however, no ironbars behind the lattice windows, and the frame of a looking-glass in theroom had formerly been gilt. It seemed to me a wiser plan to leave thecircumstances to develop themselves, rather than to fatigue ourselveswith uncertain conjectures; therefore, telling Mr. Aken we shouldprobably know the truth soon enough, I stripped and got into bed; butbetween the musketoes above and bugs below, and the novelty of oursituation, it was near daybreak before either of us dropped asleep. At six o'clock, I was awakened by two armed grenadiers entering the room. The one said some words to the other, pointing to us at the same time, and then went out; and he that remained began walking backward andforward between our beds, as a sentinel on his post, without seeming topay great attention to us. Had there been curtains, I should have triedto regain my slumber; but not being able to sleep in such company, I roseand awoke my companion, who seeing the grenadier and not at firstrecollecting our situation, answered in a manner that would have divertedme at any other time. The sentinel did not prevent us speaking together;and on looking out at the window, we found that it was in reality atavern where they had placed us, though a very dirty one; it bore thename of _Café Marengo_. A breakfast was brought at eight, and dinner attwelve, and we eat heartily; good bread, fresh meat, fruit, andvegetables being great rarities. At one o'clock, the aide-de-camp, whom I learned to be lieut. ColonelMonistrol, came to the tavern and desired me to accompany him to thegeneral; and being shown into an office, a German secretary, who spokesome English, put various questions to me from a paper, in substancenearly as follows. How it was that I appeared at the Isle of France in sosmall a vessel, when my passport was for the Investigator? What wasbecome of the officers and men of science who made part of theexpedition? Whether I had any knowledge of the war before arriving? Whycartel colours had been hoisted, and a vessel chased in sight of theisland? What were my objects for putting into Port North-West, and bywhat authority? The orders from governor King, relating to theCumberland, were also demanded, and carried to the captain-general withmy answers to the above questions; and soon afterward to my surprise, aninvitation was brought me to go to the general's table, his dinner beingthen served up. This invitation was so contrary to all that had hithertopassed, and being unaccompanied with any explanation, that I at firstthought it could not be serious, and answered that I had already dined;but on being pressed to go at least to the table, my reply was, that"under my present situation and treatment it was impossible; when theyshould be changed, when I should be set at liberty, if His Excellencythought proper to invite me, I should be flattered by it, and accept hisinvitation with pleasure. " It had indeed the air of an experiment, toascertain whether I were really a commander in the British navy; and hadthe invitation been accepted without explanation or a change oftreatment, an inference might have been drawn that the charge ofimposture was well founded; but in any case, having been grossly insultedboth in my public and private character, I could not debase the situationI had the honour to hold by a tacit submission. When the aide-de-campreturned from carrying the above reply, he said that the general wouldinvite me when set at liberty; but nothing was offered in the way ofexplanation. A paper containing the questions of the German secretary with my answers, was required to be signed, but this being in French, I objected as notunderstanding it; a translation was therefore to be made, and the letterof governor King respecting the Cumberland was to be put into French forthe captain-general. Extracts from my journal, showing the necessity ofquitting the Investigator, were moreover desired, and also my reasons atfull length for stopping at the Isle of France, instead of going to theCape of Good Hope; it being necessary, they said, for the general totransmit these to the French government, to justify himself for grantingthat assistance to the Cumberland which had been ordered for theInvestigator. It was already night, and the excessive heat, with beingkept six hours answering questions, was very fatiguing; I therefore tookthe third volume of my rough log book, which contained the whole of whatthey desired to know, and pointing out the parts in question to thesecretary, told him to make such extracts as should be thought requisite. I then requested to be shown back to the tavern, also that the sentinelmight be taken out of our room, and Mr. Aken be permitted to return onboard the schooner to keep order; to which the aide-de-camp brought foranswer, that it was then too late to make new arrangements, but HisExcellency would see me in the morning. All the books and papers, thethird volume of my rough log book excepted, were then returned into thetrunk and sealed as before; and I was reconducted to my confinementbetween eight and nine o'clock. MONDAY 19 DECEMBER 1803 Next morning, the sentinel in our chamber was ordered to take his stationwithout side; and in the afternoon M. Bonnefoy, the interpreter, came tosay that business prevented the captain-general from seeing me before thefollowing day. Mr. Aken had permission to go on board the schooner underthe conduct of an officer; but not being allowed to remain, he broughtaway the time keeper, with my sextant and artificial horizon; and wecommenced a series of observations for a new error and rate, readyagainst the day of our departure. TUESDAY 20 DECEMBER 1803 Mr. Charrington came from the schooner on the 20th to inform me, that theseamen were committing many irregularities, taking spirits out of mycabin and going on shore as they pleased; the French guard seeming totake little or no cognisance of their actions. At one o'clock theinterpreter and a military officer took me to the government house, and Iexpected to have an interview with the general and a termination put toour confinement. They showed me into the secretary's office, andrequested a copy of my passport and commission; and having made out onemyself and signed them both, the interpreter then said the general wasbusy and could not see me that day; and I was taken back without learningwhen he would be at liberty, or what was intended to be done. As yet I was unable to comprehend any thing of the captain-general'sconduct; but however great my indignation at seeing my liberty and timethus trifled with, it was to be feared that in writing to him for anexplanation, before seeing what turn the affair would take, might beproductive of more harm than good. The disorders on board the schooner, however, requiring immediate correction, I wrote a note to inform him ofthem; requesting at the same time, that Mr. Aken might remain in theCumberland, and that the caulking of the vessel's upper works and freshboring of the pumps might be commenced, these being the principal objectsfor which I had stopped at the island. In the evening the interpretercalled to say, that the corporal of the guard on board the schooner hadbeen punished for neglecting his orders; that one of the sailors, aPrussian, being found on shore had been put into the guard house, andthat an answer would be given to my note in the morning [WEDNESDAY 21DECEMBER 1803]. In effect, the interpreter then came withlieutenant-colonel Monistrol, and explained to me a paper to thefollowing purport. That the captain-general being convinced from the examination of myjournal, that I had absolutely changed the nature of the mission forwhich the First Consul had granted a passport, wherein I was certainlynot authorised to stop at the Isle of France to make myself acquaintedwith the _periodical winds, the port, present state Of the colony, etc. _That such conduct being a violation of neutrality, he ordered colonelMonistrol to go on board the Cumberland, and in my presence to collectinto one or more trunks all other papers which might add to the proofsalready acquired; and after sealing the trunks, I was to be taken back tothe house where my suspicious conduct had made it necessary to confine mefrom the instant of arriving in the port. It was further ordered, thatthe crew of the schooner should be kept on board the prison ship; andthat an inventory should be taken of every thing in the Cumberland, andthe stores put under seal and guarded conformably to the regulations. * [* The following is a copy of the order, as given to me by theinterpreter and certified by colonel Monistrol (In French, not includedhere. Ebook editor. )] Such was the answer given to my request for the repairs of the schoonerto be commenced. In compliance with their order the officers took me onboard, and the remaining books and papers, whether relating in any way tothe Investigator's voyage or not, even to letters received from my familyand friends during several years, were all taken away, locked up in atrunk, and sealed. Mr. Aken and myself were allowed to take our clothes, but the officers dared not venture to let me have any printed books; Imust however do colonel Monistrol and M. Bonnefoy the justice to say, that they acted throughout with much politeness, apologizing for whatthey were obliged by their orders to execute; and the colonel said hewould make a representation to the captain-general, who doubtless layunder some mistake. This turn to my affairs surprised, and at first stunned me. The singlecircumstance about which I had entertained the least apprehension, wasthe neglect in my passport of providing for any other vessel than theInvestigator; but from this order of the captain-general, I found myselfconsidered in the light of a spy; my desire to know how far Mauritiuscould be useful as a place of refitment in the future part of myvoyage--a desire formed and expressed in the belief of its being a timeof peace, was made a plea for depriving me of liberty and the result ofmore than two years of risk and labour. The sensations raised by thisviolation of justice, of humanity, and of the faith of his owngovernment, need not be described; they will be readily felt by everyEnglishman who has been subjected, were it only for a day, to Frenchrevolutionary power. On returning to my place of confinement, Iimmediately wrote and sent the following letter, addressed to HisExcellency the captain-general De Caen, governor in chief, etc. Etc. Etc. Isle of France. Sir, From your order, which was explained to me this morning, I find that theplea for detaining me is not now that I do not appear with theInvestigator, according to _the letter_ of my passport from the firstconsul of France; but that I have violated the neutrality thereinrequired by having given in my journal, as an additional reason forputting into this port, that "it would enable me to acquire a knowledgeof the periodical winds, and of the present state of the French colony;how far it or its dependencies in Madagascar might be useful to PortJackson, and how far it would be a convenient place for me to touch at inmy future expected voyage:" I quote from memory only, my journal being inyour possession. How this remark, made upon the supposition of our twonations being at peace, can be a breach of neutrality, I acknowledgemyself unable to discover. Nothing can, in my opinion, add to thepropriety of the intentions with which I put into this port, but I shalljustify it by the example of your own nation; and to do so, it is onlynecessary for me to refer to the instructions which preface the publishedvoyage of the unfortunate La Pérouse, by the judicious Fleurieu. YourExcellency will there see, that the much lamented navigator was orderedto make particular observations upon the trade, manufactures, strength, situation, etc. Of every port where he might touch; so that, if theexample of your own nation be taken as a standard of propriety, the pleafor making me a prisoner is altogether untenable. Upon the suppositioneven of its being war, and that I knew it and still intended to make theobservations expressed in my journal; upon this incorrect and worstsupposition I have, I think, an example of similar conduct in your ownnation; unless you can assure me that the captains Baudin and Hamelinmade no such remarks upon Port Jackson, for it was a declared war at thetime they lay in that port. But were they forbidden to make such remarksand notes upon the state of that English colony? Upon its progress, itsstrength, the possibility of its being attacked with advantage, and theutility it might afford to the French nation? I tell you, general DeCaen, No. The governor in chief at Port Jackson knew too well the dignityof his own nation, either to lay any prohibition upon these commanders, or to demand to see what their journals might contain. I shall next appeal to you as being the representative in this place of agreat nation, which has hitherto shown itself forward to protect andencourage those sciences by which the knowledge of mankind is extended ortheir condition ameliorated. Understand then, Sir, that I was chosen bythat patron of science sir Joseph Banks, president of the Royal Societyof London, and one well known by all the literati throughout the world, to retrace part of the track of the immortal captain Cook--to completewhat in New Holland and its neighbourhood he had left unfinished--and toperfect the discovery of that extensive country. This employment, Sir, asit was congenial to my own inclinations, so I pursued it with avidity;upon it, as from a convex lens, all the rays of knowledge and sciencewhich my opportunities have enabled me to collect, were thrown. I wasunfortunate in that my ship decayed before the voyage was completed; butthe captain-general at Port Jackson, who is also the senior naval officerthere, was so sensible of the importance of the voyage and of the zealwith which I had pursued it (for the truth of which I appeal to hisletters now in your possession), that he gave me a colonial ship of warto transport me with my officers, charts, etc. To England, that I mightobtain another ship in which the voyage might be completed. In thissecond ship I was a passenger; and in her, shipwreck and the loss ofcharts which had cost me much labour and many risks to make perfect, wereadded to my first misfortune; but my zeal suffered no abatement. Ireturned to Port Jackson (734 miles) in an open boat, and got a merchantship which was bound to China, hired to carry my officers and people toEngland by that circuitous route; but desirous of losing no time, I tooka small schooner of twenty-nine tons, a mere boat, in order to reachEngland by a nearer passage, and thus gain two or three mouths of time inthe outfit of my future expected ship; making my own case and safety tostand in no competition with the great object of forwarding my voyage. Necessity, and not inclination, obliged me to put in at the Isle ofFrance in my route. Now, Sir, I would beg to ask you whether it becomes the French nation, independently of all passport, to stop the progress of such a voyage, andof which the whole maritime world are to receive the benefit? Howcontrary to this was her conduct some years since towards captain Cook!But the world highly applauded her conduct then; and possibly we maysometime see what the general sentiment will be in the present case. I sought protection and assistance in your port, and I have found aprison! Judge for me as a man, Sir--judge, for me as a British officeremployed in a neutral occupation--judge for me as a zealousphilanthropist, what I must feel at being thus treated. At present I quit the subject with the following requests: that I may bepermitted to have my printed books on shore; and that my servant may beallowed to attend me in my apartment. With all the respect due from my situation to the captain-general, I amFrom my confinement, Your Excellency's obedient servant, Dec. 21, 1803. Matthew Flinders. The lapse of several years has enabled me to consider the transactions ofthis period under different views, to regard them with almost thecoolness of an uninterested observer; and I see the possibility that adispassionate reader may accuse me of taking too high a position, andusing too warm a style--in rather giving way to the dictates of feelingthan dwelling upon the proofs of my innocence; perhaps also, he mayaccuse me of vanity, in seeking to enhance my own zeal and claims. Without attempting to controvert these censures, I beg him to considerall the circumstances of my situation: my voyage, shipwreck, and anxietyto pursue the steps of our celebrated navigators. Let him suppose himselfto have executed so much of the same task, escaped the same dangers; andunder the influence of powerful motives to reach England with expedition, to be arrested on the way, his misfortunes either not heeded or convertedinto proofs of delinquency, and himself treated as a spy; and this isdone by the representative of a government which had promised assistanceand protection, and moreover owed him a return for the kind treatmentrecently experienced by Frenchmen in the port from whence he came. Lethim suppose himself writing to his oppressor with these variousrecollections crowding on his imagination; and the allowances he wouldthen desire for himself, I request of him to make for me. THURSDAY 22 DECEMBER 1803 On the day following the transmission of the letter, my servant wasbrought on shore from the prison ship, where he left Mr. Charrington andthe seamen closely confined; but no answer was returned either on the22nd or 23rd, nor did we hear any thing that could give an insight intowhat further was intended to be done. We suffered much from the heat ofthe weather and want of fresh air; for the town of Port Louis is whollyexposed to the rays of the sun, whilst the mountains which form asemicircle round it to the east and south, not only prevent the tradewind from reaching it, but reflect the heat in such a manner, that fromNovember to April it is almost insupportable. During this season, theinhabitants whose affairs do not oblige them to remain, fly to the higherand windward parts of the island; and the others take the air and theirexercise very early in the morning and late in the evening. We who wereshut up in the middle of the town, and from having been three monthsconfined to a vessel of twenty-nine tons were much in need of exercise, could not but feel the personal inconveniences of such a situation intheir full rigour; and the perturbation of mind, excited by such unworthytreatment, did not tend to alleviate their effects on our health. But theheat and want of fresh air were not the worst evils. Our undefendedpallet beds were besieged by swarms of bugs and musketoes, and the bitesof these noxious insects upon bodies ready to break out with scurvy, produced effects more than usually painful and disagreeable. Being almostcovered with inflamed spots, some of which had become ulcers on my legsand feet, I wrote to the captain-general, requesting the assistance of asurgeon; and also to know under what limitations he would allow me towrite to the Admiralty of Great Britain, and to my family and friends;but the main subject was left untouched, in expectation of an answer tothe former letter. In the afternoon, one of the aides-de-camp said that His Excellency didnot prevent me from writing to whom I pleased; but that my letters mustbe sent open to the town major, who would forward them to their address. The same evening a surgeon, who did not speak English, came to our room;next morning [SATURDAY 24 DECEMBER 1803] he returned with theinterpreter, and finding the ulcers to be scorbutic, ordered me, inaddition to his dressings, to drink plentifully of lemonade and live uponfruit and vegetables. Their visit was repeated on the following day[SUNDAY 25 DECEMBER 1803]; but nothing transpired relative to thegeneral's intentions, nor to any answer proposed to be given to my letterof the 21st; and I therefore wrote another in the following terms. Sir, From whatever cause it may be that I have received no answer to my letterof the 21st last, I shall yet continue to do my duty to my government andthe cause of discovery, by pointing out every circumstance that may havea probability of inducing you to liberate my people, my vessel, andmyself. A former letter showed, that upon the principles adopted in voyages ofdiscovery by your own nation, the plea for detaining me a prisoner wasuntenable; and also that independently of any passport, it ill became theFrench nation to stop the prosecution of a voyage of discovery, especially one carried on with the zeal that mine has hitherto been. Inthis letter I shall endeavour to point out another circumstance, at leastas important as the former, so far as regards the injustice of mydetainer. In this point of view then, Sir, I shall admit, that to makeany remarks upon a port which might enable either myself or others tocome into it again with more facility, or which might give informationconcerning the refreshments and articles of commerce to be procured atit, is, although made in time of peace, a crime; and consequently, thatif La Pérouse executed his instructions, he was no better than a spy atthe different ports where he put in. Let this, Sir, for the moment beadmitted; and I ask what proofs you have that I have made such remarks?You will probably say, I _intended_ to make them. True, but intention isnot action. I might have altered my intentions on coming into the port, and finding our two nations to be at war: you cannot know what alterationa knowledge of the war might have made in my sentiments. We do indeedjudge much of the merit or demerit of an action by the intention withwhich it is performed; but in all cases there must be an action performedto constitute any certain merit or demerit amongst men. Now in my casethere appears to have been intention only; and even this intention I havebefore shown to be consistent with the practice of your own nation, and Ibelieve of all nations. As it appears that Your Excellency had formed a determination to stop theCumberland, previously even to seeing me, if a specious pretext werewanting for it, it would have been more like wisdom to have let me aloneuntil the eve of sailing, and then to have seized my journal; where it ispossible something better than _intention_ might have been fixed upon asa cause for making me a prisoner. This would have been a mean action, andaltogether unworthy of you or your nation; but it might have answeredyour purpose better than the step now taken. I say there appears to havebeen a previous determination to stop the Cumberland, and from thiscause; that on the first evening of my arrival, and before anyexamination was made into my papers (my commission and passportexcepted), you told me impetuously that I was _imposing upon you_. Now Icannot think that an officer of your rank and judgment could act eitherso ungentlemanlike, or so unguardedly, as to make such a declarationwithout proof; unless his reason had been blinded by passion, or aprevious determination that it should be so, _nolens volens_. In yourorder of the 21st last it is indeed said, that the captain-general hasacquired conviction that I am the person I pretend to be, and the samefor whom a passport was obtained by the English government from the FirstConsul; it follows then, as I am willing to explain it, that I _am not_and _was not_ an impostor. This plea was given up when a more plausibleone was thought to be found; but I cannot compliment Your Excellency uponthis alteration in your position, for the first, although false, is themost tenable post of the two. Trusting that upon a due consideration of all the circumstances, you willbe pleased to fulfil the intention for which the passport was given, Ihave the honour to be, From my confinement, Your Excellency's obedient servant, Dec. 25, 1803. Matthew Flinders. In the evening, a letter was brought me by a soldier from general DeCaen, and the haste with which it had been sent inspired favourablehopes; I did not expect the visit of the interpreter until the followingday, and therefore attempted to decipher the letter by the help of aFrench dictionary, with a degree of anxiety which its contents were butlittle calculated to satisfy: it was as follows. I did not answer your letter of the 21st December, Sir, because it wasuseless to commence a debate here between you and me, upon the motiveswell or ill founded from which I took upon myself to stop the Cumberlanduntil further orders. On the other hand, I should have had too muchadvantage in refuting your assertions, notwithstanding the reasonings andquotations with which you have adorned them. I was still willing to attribute the unreserved tone you had used in thatletter, to the ill humour produced by your present situation. I was farfrom thinking that after having seriously reflected upon the causes andcircumstances, you should take occasion from a silence so delicate to gostill further; but your last letter no longer leaves me an alternative. Your undertaking, as extraordinary as it was inconsiderate, to departfrom Port Jackson in the Cumberland, more to give proof of an officiouszeal, more for the private interests of Great Britain than for what hadinduced the French government to give you a passport, which I shallunfold at a proper opportunity, had already given me an idea of yourcharacter; but this letter overstepping all the bounds of civility, obliges me to tell you, until _the general opinion judges of your faultsor of mine_, to cease all correspondence tending to demonstrate thejustice of your cause; since you know so little how to preserve the rulesof decorum. * [The text of the letter, in French, was set out in the book, but is notset out in this ebook. ] The accusation of not preserving the rules of decorum, seemed not alittle extraordinary from one who had kept me above two hours in thestreet when I had gone to wait upon him, and who had qualified me withthe title of impostor without examination; but it seemed that any act ofaggression on the part of the general was to meet only with submissionand respect. Embarrassment sheltering itself under despotic power, wasevident in this letter; but it gave no further insight into the reasonsfor making me a prisoner, and consequently no opportunity of vindicatingmy innocence. It therefore seemed wisest, seeing the kind of man withwhom I had to deal, to follow his directions and leave the main subjectto the operation of time; but to take off my mind from dwelling toointensely upon the circumstance of being arrested at such a conjuncture, I determined to employ it in forwarding my voyage, if an application forthe necessary papers should be attended with success. MONDAY 26 DECEMBER 1803 Having obtained a translation of the general's letter from theinterpreter, who came next morning in company with the surgeon, I wroteto request, 1st. My printed books from the schooner. 2nd. My private letters and papers out of the secretary's office. 3rd. To have two or three charts and three or four manuscript books, forthe purpose of finishing the chart of the Gulph of Carpentaria; adding inexplanation, that the parts wanting were mostly lost in the shipwreck, and I wished to replace them from my memory and remaining materialsbefore it were too late. For these a receipt was offered, and my wordthat nothing in the books should be erased or destroyed; but I wished tomake additions to one or two of the books as well as to the charts, andwould afterwards be ready to give up the whole. 4th. I represented a complaint from my seamen, of being shut up at nightin a place where not a breath of air could come to them; which, in aclimate like this, must be not only uncomfortable in the last degree, butvery destructive to European constitutions. Also, that the people withwhom they were placed were affected with that disagreeable and contagiousdisorder the itch; and that their provisions were too scanty, except inthe article of bread, the proportion of which was large, but of a badquality. An answer was given on the same day by one of the general'saides-de-camp, who said that orders had been given for the delivery ofthe books and papers; that the place where the seamen were kept was verywholesome; and as to the provisions, that orders had been given on myarrival for the people of the Cumberland to be treated as French seamenin actual service; that he would inquire whether any thing contrary hadbeen done, which he did not think, but in that case it should be setright. TUESDAY 27 DECEMBER 1803 At noon next day colonel Monistrol and M. Bonnefoy called, and a trunkwas brought from on board the schooner, containing a part of my printedbooks. The colonel seemed to be sorry that my letters to the general hadbeen couched in a style so far from humble, and to think that they mightrather tend to protract than terminate my confinement; on which Iobserved, believing him to be in the general's confidence, that as mydemand was to obtain common justice, an adulatory style did not seemproper, more especially when addressed to a republican who must despiseit: my rights had been invaded, and I used the language natural to a manso circumstanced. Had favours been wanted, or there had been any thing toconceal, my language would probably have been different; but of allthings I desired that the strictest scrutiny should be made into mypapers, and that it should be confronted with any examination they mightchoose to make of myself or people. The colonel and interpreter, eitherfrom politeness or conviction, did not disagree with these sentiments, but repeated that a different mode of writing might have answered better;it appeared indeed, from their conversation, that French republicanisminvolved any thing rather than liberty, justice, and equality, of whichit had so much boasted. So soon as the two gentlemen were gone, I took out my naval signal bookfrom the trunk and tore it to pieces; the private signals had been lostin the shipwreck, so that my mind was now freed from apprehensions whichhad given much inquietude. WEDNESDAY 28 DECEMBER 1803 On the 28th, M. Chapotin, the surgeon, called as usual with theinterpreter. He said that air and exercise were necessary to there-establishment of my health, and that so soon as I should be able towalk out, it would be proper to apply to the general for a permission;and on my objecting to ask any thing like a personal favour, he promisedwith some degree of feeling to take the application on himself. No mention was made this day of the books and papers, to be deliveredfrom the sealed trunks; but next morning [THURSDAY 29 DECEMBER 1803] Iwas conducted to the government house, and took out all my privateletters and papers, the journals of bearings and astronomicalobservations, two log books, and such charts as were necessary tocompleting the Gulph of Carpentaria; for which a receipt was required, without any obligation to return them. The third log book, containingtransactions and remarks in different vessels during the preceding sixmonths, was important to me on many accounts, and especially for theobservations it contained upon Torres' Strait and the Gulph; but it wassaid to be in the hands of the general, who could not be disturbed, andtwo boxes of despatches from governor King and colonel Paterson had beentaken away. All the other books and papers, including my passport, commission, etc. , with some accounts from the commissary of New SouthWales and many private letters from individuals in that colony, werelocked up in a trunk and sealed as before. SATURDAY 31 DECEMBER 1803 On the 31st. I sent to the town major's office an open letter addressedto the secretary of the Admiralty, giving a short account of myembarkation and shipwreck in the Porpoise, voyage in the Cumberland, andsituation in Mauritius; with two private letters, and a request that theymight be forwarded by the first opportunity. Next day [SUNDAY 1 JANUARY1804] the receipt of them was acknowledged, and a promise given to informme of the means by which they should be sent, and it was doneaccordingly; but not one of the letters, or of their duplicates, was everreceived. Having calculated with Mr. Aken the observations previously taken for therate of the time keeper, * I now worked earnestly upon the chart of theGulph of Carpentaria; and this employment served to divert my chagrin, and the indignation which, however useless it might be, I could not butfeel at the author of our imprisonment. The want of my log book, however, was a great obstacle to laying down the parts seen in the Cumberland; andnothing more having been said of it, a short letter was written togeneral De Caen on the 5th, reminding him that the log was necessary tothe construction of my charts, and that only a small part of the printedbooks had yet been delivered. A verbal answer was brought by theinterpreter, and two days afterward the books came from the schooner; butrespecting the log no answer was made. [* The rate from December 19 to 25, was 36. 9" losing, or only 0. 16" morethan that previously found at Coepang in Timor; but the longitude deducedfrom the first observation with the Coepang rate, was 57° 40' 40. 5", or10' 43. 