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 * * * * *

 A STUDY

 of

 PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE:

 Tusayan And Cibola. 

 by

 Victor Mindeleff. 

 * * * * *

CONTENTS. 

Introduction 13

CHAPTER I. --Traditionary history of Tusayan 16 Explanatory 16 Summary of traditions 16 List of traditionary gentes 38 Supplementary legend 40

CHAPTER II. --Ruins and inhabited villages of Tusayan 42 Physical features of the province 42 Methods of survey 44 Plans and description of ruins 45 Walpi ruins 46 Old Mashongnavi 47 Shitaimuvi 48 Awatubi 49 Horn House 50 Small ruin near Horn House 51 Bat House 52 Mishiptonga 52 Moen-kopi 53 Ruins on the Oraibi wash 54 Kwaituki 56 Tebugkihu, or Fire House 57 Chukubi 59 Payupki 59 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 61 Hano 61 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63 Mashongnavi 66 Shupaulovi 71 Shumopavi 73 Oraibi 76 Moen-kopi 77

CHAPTER III. --Ruins and inhabited villages of Cibola 80 Physical features of the province 80 Plans and descriptions of ruins 80 Hawikuh 80 Ketchipauan 81 Chalowe 83 Hampassawan 84 K’iakima 85 Matsaki 86 Pinawa 86 Halona 88 Tâaaiyalana ruins 89 Kin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde 91 Plans and descriptions of inhabited villages 94 Nutria 94 Pescado 95 Ojo Caliente 96 Zuñi 97

CHAPTER IV. --Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola compared by constructional details 100 Introduction 100 Housebuilding 100 Rites and methods 100 Localization of gentes 104 Interior arrangement 108 Kivas in Tusayan 111 General use of kivas by pueblo builders 111 Origin of the name 111 Antiquity of the kiva 111 Excavation of the kiva 112 Access 113 Masonry 114 Orientation 115 The ancient form of kiva 116 Native explanations of position 117 Methods of kiva building and rites 118 Typical plans 118 Work by women 129 Consecration 129 Various uses of kivas 130 Kiva ownership 133 Motives for building a kiva 134 Significance of structural plan 135 Typical measurements 136 List of Tusayan Kivas 136 Details of Tusayan and Cibola construction 137 Walls 137 Roofs and floors 148 Wall copings and roof drains 151 Ladders and steps 156 Cooking pits and ovens 162 Oven-shaped structures 167 Fireplaces and chimneys 167 Gateways and covered passages 180 Doors 182 Windows 194 Roof openings 201 Furniture 208 Corrals and gardens; eagle cages 214 “Kisi” construction 217 Architectural nomenclature 220

Concluding remarks 223

ILLUSTRATIONS. 

 Page. Plate I. Map of the provinces of Tusayan and Cibola 12 II. Old Mashongnavi, plan 14 III. General view of Awatubi 16 IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan 18 V. Standing walls of Awatubi 20 VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi 22 VII. Horn House ruin, plan 24 VIII. Bat House 26 IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh) 28 X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi 30 XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail 32 XII. Chukubi, plan 34 XIII. Payupki, plan 36 XIV. General view of Payupki 38 XV. Standing walls of Payupki 40 XVI. Plan of Hano 42 XVII. View of Hano 44 XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi 46 XIX. View of Sichumovi 48 XX. Plan of Walpi 50 XXI. View of Walpi 52 XXII. South passageway of Walpi 54 XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi 56 XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi 58 XXV. Foot trail to Walpi 60 XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan 62 XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance 64 XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row 66 XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi 68 XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi 70 XXXI. View of Shupaulovi 72 XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi 74 XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi 76 XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi 78 XXXV. View of Shumopavi 80 XXXVI. Oraibi, plan In pocket. XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes 82 XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi 84 XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi 86 XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side 88 XLI. Back of Oraibi house row 90 XLII. The site of Moen-kopi 92 XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi 94 XLIV. Moen-kopi 96 XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi 98 XLVI. Hawikuh, plan 100 XLVII. Hawikuh, view 102 XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh 104 XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan 106 L. Ketchipauan 108 LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan 110 LII. K’iakima, plan 112 LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana 114 LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima 116 LV. Matsaki, plan 118 LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa 120 LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi 122 LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall 124 LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi 126 LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan 128 LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins 130 LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana 132 LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations) 134 LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel 136 LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel 138 LXVI. Kinna-Zinde 140 LXVII. Nutria, plan 142 LXVIII. Nutria, view 144 LXIX. Pescado, plan 146 LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals 148 LXXI. Pescado houses 150 LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado 152 LXXIII. Ojo Caliente, plan In pocket. LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente 154 LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente 156 LXXVI. Zuñi, plan In pocket. LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing distribution of oblique openings 158 LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking west 160 LXXIX. Zuñi terraces 162 LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi 164 LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi 166 LXXXII. A Zuñi court 168 LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house 170 LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi 172 LXXXV. A Tusayan interior 174 LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior 176 LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan 178 LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast 180 LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel 182 XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi. 184 XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi 186 XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente 188 XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall 190 XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado 192 XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel 194 XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi 196 XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi 198 XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders 200 XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado 202 C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel 204 CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi 206 CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi 208 CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel 210 CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi 212 CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito 214 CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria 216 CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in Oraibi, converting it into a doorway 218 CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi 220 CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi 222 CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado 224 CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage 226

 Page. Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa 43 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound 47 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House 51 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan 53 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi 55 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki) 56 7. Oval fire-house ruin, plan. (Tebugkihu) 58 8. Topography of the site of Walpi 64 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi 66 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 67 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 68 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi 69 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi 71 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi 75 15. Hampassawan, plan 84 16. Pinawa, plan 87 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall 94 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram 95 19. A Tusayan wood-rack 103 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room 108 21. North kivas of Shumopavi from the southwest 114 22. Ground plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 122 23. Ceiling-plan of the chief-kiva of Shupaulovi 123 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva 124 25. Ground-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 26. Ceiling-plan of a Shupaulovi kiva 125 27. Ground-plan of the chief-kiva of Mashongnavi 126 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan 127 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kivas 128 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva 131 31. Loom-post in kiva floor at Tusayan 132 32. A Zuñi chimney showing pottery fragments embedded in its adobe base 139 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface 139 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in a rain-washed wall 141 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente 142 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi, executed in pink on a white ground 146 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction 149 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof-beams over round girders 151 39. Single stone roof-drains 153 40. Trough roof-drains of stone 153 41. Wooden roof-drains 154 42. Curved roof-drains of stone in Tusayan 154 43. Tusayan roof-drains; a discarded metate and a gourd 155 44. Zuñi roof-drain, with splash-stones on roof below 156 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi 157 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi 157 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder 158 48. Stone steps at Oraibi with platform at corner 161 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi 161 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi 162 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi 163 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163 54. Diagrams showing foundation stones of a Zuñi oven 164 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry 165 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry 166 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi 167 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven 167 60. Ground-plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel 168 61. A corner chimney-hood with two supporting poles, Tusayan 170 62. A curved chimney-hood of Mashongnavi 170 63. A Mashongnavi chimney-hood and walled-up fireplace 171 64. A chimney-hood of Shupaulovi 172 65. A semi-detached square chimney-hood of Zuñi 172 66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney-hoods, illustrating construction 173 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi 174 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi 174 69. Piki stone and chimney-hood in Sichumovi 175 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi 176 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi 177 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi 177 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney 178 74. Tusayan chimneys 179 75. A barred Zuñi door 183 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door 184 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano 185 78. Framing of a Zuñi door panel 186 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings 188 80. A large Tusayan doorway, with small transom openings 189 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi 189 82. An ancient doorway in a Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin 190 83. A symmetrical notched doorway in Mashongnavi 190 84. A Tusayan notched doorway 191 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb 192 86. An ancient circular doorway, or “stone-close, ” in Kin-tiel 193 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of small openings in Pueblo Bonito 195 88. Incised decoration on a rude window-sash in Zuñi 196 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall on upper terrace 197 90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite 197 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi house cluster 198 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan 199 93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window 201 94. Zuñi roof-openings 202 95. A Zuñi roof-opening with raised coping 203 96. Zuñi roof-openings with one raised end 203 97. A Zuñi roof-hole with cover 204 98. Kiva trap-door in Zuñi 205 99. Halved and pinned trap-door frame of a Zuñi kiva 206 100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings 208 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house 209 102. A Tusayan grain bin 210 103. A Zuñi plume-box 210 104. A Zuñi plume-box 210 105. A Tusayan mealing trough 211 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate 211 107. Zuñi stools 213 108. A Zuñi chair 213 109. Construction of a Zuñi corral 215 110. Gardens of Zuñi 216 111. “Kishoni, ” or uncovered shade, of Tusayan 218 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest 219 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast 219 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names 223

 [Illustration: Plate I. General Map of the Pueblo Region of Arizona and New Mexico, Showing Relative Position of the Provinces of Tusayan and Cibola. By Victor Mindeleff. ]

 * * * * *

 A STUDY OF PUEBLO ARCHITECTURE IN TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA. 

 By Victor Mindeleff. 

 * * * * *

INTRODUCTION. 

The remains of pueblo architecture are found scattered over thousandsof square miles of the arid region of the southwestern plateaus. Thisvast area includes the drainage of the Rio Pecos on the east and thatof the Colorado on the west, and extends from central Utah on the northbeyond the limits of the United States southward, in which direction itsboundaries are still undefined. 

The descendants of those who at various times built these stonevillages are few in number and inhabit about thirty pueblos distributedirregularly over parts of the region formerly occupied. Of these thegreater number are scattered along the upper course of the Rio Grandeand its tributaries in New Mexico; a few of them, comprised within theancient provinces of Cibola and Tusayan, are located within thedrainage of the Little Colorado. From the time of the earliest Spanishexpeditions into the country to the present day, a period covering morethan three centuries, the former province has been often visited bywhites, but the remoteness of Tusayan and the arid and forbiddingcharacter of its surroundings have caused its more complete isolation. The architecture of this district exhibits a close adherence toaboriginal practices, still bears the marked impress of its developmentunder the exacting conditions of an arid environment, and is but slowlyyielding to the influence of foreign ideas. 

The present study of the architecture of Tusayan and Cibola embraces allof the inhabited pueblos of those provinces, and includes a number ofthe ruins traditionally connected with them. It will be observed byreference to the map that the area embraced in these provinces comprisesbut a small portion of the vast region over which pueblo culture onceextended. 

This study is designed to be followed by a similar study of two typicalgroups of ruins, viz, that of Canyon de Chelly, in northeastern Arizona, and that of the Chaco Canyon, of New Mexico; but it has been necessaryfor the writer to make occasional reference to these ruins in thepresent paper, both in the discussion of general arrangement andcharacteristic ground plans, embodied in Chapters II and III and in thecomparison by constructional details treated in Chapter IV, in orderto define clearly the relations of the various features of puebloarchitecture. They belong to the same pueblo system illustrated by thevillages of Tusayan and Cibola, and with the Canyon de Chelly groupthere is even some trace of traditional connection, as is set forth byMr. Stephen in Chapter I. The more detailed studies of these ruins, tobe published later, together with the material embodied in the presentpaper, will, it is thought, furnish a record of the principalcharacteristics of an important type of primitive architecture, which, under the influence of the arid environment of the southwesternplateaus, has developed from the rude lodge into the many-storiedhouse of rectangular rooms. Indications of some of the steps of thisdevelopment are traceable even in the architecture of the present day. 

The pueblo of Zuñi was surveyed by the writer in the autumn of 1881with a view to procuring the necessary data for the construction of alarge-scale model of this pueblo. For this reason the work afforded arecord of external features only. 

The modern pueblos of Tusayan were similarly surveyed in the followingseason (1882-’83), the plans being supplemented by photographs, fromwhich many of the illustrations accompanying this paper have been drawn. The ruin of Awatubi was also included in the work of this season. 

In the autumn of 1885 many of the ruined pueblos of Tusayan weresurveyed and examined. It was during this season’s work that the detailsof the kiva construction, embodied in the last chapter of this paper, were studied, together with interior details of the dwellings. It was inthe latter part of this season that the farming pueblos of Cibola weresurveyed and photographed. 

The Tusayan farming pueblo of Moen-kopi and a number of the ruins in theprovince were surveyed and studied in the early part of the season of1887-’88, the latter portion of which season was principally devoted toan examination of the Chaco ruins in New Mexico. 

In the prosecution of the field work above outlined the author has beengreatly indebted to the efficient assistance and hearty cooperation ofMr. Cosmos Mindeleff, by whom nearly all the pueblos illustrated, withthe exception of Zuñi, have been surveyed and platted. 

The plans obtained have involved much careful work with surveyinginstruments, and have all been so platted as faithfully to record theminute variations from geometric forms which are so characteristic ofthe pueblo work, but which have usually been ignored in the hastilyprepared sketch plans that have at times appeared. In consequence ofthe necessary omission of just such information in hastily drawn plans, erroneous impressions have been given regarding the degree of skill towhich the pueblo peoples had attained in the planning and building oftheir villages. In the general distribution of the houses, and in thealignment and arrangement of their walls, as indicated in the plansshown in Chapters II and III, an absence of high architecturalattainment is found, which is entirely in keeping with the lack of skillapparent in many of the constructional devices shown in Chapter IV. 

 [Illustration: Plate II. Old Mashongnavi, plan. ]

In preparing this paper for publication Mr. Cosmos Mindeleff hasrendered much assistance in the revision of manuscript, and in thepreparation of some of the final drawings of ground plans; on him hasalso fallen the compilation and arrangement of Mr. A. M. Stephen’straditionary material from Tusayan, embraced in the first chapter of thepaper. 

This latter material is of special interest in a study of the pueblos asindicating some of the conditions under which this architectural typewas developed, and it appropriately introduces the more purelyarchitectural study by the author. 

Such traditions must be used as history with the utmost caution, and only for events that are very recent. Time relations are oftenhopelessly confused and the narratives are greatly incumbered withmythologic details. But while so barren in definite information, thesetraditions are of the greatest value, often through their merelyincidental allusions, in presenting to our minds a picture of theconditions under which the repeated migrations of the pueblo builderstook place. 

The development of architecture among the Pueblo Indians wascomparatively rapid and is largely attributable to frequent changes, migrations, and movements of the people as described in Mr. Stephen’saccount. These changes were due to a variety of causes, such as disease, death, the frequent warfare carried on between different tribes andbranches of the builders, and the hostility of outside tribes; but amost potent factor was certainly the inhospitable character of theirenvironment. The disappearance of some venerated spring during anunusually dry season would be taken as a sign of the disfavor of thegods, and, in spite of the massive character of the buildings, wouldlead to the migration of the people to a more favorable spot. Thetraditions of the Zuñis, as well as those of the Tusayan, frequentlyrefer to such migrations. At times tribes split up and separate, andagain phratries or distant groups meet and band together. It isremarkable that the substantial character of the architecture shouldpersist through such long series of compulsory removals, but while thebuilders were held together by the necessity for defense against theirwilder neighbors or against each other, this strong defensive motivewould perpetuate the laborious type of construction. Such conditionswould contribute to the rapid development of the building art. 

CHAPTER I. 

TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF TUSAYAN. 

EXPLANATORY. 

In this chapter[1] is presented a summary of the traditions of theTusayan, a number of which were collected from old men, from Walpi onthe east to Moen-kopi on the west. A tradition varies much with thetribe and the individual; an authoritative statement of the currenttradition on any point could be made only with a complete knowledge ofall traditions extant. Such knowledge is not possessed by any one man, and the material included in this chapter is presented simply as asummary of the traditions secured. 

 [Footnote 1: This chapter is compiled by Cosmos Mindeleff from material collected by A. M. Stephen. ]

The material was collected by Mr. A. M. Stephen, of Keam’s Canyon, Arizona, who has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having livedfor a number of years past in Tusayan and possessed the confidenceof the principal priests--a very necessary condition in work ofthis character. Though far from complete, this summary is a morecomprehensive presentation of the traditionary history of these peoplethan has heretofore been published. 

SUMMARY OF TRADITIONS. 

The creation myths of the Tusayan differ widely, but none of themdesignate the region now occupied as the place of their genesis. Thesepeople are socially divided into family groups called wi´ngwu, thedescendants of sisters, and groups of wi´ngwu tracing descent from thesame female ancestor, and having a common totem called my´umu. Each ofthese totemic groups preserves a creation myth, carrying in its detailsspecial reference to themselves; but all of them claim a common originin the interior of the earth, although the place of emergence to thesurface is set in widely separated localities. They all agree inmaintaining this to be the fourth plane on which mankind has existed. Inthe beginning all men lived together in the lowest depths, in a regionof darkness and moisture; their bodies were misshaped and horrible, andthey suffered great misery, moaning and bewailing continually. Throughthe intervention of Myúingwa (a vague conception known as the god of theinterior) and of Baholikonga (a crested serpent of enormous size, thegenius of water), the “old men” obtained a seed from which sprang amagic growth of cane. It penetrated through a crevice in the roofoverhead and mankind climbed to a higher plane. A dim light appeared inthis stage and vegetation was produced. Another magic growth of caneafforded the means of rising to a still higher plane on which the lightwas brighter; vegetation was reproduced and the animal kingdom wascreated. The final ascent to this present, or fourth plane, was effectedby similar magic growths and was led by mythic twins, according to someof the myths, by climbing a great pine tree, in others by climbing thecane, _Phragmites communis_, the alternate leaves of which affordedsteps as of a ladder, and in still others it is said to have been arush, through the interior of which the people passed up to the surface. The twins sang as they pulled the people out, and when their song wasended no more were allowed to come; and hence, many more were left belowthan were permitted to come above; but the outlet through which mankindcame has never been closed, and Myu´ingwa sends through it the germs ofall living things. It is still symbolized by the peculiar constructionof the hatchway of the kiva and in the designs on the sand altars inthese underground chambers, by the unconnected circle painted on potteryand by devices on basketry and other textile fabrics. 

 [Illustration: Plate III. General view of Awatubi. ]

All the people that were permitted to come to the surface were collectedand the different families of men were arranged together. This was doneunder the direction of twins, who are called Pekónghoya, the younger onebeing distinguished by the term Balíngahoya, the Echo. They wereassisted by their grandmother, Kóhkyang wúhti, the Spider woman, andthese appear in varying guises in many of the myths and legends. Theyinstructed the people in divers modes of life to dwell on mountain or onplain, to build lodges, or huts, or windbreaks. They distributedappropriate gifts among them and assigned each a pathway, and so thevarious families of mankind were dispersed over the earth’s surface. 