5" greater than afterwards obtained from twenty-seven sets oflunar distances. In laying down the track from Timor, this error has beenequally distributed throughout the thirty five days between November 14and December 19, 1803. ] The sentinel placed at the door of our chambers (for we had a few daysbefore obtained a second, with musketo curtains to our beds), becameunusually strict at this time, scarcely allowing the master of thetavern, or even the interpreter or surgeon to see us; and one day, hearing me inquire the name of some dish in French from the slave whowaited at dinner, the sentinel burst into the room and drove away thepoor affrighted black, saying that we were not to speak to any person. Previously to this, a Dutch, a Swiss, a Norwegian, and two Americangentlemen had called; but except the Swiss, who found means to bid usgood day occasionally without being noticed, not one came a second time, for fear of being held in a suspicious light by the government; and now, the surgeon and interpreter were not admitted without a written order. Two applications had been made by the surgeon in my behalf, to walk inthe fields near the town; the last was personally to the captain-general, but although he might have caused a sentinel to follow, or a whole guardif thought necessary, an unqualified refusal was given to M. Chapotin'shumane request. We were lodged and supplied with meals in the tavern at the publicexpense; but having lost part of our clothes in the shipwreck, anddistributed some to those of our companions who had saved nothing, bothMr. Aken and myself were much in want of linen and other necessaries; andafter the few dollars I chanced to have about me were gone, we knew nothow to pay for our washing. All strangers being refused admittance tookaway the chance of negotiating bills, for the surgeon spoke no Englishand the interpreter always avoided the subject; one morning however, having previously ascertained that it would not give umbrage, theinterpreter offered to attempt the negotiation of a bill drawn upon thecommissioners of the navy; but the sentinel, seeing him take a paper, gave information, and M. Bonnefoy was scarcely out of the room when afile of soldiers made him prisoner; nor, although a public officer, washe liberated until it was ascertained that he acted with permission, andhad received no other paper than the bill. In the evening he brought thefull sum, at a time when bills upon England could obtain cash withdifficulty at a discount of thirty per cent. It was the chevalierPelgrom, who filled the offices of Danish and Imperial consul, that hadacted thus liberally; and he caused me to be informed, that the fear ofincurring the general's displeasure had alone prevented him from offeringhis assistance sooner. Although Mr. Aken and myself were strictly confined and closely watched, my servant was left at liberty to go upon my commissions; and once a weekI sent him on board the prison ship, to take Mr. Charrington and theseamen a basket of fruit and vegetables from the market. They had alwaysbeen permitted to walk upon deck in the day time, and latterly beensometimes allowed to go into the town, accompanied by a soldier; andsince from all we could learn, the final decision of the captain-generalwas yet in suspense, I augured favourably of the result from thisrelaxation towards the men. My hopes became strengthened on the 14th, bylearning from M. Bonnefoy that it was believed we should be permitted towalk out, and perhaps depart altogether, so soon as three Dutch shipscommanded by rear-admiral Dekker should have sailed. These ships wereloaded with pepper from Batavia, and bound to Europe; and it seemedpossible that one reason of our detention might be to prevent Englishships gaining intelligence of them by our means; but this could be noexcuse for close imprisonment and taking away my charts and journals, whatever it might be made for delaying our departure. Finding it impossible to obtain the third volume of my log book, thecharts of Torres' Strait and the Gulph of Carpentaria were finishedwithout it; fortunately the journal kept by Mr. Aken in the Cumberlandhad not been taken away, and it proved of great assistance. Our timepassed on in this manner, hoping that the Dutch ships would sail, andthat general De Caen would then suffer us to depart, either in theCumberland or some other way; the surgeon came almost daily, on accountof my scorbutic sores, and the interpreter called frequently. I wascareful not to send out my servant often, for it appeared that he wasdogged by spies, and that people were afraid of speaking to him; thesurgeon and interpreter were almost equally cautious with me, so thatalthough in the midst of a town where news arrived continually from somepart of the world, every thing to us was wrapped in mystery; and M. Bonnefoy afterwards acknowledged, in answer to a direct question put tohim, that an order had been given to prevent us receiving anyintelligence. On the 29th, admiral Dekker sailed with his three ships; and whilstanxiously expecting some communication, the interpreter called to informme that an order had been given for the schooner to be moved up theharbour, and the stores to be taken out; and he wished to know if Mr. Aken should be present at making the inventory. I asked what was to bedone with us--with my books and papers? To which he answered by a shrugof the shoulders: he had come only for the purpose of executing hisorder. On each of the two following days Mr. Aken was taken down to theschooner; for he accepted the proposition to accompany the officers forthe sake of the walk, and in the hope of obtaining some intelligence. Hefound the poor Cumberland covered with blue mold within side, and many ofthe stores in a decaying state, no precautions having been taken topreserve her from the heat or the rains; the French inventory wasafterwards brought to him to be signed, but he refused it with myapprobation. FEBRUARY 1804 This new proceeding seemed to bespeak the captain-general to have finallytaken his resolution to keep us prisoners; and my disappointment atseeing it, instead of receiving back my books and papers and permissionto depart, was extreme. In the hope to obtain some information I wrote anote on the 3rd, to solicit of His Excellency the honour of an audience;and five days having elapsed without an answer, the interpreter wasrequested to deliver a message to the same effect. He presently returnedwith the concise answer, _No_; but afterwards told me in conversationthat the general had said, "captain Flinders might have known that I didnot wish to see him, by not giving an answer to his note. It is needlessfor me to see him, for the conversation will probably be such as tooblige me to send him to the tower. " My intention in requesting the audience was to have offered certainproposals to the general's consideration, and if possible to obtain someexplanation of the reasons for a detention so extraordinary, and nowprotracted beyond six weeks; and being disappointed in this, a letter waswritten on the 12th, containing the following propositions. 1st. If your Excellency will permit me to depart with my vessel, papers, etc. , I will pledge my honour not to give any information of the Isle ofFrance or any thing belonging to it, for a limited time, if it be thoughtthat I can have gained any information; or if judged necessary, any otherrestrictions can be laid upon me. If this will not be complied with, Irequest, 2nd, to be sent to France. 3rd. But if it be indispensable to detain me here, I request that myofficer and people may be permitted to depart in the schooner; as wellfor the purpose of informing the British Admiralty where I am, as torelieve our families and friends from the report which will be spread ofthe total loss of the Porpoise and Cato, with all on board. Mr. Aken canbe laid under what restrictions may be deemed requisite; and my honourshall be a security that nothing shall be transmitted by me, but whatpasses under the inspection of the officer who may be appointed for thatpurpose. In case of refusing to adopt any of these modes, by which my voyage mightproceed without possibility of injury to the Isle of France, I thenreminded His Excellency that since the shipwreck of the Porpoise, sixmonths before, my people as well as myself had been mostly confinedeither upon a small sand bank in the open sea, or in a boat, or otherwiseon board the Cumberland where there was no room to walk, or been keptprisoners as at that time; and that I had not previously recovered from ascorbutic and very debilitated state, arising from eleven months exposureto great fatigue, bad climate, and salt provisions. After noticing myscorbutic sores, and his refusal of the surgeon's application for me towalk out, it was added--The captain-general best knows whether my conducthas deserved, or the exigencies of his government require, that I shouldcontinue to be closely confined in this sickly town and cut off fromsociety; but of no part of this letter was any notice taken. Two days before, I had been favoured with a visit from captain Bergeretof the French navy, who had commanded _La Virginie_ frigate when taken bySir Edward Pellew, and of whose honourable conduct in the affair of SirW. Sydney Smith's imprisonment, public mention had been made in England. This gentleman sat some time conversing upon my situation, which heseemed desirous to ameliorate; he said that "the general did not considerme to be a prisoner of war, and that my confinement did not arise fromany thing I had done. " From what then did it arise? At this question hewas silent. He regretted not to have been in town on my arrival, believing it would have been in his power to have turned the tide ofconsequences; and obligingly offered to supply me with money, if in want. During a fortnight from this time, no incident occurred worth notice. Myscorbutic sores being much better, the surgeon came but seldom; and thevisits of the interpreter being less frequent than before, our solitudewas rarely interrupted. The Gulph of Carpentaria and Torres' Strait beingfinished, my time had since been employed in writing an explanatorymemoir upon the latter chart; Mr. Aken was occupied in copying thejournal of bearings for the Admiralty, and my servant in transcribing thetwo first volumes of the log, which had been torn and defaced in theshipwreck; so that our time did not pass wholly in vain. It was thecompletion of the charts, however, that I had most at heart; and althoughthe success of an application for more materials were very doubtful, anessay to obtain them was made on the 27th, in the following letter to thecaptain-general. Sir, The term of my imprisonment being lengthened out much beyond myexpectation, puts me under the necessity of making another application toYour Excellency for more books and charts, that I may still proceed incompleting the account of my observations and discoveries. If the wholewere put into my possession it would be of much service to my labour, andsave Your Excellency from being troubled with any further application onthis head; but if this will not be complied with, I beg to make a smallselection from them, which will principally consist of a roll of charts. I am not however to deceive Your Excellency--this roll contains thegreater part of my original fair charts, and I am desirous to have themprincipally for the purpose of making an abridgment of my discoveriesupon a single sheet. With all due consideration, I am Your Excellency's prisoner, Matthew Flinders. This letter was no more fortunate than the last, and it seemed thatgeneral De Caen had determined upon giving me no answer to any thing. The Admiral Aplin, an extra-indiaman outward bound, on board of whichwere several officers of the army and four ladies, had been brought in asa prize; the ladies with their husbands were suffered to remain at atavern in the town, at the instance of captain Bergeret, by whoseprivateer, La Psyché, they had been taken; the others were sent to ahouse at a little distance in the country, where all the English officershad been a short time confined. I ventured to send my servant to thetavern, to inquire after my countrymen and women; and they obliginglyfurnished me with magazines, newspapers, and a Steele's list of the navy, up to August 1803, which in such a place, and after so long an ignoranceof what was passing in England, were highly acceptable. MARCH 1804 On March 1, the interpreter made a personal application to general DeCaen concerning the books and charts mentioned in my last letter; towhich he received for answer, that so soon as the governor was a littlefreed from business he would attend to this request. I asked M. Bonnefoyto give me his opinion of what was likely to be done with us? He repliedthat we should probably be kept prisoners so long as the war lasted, butmight perhaps have permission to live in some interior part of theisland, and liberty to take exercise within certain limits. This opinionsurprised me; but I considered it to be that of a man unacquainted withthe nature of a voyage of discovery, and the interest it excites in everynation of the civilised world, and not the least in France. To beliberated in an honourable manner by an order of the French government, so soon as it should be informed of my detention, appeared to be certain;for whatever colour general De Caen might give to his proceedings, itcould not be disguised that he had arrested the commander of a voyagebearing a French passport, and had taken from him his charts, journals, and vessel; but as yet I could not be persuaded that the general wouldrisk the displeasure of his government, and particularly of the firstconsul Bonaparte, by whose order my passport had been given, and who hadprofessed himself to be a patron of science. A voyage of discoveryundertaken upon liberal principles, and carried on with zeal, temperedwith humanity towards the inhabitants of the countries visited, seemed tome an object to interest every person, of whatever nation or profession. The philosopher, or man of general science would see his knowledge of theglobe, and of man, its principal inhabitant, so much the object of such avoyage, that he might consider it as undertaken for his gratification;and he who professed a particular branch, whether of natural philosophyor natural history, would expect so many new observations and discoveriesin his favourite pursuit, that the voyagers could not fail to have hisbest wishes for their success. A professor of the fine arts might expectnew and striking subjects to be brought to light, upon which to exercisehis genius and display his powers; the merchant and manufacturer wouldanticipate fresh aids to their industry, and new markets for its produce;and the seaman, from such a voyage, would expect the discovery of newpassages and harbours, to which he might have recourse either forconvenience or safety; and he would also see in it the adoption of thebest means for advancing his art to perfection. The philanthropist andzealous Christian would have delight in observing the blessings ofcivilization thus continually extending themselves, and in seeing newfields opened in which to sow the seeds of righteousness; and even theman without profession, science, or zeal, the perfectly idle, could notbe without interest in a voyage of discovery, since the gratification ofcuriosity is an object of at least as much concern with them as with anyother class of men. Considering, thus, a voyage for the investigation ofnew countries as of extensive interest and importance, it was withdifficulty I could be convinced that there were people who thought it ofnone; or of so little, that the putting a stop to it, imprisoning thecommander and seizing his charts and papers, required no moreconsideration than if it were a common voyage. To be kept a prisoner solong as the war should last, did not therefore enter into my conceptionas within the bounds of probability, but it is the failing of men of allprofessions to over-rate the importance of that which they havethemselves adopted, and into this error it will probably be thought I hadfallen with respect to voyages of discovery. We had a second visit on the 6th from captain Bergeret, to whom thepassengers of the Aplin, and particularly the married gentlemen, wereindebted for much attention and indulgence. He seemed to think thatnothing could at this time be able to procure our release, but that wemight perhaps be permitted to live in the country; and he promised tointerest himself in it, so soon as a proper time and opportunity could befound for speaking to the captain-general. The season was arrived in which, should we be set at liberty, it would betoo late to attempt a passage round the Cape of Good Hope in theschooner, and before the return of another year, the stores, and perhapsthe vessel itself might be rotten; and having no hope to obtain an answerto a letter, I requested M. Bonnefoy to make an application to thegeneral for permission to sell the Cumberland. Ten days afterward theinterpreter informed me, that general De Caen had spoken to him of mywish to live in the country, which had been made known to him by captainBergeret; and he desired him to tell me, "to have a little patience, heshould soon come to some determination upon my affair;" being spoken toupon the sale of the Cumberland, his reply was, "a little patience, it istime enough yet;" and when the charts and books for which I had appliedon Feb. 27 were mentioned, he still gave the same answer. My people were brought on shore on the 23rd, with other British subjectsfrom the prison ship, in order to be sent to a district called Flacq, onthe east side of the island; and this circumstance confirmed my suspicionthat it was not intended to liberate us until orders were received fromFrance. Mr. Charrington, the boatswain, was permitted to speak to me inthe presence of an officer before their departure; and after learning thecondition of the poor prisoners, I recommended him to keep our people asclean in their persons and regular in their conduct as circumstanceswould permit; and not to attempt any escape, since we must be liberatedin six or eight months by order of the French government. One of them, the Prussian who had behaved so ill, had gone away in the Spanish frigateFama, by permission of the French; the others had been kept strictly onboard the prison ship after the departure of the three Dutch men of war. Although several prizes had been brought in, the number of Englishprisoners was inconsiderable; owing to some of the vessels being mannedwith lascars who were not confined and in part to the sailors having beeninduced to enter on board the French privateers, for the sake ofobtaining more provisions and to avoid being kept in irons. I had hitherto forborne to write any letters to England, whether publicor private, but what passed open through the office of the town major, that no plea, even what arbitrary power could construe into such, mightbe taken for continuing our imprisonment; but the arrival of letters thussent being exceedingly problematical, and my hope of liberation fromgeneral De Caen having disappeared, the motive for this forbearance hadceased to exist. An account was therefore written to the secretary of theAdmiralty of my arrival, reception, and treatment in Mauritius, inclosingcopies of all the letters written or received; that my LordsCommissioners might be enabled to take proper measures for obtaining ourliberty and the restitution of my charts and journals; especial care wastaken at the same time, to avoid the mention of any thing which could bethought to infringe on the passport, as much as if it had remainedinviolate on the part of general De Caen. This letter was inclosed to afriend in London, and sent by the way of America; and I afterwardslearned from the public papers that it was received in the Augustfollowing. The end of March had arrived, and nothing more was said of our permissionto reside in the country; and being most heartily weary of closeconfinement, I requested to be removed to the same place with the Britishofficers, prisoners of war; the house where they were kept beingdescribed to be large, and surrounded with a wall inclosing about twoacres of ground, within which the prisoners were allowed to takeexercise. On the 30th colonel Monistrol came to confer on the subject, and next day conducted me to the house for the purpose of choosing tworooms. He said on the way that the house was originally built by asurgeon named Despeaux, and now hired by the government at twenty-fivedollars per month to accommodate the English gentlemen; that it was veryspacious, and had formerly lodged the ambassadors sent by Tippoo Sultaunto this island; I found it to be situate about a mile north-east from ourtavern in the middle of the town, and enjoying a fresh air which, incomparison with our place of confinement, made me think it a paradise. After the unpleasant task of selecting two rooms, which colonelMonistrol, ordered to be vacated by the officers who were in possession, he returned with me to the town; and promised at parting to speak againto the captain-general concerning my charts and books. This little walk of a mile showed how debilitating is the want ofexercise and fresh air, for it was not without the assistance of colonelMonistrol's arm, that I was able to get through it. Conveyances were sentin the evening for our trunks, and we took possession of our new prisonwith a considerable degree of pleasure; this change of situation andsurrounding objects producing an exhilaration of spirits to which we hadlong been strangers. CHAPTER V. Prisoners in the Maison Despeaux or Garden Prison. Application to admiral Linois. Spy-glasses and swords taken. Some papers restored. Opinions upon the detention of the Cumberland. Letter of captain Baudin. An English squadron arrives off Mauritius: its consequences. Arrival of a French officer with despatches, and observations thereon. Passages in the Moniteur, with remarks. Mr. Aken liberated. Arrival of cartels from India. Application made by the marquis Wellesley. Different treatment of English and French prisoners. Prizes brought to Mauritius in sixteen months. Departure of all prisoners of war. Permission to quit the Garden Prison. Astronomical observations. [AT MAURITIUS. GARDEN PRISON. ] APRIL 1804 We lost no time in exploring our new place of confinement, and in makingacquaintance with our fellow prisoners. These were major Shippard and Mr. W. H. Robertson, who had come from India during the peace on account oftheir health, and been detained; the captains Mathews, Dansey, and Loane, and Mr. McCrae of the Indian army, taken in the Admiral Aplin; andMessrs. Dale and Seymour of H. M. Frigate La DéDaigneuse, who having beensent with a prize to Bombay had fallen in with the corvette Le Bélier, and been brought to Mauritius. The officers of merchant ships, at firstconfined in the Garden Prison, had a few days before been sent out toFlacq; and the four remaining officers of the army taken in the Aplin, were allowed, at the intercession of captain Bergeret, to dwell withtheir wives at a plantation in the quarter of Pamplemousses, about sixmiles from the port. M. Bonnefoy, the interpreter, continued to visit us occasionally; andgave some useful assistance in forming our little establishment, byprocuring the restitution of a part of my private property left in theCumberland, and obtaining a permanent permission for my servant to passthe sentinel at the gate. Our lodging and table in the Café Marengo hadbeen defrayed by the government; and during the first month, six dollarsper day, being two for each person, had been charged; but the _préfet_, thinking this too much, had fixed the allowance at 116 dollars per month, for which the tavern keeper agreed to supply us nearly as before. Onbeing removed to the Garden Prison, the interpreter informed me with somedegree of shame, that a further reduction of eleven dollars per month hadbeen ordered, to go towards paying the rent of the house; which isperhaps the first instance of men being charged for the accommodation ofa prison. Towards the middle of the month, rear-admiral Linois came into port afterhis unsuccessful attempt upon our China fleet, the same in which myofficers and people were passengers. As I believed the want of nauticalinformation, and especially upon the usages adopted towards voyages ofdiscovery, had materially contributed to the extraordinary proceedings ofgeneral De Caen, it seemed probable that an examination of my conduct andpapers by the rear-admiral might clear up the affair; and this hope, withthe character of the admiral as an upright and humane man, induced me towrite to him. I described the leading circumstances of my voyage, andsituation at that time; and said, "I should willingly undergo anexamination by the captains of your squadron, and my papers would eitherprove or disprove my assertions. If it be found that I have committed anyact of hostility against the French nation or its allies, my passportwill become forfeited, and I expect no favour; but if my conduct hathbeen altogether consistent with the passport, I hope to be set atliberty, or at least to be sent to France for the decision of thegovernment. " Admiral Linois had the politeness to return an immediateanswer; but said, that not being in the port at the time of my arrival, it belonged to the captain-general to appreciate the motives of mystopping at the Isle of France, and to determine the time of my momentarydetention. "Nevertheless Sir, " he added, "believe, that taking aninterest in your situation, I shall have the honour to speak to thecaptain-general concerning it; and shall be flattered in contributing toyour being set at liberty. " Unfortunately a difference arose between theadmiral and general De Caen; and the answer given to the application was, that my case having been submitted to the French government, his requestcould not be complied with. Captain Halgan of the French corvette Le Berceau, having been in Englandduring the short peace and heard my voyage there mentioned, as well as bythe officers of Le Géographe, did me the favour of a visit more thanonce. He testified a lively interest in my situation, and offeredpecuniary assistance if wanted; and being afterwards ordered to France, applied for me to be sent on board his ship; which being refused, heobligingly took a letter to captain Melius of Le Géographe, and twoothers for England which were punctually sent. In May [MAY 1804] Iaddressed a letter to His Excellency the marquis Wellesley, governor-general of British India, giving an account of my imprisonment. The character of general De Caen permitted but little hope to beentertained from the interference of His Lordship, but it seemed properto acquaint him with the circumstances; and it was possible that someunforeseen occurrence might put it in the power of the marquis to demandmy liberty in a way not to be refused: in all these letters I continuedto adhere most scrupulously to the line of perfect neutrality indicatedby the passport. A detention of some months longer, until orders should arrive fromFrance, appeared now to be inevitable, and the captain-general, bywithholding the charts, papers, and log book, seemed to desire thatnothing should take off my attention from feeling the weight of hispower; but both Mr. Aken and myself contrived to pass some months neitheruselessly nor disagreeably. We associated at table with Mr. Robertson andthe two young gentlemen of the Dédaigneuse, by which our society wasenlivened; and between the employments of copying my bearing book anddefaced journals, making some astronomical observations, reading, and theamusements of music, walking in the inclosure, and an old billiard tableleft in the house, the days passed along rather lightly than otherwise. Aprisoner or two were occasionally added to our number from the prizesbrought in; but when amounting to six or eight, they were marched off tojoin the other merchant officers at Flacq. The seamen there were keptclosely confined; but the officers enjoyed some share of liberty, andwere as happy as they could make themselves upon fourteen dollars amonth, in a place where the necessaries of life were exorbitantly dear;the hospitality of the French families in the neighbourhood, however, aided them considerably, and they spoke of the kindness and attentionreceived in high terms. JUNE 1804 On June 1, captain Neufville, the officer commanding the guard over thePrison, demanded all the spy-glasses in our possession; at the same timepromising that each should be returned when the owner had permission toquit the island, and threatening those with close confinement in thetower, by whom any glass should be concealed. There was no cause to doubtthe authority captain Neufville had to make the threat, but it shouldseem he had none to promise the restitution of the glasses; for I saw allthe officers depart, and to the best of my knowledge not one of themcould obtain their own. When Mr. Robertson quitted the island, and he wasone of the first, his spy-glass was not to be found. The French gentlemanto whom he delegated his claim, wrote to the town major upon the subject;and the answer was, that all arms and instruments taken from prisoners ofwar were the lawful property of the captors, as a reward for theircourage; that for himself, he had not taken advantage of this right, buthad given the glass in question to an officer of La Semillante, to beused against the enemies of his country. This answer not appearingsatisfactory, the gentleman replied that he did not understand how aspy-glass, belonging to a surgeon, as Mr. Robertson was, could beconstrued into arms or instruments of war. The owner had come to theisland on account of his health, previously to the war, and beendetained, therefore no extraordinary courage had been displayed in hiscase; and as these circumstances must have been forgotten by the major, he hoped the glass would be restored according to promise. To this noanswer was returned; and whether all the glasses were given away, or howdisposed of I did not learn, but had to regret the loss of two. To the measure of taking away our spy-glasses was added that of nailingup the door leading to the flat roof of the house. At sunset the sentinelwas accustomed to quit the outer gate, and to be posted before the doorof the prison to prevent any person going into the inclosure after thattime; then it was that a walk upon the roof, after the heat of the daywas passed, became a real pleasure; but of this we were now deprived. * Onthe following day a demand was made by a serjeant of invalids, who livedin the house as police officer, of the swords and all other arms inpossession of the prisoners, and of mine amongst the rest; but notchoosing to deliver up my sword in this manner, I addressed a shortletter to the captain-general, representing that it was inconsistent withmy situation in His Britannic Majesty's service to do so; I was ready todeliver it to an officer bearing His Excellency's order, but requestedthat officer might be of equal rank to myself. In a week captainNeufville called to say, that it was altogether a mistake of the serjeantthat my arms had been asked for, and he was sorry it had taken place; hadthe captain-general meant to demand my sword, it would have been done byan officer of equal rank; but he had no intention to make me a prisoneruntil he should receive orders to that effect. The explanation attendingthis apology seemed to be strange; and the next time captain Neufvillecame to the house I observed to him, that it appeared singular, afterhaving been confined six months, to be told I was not a prisoner, andasked him to explain it. He said, no certainly, I was not a prisoner--mysword had not been taken away; that I was simply detained for reasonswhich he did not pretend to penetrate, and put under _surveillance_ for ashort period. [* It being afterward suspected, and not without reason, that some of thegentlemen had forced the door, we were officially informed that thesentinels had received orders to shoot any one who might be seen on theroof; this produced greater circumspection, but the pleasure of the walkand having a view of the sea was such, that it did not wholly remedy theevil. ] In this affair of the sword I thought myself rather handsomely treated;but about three months afterward, one of the lower officers of the staffcame to demand it in the name of the town major, by order of thecaptain-general. When told the circumstances which had occurred upon thesame subject, he said the general had consented to my wish at that time, but had since altered his mind; and upon the promise of sending anofficer of equal rank, he said there was no officer of the same rank atthat time in readiness--that colonel D'Arsonval (the town major) wouldhimself have come had he not been engaged. I might, by a refusal, havegiven the officer the trouble of searching my trunks, and perhaps havereceived some further degradation; but since the order had come from thegeneral, who had broken his word, my sword was delivered, with theobservation that I should not forget the manner of its being taken. Theofficer described himself as _lieutenant-adjutant de place_; he conductedhimself with politeness, and did not ask if I or Mr. Aken had any otherweapons. A seaman of the Cumberland and another prisoner from Flacq made theirappearance one morning behind the wall of our inclosure. They had come tomake a complaint of the scantiness of their provisions; for besidesbread, they had only six ounces of meat or fish in the day, without saltor vegetables, which afforded them but a poor dinner and was their onlymeal in twenty-four hours. Several petitions and complaints had been madeto the officer who had charge of them, but without effect; and they atlength resolved that two of their number should escape out of the prison, and go to the _préfet_ to make their complaint. It was to be feared thatthey would be considered as prisoners attempting to escape, if foundopenly in the town; and therefore, after giving them money to satisfytheir immediate hunger, my servant was sent with them and a note to theinterpreter, requesting he would be good enough to take them to the townmajor's office, where they might tell their story; and the result was, that they were put on board the prison ship, and kept in irons forseveral weeks. Mr. Charrington, my boatswain, had hitherto been treatedas a common seaman; but through the obliging mediation of M. Bonnefoy, the allowance and portion of liberty granted to mates of merchant shipswere obtained for him; and by two or three opportunities I sent tea and afew dollars to the seamen, on finding they were so miserably fed. In the middle of this month, two of the officers who had resided withtheir wives at