The Hopituh, [2] after being taught to build stone houses, were alsodivided, and the different divisions took separate paths. The legendsindicate a long period of extensive migrations in separate communities;the groups came to Tusayan at different times and from differentdirections, but the people of all the villages concur in designating theSnake people as the first occupants of the region. The eldest member ofthat nyumu tells a curious legend of their migration from which thefollowing is quoted:

 At the general dispersal my people lived in snake skins, each family occupying a separate snake skin bag, and all were hung on the end of a rainbow, which swung around until the end touched Navajo Mountain, where the bags dropped from it; and wherever a bag dropped, there was their house. After they arranged their bags they came out from them as men and women, and they then, built a stone house which had five sides. [The story here relates the adventures of a mythic Snake Youth, who brought back a strange woman who gave birth to rattlesnakes; these bit the people and compelled them to migrate. ] A brilliant star arose in the southeast, which would shine for a while and then disappear. The old men said, “Beneath that star there must be people, ” so they determined to travel toward it. They cut a staff and set it in the ground and watched till the star reached its top, then they started and traveled as long as the star shone; when it disappeared they halted. But the star did not shine every night, for sometimes many years elapsed before it appeared again. When this occurred, our people built houses during their halt; they built both round and square houses, and all the ruins between here and Navajo Mountain mark the places where our people lived. They waited till the star came to the top of the staff again, then they moved on, but many people were left in those houses and they followed afterward at various times. When our people reached Wipho (a spring a few miles north from Walpi) the star disappeared and has never been seen since. They built a house there and after a time Másauwu (the god of the face of the earth) came and compelled them to move farther down the valley, to a point about half way between the East and Middle Mesa, and there they stayed many plantings. One time the old men were assembled and Másauwu came among them, looking like a horrible skeleton, and his bones rattling dreadfully. He menaced them with awful gestures, and lifted off his fleshless head and thrust it into their faces; but he could not frighten them. So he said, “I have lost my wager; all that I have is yours; ask for anything you want and I will give it to you. ” At that time our people’s house was beside the water course, and Másauwu said, “Why are you sitting here in the mud? Go up yonder where it is dry. ” So they went across to the low, sandy terrace on the west side of the mesa, near the point, and built a house and lived there. Again the old men were assembled and two demons came among them and the old men took the great Baho and the nwelas and chased them away. When they were returning, and were not far north from, their village, they met the Lenbaki (Cane-Flute, a religious society still maintained) of the Horn family. The old men would not allow them to come in until Másauwu appeared and declared them to be good Hopituh. So they built houses adjoining ours and that made a fine, large village. Then other Hopituh came in from time to time, and our people would say, “Build here, or build there, ” and portioned the land among the new comers. 

 [Footnote 2: The term by which the Tusayan Indians proper designate themselves. This term does not include the inhabitants of the village of Tewa or Hano, who are called Hanomuh. ]

The site of the first Snake house in the valley, mentioned in theforegoing legend, is now barely to be discerned, and the people refuseto point out the exact spot. It is held as a place of votive offeringsduring the ceremony of the Snake dance, and, as its name, Bátni, implies, certain rain-fetiches are deposited there in small jars buriedin the ground. The site of the village next occupied can be quite easilydistinguished, and is now called Kwetcap tutwi, ash heap terrace, andthis was the village to which the name Walpi was first applied--a termmeaning the place at the notched mesa, in allusion to a broad gap in thestratum of sandstone on the summit of the mesa, and by which it can bedistinguished from a great distance. The ground plan of this early Walpican still be partly traced, indicating the former existence of anextensive village of clustering, little-roomed houses, with thick wallsconstructed of small stones. 

The advent of the Lenbaki is still commemorated by a biennial ceremony, and is celebrated on the year alternating with their other biennialceremony, the Snake dance. 

The Horn people, to which the Lenbaki belonged, have a legend of comingfrom a mountain range in the east. 

 Its peaks were always snow covered, and the trees were always green. From the hillside the plains were seen, over which roamed the deer, the antelope, and the bison, feeding on never-failing grasses. Twining through these plains were streams of bright water, beautiful to look upon. A place where none but those who were of our people ever gained access. 

 [Illustration: Plate IV. Awatubi (Talla-Hogan), plan. ]

This description suggests some region of the head-waters of the RioGrande. Like the Snake people, they tell of a protracted migration, notof continuous travel, for they remained for many seasons in one place, where they would plant and build permanent houses. One of these haltingplaces is described as a canyon with high, steep walls, in which was aflowing stream; this, it is said, was the Tségi (the Navajo name forCanyon de Chelly). Here they built a large house in a cavernous recess, high up in the canyon wall. They tell of devoting two years[3] to laddermaking and cutting and pecking shallow holes up the steep rocky side bywhich to mount to the cavern, and three years more were employed inbuilding the house. While this work was in progress part of the men wereplanting gardens, and the women and children were gathering stones. Butno adequate reason is given for thus toiling to fit this impracticablesite for occupation; the footprints of Másauwu, which they werefollowing, led them there. 

 [Footnote 3: The term yasuna, translated here as “year, ” is of rather indefinite significance; it sometimes means thirteen moons and in other instances much longer periods. ]

The legend goes on to tell that after they had lived there for a longtime a stranger happened to stray in their vicinity, who proved to be aHopituh, and said that he lived in the south. After some stay he leftand was accompanied by a party of the “Horn, ” who were to visit the landoccupied by their kindred Hopituh and return with an account of them;but they never came back. After waiting a long time another band wassent, who returned and said that the first emissaries had found wivesand had built houses on the brink of a beautiful canyon, not far fromthe other Hopituh dwellings. After this many of the Horns grewdissatisfied with their cavern home, dissensions arose, they left theirhome, and finally they reached Tusayan. They lived at first in one ofthe canyons east of the villages, in the vicinity of Keam’s Canyon, andsome of the numerous ruins on its brink mark the sites of their earlyhouses. There seems to be no legend distinctly attaching any particularruin to the Horn people, although there is little doubt that the Snakeand the Horn were the two first peoples who came to the neighborhood ofthe present villages. The Bear people were the next, but they arrived asseparate branches, and from opposite directions, although of the sameHopituh stock. It has been impossible to obtain directly the legend ofthe Bears from the west. The story of the Bears from the east tells ofencountering the Fire people, then living about 25 miles east fromWalpi; but these are now extinct, and nearly all that is known of themis told in the Bear legend, the gist of which is as follows:

The Bears originally lived among the mountains of the east, not fardistant from the Horns. Continual quarrels with neighboring villagesbrought on actual fighting, and the Bears left that region and traveledwestward. As with all the other people, they halted, built houses, andplanted, remaining stationary for a long while; this occurred atdifferent places along their route. 

A portion of these people had wings, and they flew in advance to surveythe land, and when the main body were traversing an arid region theyfound water for them. Another portion had claws with which they dugedible roots, and they could also use them for scratching hand and footholes in the face of a steep cliff. Others had hoofs, and these carriedthe heaviest burdens; and some had balls of magic spider web, which theycould use on occasion for ropes, and they could also spread the web anduse it as a mantle, rendering the wearer invisible when he apprehendeddanger. 

They too came to the Tségi (Canyon de Chelly), where they found housesbut no people, and they also built houses there. While living there arupture occurred, a portion of them separating and going far to thewestward. These seceding bands are probably that branch of the Bears whoclaim their origin in the west. Some time after this, but how long afteris not known, a plague visited the canyon, and the greater portion ofthe people moved away, but leaving numbers who chose to remain. Theycrossed the Chinli valley and halted for a short time at a place a shortdistance northeast from Great Willow water (“Eighteen Mile Spring”). They did not remain there long, however, but moved a few miles fartherwest, to a place occupied by the Fire people who lived in a large ovalhouse. The ruin of this house still stands, the walls from 5 to 8 feethigh, and remarkable from the large-sized blocks of stone used in theirconstruction; it is still known to the Hopituh as Tebvwúki, theFire-house. Here some fighting occurred, and the Bears moved westwardagain to the head of Antelope (Jeditoh) Canyon, about 4 miles fromKeam’s Canyon and about 15 miles east from Walpi. They built there arambling cluster of small-roomed houses, of which the ground plan hasnow become almost obliterated. This ruin is called by the Hopituh “theruin at the place of wild gourds. ” They seem to have occupied thisneighborhood for a considerable period, as mention is made of two orthree segregations, when groups of families moved a few miles away andbuilt similar house clusters on the brink of that canyon. 

 [Illustration: Plate V. Standing walls of Awatubi. ]

The Fire-people, who, some say, were of the Horn people, must haveabandoned their dwelling at the Oval House or must have been driven outat the time of their conflict with the Bears, and seem to have traveleddirectly to the neighborhood of Walpi. The Snakes allotted them a placeto build in the valley on the east side of the mesa, and about two milesnorth from the gap. A ridge of rocky knolls and sand dunes lies at thefoot of the mesa here, and close to the main cliff is a spring. Thereare two prominent knolls about 400 yards apart and the summits of theseare covered with traces of house walls; also portions of walls can bediscerned on all the intervening hummocks. The place is known asSikyátki, the yellow-house, from the color of the sandstone of which thehouses were built. These and other fragmentary bits have walls not overa foot thick, built of small stones dressed by rubbing, and all laid inmud; the inside of the walls also show a smooth coating of mud plaster. The dimensions of the rooms are very small, the largest measuring 9½feet long, by 4½ feet wide. It is improbable that any of thesestructures were over two stories high, and many of them were built inexcavated places around the rocky summits of the knolls. In theseinstances no rear wall was built; the partition walls, radiating atirregular angles, abut against the rock itself. Still, the great numbersof these houses, small as they were, must have been far more than theFire-people could have required, for the oval house which they abandonedmeasures not more than a hundred feet by fifty. Probably other incominggentes, of whom no story has been preserved, had also the ill fate tobuild there, for the Walpi people afterward slew all its inhabitants. 

There is little or no detail in the legends of the Bear people as totheir life in Antelope Canyon; they can now distinguish only one ruinwith certainty as having been occupied by their ancestors, while to allthe other ruins fanciful names have been applied. Nor is there anyspecial cause mentioned for abandoning their dwellings there; probably, however, a sufficient reason was the cessation of springs in theirvicinity. Traces of former large springs are seen at all of them, but nowater flows from them at the present time. Whatever their motive, theBears left Antelope Canyon, and moved over to the village of Walpi, onthe terrace below the point of the mesa. They were received kindlythere, and were apparently placed on an equal footing with the Walpi, for it seems the Snake, Horn, and Bear have always been on terms offriendship. They built houses at that village, and lived there for someconsiderable time; then they moved a short distance and built againalmost on the very point of the mesa. This change was not caused by anydisagreement with their neighbors; they simply chose that point as asuitable place on which to build all their houses together. The site ofthis Bear house is called Kisákobi, the obliterated house, and the nameis very appropriate, as there is merely the faintest trace here andthere to show where a building stood, the stones having been used in theconstruction of the modern Walpi. These two villages were quite closetogether, and the subsequent construction of a few additional groups ofrooms almost connected them, so that they were always considered andspoken of as one. 

It was at this period, while Walpi was still on this lower site, thatthe Spaniards came into the country. They met with little or noopposition, and their entrance was marked by no great disturbances. Nospecial tradition preserves any of the circumstances of this event;these first coming Spaniards being only spoken of as the “Kast´ilumuhwho wore iron garments, and came from the south, ” and this brief mentionmay be accounted for by the fleeting nature of these early visits. 

The zeal of the Spanish priests carried them everywhere throughout theirnewly acquired territory, and some time in the seventeenth century aband of missionary monks found their way to Tusayan. They wereaccompanied by a few troops to impress the people with a due regard forSpanish authority, but to display the milder side of their mission, theyalso brought herds of sheep and cattle for distribution. At first thesewere herded at various springs within a wide radius around the villages, and the names still attaching to these places memorize the introductionof sheep and cattle to this region. The Navajo are first definitelymentioned in tradition as occupants of this vicinity in connection withthese flocks and herds, in the distribution of which they gave muchundesirable assistance by driving off the larger portion to their ownhaunts. 

The missionaries selected Awatubi, Walpi, and Shumopavi as the sites fortheir mission buildings, and at once, it is said, began to introduce asystem of enforced labor. The memory of the mission period is held ingreat detestation, and the onerous toil the priests imposed is stilladverted to as the principal grievance. Heavy pine timbers, many ofwhich are now pointed out in the kiva roofs, of from 15 to 20 feet inlength and a foot or more in diameter, were cut at the San FranciscoMountain, and gangs of men were compelled to carry and drag them to thebuilding sites, where they were used as house beams. This necessitatedprodigious toil, for the distance by trail is a hundred miles, most ofthe way over a rough and difficult country. The Spaniards are said tohave employed a few ox teams in this labor, but the heaviest share wasperformed by the impressed Hopituh, who were driven in gangs by theSpanish soldiers, and any who refused to work were confined in a prisonhouse and starved into submission. 

The “men with the long robes, ” as the missionaries were called, are saidto have lived among these people for a long time, but no trace of theirindividuality survives in tradition. 

Possibly the Spanish missionaries may have striven to effect some socialimprovement among these people, and by the adoption of some harshmeasures incurred the jealous anger of the chiefs. But the system oflabor they enforced was regarded, perhaps justly, as the introduction ofserfdom, such as then prevailed in the larger communities in the RioGrande valleys. Perhaps tradition belies them; but there are manystories of their evil, sensual lives--assertions that they violatedwomen, and held many of the young girls at their mission houses, not aspupils, but as concubines. 

 [Illustration: Plate VI. Adobe fragment in Awatubi. ]

In any case, these hapless monks were engaged in a perilous mission inseeking to supplant the primitive faith of the Tusayan, for among thenative priests they encountered prejudices even as violent as their own. With too great zeal they prohibited the sacred dances, the votiveofferings to the nature-deities, and similar public observances, andstrove to suppress the secret rites and abolish the religious orders andsocieties. But these were too closely incorporated with the system ofgentes and other family kinships to admit of their extinction. Traditionally, it is said that, following the discontinuance of theprescribed ceremonies, the favor of the gods was withdrawn, the cloudsbrought no rain, and the fields yielded no corn. Such a coincidence inthis arid region is by no means improbable, and according to thelegends, a succession of dry seasons resulting in famine has been of notinfrequent occurrence. The superstitious fears of the people were thusaroused, and they cherished a mortal hatred of the monks. 

In such mood were they in the summer of 1680, when the village Indiansrose in revolt, drove out the Spaniards, and compelled them to retreatto Mexico. There are some dim traditions of that event still existingamong the Tusayan, and they tell of one of their own race coming fromthe river region by the way of Zuñi to obtain their cooperation in theproposed revolt. To this they consented. 

Only a few Spaniards being present at that time, the Tusayan foundcourage to vent their enmity in massacre, and every one of the hatedinvaders perished on the appointed day. The traditions of the massacrecenter on the doom of the monks, for they were regarded as theembodiment of all that was evil in Spanish rule, and their pursuit, asthey tried to escape among the sand dunes, and the mode of theirslaughter, is told with grim precision; they were all overtaken andhacked to pieces with stone tomahawks. 

It is told that while the monks were still in authority some of theSnake women urged a withdrawal from Walpi, and, to incite the men toaction, carried their mealing-stones and cooking vessels to the summitof the mesa, where they desired the men to build new houses, lessaccessible to the domineering priests. The men followed them, and two orthree small house groups were built near the southwest end of thepresent village, one of them being still occupied by a Snake family, butthe others have been demolished or remodeled. A little farther north, also on the west edge, the small house clusters there were next built bythe families of two women called Tji-vwó-wati and Si-kya-tcí-wati. Shortly after the massacre the lower village was entirely abandoned, andthe building material carried above to the point which the Snakes hadchosen, and on which the modern Walpi was constructed. Several beams ofthe old mission houses are now pointed out in the roofs of the kivas. 

There was a general apprehension that the Spaniards would send a forceto punish them, and the Shumopavi also reconstructed their village in astronger position, on a high mesa overlooking its former site. The othervillages were already in secure positions, and all the smalleragricultural settlements were abandoned at this period, and excepting atone or two places on the Moen-kopi, the Tusayan have ever since confinedthemselves to the close vicinity of their main villages. 

The house masses do not appear to bear any relation to division byphratries. It is surprising that even the social division of thephratries is preserved. The Hopituh certainly marry within phratries, and occasionally with the same gens. There is no doubt, however, that inthe earlier villages each gens, and where practicable, the whole of thephratry, built their houses together. To a certain extent the house ofthe priestess of a gens is still regarded as the home of the gens. Shehas to be consulted concerning proposed marriages, and has much to sayin other social arrangements. 

While the village of the Walpi was still upon the west side of the mesapoint, some of them moved around and built houses beside a spring closeto the east side of the mesa. Soon after this a dispute over plantingground arose between them and the Sikyátki, whose village was also onthat side of the mesa and but a short distance above them. From thistime forward bad blood lay between the Sikyátki and the Walpi, who tookup the quarrel of their suburb. It also happened about that time, sotradition says, more of the Coyote people came from the north, and thePikyás nyu-mu, the young cornstalk, who were the latest of the Waterpeople, came in from the south. The Sikyátki, having acquired theirfriendship, induced them to build on two mounds, on the summit of themesa overlooking their village. They had been greatly harrassed by theyoung slingers and archers of Walpi, who would come across to the edgeof the high cliff and assail them with impunity, but the occupation ofthese two mounds by friends afforded effectual protection to theirvillage. These knolls are about 40 yards apart, and about 40 feet abovethe level of the mesa which is something over 400 feet above Sikyátki. Their roughly leveled summits measure 20 by 10 feet and are covered withtraces of house walls; and it is evident that groups of small-roomedhouses were clustered also around the sloping sides. About a hundredyards south from their dwellings the people of the mounds built fortheir own protection a strong wall entirely across the mesa, which atthat point is contracted to about 200 feet in width, with deep verticalcliffs on either side. The base of the wall is still quite distinct, andis about 3 feet thick. 

But no reconciliation was ever effected between the Walpi and theSikyátki and their allies, and in spite of their defensive wall frequentassaults were made upon the latter until they were forced to retreat. The greater number of them retired to Oraibi and the remainder toSikyátki, and the feud was still maintained between them and the Walpi. 