Pamplemousses, obtained permission to go on their paroleto India, through the interest of captain Bergeret. This worthy man hadfrequently come to the Garden Prison, and at this time undertook to applyto the captain-general for my books and papers, and for Mr. Aken andmyself to be removed to Pamplemousses. JULY 1804 On the 2nd of July he called early with information of having succeededin both applications; he had even ventured to propose my being sent toFrance, but to this it was answered, that the affair being submitted tothe decision of the government, I must remain until its orders werereceived. In a few days M. Bonnefoy conducted me to the secretary's office, and Itook out of the sealed trunk all the books, charts, and papers whichrequired any additions, or were necessary to the finishing of others; asalso a bundle of papers containing my passportcommission, etc. , and the shattered accounts of the Investigator'sstores. For these a receipt was required, the same as before; but thethird volume of my log book, for which so many applications had beenmade, was still refused. Word had been sent me privately, that _the trunkhad been opened and copies taken of the charts_, but to judge fromappearances this was not true; and on putting the question to colonelMonistrol, whether the trunk or papers had been disturbed, he answered byan unqualified negative. In regard to our living in the country, thegeneral had said to captain Bergeret, "he should think further upon it;"and this we were given to understand must be considered as a retractionof his promise: a second example of how little general De Caen respectedhis own word. Charles Lambert, Esq. , owner of the Althaea indiaman, brought in sometime before as a prize, having obtained permission to go to England bythe way of America, and no restriction being laid upon him as to takingletters, had the goodness to receive a packet for the Admiralty, containing copies of the charts constructed here and several otherpapers. AUGUST 1804 In August I found means of sending to India, for Port Jackson, a letteraddressed to governor King; describing my second passage through Torres'Strait, and the bad state of the Cumberland which had obliged me to stopat Mauritius, with the particulars of my imprisonment and the fate of hisdespatches. This letter was received in the April following, and extractsfrom it were published in the Sydney gazette; wherein was made acomparison between my treatment in Mauritius and that of captain Baudinat Port Jackson, as described by himself and captain Melius. This accountwas copied into the _Times_ of Oct. 19, 1805, whence it afterwards cameto my knowledge. One advantage of being confined in the Garden Prison rather than at theCafé Marengo, was in the frequency of visitors to one or other of theprisoners; permissions were required to be obtained from the town major, but these were seldom refused to people of respectability. In this mannerwe became acquainted with all the public news, and also with the opinionsentertained in the island upon the subject of my imprisonment. Those whoknew that I had a passport, and was confined upon suspicion only, thoughtthe conduct of the captain-general severe, impolitic, and unjust; andsome who pretended to have information from near the fountain head, hinted that if his invitation to dinner had been accepted, a few dayswould have been the whole of my detention. Others understood my passportand papers to have been lost in the shipwreck, and that it was uncertainwhether I were the commander of the expedition on discovery or not;whilst many, not conceiving that their governor could thus treat anofficer employed in the service of science without his having given somevery sufficient cause, naturally enough made a variety of unfavourableconjectures, and in due time, that is, when these conjectures had passedthrough several hands, reports were in circulation of my having chased avessel on shore on the south side of the island--of soundings and surveysof the coast found upon me--and of having quarrelled with the governor ofNew South Wales, who had refused to certify on my passport the necessityof quitting the Investigator and embarking in the Cumberland; and thislast seemed to have acquired credit. I will not pretend to say, thatgeneral De Caen had any part in propagating these reports, for thepurpose of satisfying the curiosity of an inquisitive public and turningits attention from the truth, though far from thinking it improbable; bethat as it may, the nature of my voyage, our shipwreck, the long passagemade in the little Cumberland, and our severe imprisonment, had excited aconsiderable degree of interest; and I was told that this imprisonmenthad been mentioned in an anonymous letter to the captain-general, as oneof the many tyrannical acts committed in the short time he had held thegovernment of the island. One of the persons who asked permission to see me, was M. AugustinBaudin, brother of the deceased commander of Le Géographe; he testifiedthe grateful sense his brother had always entertained of the generousreception and great assistance received from governor King at PortJackson, and expressed his own regret at not being able to do any thingfor my release. On learning from him that a letter still existed, writtenby captain Baudin to a member of the tribunal of appeal in Mauritius, Isucceeded in obtaining an extract, of which the following is an exacttranslation. On board Le Geographe, New Holland, Port Jackson, the 3rd December, 1802. After having traversed the sea in different directions for nine monthsafter leaving Timor, I came to Port Jackson to pass the winter. Thescurvy had then made such rapid progress, that I had no more than twelvemen fit for duty when I arrived in this colony. The succours which werelavishly bestowed, the affectionate and obliging cares of governor King, his unremitting conduct and proceedings beyond example, every thing infine, has concurred to make the effects of this disorder less fatal thanthe first (a dysentery contracted at Timor), although the cause was notless serious. I cannot pass in silence an act of humanity to which oursituation gave rise. These are the facts. On our arrival at Port Jackson, to the number of a hundred and seventypersons, the resources in corn were far from abundant; a great inundationand the overflowing of the River Hawkesbury, having in part destroyed theharvest which was upon the eve of being got in, and the following onebeing distant and uncertain, was not a fortunate circumstance for us. Nevertheless we were made perfectly welcome, and so soon as our presentand future wants were known, the ration given daily to the inhabitantsand the garrison was reduced one-half. The governor and the civil andmilitary officers set the example of this generosity, which wasimmediately followed by the others. We were not only strangers, but stillat war, for the news of the peace was not yet known. The original extract in my possession, is certified to be true by thegentleman to whom the letter was addressed. Its contents afford acontrast to the proceedings of the governor of Mauritius, too striking torequire any comment. Amongst the acquaintances formed whilst in the Garden Prison, the mostagreeable, most useful, and at the same time durable, was that of a youngFrench merchant; a man well informed, a friend to letters, to science, and the arts; who spoke and wrote English, and had read many of our bestauthors. To him I am principally indebted for having passed someagreeable days in prison, and his name therefore merits a place in thishistory of the misfortune which his friendship contributed to alleviate;nor am I the sole English prisoner who will mention the name of _ThomasPitot_ with eulogium. On the 27th, an English squadron consisting of two ships of the line andtwo frigates, under the command of captain John Osborn, arrived to cruiseoff the island. SEPTEMBER 1804 Some days afterward, my boatswain and six of the merchant officers, prisoners at Flacq, made their escape to one of the ships. Thecaptain-general, in a paroxysm of rage, ordered the officer commanding atFlacq to be dismissed, and every Englishman in the island, withoutdistinction, to be closely confined; neither paroles of honour, norsureties, nor permissions previously given to depart, being respected. Six were brought to the Garden Prison, of whom the captains Moffat andHenry from Pamplemousses were two, and their wives followed them. Theseamen and remaining officers from Flacq passed our gate under a strongguard, and were marched to an old hospital about one mile on thesouth-west side of the town; where the seamen were shut up in the lower, and the officers in the upper apartment, there being only two rooms. The arrival of the squadron gave the prisoners a hope of being released, either from a general exchange, or for such Frenchmen as our ships mighttake whilst cruising off the island; even Mr. Aken and myself, since ourswords had been taken away, conceived some hopes, for we were thenprisoners according to the definition of M. Neufville. There was, however, no intercourse with the squadron until the 19th, on which, andthe two following days, a frigate was lying off the port with a flag oftruce hoisted, and boats passed and repassed between her and the shore. Our anxiety to know the result was not a little; and we soon learned thatcaptain Cockburne of the Phaeton had come in for the purpose of seeinggeneral De Caen; but on entering the port he had been met, blindfolded, and taken on board the prison ship, which was also the guard ship; thatfinding he could not see the general, and that no officer was sent totreat with him, he left a packet from captain Osborn and returned indisgust. His mission, we were told, was to negotiate an exchange ofprisoners, particularly mine; but in the answer given by general De Caenit was said, that not being a prisoner of war, no exchange for me couldbe accepted; nor did any one obtain his liberty in consequence. OCTOBER 1804 Few persons were admitted to the Garden Prison during the presence of theEnglish squadron; but it did not prevent captain Bergeret and M. Bonnefoyfrom coming occasionally. In the end of October I learned with muchregret, that the interpreter had been dismissed from his employment, inconsequence of having carried only one copy of the same newspaper togeneral De Caen, when two had been found in an American vessel which hehad boarded off the port, according to custom; the other had beencommunicated to some of his friends, which was deemed an irremissibleoffence. This obliging man, to whom I was under obligations for many actsof attention and some of real service, feared to ask any futurepermission to visit the Garden Prison. Admiral Linois arrived from a cruise on the 31st, with three rich prizes, and got into Port Bourbon unimpeded by our ships, which were off anotherpart of the island; and the same evening commodore Osborn quittedMauritius. Mr. Robertson and Mr. Webb of the Aplin were now permitted togo to England by the way of America [NOVEMBER 1804]; and I took the goodopportunity of sending by the first of these gentlemen a copy of thegeneral chart of Terra Australis, comprehending the whole of mydiscoveries and examinations in abridgment, and a paper on the magnetismof ships addressed to the president of the Royal Society. * Four officersof the army also obtained permission to go to India, on condition ofreturning, should four French officers whose names were specified, be notsent back in exchange; and two other gentlemen left the Garden Prison, and the island soon afterward. In lieu of these, were sent in captainTurner and lieutenant Cartwright of the Indian army, and the officers ofthe Princess Charlotte indiaman. [* This paper was read before the Society, and published in theTransactions of 1805, Part II. ] By information received from the Grande-Riviere prison, where themerchant officers and the seamen were confined, it appeared that my sixremaining people, and no doubt many others, were very miserable andalmost naked; having been hurried off suddenly from Flacq, and compelledto leave their few clothes behind. On this occasion I addressed thecaptain-general on the score of humanity, intreating him either to ordertheir clothes to be restored, or that they should be furnished withothers; and on the same day an answer was returned in the most politemanner by colonel D'Arsonval, saying that an order had been given for allthe prisoners to be fresh clothed, and their wants supplied. Six weeksafterward, however, finding that the poor seamen remained in the samenaked state as before, I wrote to remind the town major of what he hadsaid; requesting at the same time, if it were not intended to give theseunfortunate men any clothing, that Mr. Aken might be permitted to visitthem, in order to relieve their urgent necessities from my own purse. Noanswer was returned to this letter, but it produced the desired effect. DECEMBER 1804 My hopes of a speedy liberation by an order of the first consul becameweakened in December, on seeing nothing arrive to confirm them after awhole year's imprisonment. On the 17th I wrote to remind thecaptain-general that one year had elapsed; and requested him to considerthat the chance of war rendered the arrival of despatches uncertain--thatI was suffering an irretrievable loss of time, and very severely in myhealth, advancement, and every thing that man holds dear; I begged him toreflect, that the rights of the most severe justice would be ensured bysending me to France, where the decision of my fate was remitted; andwhere, should the judgment of the French government be favourable, itcould be immediately followed by a return to my country and family, andthe resumption of my peaceable labours. No answer being given at the endof a week, a second letter was sent, inclosing a copy of the extract fromcaptain Baudin; and His Excellency was requested to compare the treatmentof the French commander at Port Jackson with what I had received atMauritius, and at least to give Mr. Aken and myself the liberty of somedistrict in the island where we might take exercise, and find theamusement necessary to the re-establishment of our health; but neither ofthese letters obtained any reply, or the least notice. Mr. Aken had been removed to the hospital in September, and after a stayof six weeks had returned, more from finding himself so ill accommodatedand fed than from the improvement in his health. He now declined rapidly;[JANUARY 1805] and my own health was impaired by a constitutionalgravelly complaint to which confinement had given accelerated force, andby a bilious disorder arising partly from the same cause, from the returnof hot weather, and discouraging reflections on our prospects. We weretherefore visited by Dr. Laborde, principal physician of the medicalstaff, who judged the air and exercises of the country to be the mostcertain means of restoration; and in order to our procuring them, he gavea certificate which I sent to general De Caen through colonel Monistrol, then become town major. No answer was returned; but after some days itwas told me that Dr. Laborde had received a message from the general, desiring him not to interfere with matters which did not concern him; andthis was the sole mark of attention paid to his certificate or to oursituation. * [* The doctor had said in his certificate, "J'estime qu'il faut prévenir'augmentation de ses maux; et en le secourant apropos, c'est assurer laconservation d'un homme dont les travaux doivent servir aux progrès dessciences, et a 1'utilité de ses semblables. "] Being thus disappointed in every attempt to procure an amelioration formy companion and myself, I sought the means of dispensing with thecaptain-general's humanity. I rose very early, and took much exercise inour inclosure before the heat of the sun, became too powerful; andapplied closely to the charts and accounts of my voyage, which ill healthand a languid melancholy had for some time caused to be neglected. Byperseverance in these means, my disorders were at least prevented frombecoming worse; but more particularly I acquired a tranquil state ofmind, and had even the happiness of forgetting general De Caen, sometimesfor days together. The strength of my companion was too much exhaustedfor such a regimen; and he was obliged to return to the hospital, beingso much reduced that there was reason to fear for his life. Several military and merchant officers obtained permissions at this timeto depart on parole, some to India, others to America; which furnishedopportunities of writing many letters. I addressed one to admiralRainier, the commander in chief of His Majesty's ships in India, upon thesubject of my detention; and another to lord William Bentinck, governorof Madras, in favour of two relations of my friend Pitot, who wereprisoners under his government; and it is with much gratitude to HisLordship that I add his more than compliance with the request: he notonly set the two prisoners at liberty, but used his endeavours to procuremy release from general De Caen. On the 29th, an American vessel arrived from France with many passengers, and amongst them monsieur Barrois, the brother-in-law of the general. Hewas charged with despatches; and I was told upon good authorities that hehad been sent to France in Le Géographe upon the same service, inDecember 1803. The knowledge of this fact gave an insight into variouscircumstances which took place at, and soon after my arrival atMauritius. Le Géographe having an English passport, was equally boundwith myself to observe a strict neutrality; and the conveyance of anofficer with public despatches in time of war was therefore improper. Common report said, that captain Melius objected to it, as compromisingthe safety of his ship and results of the voyage; but on its being knownfrom the signals that an English vessel was on the south side of theisland, M. Barrois embarked secretly, and the ship was ordered off thesame evening. Hence I missed seeing her, and was arrested on arriving atPort Louis without examination; and hence it appeared to have been, thatan embargo was immediately laid on all foreign ships for ten days, thatnone of our cruisers might get information of the circumstance and stopLe Géographe; hence also the truth of what was told me in the CaféMarengo, that _my confinement did not arise from any thing I had done_. Such was the respect paid by general De Caen to the English passport; andhow little sacred he held that given by his own government for theprotection of the Investigator's voyage, will in part have alreadyappeared. The conduct of the British government and its officers in thesetwo cases was widely different. In consequence of the English passport, the Géographe and Naturaliste were received at Port Jackson as friends, and treated with the kindness due to their employment and distressedsituation, as will satisfactorily appear from M. Peron's account of theirvoyage; and with regard to the French passport, it may be remembered thatthe Admiralty directed me, on leaving England, not even to take lettersor packets other than such as might be received from that office, or thatof the secretary of state; and the despatches sent from those officeswere to governor King alone, and related solely to the Investigator'svoyage. I was ordered to stop at Madeira and the Cape of Good Hope, butneither to the officers commanding His Majesty's land or sea forces atone, nor at the other place was any despatch sent; although noopportunity of writing to the Cape had for some time presented itself. FEBRUARY 1805 The return of M. Barrois gave a reasonable hope that the captain-generalmight have received orders concerning me, and that some thing would beimmediately determined; but a whole month passed in silence as so manyothers had before done. It was reported, however, as having come from thegeneral, that the council of state had approved of the precautions he hadtaken; but whether it had decided upon my being set at liberty, sent toFrance, or continued a prisoner, was not said. There were at this time only six officers in the Garden Prison, Mr. Akenbeing still at the hospital; lieutenant Manwaring of the Bombay marine, before commander of the Fly packet, with two of his officers hadpossession of one part of the house, and Messrs. Dale and Seymour, midshipmen of the Dédaigneuse, lived with me in the other. These twoyoung gentlemen, the first in particular, aided me in making copies ofcharts and memoirs, in calculating astronomical observations, etc. ; and Ihad much pleasure in furnishing them with books and assisting theirstudies. MARCH 1805 In the beginning of March, I was surprised to see in the official gazetteof the French government, the Moniteur of July 7, 1804, a long letterfrom Dunkirk addressed to the editor; containing many particulars of myvoyage, praising the zeal with which it had been conducted, anddescribing my detention in Mauritius as a circumstance which hadoriginated in a mistake and was understood to be terminated. In thesucceeding Moniteur of the 11th, some observations were made upon thisletter on the part of the government, which afforded some insight intowhat was alleged against me; and these being important to the elucidationof general De Caen's policy, a translation of them is here given. MONITEUR, No. 292. Wednesday 22 Messidor, year 12; or July 11, 1804. In a letter from Dunkirk, addressed to the editor of the Moniteur, andinserted in the paper of the 18th of this month, No. 288, we read anaccount of the voyage of Mr. Flinders, an English navigator, who arrivedat the Isle of France the 24 Frimaire last, in the schooner Cumberland. The author of the letter in the Moniteur says, that Mr. Flinders, _"notknowing of the war, stopped at the Isle of France which was in his route, to obtain water and refreshments: that some secret articles in hisinstructions gave rise to suspicions upon which the captain-general atfirst thought it his duty to detain him prisoner; but that, nevertheless, the passports he had obtained from the French government and all othernations, the nature even of his expedition which interested all civilizedpeople, were not long in procuring his release. "_ The fact is, that Mr. Flinders not knowing of, but suspecting the war, ventured to come to the Isle of France; where having learned itsdeclaration, he doubted whether the passport granted him by the Frenchgovernment in the year 9, would serve him. In reality, the passport wasexclusively for the sloop _Investigator, of which it contained thedescription_; and it is not in the Investigator that he has beenarrested, but in the Cumberland. The same passport did not permit Mr. Flinders to stop at French coloniesbut on condition that he should not deviate from his route to go there;and Mr. Flinders acknowledges in his journal that he deviatedvoluntarily, (for the Isle of France was not in his passage, as theauthor of the above cited letter says). In fine, the passport granted toMr. Flinders did not admit of any equivocation upon the objects of theexpedition for which it was given: but we read in one part of hisjournal, _that he suspected the war_; and in another, _that he hadresolved to touch at the Isle of France, as well in the hope of sellinghis vessel advantageously, as from the desire of knowing the presentstate of that colony, and the utility of which it and its dependencies inMadagascar could be to Port Jackson. _ As the passport given by the French government to Mr. Flinders, anEnglish navigator, was far from admitting an examination of that naturein a French colony; it is not at all surprising that the captain-generalof that colony has arrested him; and nothing announces as yet, that hehas thought it necessary to release him. An elaborate refutation of these trifling, and in part false andcontradictory charges, will not, I should hope, be thought necessary. Byturning to Chapter 3 (December), and comparing my reasons for putting inat Mauritius with what the Moniteur says, it will be seen that thenecessity of the measure, arising from the bad state of the Cumberland, is kept wholly out of sight; and that in giving the subordinate reasons, there is much omission and misrepresentation. The charges, even as theystand in the Moniteur, amount to nothing, if my suspicion of the war betaken away; and it has no other foundation than that, being a stranger towhat had passed in Europe for twelve months, I thought there was apossibility of war between England and France; and thence deduced anadditional reason for stopping at Mauritius where my passport would berespected, in preference to going on to the Cape of Good Hope where itmight not. This suspicion, which is twice brought forward, is moreovercontradicted by inference, in the Moniteur itself. It says, "Mr. Flindersnot knowing of, but suspecting the war, ventured to come to the Isle ofFrance; where having learned its declaration, he doubted whether thepassport would serve him. " Now it is not credible, that with such asuspicion, and being aware, consequently, of the great importance of thepassport, I should wait until arriving at the island before seeking toknow its particular contents; but going to Mauritius under the belief ofpeace, and finding war declared, an examination of the passport was thennatural. It is true that I did then entertain some apprehensions, fromnot finding any provision made for another vessel in case of shipwreck orother accident to the Investigator; but my confidence in the justice andliberality of the French government overcame them; and had generalMagallon remained governor, this confidence would most probably have beenjustified by the event. How my reasons for stopping at Mauritius were worded in the log book, Icertainly do not remember correctly, nor how far they were accompaniedwith explanations; and particular care has been taken to prevent megiving the words themselves; but is it possible to suppose, thatsuspecting the war and entertaining inimical designs, I should haveinserted this suspicion and these designs in my common journal? Or that, having done so, the book would have been put into the hands of general DeCaen's secretary, and these very passages pointed out for him to copy?Yet the reasons alleged in the Moniteur, to be true, require no less. The assertion that I acknowledge to have deviated _voluntarily_ from myroute, for the Isle of France was not in my passage--if voluntarily mean, _without necessity_, must be false altogether. I had intended to pass theisland without stopping, and probably said so; but that the intention wasaltered voluntarily, could not have been said, for the _necessity_arising from the bad state of the schooner was alleged for it. WhetherMauritius be in the passage from Timor to the Cape of Good Hope, anyseaman or geographer who knows the trade winds, can tell: it is as muchin the passage as is the Cape in going from Europe to India. The aboveassertion induced me to examine captain Cook's track from Timor to theCape, as it is traced upon Arrowsmith's general chart, and to measure thedistance from a certain part of it to Port Louis, and from thence toregain the track really made; and I found that his distance would nothave been increased so much as _one hundred miles_; or less than the halfof what ships augment their distance by stopping at Table Bay, in theirroute to India. It may perhaps be said, that my _voluntary_ deviation andthe island not being in the passage, apply only to my intention ofpassing Mauritius and then changing it. If so, the assertion could onlybe made for superficial readers, and contains nothing; such, in fact, areall the charges when duly examined, not excepting the pretence that thepassport was _exclusively for the Investigator_; and more has alreadybeen said upon them than is due to their real importance. These Moniteurs, however, informed me of two material circumstances--thatthere was at least one person in France who viewed my detention in itstrue light, and that the government had either been deceived by therepresentations of general De Caen, or coincided with his views from somesecret motive; consequently, that too much reliance ought not to beplaced in an early liberation by its orders. I then determined to writeto monsieur De Fleurieu, author of the instructions to La Pérouse, etc. , and counsellor of state, who might be supposed to interest himself in myvoyage; and annexed to the letter copies of papers showing the receptiongiven to the French ships at Port Jackson, and the necessity which hadforced me to stop at Mauritius; and begged him in the name of humanityand the sciences, to use his influence that I might either be permittedto continue the voyage, or otherwise be ordered to France forexamination. My worthy friend Pitot wrote to the same effect, to M. DeBougainville, the navigator and counsellor of state--to M. De la Lande, the astronomer--to M. Chaptal, minister of the interior--and to M. Dupuis, counsellor of state; and admiral Linois had the goodness to writeto M. De Fleurieu in favour of my request. At the same time I wrote tothe secretary of the Admiralty, inclosing a copy of the first letter; andall these being sent away in duplicate, by opportunities which occurredsoon afterward, every step seemed to have been taken that could affordany hope of liberty and the restitution of my books and papers. APRIL 1805 The fate of my officers and people on board the Rolla had been a subjectof some anxiety; but about this time I had the satisfaction to learn fromthe public papers, that they had arrived safely in England; thatlieutenant Fowler and the officers and company of the Porpoise had beenhonourably acquitted of all blame for the loss of the ship, and that Mr. Fowler had much distinguished himself in the action between the Chinafleet and admiral Linois' squadron. MAY 1805 Permissions being granted to several prisoners to go away on their parolein American vessels, Mr. Aken, who still remained at the hospital, conceived hopes that his might pass amongst the rest, if he applied. Inthis notion I encouraged him, since my own prospects were so obscure; andrecommended that his plea should turn wholly upon his long-continued illhealth, and to say nothing of his connexion with me. The application wasmade accordingly; and on the 7th, he came to the Garden Prison with theunexpected information of being then at liberty to depart, on giving hisparole "not to serve against France or its allies, until after havingbeen legally exchanged;" that is, as a _prisoner of war. _ It seemed doubtful whether this permission had been granted from motivesof humanity, from forgetfulness, or from some new plan having beenadopted; the general might possibly have received orders, permitting himto dispose of us as he should think proper, and have no objection togetting rid of me also, as a prisoner of war, provided an applicationgave him the opportunity. In this uncertainty of what might be hisintentions, I wrote to colonel Monistrol, requesting him to state thelength of my imprisonment and ill health; and to move His Excellency tolet me depart on parole, or in any other way he should judge proper; butit appeared after waiting several days, that the colonel foreseeing therequest could answer no purpose, had not laid it before thecaptain-general. I then resolved to make good use of the opportunitypresented by Mr. Aken's departure, and from this time to that of hissailing, was fully occupied in making up my despatches; and Mr. Aken'shealth being improved, he took up his residence in the Garden Prison forthe purpose of giving his assistance. Besides a general chart of Terra Australis, showing the whole of mydiscoveries, examinations and tracks in abridgment, this packet for theAdmiralty contained nine sheets upon a scale of four inches to a degreeof longitude, and three sheets of particular parts in a larger size; alsofive chapters of a memoir explanatory of their construction, of thechanges in the variation on shipboard, etc. ; an enlarged copy of my logbook, with remarks and astronomical observations from the commencement ofthe voyage to quitting the north coast of Terra Australis in March 1803;and a book containing all the bearings and angles which entered into theconstruction of the charts. The time keeper, with the mathematical andnautical instruments belonging to the Navy Board were also sent; and infine, either the original or a copy of every thing in my possession whichrelated either to the Investigator or the voyage. Mr. Campbell, commander of the American ship James, bound to New York, liberally gave Mr. Aken and some other prisoners a passage free ofexpense;* and the paroles they were required to sign laying no otherinjunction than that of not serving until legally exchanged, the books. Etc. Above mentioned, with many letters both public and private, weresafely embarked; and on the 20th in the evening, the ship got under sail, to my great satisfaction. Of the ten officers and men who had come withme to Mauritius, only four now remained; one was in the hospital with abroken leg, another with me in the Garden Prison, and two were shut up atthe Grande Rivière. A seaman had been allowed to go with Mr. Aken in theJames, and all our endeavours were used to obtain permission for the twoin prison to embark also, but without effect; about a month afterwards, however, they were suffered to enter on board an American ship, at therequest of the commander. [* It gives me pleasure to say, that almost the whole of the Americancommanders were ready to accommodate the English prisoners who, from timeto time, obtained leave to depart, and the greater number without anyother expense than that of laying in provisions for themselves; some werereceived on board as officers for wages, and others had a table found forthem without any specified duty being required. In most cases these werebeneficent actions, for, as will readily be imagined, the greater part ofthe prisoners had no means of obtaining money in Mauritius; the militaryofficers, however, and those who had money at their disposal, wererequired to pay for their passages, and in some cases, dear enough. ] JUNE 1805 On June 4, a fortnight after Mr. Aken had sailed, captain Osborn againcame off the island, with His Majesty's ships Tremendous, Grampus, Pitt, and Terpsichore; and an embargo on all foreign vessels was, as usual, theimmediate consequence. On the 23rd, the ship Thetis arrived from Bengalunder cartel colours, having on board captain Bergeret, with such of hisofficers and people as had not been killed in the action he had sustainedagainst our frigate the St. Fiorenzo. This arrival animated the spiritsof all the prisoners in the island; and the return of my friend Bergereteven gave me some hopes, particularly after the reception of a note fromhim, promising to use his exertions to obtain a favourable change in mysituation. Mr. Richardson, commander of the Thetis, informed us some daysafterward [JULY 1805], that all the prisoners of war would be allowed togo to India in his ship, and that hopes were entertained of anapplication for me also being successful. Captain Bergeret did not calluntil the 3rd of July, after having used his promised endeavours in vain, as I had foreseen from the delay of his visit; for every good Frenchmanhas an invincible dislike to be the bearer of disagreeable intelligence. On the 5th, a letter came from Mr. Lumsden, chief secretary of thegovernment at Calcutta, acknowledging the receipt of mine addressed tothe marquis Wellesley in May 1804; he said in reply, "that although thegovernor-general had felt the deepest regret at the circumstances of mydetention and imprisonment, it had not been in His Excellency's power toremedy either before the present time. The ship Thetis, " he added, "nowproceeds to the Isle of France as a cartel; and I have the honour totransmit to you the annexed extract from the letter of thegovernor-general to His Excellency general De Caen, captain-general ofthe French establishments to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope. Thegovernor-general entertains no doubt that the captain-general of the Isleof France will release you immediately on receipt of that letter. " EXTRACT. --I avail myself of this opportunity to request your Excelleney'sparticular attention to the truly severe case of captain Flinders; and Iearnestly request Your Excellency to release captain Flindersimmediately, and to allow him either to take his passage to India in theThetis, or to return to India in the first neutral ship. Mr. Lumsden's letter and the above extract were inclosed to me by thesecretary of general De Caen, who at the same time said, "I wish with allmy heart that the captain-general could accede to the request of HisExcellency the marquis Wellesley; but the motives of your detentionhaving been of a nature to be submitted to the French government, thecaptain-general cannot, before he has received an answer, change anything in the measures which have been adopted on your account. " Thuswhatever hope had been entertained of liberation from the side of Indiawas done away, but I did not feel less gratitude to the noble marquis forhis attempt; after eighteen months of indignities, this attention, andthe previous arrival of the two relations of my friend Pitot, set atliberty by lord William Bentinck, were gratifying proofs that mysituation was known and excited an interest in India. An exchange of prisoners was soon afterwards agreed upon betweencommodore Osborn and colonel Monistrol, with the exception ofpost-captains and commanders in the navy and officers of similar rank inthe army; it was not said that the exceptions had any reference tocaptain Bergeret or myself, the sole officers in Mauritius of the ranksspecified, but it seemed probable. On the 28th, the ship Prime arrived from Bombay with French prisoners, having on board lieutenant Blast of the Company's marine, as agent;admiral Linois had met the ship near Ceylon, and taken seventy-nine ofthe French seamen on board his squadron, notwithstanding therepresentation of Mr. Blast that no exchange had yet been settled. Thisproceeding was said to be disapproved by general De Caen; and afterwardsto be the cause of the exchange being declared void by Sir Edward Pellew, then become commander in chief in the Indian seas. AUGUST 1805 There was at this time an almost uncontrolled liberty to enter the GardenPrison, and I was favoured with frequent visits by Mr. Richardson of theThetis, and by Messrs. Blast, Madegon, and Davies of the Prime; thesegentlemen, finding they should be obliged to leave me behind and alone, rendered every service I could permit myself to receive at their hands, and made an impression by their kindness which will ever be retained. From their conversation I learned what was the treatment of Frenchprisoners at Bengal and Bombay; and the contrast it formed with that ofEnglish officers and seamen in Mauritius, both in the degree of libertyand allowance for subsistence, was indeed striking. Something has alreadybeen said upon this subject, and much more might be said; but it is amore agreeable task to bestow praise where it can with truth be given. Itis therefore with pleasure, and with gratitude on the part of myunfortunate countrymen to admiral Linois and the officers of hissquadron, as also to the commanders of privateers, that I declare no oneof the several prisoners I conversed with to have made any complaint ofthem; on the contrary, almost all acknowledged to have been treated withkindness _whilst on board_, and except sometimes a little pilfering bythe sailors, to have lost nothing of what they had a right to keep by thereceived usages of war; the trunks of many were not searched, it beingonly required of the possessor to declare, that it was his privateproperty and that no letters or journals were contained therein. When theFly packet was taken by the privateer La Fortune, lieutenant Manwaring'stable plate and time keeper were returned to him; and his treatment by M. Lamême was altogether so liberal, when compared with the usual conduct ofprivateers in Europe, as to merit being cited. In order to give some notion of the mischief done to British commerce inIndia, by ships from Mauritius, an abstract of all the captures made inthe first sixteen months of the war, so far as they came to our knowledgein the Garden Prison, is subjoined. There are probably several omissions;and the supposed values annexed to them are the least that can beestimated, perhaps not exceeding two-thirds of the prime cost. By admiral Linois' squadron, three Indiamen andfive country ships mostly large, £ 505, 000 By La Psyché privateer, one Indiaman and twoprivate ships, 95, 000La Henriette, six ships and small vessels, 150, 000La Fortune, one packet, three ships, four small vessels, 103, 000Cutter commanded by Surcouf, four vessels, 75, 000L'Alfred, one ship, 10, 000Le Pariah, one ship, 10, 000 --------Brought into Port Louis, 948, 000Ships known to have been sent to France orBatavia, run on shore, or sunk at sea, 200, 000Mischief done at Bencoolen by admiral Linois' squadron, 800, 000 --------Estimated loss to British commerce in 16 months, 1948, 000 -------- The sailing of the Thetis and Prime, and of a little brig named the Arielwhich had brought prisoners from Ceylon, was delayed until the cruisingsquadron had left the island. On the 13th commodore Osborn took hisdeparture, and my young friends Dale and Seymour quitted the GardenPrison; the first carrying for me a letter to Sir Edward Pellew, givingan account of my situation, and another to Mr. Lumsden, informing him ofthe little success attending the governor-general's request. In theevening of the same day the cartels sailed; and I remained with myservant, who refused to profit by the occasion of obtaining his liberty, and my lame seaman, the sole English prisoners at Mauritius. Captain Bergeret informed me two days afterward, that the general wasdisposed to permit of my residence in the interior part of the island;and he advised a written application to be made, specifying the place ofmy choice. After consulting with M. Pitot, who had received severaloffers to accommodate me from different parts of the island, I wrote onthe 17th, pointing out the plantation of Madame D'Arifat at WilhemsPlains; which being at some distance from the sea, seemed least liable toobjection. On the 19th, a polite note from colonel Monistrol said that myrequest was granted; and he sent word next day, that I was at liberty toquit the Garden Prison, and pass two or three days in town previously togoing into the country; and being importuned by my friend Pitot to spendthe evening with him, immediate advantage was taken of the permission. On taking leave of the old serjeant, who had behaved kindly to all theprisoners, and finding myself without side the iron gate, I felt thateven a prison one has long inhabited is not quitted without somesentiment of regret, unless it be to receive liberty. Of the twentymonths which my detention had now reached, more than sixteen had beenpassed in the Garden Prison, sometimes rather lightly, but the greaterpart in bitterness; and my strength and appearance were so changed, thatI felt to be scarcely recognisable for the same person who had supportedso much fatigue in exploring the coasts of Terra Australis. Various observations had been taken in the Garden Prison, both by Mr. Aken and myself, principally for our amusement and to exercise Messrs. Dale and Seymour in the calculations. The corrected results of myobservations were as follow: _Latitude_ from eight meridian altitudes of the sun, taken with a sextantand artificial horizon, 20° 9' 13. 5" S. _Longitude_ from twenty-seven sets of lunar distances, the particulars ofwhich are given in Table IX. Of the first Appendix to this volume, 57°30' 42" E. _Variation_ of the theodolite from azimuths a. M. And p. M. 11° 42' 30" W. The middle of the town being nearly one mile south-west from the prison, its situation should be: Port Louis, latitude 20° 9' 56" south, longitude57° 29' 57" east. CHAPTER VI. Parole given. Journey into the interior of Mauritius. The governor's country seat. Residence at the Refuge, in that Part of Wilhems Plains called Vacouas. Its situation and climate, with the mountains, rivers, cascades, andviews near it. The Mare aux Vacouas and Grand Bassin. State of cultivation and produce of Vacouas;its black ebony, game, and wild fruits; and freedom from noxious insects. [AT MAURITIUS. PORT LOUIS. ] AUGUST 1805 My first visit after being liberated from the Garden Prison, was tocaptain Bergeret, whose interposition I considered to have been theprincipal cause of this favourable change; he obligingly offered me theaccommodation of his lodging whilst in town, but M. Pitot had previouslyengaged my residence with him. Next morning I accompanied captainBergeret to the town major's office for the purpose of giving my parole, which colonel Monistrol proposed to take verbally; but to avoid allfuture misunderstanding, I desired that it might be taken in writing, andtwo days afterward it was made out as follows. His Excellency the captain-general De Caen having given me permission toreside at Wilhems Plains, at the habitation of Madame D'Arifat, I dohereby promise, upon my parole of honour, not to go more than thedistance of two leagues from the said habitation, without HisExcellency's permission; and to conduct myself with that proper degree ofreserve, becoming an officer residing in a country with which his nationis at war. I will also answer for the proper conduct of my two servants. Town of Port North-west, Matthew Flinders. August 23, 1805 The habitation, for so plantations are here called, which was to be myresidence, belonged to a respectable widow with a large family; and wasrepresented to be five French leagues, or twelve miles from the town, ina S. S. W. Direction. The permission to range two leagues all round Iconsidered to be an approach towards liberality; and a proof that, ifgeneral De Caen had ever really believed me to be a spy, he had ceased tothink so; it was not indeed consistent with the reason alleged for myimprisonment, to grant a parole at all, but this it was no part of mybusiness to point out. On the other hand, by signing this parole I cutmyself off from the possibility of an escape; but it seemed incredible, after the various letters written and representations made both inEngland and France, that a favourable order should not arrive in six oreight months. I moreover entertained some hopes of Mauritius beingattacked, for it was not to be imagined that either the East-Indiacompany or the government should quietly submit to such losses as itcaused to British commerce; and if attacked with judgment, it appeared tome that a moderate force would carry it; upon this subject, however, anabsolute silence was preserved in my letters, for although the passporthad been so violated by general De Caen, I was determined to adhere to itstrictly. During four days stay in the to town of Port Louis no restriction of anykind was imposed; I visited the theatre, and several families to whom myfriends Pitot and Bergeret introduced me, and passed the time aspleasantly as any one who spoke no French could do in such a situation. Ayoung Englishman, who under the name of an American expected to sailimmediately for Europe, took charge of a box containing letters andpapers for the Admiralty and president of the Royal Society, one of whichwas upon the effect produced on the marine barometer by sea and landwinds;* and on the 24th in the afternoon I set off with M. Pitot's familyfor their country house, which was four miles on the way to my intendedresidence. [* This paper appeared in the Society's Transactions of 1806, Part II. ] [AT MAURITIUS. WILHEMS PLAINS. ] On the following day we visited the country seat of the governor, calledthe _Reduit_, about seven miles from the town, and at the edge of mylimit of two leagues from the habitation at Wilhems Plains. It standsupon an elevated point of land between the Rivière de Mocha, which comesfrom the east, and an equally large stream which collects the waters ofWilhems Plains from the southward; their junction at this place forms theGrande Rivière, and the Reduit commands a view of its windings in the lowland to the north, until it is discharged into the sea about a mile onthe west side of Port Louis. There was little water in the two rivers atthis time; but the extraordinary depth of their channels, which seemed tobe not less than a hundred feet, and to have been cut through the solidrock, bespoke that the current must be immense during the hurricanes andheavy summer rains; and the views which the different falls of wateramongst the overhanging woods will then present, cannot be otherwise thanhighly picturesque. At the Reduit the sides of these ravines were plantedwith the waving bamboo, and the road leading up to the house, with thegardens around it, were shaded by the mango and various other fruittrees; but all was in great disorder, having suffered more than neglectduring the turbulent period of the French revolution. The house was saidto be capable of containing thirty-five beds, and was at this time in astate of preparation for general De Caen; and when completed, and thegardens, alleys, fish ponds, and roads put into order, it would be anelegant residence for the governor of the island. Our inspection wasconfined to the gardens and prospects, from the house being shut up; weafterwards made a rural dinner under the shade of a banian tree, and myfriend Pitot, with M. Bayard, a judge in the court of appeal, thenseparated from their families to conduct me onward to my asylum. Instead of taking the direct road, they pursued a winding route more tothe eastward, to pay a visit to M. Plumet, a friend of the judge; and wereached his habitation not much before sunset, though still four or fivemiles short of our destination. Thus far I found the country to be stonyand not very fertile, the roads bad and irregular, with several places inthem which must be impracticable in the heavy rains; here and there, however, we were gratified with the view of country houses, surroundedwith fruit trees and well watered gardens; and once turned out of theroad to see a water fall made by a considerable stream down a precipiceof at least a hundred feet. The cultivated fields seemed to be generallyplanted either with sugar cane, maize, or manioc, but we were often inthe shade of the primitive woods. M. Plumet had passed many years in India, in the service of Scindeah, theMahratta chief, and spoke some English; he received us so kindly that weremained with him until the following afternoon, and his habitation beingwithin my limits, he invited me to visit him afterwards. From the time ofquitting the port we had been continually ascending; so that here theelevation was probably not less than a thousand feet, and the climate andproductions were much altered. Coffee seemed to be a great object ofattention, and there were some rising plantations of clove trees; I foundalso strawberries, and even a few young oaks of tolerable growth. A vastadvantage, as well as ornament in this and many other parts of theisland, is the abundance of never failing streams; by which the gardensare embellished with cascades and fish ponds, and their fruit trees andvegetables watered at little expense. Quitting M. Plumet in the afternoon of the 26th, we rode in intricatepaths and crossed various plantations to get into the direct road. Inthese, besides sugar cane, coffee, maize, and manioc, some fields weretotally covered with a creeping plant bearing a heart-shaped leaf; thiswas the _patate_, or sweet potatoe, a root of great utility to thenourishment of the slaves; and in the higher parts of the island, whereit succeeds best, is a favourite object of cultivation, being littlesubject to injury from the hurricanes. As we advanced the streams becamesmaller and more numerous, and the uncleared woods more extensive; thecountry was still partly covered with large stones; but I remarked withsome surprise, that the productions of the stony land were generally themost vigorous. Neither of my conductors were acquainted with the place of my retreat;they inquired of every black man on the road, as to the right path andthe distance that yet remained; but often could get no answer--sometimesit was three-quarters, and sometimes two leagues; at length we foundourselves surrounded on all sides by wood, the road had diminished to afoot path, it was dark, and began to rain. It was then judged necessaryto turn back and make for a light near the road, to obtain a guide; andit seemed odd that the person applied to should answer in English, thatthe plantation of Madame D'Arifat was just bye. He proved to be anIrishman named Druse, who had been settled more than twenty years in thisdistant island as a carpenter; he had known that an English officer wascoming to reside here, and undertook to be our guide, seeming to be not alittle pleased at again using his native language. A black man who had charge of the plantation in the absence of theproprietor, had received orders to accommodate us; but not finding myservant and lame seaman who should have arrived the day before, we walkedhalf a league to the habitation of M. De Chazal, a friend of M. Pitot whohad the goodness to send out my baggage. Next morning we returned, and myabode was fixed in one of two little pavilions detached from the house, the other being appropriated to my two men; and M. Pitot having broughtme acquainted with a family resident on an adjoining plantation, and madesome inquiries and arrangements as to supplies of provisions, he and hiscompanion M. Bayard then returned to the town. SEPTEMBER 1805 My attention for the first several weeks was principally directed toacquiring a knowledge of the surrounding country, its natural curiositiesand romantic views; and as these are well worth notice, a description ofthe most remarkable objects, with an account of the cultivation andproduce of this secluded part of Mauritius, may probably be acceptable tosome readers. The district or quarter called Wilhems Plains, occupies a considerableportion of the interior of the island; its northern extremity borders onthe sea by the side of the district of Port Louis, from which it isseparated by the Grande Rivière; and it extends southward from thence, rising gradually in elevation and increasing in breadth. The body of thequarter is bounded to the N. E. By the district of Mocha--to the S. E. Bythat of Port Bourbon or the Grand Port--to the south by the quarter of LaSavanne--and to the west by the Plains of St. Piérre. Its length from thesea to the Grand Bassin at its southern extremity, is about fivegeographic leagues in a straight line, and mean breadth nearly twoleagues; whence the superficial extent of this district should not bemuch less than ninety square miles. In the upper part is a lake calledthe _Mare aux Vacouas_, apparently so named from the number of pandanustrees, called vacouas, on its borders; and that part of Wilhems Plains bywhich the lake is surrounded, at the distance of a league, more or less, bears the appellation of Vacouas; in this part my residence was situate, in a country overspread with thick woods, a few plantations excepted, which had been mostly cleared within a few years. In consequence of the elevation of Vacouas, the climate is as muchdifferent from that of the low parts of the island as if it were severaldegrees without the tropic; June, July, and August are the driest monthsat Port Louis, but here they are most rainy, and the thermometer standsfrom 7° to 12° lower upon an average throughout the year. * In a westdirection, across that part of the Plains of St. Pierre called LeTamarin, the sea is not more distant than six miles; the descent istherefore rapid, and is rendered more so from three-fourths of the spacebeing flat, low land; in comparison with Le Tamarin, Vacouas is in factan irregular plain upon the top of the mountains, to which there isalmost no other access than by making a circuit of four or five milesround by the lower part of Wilhems Plains. Three rugged peaks called theTrois Mamelles, and another, the Montagne du Rempart, all of themconspicuous at sea, are the highest points of a ridge somewhat elevatedabove this irregular plain, and bounding it to the westward; and the roadforming the ordinary communication between the high and low land passesround them. My retreat, which very appropriately to the circumstances ofmy situation bore the name of _The Refuge_, lay two or three miles to thesouth-east of the Trois Mamelles. [* The mean height of the thermometer in July 1805, which is the middleof winter, was 67¼°, and of the barometer in French inches and lines, 26. 7¾; and during February 1806, the middle of summer. 76° and 26. 5¾ werethe mean heights. At M. Pitot's house in the town of Port Louis, theaverages in the same February were 86° and 27. 7¾. According to De Luc, the difference between the logarithms of the two heights of the barometerexpresses very nearly the difference of elevation in thousand toises, when the thermometer stands at 70° in both places; and therefore theapproximate elevation of Vacouas above M. Pitot's house, should be 187¼ toises, or in French feet, 1123Correction for excess of thermometers above 70°, + 25Supposed elevation of M. Pitot's house above the sea, + 40 ----Elevation of Vacouas in French feet, 1188 The English foot being to the French, as 12 is to 12. 816, the height ofVacouas above the level of the sea should be nearly 1269 English feet. ] The principal rivers in the neighbourhood are the R. Du Tamarin and theR. Du Rempart, each branching into two principal arms; these collect allthe smaller streams in this portion of the island, and arriving bydifferent routes at the same point, make their junction at the head ofthe Baye du Tamarin, where their waters are discharged into the sea. Inwet weather these rivers run with great force, but in ordinary times theydo not contain much water; and their smaller branches are mostly dried upin October and November. Both arms of the R. Du Rempart take their risebetween one and two miles to the S. By E. Of the Refuge, and within halfa mile of the Mare aux Vacouas, from which it is thought their sourcesare derived; the western arm bears the name of R. Des Papayas, probablyfrom the number of those trees found on its banks;* and taking its coursenorthward, is the boundary between two series of plantations, until itjoins the other branch at the foot of the Montagne du Rempart and itsname is lost. The Refuge was one of these plantations bounded by the R. Des Papayes, being situate on its eastern bank, and receiving from it anaccession of value; for this arm does not dry up in the most unfavourableseasons, neither does it overflow in the hurricanes. [* The papaye, papaya, or papaw, is a tree well known in the East andWest Indies, and is common in Mauritius; the acrid milk of the greenfruit, when softened with an equal quantity of honey, is considered to bethe best remedy against worms, with which the negroes and young children, who live mostly on vegetable diet, are much troubled. ] The eastern arm bears the name of R. Du Rempart throughout, from itssource near the _mare_ or lake to its embouchure. Its course is nearlyparallel to that of the sister stream, the distance between them varyingonly from about half a mile to one hundred and twenty yards; and theRefuge, as also the greater number of plantations on the eastern, orright bank of the R. Des Papayes, is divided by it into two unequalparts, and bridges are necessary to keep up a communication between them. Although the source of this arm be never dried up, yet much of its wateris lost in the passage; and during five or six months of the year thatnothing is received from the small branches, greater or less portions ofits bed are left dry; there seems, however, to be springs in the bed, forat a distance from where the water disappears a stream is found runninglower down, which is also lost and another appears further on. In thesummer rains, more especially in the hurricanes, the R. Du Rempartreceives numberless re-enforcements, and its torrent then becomesimpetuous, carrying away the bridges, loose rocks, and every moveableobstruction; its partial inundations do great damage to the coffee trees, which cannot bear the water, and in washing off the best of the vegetablesoil. During these times, the communication between those parts of theplantations on different sides of the river is cut off, until the watershave in part subsided; and this occurred thrice in one year and a half. At the western end of the Mare aux Vacouas is an outlet through which aconstant stream flows, and this is the commencement of the principalbranch of the R. Du Tamarin; the other branch, called the R. DesAigrettes, is said to take its rise near a more distant lake, named theGrand Bassin; and their junction is made about one mile to the S. S. W. Of the Refuge, near the boundary ridge of the high land, through whichthey have made a deep cut, and formed a valley of a very romanticcharacter. A short distance above their junction, each branch takes aleap downward of about seventy feet; and when united, they do not runabove a quarter of a mile northward before they descend with redoubledforce a precipice of nearly one hundred and twenty feet; there are thenone or two small cascades, and in a short distance another of eighty or ahundred feet; and from thence to the bottom of the valley, the descent ismade by smaller cascades and numberless rapids. After the united streamhas run about half a mile northward, and in that space descended near athousand feet from the level of Vacouas, the river turns west; andpassing through the deep cut or chasm in the boundary ridge, enters theplain of Le Tamarin and winds in a serpentine course to the sea. The R. Du Tamarin is at no time a trifling stream, and in rainy weatherthe quantity of water thrown down the cascades is considerable; by acalculation from the estimated width, depth, and rate of the currentafter a hurricane, the water then precipitated was 1500 tons in a minute. There are some points on the high land whence most of the cascades may beseen at one view, about a mile distant; from a nearer point some of themare perceived to the left, the Trois Mamelles tower over the woods to theright, and almost perpendicularly under foot is the impetuous stream ofthe river, driving its way amongst the rocks and woods at the bottom ofthe valley. In front is the steep gap, through which the river rushes tothe low land of Le Tamarin; and there the eye quits it to survey thesugar plantations, the alleys of tamarinds and mangoes, the villages ofhuts, and all the party-coloured vegetation with which that district isadorned; but soon it passes on to the Baye du Tamarin, to the breakers onthe coral reefs which skirt the shore, and to the sea expanded out to avery distant horizon. An elevation of ten or eleven hundred feet, and thedistance of three or four miles which a spectator is placed from theplantations, gives a part of this view all the softness of awell-finished drawing; and when the sun sets in front of the gap, andvessels are seen passing before it along the coast, nothing seems wantingto complete this charming and romantic prospect. Amongst the natural curiosities of Mauritius may be reckoned the _Mareaux Vacouas_, situate about two miles S. By E. Of the Refuge. It is anirregular piece of fresh water of about one mile in length, surroundedwith many hundred acres of swampy land, through which run four or fivelittle streams from the back hills; in some places it is from 20 to 25fathoms deep, as reported, and is well stocked with eels, prawns and asmall red fish called _dame-ceré_, originally brought from China. Theeels and prawns are indigenous, and reach to a large size; the latter aresometimes found of six inches long without the beard, and the eelscommonly offered for sale ran from six to twenty, and some were said toattain the enormous weight of eighty pounds. This fish is delicateeating, and the largest are accounted the best; its form has moreaffinity to the conger than to our fresh-water eel, and much resembles, if it be not exactly the same species caught in the small streams ofNorfolk Island in the Pacific Ocean. Whence it is that fresh-water fishshould be found on small islands, frequently at several hundred leaguesfrom other land, will probably long remain one of the secrets of nature;if it were granted that they might come by sea, the difficulty wouldscarcely be less to know how they should have mounted precipices of manyhundred feet, to reach lakes at the tops of mountains where they are notuncommonly seen. Five or six miles to the south of the Refuge lies another lake of freshwater, called the _Grand Bassin_; its situation is more elevated thanVacouas, and except the ridges and tops of mountains, it seemed to be inthe highest part of the island. This basin is nearly half a mile indiameter, of a form not far from circular, and is certainly deep; butthat it should be 84 fathoms as was said, is scarcely credible. The banksare rocky, and appear like a mound thrown up to keep the water fromoverflowing; and the surrounding land, particularly to the south, beinglower than the surface of the water, gives the Grand Bassin an appearanceof a cauldron three-quarters full. No perceptible stream runs into it, but several go out, draining through hollow parts of the rocky bank, andforming the commencement of so many rivers; the Rivières des Anguilles, Dragon, and du Poste fall into the sea on the south or south-east partsof the island; the R. Des Aigrettes before mentioned, and the R. Noirewhich runs westward, rise not far off, but their asserted subterraneouscommunication with the basin is doubtful. No great difference takes placein the level of the water except after heavy rains; when the supply, which must principally come from springs in the bottom, so far exceedsthe quantity thrown out, as to raise it sometimes as much as six feet. On the western bank is a peaked hill, from which the Grand Bassin is notonly seen to much advantage, but the view extends over great part ofMauritius, and in several places to the horizon of the sea. It wasapparent from hence, that between the mountains behind Port Louis andthose of La Savanne to the south, and from the R. Noire eastward to PortBourbon, not one-half, probably not a third part of the primitive woodswere cut down; and this space comprehends three-fifths of the island, butexcludes great part of the shores, near which the plantations are mostnumerous. The elevated bank round the Grand Bassin consists partly of stones thrownloosely together; though porous, the stone is heavy and hard, of a darkgrey colour, and contains numerous specks of what seemed to befeldtspath, with sometimes particles of mica and olivine; it is more orless ferruginous, gives a bell-like sound when struck, and in some partsappeared to have run in the manner of lava. From this description, andthe circular form and elevated position of this basin, the geologist willprobably be induced to think it the crater of an ancient volcano; andsince there are other large holes nearly similar to it, and many cavernsand streams under ground in other parts, it may perhaps be concluded thatif the island do not owe its origin to subterraneous fire, it has yetbeen subject to volcanic eruptions, and that the Grand Bassin was one ofthe vents. Such were the rivers, lakes, and views which most excited my excursionsto the north, the west, and south of the Refuge. To the east at a leaguedistance, there was, according to my information, a lake called the Mareaux Joncs, from whence rises the R. Du Menil; and taking its coursenorthward, joins the R. De Wilhems and at length falls into the GrandeRivière. At a further distance several other streams were said to rise, some running northward to the same destination as the above, and otherssouth-eastward towards Port Bourbon; but having never visited this partof my