 [Illustration: Plate VII. Horn House ruin, plan. ]

Some of the incidents as well as the disastrous termination of this feudare still narrated. A party of the Sikyátki went prowling through Walpione day while the men were afield, and among other outrages, one of themshot an arrow through a window and killed a chief’s daughter while shewas grinding corn. The chief’s son resolved to avenge the death of hissister, and some time after this went to Sikyátki, professedly to takepart in a religious dance, in which he joined until just before theclose of the ceremony. Having previously observed where the handsomestgirl was seated among the spectators on the house terraces, he ran upthe ladder as if to offer her a prayer emblem, but instead he drew out asharp flint knife from his girdle and cut her throat. He threw the bodydown where all could see it, and ran along the adjoining terraces tillhe cleared the village. A little way up the mesa was a large flat rock, upon which he sprang and took off his dancer’s mask so that all mightrecognize him; then turning again to the mesa he sped swiftly up thetrail and escaped. 

And so foray and slaughter continued to alternate between them until theplanting season of some indefinite year came around. All the Sikyátkimen were to begin the season by planting the fields of their chief on acertain day, which was announced from the housetop by the Second Chiefas he made his customary evening proclamations, and the Walpi, becomingaware of this, planned a fatal onslaught. Every man and woman able todraw a bow or wield a weapon were got in readiness and at night theycrossed the mesa and concealed themselves along its edge, overlookingthe doomed village. When the day came they waited until the men had goneto the field and then rushed down upon the houses. The chief, who wastoo old to go afield, was the first one killed, and then followed theindiscriminate slaughter of women and children, and the destruction ofthe houses. The wild tumult in the village alarmed the Sikyátki and theycame rushing back, but too late to defend their homes. Their struggleswere hopeless, for they had only their planting sticks to use asweapons, which availed but little against the Walpi with their bows andarrows, spears, slings, and war clubs. Nearly all of the Sikyátki menwere killed, but some of them escaped to Oraibi and some to Awatubi. Anumber of the girls and younger women were spared, and distributed amongthe different villages, where they became wives of their despoilers. 

It is said to have been shortly after the destruction of Sikyátki thatthe first serious inroad of a hostile tribe occurred within this region, and all the stories aver that these early hostiles were from the north, the Ute being the first who are mentioned, and after them the Apache, who made an occasional foray. 

While these families of Hopituh stock had been building their stragglingdwellings along the canyon brinks, and grouping in villages around thebase of the East Mesa, other migratory bands of Hopituh had begun toarrive on the Middle Mesa. As already said, it is admitted that theSnake were the first occupants of this region, but beyond that fact thetraditions are contradictory and confused. It is probable, however, thatnot long after the arrival of the Horn, the Squash people came from thesouth and built a village on the Middle Mesa, the ruin of which iscalled Chukubi. It is on the edge of the cliff on the east side of theneck of that mesa, and a short distance south of the direct trailleading from Walpi to Oraibi. The Squash people say that they came fromPalát Kwabi, the Red Land in the far South, and this vague termexpresses nearly all their knowledge of that traditional land. They saythey lived for a long time in the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, onthe south side of that stream and not far from the point where therailway crosses it. They still distinguish the ruin of their earlyvillage there, which was built as usual on the brink of a canyon, andcall it Etípsíkya, after a shrub that grows there profusely. Theycrossed the river opposite that place, but built no permanent housesuntil they reached the vicinity of Chukubi, near which two smallerclusters of ruins, on knolls, mark the sites of dwellings which theyclaim to have been theirs. Three groups (nyumu) traveling together werethe next to follow them; these were the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, andthe Blue Jay. They are said to have been very numerous, and to have comefrom the vicinity of San Francisco Mountain. They did not move up toChukubi, but built a large village on the summit, at the south end ofthe mesa, close to the site of the present Mashongnavi. Soon afterwardcame the Burrowing Owl, and the Coyote, from the vicinity of NavajoMountains in the north, but they were not very numerous. They also builtupon the Mashongnavi summit. 

After this the Squash people found that the water from their springs wasdecreasing, and began moving toward the end of the mesa, where the otherpeople were. But as there was then no suitable place left on the summit, they built a village on the sandy terrace close below it, on the westside; and as the springs at Chukubi ultimately ceased entirely, the restof the Squash people came to the terrace and were again united in onevillage. Straggling bands of several other groups, both wingwu andnyumu, are mentioned as coming from various directions. Some built onthe terrace and some found house room in Mashongnavi. This name isderived as follows: On the south side of the terrace on which the Squashvillage was built is a high column of sandstone which is verticallysplit in two, and formerly there was a third pillar in line, which haslong since fallen. These three columns were called Tútuwalha, theguardians, and both the Squash village and the one on the summit were sonamed. On the north side of the terrace, close to the present village, is another irregular massy pillar of sandstone called Mashóniniptu, meaning “the other which remains erect, ” having reference to the one onthe south side, which had fallen. When the Squash withdrew to the summitthe village was then called Mashóniniptuovi, “at the place of the otherwhich remains erect;” now that term is never used, but always itssyncopated form, Mashongnavi. 

 [Illustration: Plate VIII. Bat House. ]

The Squash village, on the south end of the Middle Mesa, was attacked bya fierce band that came from the north, some say the Ute, others say theApache; but whoever the invaders were, they completely overpowered thepeople, and carried off great stores of food and other plunder. Thevillage was then evacuated, the houses dismantled, and the materialremoved to the high summit, where they reconstructed their dwellingsaround the village which thenceforth bore its present name ofMashongnavi. Some of the Squash people moved over to Oraibi, andportions of the Katchina and Paroquet people came from there toMashongnavi about the same time, and a few of these two groups occupiedsome vacant houses also in Shupaulovi; for this village even at thatearly date had greatly diminished in population, having sustained adisastrous loss of men in the canyon affrays east of Walpi. 

Shumopavi seems to have been built by portions of the same groups whowent to the adjacent Mashongnavi, but the traditions of the two villagesare conflicting. The old traditionists at Shumopavi hold that the firstto come there were the Paroquet, the Bear, the Bear-skin-rope, and theBlue Jay. They came from the west--probably from San Francisco Mountain. They claim that ruins on a mesa bluff about 10 miles south from thepresent village are the remains of a village built by these groupsbefore reaching Shumopavi, and the Paroquets arrived first, it is said, because they were perched on the heads of the Bears, and, when nearingthe water, they flew in ahead of the others. These groups built avillage on a broken terrace, on the east side of the cliff, and justbelow the present village. There is a spring close by called after theShunóhu, a tall red grass, which grew abundantly there, and from whichthe town took its name. This spring was formerly very large, but twoyears ago a landslide completely buried it; lately, however, a smalloutflow is again apparent. 

The ruins of the early village cover a hillocky area of about 800 by 250feet, but it is impossible to trace much of the ground plan withaccuracy. The corner of an old house still stands, some 6 or 8 feethigh, extending about 15 feet on one face and about 10 feet on theother. The wall is over 3 feet in thickness, but of very clumsy masonry, no care having been exercised in dressing the stones, which are ofvarying sizes and laid in mud plaster. Interest attaches to thisfragment, as it is one of the few tangible evidences left of the Spanishpriests who engaged in the fatal mission to the Hopituh in the sixteenthcentury. This bit of wall, which now forms part of a sheep-fold, ispointed out as the remains of one of the mission buildings. 

Other groups followed--the Mole, the Spider, and the “Wíksrun. ” Theselatter took their name from a curious ornament worn by the men. A pieceof the leg-bone of a bear, from which the marrow had been extracted anda stopper fixed in one end, was attached to the fillet binding the hair, and hung down in front of the forehead. This gens and the Mole are nowextinct. 

Shumopavi received no further accession of population, but lost to someextent by a portion of the Bear people moving across to Walpi. Noimportant event seems to have occurred among them for a long periodafter the destruction of Sikyátki, in which they bore some part, andonly cursory mention is made of the ingress of “enemies from the north;”but their village, apparently, was not assailed. 

The Oraibi traditions tend to confirm those of Shumopavi, and tell thatthe first houses there were built by Bears, who came from the latterplace. The following is from a curious legend of the early settlement:

The Bear people had two chiefs, who were brothers; the elder was calledVwen-ti-só-mo, and the younger Ma-tcí-to. They had a desperate quarrelat Shumopavi, and their people divided into two factions, according asthey inclined to one or other of the contestants. After a long period ofcontention Ma-tcí-to and his followers withdrew to the mesa where Oraibinow stands, about 8 miles northwest from Shumopavi, and built houses alittle to the southwest of the limits of the present town. These houseswere afterwards destroyed by “enemies from the north, ” and the olderportion of the existing town, the southwest ends of the house rows, werebuilt with stones from the demolished houses. Fragments of these earlywalls are still occasionally unearthed. 

After Ma-tcí-to and his people were established there, whenever any ofthe Shumopavi people became dissatisfied with that place they built atOraibi, Ma-tcí-to placed a little stone monument about halfway betweenthese two villages to mark the boundary of the land. Vwenti-so´-moobjected to this, but it was ultimately accepted with the proviso thatthe village growing the fastest should have the privilege of moving ittoward the other village. The monument still stands, and is on thedirect Oraibi trail from Shumopavi, 3 miles from the latter. It is awell dressed, rectangular block of sandstone, projecting two feet abovethe ground, and measures 8½ by 7 inches. On the end is carved the rudesemblance of a human head, or mask, the eyes and mouth being merelyround shallow holes, with a black line painted around them. The stone ispecked on the side, but the head and front are rubbed quite smooth, andthe block, tapering slightly to the base, suggests the ancient RomanTermini. 

There are Eagle people living at Oraibi, Mashongnavi, and Walpi, and itwould seem as if they had journeyed for some time with the later Snakepeople and others from the northwest. Vague traditions attach them toseveral of the ruins north of the Moen-kopi, although most of these areregarded as the remains of Snake dwellings. 

The legend of the Eagle people introduces them from the west, coming inby way of the Moen-kopi water course. They found many people living inTusayan, at Oraibi, the Middle Mesa, and near the East Mesa, but theSnake village was yet in the valley. Some of the Eagles remained atOraibi, but the main body moved to a large mound just east ofMashongnavi, on the summit of which they built a village and called itShi-tái-mu. Numerous traces of small-roomed houses can be seen on thismound and on some of the lower surroundings. The uneven summit is about300 by 200 feet, and the village seems to have been built in the form ofan irregular ellipse, but the ground plan is very obscure. 

 [Illustration: Plate IX. Mishiptonga (Jeditoh). ]

While the Eagles were living at Shi-tái-mu, they sent “Yellow Foot” tothe mountain in the east (at the headwaters of the Rio Grande) to obtaina dog. After many perilous adventures in caverns guarded by bear, mountain lion, and rattlesnake, he got two dogs and returned. They werewanted to keep the coyotes out of the corn and the gardens. The dogsgrew numerous, and would go to Mashongnavi in search of food, and alsoto some of the people of that village, which led to serious quarrelsbetween them and the Eagle people. Ultimately the Shi-tái-mu chiefproclaimed a feast, and told the people to prepare to leave the villageforever. On the feast day the women arranged the food basins on theground in a long line leading out of the village. The people passedalong this line, tasting a mouthful here or there, but without stopping, and when they reached the last basin they were beyond the limits of thevillage. Without turning around they continued on down into the valleyuntil they were halted by the Snake people. An arrangement was effectedwith the latter, and the Eagles built their houses in the Snake village. A few of the Eagle families who had become attached to Mashongnavi choseto go to that village, where their descendants still reside, and are yetheld as close relatives by the Eagles of Walpi. The land around the EastMesa was then portioned out, the Snakes, Horns, Bears, and Eagles eachreceiving separate lands, and these old allotments are stillapproximately maintained. 

According to the Eagle traditions the early occupants of Tusayan came inthe following succession: Snake, Horn, Bear, Middle Mesa, Oraibi, andEagle, and finally from the south came the Water families. This sequenceis also recognized in the general tenor of the legends of the othergroups. 

Shupaulovi, a small village quite close to Mashongnavi, would seem tohave been established just before the coming of the Water people. Nordoes there seem to have been any very long interval between the arrivalof the earliest occupants of the Middle Mesa and this latest colony. These were the Sun people, and like the Squash folk, claim to have comefrom Palátkwabi, the Red Land, in the south. On their northwardmigration, when they came to the valley of the Colorado Chiquito, theyfound the Water people there, with whom they lived for some time. Thiscombined village was built upon Homólobi, a round terraced mound nearSunset Crossing, where fragmentary ruins covering a wide area can yet betraced. 

Incoming people from the east had built the large village of Awatubi, high rock, upon a steep mesa about nine miles southeast from Walpi. Whenthe Sun people came into Tusayan they halted at that village and a fewof them remained there permanently, but the others continued west to theMiddle Mesa. At that time also they say Chukubi, Shitaimu, Mashongnavi, and the Squash village on the terrace were all occupied, and they builton the terrace close to the Squash village also. The Sun people werethen very numerous and soon spread their dwellings over the summit wherethe ruin now stands, and many indistinct lines of house walls aroundthis dilapidated village attest its former size. Like the neighboringvillage, it takes its name from a rock near by, which is used as a placefor the deposit of votive offerings, but the etymology of the term cannot be traced. 

Some of the Bear people also took up their abode at Shupaulovi, andlater a nyumu of the Water family called Batni, moisture, built withthem; and the diminished families of the existing village are stillcomposed entirely of these three nyumu. 

The next arrivals seem to have been the Asanyumu, who in early dayslived in the region of the Chama, in New Mexico, at a village calledKaékibi, near the place now known as Abiquiu. When they left that regionthey moved slowly westward to a place called Túwii (Santo Domingo), where some of them are said to still reside. The next halt was atKaiwáika (Laguna) where it is said some families still remain, and theystaid also a short time at A´ikoka (Acoma); but none of them remained atthat place. From the latter place they went to Sióki (Zuñi), where theyremained a long time and left a number of their people there, who arenow called Aiyáhokwi by the Zuñi. They finally reached Tusayan by way ofAwatubi. They had been preceded from the same part of New Mexico by theHonan nyumu (the Badger people), whom they found living at thelast-named village. The Magpie, the Pute Kóhu (Boomerang-shaped huntingstick), and the Field-mouse families of the Asa remained and builtbeside the Badger, but the rest of its groups continued across to theWalpi Mesa. They were not at first permitted to come up to Walpi, whichthen occupied its present site, but were allotted a place to build atCoyote Water, a small spring on the east side of the mesa, just underthe gap. They had not lived there very long, however, when for somevaluable services in defeating at one time a raid of the Ute (who usedto be called the Tcingawúptuh) and of the Navajo at another, they weregiven for planting grounds all the space on the mesa summit from the gapto where Sichumovi now stands, and the same width, extending across thevalley to the east. On the mesa summit they built the early portion ofthe house mass on the north side of the village, now known as Hano. Butsoon after this came a succession of dry seasons, which caused a greatscarcity of food almost amounting to a famine, and many moved away todistant streams. The Asa people went to Túpkabi (Deep Canyon, the deChelly), about 70 miles northeast from Walpi, where the Navajo receivedthem kindly and supplied them with food. The Asa had preserved someseeds of the peach, which they planted in the canyon nooks, and numerouslittle orchards still flourish there. They also brought the Navajo newvarieties of food plants, and their relations grew very cordial. Theybuilt houses along the base of the canyon walls, and dwelt there for twoor three generations, during which time many of the Asa women were givento the Navajo, and the descendants of these now constitute a numerousclan among the Navajo, known as the Kiáini, the High-house people. 

 [Illustration: Plate X. A small ruin near Moen-kopi. ]

The Navajo and the Asa eventually quarreled and the latter returned toWalpi, but this was after the arrival of the Hano, by whom they foundtheir old houses occupied. The Asa were taken into the village of Walpi, being given a vacant strip on the east edge of the mesa, just where themain trail comes up to the village. The Navajo, Ute, and Apache hadfrequently gained entrance to the village by this trail, and to guard itthe Asa built a house group along the edge of the cliff at that point, immediately overlooking the trail, where some of the people still live;and the kiva there, now used by the Snake order, belongs to them. Therewas a crevice in the rock, with a smooth bottom extending to the edge ofthe cliff and deep enough for a ki´koli. A wall was built to close theouter edge and it was at first intended to build a dwelling house there, but it was afterward excavated to its present size and made into a kiva, still called the wikwálhobi, the kiva of the Watchers of the High Place. The Walpi site becoming crowded, some of the Bear and Lizard peoplemoved out and built houses on the site of the present Sichumovi; severalAsa families followed them, and after them came some of the Badgerpeople. The village grew to an extent considerably beyond its presentsize, when it was abandoned on account of a malignant plague. After theplague, and within the present generation, the village was rebuilt--theold houses being torn down to make the new ones. 

After the Asa came the nest group to arrive was the Water family. Theirchief begins the story of their migration in this way:

 In the long ago the Snake, Horn, and Eagle people lived here (in Tusayan), but their corn grew only a span high, and when they sang for rain the cloud god sent only a thin mist. My people then lived in the distant Pa-lát Kwá-bi in the South. There was a very bad old man there, who, when he met any one, would spit in his face, blow his nose upon him, and rub ordure upon him. He ravished the girls and did all manner of evil. Baholikonga got angry at this and turned the world upside down, and water spouted up through the kivas and through the fireplaces in the houses. The earth was rent in great chasms, and water covered everything except one narrow ridge of mud; and across this the serpent deity told all the people to travel. As they journeyed across, the feet of the bad slipped and they fell into the dark water, but the good, after many days, reached dry land. While the water was rising around the village the old people got on the tops of the houses, for they thought they could not struggle across with the younger people; but Baholikonga clothed them with the skins of turkeys, and they spread their wings out and floated in the air just above the surface of the water, and in this way they got across. There were saved of our people Water, Corn, Lizard, Horned Toad, Sand, two families of Rabbit, and Tobacco. The turkey tail dragged in the water--hence the white on the turkey tail now. Wearing these turkey-skins is the reason why old people have dewlaps under the chin like a turkey; it is also the reason why old people use turkey-feathers at the religious ceremonies. 

In the story of the wandering of the Water people, many vague referencesare made to various villages in the South, which they constructed ordwelt in, and to rocks where they carved their totems at temporaryhalting places. They dwelt for a long time at Homólobi, where the Sunpeople joined them; and probably not long after the latter left theWater people followed on after them. The largest number of this familyseem to have made their dwellings first at Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi;but like the Sun people they soon spread to all the villages. 

The narrative of part of this journey is thus given by the chief beforequoted:

 It occupied 4 years to cross the disrupted country. The kwakwanti (a warrior order) went ahead of the people and carried seed of corn, beans, melons, squashes, and cotton. They would plant corn in the mud at early morning and by noon it was ripe and thus the people were fed. When they reached solid ground they rested, and then they built houses. The kwakwanti were always out exploring--sometimes they were gone as long as four years. Again we would follow them on long journeys, and halt and build houses and plant. While we were traveling if a woman became heavy with child we would build her a house and put plenty of food in it and leave her there, and from these women sprang the Pima, Maricopa, and other Indians in the South. 

 Away in the South, before we crossed the mountains (south of the Apache country) we built large houses and lived there a long while. Near these houses is a large rock on which was painted the rain-clouds of the Water phratry, also a man carrying corn in his arms; and the other phratries also painted the Lizard and the Rabbit upon it. While they were living there the kwakwanti made an expedition far to the north and came in conflict with a hostile people. They fought day after day, for days and days--they fought by day only and when night came they separated, each party retiring to its own ground to rest. One night the cranes came and each crane took a kwakwanti on his back and brought them back to their people in the South. 

 Again all the people traveled north until they came to the Little Colorado, near San Francisco Mountains, and there they built houses up and down the river. They also made long ditches to carry the water from the river to their gardens. After living there a long while they began to be plagued with swarms of a kind of gnat called the sand-fly, which bit the children, causing them to swell up and die. The place becoming unendurable, they were forced again to resume their travels. Before starting, one of the Rain-women, who was big with child, was made comfortable in one of the houses on the mountain. She told her people to leave her, because she knew this was the place where she was to remain forever. She also told them, that hereafter whenever they should return to the mountain to hunt she would provide them with plenty of game. Under her house is a spring and any sterile woman who drinks of its water will bear children. The people then began a long journey to reach the summit of the table land on the north. They camped for rest on one of the terraces, where there was no water, and they were very tired and thirsty. Here the women celebrated the rain-feast--they danced for three days, and on the fourth day the clouds brought heavy rain and refreshed the people. This event is still commemorated by a circle of stones at that place. They reached a spring southeast from Káibitho (Kumás Spring) and there they built a house and lived for some time. Our people had plenty of rain and cultivated much corn and some of the Walpi people came to visit us. They told ns that their rain only came here and there in fine misty sprays, and a basketful of corn was regarded as a large crop. So they asked us to come to their land and live with them and finally we consented. When we got there we found some Eagle people living near the Second Mesa; our people divided, and part went with the Eagle and have ever since remained there; but we camped near the First Mesa. It was planting time and the Walpi celebrated their rain-feast but they brought only a mere misty drizzle. Then we celebrated our rain-feast and planted. Great rains and thunder and lightning immediately followed and on the first day after planting our corn was half an arm’s length high; on the fourth day it was its full height, and in one moon it was ripe. When we were going up to the village (Walpi was then north of the gap, probably), we were met by a Bear man who said that our thunder frightened the women and we must not go near the village. Then the kwakwanti said, “Let us leave these people and seek a land somewhere else, ” but our women said they were tired of travel and insisted upon our remaining. Then “Fire-picker” came down from the village and told us to come up there and stay, but after we had got into the village the Walpi women screamed out against us--they feared our thunder--and so the Walpi turned us away. Then our people, except those who went to the Second Mesa, traveled to the northeast as far as the Tsegi (Canyon de Chelly), but I can not tell whether our people built the louses there. Then they came hack to this region again and built houses and had much trouble with the Walpi, but we have lived here ever since. 

 [Illustration: Plate XI. Masonry on the outer wall of the Fire-House, detail. ]

Groups of the Water people, as already stated, were distributed amongall the villages, although the bulk of them remained at the Middle Mesa;but it seems that most of the remaining groups subsequently chose tobuild their permanent houses at Oraibi. There is no special tradition ofthis movement; it is only indicated by this circumstance, that inaddition to the Water families common to every village, there are stillin Oraibi several families of that people which have no representativesin any of the other villages. At a quite early day Oraibi became a placeof importance, and they tell of being sufficiently populous to establishmany outlying settlements. They still identify these with ruins on thedetached mesas in the valley to the south and along the Moen-kopi(“place of flowing water”) and other intermittent streams in the west. These sites were occupied for the purpose of utilizing cultivable tractsof land in their vicinity, and the remotest settlement, about 45 mileswest, was especially devoted to the cultivation of cotton, the placebeing still called by the Navajo and other neighboring tribes, the“cotton planting ground. ” It is also said that several of the largerruins along the course of the Moen-kopi were occupied by groups of theSnake, the Coyote, and the Eagle who dwelt in that region for a longperiod before they joined the people in Tusayan. The incursions offoreign bands from the north may have hastened that movement, and theOraibi say they were compelled to withdraw all their outlying colonies. An episode is related of an attack upon the main village when a numberof young girls were carried off, and 2 or 3 years afterward the samemarauders returned and treated with the Oraibi, who paid a ransom incorn and received all their girls back again. After a quiet interval thepillaging bands renewed their attacks and the settlements on theMoen-kopi were vacated. They were again occupied after another peace wasestablished, and this condition of alternate occupancy and abandonmentseems to have existed until within quite recent time. 

While the Asa were still sojourning in Canyon de Chelly, and before thearrival of the Hano, another bloody scene had been enacted in Tusayan. Since the time of the Antelope Canyon feuds there had been enmitybetween Awatubi and some of the other villages, especially Walpi, andsome of the Sikyatki refugees had transmitted their feudal wrongs totheir descendants who dwelt in Awatubi. They had long been perpetratingall manner of offenses; they had intercepted hunting parties from theother villages, seized their game, and sometimes killed the hunters;they had fallen upon men in outlying corn fields, maltreating andsometimes slaying them, and threatened still more serious outrage. Awatubi was too strong for Walpi to attack single-handed, so theassistance of the other villages was sought, and it was determined todestroy Awatubi at the close of a feast soon to occur. This was theannual “feast of the kwakwanti, ” which is still maintained and is heldduring the month of November by each village, when the youths who havebeen qualified by certain ordeals are admitted to the councils. Theceremonies last several days, and on the concluding night special ritesare held in the kivas. At these ceremonies every man must be in the kivato which he belongs, and after the close of the rites they all sleepthere, no one being permitted to leave the kiva until after sunrise onthe following day. 

There was still some little intercourse between Awatubi and Walpi, andit was easily ascertained when this feast was to be held. On the day ofits close, the Walpi sent word to their allies “to prepare the war arrowand come, ” and in the evening the fighting bands from the other villagesassembled at Walpi, as the foray was to be led by the chief of thatvillage. By the time night had fallen something like 150 marauders hadmet, all armed, of course; and of still more ominous import than theirweapons were the firebrands they carried--shredded cedar bark looselybound in rolls, resinous splinters of piñon, dry greasewood (a furzevery easily ignited), and pouches full of pulverized red peppers. 

 [Illustration: Plate XII. Chukubi, plan. ]

Secure in the darkness from observation, the bands followed the Walpichief across the valley, every man with his weapons in hand and a bundleof inflammables on his back. Beaching the Awatubi mesa they cautiouslycrept up the steep, winding trail to the summit, and then stole roundthe village to the passages leading to the different courts holding thekivas, near which they hid themselves. They waited till just before thegray daylight came, then the Walpi chief shouted his war cry and theyelling bands rushed to the kivas. Selecting their positions, they wereat them in a moment, and quickly snatching up the ladders through thehatchways, the only means of exit, the doomed occupants were left ashelpless as rats in a trap. Fire was at hand in the numerous littlecooking pits, containing the jars of food prepared for the celebrants, the inflammable bundles were lit and tossed into the kivas, and thepiles of firewood on the terraced roofs were thrown down upon the blaze, and soon each kiva became a furnace. The red pepper was then cast uponthe fire to add its choking tortures, while round the hatchways theassailants stood showering their arrows into the mass of strugglingwretches. The fires were maintained until the roofs fell in and buriedand charred the bones of the victims. It is said that every male ofAwatubi who had passed infancy perished in the slaughter, not oneescaping. Such of the women and children as were spared were taken out, and all the houses were destroyed, after which the captives were dividedamong the different villages. 

The date of this last feudal atrocity can be made out with some degreeof exactness, because in 1692, Don Diego Vargas with a military forcevisited Tusayan and mentions Awatubi as a populous village at which hemade some halt. The Hano (Tewa) claim that they have lived in Tusayanfor five or six generations, and that when they arrived there was noAwatubi in existence; hence it must have been destroyed not long afterthe close of the seventeenth century. 

Since the destruction of Awatubi only one other serious affray hasoccurred between the villages; that was between Oraibi and Walpi. Itappears that after the Oraibi withdrew their colonies from the south andwest they took possession of all the unoccupied planting grounds to theeast of the village, and kept reaching eastward till they encroachedupon some land claimed by the Walpi. This gave rise to intermittentwarfare in the outlying fields, and whenever the contending villagersmet a broil ensued, until the strife culminated in an attack upon Walpi. The Oraibi chose a day when the Walpi men were all in the field on theeast side of the mesa, but the Walpi say that their women and dogs heldthe Oraibi at bay until the men came to the rescue. A severe battle wasfought at the foot of the mesa, in which the Oraibi were routed andpursued across the Middle Mesa, where an Oraibi chief turned andimplored the Walpi to desist. A conciliation was effected there, andharmonious relations have ever since existed between them. Until withina few years ago the spot where they stayed pursuit was marked by astone, on which a shield and a dog were depicted, but it was a source ofirritation to the Oraibi and it was removed by some of the Walpi. 

In the early part of the eighteenth century the Ute from the north, andthe Apache from the south made most disastrous inroads upon thevillages, in which Walpi especially suffered. The Navajo, who then livedupon their eastern border, also suffered severely from the same bands, but the Navajo and the Tusayan were not on the best terms and never madeany alliance for a common defense against these invaders. 

Hano was peopled by a different linguistic stock from that of the othervillages--a stock which belongs to the Rio Grande group. According toPolaka, the son of the principal chief, and himself an enterprisingtrader who has made many journeys to distant localities--and to others, the Hano once lived in seven villages on the Rio Grande, and the villagein which his forefathers lived was called Tceewáge. This, it is said, isthe same as the present Mexican village of Peña Blanca. 

The Hano claim that they came to Tusayan only after repeatedsolicitation by the Walpi, at a time when the latter were much harassedby the Ute and Apache. The story, as told by Kwálakwai, who lives inHano, but is not himself a Hano, begins as follows:

 Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few and were continually harassed by the Yútamo (Ute), Yuíttcemo (Apache), and Dacábimo (Navajo). The chiefs of the Tcuin nyumu (Snake people) and the Hánin nyumu (Bear people) met together and made the ba´ho (sacred plume stick) and sent it with a man from each of these people to the house of the Tewa, called Tceewádigi, which was far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fé). 

The messengers did not succeed in persuading the Tewa to come and theembassy was sent three times more. On the fourth visit the Tewaconsented to come, as the Walpi had offered to divide their land andtheir waters with them, and set out for Tusayan, led by their own chief, the village being left in the care of his son. This first band is saidto have consisted of 146 women, and it was afterwards followed byanother and perhaps others. 

Before the Hano arrived there had been a cessation of hostile inroads, and the Walpi received them churlishly and revoked their promisesregarding the division of land and waters with them. They were shownwhere they could build houses for themselves on a yellow sand mound onthe east side of the mesa just below the gap. They built there, but theywere compelled to go for their food up to Walpi. They could get novessels to carry their food in, and when they held out their hands forsome the Walpi women mockingly poured out hot porridge and scalded thefingers of the Hano. 

After a time the Ute came down the valley on the west side of the mesa, doing great harm again, and drove off the Walpi flocks andiron Then theHano got ready for war; they tied buckskins around their loins, whitenedtheir legs with clay, and stained their body and arms with dark redearth (ocher). They overtook the Ute near Wípho (about 3 miles northfrom Hano), but the Ute had driven the flocks up the steep mesa side, and when they saw the Tewa coming they killed all the sheep and piledthe carcasses up for a defense, behind which they lay down. They had afew firearms also, while the Hano had only clubs and bows and arrows;but after some fighting the Ute were driven out and the Tewa followedafter them. The first Ute was killed a short distance beyond, and astone heap still (?) marks the spot. Similar heaps marked the placeswhere other Ute were killed as they fled before the Hano, but not farfrom the San Juan the last one was killed. 

Upon the return of the Hano from this successful expedition they werereceived gratefully and allowed to come up on the mesa to live--the oldhouses built by the Asa, in the present village of Hano, being assignedto them. The land was then divided, an imaginary line between Hano andSichumovi, extending eastward entirely across the valley, marked thesouthern boundary, and from this line as far north as the spot where thelast Utah was killed was assigned to the Hano as their possession. 

 When the Hano first came the Walpi said to them, “let us spit in your mouths, and you will learn our tongue, ” and to this the Hano consented. When the Hano came up and built on the mesa they said to the Walpi, “let us spit in your mouths and you will learn our tongue, ” but the Walpi would not listen to this, saying it would make them vomit. This is the reason why all the Hano can talk Hopí, and none of the Hopítuh can talk Hano. 

 [Illustration: Plate XIII. Payupki, plan. ]

The Asa and the Hano were close friends while they dwelt in New Mexico, and when they came to this region both of them were called Hánomuh bythe other people of Tusayan. This term signifies the mode in which thewomen of these people wear their hair, cut off in front on a line withthe mouth and carelessly parted or hanging over the face, the back hairrolled up in a compact queue at the nape of the neck. This uncomelyfashion prevails with both matron, and maid, while among the otherTusayan the matron parts her hair evenly down the head and wears ithanging in a straight queue on either side, the maidens wearing theirsin a curious discoid arrangement over each temple. 

Although the Asa and the Hano women have the same peculiar fashion ofwearing the hair, still there is no affinity of blood claimed betweenthem. The Asa speak the same language as the other Tusayan, but the Tewa(Hano) have a quite distinct language which belongs to the Tañoan stock. They claim that the occupants of the following pueblos, in the sameregion of the Rio Grande, are of their people and speak the same tongue. 

 Kótite Cochití (?). Kápung Santa Clara (?) Númi Nambé. Pokwádi Pojoaque. Ohke San Juan. Tetsógi Tesuque. Posówe (Doubtless extinct. ) Also half of Taos. 

Pleasant relations existed for some time, but the Walpi again grewill-tempered; they encroached upon the Hano planting grounds and stoletheir property. These troubles increased, and the Hano moved away fromthe mesa; they crossed the west valley and built temporary shelters. They sent some men to explore the land on the westward to find asuitable place for a new dwelling. These scouts went to the Moen-kopi, and on returning, the favorable story they told of the land they hadseen determined the Tewa to go there. 

Meanwhile some knowledge of these troubles had reached Tceewádigi, and aparty of the Tewa came to Tusayan to take their friends back. This ledthe Hopituh to make reparation, which restored the confidence of theHano, and they returned to the mesa, and the recently arrived party werealso induced to remain. Yet even now, when the Hano (Tewa) go to visittheir people on the river, the latter beseech them to come back, but theold Tewa say, “we shall stay here till our breath leaves us, then surelywe shall go back to our first home to live forever. ”

The Walpi for a long time frowned down all attempts on the part of theHano to fraternize; they prohibited intermarriages, and in generaltabued the Hano. Something of this spirit was maintained until quiterecent years, and for this reason the Hano still speak their ownlanguage, and have preserved several distinctive customs, although nowthe most friendly relations exist among all the villages. After the Hanowere quietly established in their present position the Asa returned, andthe Walpi allotted them a place to build in their own village. As beforementioned, the house mass on the southeast side of Walpi, at the head ofthe trail leading up to the village at that point, is still occupied byAsa families, and their tenure of possession was on the condition thatthey should always defend that point of access and guard the south endof the village. Their kiva is named after this circumstance as that of“the Watchers of the High Place. ”

Some of the Bear and Lizard families being crowded for building space, moved from Walpi and built the first houses on the site of the presentvillage of Sichumovi, which is named from the Sivwapsi, a shrub whichformerly grew there on some mounds (chumo). 

This was after the Asa had been in Walpi for some time; probably about125 years ago. Some of the Asa, and the Badger, the latter descendantsof women saved from the Awatubi catastrophe, also moved to Sichumovi, but a plague of smallpox caused the village to be abandoned shortlyafterward. This pestilence is said to have greatly reduced the number ofthe Tusayan, and after it disappeared there were many vacant houses inevery village. Sichumovi was again occupied by a few Asa families, butthe first houses were torn down and new ones constructed from them. 

LIST OF TRADITIONARY GENTES. 

In the following table the early phratries (nyu-mu) are arranged in theorder of their arrival, and the direction from which each came is given, except in the case of the Bear people. There are very fewrepresentatives of this phratry existing now, and very little traditionextant concerning its early history. The table does not show thecondition of these, organizations in the present community but as theyappear in the traditional accounts of their coming to Tusayan, althoughrepresentatives of most of them can still be found in the variousvillages. There are, moreover, in addition to these, many other gentesand sub-gentes of more recent origin. The subdivision, or rather themultiplication of gentes may be said to be a continuous process; as, forexample, in “corn” can be found families claiming to be of the root, stem, leaf, ear, blossom, etc. , all belonging to corn; but there may beseveral families of each of these components constituting districtsub-gentes. At present there are really but four phratries recognizedamong the Hopituh, the Snake, Horn, Eagle, and Rain, which isindifferently designated as Water or Corn:

1. Ho´-nan--Bear. 

 Ho´-nan Bear. Ko´-kyañ-a Spider. Tco´-zir Jay. He´k-pa Fir. 

2. Tcu´-a--Rattlesnake--from the west and north. 

 Tcu´-a Rattlesnake. Yu´ñ-ya Cactus--opuntia. Pü´n-e Cactus, the species that grows in dome-like masses. Ü´-se Cactus, candelabra, or branching stemmed species. He´-wi Dove. Pi-vwa´ni Marmot. Pi´h-tca Skunk. Ka-la´-ci-au-u Raccoon. 

3. A´-la--Horn--from the east. 

 So´-wiñ-wa Deer. Tc´ib-io Antelope. Pa´ñ-wa Mountain sheep. 

4. Kwa´-hü--Eagle--from the west and south. 

 Kwa´-hü Eagle. Kwa´-yo Hawk. Mas-si´ kwa´-yo Chicken hawk. Tda´-wa Sun. Ka-ha´-bi Willow. Te´-bi Greasewood. 

5. Ka-tci´-na--Sacred, dancer--from the east. 

 Ka-tci´-na Sacred dancer. Gya´-zro Parroquet. Uñ-wu´-si Raven. Si-kya´-tci Yellow bird. Si-he´-bi Cottonwood. Sa-la´-bi Spruce. 

6. A´sa--a plant (unknown)--from the Chama. 

 A´sa Tca´-kwai-na Black earth Katcina. Pu´tc-ko-hu Boomerang hunting stick. Pi´-ca Field mouse. Hoc´-bo-a Road runner, or chaparral cock. Po-si´-o Magpie. Kwi´ñobi Oak. 