limits, I can speak of it only from report, corroborated by a viewof the chart. The country was represented as less inhabited than Vacouas, owing to the want of roads and consequent difficulty of conveyance to thetown, upon which the value of land very much depends: an uncleared_habitation_* near the Mare aux Joncs was sold for 500 dollars, whilstthe same quantity of land at Vacouas was worth six times that sum. [* The original concessions of land in Mauritius were usually of 156½_arpents_, of 40, 000 French square feet each, making about 160½ acresEnglish; this is called _un terrein d'habitation_, and in abridgment a_habitation_, although no house should be built, nor a tree cut down; bycorruption however, the word is also used for any farm or plantation, though of much smaller extent. ] Upon the high land near the Grand Bassin and in some other central partsof Mauritius, a day seldom passes throughout the year without rain; evenat Vacouas it falls more or less during six or eight months, whilst inthe low lands there is very little except from December to March. Thismoisture creates an abundance of vegetation, and should have rendered themiddle parts of the island extremely fertile; as they would be if thesoil were not washed down to the low lands and into the sea, almost assoon as formed. Large timber, whose roots are not seen on the surface, and a black soil, are here the exterior marks of fertility; but near theGrand Bassin the trees are small, though thickly set, and the roots, unable to penetrate below, spread along the ground. The little soil whichhas accumulated seemed to be good, and it will increase, though slowly;for the decayed wood adds something to its quantity every year, whilstthe trunks and roots of the trees save a part from being washed away. Both these advantages are lost in the cleared lands of Vacouas, whichbesides are made to produce from two to four crops every year; the soilis therefore soon exhausted, and manuring is scarcely known. A plantationcovered with loose rocks is found to retain its fertility longest;apparently from the stones preserving the vegetable earth against theheavy rains, as the roots of the trees did before the ground was cleared. Much of the lower part of Wilhems Plains has been long cleared andoccupied, and this is one of the most agreeable portions of the island;but Vacouas is in its infancy of cultivation, three-fourths of it beingstill covered with wood. This neglect it owes to the coldness andmoisture of the climate rendering it unfit for the produce of sugar andcotton, to its being remote from the sea side, and more than all to itsdistance from the town of Port Louis, the great mart for all kinds ofproductions. Mauritius is not laid out like the counties in England andother parts of Europe, with a city or market town at every ten or twentymiles; nor yet like the neighbouring isle Bourbon, where there are two orthree towns and some villages; it has but one town, which is the seat ofgovernment and commerce for both islands. In other parts the plantationsare scattered irregularly; and although half a dozen houses may sometimesbe found near together, families within a mile of each other areconsidered as next door neighbours. There being few tradesmen except inthe town, the more considerable planters have blacksmiths, carpenters, and one or more taylors and shoemakers amongst their slaves, with forgesand workshops on their plantations; but every thing they have occasion tobuy, even the bread for daily consumption, is generally brought from PortLouis. The produce of the different districts in Mauritius varies according tothe elevation and climate of each; and the temperature of Vacouas beingbetter suited to European vegetables, the daily supply of the bazar ormarket with them, is a great object to the inhabitants. Owing to the badroads and excessive price of beasts of burthen, the manner universallyadopted of sending these supplies is upon the heads of slaves; and thedistance being twelve heavy miles, this employment occupies nearly thewhole time of two or more strong negroes, besides that of a trusty man inthe town to make the necessary purchases and sales. The distance of aplantation from Port Louis therefore causes a material increase ofexpense and inconvenience for this object alone, and is one reason whyVacouas is less cultivated than many other districts; in proportion, however, as timber becomes more scarce in the neighbourhood of the town, the woods of Vacouas will rise in value and present a greater inducementto clear the lands. Timber and planks for ships, and also for buildinghouses, with shingles to cover them, were fast increasing in demand; andthe frequent presence of English cruisers, which prevented supplies beingsent from La Savanne and other woody parts of the sea coast, tendedpowerfully to throw this lucrative branch of internal commerce more intothe hands of the landholders at Vacouas, and to clear the district of itssuperfluous woods. Besides various kinds of excellent timber for building, these woodscontain the black ebony, the heart of which is sold by weight. The treeis tall and slender, having but few branches which are near the top; itsexterior bark is blackish, the foliage thick, and the leaf, of a darkgreen above and pale below, is smooth, not very pointed, and larger thanthose of most forest trees. It produces clusters of an oblong fruit, ofthe size of a plum, and full of a viscous, sweetish juice, ratheragreeable to the taste. The ordinary circumference of a good tree isthree or four feet; when cut down, the head lopped off and exterior whitewood chipped away, a black log remains of about six inches in diameter, and from twelve to fifteen feet in length, the weight of which issomething above 300 pounds. In 1806 several inhabitants permitted acontractor to cut down their ebony, on condition of receiving half aSpanish dollar for each hundred pounds of the black wood; others cut itdown themselves, trimmed and piled the logs together, and sold them onthe spot for one dollar the hundred; but those who possessed means oftransporting the wood to town, obtained from 1½ to 2½ dollars, the pricedepending upon the supply, and the number of American vessels in port, bound to China, whither it was principally carried. Many of theplantations in Vacouas were thus exhausted of their ebony; and the treeis of so slow a growth, that the occupiers could expect afterwards to cutthose only which, being too small, they had before spared; these werevery few, for the object of the planter being generally to realize a sumwhich should enable him to return to Europe, the future was mostlysacrificed to present convenience. Such cleared parts of Vacouas as are not planted with maize, manioc, orsweet potatoes for the support of the slaves, or with vegetables andfruits for the bazar, are commonly laid out in coffee plantations, whichwere becoming more an object of attention, as they have long been atBourbon; the great demand made for coffee by the Americans, and itsconsequent high price, had caused this object of commerce to flourish inboth islands, notwithstanding the war. Indigo and the clove tree werealso obtaining a footing at Vacouas; but the extensive plantations ofsugar cane and cotton shrubs found in the low parts of the island, appeared not to have been attempted, and it is certain that the cottonwould not succeed. The portions of each habitation allotted to different objects of culture, are usually separated by a double row of some tree or shrub, eitheruseful or ornamental, with a road or path running between the lines. Amongst the useful is the vacoua or pandanus; whose leaves being stronglyfibrous, long, spreading, and armed with prickles, both form a tolerablefence and supply a good material for making sacks, bags, etc. It is onlywhilst young that the vacoua answers this double purpose; but the tree istwelve or fifteen years before it arrives at maturity, and the leaves maybe annually cut: no other use is made of the fruit than to plant it forthe production of other trees. A double row of the tall jamb-rosa, orrose apple, makes the principal divisions in some plantations, formingagreeable, shady walks; and from the shelter it affords is preferred forsurrounding the coffee trees, which require the utmost care to protectthem from hurricanes. A tree once violently shaken, dies five or sixmonths afterward, as it does if water stand several days together roundits foot; sloping situations, where the water may run off, are thereforepreferred for it, and if rocky they are the more advantageous, from thefirmness which the roots thereby acquire to resist the hurricanes. Rowsof the banana, of which the island possesses a great variety of species, are also planted by the sides of the paths leading through thehabitations, sometimes behind the vacoua, but often alone; the pine appleserves the same purpose in others, as do the peach and other fruit treeswhere the paths are more considerable. A long and strong grass, called_vitti-vert_, is occasionally preferred for the lines of division; thisis cut twice or thrice in the year to be used as thatch, for which it iswell adapted. Hedges of the ever-flowering China rose, and of the_netshouly_, a bushy shrub from India which prospers in every soil, areoften used in place of the tall jamb-rosa to form alleys leading up tothe house of the planter, and also the principal walks in his garden; thewaving bamboo, whose numberless uses are well known, is planted by thesides of the rivers and canals. A notion of the working and produce of a plantation at Vacouas will bemost concisely given by a statement of the ordinary expenses and returns;and to render it more nearly applicable to the case of such persons inEurope as might form the project of becoming settlers, I will suppose ayoung man, with his wife and child, arrived at Mauritius with theintention of employing his time and means on a plantation in thisdistrict; and at the end of five years other affairs call him thence, andhe sells every thing. He is supposed to possess 18, 000 dollars in moneyor property, to be active, industrious, and frugal, and thoughunacquainted with the business of a planter, to be sufficientlyintelligent to gain the necessary information in one year. With theserequisites, I would examine whether he will have been able to subsist hisfamily comfortably during the five years, and what will then be the stateof his funds. EXPENSES. Dollars. In town the first year, 1, 800Price of an uncleared habitation, 3, 000Twenty negroes, some being mechanics, 4, 000Ten negresses, 1, 500Ten children of different ages, 1, 000Maize 500 lbs. (7½ D. ), sweet potatoes1250 lbs. (3¾ D. ) to subsist each slavethe first year, 450 Head tax for 5 years, at . 1 D. Each per an. 100Maroon tax for ditto 100Surgeon to attend the slaves, 200Building and furnishing a house, magazine, etc. , exclusive of wood andlabourers from the plantation, 2, 500Agricultural utensils, hand mills, etc. 300100 fowls and 50 ducks for a breed, 100Ten goats, 60Ten pigs, 100A horse, saddle, etc. 250A good ass, side saddle, etc. 120Seeds and fruit trees, 50Coffee plants 30, 000 for 20 acres, 450Expenses at the plantation in 4 years, exclusive of domestic supplies, 3, 600Losses from two hurricanes, 2, 000 ------Total 21, 680 RECEIPTS. Dollars. Of 60 acres cleared to raise provisions, 30 are necessary to support the slaves;from the rest may be sold 150, 000 lbs. Of maize in 4 years, for 2, 250Ebony, timber, planks and shingles, soldon the spot during 5 years, 3, 000Coffee reaped on the 5th year, 50 bales(100 lbs. Each) at 15 D. Per bale, 750Vegetables and fruit sold at the bazar, average 2 D. Per day, during four years, 2, 920Fowls and ducks 2000 at ½ D. 1, 000Thirty goats sold, 180Thirty hogs, 600At the end of 5 years, the plantation, buildings, etc. , will probably bring, 7, 000Probable value of the slaves, 5, 500Pigs, goats, and poultry remaining, 260Horse, ass, etc. Probably not more than 200 ------Whole receipts 23, 660Expenses and losses 21, 680 ------Increase 1, 980 The taxes and price of provisions, coffee, etc. In the above calculation, are taken as they usually stood in time of war, under the government ofgeneral De Caen; and every thing is taken against, rather than in favourof the planter. In his expenses a sufficiency is allowed to livecomfortably, to see his friends at times, and something for the pleasureof himself and wife; but if he choose to be very economical, 2000 dollarsmight be saved from the sums allotted. In selling his plantation at the end of five years, he is in a greatmeasure losing the fruit of his labour; for the coffee alone might bereasonably expected to produce annually one hundred bales for thefollowing ten years, and make his revenue exceed 3000 dollars per annum;and if he continued to live economically upon the plantation, this, withthe rising interest of his surplus money, would double his property in ashort time. It is therefore better, supposing a man to possess therequisite knowledge, to purchase a habitation already established, thanto commence upon a new one. The same person going to Vaucouas with the intention of quitting it atthe end of five years, would not plant coffee, but turn his attention toproviding different kinds of wood and sending it to Port Louis. With thisobject principally in view, he would purchase two habitations instead ofone; and as this and other expenses incident to the new arrangement wouldrequire a greater sum than he is supposed to possess, he must borrow, athigh interest, what is necessary to make up the deficiency. The amount ofhis receipts and expenses for the five years. Would then be nearly asfollows. EXPENSES. Dollars. As before, deducting coffee plants, 21, 230An additional habitation, 3, 000Twenty asses, at 90 D. Each, 1, 800Harnesses for three teams, 300Three waggons built on the plantation, 150Three additional slaves, 600Interest of 6, 000 dollars borrowed forthree years, at 18 per cent. Per an. 3, 240 ------Total 30, 320Total receipts 41, 922 ------Increase 11, 602 RECEIPTS. Dollars. As before, deducting wood, coffee, plantation and buildings, 12, 910Trimmed ebony sent to the town 375, 6000 lbs. At 2 D. Per 100, 7, 512Timber sent to Port Louis in 4 years, 640 loads at 25 D. Each, 16, 000Two habitations stripped of the bestwood may sell for, with buildings, 4, 000Asses and additional slaves, 1, 500 ------Total 41, 922 These statements will give a general idea of a plantation at Vacouas, theemployments of the more considerable inhabitants, of the food of theslaves, etc. , and will render unnecessary any further explanation onthese heads. It was considered a fair estimate, that a habitation should give yearly20 per cent. On the capital employed, after allowance made for all commonlosses; and money placed on good security obtained from 9 to 18 per cent. In time of war, and 12 to 24 in the preceding peace. Had my planter puthis 18, 000 dollars out at interest, instead of employing them on aplantation at Vacouas, and been able to obtain 15 per cent, he would atthe end of five years, after expending 150 dollars each month in the townof Port Louis, have increased his capital nearly 5, 000 dollars; but it ismore than probable that he would have fallen into the luxury of theplace, and have rather diminished than increased his fortune. The woods of Vacouas are exceedingly thick, and so interwoven withdifferent kinds of climbing plants, that it is difficult to force apassage through; and to take a ride where no roads have been cut, is asimpossible as to take a flight in the air. Except morasses and theborders of lakes, I did not see a space of five square yards in thesewoods, which was covered with grass and unencumbered with shrubs ortrees; even the paths not much frequented, if not impassable, arerendered very embarrassing by the raspberries, wild tobacco, and othershrubs with which they are quickly overgrown. Cleared lands which haveceased to be cultivated, are usually clothed with a strong, coarse grass, called _chien-dent_, intermixed with ferns, wild tobacco, and othernoxious weeds. In the low districts the grass is of a better kind, andsupplies the cattle with tolerable food during three or four months thatit is young and tender, and for most of the year in marshy places; atother times they are partly fed with maize straw, the refuse of the sugarmills, and the leaves and tender branches of some trees. A few short-legged hares and some scattered partridges are found near theskirts of the plantations, and further in the woods there are some deerand wild hogs. Monkeys are more numerous, and when the maize is ripe theyventure into the plantations to steal; which obliges the inhabitants toset a watch over the fields in the day, as the maroons and other thievesdo at night. There are some wood pigeons and two species of doves, andthe marshy places are frequented by a few water hens; but neither wildgeese nor ducks are known in the island. Game of all kinds was at thistime so little abundant in the woods of Vacouas, that even a creole, whois an intrepid hunter and a good shot, and can live where an Europeanwould starve, could not subsist himself and his dogs upon the produce ofthe chase. Before the revolution this was said to have been possible; butin that time of disorder the citizen mulattoes preferred hunting to work, and the woods were nearly depopulated of hares and deer. Of indigenous fruits there are none worth notice, for that produced bythe ebony scarcely deserves the name; a large, but almost tastelessraspberry is however now found every where by the road side, and citronsof two kinds grow in the woods. A small species of cabbage tree, calledhere _palmiste_, is not rare and is much esteemed; the undeveloped leavesat the head of the tree, when eaten raw, resemble in taste a walnut, anda cauliflower when boiled; dressed as a salad they are superior toperhaps any other, and make an excellent pickle. Upon the desertedplantations, peaches, guavas, pine apples, bananas, mulberries andstrawberries are often left growing; these are considered to be theproperty of the first comer, and usually fall to the lot of the maroons, or to the slaves in the neighbourhood who watch their ripening; the wildbees also furnish them with an occasional regale of honey. With respect to noxious insects, the scourge of most tropical countries, the wet and cold weather which renders Vacouas a disagreeable residencein the winter, is of singular advantage; the numerous musketoes and sandflies, the swarms of wasps, the ants, centipedes, scorpions, bugs andlizards, with which the lower parts of the island are more or lesstormented, are almost unknown here; and fleas and cockroaches are lessnumerous. A serpent is not known to exist in Mauritius, though severalhave been found on some of the neighbouring islets; it is therefore notthe climate which destroys them, nor has it been ascertained what is thecause. * [* Mauritius is not singular in being free of serpents whilst they existon lands within sight, or not far off; but a late account says that oneof great size has been killed on that island near the Reduit, supposed tohave escaped out of a ship from India, wrecked on the coast a few yearsbefore. ] From this account of the situation of my retreat, it will be perceivedthat it was a vast acquisition to exchange the Garden Prison for Vacouas;there, it had been too warm to take exercise, except in the mornings andevenings, had there been room and inducements; whilst at the Refuge I wasobliged to clothe in woollen, had space to range in, and a variety ofinteresting objects, with the charm of novelty to keep me in continualmotion. I bathed frequently in the R. Du Rempart, walked out every fineday, and in a few weeks my former health was in a great measurerecovered. Those who can receive gratification from opening the door toan imprisoned bird, and remarking the joy with which it hops from sprayto spray, tastes of every seed and sips from every rill, will readilyconceive the sensations of a man during the first days of liberation froma long confinement. CHAPTER VII. Occupations at Vacouas. Hospitality of the inhabitants. Letters from England. Refusal to be sent to France repeated. Account of two hurricanes, of a subterraneous stream and circular pit. Habitation of La Pérouse. Letters to the French marine minister, National Institute, etc. Letters from Sir Edward Pellew. Caverns in the Plains of St. Piérre. Visit to Port Louis. Narrative transmitted to England. Letter to captain Bergeret on his departure for France. [AT MAURITIUS. WILHEMS PLAINS. ] SEPTEMBER 1805 The latter end of August and beginning of September appertain to thewinter in the southern hemisphere, during which it rains frequently atVacouas; in the first month after my arrival there were few days thatcontinued fine throughout, and although all opportunities were taken tomake excursions in the neighbourhood, a considerable part of the time wasnecessarily passed within doors. Having sent away my charts andinstruments, and most of the books and papers, no object of my voyagecould be prosecuted until a further supply should be obtained from thecaptain-general De Caen; and this being the time, should it ever arrive, to which I had looked for gaining some knowledge of the French language, the study of it was now made a serious employment. Amongst the principal habitations near the Refuge, the proprietor of oneonly was resident in the country; and the introduction of my friend Pitothaving produced an invitation, I profited by it to spend there severalevenings, which, besides being passed agreeably, facilitated the study towhich my attention was directed. There was living in the family anunemployed commander of a merchant ship, M. Murat, who had made thevoyage with Etienne Marchand, the account of which is so ably written byM. De Fleurieu; he was obliging enough to accompany me in severalexcursions, and amongst them in a walk of five miles to the house of M. Giblot, commandant of the quarter of Wilhems Plains, to whom it seemedproper to show myself and pay a visit of ceremony. The commandant wasunacquainted with my residence in his district, which was so fargratifying that it showed I was not an object of suspicion in the eye ofthe government. OCTOBER 1805 M. Pitot came to pass a day with me at the end of a month, as did captainBergeret; and on the 9th of October, the proprietor of the Refuge arrivedwith two of her sons and three daughters, to take up their residence onthe plantation. On the following day I received a proposal from MadameD'Arifat, as liberal as the terms in which it was couched were obliging, to partake of her table with the family, which after some necessarystipulations, was accepted; and in a short time I had the happiness toenumerate amongst my friends one of the most worthy families in theisland. The arrival of two other proprietors from the town increased thenumber of our neighbours, and of those who sought by their hospitablekindness to make my time pass agreeably. To M. De Chazal I was indebtedfor sending out my baggage, and in the sequel for many acts of civilityand service; this gentleman had passed two years in England, during thetyranny of Robespiérre, and consequently my want of knowledge in theFrench language, at first an obstacle to communication with others, wasnone to reaping the advantage of his information. On the 22nd, a packet of letters brought intelligence from my family andfriends in England, of whom I had not heard for more than three years;Mr. Robertson, my former companion in the Garden Prison, had found meansto forward it to M. Pitot, by whom it was immediately sent to Vacouas. Aletter from the president of the Royal Society informed me that themisunderstanding between the French and British governments was so great, that no communication existed between them; but that the presidenthimself, having obtained the approbation of the ministry, had made anapplication in my behalf to the National Institute, from which afavourable answer had been received; and there were strong hopes that sosoon as the emperor Napoléon should return from Italy, an order for myliberation would be obtained. Our frigates, the Pitt and Terpsichore, came to cruise off Mauritius a short time afterward [NOVEMBER 1805], forwhich I was as sorry on one account as any of the inhabitants; every weekmight produce the arrival of the expected order, but it would probably bethrown overboard if the vessel should be chased, or have an engagementwith our ships. FEBRUARY 1806 Three months thus passed in fruitless expectation; at length anaide-de-camp of the general arrived, and gave a spur to my hopes; butafter many days of anxiety to know the result, I learned from captainBergeret that the despatches said nothing upon my imprisonment. Thissilence of the marine minister and the great events rising in Europe, admitted little hope of my situation being remembered; and I was thenceled to entertain the project of once more requesting general De Caen tosend me to France for trial; but the brother of the general and anotherofficer being also expected, it was deferred at that time. In effect, M. De Caen arrived on the 25th, in the frigate La Canonnière from Cherbourg, and excited a renewal of hope only to be again disappointed; the news ofvictories gained by the French over the Austrians seemed to occupy everyattention, and threw a dark shade over all expectation of presentliberty. I learned, however, and a prisoner's mind would not fail tospeculate thereon, that my detention was well known in Paris, and thoughtto be hard; but it was also said, that I was considered in the same lightas those persons who were arrested in France, as hostages for the vesselsand men said to have been stopped by our ships before the declaration ofwar. MARCH 1806 My proposed letter to general De Caen was then sent; and after pointingout the uncertainty of orders arriving, or even that the marine ministershould find time to think of a prisoner in a distant island, I repeatedfor the third time my request to be sent to France; where a speedypunishment would put an end to my anxieties, if found culpable, or in thecontrary case, a few days would restore me to my country, my family, andoccupations. Captain Bergeret had the goodness to deliver this letter, and to give it his support; but it was unsuccessful, the verbal answerbeing that nothing could be done until the orders of the government werereceived. To a proposal of taking my parole to deliver myself up inFrance, should the ship be taken on the passage, the general would notlisten; though my friend said he had read the letter with attention, andpromised to repeat his request to the minister for orders. A hurricane had desolated the island on the 20th and 21st of February;and on the 10th of this month a second came on, causing a repetition ofmischief in the port and upon the plantations. Several vessels weredriven on shore or blown out to sea, and more than one lost; the fruittrees, sugar cane, maize, etc. Were laid flat with the earth; thedifferent streams swelled to an extraordinary size, carrying away thebest of the vegetable soil from the higher habitations, mixed with allkinds of produce, branches and trunks of trees, and the wrecks of bridgestorn away; and the huts of the slaves, magazines, and some houses wereeither unroofed or blown down. All communication with the port was cutoff from the distant quarters, and the intercourse between adjoiningplantations rendered difficult; yet this chaotic derangement was said tobe trifling in comparison with what was suffered in the first hurricaneat Bourbon, where the vessels have no better shelter than open roadsteds, and the plantations of cloves, coffee and maize are so much moreextensive. Some American vessels were amongst the sufferers, but asdomestic occurrences were not allowed to be published here, I learnedonly a very general account from the different reports: happily for ourcruisers the last had quitted the island in January. In the evening of Feb. 20, when the first hurricane came on, theswift-passing clouds were tinged at sunset with a deep copper colour; butthe moon not being near the full, it excited little apprehension at theRefuge. The wind was fresh, and kept increasing until eleven o'clock, atwhich time it blew very hard; the rain fell in torrents, accompanied withloud claps of thunder and lightning, which at every instant imparted toone of the darkest nights the brightness of day. The course of the windwas from south-west to south, south-east, east, and north-east, where itblew hardest between one and three in the morning, giving me anapprehension that the house, pavilions, and all would be blown awaytogether. At four o'clock the wind had got round to north and began tomoderate, as did the rain which afterwards came only in squalls; at nine, the rain had nearly ceased, and the wind was no more than a common gale, and after passing round to N. N. W. It died away. At the time the windmoderated at Mauritius its fury was most exerted at Bourbon, which it wassaid to have attacked with a degree of violence that any thing less solidthan a mountain was scarcely able to resist. The lowest to which themercury descended in the barometer at Vacouas. Was 5½ lines below themean level of two days before and two days afterward; and this was atdaybreak, when the wind and rain were subsiding. Soon after the violence of the hurricane had abated, I went to thecascades of the R. Du Tamarin, to enjoy the magnificent prospect whichthe fall of so considerable a body of water must afford; the path throughthe wood was strewed with the branches and trunks of trees, in the forestthe grass and shrubs were so beaten down as to present the appearance ofan army having passed that way, and the river was full up to its banks. Having seen the fall in the nearest of the two arms, I descended belowtheir junction, to contemplate the cascade they formed when united, downthe precipice of 120 feet; the noise of the fall was such that my ownvoice was scarcely audible, but a thick mist which rose up to the cloudsfrom the abyss, admitted of a white foam only being distinguished. During these hurricanes in Mauritius, the wind usually makes the wholetour of the compass; and as during this of February it made little morethan half, the apprehension of a second hurricane was entertained, andbecame verified about a fortnight afterwards. The wind began at E. S. E. With rainy weather, and continued there twenty-four hours, withincreasing force; it then shifted quickly to north-east, north, north-west, and on the third evening was at W. S. W. , where it graduallysubsided. This was not so violent as the first hurricane, but the rainfell in torrents, and did great mischief to the land, besides destroyingsuch remaining part of the crops as were at all in an advanced state: atBourbon it did not do much injury, the former, it was said, having leftlittle to destroy. The wind had now completed the half of the compasswhich it wanted in the first hurricane; and the unfortunate planters wereleft to repair their losses without further dread for this year: maizeand manioc, upon which the slaves are principally fed, rose two hundredper cent. An opinion commonly entertained in Mauritius, that hurricanes are littleto be apprehended except near the time of full moon, does not seem to bewell founded. In 1805 indeed, there was a heavy gale on April 14 and 15, a few days after the full; but the first of the two hurricanesabovementioned took place a day or two before the new moon, and themiddle of the second within twenty-four hours of the last quarter; whenceit should appear that the hurricanes have no certain connexion with thestate of this planet. January, February, and March are the months whichexcite the most dread, and December and April do not pass withoutapprehension; for several years, however, previously to 1805, nohurricane had been experienced; and the inhabitants began to hope, thatif the clearing of the country caused a dearth of rain at some times ofthe year, it would also deliver them from these dreadful scourges; for itwas to the destruction of the woods that the dryness of preceding yearsand the cessation of hurricanes were generally attributed. On the 21st, His Majesty's ship Russel came off the island upon a cruise, and chased into Port Louis La Piémontaise, a French frigate which hadsailed from Europe in December. By this opportunity a confirmation ofsome, and an account of other victories gained over the Austrians werereceived, as also of the great naval action off Cape Trafalgar; thebulletins of the former were inserted in the gazette of the island, butexcept a report from the officers of Le Redoubtable, not a word of thenaval action; amidst such events as these, the misfortunes of anindividual must be very striking to occupy even a thought. In a visit to M. Plumet, and to M. Airolles, the proprietor of anextensive plantation called Ménil, in his neighbourhood, I had anopportunity of seeing a rivulet, which for some distance runs underground. The bed of this stream resembled a work of art, seeming to havebeen nicely cut out of the solid rock; and close by the side of it was acavern, containing layers of a ferruginous stone like lava; theircombined appearance excited an idea that the canal might have been onceoccupied by a vein of iron ore, which being melted by subterraneous fire, found an exit, and left a place for the future passage of the waters. About one mile from hence, and in a more elevated situation, is a largeand deep hole, of a form nearly approaching to a perfect circle, and itsupper part occupying, according to M. Airolles, the place of seventeenarpents of land; I judged it to be two hundred feet deep, and that theloose stones in its bottom formed a flat of four or five acres, the angleof descent being nearly equal on all sides. The stones around, and at thebottom of this vast pit are more honeycombed than is usual in otherparts, and much resemble those of the Grand Bassin, of whose nature theyseemed to partake in other respects. Ménil