7. Ho-na´-ni--Badger--from the east. 

 Ho-na´-ni Badger. Müñ-ya´u-wu Porcupine. Wu-so´-ko Vulture. Bu´-li Butterfly. Bu-li´-so Evening primrose. Na´-hü Medicine of all kinds; generic. 

8. Yo´-ki--Rain--from the south. 

 Yo´-ki Rain. O´-mau Cloud. Ka´i-e Corn. Mu´r-zi-bu-si Bean. Ka-wa´i-ba-tuñ-a Watermelon. Si-vwa´-pi Bigelovia graveolens. 

 [Illustration: Plate XIV. General view of Payupki. ]

The foregoing is the Water or Rain phratry proper, but allied to themare the two following phratries, who also came to this region with theWater phratry. 

 LIZARD. 

 Ka´-kü-tci } Ba-tci´p-kwa-si } Species of lizards. Na´-nan-a-wi } Mo´-mo-bi } Pi´-sa White sand. Tdu´-wa Red sand. Ten´-kai Mud. 

 RABBIT. 

 So´-wi Jackass rabbit. Tda´-bo Cottontail rabbit. Pi´-ba Tobacco. Tcoñ-o Pipe. 

Polaka gives the following data:

Te´-wa gentes and phratries. 

 _Tewa_ _Hopi´tuh_ _Navajo. _ Ko´ⁿ-lo \ Ka´-ai Nata´ⁿ Corn. Cä / Pi´-ba Na´-to Tobacco. Ke \ Ho´-nau Cac Bear. Tce´-li / Ca´-la-bi Ts´-co Spruce. Ke´gi \ Ki´-hu Ki-a´-ni House. Tuñ / Tda´-wu Tjon-a-ai´ Sun. O´-ku-wuñ \ O´-mau Kus Cloud. Nuñ / Tcu´-kai Huc-klic Mud. 

The gentes bracketed are said to “belong together, ” but do not seem tohave distinctive names--as phratries. 

SUPPLEMENTARY LEGEND. 

An interesting ruin which occurs on a mesa point a short distance northof Mashongnavi is known to the Tusayan under the name of Payupki. Thereare traditions and legends concerning it among the Tusayan, but the onlyversion that could be obtained is not regarded by the writer as being upto the standard of those incorporated in the “Summary” and it istherefore given separately, as it has some suggestive value. It wasobtained through Dr. Jeremiah Sullivan, then resident in Tusayan. 

The people of Payupki spoke the same language as those on the first mesa(Walpi). Long ago they lived in the north, on the San Juan, but theywere compelled to abandon that region and came to a place about 20 milesnorthwest from Oraibi. Being compelled to leave there, they went toCanyon de Chelly, where a band of Indians from the southeast joinedthem, with whom they formed an alliance. Together the two tribes movedeastward toward the Jemez Mountains, whence they drifted into the valleyof the Rio Grande. There they became converts to the fire-worship thenprevailing, but retained their old customs and language. At the time ofthe great insurrection (of 1680) they sheltered the native priests thatwere driven from some of the Rio Grande villages, and this actioncreated such distrust and hatred among the people that the Payupki wereforced to leave their settlement. Their first stop was at Old Laguna (12miles east of the modern village) and they had with them then some 35 or40 of the priests. After leaving Laguna they came to Bear Spring (FortWingate) and had a fight there with the Apache, whom they defeated. Theyremained at Bear Spring for several years, until the Zuñi compelled themto move. They then attempted to reach the San Juan, but were deceived inthe trail, turned to the west and came to where Pueblo Colorado is now(the present post-office of Ganado, between Fort Defiance and Keam’sCanyon). They remained there a long time, and through their success infarming became so favorably known that they were urged to come fartherwest. They refused, in consequence of which some Tusayan attacked them. They were captured and brought to Walpi (then on the point) andafterwards they were distributed among the villages. Previous to thiscapture the priests had been guiding them by feathers, smoke, and signsseen in the fire. When the priest’s omens and oracles had proved falsethe people were disposed to kill them, but the priests persuaded them tolet it depend on a test case--offering to kill themselves in the eventof failure. So they had a great feast at Awatubi. The priests had long, hollow reeds inclosing various substances--feathers, flour, corn-pollen, sacred water, native tobacco (piba), corn, beans, melon seeds, etc. , andthey formed in a circle at sunrise on the plaza and had theirincantations and prayers. As the sun rose a priest stepped forth beforethe people and blew through his reed, desirous of blowing that which wastherein away from him, to scatter it abroad. But the wind would notblow and the contents of the reed fell to the ground. The priests weredivided into groups, according to what they carried. In the evening allbut two groups had blown. Then the elder of the twain turned his backeastward, and the reed toward the setting sun, and he blew, and the windcaught the feather and carried it to the west. This was accepted as asign and the next day the Tusayan freed the slaves, giving each ablanket with corn in it. They went to the mesa where the ruin now standsand built the houses there. They asked for planting grounds, and fieldswere given them; but their crops did not thrive, and they stole cornfrom the Mashongnavi. Then, fearful lest they should be surprised atnight, they built a wall as high as a man’s head about the top of theirmesa, and they had big doorways, which they closed and fastened atnight. When they were compelled to plant corn for themselves theyplanted it on the ledges of the mesa, but it grew only as high as aman’s knees; the leaves were very small and the grains grew only on oneside of it. After a time they became friendly with the Mashongnaviagain, and a boy from that village conceived a passion for a Payupkigirl. The latter tribe objected to a marriage but the Mashongnavi werevery desirous for it and some warriors of that village proposed if theboy could persuade the girl to fly with him, to aid and protect him. Onan appointed day, about sundown, the girl came down from the mesa intothe valley, but she was discovered by some old women who were bakingpottery, who gave the alarm. Hearing the noise a party of theMashongnavi, who were lying in wait, came up, but they encountered aparty of the Payupki who had come out and a fight ensued. During thefight the young man was killed; and this caused so much bitterness offeeling that the Payupki were frightened, and remained quietly in theirpueblo for several days. One morning, however, an old woman came over toMashongnavi to borrow some tobacco, saying that they were going to havea dance in her village in five days. The next day the Payupki quietlydeparted. Seeing no smoke from the village the Mashongnavi at firstthought that the Payupki were preparing for their dance, but on thethird day a band of warriors was sent over to inquire and they found thevillage abandoned. The estufas and the houses of the priests were pulleddown. 

The narrator adds that the Payupki returned to San Felipe whence theycame. 

 [Illustration: Plate XV. Standing walls of Payupki. ]

CHAPTER II. 

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF TUSAYAN. 

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE. 

That portion of the southwestern plateau country comprised in theProvince of Tusayan has usually been approached from the east, so thatthe easternmost of the series of mesas upon which the villages aresituated is called the “First Mesa. ” The road for 30 or 40 miles beforereaching this point traverses the eastern portion of the great plateauwhose broken margin, farther west, furnishes the abrupt mesa-tonguesupon which the villages are built. The sandstone measures of thisplateau are distinguished from many others of the southwest by theirneutral colors. The vegetation consisting of a scattered growth ofstunted piñon and cedar, interspersed with occasional stretches ofdull-gray sage, imparts an effect of extreme monotony to the landscape. The effect is in marked contrast to the warmth and play of colorfrequently seen elsewhere in the plateau country. 

The plateaus of Tusayan are generally diversified by canyons and buttes, whose precipitous sides break down into long ranges of rocky talus andsandy foothills. The arid character of this district is especiallypronounced about the margin of the plateau. In the immediate vicinity ofthe villages there are large areas that do not support a blade of grass, where barren rocks outcrop through drifts of sand or lie piled inconfusion at the bases of the cliffs. The canyons that break through themargins of these mesas often have a remarkable similarity of appearance, and the consequent monotony is extremely embarrassing to the traveler, the absence of running water and clearly defined drainage confusing hissense of direction. 

The occasional springs which furnish scanty water supply to theinhabitants of this region are found generally at great distances apart, and there are usually but few natural indications of their location. They often occur in obscure nooks in the canyons, reached by tortuoustrails winding through the talus and foothills, or as small seeps at thefoot of some mesa. The convergence of numerous Navajo trails, however, furnishes some guide to these rare water sources. 

 [Illustration: Plate XVI. Plan of Hano. ]

The series of promontories upon which the Tusayan villages are built areexceptionally rich in these seeps and springs. About the base of the“First Mesa” (Fig. 1), within a distance of 4 or 5 miles from thevillages located upon it, there are at least five places where water canbe obtained. One of these is a mere surface reservoir, but the othersappear to be permanent springs. The quantity of water, however, is sosmall that it produces no impression on the arid and sterile effect ofthe surroundings, except in its immediate vicinity. Here small patchesof green, standing out in strong relief against their sandyback-grounds, mark the position of clusters of low, stunted peach treesthat have obtained a foothold on the steep sand dunes. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 1. View of the First Mesa. ]

In the open plains surrounding the mesa rim (6, 000 feet above the sea), are seen broad stretches of dusty sage brush and prickly greasewood. Where the plain rises toward the base of the mesa a scattered growth ofscrub cedar and piñon begins to appear. But little of this latter growthis seen in the immediate vicinity of the villages; it is, however, thecharacteristic vegetation of the mesas, while, in still higheraltitudes, toward the San Juan, open forests of timber are met with. This latter country seems scarcely to have come within the ancientbuilder’s province; possibly on account of its coldness in winter andfor the reason that it is open to the incursions of warlike huntingtribes. Sage brush and greasewood grow abundantly near the villages, andthese curious gnarled and twisted shrubs furnish the principal fuel ofthe Tusayan. 

Occasionally grassy levels are seen that for a few weeks in early summerare richly carpeted with multitudes of delicate wild flowers. The beautyof these patches of gleaming color is enhanced by contrast with theforbidding and rugged character of the surroundings; but in a very shorttime these blossoms disappear from the arid and parched desert that theyhave temporarily beautified. These beds of bloom are not seen in theimmediate vicinity of the present villages, but are unexpectedly metwith in portions of the neighboring mesas and canyons. 

After crossing the 6 or 7 miles of comparatively level country thatintervenes between the mouth of Keam’s Canyon and the first of theoccupied mesas, the toilsome ascent begins; at first through slopes anddunes and then over masses of broken talus, as the summit of the mesa isgradually approached. Near the top the road is flanked on one side by avery abrupt descent of broken slopes, and on the other by a precipitousrocky wall that rises 30 or 40 feet above. The road reaches the brink ofthe promontory by a sharp rise at a point close to the village of Hano. 

METHODS OF SURVEY. 

Before entering upon a description of the villages and ruins, a fewwords as to the preparation of the plans accompanying this paper willnot be amiss. The methods pursued in making the surveys of the inhabitedpueblos were essentially the same throughout. The outer wall of eachseparate cluster was run with a compass and a tape measure, the linesbeing closed and checked upon the corner from which the beginning wasmade, so that the plan of each group stands alone, and no accumulationof error is possible. The stretched tapeline afforded a basis forestimating any deviations from a straight line which the wall presented, and as each sight was plotted on the spot these deviations are allrecorded on the plan, and afford an indication of the degree of accuracywith which the building was carried out. Upon the basis thus obtained, the outlines of the second stories were drawn by the aid of measurementsfrom the numerous jogs and angles; the same process being repeated foreach of the succeeding stories. The plan at this stage recorded all thestories in outline. The various houses and clusters were connected bycompass sights and by measurements. A tracing of the outline plan wasthen made, on which the stories were distinguished by lines of differentcolors, and upon this tracing were recorded all the verticalmeasurements. These were generally taken at every corner, although in along wall it was customary to make additional measurements atintervening points. 

 [Illustration: Plate XVII. View of Hano. ]

Upon the original outline were then drawn all such details as copingstones, chimneys, trapdoors, etc. , the tapeline being used wherenecessary to establish positions. The forms of the chimneys as well astheir position and size were also indicated on this drawing, which wasfinally tinted to distinguish the different terraces. Upon this coloredsheet were located all openings. These were numbered, and at the sametime described in a notebook, in which were also recorded the necessaryvertical measurements, such as their height and elevation above theground. In the same notebook the openings were also fully described. Theladders were located upon the same sheet, and were consecutivelylettered and described in the notebook. This description furnishes arecord of the ladder, its projection above the coping, if any, thedifference in the length of its poles, the character of the tiepiece, etc. Altogether these notebooks furnish a mass of statistical data whichhas been of great service in the elaboration of this report and in thepreparation of models. Finally, a level was carried over the wholevillage, and the height of each corner and jog above an assumed base wasdetermined. A reduced tracing was then made of the plan as a basis forsketching in such details of topography, etc. , as it was thoughtadvisable to preserve. 

These plans were primarily intended to be used in the construction oflarge scale models, and consequently recorded an amount of informationthat could not be reproduced upon the published drawings without causinggreat confusion. 

The methods followed in surveying the ruins underwent some changes fromtime to time as the work progressed. In the earlier work the lines ofthe walls, so far as they could be determined, were run with a compassand tapeline and gone over with a level. Later it was found moreconvenient to select a number of stations and connect them bycross-sights and measurements. These points were then platted, and thewalls and lines of débris were carefully drawn in over the framework oflines thus obtained, additional measurements being taken when necessary. The heights of standing walls were measured from both sides, andopenings were located on the plan and described in a notebook, as wasdone in the survey of the inhabited villages. The entire site was thenleveled, and from the data obtained contour lines were drawn with a5-foot interval. Irregularities in the directions of walls were noted. In the later plans of ruins a scale of symbols, seven in number, wereemployed to indicate the amount and distribution of the débris. Theplans, as published, indicate the relative amounts of débris as seenupon the ground. Probable lines of wall are shown on the plan by dottedlines drawn through the dots which indicate débris. With this exception, the plans show the ruins as they actually are. Standing walls, as arule, are drawn in solid black; their heights appear on the fieldsheets, but could not be shown upon the published plans withoutconfusing the drawing. The contour lines represent an interval of 5feet; the few cases in which the secondary or negative contours are usedwill not produce confusion, as their altitude is always given infigures. 

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS. 

The ruins described in this chapter comprise but a few of those foundwithin the province of Tusayan. These were surveyed and recorded onaccount of their close traditional connection with the present villages, and for the sake of the light that they might throw upon the relation ofthe modern pueblos to the innumerable stone buildings of unknown date sowidely distributed over the southwestern plateau country. Suchtraditional connection with the present peoples could probably beestablished for many more of the ruins of this country by investigationssimilar to those conducted by Mr. Stephen in the Tusayan group; but thisphase of the subject was not included in our work. In the search forpurely architectural evidence among these ruins it must be confessedthat the data have proved disappointingly meager. No trace of thenumerous constructive details that interest the student of puebloarchitecture in the modern villages can be seen in the low mounds ofbroken down masonry that remain in most of the ancient villages ofTusayan. But little masonry remains standing in even the best preservedof these ruins, and villages known to have been occupied within twocenturies are not distinguishable from the remains to which distincttradition (save that they were in the same condition when the firstpeople of the narrators’ gens came to this region) no longer clings. Though but little architectural information is to be derived from theseruins beyond such as is conveyed by the condition and character of themasonry and the general distribution of the plan, the plans and relationto the topography are recorded as forming, in connection with thetraditions, a more complete account than can perhaps be obtained later. 

In our study of architectural details, when a comparison is suggestedbetween the practice at Tusayan and that of the ancient builders, ourillustrations for the latter must often be drawn from other portions ofthe builders’ territory where better preserved remains furnish thenecessary data. 

WALPI RUINS. 

In the case of the pueblo of Walpi, a portion of whose people seem tohave been the first comers in this region, a number of changes of siteshave taken place, at least one of which has occurred within the historicperiod. Of the various sites occupied one is pointed out north of thegap on the first mesa. At the present time this site is only a low moundof sand-covered débris with no standing fragment of wall visible. Thepresent condition of this early Walpi is illustrated in Fig. 2. In theabsence of foundation walls or other definite lines, the character ofthe site is expressed by the contour lines that define its relief. Another of the sites occupied by the Walpi is said to have been in theopen valley separating the first from the second mesa, but here no traceof the remains of a stone village has been discovered. This traditionallocation is referred to by Mr. Stephen in his account of Walpi. The lastsite occupied previous to the present one on the mesa summit was on alower bench of the first mesa promontory at its southern extremity. Herethe houses are said to have been distributed over quite a large area, and occasional fragments of masonry are still seen at widely separatedpoints; but the ground plan can not now be traced. This was the site ofa Spanish mission, and some of the Tusayan point out the positionformerly occupied by mission buildings, but no architectural evidence ofsuch structures is visible. It seems to be fairly certain, however, thatthis was the site of Walpi at a date well within the historic period, although now literally there is not one stone upon another. Thedestruction in this instance has probably been more than usuallycomplete on account of the close proximity of the succeeding pueblo, making the older remains a very convenient stone quarry for theconstruction of the houses on the mesa summit. Of the three abandonedsites of Walpi referred to, not one furnishes sufficient data for asuggestion of a ground plan or of the area covered. 

 [Illustration: Plate XVIII. Plan of Sichumovi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 2. Ruins, Old Walpi mound. ]

OLD MASHONGNAVI. 

In the case of Mashongnavi we have somewhat more abundant material. Itwill be desirable to quote a few lines of narrative from the account ofa Mashongnavi Indian of the name of Nuvayauma, as indicating the causesthat led to the occupation of the site illustrated. 

 We turned and came to the north, meeting the Apache and “Beaver Indians, ” with whom we had many battles, and being few we were defeated, after which we came up to Mashongnavi [the ruin at the “Giant’s Chair”] and gave that rock its name [name not known], and built our houses there. The Apache came upon us again, with the Comanche, and then we came to [Old Mashóngnavi]. We lived there in peace many years, having great success with crops, and our people increased in numbers, and the Apache came in great numbers and set fire to the houses and burned our corn, which you will find to-day there burnt and charred. After they had destroyed our dwellings we came upon the mesa, and have lived here since. 

The ruins referred to as having been the first occupied by theMashongnavi at a large isolated rock known as the “Giant’s Chair, ” havenot been examined. The later village from which they were driven by theattacks of the Apache to their present site has been surveyed. The planof the fallen walls and lines of débris by which the form of much of theold pueblo can still be traced is given in Pl. II. The plan of the bestpreserved portion of the pueblo towards the north end of the sheetclearly indicates a general adherence to the inclosed court arrangementwith about the same degree of irregularity that characterizes the modernvillage. Besides the clearly traceable portions of the ruin that bearsuch resemblance to the present village in arrangement, several smallgroups and clusters appear to have been scattered along the slope of thefoothills, but in their present state of destruction it is not clearwhether these clusters were directly connected with the principal group, or formed part of another village. Occasional traces of foundation wallsstrongly suggest such connection, although from the character of thesite this intervening space could hardly have been closely built over. With the exception of the main cluster above described the houses occupyvery broken and irregular sites. As indicated on the plan, the slope isbroken by huge irregular masses of sandstone protruding from the soil, while much of the surface is covered by scattered fragments that havefallen from neighboring pinnacles and ledges. The contours indicate thegeneral character of the slopes over which these irregular features aredisposed. The fragment of ledge shown on the north end of the plate, against which a part of the main cluster has been built, is a portion ofa broad massive ledge of sandstone that supports the low buttes uponwhich the present villages of Mashongnavi and Shupaúlovi are built, andcontinues as a broad, level shelf of solid rock for several miles alongthe mesa promontory. Its continuation on the side opposite that shown inthe plate may be seen in the general view of Shupaulovi (Pl. XXXI). 

SHITAIMUVI. 

The vestiges of another ruined village, known as Shitaimuvi, are foundin the vicinity of Mashongnavi, occupying and covering the crown of arounded foothill on the southeast side of the mesa. No plan of this ruincould be obtained on account of the complete destruction of the walls. No line of foundation stones even could be found, although the wholearea is more or less covered with the scattered stones of formermasonry. An exceptional quantity of pottery fragments is also strewnover the surface. These bear a close resemblance to the fine class ofware characteristic of “Talla Hogan” or “Awatubi, ” and would suggestthat this pueblo was contemporaneous with the latter. Some reference tothis ruin win be found in the traditionary material in Chapter I. 

 [Illustration: Plate XIX. View of Sichumovi. ]

AWATUBI. 

The ruin of Awatubi is known to the Navajo as Talla Hogan, a terminterpreted as meaning “singing house” and thought to refer to thechapel and mission that at one time nourished here, as described by Mr. Stephen in Chapter I. Tradition ascribes great importance to thisvillage. At the time of the Spanish conquest it was one of the mostprosperous of the seven “cities” of Tusayan, and was selected as thesite of a mission, a distinction shared by Walpi, which was then on alower spur of the first mesa, and by Shumopavi, which also was built ona lower site than the present village of that name. Traditions referringto this pueblo have been collected from several sources and, whilevarying somewhat in less important details, they all concur in bringingthe destruction of the village well within the period of Spanishoccupation. 

On the historical site, too, we know that Cruzate on the occasion of theattempted reconquest of the country visited this village in 1692, andthe ruin must therefore be less than two centuries old, yet thecompleteness of destruction is such that over most of its area nostanding wall is seen, and the outlines of the houses and groups areindicated mainly by low ridges and masses of broken-down masonry, partlycovered by the drifting sands. The group of rooms that forms the southeast side of the pueblo is an exception to the general rule. Herefragmentary walls of rough masonry stand to a height, in some cases, of8 feet above the débris. The character of the stonework, as may be seenfrom Pl. V, is but little better than that of the modern villages. Thisbetter preserved portion of the village seems to have formed part of acluster of mission buildings. At the points designated A on the groundplan may be seen the remnants of walls that have been built of strawadobe in the typical Spanish manner. These rest upon foundations ofstone masonry. See Pl. VI. The adobe fragments are probably part of thechurch or associated buildings. At two other points on the ground plan, both on the northeast side, low fragments of wall are still standing, asmay be seen from the plate. At one of these points the remains indicatethat the village was provided with a gateway near the middle of thenortheast side. 

The general plan of this pueblo is quite different from that of thepresent villages, and approaches the older types in symmetry andcompactness. There is a notable absence of the arrangement of rooms intolong parallel rows. This typical Tusayan feature is only slightlyapproximated in some subordinate rows within the court. The plansuggests that the original pueblo was built about three sides of arectangular court, the fourth or southeast side--later occupied by themission buildings--being left open, or protected only by a low wall. Outside the rectangle of the main pueblo, on the northeast side, are twofragments of rude masonry, built by Navajo sheep herders. Near the westcorner of the pueblo are the vestiges of two rooms, outside the puebloproper, which seem to belong to the original construction. 

Awatubi is said to have had excavated rectangular kivas, situated in theopen court, similar to those used in the modern village. The people ofWalpi had partly cleared out one of these chambers and used it as adepository for ceremonial plume-sticks, etc. , but the Navajo came andcarried off their sacred deposits, tempted probably by their marketvalue as ethnologic specimens. No trace of these kivas was visible atthe time the ruins were surveyed. 

The Awatubi are said to have had sheep at the time the village wasdestroyed. Some of the Tusayan point out the remains of a large sheepcorral near the spring, which they say was used at that time, but it isquite as likely to have been constructed for that purpose at a muchlater date. 

HORN HOUSE. 

The Horn House is so called because tradition connects this village withsome of the people of the Horn phratry of the Hopituh or Tusayan. Theruin is situated on a projecting point of the mesa that forms thewestern flank of Jeditoh Valley, not far from where the Holbrook road toKeam’s Canyon ascends the brink of the mesa. The village is almostcompletely demolished, no fragment of standing wall remaining in place. Its general plan and distribution are quite clearly indicated by theusual low ridges of fallen masonry partly covered by drifted sand. Thereis but little loose stone scattered about, the sand having filled in allthe smaller irregularities. 

It will be seen from the plan, Pl. VII, that the village has been builtclose to the edge of the mesa, following to some extent theirregularities of its outline. The mesa ruin at this point, however, isnot very high, the more abrupt portion having a height of 20 or 30 feet. Near the north end of the village the ground slopes very sharply towardthe east and is rather thickly covered with the small stones of fallenmasonry, though but faint vestiges of rooms remain. In plan the ruin isquite elongated, following the direction of the mesa. The houses werequite irregularly disposed, particularly in the northern portion of theruin. But here the indications are too vague to determine whether thehouses were originally built about one long court or about two or moresmaller ones. The south end of the pueblo, however, still shows a welldefined court bounded on all sides by clearly traceable rooms. At theextreme south end of the ruin the houses have very irregular outlines, a result of their adaptation to the topography, as may be seen in theillustration. 

 [Illustration: Plate XX. Plan of Walpi. ]

The plan shows the position of a small group of cottonwood trees, justbelow the edge of the mesa and nearly opposite the center of thevillage. These trees indicate the proximity of water, and mark theprobable site of the spring that furnished this village with at leastpart of its water supply. 

There are many fragments of pottery on this spot, but they are not soabundant as at Awatubi. 

Two partly excavated rooms were seen at this ruin, the work of someearlier visitors who hoped to discover ethnologic or other treasure. 

These afforded no special information, as the character of the masonryexposed differed in no respect from that seen at other of the Tusayanruins. No traces of adobe construction or suggestions of foreigninfluence were seen at this ruin. 

SMALL RUIN BETWEEN HORN HOUSE AND BAT HOUSE. 

On a prolongation of the mesa occupied by the Horn House, midway betweenit and another ruined pueblo known as the Bat House, occur the remainsof a small and compact cluster of houses (Fig. 3). It is situated on thevery mesa edge, here about 40 feet high, at the head of a small canyonwhich opens into the Jeditoh Valley, a quarter of a mile below. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 3. Ruin between Bat House and Horn House. ]

The site affords an extended outlook to the south over a large part ofJeditoh Valley. The topography about this point, which receives thedrainage of a considerable area of the mesa top, would fit it especiallyfor the establishment of a reservoir. This fact probably had much to dowith its selection as a dwelling site. The masonry is in about the samestate of preservation as that of the Horn House, and some of the stonesof the fallen walls seem to have been washed down from the mesa edge tothe talus below. 

BAT HOUSE. 

The Bat House is a ruin of nearly the same size as the Horn House, although in its distribution it does not follow the mesa edge so closelyas the latter, and is not so elongated in its general form. The northernportion is quite irregular, and the rooms seem to have been somewhatcrowded. The southern half, with only an occasional room traceable, as indicated on the plan, Pl. VIII, still shows that the rooms weredistributed about a large open court. 

The Bat House is situated on the northwest side of the Jeditoh Valley, on part of the same mesa occupied by the two ruins described above. Itoccupies the summit of a projecting spur, overlooking the main valleyfor an extent of more than 5 miles. The ruin lies on the extreme edge ofthe cliff, here about 200 feet high, and lying beneath it on the eastand south are large areas of arable land. Altogether it forms anexcellent defensive site, combined with a fair degree of convenience tofields and water from the Tusayan point of view. 

This ruin, near its northeastern extremity, contains a feature that isquite foreign to the architecture of Tusayan, viz, a defensive wall. It is the only instance of the use by the Hopituh of an inclosing wall, though it is met with again at Payupki (Pl. XIII), which, however, wasbuilt by people from the Rio Grande country. 

MISHIPTONGA. 

Mishiptonga is the Tusayan name for the southernmost, and by far thelargest, of the Jeditoh series of ruins (Pl. IX). It occurs quite closeto the Jeditoh spring which gives its name to the valley along whosenorthern and western border are distributed the ruins above described, beginning with the Horn house. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXI. View of Walpi. ]

This village is rather more irregular in its arrangement than any otherof the series. There are indications of a number of courts inclosed bylarge and small clusters of rooms, very irregularly disposed, but with ageneral trend towards the northeast, being roughly parallel with themesa edge. In plan this village approaches somewhat that of theinhabited Tusayan villages. At the extreme southern extremity of themesa promontory is a small secondary bench, 20 feet lower than the siteof the main village. This bench has also been occupied by a number ofhouses. On the east side the pueblo was built to the very edge of thebluff, where small fragments of masonry are still standing. The wholevillage seems so irregular and crowded in its arrangement that itsuggests a long period of occupancy and growth, much more than do theother villages of this (Jeditoh) group. 

The pueblo may have been abandoned or destroyed prior to the advent ofthe Spaniards in this country, as claimed by the Indians, for notraditional mention of it is made in connection with the later feuds andwars that figure so prominently in the Tusayan oral history of the lastthree centuries. The pueblo was undoubtedly built by some of the ancientgentes of the Tusayan stock, as its plan, the character of the sitechosen, and, where traceable, the quality of workmanship link it withthe other villages of the Jeditoh group. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 4. Ruin near Moen-kopi, plan. ]

MOEN-KOPI RUINS. 

A very small group of rooms, even smaller than the neighboring farmingpueblo of Moen-kopi, is situated on the western edge of the mesa summitabout a quarter of a mile north of the modern village of Moen-kopi. Asthe plan shows (Fig. 4), the rooms were distributed in three rows arounda small court. This ruin also follows the general northeastern trendwhich has been noticed both in the ruined and in the occupied pueblos ofTusayan. The rows here were only one room deep and not more than asingle story high at any point, as indicated by the very small amount ofdébris. As the plate shows, nearly the entire plan is clearly defined byfragments of standing walls. The walls are built of thin tablets of thedark-colored sandstone which caps the mesa. Where the walls have fallenthe débris is comparatively free from earth, indicating that adobe hasbeen sparingly used. The walls, in places standing to a height of 2 or 3feet, as may be seen in the illustration, Pl. X, show unusual precisionof workmanship and finish, resembling in this respect some of theancient pueblos farther north. This is to some extent due to theexceptional suitability of the tabular stones of the mesa summit. Thealmost entire absence of pottery fragments and other objects of artwhich are such a constant accompaniment of the ruins throughout thisregion strongly suggest that it was occupied for a very short time. InChapter III it will be shown that a similar order of occupation tookplace at Ojo Caliente, one of the Zuñi farming villages. This ruin isprobably of quite recent origin, as is the present village of Moen-kopi, although it may possibly have belonged to an earlier colony of which wehave no distinct trace. This fertile and well watered valley, averitable garden spot in the Tusayan deserts, must have been one of thefirst points occupied. Some small cliff-dwellings, single rooms inniches of a neighboring canyon wall, attest the earlier use of thevalley for agricultural purposes, although it is doubtful whether theserude shelters date back of the Spanish invasion of the province. 

A close scrutiny of the many favorable sites in this vicinity wouldprobably reveal the sand-encumbered remains of some more importantsettlement than any of those now known. 

RUINS ON THE ORAIBI WASH. 

The wagon road from Keam’s Canyon to Tuba City crosses the Oraibi washat a point about 7 miles above the village of Oraibi. As it enters abranch canyon on the west side of the wash it is flanked on each side byrocky mesas and broken ledges. On the left or west side a boldpromontory, extending southward, is quite a conspicuous feature of thelandscape. The entire flat mesa summit, and much of the slope of a rockybutte that rises from it, are covered with the remains of a smallpueblo, as shown on the plan, Fig. 5. All of this knoll except itseastern side is lightly covered with scattered débris. On the west andnorth sides there are many large masses of broken rock distributed overthe slope. There is no standing wall visible from below, but on closerapproach several interesting specimens of masonry are seen. On the northside, near the west end, there is a fragment of curved wall whichfollows the margin of the rock on which it is built. It is about 8 or 10feet long and 3 feet high on the outer side. The curve is carefullyexecuted and the workmanship of the masonry good. Farther east, andstill on the north side, there is a fragment of masonry exhibiting areversed curve. This piece of wall spans the space between two adjoiningrocks, and the top of the wall is more than 10 feet above the rock onwhich it stands. The shape of this wall and its relation to thesurroundings are indicated on the plan, Fig. 5. On the south side of theruin on the mesa surface, and near an outcropping rock, are the remainsof what appears to have been a circular room, perhaps 8 or 10 feet indiameter, though it is too much broken down to determine thisaccurately. Only a small portion of the south wall can be definitelytraced. On the south slope of the mesa are indications of walls, toovaguely defined to admit of the determination of their direction. Similar vestiges of masonry are found on the north and west, but notextending to as great a distance from the knoll as those on the south. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXII. South passageway of Walpi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 5. Ruin 7 miles north of Oraibi. ]

In that portion of the ruin which lies on top of the knoll, the walls sofar as traced conform to the shape of the site. The ground plan of thebuildings that once occupied the slopes can not be traced, and it isimpossible to determine whether its walls were carried throughcontinuously. 

The masonry exhibited in the few surviving fragments of wall is ofunusually good quality, resembling somewhat that of the Fire House, Fig. 7, and other ruins of that class. The stones are of medium size, notdressed, and are rather rougher and less flat than is usual, but thewall has a good finish. The stone, however, is of poor quality. Most ofthe débris about the ruin consists of small stone fragments and sand, comparatively few stones of the size used in the walls being seen. Thematerial evidently came from the immediate vicinity of the ruin. 

Pottery fragments were quite abundant about this ruin, most of the warerepresented being of exceptional quality and belonging to the oldertypes; red ware with black lines and black and white ware wereespecially abundant. 

There is quite an extensive view from the ruin, the top of the buttecommanding an outlook down the valley past Oraibi, and about 5 milesnorth. There is also an extended outlook up the valley followed by thewagon road above referred to, and over two branch valleys, one on theeast and another of much less extent on the west. The site was welladapted for defense, which must have been one of the principal motivesfor its selection. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 6. Ruin 14 miles north of Oraibi (Kwaituki). ]

KWAITUKI. 

The ruin known to the Tusayan as Kwaituki (Fig. 6) is also on the westside of the Oraibi wash, 14 miles above Oraibi, and about 7 miles abovethe ruin last described. Its general resemblance to the latter is verystriking. The builders have apparently been actuated by the same motivesin their choice of a site, and their manner of utilizing it correspondsvery closely. The crowning feature of the rocky knoll in this case is apicturesque group of rectangular masses of sandstone, somewhatirregularly distributed. The bare summit of a large block-like massstill retains the vestiges of rooms, and probably most of the groupswere at one time covered with buildings, forming a prominentcitadel-like group in the midst of the village. To the north of thisrocky butte a large area seems to have been at one time inclosed bybuildings, forming a court of unusual dimensions. Along the outer marginof the pueblo occasional fragments of walls define former rooms, but theamount and character of the débris indicate that the inner area wasalmost completely inclosed with buildings. The remains of masonry extendon the south a little beyond the base of the central group of rocks, buthere the vestiges of stonework are rather faint and scattered. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXIII. Houses built over irregular sites, Walpi. ]

In the nearly level tops of some of the rocks forming the central pileare many smoothly worn depressions or cavities, which have evidentlybeen used for the grinding and shaping of stone implements. 

A remarkable feature occurring within this village is a cave orunderground fissure in the rocks, which evidently had been used by theinhabitants. The mouth or entrance to this cavern, partly obstructed andconcealed at the time of our visit, occurs at the point A on the plan. On clearing away the rubbish at the mouth and entering it was found soobstructed with broken rock and fine dust that but little progress couldbe made in its exploration; but the main crevice in the rock could beseen by artificial light to extend some 10 feet back from the mouth, where it became very shallow. It could be seen that the original cavernhad been improved by the pueblo-builders, as some of the timbers thathad been placed inside were still in position, and a low wall of masonryon the south side remained intact. Some Navajos stated that they haddiscovered this small cave a couple of years before and had taken fromit a large unbroken water jar of ancient pottery and some otherspecimens. The place was probably used by the ancient occupants simplyfor storage. 

Fragments of pottery of excellent quality were very abundant about thisruin and at the foot of the central rocks the ground was thickly strewnwith fragments, often of large size. 

The defensive character of this site parallels that of the ruin 7 milesfarther south in quite a remarkable manner, and the villages wereapparently built and occupied at the same time. 

TEBUGKIHU, OR FIRE HOUSE. 

About 15 miles northeast of Keam’s Canyon, and about 25 miles fromWalpi, is a small ruin called by the Tusayan “Tebugkihu, ” built bypeople of the Fire gens (now extinct). As the plan (Fig. 7) clearlyshows, this pueblo is very different from the typical Tusayan villagesthat have been previously described. The apparent unity of the plan, andthe skillful workmanship somewhat resembling the pueblos of the Chacoare in marked contrast to the irregularity and careless construction ofmost of the Tusayan ruins. Its distance from the center of the province, too, suggests outside relationship; but still the Tusayan traditionsundoubtedly connect the place with some of the ancestral gentes, as seenin Chapter I. 

The small and compact cluster of rooms is in a remarkable state ofpreservation, especially the outside wall. This wall was carefully andmassively constructed, and stands to the height of several feet aroundthe entire circumference of the ruin, except along the brink of thecliff, as the plan shows. 

This outer wall contains by far the largest stones yet foundincorporated in pueblo masonry. A fragment of this masonry isillustrated in Pl. XI. The largest stone shown measures about 5 feet inlength, and the one adjoining on the right measures about 4 feet. Thesedimensions are quite remarkable in pueblo masonry, which isdistinguished by the use of very small stones. 