comprehends a smaller plantation, formerly occupied by theunfortunate La Pérouse, who was some time an inhabitant of this island. Isurveyed it with mixed sensations of pleasure and melancholy; the ruinsof his house, the garden he had laid out, the still blooming hedge-rowsof China roses--emblems of his reputation, every thing was an object ofinterest and curiosity. This spot is nearly in the centre of the island, and upon the road from Port Louis to Port Bourbon. It was here that theman lamented by the good and well informed of all nations--whom scienceillumined, and humanity, joined to an honest ambition, conducted to thehaunts of remote savages--in this spot he once dwelt, perhaps littleknown to the world, but happy; when he became celebrated he had ceased toexist. M. Airolles promised me to place three square blocks of stone, oneupon the other, in the spot where the house of this lamented navigatorhad stood; and upon the uppermost stone facing the road, to engrave, LAPÉROUSE. APRIL 1806 My lame seaman having recovered from the accident of his broken leg, colonel Monistrol granted a permission for his departure in the beginningof April; and he was shipped on board the Telemaque -- Clark, bound toBoston in America. His companion, the last of the Cumberland's crew, hadthe same means offered of recovering his liberty; but he still refused toleave me in Mauritius. On the 15th I sent away two packets of letters, one for the Admiralty andmy friends in England, the other to France; the last contained a secondletter to M. De Fleurieu, and one to the French marine minister giving ashort account of my voyage and detention; it inclosed the extract fromcaptain Baudin (Chapter V. , August. ), and requested His Excellency woulddirect general De Caen either to set me at liberty, or send me to Francewith my books and papers for examination. These letters were accompaniedby duplicates of those written by my friend Pitot in March 1805, toMessieurs De Bougainville, De la Lande, Chaptal, and Dupuis, and weresent away by two different conveyances. The Society of Emulation, formedin Mauritius the preceding year to promote literary and philosophicalpursuits, but especially to advance the agriculture, navigation, andcommerce of the two islands, wrote also to the National Institute in myfavour; and as its sentiments may be supposed analogous to those of themost enlightened part of the inhabitants, I venture to give in theoriginal French a copy of that letter in a note, to show what thosesentiments were. * [Not included in this ebook. ] MAY 1806 In May, my friend Pitot was accompanied in his monthly visit by M. Baudin, an officer of the frigate last arrived from France, who had madethe voyage in Le Géographe with his name sake; and with liberality ofsentiment, possessed that ardent spirit of enterprise by which the bestnavigators have been distinguished. He informed me that M. De Fleurieuwas acquainted with most of the circumstances attending my arrival inthis island, and took an interest in my situation, as did many others inParis; but could not say what might be the opinion or intentions of thegovernment. On the 6th, colonel Monistrol sent me two open letters from rear-admiralsir Edward Pellew, commander in chief in the East Indies; in the first ofwhich it was said, "The circumstances of your situation have impressedthemselves most strongly on my attention; and I feel every disposition toalleviate your anxiety, without, I fear, the means of affording you anypresent relief from your very unpleasant situation. I have transmittedyour letter to the Admiralty, that steps may forthwith be taken for yourrelease at home, by effecting your exchange for an officer of equivalentrank; under an impression that at least it may insure your return toEurope on parole, if that should be a necessary preliminary to your finalliberation. " To give an officer of equivalent rank was probably the mostcertain mode of obtaining my speedy release, but was not altogetheragreeable to justice. It seemed to me, that the liberation of an officeremployed on discovery, and bearing a passport, ought to be granted as amatter of right, without any conditions; and accompanied with therestitution of every thing belonging to his mission and himself, if notwith an atonement to the offended laws of good faith and humanity; butthis was only the _just_, the views of sir Edward were directed to the_expedient_, and showed a better knowledge of mankind. His second letter, dated January 15, 1806, contained sentiments nearly similar to the first, without any new subject upon which to ground the hope of an earlyrelease; that my situation, however, should have excited the attentionand interest of an officer of sir Edward Pellew's established characterand merit, if it did not much increase the prospect of a speedy return tomy country and occupations, was yet gratifying to the feelings, and aconsolation under misfortune. In compliance with an invitation from M. Curtat, a friend of our goodfamily at the Refuge, I went to his plantation near the Baye du Tamarin, which was within my limits; and had an opportunity of seeing his sugarand cotton manufactories, as also the embouchure of the rivers du Tamarinand du Rempart. The bay into which they are discharged is no more than asandy bight in the low land, partly filled up with coral; and it wouldsoon be wholly so, did not the fresh stream from the rivers keep achannel open in the middle; it is however so shallow, that except in fineweather fishing boats even cannot enter without risk. Upon a plantation in the Plains of St. Piérre, about one mile from thefoot of the Montagne du Rempart, are some caverns which M. Curtatprocured me the means of examining. In the entrance of one is a perpetualspring, from which a stream takes its course under ground, in a vaultedpassage; M. Ducas, the proprietor of the plantation, said he had tracedit upon a raft, by the light of flambeaux, more than half a mile withoutfinding its issue; but he supposed it to be in a small lake near the seaside. The other caverns had evidently been connected with the first, until the roof gave way in two places and separated them. The middleportion has a lofty arch, and might be formed into two spaciousapartments; its length is not many fathoms, but the third portion, thoughless spacious, runs in a winding course of several hundred yards. Frombeing unprovided with torches we did not pass the whole length of thisthird cavern; but at the two extremities, and as far within as could bedistinguished, the roof admitted of standing upright, and the breadth waseight or ten yards from side to side. About thirty years before, this part of the Plains de St. Piérre had beencovered with wood, and the caverns inhabited by a set of maroon negroes, whose depredations and murders spread consternation in the neighbourhood. Their main retreat in the third cavern was discovered by a man whom theyhad left for dead; but having watched them to their haunt, he gaveinformation to the officers of justice, and troops were sent to takethem. After securing the further outlet, the soldiers crept to theprincipal entrance, near which the maroons kept a sentinel with loadedmusket in the top of a tree; he was found nodding on his post, and havingshot him they rushed in a body to the mouth of the cavern. The poorwretches within started from their beds, for they slept in the day time, and flew to arms; a skirmish ensued, in which another of them was killedand two soldiers wounded; but at length, finding their retreat cut off, the sentinel, who happened to be their captain and chief instigator, killed, and the force opposed to them too great to be overcome, theyyielded themselves prisoners to the number of fifty-one; and were marchedoff, with their hands tied, to head quarters, to the great joy of thedistrict. Besides arms and a small quantity of ammunition, there waslittle else found in the cavern than a bag of dollars, a case of wine, some pieces of cloth, a slaughtered goat, and a small provision of maizenot more than enough for one day. The skull of their captain, who wassaid to be possessed of much cunning and audacity, was at this time lyingupon a stone at the entrance of the cavern; and for narrowness of frontand large extent at the back part of the head, was the most singularlyformed cranium I ever saw. Little oblong inclosures, formed with smallstones by the sides of the cavern, once the sleeping places of thesewretches, also existed, nearly in the state they had been left; owingapparently to the superstition of the black, and the policy and disgustof the white visitants to these excavations. The stone here is mostly of an iron-grey colour, heavy, and porous; andthere were marks upon the sides of the middle cavern which might havearisen either from a sulphureous substance yielded by the stone when in astate of ignition, or from an impregnated water draining through the roofduring a succession of time; upon the whole, though it seemed probablethat these caverns owe their origin to the same cause as thesubterraneous canal at Ménil, the marks of fire in them were neitherdistinct nor unequivocal. The position of these long, windingexcavations, in a country nearly level and of small elevation, appearedto be the most extraordinary circumstance attending them; but in thisisland they are commonly so situate, particularly that remarkable one, ofwhich a detailed account is given in Grant's _History of Mauritius_ fromM. De St. Pierre. Quitting Le Tamarin with M. Curtat, I went to the town of Port Louis, totake up my residence for a few days with my friend Pitot, thecaptain-general having granted a permission to that effect. One of theobjects for which I had asked the permission, was to obtain a further oneto visit La Poudre d'Or and Flacq, on the north-east side of the island;but my application was refused after two or three days consideration, andaccompanied with an order to return immediately to Wilhems Plains. Itappeared that general De Caen had received a letter of reproach fromgovernor King of Port Jackson, inclosing, it was said, a copy of that Ihad written to the governor in August 1804, wherein my reception andtreatment at Mauritius were described in colours not calculated togratify the general's feelings; it was even considered, and perhaps wasin him, a great act of forbearance that he did not order me to be closelyconfined in the tower. During this short residence in town, the attentions of my friend Pitot, of captain Bergeret, and several other French inhabitants were such asbespoke a desire to indemnify me for the ill treatment of their governor, whose conduct seemed to be generally disapproved; my acquaintance withmajor Dunienville of La Savanne was renewed, as also with M. Boand, thegood Swiss, whose anxiety to serve me when a prisoner in the CaféMarengo, had not lost any thing of its ardour. At the Garden Prison, which I could not refrain from visiting, there was no one but the oldserjeant, the six or eight Englishmen in the island being kept at theGrande Rivière. In returning to Wilhems Plains I made a tour by thedistrict of Mocha, both to see that part of the island and to visit M. Huet de Froberville, with whom his intimacy with the good family at theRefuge had brought me acquainted; this gentleman was nephew of Huetius, the celebrated bishop of Avranches, and author of _Sidner, or the dangersof imagination_, a little work published in Mauritius. JUNE 1806 The usual season of arrivals from France expired with the month of May, and the time elapsed since my first detention, without being otherwisenoticed by the French government than giving general De Caen itstemporary approbation, had exceedingly weakened my confidence in itsjustice; it appeared moreover, that not only had no public applicationbeen made by our government for my liberty and the restitution of mycharts and journals, but that the advancement I had been led to expect inconsequence of the voyage, was stopped. This could not be frominattention, and therefore probably arose either from a want ofinformation, or from some misconceived opinions at the Admiralty; toremove which, it seemed necessary to transmit an account of all thecircumstances attending my imprisonment, accompanied with the letters toand from the captain-general, and such other pieces as were proper to theauthentication of the narrative. JULY 1806 I was occupied in writing this account when the Warren Hastings, richlyladen from China, was taken by La Piémontaise and brought to Mauritius;and captain Larkins having obtained permission to return to England, heoffered by letter to take charge of any thing I desired to transmit. Thenarrative, completed to the time of leaving the Garden Prison, wastherefore conveyed to him; and in an accompanying letter to theAdmiralty, my hopes were expressed that their Lordships would not sufferan imprisonment, contrary to every principle of justice and humanity, tocontinue without notice--without such steps being taken to obtain myrelease and the restitution of my remaining charts and papers, as intheir wisdom should seem meet. Captain Larkins had ineffectually soughtto obtain a permission to come to Wilhems Plains, and my request to go tothe town for a day or two was refused; he therefore sailed [AUGUST 1806]without my being able to see him or any of his officers; and hisdeparture was preceded by that of my friend Pitot for Bourbon, andfollowed by the embarkation of captain Bergeret for France. In consequence of the many kindnesses conferred by M. Pitot on several ofour countrymen as well as myself, I had been induced to write someletters at his request to the commanders of His Majesty's ships;recommending to their favour, in case of being taken, such of his friendsas had a claim to it, either from services rendered to prisoners or fromtheir superior talents; and I did not let slip the occasion of his voyageto Bourbon, to testify in this manner my sense of his worth. To softenthe rigour of confinement to deserving men, is a grateful task; Iconceived that a war between two nations does not necessarily entrainpersonal enmity between each of their respective individuals, nor shouldprevent us from doing particular acts of kindness where merit andmisfortune make the claim; and in the confidence that such were thegeneral sentiments of officers in the navy, I had no hesitation inaddressing myself to them. Possibly some would think these applicationsunadvisably made; but no--to distinguish merit and repay the debt ofgratitude contracted by unfortunate brother officers or countrymen, aretoo congenial to the hearts of Britons; to those who produced either, orboth of these titles an English seaman could not be deaf, and on no otheraccount was my suffrage obtained. Captain Bergeret's name was too well known to need any recommendationfrom me; but I wished to express my gratitude for his generousproceedings to many English prisoners, and to have the advantage of hisinfluence in obtaining an order from his government for my liberty, orotherwise for being sent to France to be examined. The letter transmitteda short time before he sailed, expresses the state of a prisoner's mindwhen suffering under injustice and wearied with disappointment; on thisaccount, the greater number of readers will be induced to excuse theinsertion of the following passages, which otherwise are withoutimportance, and perhaps without interest. I need not at this time call to your recollection what my situation is inthis place. I have been so long pressed under the hand of injustice, andmy confidence in the French government is so much exhausted, that I amreduced to asking as a favour what ought to be demanded as a right. Onyour arrival in France then, my dear Sir, forget not that I am here--thatmy prayer is, to be examined, to be tried, to be condemned, if I have inaction, intention, or thought, done any thing whilst employed in myvoyage of discovery, against the French nation or its allies--if in anyway I have infringed upon the line of conduct prescribed by the passportof the first consul of France. To have the best years of my life, theessence of my existence thus drained away without any examination intothe affair; to have the fruits of my labours and risks thus ravished fromme--my hopes of advancement and of reputation thus cruelly blasted, isalmost beyond what I am able to support. Use then, I conjure you, Sir, your best endeavours with those men in France who have it in their powerto forward my wish; with those men for whom a voyage of discovery, thepreservation of national faith, and the exercise of humanity have stillattractions. With such men, in spite of the neglect which myextraordinary situation here has undergone, now near three years, I willnot believe but that the French empire abounds; a Fleurieu, aBougainville, a Lalande, a Delambre, and numberless others--can such menbe strangers to national honour and humanity? Has a man reduced tomisfortune by his ardent zeal to advance geography and its kindredsciences, no claims upon men like these? It cannot be. However unworthyan instrument I am in the hands of our literary British worthies, myemployment, if not my misfortunes, give me a claim upon their assistancein obtaining, at least, an examination into my crimes or my innocence;and this claim I now make. See these celebrated men, Sir, explain to themthe circumstances of my situation, tell them the plain tale, and that itis towards them, though so distant, that my looks are directed; your ownname will give you an introduction, and the cause you undertake will notdisgrace it. Adieu, worthy Sir, may the winds be propitious, and may you never bereduced to the bitterness of sighing after justice in vain. CHAPTER VIII. Effects of repeated disappointment on the mind. Arrival of a cartel, and of letters from India. Letter of the French marine minister. Restitution of papers. Applications for liberty evasively answered. Attempted seizure of private letters. Memorial to the minister. Encroachments made at Paris on the Investigator's discoveries. Expected attack on Mauritius produces an abridgment of Liberty. Strict blockade. Arrival of another cartel from India. State of the public finances in Mauritius. French cartel sails for the Cape of Good Hope. [AT MAURITIUS. WILHEMS PLAINS] SEPTEMBER 1806 News of negotiations at Paris for peace formed the principal topic ofconversation at Mauritius in September, and no one more than myself coulddesire that the efforts of Lord Lauderdale might be crowned with success;a return to England in consequence of such an event was of all thingswhat I most desired, but the hope of peace, before national animosity andthe means of carrying on war became diminished, was too feeble to admitof indulging in the anticipation. NOVEMBER 1806 The state of incertitude in which I remained after nearly three years ofanxiety, joined to the absence of my friends Bergeret and Pitot, broughton a dejection of spirits which might have proved fatal, had I not soughtby constant occupation to force my mind from a subject so destructive toits repose; such an end to my detention would have given too muchpleasure to the captain-general, and from a sort of perversity in humannature, this conviction even brought its share of support. Ireconstructed some of my charts on a larger scale, corrected and extendedthe explanatory memoir, and completed for the Admiralty an enlarged copyof the Investigator's log book, so far as the materials in my hands couldadmit; the study of the French language was pursued with increasedapplication, and many books in it, particularly voyages and travels, wereread. But what assisted most in dispelling this melancholy, was a packetof letters from England, bringing intelligence of my family and friends;and the satisfactory information that Mr. Aken had safely reached London, with all the charts, journals, letters and instruments committed to hischarge. JANUARY 1807 No occurrence more particular than the departure in January of a prisonerof war, which furnished an opportunity of writing to England, took placefor several months. In April [APRIL 1807] the season for the arrival ofships from France was mostly passed, and the captain-general had stillreceived no orders; being than at the town, I requested of him anaudience through the intervention of M. Beckmann, who engaged, in case ofrefusal, to enter into an explanation with His Excellency and endeavourto learn his intentions. On his return, M. Beckmann said that the generalhad expressed himself sensible of the hardship of my situation, and thathe every day expected to receive orders from France; but being unable todo any thing without these orders, it was useless to see me, and herecommended waiting with patience for their arrival. MAY 1807 In acknowledgment for the letter written to the National Institute by theSociety of Emulation, I sent to it a description of Wreck Reef, with myconjectures upon the place where the unfortunate La Pérouse had probablybeen lost; and this letter, as also a succeeding one upon the differencesin the variation of the magnetic needle on ship-board, was transmitted bythe Society to the Institute at Paris. JUNE 1807 The effect of long protracted expectation, repeatedly changing its objectand as often disappointed, became strongly marked in my faithful servant. This worthy man had refused to quit the island at the general exchange ofprisoners in August 1805, and also in the following year when hiscompanion, the lame seaman, went to America, because he would not abandonme in misfortune; but the despair of our being ever set at liberty hadnow wholly taken possession of his senses. He imagined that all theinhabitants of the island, even those who were most friendly, wereleagued with the captain-general against us; the signals on the hillscommunicated my every step, the political articles in the gazettesrelated in a metaphorical manner the designs carrying on, the new laws atthat time publishing showed the punishments we were doomed to suffer, persons seen in conversation, every thing in fine, had some connexionwith this mysterious league; and the dread of some sudden andoverwhelming blow left him no peace, either by day or night. This stateof mind continued some months, his sleep and appetite had forsaken him, and he wasted daily; and finding no other means of cure than persuadinghim to return to England, where he might still render me service, apermission for his departure was requested and obtained; and in thebeginning of July [JULY 1807] he embarked on board an American brig, forBaltimore. I gave into his charge some remaining charts and books, andmany letters; and had the satisfaction to see him more easy, and almostconvinced of the folly of his terrors on finding he was really allowed togo away, which till then, had appeared to him incredible. On the 18th, arrived the Hon. Company's ship Marquis Wellesley, as acartel from Madras, with French prisoners; and four days afterwardcolonel Monistrol transmitted me a letter from the secretary of sirEdward Pellew, containing the extract of a despatch to thecaptain-general, and two letters of a more recent date from the admiralhimself. One of these, addressed upon His Majesty's service, was asfollows. H. M. Ship Duncan, Madras Roads, 21st June, 1807. Sir, Two days ago I renewed my application to the captain-general De Caen inyour favour, requesting that His Excellency would permit of yourdeparture from the Isle of France, and suggesting the opportunity nowoffered by His Majesty's ship Greyhound. I have since received despatches from England, containing the letter ofwhich a copy is now inclosed, from Mr. Marsden, secretary of theAdmiralty, * therewith transmitting instructions for your release underthe authority of the French minister of marine, to the captain-general ofthe French establishments. I congratulate you most sincerely on this long protracted event; and Itrust, if your wishes induce you to proceed to India, that you may beenabled to embark with captain Troubridge, for the purpose of proceedingto England from hence by the first opportunity. (Signed. ) Edward Pellew. [* COPY. The accompanying letter is understood to contain a direction from theFrench government for the release of captain Flinders. It has alreadybeen transmitted to the Isle of France in triplicate; but as it may behoped that the vessels have been all captured, you had better take anopportunity of sending this copy by a flag of truce, provided you havenot heard in the mean time of Flinders being at liberty. Admiralty, 30th Dec. 1806. (Signed) William Marsden. ] The admiral's second letter was a private one, inviting me to take up myresidence in his house at Madras, until such time as the departure of aKing's ship should furnish an opportunity of returning to England; andwas accompanied by one from captain Troubridge, expressing the pleasurehe should have in receiving me; but the Greyhound had already been sentaway two days! and nothing announced any haste in the general to put theorder into execution. I then wrote to request His Excellency would havethe goodness to confirm the hopes produced by these letters; or that, ifthey were fallacious, he would be pleased to let me know it. It was sevendays before an answer was given; colonel Monistrol then said, "HisExcellency the captain-general has charged me to answer the letter whichyou addressed to him on the 24th of this month; and to tell you that, ineffect, he has received through the medium of His Excellency sir EdwardPellew, a despatch from His Excellency the minister of the marine and thecolonies of France, relative to you. I am also charged to send you thecopy, herewith joined, of that letter; and to inform you that so soon ascircumstances will permit, you will fully enjoy the favour which has beengranted you by his Majesty the Emperor and King. " This long expecteddocument from the marine minister was literally as follows. * [* The document, in French, is not included in this ebook. ] It appeared from this letter, that so long before as July 1804, thecouncil of state had come to a decision upon my case; which was, _toapprove of the conduct of general De Caen, and from a pure sentiment ofgenerosity, to grant my liberty and the restitution of the Cumberland_. This decision had lain over until March 1806, before it was madeefficient by the approval of the French emperor; it had then been sent intriplicate by French vessels; and it seemed very extraordinary that inJuly 1807, the quadruplicate sent from England in December, round byIndia, should first arrive, when two or more vessels had come from Francein the preceding twelve months. Colonel Monistrol's letter gave me to understand that the order would beexecuted, but the time when, and the manner, were left in uncertainty; Itherefore requested a permission to go to town for the arrangement of myaffairs, hoping there to learn some further particulars; this however wasrefused, the answer being, "that when the time of my departure should befixed, " a permission would be granted for as many days as were necessary. Whence this delay in executing the minister's order could arise, I knewnot; but having heard that the Cumberland had been removed from her usualplace, and fearing that her reparation and refitment might be the cause, a letter was sent to inform colonel Monistrol, [AUGUST 1805] "that theimpossibility of obtaining any better vessel for a direct passage toEngland could alone have induced me to undertake it in the Cumberland;and that unless His Excellency denied me any other means of quitting theIsle of France, it was not my intention to re-embark in her. If thereforeit were His Excellency's desire that she should be restored to me, ratherthan her value, I hoped he would admit of her being sold; and allow me totake a passage on board some ship bound to America or India;" a requestfor the restitution of my books and papers was also made, that theintervening time might be employed in arranging them from the disorderinto which they had been thrown at the shipwreck, four years before. Atthe end of three weeks, a letter from the colonel invited me to go totown, that he might restore the books and papers, with the other objectsrelating to my voyage of discovery; and on presenting myself at hisoffice, the trunk into which they had been put was given up; my sword andspy-glasses were to be returned at the time of departure, as also theamount of the schooner and her stores, which had been valued soon aftermy arrival. On asking for the two boxes of despatches, the colonel saidthey had long been disposed of, and he believed that something in themhad contributed to my imprisonment; and to an application for theremaining journal, he replied that it was wanted for the purpose ofmaking extracts, at which I expressed surprise, seeing that it had beenin the general's possession near four years, and the French governmenthad made its decision. On requesting to know if it were intended to letme embark in the Wellesley cartel, then in port, it appeared that thishad not been thought of; and the colonel hinted, that the order for myliberation had been given at a moment when England and France were inbetter intelligence than usual, and perhaps would not be granted to anapplication made at the present time; and it appeared from hisconversation, that the restitution of my papers was not to be consideredan assurance of a speedy departure. After quitting colonel Monistrol, I examined the condition of the papers, and then sent him the following note and receipt. I have the honour to inclose a receipt for the books and papers receivedyesterday. The rats have made great havock amongst them, and many papersare wholly destroyed; but so far as I have yet examined, those which areof the most importance seem to have wholly, or in part escaped theirravages. I shall return immediately within the limits of my parole, according to the directions of His Excellency the captain-general; towait the time when he shall be pleased to execute the orders which hisImperial and Royal Majesty thought proper to give on March 11, 1806, formy liberation; and I have the honour to be, etc. Received from colonel Monistrol, _chef de l'état-major-général_ in theIsle of France, one trunk containing the remainder of the books, papers, etc. Taken from me in Port North-West on Dec. 17, 1803, and Dec. 21 ofthe same year; which books and papers, with those received at twodifferent times in 1804, make up the whole that were so taken, with thefollowing exceptions. 1. Various letters and papers either wholly or in part destroyed by therats, the remains of which are in the trunk. 2. The third volume of my rough log book, containing the journal oftransactions and observations on board the Investigator, Porpoise, theHope cutter, and Cumberland schooner, from sometime in June to Dec. 17, 1803, of which I have no duplicate. 