The well defined outer wall of this cluster to the unaided eye appearsto be elliptical, but it will be seen from the plan that the ellipse issomewhat pointed on the side farthest from the cliff. As in other casesof ancient pueblos with curved outlines, the outer wall seems to havebeen built first, and the inner rooms, while kept as rectangular aspossible, were adjusted to this curve. This arrangement often led to acumulating divergence from radial lines in some of the partitions, whichirregularity was taken up in one room, as in this instance, in the spacenear the gate. The outer wall is uniform in construction so far aspreserved. Many irregularities appear, however, in the construction ofthe inner or partition walls, and some of the rooms show awkwardattempts at adjustment to the curve of the outer wall. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 7. Oval (Fire House) ruin, plan (Tebugkihu). ]

The ruin is situated on the very brink of a small canyon, which probablycontained a spring at the foot of the cliff close under the ruin site, as the vegetation there has an unusual appearance of freshness, suggesting the close proximity of water to the surface. A steep trailevidently connected the village with the bottom of the canyon. Some ofthe rocks of the mesa rim were marked by numerous cup-like cavitiessimilar to those seen at Kwaituki, and used in the polishing and formingof stone implements. The type of pueblo here illustrated belonged to apeople who relied largely on the architecture for defense, differing inthis respect from the spirit of Tusayan architecture generally, wherethe inaccessible character of the site was the chief dependence. 

CHUKUBI. 

The ruin called Chukubi by the Tusayan (Pl. XII) is situated on theMiddle Mesa, about 3 miles northeast of Mashongnavi. It occupies apromontory above the same broad sandstone ledge that forms such aconspicuous feature in the vicinity of Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi, andwhich supports the buttes upon which these villages are built. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXIV. Dance rock and kiva, Walpi. ]

Little masonry now remains on this site, but here and there a fragmentaids in defining the general plan of the pueblo. In general form thevillage was a large rectangle with a line of buildings across itscenter, dividing it into two unequal courts, and a projecting wing onthe west side. As may be seen from the illustration, one end of the ruinforms a clearly defined rectangular court, composed of buildings mostlytwo rooms deep. Here, as in other ruins of Tusayan, the arrangementabout inclosed courts is in contrast with the parallelism of rows, sonoticeable a feature in the occupied villages. At the east end of theruin are several curious excavations. The soft sandstone has beenhollowed out to a depth of about 10 inches, in prolongation of theoutlines of adjoining rooms. Such excavation to obtain level floors isquite unusual among the pueblo builders; it was practiced to a verysmall extent, and only where it could be done with little trouble. Anyserious inequality of surface was usually incorporated in theconstruction, as will be noticed at Walpi (Pl. XXIII). Vestiges ofmasonry indicating detached rooms were seen in each of the courts of themain rectangle. 

On the slope of the hill, just above the broad ledge previouslydescribed, there is a fine spring, but no trace of a trail connecting itwith the pueblo could be found. 

This village was advantageously placed for defense, but not to the samedegree as Payupki, illustrated in Pl. XIII. 

PAYUPKI. 

The ruin called Payupki (Pl. XIII) occupies the summit of a boldpromontory south of the trail, from Walpi to Oraibi, and about 6 milesnorthwest from Mashongnavi. The outer extremity of this promontory isseparated from the mesa by a deep notch. The summit is reached from themesa by way of the neck, as the outer point itself is very abrupt, muchof the sandstone ledge being vertical. A bench, 12 or 15 feet below thesummit and in places quite broad, encircles the promontory. This benchalso breaks off very abruptly. 

As may be seen from the plan, the village is quite symmetrically laidout and well arranged for defense. It is placed at the mesa end of thepromontory cap, and for greater security the second ledge has also beenfortified. All along the outer margin of this ledge are the remains of astone wall, in some places still standing to a height of 1 or 2 feet. This wall appears to have extended originally all along the ledge aroundthree sides of the village. The steepness of the cliff on the remainingside rendered a wall superfluous. On the plain below this promontory, and immediately under the overhanging cliff, are two corrals, and alsothe remains of a structure that resembles a kiva, but which appears tobe of recent construction. 

In the village proper (Pl. XIV) are two distinctly traceable kivas. Oneof these, situated in the court, is detached and appears to have beenpartly underground. The other, located in the southeast end of thevillage, has also, like the first, apparently been sunk slightly belowthe surface. There is a jog in the standing wall of this kiva whichcorresponds to that usually found in the typical Tusayan kivas (seeFigs. 22 and 25). On the promontory and east of the village is a singleroom of more than average length, with a well formed door in the centerof one side. This room has every appearance of being contemporary withthe rest of the village, but its occurrence in this entirely isolatedposition is very unusual. Still farther east there is a mass of debristhat may have belonged to a cluster of six or eight rooms, or it maypossibly be the remains of temporary stone shelters for outlooks overcrops, built at a later date than the pueblo. As may be seen from theillustration (Pl. XV), the walls are roughly built of large slabs ofsandstone of various sizes. The work is rather better than that ofmodern Tusayan, but much inferior to that seen in the skillfully laidmasonry of the ruins farther north. In many of these walls an occasionalsandstone slab of great length is introduced. This peculiarity isprobably due to the character of the local material, which is morevaried than usual. All of the stone here used is taken from ledges inthe immediate vicinity. It is usually light in color and of loosetexture, crumbling readily, and subject to rapid decay, particularlywhen used in walls that are roughly constructed. 

Much of the pottery scattered about this ruin has a very modernappearance, some of it having the characteristic surface finish andcolor of the Rio Grande ware. A small amount of ancient pottery alsooccurs here, some of the fragments of black and white ware displayingintricate fret patterns. The quantity of these potsherds is quite small, and they occur mainly in the refuse heaps on the mesa edge. 

This ruin combines a clearly defined defensive plan with utilization ofone of the most inaccessible sites in the vicinity, producing altogethera combination that would seem to have been impregnable by any of theordinary methods of Indian warfare. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXV. Foot trail to Walpi. ]

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF THE INHABITED VILLAGES. 

HANO. 

The village of Hano, or Tewa, is intrusive and does not properly belongto the Tusayan stock, as appears from their own traditions. It issomewhat loosely planned (Pl. XVI) and extends nearly across the mesatongue, which is here quite narrow, and in general there is noappreciable difference between the arrangement here followed and that ofthe other villages. One portion of the village, however, designated asHouse No. 5 on the plan, differs somewhat from the typical arrangementin long irregular rows, and approaches the pyramidal form found amongthe more eastern pueblos, notably at Taos and in portions of Zuñi. Ashas been seen, tradition tells us that this site was taken up by theTewa at a late date and subsequent to the Spanish conquest; but somehouses, formerly belonging to the Asa people, formed a nucleus aboutwhich the Tewa village of Hano was constructed. The pyramidal houseoccupied by the old governor, is said to have been built over suchremains of earlier houses. 

The largest building in the village appears to have been added to fromtime to time as necessity for additional space arose, resulting in muchthe same arrangement as that characterizing most of the Tusayan houses, viz, a long, irregular row, not more than three stories high at anypoint. The small range marked No. 4 on the plan contains a section threestories high, as does the long row and also the pyramidal cluster abovereferred to. (Pl. XVII. )

The kivas are two in number, one situated within the village and theother occupying a position in the margin of the mesa. These ceremonialchambers, so far as observed, appear to be much like those in the othervillages, both in external and internal arrangement. 

Within the last few years the horse trail that afforded access to Hanoand Sichumovi has been converted into a wagon road, and during theprogress of this work, under the supervision of an American, considerable blasting was done. Among other changes the marginal kiva, which was nearly in line with the proposed improvements, was removed. This was done despite the protest of the older men, and theirpredictions of dire calamity sure to follow such sacrilege. A new sitewas selected close by and the newly acquired knowledge of the use ofpowder was utilized in blasting out the excavation for this subterraneanchamber. It is altogether probable that the sites of all former kivaswere largely determined by accident, these rooms being built at pointswhere natural fissures or open spaces in the broken mesa edge furnisheda suitable depression or cavity. The builders were not capable ofworking the stone to any great extent, and their operations wereprobably limited to trimming out such natural excavations and in partlining them with masonry. 

There is a very noticeable scarcity of roof-holes, aside from those ofthe first terrace. As a rule the first terrace has no external openingson the ground and is entered from its roof through large trap-doors, asshown on the plans. The lower rooms within this first terrace are notinhabited, but are used as storerooms. 

At several points ruined walls are seen, remains of abandoned rooms thathave fallen into decay. Occasionally a rough, buttress-like projectionfrom a wall is the only vestige of a room or a cluster of rooms, alltraces on the ground having been obliterated. 

The mesa summit, that forms the site of this village, is nearly level, with very little earth on its surface. A thin accumulation of soil andrubbish lightly covers the inner court, but outside, along the face ofthe long row, the bare rock is exposed continuously. Where the roomshave been abandoned and the walls have fallen, the stones have all beenutilized in later constructions, leaving no vestige of the former wallon the rocky site, as the stones of the masonry have always been setupon the surface of the rock, with no excavation or preparation offootings of any kind. 

SICHUMOVI. 

According to traditional accounts this village was founded at a morerecent date than Walpi. It has, however, undergone many changes sinceits first establishment. 

The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to that of Hano(Pl. XVIII). A portion of an L-shaped cluster west of this row, and asmall row near it parallel to the main building, form a rudeapproximation to the inclosed court arrangement. The terracing here, however, is not always on the court side, whereas in ancient examplessuch arrangement was an essential defensive feature, as the courtfurnished the only approach to upper terraces. In all of these villagesthere is a noticeable tendency to face the rows eastward instead oftoward the court. The motive of such uniformity of direction in thehouses must have been strong, to counteract the tendency to adhere tothe ancient arrangement. The two kivas of the village are built side byside, in contact, probably on account of the presence at this point of afavorable fissure or depression in the mesa surface. 

On the south side of the village are the remains of two small clustersof rooms that apparently have been abandoned a long time. A portion of aroom still bounded by standing walls has been utilized as a corral forburros (PL. XIX). 

 [Illustration: Plate XXVI. Mashongnavi, plan. ]

At this village are three small detached houses, each composed of but asingle room, a feature not at all in keeping with the spirit of puebloconstruction. In this instance it is probably due to the selection ofthe village as the residence of whites connected with the agency orschool. Of these single-room houses, one, near the south end of the longrow, was being built by an American, who was living in another suchhouse near the middle of this row. The third house, although fairly wellpreserved at the time of the survey, was abandoned and falling intoruin. Adjoining the middle one of these three buildings on the southside are the outlines of two small compartments, which were evidentlybuilt as corrals for burros and are still used for that purpose. 

This village, though limited to two stories in height, has, like theothers of the first mesa, a number of roof holes or trapdoors in theupper story, an approach to the Zuñi practice. This feature among theTusayan villages is probably due to intercourse with the more easternpueblos, for it seems to occur chiefly among those having suchcommunication most frequently. Its presence is probably the resultsimply of borrowing a convenient feature from those who invented it tomeet a necessity. The conditions under which the houses were built havehardly been such as to stimulate the Tusayan to the invention of such adevice. The uniform height of the second-story roofs seen in thisvillage, constituting an almost unbroken level, is a rather exceptionalfeature in pueblo architecture. Only one depression occurs in the wholelength of the main row. 

WALPI. 

Of all the pueblos, occupied or in ruins, within the provinces ofTusayan and Cibola, Walpi exhibits the widest departure from the typicalpueblo arrangement (Pl. XX). 

The carelessness characteristic of Tusayan architecture seems to havereached its culmination here. The confused arrangement of the rooms, mainly due to the irregularities of the site, contrasts with the work atsome of the other villages, and bears no comparison with much of theancient work. The rooms seem to have been clustered together with verylittle regard to symmetry, and right angles are very unusual. (See Fig. 8. )

The general plan of the village of to-day confirms the traditionalaccounts of its foundation. According to these its growth was gradual, beginning with a few small clusters, which were added to from time totime as the inhabitants of the lower site upon the spur of the mesa, where the mission was established, moved up and joined the pioneers onthe summit. It is probable that some small rooms or clusters were builton this conspicuous promontory soon after the first occupation of thisregion, on account of its exceptionally favorable position as an outlookover the fields (Pl. XXI). 

Though the peculiar conformation of the site on which the village hasbeen built has produced an unusual irregularity of arrangement, yet evenhere an imperfect example of the typical inclosed court may be found, at one point containing the principal kiva or ceremonial chamber of thevillage. It is probable that the accidental occurrence of a suitablebreak or depression in the mesa top determined the position of this kivaat an early date and that the first buildings clustered about thispoint. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 8. Topography of the site of Walpi. ]

A unique feature in this kiva is its connection with a secondsubterranean chamber, reached from the kiva through an ordinary doorway. The depression used for the kiva site must have been either larger thanwas needed or of such form that it could not be thrown into onerectangular chamber. It was impossible to ascertain the form of thissecond room, as the writer was not permitted to approach the connectingdoorway, which was closed with a slab of cottonwood. This chamber, usedas a receptacle for religious paraphernalia, was said to connect with anupper room within the cluster of dwellings close by, but this could notbe verified at the time of our visit. The plan indicates that such anadjoining chamber, if of average size, could easily extend partly underthe dwellings on either the west or south side of the court. The rockymesa summit is quite irregular in this vicinity, with rather an abruptascent to the passageway on the south as shown in Pl. XXII. Southeastfrom the kiva there is a large mass of rocks projecting above thegeneral level, which has been incorporated into a cluster of dwellingrooms. Its character and relation to the architecture may be seen in Pl. XXIII. So irregular a site was not likely to be built upon until most ofthe available level surface had been taken up, for even in masonry ofmuch higher development than can be found in Tusayan the builders, unable to overcome such obstacles as a large mass of protruding rock, have accommodated their buildings to such irregularities. This is verynoticeable in the center cluster of Mummy Cave (in Canyon del Muerto, Arizona), where a large mass of sandstone, fallen from the roof of therocky niche in which the houses were built, has been incorporated intothe house cluster. Between this and another kiva to the north the mesatop is nearly level. The latter kiva is also subterranean and was builtin an accidental break in sandstone. On the very margin of this fissurestands a curious isolated rock that has survived the general erosion ofthe mesa. It is near this rock that the celebrated Snake-dance takesplace, although the kiva from which the dancers emerge to perform theopen air ceremony is not adjacent to this monument (Pl. XXIV). 

 [Illustration: Plate XXVII. Mashongnavi with Shupaulovi in distance. ]

A short distance farther toward the north occur a group of three morekivas. These are on the very brink of the mesa, and have been built inrecesses in the crowning ledge of sandstone of such size that they couldconveniently be walled up on the outside, the outer surface of rudewalls being continuous with the precipitous rock face of the mesa. 

The positions of all these ceremonial chambers seem to correspond withexceptionally rough and broken portions of the mesa top, showing thattheir location in relation to the dwelling clusters was due largely toaccident and does not possess the significance that position does inmany ancient pueblos built on level and unencumbered sites, where theadjustment was not controlled by the character of the surface. 

The Walpi promontory is so abrupt and difficult of access that there isno trail by which horses can be brought to the village without passingthrough Hano and Sichumovi, traversing the whole length of the mesatongue, and crossing a rough break or depression in the mesa summitclose to the village. Several foot trails give access to the village, partly over the nearly perpendicular faces of rock. All of these haverequired to be artificially improved in order to render thempracticable. Plate XXV, from a photograph, illustrates one of thesetrails, which, a portion of the way, leads up between a huge detachedslab of sandstone and the face of the mesa. It will be seen that thetrail at this point consists to a large extent of stone steps that havebeen built in. At the top of the flight of steps where the trail to themesa summit turns to the right the solid sandstone has been pecked outso as to furnish a series of footholes, or steps, with no projection orhold of any kind alongside. There are several trails on the west side ofthe mesa leading down both from Walpi and Sichúmovi to a spring below, which are quite as abrupt as the example illustrated. All the water usedin these villages, except such as is caught during showers in thebasin-like water pockets of the mesa top, is laboriously brought upthese trails in large earthenware canteens slung over the backs of thewomen. 

Supplies of every kind, provisions, harvested crops, fuel, etc. , arebrought up these steep trails, and often from a distance of severalmiles, yet these conservative people tenaciously cling to theinconvenient situation selected by their fathers long after thenecessity for so doing has passed away. At present no argument ofconvenience or comfort seems sufficient to induce them to abandon theirhomes on the rocky heights and build near the water supply and thefields on which they depend for subsistence. 

One of the trails referred to in the description of Hano has beenconverted into a wagon road, as has been already described. The Indianspreferred to expend the enormous amount of labor necessary to convertthis bridle path into a wagon road in order slightly to overcome theinconvenience of transporting every necessary to the mesa upon their ownbacks or by the assistance of burros. This concession to modern ideas isat best but a poor substitute for the convenience of homes built in thelower valleys. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 9. Mashongnavi and Shupaulovi from Shumopavi. ]

MASHONGNAVI. 

Mashongnavi, situated on the summit of a rocky knoll, is a compactthough irregular village, and the manner in which it conforms to thegeneral outline of the available ground is shown on the plan. Convenience of access to the fields on the east and to the othervillages probably prompted the first occupation of the east end of thisrocky butte (Pl. XXVI). 