3. Two boxes of despatches. The one from His Excellency governor King ofNew South Wales, addressed to His Majesty's principal secretary of statefor the colonies; the other from colonel Paterson, lieutenant-governor ofPort Jackson, the address of which I cannot remember. In truth of which I hereunto sign my name, at Port Napoleon, * Isle ofFrance. , this 24th day of August 1807. Matthew Flinders. Late commander of H. M. Sloop Investigator, employed on discoveries to the South Seas with a French passport. [* Port Louis, after having been changed to Port de la Montagne, PortNorth-West, and I believe borne one or two other names, was now calledPort Napoleon; Port Bourbon and Isle Bourbon underwent similar changes:such was the inflexibility of French republicanism. ] Messrs Le Blanc and Stock, the commander and commissary of the Wellesleycartel, having a house in the town, I took this opportunity of seeingthem; and it was agreed between us, that when the cartel was allowed tosail, Mr. Stock should make an official request for my embarkation withhim. As, however, there was much reason to apprehend a refusal, Iarranged a great part of the books and papers just received, with all thePort-Jackson letters, and sent them on board the Wellesley; writing atthe same time [SEPTEMBER 1807] to Sir Edward Pellew my suspicion, thatgeneral De Caen would not execute the order he had received from themarine minister. This precaution was not useless, for in the beginning ofOctober the Wellesly was sent away suddenly; and although she had beendetained three months, not a prisoner was given in exchange for thosebrought from India. Mr. Stock left a copy of the letter he had written, as was agreed, and of the answer from the general's secretary; this said, "the captain-general is very sorry that he cannot allow captain Flindersto embark in the cartel Wellesley. So soon as circumstances will permit, that officer will be set at liberty, and to that effect be sent toLondon. " The most direct means of conveyance to London in time of war, was assuredly by the way of France; but two vessels, the first of whichwas commanded by the brother of the captain-general, had sailed a shorttime before for that destination; so that this answer, if not false, wasat least equivocal. My opinion of the general's unfair dealing hadinduced me to write by the last of these French vessels to the ministerof the marine, representing the little probability there was of his orderbeing executed; but this vessel was captured, and my letter most probablythrown overboard. An attempt to gain some knowledge of what were the captain-general'sintentions was made in the following letter, written on the 16th, tocolonel Monistrol. Sir, You will do me a favour in transmitting the log book which was detainedfor the purpose of making extracts from it, as they have doubtless beenmade long since. At the same time, Sir, you would relieve me from muchinquietude, if you could inform me of the time at which it is theintention of His Excellency the captain-general to grant me the libertywhich His Imperial and Royal Majesty was pleased to accord in March 1806. BY your letter of July 27 last, I was led to hope from the expression, "vous jouirez pleinement de la faveur, " etc. , that this long desiredperiod would soon arrive. What the circumstances are to which you alludein that letter, it is impossible for me to know; nor is it within myimagination to conceive the circumstances which permit vessels to sailfor India or America, but which cannot allow of my departure. The desire expressed by His Excellency to captain Bergeret and M. Beckmann, to receive orders relating to me, and to the latter that he wassensible of the hardship of my situation, led me to hope that he wouldhave taken into consideration the length of time that my detention hadcontinued, the misfortune which preceded it, and the time elapsed sincethe date of the marine minister's letter; and I still intreat him to takethem into his consideration. I have suffered much, Sir, in the Isle ofFrance, and the uncertainty in which I have ever been kept has been oneof the bitterest ingredients in the cup; I thought it exhausted when youfavoured me with the copy of the letter from His Excellency the minister;but the dregs remained, and it seems as if I must swallow them to thelast drop. If the means of my return to England cause any part of the delay, I begto inform you of my readiness to embrace any means, or any route, in theCumberland even, if it will save time, or in any other vessel of anynation. A passage on board the finest ship one month hence, would notindemnify me for one month longer of suffering, such as the lastforty-six have been. I am fully persuaded that no representation of mine can change thearrangements of the captain-general; if therefore the time and manner ofmy return be absolutely fixed, I have only to request that he will haveso much charity as to impart them; or even the time only, when I mayexpect to see myself out of this fatal island; for the manner, whencompared to the time, becomes almost indifferent. To know at what periodthis waste of the best years of my life was to end, would soften theanguish of my mind; and if you would favour me with the return of my logbook, I should have an occupation which would still further tend todiminish it. I request you to accept the assurances of consideration with which I havethe honour to be, etc. The answer received eight days afterward, said not a word of the logbook; but simply that "so soon as a convenient opportunity for mydeparture presented itself, the captain-general would order it to becommunicated;" which was evidently no more than an evasion, for vesselshad gone to France, and others were at that very time sailing every week, either to India or America, in any one of which a passage might have beenobtained. I was now induced to enter into the examination whether, injustice and honour, my parole ought to continue to be a restraint fromquitting the island; it had been given to general De Caen as therepresentative of the French government--that government had ordered meto be set at liberty--and nothing was alleged for not putting the orderinto execution, other than the want of a convenient opportunity; had Inot then a right to seek that opportunity for myself, since thecaptain-general had let pass so many without indicating any one of them?This question was debated a long time, and under every point of view, before deciding upon the line of conduct which duty to my country, myfamily and myself prescribed to be right. Many letters for India, and a copy of my narrative for sir Edward Pellewhad been confided to my Swiss friend, M. Boand, who was to have embarkedin the Wellesley; but at the moment of sailing, the captain-general gavean order to prevent his going on board; the good man went immediately toask an audience of His Excellency, and after discussing his own case, spoke of my imprisonment and tried to learn when it would cease. That hecould obtain nothing decisive, was to be expected; but that the generalshould preserve his temper during this conversation, and even answergaily, though equivocally, to several closely-put questions, was contraryto what usually happened when my name had been mentioned before him. M. Boand was permitted to embark in a Danish ship, which sailed early on the24th; but late in the evening before, some police officers went on board, searched his trunk, and took away all the letters they could find, telling him he might then sail, they had got what they wanted. Thistransaction explained the general's views in preventing M. Boand'sdeparture in the cartel, where a search could not decently have beenmade; also why the cartel had been sent off so suddenly that my letterscould not be put on board, and the cause of his moderation when speakingof my imprisonment. He was not deceived in supposing this friend would bethe bearer of many letters, though very much so if he hoped to findtherein proofs of my having acted, or intending to act contrary to thepassport; he however missed his aim altogether, as I learned some monthsafterward; the cautious Swiss had separated my letters from those he hadreceived from other persons, and these last only were found; but it wasnot less evident, that general De Caen was seeking all means to fortifyhimself with pretexts to avoid setting me at liberty. DECEMBER 1807 This year finished in the same manner as the preceding, without the leastchange in my situation; but if I had reason to complain of the want ofjustice, humanity, and good faith in the captain-general, there was, onthe other hand, great cause to be satisfied with the sustained attentionsof the inhabitants in my small circle, especially of those in the housewhere I still continued to dwell; and it was some consolation to see, that the interest generally taken in my liberation increased with everyfresh act denoting perseverance in rigorous measures. JULY 1808 Six other months had elapsed when two vessels came from France, and itwas known that the captain-general's brother had safely reached Paris; hehad sailed two months after the order for my liberty had arrived, and asthe general had probably communicated his intentions to the marineminister, he might have received fresh directions; I therefore wrote tothe chief of the staff, requesting to know whether the despatchescontained any thing to give me hopes of early liberty, and repeating myreadiness to embark in any vessel of any nation; but it was answered, that nothing in the despatches related to this subject. SEPTEMBER 1808 Several ships being in preparation to depart for France in September, amemorial containing the circumstances previous to and attending myimprisonment was made out, with authenticating papers annexed, to betransmitted to the minister of the French marine; in this, I explainedthe late conduct of the captain-general, and earnestly entreated that HisExcellency would direct him to send me to France, by an order couched insuch terms as should leave no room for evasion; declaring at the sametime, perhaps incautiously, that I considered his previous order to havereleased me from parole. Two copies of this memorial were confided togentlemen who promised to deliver them in person to the minister; or incase of being taken, to the captain of the English man of war who wouldforward them to the Admiralty. There still remained La Semillante, an oldfrigate sold to the merchants, on board of which two officers of theFrench navy were to go as passengers. This afforded the most desirableopportunity of sending me to France, if such had been the general'sintention; and to do away all after pretext of not knowing it to be mywish, another request was made to that effect [OCTOBER 1808]; with aproposition to engage, "in case La Semillante should not arrive at herdestination, to take the most direct means that could be found ofreaching France, and giving myself up into the hands of the government;should it be judged expedient to require from me such a parole. " Inanswer to this letter, it was then said for the first time, fifteenmonths after receiving the order for my liberty, that thecaptain-general, "having communicated to His Excellency the marineminister the motives which had determined him to suspend my return toEurope, he could not authorise my departure before having received ananswer upon the subject. " Thus the frequently expressed desire of generalDe Caen to receive orders, and the promise, when they arrived, that Ishould be set at liberty so soon as circumstances would permit, wereshown to be fallacious; and the so long expected order to be of noneeffect. The reasoning of the inhabitants upon this suspension was, thathaving been so long in the island, I had gained too much knowledge of itfor my departure to be admitted with safety; but if this were so, thecaptain-general was punishing me for his own oversight, since without thedetention forced by himself, the supposed dangerous knowledge could nothave been acquired. In calling it an oversight I am probably wrong. Whenthe general suffered me to quit the Garden Prison, he expected the orderwhich afterwards arrived; and what appeared to be granted as anindulgence, was perhaps done with a view to this very pretext of my tooextended knowledge of the island; a pretext which could scarcely havebeen alleged so long as I remained shut up in prison. NOVEMBER 1808 One of the naval officers who embarked in La Semillante had served in theexpedition of captain Baudin; he took charge of a triplicate of mymemorial to the marine minister, and promised to use his efforts inobtaining for it a powerful support. This triplicate was accompanied bymany letters, addressed to distinguished characters in the ministry, thesenate, in the council of state and the national institute; as well frommyself as from several worthy persons who interested themselves in theissue of my detention. By this and another opportunity, I stated to theAdmiralty and the president of the Royal Society the circumstancesattending the order which had arrived; and from these various stepsunited, my friends in Mauritius conceived the hope of a success almostcertain; but from having been so often deceived I was less sanguine, andsaw only that if this memorial and these letters failed, there was littlehope of being restored to liberty before the uncertain epoch of peace. 1809 Constant occupation was, as usual, my resource to beguile the time untilthe effect of the memorial and letters could be known. Being furnished bysome friends with several manuscript travels and journals in theinterior, and along the coasts of Madagascar, I constructed a chart ofthe northern half of that extensive island, accompanied with ananalytical account of my materials; and in this employment, readingvarious French authors, mathematical studies, and visiting occasionallysome of the inhabitants within my circle, this time of anxious suspensepassed not unprofitably. In the month of March [MARCH 1809] arrived thefrigate La Venus, captain Hamelin, the same who had commanded LeNaturaliste at Port Jackson. His affairs, or some other cause, preventedhim from seeing or writing to me; but he told M. Pitot that many personstook an interest in my situation, and that several officers of LeGéographe and Naturaliste had made applications to the marine minister. The answers they received had constantly been, that orders were sent outto Mauritius to set me at liberty and restore the Cumberland; yet it wasknown in France before captain Hamelin sailed, that these orders had notbeen executed, and the future intentions of the government were unknown. The publication of the French voyage of discovery, written by M. Peron, was in great forwardness; and the emperor Napoléon considering it to be anational work, had granted a considerable sum to render the publicationcomplete. From a Moniteur of July 1808, it appeared that French nameswere given to all my discoveries and those of captain Grant on the southcoast of Terra Australis; it was kept out of sight that I had ever beenupon the coast; and in speaking of M. Peron's first volume the newspapersasserted, that no voyage _ever_ made by the English nation could becompared with that of the Géographe and Naturaliste. It may beremembered, that after exploring the South Coast up to Kangaroo Island, with the two gulphs, I met captain Baudin, and gave him the firstinformation of these places and of the advantages they offered him; andit was but an ill return to seek to deprive me of the little honourattending the discovery. No means were spared by the French government toenhance the merit of this voyage, and all the officers employed in it hadreceived promotion; but the Investigator's voyage seemed to obtain aslittle public notice in England as in France, no one of my officers hadbeen advanced on their arrival, and in addition to so many years ofimprisonment my own promotion was suspended. It would ill become me tosay that in one case there was an ostentatious munificence, or in theother, injustice and neglect; but the extreme difference made between thetwo voyages could not but add to the bitterness of my situation, anddiminish the little remaining hope of being speedily and honourablyliberated. A vessel from St. Malo arrived in May, and gave information that one ofthe ships which carried a duplicate of my memorial to the marineminister, had reached France; and in a few days La Bellone, a frigate inwhich the brother of the captain-general was an officer, got into PortLouis; she had sailed in the end of January and brought despatches, butif the general received any new order by this or the former vessel, itwas kept to himself. In June the English cruisers sent in a flag of trucewith a French lady, taken in L'Agile from St. Malo; this lady broughtmany letters, in some of which the arrival in France of La Semillante wasmentioned; also that Bonaparte was at Paris when L'Agile sailed, and thatthe naval officer who carried the last copy of my memorial had beenpromoted and made a member of the legion of honour. I did now certainlyentertain hopes that general De Caen would have received an order to setme at liberty, and that no further pretext for prolonging my detentionwould be admitted; but week after week passed as before, without anyintimation of this so much desired event. JULY 1809 There was reason to believe that a direct application to know whether anyorder had arrived, would obtain no answer; therefore after waiting amonth, I wrote to ask "whether His Excellency would permit my wife tocome and join me, should she present herself before Port Napoléon. " Itwas not in reality my intention that she should leave England, but Ihoped to draw the desired information from the answer; and in six weeks[SEPTEMBER 1809], after another vessel had arrived from France, one wasgiven to the following effect: "The captain-general will not oppose theresidence of your wife in the colony; but with respect to a safe conduct, it is necessary that Mrs. Flinders should apply to the ministers of HisBritannic Majesty, who should make the request to those of His Majestythe Emperor and King;" which was equivalent to saying, either that nofresh order to set me at liberty had been received, or that it would notbe put into execution. At this time there was much talk of an attack upon the island, said to beprojected by the British government; and all the English officers, prisoners of war, were taken from their paroles and closely shut up. Inthe middle of the month our cruisers quitted the island unexpectedly, anda fortnight afterwards it was known that they gone to Bourbon, and madean attack upon the town of St. Paul; both the town and bay were then intheir possession, as also La Coraline frigate and two Indiamen herprizes, upon which this government had counted for supplying itsdeficiency of revenue. During the attack, great disorders had beencommitted by the black slaves, and the humane care of commodore Rowleyand his captains had alone prevented greater excesses; this intelligenceput a stop to the raising of regiments of slaves for the defence ofMauritius, which the captain-general had commenced under the name ofAfrican battalions, much against the sense of the inhabitants. Thesevarious circumstances, with the distress of the government for money, caused much agitation in the public mind; and it was to be apprehendedthat general De Caen would scarcely suffer me to remain with the usualdegree of liberty, whilst all the other prisoners were shut up. Iendeavoured by great circumspection to give no umbrage, in order to avoidthe numberless inconveniences of a close imprisonment; but in thebeginning of October [OCTOBER 1809] a letter came from colonel Monistrol, saying that "His Excellency the captain-general having learned that Isometimes went to a considerable distance from the habitation of MadameD'Arifat, had thought proper to restrain my permission to reside in theinterior of the colony on parole, to the lands composing thathabitation. " This order showed that the general had either no distinctidea of a parole of honour, or that his opinion of it differed widelyfrom that commonly received; a parole is usually thought to be aconvention, whereby, in order to obtain a certain portion of liberty, anofficer promises not to take any greater; but general De Caen seemed toexpect me to be bound by the convention, whilst he withdrew such portionof the advantages as he thought proper, and this without troublinghimself about my consent. If any doubts remained that the order of theFrench government had in strict justice liberated me from parole, thisinfraction by the captain-general was sufficient to do them away;nevertheless the same reasons which had prevented me declaring thisconviction long before, restrained the declaration at this time; and Ireturned the following answer to colonel Monistrol, written in Frenchthat no pretext of bad translation might afterwards be alleged. Sir, Yesterday at noon I had the honour of receiving your letter of the 1st. Inst. It is true that I have sometimes profited by the permissioncontained in the parole which I had given (que j'avais donnée) on Aug 23, 1805, by which I was allowed to go as far as two leagues from theplantation of Madame D'Arifat; but since His Excellency thecaptain-general has thought good to make other regulations, I shallendeavour to conduct myself with so much prudence respecting the ordersnow given, that His Excellency will not have any just cause of complaintagainst me. I have the honour to be, etc. The two objects I had in view in giving this answer, were, to promisenothing in regard to my movements, and to avoid close imprisonment if itcould be done without dishonour; had it been demanded whether I stillconsidered the parole to be in force, my answer was perfectly ready andvery short, but no such question was asked. Many circumstances had givenroom to suspect, that the captain-general secretly desired I shouldattempt an escape; and his view in it might either have been to someextraordinary severity, or in case his spies failed of giving timelyinformation, to charging me with having broken parole and thus to throw aveil over his own injustice. Hence it might have been that he did notseek to know whether, being restricted to the plantation of MadameD'Arifat, I still admitted the obligatory part of the parole to bebinding; and that the expression in my answer--_the parole which I hadgiven_, implying that it existed no longer, passed without question. However this might be, I thenceforward declined accepting any invitationsbeyond the immediate neighbourhood of the plantation; and until thedecisive moment should arrive, amused by solitude with instructing thetwo younger sons of our good family in the elements of mathematicalscience, with inventing problems and calculating tables that might beuseful to navigation, and in reading the most esteemed French authors. After the evacuation of the town and bay of St. Paul at Bourbon, theblockade of Mauritius was resumed by commodore Rowley with increasedstrictness. The frigate La Canonnière and the prize formerly H. M. ShipLaurel, which the want of a few thousand dollars had induced thegovernment to let for freight to the merchants, were thus preventedsailing; and a cartel fitted long before to carry the English prisonersto the Cape of Good Hope, and waiting only, as was generally supposed, for the departure of these two ships, was delayed in consequence. Whencaptains Woolcombe and Lynne of the navy had been desired in August tokeep themselves in readiness, I had committed to the obliging care of thelatter many letters for England, and one for admiral Bertie at the Cape;but instead of being sent away, these officers with the others were putinto close confinement, and their prospects retarded until the hurricaneseason, when it was expected the island would have a respite from ourcruisers. DECEMBER 1809 In the beginning of December, despatches were said to have arrived fromFrance, and the marine minister having received my memorial in the earlypart of the year, full time had been given to send out a fresh order; butdisappointment on such arrivals had been so constant during greater partof the six years to which my imprisonment was now prolonged, that I didnot at this time think it worth asking a question on the subject. ABritish cartel, the Harriet, arrived from India on the 12th, with theofficers of La Piémontaise and La Jena; the Harriet was commanded by Mr. John Ramsden, formerly confined with me in the Garden Prison, and thecommissary of prisoners was Hugh Hope, Esq. , whom Lord Minto hadparticularly sent to negotiate an exchange with general De Caen. Thecartel had been stopped at the entrance of the port by the blockadingsquadron, and been permitted to come in only at the earnest request ofMr. Hope and the parole of the prisoners to go out again with him shouldthe exchange be refused. In a few days I received an open letter from Mr. Stock, the former commissary; and having learned that Mr. Hope proposedto use his endeavours for my release, a copy of all the letters to andfrom colonel Monistrol, subsequent to the marine minister's order, wastransmitted, that he might be better enabled to take his measures witheffect; and towards the end of the month, a letter from the commissaryinformed me of the very favourable reception he had met with from thecaptain-general, of the subject of my liberty having been touched upon, and of his entertaining hopes of a final success. The flatteringreception given to Mr. Hope had been remarked to me with surprise fromseveral hands; but a long experience of general De Caen prevented anyfaith in the success of his application for my release: I feared that Mr. Hope's wishes had caused him to interpret favourably some softenedexpressions of the general, which he would in the end find to merit nosort of confidence. JANUARY 1810 La Venus frigate, after her exploit at Tappanouli, got into the BlackRiver on the first of January, notwithstanding the presence of ourcruisers; she had on board a part of the 69th regiment, with the officersand passengers of the Windham, including five ladies, and announced thecapture of two other ships belonging to the East-India Company; and twodays afterward, the frigates La Manche and La Bellone entered Port Louiswith the United Kingdom and Charleston, the Portuguese frigate Minerva, and His Majesty's sloop Victor (formerly La Jena). This was a mostprovoking sight to commodore Rowley, whom baffling winds and his positionoff the Black River prevented stopping them; whilst the joy it producedin the island, more especially amongst the officers of the government whohad been many months without pay, was excessive. The ordinary sources ofrevenue and emolument were nearly dried up, and to have recourse to themerchants for a loan was impossible, the former bills upon the Frenchtreasury, drawn it was said for three millions of livres, remaining ingreat part unpaid; and to such distress was the captain-general reducedfor ways and means, that he had submitted to ask a voluntary contributionin money, wheat, maize, or any kind of produce from the half-ruinedcolonists. Promises of great reform in the administration were made atthat time; and it was even said to have been promised, that if pecuniarysuccour did not arrive in six months, the captain-general would retireand leave the inhabitants to govern themselves; and had the frigates notreturned, or returned without prizes, it seemed probable that such musthave been the case. * [* According to information from various sources, the prizes brought toMauritius were disposed of in this manner. The proceeds went first intothe hands of the government, which took ten per cent. As a duty upon thesales, and afterwards one-third of the remainder as its proper right. Sixty per cent. Remained for the captors, but the necessities of thestate being generally urgent, it took thirty more, giving bills for theamount on the treasury of France; and for the remaining portion, it wasparted with so reluctantly that the inferior officers and seamen wereseldom able to obtain a dollar; but they were offered other bills, andthese they were glad to sell for almost any thing to the inhabitants. This was the distribution to the frigates; the prizes brought in byprivateers were not so profitable to the government, its claims beinglimited, I believe, to the ten per cent. Duty and one-third of theremainder. ] The hurricane season was now arrived; and the Canonnière and Laurelhaving taken advantage of our cruisers being at a little distance to getout at night, the British squadron abandoned the island. Expecting thenthat the cartel for the Cape of Good Hope would be sent away, I augmentedthe number of letters for England and the Cape in the hands of captainLynne; and transmitted to him the greater part of my books and clothes, which he had the goodness to send on board with his own. So many vesselshad arrived from France, and amongst them two during this month ofJanuary, without producing any fresh information, that almost all hopefrom my memorial to the marine minister had ceased; and should thecaptain-general send me in this cartel, contrary to expectation, then myeffects were already on board. She sailed on the 29th, with captainsWoolcombe and Lynne and the commanders of the Company's ships Windham, Charleston and United Kingdom, and their officers; captain W. Owen of theSea Flower and the remaining English officers were reserved for theBengal cartel, commanded by Mr. Ramsden; and with respect to the seamenand soldiers, a part only of the crews of the Laurel and Sea Flower, andof the 69th regiment were left, many of them having been seduced fromtheir allegiance to enlist in the French service. CHAPTER IX. A prospect of liberty, which is officially confirmed. Occurrences during eleven weeks residence in the town of Port Louisand on board the Harriet cartel. Parole and certificates. Departure from Port Louis, and embarkation in the Otter. Eulogium on the inhabitants of Mauritius. Review of the conduct of general De Caen. Passage to the Cape of Good Hope, and after seven weeks stay, from thence to England. Conclusion. [AT MAURITIUS. WILHEMS PLAINS. ] JANUARY 1810 The French cartel for the Cape of Good Hope had sailed two days when apacket boat arrived with despatches from Bayonne, and from the unusualdegree of secrecy observed respecting them, some persons were willing tosuppose that orders to set me at liberty formed part of their contents;of this, the most prudent mode to gain information was to wait patientlyfor the sailing of the English cartel for India, when my embarkationtherein or being again left the sole British prisoner in the island, would afford a practical solution of the question. In the time of waitingfor this event, I revised some notes upon the magnetism of the earth andof ships, and considered the experiments necessary to elucidate theopinions formed from observations made in the Investigator; and I wasthus occupied when, on March 13th [MARCH 1810], a letter came from Mr. Hope, the commissary of prisoners, to inform me that he had obtained thecaptain-general's promise for my liberty, and departure from the islandwith him in the Harriet. This unhoped for intelligence would haveproduced excessive joy, had not experience taught me to distrust even thepromises of the general; and especially when, as in the present case, there was no cause assigned for this change in his conduct. I dared not therefore allow my imagination to contemplate a meeting withmy family and friends as likely to soon take place, nor to dwell upon anysubject altogether English; the same preparation however was made for adeparture, as if this promise were expected to be fulfilled. It wasreported that the Harriet would sail within a fortnight after twofrigates and a sloop should have gone out upon a cruise; and as theseships sailed on the 14th, the official information of my liberty, ifreally granted, might be expected daily. It will be believed that I sought on all hands to learn whether any thinghad transpired from the government to bespeak an intention of sufferingme to go in the cartel; but it was without success, and every personendeavoured to discourage the hope, with a friendly design of softeninganother probable disappointment. They argued, that for general De Caen tolet me go at this time, when I knew so much of the island and an attackupon it was expected, would be to contradict all the reasons hithertogiven for my detention; and therefore, that unless he had received a newand positive order, he could not with any degree of consistency set me atliberty. This state of suspense, between hope and apprehension, continueduntil the 28th, when an express from the town, sent by M. Pitot, broughtthe following welcome information from colonel Monistrol. His Excellency the captain-general charges me to have the honour ofinforming you, that he authorises you to return to your country in thecartel Harriet, on condition of not serving in a hostile manner againstFrance or its allies during the course of the present war. Receive, I pray you, Sir, the assurance of the pleasure I have in makingyou this communication, and of the sentiments of perfect considerationwith which I have the honour to be, etc. P. S. The cartel is to sail on Saturday next (31st. ) Being then satisfied of the intention to permit my return to England, though the cause of it was involved in mystery, I visited our immediate, and still almost incredulous neighbours, to take leave of them; and wroteletters to the principal of those more distant inhabitants, whosekindness demanded my gratitude. Early next morning a red flag with apendant under it, showing one or more of our ships to be cruising beforethe port, was hoisted upon the signal hills; this was an unwelcome sight, for it had been an invariable rule to let no cartel or neutral vessel goout, so long as English ships were before the island. I however tookleave of the benevolent and respectable family which had afforded me anasylum during four years and a half; and on arriving at my friend Pitot'sin the town, was met by Messrs. Hope and Ramsden, neither of whom knewany other reason for setting me at liberty than that the captain-generalhad granted it to Mr. Hope's solicitations. [AT MAURITIUS. PORT LOUIS. ] On waiting upon colonel Monistrol on the 30th, it appeared that nothinghad been done relative to the Cumberland, or to returning what had beentaken away, particularly the third volume of my log book so often beforementioned; he promised however to take the captain-general's pleasureupon these subjects, and to repeat my offer of making and signing anyextracts from the book which His Excellency might desire to preserve. Inthe evening I had the pleasure to meet a large party of my countrymen andwomen, at a dinner given by M. Foisy, president of the Society ofEmulation; and from the difficulty of speaking English after a cessationof four years, I then became convinced of the possibility of a man'sforgetting his own language. APRIL 1810 There were lying in port two Dutch and one American vessel, with a numberof Frenchmen on board, whom marshal Daendels, governor of the remainingDutch possessions in the East, had engaged to officer some new regimentsof Malays; these vessels waited only for the absence of our cruisers togo to Batavia; and that we might not give information of them was thealleged cause for detaining the cartel all the month of April, oursquadron keeping so close off the port that they dared not venture out. MAY 1810 On May 2, captain Willoughby of the Néréide made a descent upon the southside of the island, at Port Jacotet; where he cut out L'Estafette packetboat, spiked the guns of the fort, carried off the officer with two fieldpieces, and M. Etienne Bolger, commandant of the quarter of La Savanne, the same who had acted so ungraciously on my arrival at the Baye du Cap. This _sullying of the French territory_ produced a fulminatingproclamation from general De Caen, nearly similar in terms to that of theemperor Napoléon after the descent at Walcheren; its effect on theinhabitants, however, was not much, for on asking some of them what theythought of this second-hand gasconade, the reply was, "Oh it is not tous, it is to Bonaparte that the proclamation is addressed;" meaning thatit was a bait to catch his approbation. Three days afterwards a flag oftruce was sent out to negotiate an exchange for M. Bolger and the officerwho had commanded the fort, for whom twenty soldiers of the 69th regimentwere given; we afterwards learned that a proposal had been made to letthe cartel sail, provided the squadron would suffer her to pass withoutbeing visited; but to this arrangement captain Pym, the then seniorofficer, refused his consent. An order was given on the 8th for all the British officers to embark inthe cartel, and we hoped to sail immediately; but the merchants of thetown presented a petition to the captain-general for a delay, lest wemight give information of the expected arrival of some ships from France. Our cruisers were stationed purposely to stop every French vessel, whether going in or out, and this petition therefore seemed to beridiculous; it appeared however to be complied with, for we not only wereprevented sailing, but denied all communication with the inhabitants forseveral weeks; and the five ladies on board were as much subjected tothese restrictions as the officers. The French cartel returned from theCape of Good Hope on the 10th, with exchanged prisoners; and the formerreports of a projected attack on Mauritius and Bourbon were so stronglyrevived that general De Caen made a tour of the island, in order, as wassaid, to have batteries erected at all the landing places withoutdefence, and to strengthen the existing fortifications. On the 18th, anexchange was made with the squadron of sixteen soldiers and people out ofthe prison on shore, for the commander and some others of L'Estafette;but nothing transpired relative to the sailing of the cartel. JUNE 1810 June 2, a salute of twenty-one guns was fired to celebrate the marriageof the French emperor with the princess Maria Louisa of Austria. Thisintelligence, accompanied with that of the capture of La Canonniere, wasbrought by a ship from Bourdeaux, which had succeeded in getting into theBlack River, as had L'Atrée frigate some weeks before. The entrance ofthese vessels at the time that five or six of our ships were cruisinground the island, affords additional proof of the impossibility ofblockading it effectually, without a much more extensive force than sosmall a spot can be thought to deserve. Mauritius owes this advantageprincipally to its numerous hills; from whence vessels at sea areinformed by signal of the situation of the cruisers, and are thus enabledto avoid them. On the 7th, a parole made out by the English interpreter was brought onboard for me to sign; and at daylight of the 18th a pilot came to takethe cartel out of harbour, and we received forty-six seamen of the SeaFlower and soldiers of the 69th; my sword was then delivered back, andthe following duplicate of the parole was given, with a certificateannexed from colonel Monistrol. I undersigned, captain in His Britannic Majesty's navy, having obtainedleave of His Excellency the captain-general to return in my country bythe way of Bengal, promise on my word of honour not to act in any servicewhich might be considered as directly or indirectly hostile to France orits allies, during the course of the present war. Matthew Flinders. Je soussigné certifie que monsieur Mathieu Flinders, capitaine desvaisseaux de Sa Majesté Britannique, a obtenu l'autorisation de SonExcellence le capitaine-général De Caen de retourner dans sa patrie, auxconditions énoncées ci-dessus, dont le double est resté entre mes mains. Au Port Napoléon, Isle de France, le 7 Juin 1810. L'adjutant commt. , chef de l'état-major-gen. (Signed) Monistrol. I had much feared to be laid under the obligation of going to India, andof thus losing some months of time and incurring a considerable anduseless expense; but although the parole expresses the "having obtainedleave to return by the way of Bengal, " neither the part containing mypromise nor the certificate of colonel Monistrol specified any particularroute; and the officer of the staff who delivered this duplicate, said hesupposed I should not lose time in going to India, but proceed to theCape in the first vessel sent in by the squadron. Frequent mention has been made of attempts to procure back the thirdvolume of my journal, the sole book remaining in the hands of thecaptain-general. Twice during my residence in the town these attempts hadbeen renewed, but with no better effect than were my applicationsrespecting the Cumberland; nor would certificates be given of the refusaleither of these objects or of the Port-Jackson despatches. I thereforerequested Mr. Hope to certify the steps which had been taken, that theAdmiralty and Secretary of State might be satisfied of every thing in mypower having been done; and this he did in the following terms. This is to certify to whomsoever it may concern, that after havingsucceeded in executing that part of the instructions of His Excellencylord Minto, governor-general of British India, relating to the liberationof Matthew Flinders, Esq. , late commander of His Majesty's shipInvestigator, who had been detained more than six years in the Isle ofFrance, I did, at the request of captain Flinders, make a personalapplication to His Excellency general De Caen for the third volume of thelog book of his voyage of discovery, which that officer represented to bestill kept from him by His Excellency. That the answer to this was apositive refusal, both of the book and of permission to take a copy ofit; and the reason given for this refusal was, that captain F. _not beingset at liberty in consequence of any orders from France_, every thingrelating to this log book and to his little schooner Cumberland mustremain to be settled between the French and British governments inEurope. I do further certify that captain Flinders did, in my presence, apply tothe chief of the staff in the Isle of France, for certificates of theabove log book and schooner being refused to be given up; and also for acertificate of two boxes of despatches having been taken on his arrivalin this island, in December 1803, and that I have since made a similarapplication to the same officer for the said certificates; but which havebeen refused for the same alleged reason as before given to me by HisExcellency the captain-general De Caen. Witness my hand on board the Harriet cartel, in Port Napoléon, Isle of France, this 9th of June 1810. (Signed) H. HOPE, Commissary and agent of the British government in Indiafor the exchange of prisoners. It may probably be asked, what could be general De Caen's object inrefusing throughout to give up this log book, or to suffer any copy to betaken? I can see no other reasonable one, than that the statements fromit, sent to the French government as reasons for detaining me a prisoner, might have been partial and mutilated extracts; and he did not choose tohave his accusations disproved by the production either of the originalor an authentic copy. Besides this book and the little schooner, I lost acask containing pieces of rock collected from different parts of TerraAustralis, the two spy-glasses taken in the Garden Prison, and varioussmall articles belonging to myself; but I was too happy at the prospectof getting out of the island to make any difficulty upon these heads. [OFF MAURITIUS. ] On the same morning that the pilot came on board, the anchors wereweighed; but in swinging out, the ship touched the ground, and hung tillpast four in the afternoon. During this time we saw L'Estafette coming inwith a flag of truce from the squadron; and the boat that went to meether was returning when the cartel had floated off, and sail was made. Wewere a good deal alarmed at what might be the subject of L'Estafette'scommunication, and particularly anxious to get without side of the portbefore any counter order should come from the general; at sunset it waseffected, the French pilot left us, and after a captivity of six years, five months and twenty-seven days, I at length had the inexpressiblepleasure of being out of the reach of general De Caen. Three frigates and a sloop of war composed the squadron cruising beforethe port; but instead of coming to speak us for information, as wasexpected, we observed them standing away to the southward; a proceedingwhich could be reconciled only upon the supposition, that commodoreRowley had sent in an offer not to communicate with the cartel. This wastoo important an affair to me to be let pass without due inquiry; myendeavours were therefore used with Mr. Ramsden, the commander, to inducehim to run down to the ships; and this was done, on finding theypersisted in stretching to the southward. At nine o'clock Mr. Ramsdenwent in a boat to the Boadicea, but was desired to keep off; a letter washanded to him for the commissary, containing a copy of one sent in byL'Estafette, wherein it was proposed, if general De Caen would suffer thecartel to sail, that she should not be visited by any ship under thecommodore's orders. Mr. Hope replied that the cartel had not come out inconsequence of this proposal, nor had the boat reached the shore at thetime; and this point being clearly ascertained, a communication wasopened, and I applied for a passage to the Cape of Good Hope. It happenedfortunately, that the Otter sloop of war was required to go thereimmediately with despatches; and the commodore having satisfied himselfthat no engagement of the commissary opposed it, complied with myrequest. Next day I took leave of Mr. Hope, to whose zeal and address Iowed so much, and wished my companions in the cartel, with her worthycommander, a good voyage; and after dining with commodore Rowley, embarked in the evening on board the Otter with captain Tomkinson. On bidding adieu to Mauritius, it is but justice to declare that duringmy long residence in the island, as a marked object of suspicion to thegovernment, the kind attention of the inhabitants who could have accessto me was invariable; never, in any place, or amongst any people, have Iseen more hospitality and attention to strangers--more sensibility tothe misfortunes of others, of what ever nation, than here--than I havemyself experienced in Mauritius. To the names of the two families whoseunremitting kindness formed a great counterpoise to the protractedpersecution of their governor, might be added a long list of others whoseendeavours were used to soften my captivity; and who sought to alleviatethe chagrin which perhaps the strongest minds cannot but sometimes feelin the course of years, when reflecting on their far-distant families andfriends, on their prospects in life indefinitely suspended, and theirhopes of liberty and justice followed by continual disappointment; and tothe honour of the inhabitants in general be it spoken, that many who knewno more than my former employment and my misfortunes, sought to render meservice by such ways as seemed open to them. The long continuation andnotorious injustice of my imprisonment had raised a sensation more strongand widely extended than I could believe, before arriving at Port Louisto embark in the cartel; when the number of persons who sought to beintroduced, for the purpose of offering their felicitations upon thisunexpected event, confirmed what had been before said by my friends; andafforded a satisfactory proof that even arbitrary power, animated bystrong national prejudice, though it may turn aside or depress for atime, cannot yet extinguish in a people the broad principles of justiceand humanity generally prevalent in the human heart. Some part of my desire to ascertain the motives which influenced generalDe Caen to act so contrary to the passport of the first consul, and tothe usages adopted towards voyages of discovery, may perhaps be felt bythe reader; and he may therefore not be displeased to see the leadingpoints in his conduct brought into one view, in order to deducingtherefrom some reasonable conclusion. On arriving at Mauritius after the shipwreck, and producing my passportand commission, the captain-general accused me of being an impostor; tookpossession of the Cumberland with the charts and journals of my voyage, and made me a close prisoner. On the following day, without any previouschange of conduct or offering an explanation, he invited me to his table. All other books and papers were taken on the fourth day, and myimprisonment confirmed; the alleged cause for it being the expression inmy journal of a desire to become acquainted with _the periodical winds, the port, and present state of the colony_, which it was asserted werecontrary to the passport; though it was not said that I knew of the warwhen the desire was expressed. After three months seclusion as a _spy_, I was admitted to join theprisoners of war, and in twenty months to go into the interior of theisland, on _parole_; I there had liberty to range two leagues all round, and was unrestricted either from seeing any person within those limits orwriting to any part of the world. It might be thought, that the mostcertain way of counteracting my desire to gain information alleged to becontrary to the passport, would have been _to send me from the island_;but general De Caen took the contrary method, and kept me there above sixyears. His feeling for my situation, and desire to receive orders from theFrench marine minister had been more than once expressed, when at the endof three years and a half, he sent official information that thegovernment granted my liberty and the restitution of the Cumberland; andthis was accompanied with the promise, that I, so soon as circumstanceswould permit, I should fully enjoy the favour which had been granted meby His Majesty the Emperor and "King;" yet, after a delay of _fifteenmonths_, an application was answered by saying, "that having communicatedto His Excellency the marine minister the motives which had determinedhim to suspend my return to Europe, he could not authorize my departurebefore having received an answer upon the subject;" in twenty monthsmore, however, he let me go, and declared to Mr. Commissary Hope that itwas _not in consequence of any orders from France_. When first imprisoned in 1803, for having expressed a wish to learn thepresent state of the colony, there was no suspicion of any projectedattack upon it; in 1810, preparations of defence were making against anattack almost immediately expected, and there were few circumstancesrelating to the island in which I was not as well informed as thegeneralitv of the inhabitants; then it was, after giving me theopportunity of becoming acquainted with the town and harbour of PortLouis, that general De Caen suffered me to go away in a ship bound to theplace whence the attack was expected, and without laying any restrictionupon my communications. Such are the leading characteristics of the conduct pursued by HisExcellency general De Caen, and they will be admitted to be so farcontradictory as to make the reconciling them with any uniform principlea difficult task; with the aid however of various collateralcircumstances, of opinions entertained by well informed people, and offacts which transpired in the shape of opinions, I will endeavour to givesome insight into his policy; requesting the reader to bear in mind thatmuch of what is said must necessarily depend upon conjecture. After the peace of Amiens, general De Caen went out to Pondicherry ascaptain-general of all the French possessions to the east of the Cape ofGood Hope; he had a few troops and a number of extra officers, some ofwhom appear to have been intended for seapoy regiments proposed to beraised, and others for the service of the Mahrattas. The plan ofoperations in India was probably extensive, but the early declaration ofwar by England put a stop to them, and obliged His Excellency to abandonthe brilliant prospect of making a figure in the annals of the East; hethen came to Mauritius, exclaiming against the perfidy of the Britishgovernment, and with a strong dislike, if not hatred to the whole nation. I arrived about three months subsequent to this period, and the day afterM. Barrois had been sent on board Le Géographe with despatches forFrance; which transaction being contrary to the English passport, andsubjecting the ship to capture, if known, it was resolved to detain me ashort time, and an embargo was laid upon all neutral ships for ten days. It would appear that the report of the commandant at La Savanne gave somesuspicion of my identity, which was eagerly adopted as a cause ofdetention; I was therefore accused at once of imposture, closelyconfined, and my books, papers, and vessel seized. Next day anotherreport arrived from La Savanne, that of major Dunienville; from which, and the examination I had just undergone, it appeared that the accusationof imposture was untenable; an invitation to go to the general's tablewas then sent me, no suspicion being entertained that this condescensionto an Englishman, and to an officer of inferior rank, might not bethought an equivalent for what had passed. My refusal of the intendedhonour until set at liberty, so much exasperated the captain-general thathe determined to make me repent it; and a wish to be acquainted with thepresent state of Mauritius being found in my journal, it was fixed uponas a pretext for detaining me until orders should arrive from France, bywhich an imprisonment of at least twelve months was insured. The firstmotive for my detention therefore arose from the infraction previouslymade of the English passport, by sending despatches in Le Géographe; andthe probable cause of its being prolonged beyond what seems to have beenoriginally intended, was to punish me for refusing the invitation todinner. The marine minister's letter admits little doubt that general De Caenknew, on the return of his brother-in-law in January 1805, that thecouncil of state at Paris, though approving of his conduct, proposedgranting my liberty and the restitution of the Cumberland; and he musthave expected by every vessel to receive orders to that effect; butpunishment had not yet produced a sufficient degree of humiliation tomake him execute such an order willingly. When the exchange was made withcommodore Osborn in the following August, it became convenient to let mequit the Garden Prison, in order to take away the sentinels; captainBergeret also, who as a prisoner in India had been treated withdistinction, strongly pressed my going into the country; thesecircumstances alone might possibly have induced the captain-general totake the parole of one who had been detained as a spy; but his subsequentconduct leaves a strong suspicion that he proposed to make the portion ofliberty, thus granted as a favour, subservient to evading the expectedorder from France, should such a measure be then desirable. At length theorder arrived, and three years and a half of detention had not producedany very sensible effect on his prisoner; the execution of it wastherefore suspended, until another reference should be made to thegovernment and an answer returned. What was the subject of this referencecould not be known, but there existed in the island only one conjecture;that from having had such a degree of liberty during near two years, Ihad acquired a knowledge of the colony which made it unsafe to permit mydeparture. Extensive wars were at this time carrying on in Europe, the French armswere victorious, and general De Caen saw his former companions becomingcounts, dukes, and marshals of the empire, whilst he remained an untitledgeneral of division; he and his officers, as one of them told me, thenfelt themselves little better circumstanced than myself--than prisonersin an almost forgotten speck of the globe, with their promotionsuspended. Rumours of a premeditated attack at length reached the island, which it was said the captain-general heard with pleasure; and it wasattributed to the prospect of making military levies on the inhabitants, and increasing his authority by the proclamation of martial law; but if Imistake not, the general's pleasure arose from more extended views and amore permanent source. If the island were attacked and he could repulsethe English forces, distinction would follow; if unsuccessful, acapitulation would restore him to France and the career of advancement. An attack was therefore desirable; and as the captain-general probablyimagined that an officer who had been six years a prisoner, and whoseliberty had been so often requested by the different authorities inIndia, would not only be anxious to forward it with all his might, butthat his representations would be attended to, the pretexts beforealleged for my imprisonment and the answer from France were waved; andafter passing six weeks in the town of Port Louis and five on board aship in the harbour, from which I had before been debarred, he sufferedme to depart in a cartel bound to the place where the attack was publiclysaid to be in meditation. This is the sole motive which, upon a review ofthe general's conduct, I can assign for being set at liberty sounexpectedly, and without any restriction upon my communications; and ifsuch a result to an attack upon Mauritius were foreseen by the presentcount De Caen, captain-general of Catalonia, events have proved that hewas no mean calculator. But perhaps this, as well as the precedingconjectures on his motives may be erroneous; if so, possibly the counthimself, or some one on the part of the French government may give a morecorrect statement--one which may not only reconcile the facts herebrought together, but explain many lesser incidents which have beenomitted from fear of tiring the patience of the reader. [CAPE OF GOOD HOPE. ] I thought it a happy concurrence of circumstances, that on the same daywe quitted Port Louis in the cartel, the arrival of a frigate from Indiashould require commodore Rowley to despatch the Otter to the Cape of GoodHope. Captain Tomkinson took his departure on the 14th at nine in theevening, from Cape Brabant, with a fresh trade wind and squally weather;at noon next day the island Bourbon was in sight, and the breakers on thesouth-east end distinguishable from the deck; but thick clouds obscuredall the hills. The winds from south-east and north-east carried us to thelatitude 27° and longitude 49°; they were afterwards variable, andsometimes foul for days together, and we did not make the coast of Africauntil the 3rd of July [JULY 1810]. Being then in latitude 34° 52' andlongitude 25½°, the hills were descried at the distance of twenty leaguesto the northward; and the water being remarkably smooth, the lead washove, but no bottom found at 200 fathoms. A continuance of western windsobliged us to work along the greater part of the coast, and Cape Agulhaswas not seen before the 10th; we then had a strong breeze at S. E. , andCape Hanglip being distinguished at dusk, captain Tomkinson steered upFalse Bay, and anchored at eleven at night in 22 fathoms, sandy bottom. In this passage of twenty-six days from Mauritius, the error in deadreckoning amounted to 1° 18' south and 2° 21' west, which might bereasonably attributed to the current. On the 11th we ran into Simon's Bay, and captain Tomkinson set offimmediately for Cape Town with his despatches to vice-admiral Bertie andHis Excellency the earl of Caledon; he took also a letter from me to theadmiral, making application, conformably to my instructions, for theearliest passage to England; and requesting, if any circumstance shouldplace general De Caen within his power, that he would be pleased todemand my journal from him, and cause it to be transmitted to theAdmiralty. I went on shore next morning and waited upon colonel sirEdward Butler, the commanding officer at Simon's Town; and learning thatan India packet had put into Table Bay, on her way to England, madepreparation for going over on the following day. At noon, however, atelegraphic signal expressed the admiral's desire to see me immediately;and as the packet was expected to stop only a short time, I hoped it wasfor the purpose of embarking in her, and hastened over with horses and adragoon guide furnished by the commandant; but to my mortification, thepacket was standing out of Table Bay at the time I alighted at theadmiral's door, and no other opportunity for England presented itself formore than six weeks afterward. During the tedious time of waiting at Cape Town for a passage, I receivedmuch polite attention from His Excellency the earl of Caledon, and Mr. Alexander, secretary to the colony; as also from the Hon. General Grey, commander of the forces, commissioner Shield of the navy, and severalother civil and military officers of the Cape establishment. I madelittle excursions to Constantia and in the neighbourhood of the town; butfeared to go into the interior of the country lest an opportunity, suchas that which the India packet had presented, might be lost. Towards thelatter end of August [AUGUST 1810], captain Parkinson of the army andlieutenant Robb of the navy arrived from commodore Rowley's squadron, with intelligence of the island Bourbon being captured; and a cutterbeing ordered to convey them to England, I requested of the admiral andobtained a passage in her. SEPTEMBER 1810 We sailed from Simon's Bay on the 28th August, in the Olympia, commandedby lieutenant Henry Taylor; and after a passage of fourteen days, anchored in St. Helena road on the afternoon of September 11; and havingobtained water and a few supplies from the town, sailed again the samenight. On the 16th, passed close to the north side of Ascension, in thehope of procuring a turtle should any vessel be lying there; but seeingnone, steered onward and crossed the Line on the 19th, in longitude 19½°west. The trade wind shifted to the S. W. In latitude 5° north, andcontinued to blow until we had reached abreast of the Cape-Verde Islands, as it had done at the same time of year in 1801. At my recommendationlieutenant Taylor did not run so far west as ships usually do inreturning to England, but passed the Cape-Verdes not further distant thansixty leagues; we there met the north-east trade, and on the 29th Mr. Taylor took the brig Atalante from Mauritius. [IN ENGLAND] OCTOBER 1810 On reaching the latitude 22¾° north and longitude 33° west, thenorth-east trade veered to east and south-eastward, which enabled us tomake some easting; and being succeeded by north-west winds, we passedwithin the Azores, and took a fresh departure from St. Mary's on the 15thof October. Soundings in 75 fathoms were obtained on the 21st, at theentrance of the English Channel; but it then blew a gale of wind from thewestward, and obliged us to lie to on this, as it did on the followingnight; and it was greatly feared that the cutter would be driven on thecoast of France, near the Casket rocks. In the morning of the 23rd, thewind being more moderate, we made sail to the northward, and got sight ofthe Bill of Portland; and at five in the evening came to an anchor inStudland Bay, off the entrance of Pool Harbour, after a run from St. Helena of six weeks; which in an indifferent sailing vessel, very leaky, and excessively ill found, must be considered an excellent passage. Captain Parkinson and lieutenant Robb went off the same night with theirdespatches; and next morning we ran through the Needles and came to atSpithead, where the prize brig, from which we had been long separated, had just before dropped her anchor. I went on shore to wait upon admiralsir Roger Curtis, and the same evening set off for London; having beenabsent from England nine years and three months, and nearly four yearsand a half without intelligence from any part of my connexions. The account of the Investigator's voyage, and of the events resultingfrom it is concluded; but there is one or two circumstances which thenaval reader may probably desire to see further explained. A regulation adopted at the Admiralty forbids any officer to be promotedwhilst a prisoner, upon the principle apparently, that officers in thatsituation have almost always to undergo a court martial, which cannot bedone until they are set at liberty. My case was made subject to thisregulation, although it required no court martial; and was moreover sodifferent to that of prisoners in general, that nothing similar perhapsever occurred. In consequence of my French passport, not only was thepossibility of reaping any advantage from the war done away, but theliberation on parole or by exchange, granted to all others in Mauritius, was refused for years, the passport removing me from the class ofprisoners of war; yet one of the greatest hardships to officers of astate of warfare was at the same time applied to me in England, andcontinued throughout this protracted detention. So soon as it was knownthat I had been released, and was arrived at the Cape of Good Hope, acommission for post rank was issued; and on my representations to theRight Hon. Charles Yorke, first lord commissioner of the Admiralty, bywhom I had the honour to be received with the condescension and feelingnatural to his character, he was pleased to direct that it should takedate as near to that of general De Caen's permission to quit Mauritius, as the patent which constituted the existing Board of Admiralty wouldallow. A more retrospective date could be given to it only by an order ofthe King in council; unhappily His Majesty was then incapable ofexercising his royal functions; and when the Regency was established, myproposed petition did not meet with that official encouragement which wasnecessary to obtain success. It was candidly acknowledged, that myservices in the Investigator would have been deemed a sufficient title toadvancement in 1804, had I then arrived in England and the Admiralty beencomposed of the same members; but no representation could overcome thereluctance to admitting an exception to the established rule; thus theinjustice of the French governor of Mauritius, besides all its otherconsequences, was attended with the loss of six years post rank in HisMajesty's naval service. One of my first cares was to seek the means of relieving some relationsof my Mauritius friends, prisoners of war in England; and in a fewmonths, through the indulgence of the Admiralty and of the earl ofLiverpool, secretary of state for the colonies, I had the gratificationof sending five young men back to the island, to families who had shownkindness to English prisoners. The Board of Admiralty was pleased to countenance the publication of theInvestigator's voyage by providing for the charts and embellishments; anda strong representation was made by its directions to the Frenchgovernment, upon the subjects of my detained journal, the schoonerCumberland, and the parole exacted on quitting Mauritius. A release fromthe parole was transmitted in April 1812, after three applications; butupon the other points it was answered, that "the vessel of captainFlinders was at the Isle of France at the capitulation of that colony, and returned in consequence to the power of the English government. Withrespect to the journal of that navigator, as it did not make part of thepapers brought from the Isle of France by the prefect of that colony, ademand has been made for it to the captain-general De Caen, who is withthe army. In default of an answer he will be again written to, and sosoon as it shall be remitted, my first object will be to send it. " TheCumberland had been seized in 1803, and the capitulation was made in1810; in the interval, both vessel and stores, if not used, would be ingreat part rotten; but I saw the Cumberland employed in the Frenchservice, and believe that the stores were also. General De Caen, itappeared, still kept the log book in his own hands; although, ifconsidered to be private property, it was undoubtedly mine, and if as apublic document it ought to have been given up at the capitulation, or atleast to have been deposited in the office of the marine minister. Butthe captain-general had probably his reasons for not wishing even theminister to see it; and up to this time, the commencement of 1814, he hasso far persevered against both public and private applications, thatneither the original nor a copy has been obtained. APPENDIX I. ACCOUNT OF THE OBSERVATIONS BY WHICH THE LONGITUDES OF PLACES ON THEEAST AND NORTH COASTS OF TERRA AUSTRALIS HAVE BEEN SETTLED. In the Appendix to Vol. I. A statement was made of the circumstancesunder which the observations for settling the longitudes of places on theSouth Coast were taken; as also of the method used in the calculations, and the corrections applied more than what is usual in the commonpractice at sea. That statement is equally applicable to the followingtables for the East and North Coasts, and the explanation of theirdifferent columns is the same; a reference therefore to the formerAppendix will render unnecessary any further remark on these heads. The first observations on the East Coast were taken at Port Jackson, andthe results would naturally form the first table of this Appendix; butthese observations being so intimately connected with those on the SouthCoast that the time keepers could not receive their final correctionswithout them, the Port-Jackson table became an indispensable conclusionto the former series; and it is thought unnecessary to repeat it in thisplace. The following tables, set out in the book, are not reproduced in thistext version of _A Voyage to Terra Australis_--refer to the _html_version, available from http://gutenberg. Net. Table I. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter I. )LONGITUDE OF THE ANCHORAGE IN KEPPEL BAY. Table II. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter III. )LONGITUDE OF UPPER HEAD, IN BROAD SOUND. Table III. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter VI. )LONGITUDE OF SWEERS' ISLAND, GULPH OF CARPENTARIA. Table IV. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter VII)LONGITUDE OF OBSERVATION ISLAND, SIR E. PELLEW'S GROUP. Table V. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter VIII. )LONGITUDE OF FINCH'S ISLAND, IN N. W. BAY--GROOTE EYLANDT. Table VI. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter VIII. )LONGITUDE OF THE TENTS, IN CALEDON BAY. Table VII. (Reference from BOOK II Chapter IX. )LONGITUDE OF THE ANCHORAGE IN COEPANG BAY, TIMOR. Table VIII. (Reference from BOOK III. Chapter II. )LONGITUDE OF WRECK-REEF BANK, LYING OFF THE EAST COAST. Table IX. (Reference from BOOK III. Chapter V. )LONGITUDE OF THE GARDEN PRISON, 1' N. E. FROM PORT LOUIS--MAURITIUS. APPENDIX II ON THE ERRORS OF THE COMPASS ARISING FROM ATTRACTIONS WITHIN THE SHIP, AND OTHERS FROM THE MAGNETISM OF LAND; WITH PRECAUTIONS FOR OBVIATINGTHEIR EFFECTS IN MARINE SURVEYING. [Not included in this ebook. ] APPENDIX III GENERAL REMARKS, GEOGRAPHICAL AND SYSTEMATICAL, ON THE BOTANY OF TERRAAUSTRALIS. BY ROBERT BROWN, F. R. S. ACAD. REG. SCIENT. BEROLIN. CORRESP. , NATURALIST TO THE VOYAGE. A LIST OF PLANTS NATIVE BOTH OF TERRA AUSTRALIS AND OF EUROPE. DESCRIPTION OF PLANTS FIGURED IN THE ATLAS. [Not included in this ebook. ] END OF VOLUME II