 [Illustration: Plate XXVIII. Back wall of a Mashongnavi house-row. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 10. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi. ]

In Mashongnavi of to-day the eastern portion of the village forms a moredecided court than do the other portions. The completeness in itself ofthis eastern end of the pueblo, in connection with the form of theadjoining rows, strongly suggests that this was the first portion of thepueblo built, although examination of the masonry and constructionfurnish but imperfect data as to the relative age of different portionsof the village. One uniform gray tint, with only slight local variationsin character and finish of masonry, imparts a monotonous effect ofantiquity to the whole mass of dwellings. Here and there, at rareintervals, is seen a wall that has been newly plastered; but, ordinarily, masonry of 10 years’ age looks nearly as old as that built200 years earlier. Another feature that suggests the greater antiquityof the eastern court of the pueblo is the presence and manner ofoccurrence here of the kiva. The old builders may have been influencedto some extent in their choice of site by the presence of a favorabledepression for the construction of a kiva, though this particularexample of the ceremonial room is only partly subterranean. The otherkivas are almost or quite below the ground level. Although a favorabledepression might readily occur on the summit of the knoll, a deepcavity, suitable for the construction of the subterranean kiva, wouldnot be likely to occur at such a distance from the margin of thesandstone ledge. The builders evidently preferred to adopt such half-waymeasures with their first kiva in order to secure its inclosure withinthe court, thus conforming to the typical pueblo arrangement. Thenumerous exceptions to this arrangement seen in Tusayan are due to localcauses. The general view of Mashongnavi given in Pl. XXVII shows thatthe site of this pueblo, as well as that of its neighbor, Shupaulovi, was not particularly defensible, and that this fact would have weight insecuring adherence in the first portion of the pueblo built to thedefensive inclosed court containing the ceremonial chamber. The planstrongly indicates that the other courts of the pueblo were added as thevillage grew, each added row facing toward the back of an older row, producing a series of courts, which, to the present time, show moreterracing on their western sides. The eastern side of each court isformed, apparently, by a few additions of low rooms to what wasoriginally an unbroken exterior wall, and which is still clearlytraceable through these added rooms. Such an exterior wall isillustrated in Pl. XVIII. This process continued until the last clusternearly filled the available site and a wing was thrown out correspondingto a tongue or spur of the knoll upon which it was built. Naturally thewesternmost or newer portions show more clearly the evidence ofadditions and changes, but such evidence is not wholly wanting in theolder portions. The large row that bounds the original eastern court onthe west side may be seen on the plan to be of unusual width, having thelargest number of rooms that form a terrace with western aspect; yet thenearly straight line once defining the original back wall of the courtinclosing cluster on this side has not been obscured to any great extentby the later additions (Pl. XXVIII). This village furnishes the moststriking example in the whole group of the manner in which a pueblo wasgradually enlarged as increasing population demanded more space. Suchadditions were often carried out on a definite plan, although theresults in Tusayan fall far short of the symmetry that characterizesmany ruined pueblos in New Mexico and Arizona. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 11. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 12. Diagram showing growth of Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XXIX. West side of a principal row in Mashongnavi. ]

A few of these ancient examples, especially some of the smaller ruins ofthe Chaco group, are so symmetrical in their arrangement that they seemto be the result of a single effort to carry out a clearly fixed plan. By far the largest number of pueblos, however, built among the southwesttablelands, if occupied for any length of time, must have been subjectto irregular enlargement. In some ancient examples, such additions tothe first plan undoubtedly took place without marring the generalsymmetry. This was the case at Pueblo Bonito, on the Chaco, where thesymmetrical and even curve of the exterior defensive wall, which was atleast four stories high, remained unbroken, while the large inclosedcourt was encroached upon by wings added to the inner terraces. Theseadditions comfortably provided for a very large increase of populationafter the first building of the pueblo, without changing its exteriorappearance. 

In order to make clearer this order of growth in Mashongnavi, a seriesof skeleton diagrams is added in Figs. 10, 11, and 12, giving theoutlines of the pueblo at various supposed periods in the course of itsenlargement. The larger plan of the village (Pl. XXVI) serves as a keyto these terrace outlines. 

The first diagram illustrates the supposed original cluster of the eastcourt (Fig. 10), the lines of which can be traced on the larger plan, and it includes the long, nearly straight line that marks the westernedge of the third story. This diagram shows also, in dotted lines, thegeneral plan that may have guided the first additions to the west. Thesecond diagram (Fig. 11) renders all the above material in full tint, again indicating further additions by dotted lines, and so on. (Fig. 12. ) The portions of a terrace, which face westward in the newer courtsof the pueblo, illustrated in Pl. XXIX, were probably built after thewestern row, completing the inclosure, and were far enough advanced toindicate definitely an inclosed court, upon which the dwelling roomsfaced. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXX. Plan of Shupaulovi. ]

SHUPAULOVI. 

This village, by far the smallest pueblo of the Tusayan group, illustrates a simple and direct use of the principle of the inclosedcourt. The plan (Pl. XXX) shows that the outer walls are scarcely brokenby terraces, and nearly all the dwelling apartments open inwards uponthe inclosure, in this respect closely following the previouslydescribed ancient type, although widely differing from it in theirregular disposition of the rooms. (Pl. XXXI) A comparison with thefirst of the series of diagrams illustrating the growth of Mashóngnavi, will show how similar the villages may have been at one stage, and howsuitable a nucleus for a large pueblo this village would prove did spaceand character of the site permit. Most of the available summit of therocky knoll has already been covered, as will be seen from thetopographic sketch of the site (Fig. 13). The plan shows also that someefforts at extension of the pueblo have been made, but the housesoutside of the main cluster have been abandoned, and are rapidly goingto ruin. Several small rooms occur on the outer faces of the rows, butit can be readily seen that they do not form a part of the original planbut were added to an already complete structure. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 13. Topography of the site of Shupaulovi. ]

In the inclosed court of this pueblo occurs a small box-like stoneinclosure, covered with a large slab, which is used as a sort of shrineor depository for the sacred plume sticks and other ceremonialofferings. This feature is found at some of the other villages, notablyat Mashongnavi, in the central court, and at Hano, where it is locatedat some distance outside of the village, near the main trail to themesa. 

The plan of this small village shows three covered passageways similarto those noted in Walpi on the first mesa, though their presence herecan not be ascribed to the same motives that impelled the Walpi to buildin this way; for the densely crowded site occupied by the lattercompelled them to resort to this expedient. One of these is illustratedin Pl. XXXII. Its presence may be due in this instance to adetermination to adhere to the protected court while seeking to secureconvenient means of access to the inclosed area. It is remarkable thatthis, the smallest of the group, should contain this feature. 

This village has but two kivas, one of which is on the rocky summit nearthe houses and the other on the lower ground near the foot of the trailthat leads to the village. The upper kiva is nearly subterranean, theroof being but a little above the ground on the side toward the village, but as the rocky site slopes away a portion of side wall is exposed. This was roughly built, with no attempt to impart finish to its outerface, either by careful laying of the masonry or by plastering. Pl. XXXIII illustrates this kiva in connection with the southeastern portionof the village. The plan shows how the prolongation of the side rows ofthe village forms a suggestion of a second court. Its development intoany such feature as the secondary or additional courts of Mashóngnaviwas prohibited by the restricted site. 

As in other villages of this group, the desire to adhere to thesubterranean form of ceremonial chamber outweighed the inducement toplace it within the village, or, in the case of the second kiva, even ofplacing it on the same level as the houses, which are 30 feet above itwith an abrupt trail between them. It is curious and instructive to seea room, the use of which is so intimately connected with the inner lifeof the village, placed in such a comparatively remote and inaccessibleposition through an intensely conservative adherence to ancient practicerequiring this chamber to be depressed. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXI. View of Shupaulovi. ]

The general view of the village given in Pl. XXXI strikingly illustratesthe blending of the rectangular forms of the architecture with theangular and sharply defined fractures of the surrounding rock. Thisclose correspondence in form between the architecture and its immediatesurroundings is greatly heightened by the similarity in color. Mr. Stephen has called attention to a similar effect on the western side ofWalpi and its adjacent mesa edge, which he thought indicates a distincteffort at concealment on the part of the builders, by blending thearchitecture with the surroundings. This similarity of effect is oftenaccidental, and due to the fact that the materials of the houses and ofthe mesas on which they are built are identical. Even in the case ofWalpi, cited by Mr. Stephen, where the buildings come to the very mesaedge, and in their vertical lines appear to carry out the effect of thevertical fissures in the upper benches of sandstone, there was nointentional concealment. It is more likely that, through the necessityof building close to the limits of the crowded sites, a certain degreeof correspondence was unintentionally produced between the jogs andangles of the houses and those of the mesa edge. 

Such correspondence with the surroundings, which forms a strikingfeature of many primitive types of construction where intention ofconcealment had no part, is doubtless mainly due to the use of the mostavailable material, although the expression of a type of constructionthat has prevailed for ages in one locality would perhaps be somewhatinfluenced by constantly recurring forms in its environment. In thesystem of building under consideration, such influence would, however, be a very minute fraction in the sum of factors producing the type andcould never account for such examples of special and detailedcorrespondence as the cases cited, nor could it have any weight indeveloping a rectangular type of architecture. 

In the development of primitive arts the advances are slow andlaborious, and are produced by adding small increments to currentknowledge. So vague and undefined an influence as that exerted by thelarger forms of surrounding nature are seldom recognized andacknowledged by the artisan; on the contrary, experiments, resulting inimprovement, are largely prompted by practical requirements. Particularly is this the case in the art of house-building. 

SHUMOPAVI. 

This village, although not so isolated as Oraibi, has no near neighborsand is little visited by whites or Indians. The inhabitants are rarelyseen at the trading post to which the others resort, and they seem to bepretty well off and independent as compared with their neighbors of theother villages (Pl. XXXIV). The houses and courts are in keeping withthe general character of the people and exhibit a degree of neatness andthrift that contrasts sharply with the tumble-down appearance of some ofthe other villages, especially those of the Middle Mesa and Oraibi. There is a general air of newness about the place, though it isquestionable whether the architecture is more recent than that of theother villages of Tusayan. This effect is partly due to the custom offrequently renewing the coating of mud plaster. In most of the villageslittle care is taken to repair the houses until the owner feels that topostpone such action longer would endanger its stability. Many of theillustrations in this chapter indicate the proportion of rough masonryusually exposed in the walls. At Shumopavi (Pl. XXXV), however, most ofthe walls are smoothly plastered. In this respect they resemble Zuñi andthe eastern pueblos, where but little naked masonry can be seen. Anotherfeature that adds to the effect of neatness and finish in this villageis the frequent use of a whitewash of gypsum on the outer face of thewalls. This wash is used partly as an ornament and partly as protectionagainst the rain. The material, called by the Mexicans “yeso, ” is verycommonly used in the interior of their houses throughout this region, both by Mexicans and Indians. More rarely it is used among the pueblosas an external wash. Here, however, its external use forms quite adistinctive feature of the village. The same custom in several of thecliff houses of Canyon de Chelly attests the comparative antiquity ofthe practice, though not necessarily its pre-Columbian origin. 

Shumopavi, compared with the other villages, shows less evidence ofhaving been built on the open court idea, as the partial inclosuresassume such elongated forms in the direction of the long, straight rowsof the rooms; yet examination shows that the idea was present to aslight extent. 

At the southeast corner of the pueblo there is a very marked approach tothe open court, though it is quite evident that the easternmost row hasits back to the court, and that the few rooms that face the other wayare later additions. In fact, the plan of the village and thedistribution of the terraces seem to indicate that the firstconstruction consisted only of a single row facing nearly east, and wasnot an inclosed court, and that a further addition to the pueblo assumednearly the same form, with its face or terraced side toward the back ofthe first row only partly adapting itself by the addition of a few smallrooms later, to the court arrangement, the same operation beingcontinued, but in a form not so clearly defined, still farther towardthe west. 

The second court is not defined on the west by such a distinct row asthe others, and the smaller clusters that to some extent break the long, straight arrangement bring about an approximation to a court, thoughhere again the terraces only partly face it, the eastern side beingbounded by the long exterior wall of the middle row, two and threestories high, and almost unbroken throughout its entire length of 400feet. The broken character of the small western row, in conjunction withthe clusters near it, imparts a distinct effect to the plan of thisportion, differentiating it in character from the masses of housesformed by the other two rows. The latter are connected at their southernend by a short cross row which converts this portion of the villagepractically into a single large house. Two covered passageways, however, which are designated on the plan, give access to the southeast portionof the court. This portion is partly separated from the north half ofthe inclosure by encroaching groups of rooms. This partial division ofthe original narrow and long court appears to be of later date. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXII. A covered passageway of Shupaulovi. ]

The kivas are four in number, of which but one is within the village. The latter occupies a partly inclosed position in the southwest portion, and probably owes its place to some local facility for building a kivaon this spot in the nature of a depression in the mesa summit; but evenwith such aid the ceremonial chamber was built only partly under ground, as may be seen in Fig. 14. The remaining three kivas are more distinctlysubterranean, and in order to obtain a suitable site one of these waslocated at a distance of more than 200 feet from the village, toward themesa edge on the east. The other two are built very close together, apparently in contact, just beyond the northern extremity of thevillage. One of these is about 3 feet above the surface at one corner, but nearly on a level with the ground at its western side where itadjoins its neighbor. These two kivas are illustrated in Pl. LXXXVIIIand Fig. 21. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 14. Court kiva of Shumopavi. ]

Here again we find that the ceremonial chamber that forms so important afeature among these people, occupies no fixed relation to the dwellings, and its location is largely a matter of accident, a site that wouldadmit of the partial excavation or sinking of the chamber below thesurface being the main requisite. The northwest court contains anotherof the small inclosed shrines already described as occurring atShupaulovi and elsewhere. 

The stonework of this village also possesses a somewhat distinctivecharacter. Exposed masonry, though comparatively rare in thiswell-plastered pueblo, shows that stones of suitable fracture wereselected and that they were more carefully laid than in the othervillages. In places the masonry bears a close resemblance to some of theancient work, where the spaces between the longer tablets of stone werecarefully chinked with small bits of stone, bringing the whole wall to auniform face, and is much in advance of the ordinary slovenly methods ofconstruction followed in Tusayan. 

Shumopavi is the successor of an older village of that name, one of thecities of the ancient Tusayan visited by a detachment of Coronado’sexpedition in 1540. The ruins of that village still exist, and theyformerly contained vestiges of the old church and mission buildingsestablished by the monks. The squared beams from, these buildings wereconsidered valuable enough to be incorporated in the construction ofceremonial kivas in some of the Tusayan villages. This old site was notvisited by the party. 

ORAIBI. 

This is one of the largest modern pueblos, and contains nearly half thepopulation of Tusayan; yet its great size has not materially affectedthe arrangement of the dwellings. The general plan (see Pl. XXXVI), simply shows an unusually large collection of typical Tusayanhouse-rows, with the general tendency to face eastward displayed in theother villages of the group. There is a remarkable uniformity in thedirection of the rows, but there are no indications of the order inwhich the successive additions to the village were made, such as werefound at Mashóngnavi. 

The clusters of rooms do not surpass the average dimensions of those inthe smaller villages. In five of the clusters in Oraibi a height of fourstories is reached by a few rooms; a height seen also in Walpi. 

At several points in Oraibi, notably on the west side of cluster No. 7, may be seen what appears to be low terraces faced with rough masonry. The same thing is also seen at Walpi, on the west side of thenorthernmost cluster. This effect is produced by the gradual filling inof abandoned and broken-down marginal houses, with fallen masonry anddrifted sand. The appearance is that of intentional construction, as maybe seen in Pl. XXXIX. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXIII. The chief kiva of Shupaulovi. ]

The rarity of covered passageways in this village is noteworthy, andemphasizes the marked difference in the character of the Tusayan andZuñi ground plans. The close crowding of rooms in the latter has made afeature of the covered way, which in the scattered plan of Oraibi israrely called for. When found it does not seem an outgrowth of the sameconditions that led to its adoption in Zuñi. A glance at the plans willshow how different has been the effect of the immediate environment inthe two cases. In Zuñi, built on a very slight knoll in the open plain, the absence of a defensive site has produced unusual development of thedefensive features of the architecture, and the result is a remarkablydense clustering of the dwellings. At Tusayan, on the other hand, thelargest village of the group does not differ in character from thesmallest. Occupation of a defensive site has there, in a measure takenthe place of a special defensive arrangement, or close clustering ofrooms. Oraibi is laid out quite as openly as any other of the group, andas additions to its size have from time to time been made the buildershave, in the absence of the defensive motive for crowding the rows orgroups into large clusters, simply followed the usual arrangement. Thecrowding that brought about the use of the covered way was due in Walpito restricted site, as nearly all the available summit of its rockypromontory has been covered with buildings. In Zuñi, on the other hand, it was the necessity for defense that led to the close clustering of thedwellings and the consequent employment of the covered way. 

A further contrast between the general plans of Oraibi and Zuñi isafforded in the different manner in which the roof openings have beenemployed in the two cases. The plan of Zuñi, Pl. LXXVI, shows greatnumbers of small openings, nearly all of which are intended exclusivelyfor the admission of light, a few only being provided with ladders. InOraibi, on the other hand, there are only seventeen roof openings abovethe first terrace, and of these not more than half are intended for theadmission of light. The device is correspondingly rare in other villagesof the group, particularly in those west of the first mesa. InMashóngnavi the restricted use of the roof openings is particularlynoticeable; they all are of the same type as those used for access tofirst terrace rooms. There is but one roof opening in a second story. Anexamination of the plan, Pl. XXX, will show that in Shupaúlovi but twosuch openings occur above the first terrace, and in the large village ofShumopavi, Pl. XXXIV, only about eight. None of the smaller villages canbe fairly compared with Zuñi in the employment of this feature, but inOraibi we should expect to find its use much more general, were it notfor the fact that the defensive site has taken the place of the closeclustering of rooms seen in the exposed village of Zuñi, and, inconsequence, the devices for the admission of light still adhere to themore primitive arrangement (Pls. XL and XLI). 

The highest type of pueblo construction, embodied in the large communalfortress houses of the valleys, could have developed only as thebuilders learned to rely for protection more upon their architecture andless upon the sites occupied. So long as the sites furnished a largeproportion of the defensive efficiency of a village, the invention ofthe builders was not stimulated to substitute artificial for naturaladvantages. Change of location and consequent development mustfrequently have taken place owing to the extreme inconvenience ofdefensive sites to the sources of subsistence. 

The builders of large valley pueblos must frequently have been forced toresort hastily to defensive sites on finding that the valley towns wereunfitted to withstand attack. This seems to have been the case with theTusayan; but that the Zuñi have adhered to their valley pueblo throughgreat difficulties is clearly attested by the internal evidence of thearchitecture itself, even were other testimony altogether wanting. 

MOEN-KOPI. 

About 50 miles west from Oraibi is a small settlement used by a fewfamilies from Oraibi during the farming season, known as Moen-kopi. (Pl. XLIII). The present village is comparatively recent, but, as is the casewith many others, it has been built over the remains of an oldersettlement. It is said to have been founded within the memory of some ofthe Mormon pioneers at the neighboring town of Tuba City, named after anold Oraibi chief, recently deceased. 

The site would probably have attracted a much larger number of settlers, had it not been so remote from the main pueblos of the province, as inmany respects it far surpasses any of the present village sites. A largearea of fertile soil can be conveniently irrigated from copious springsin the side of a small branch of the Moen-kopi wash. The villageoccupies a low, rounded knoll at the junction of this branch with themain wash, which on the opposite or southern side is quite precipitous. The gradual encroachments of the Mormons for the last twenty years havehad some effect in keeping the Tusayan from more fully utilizing theadvantages of this site (Pl. XLII). 

Moen-kopi is built in two irregular rows of one-story houses. There arealso two detached single rooms in the village--one of them built for akiva, though apparently not in use at the time of our survey, and theother a small room with its principal door facing an adjoining row. Thearrangement is about the same that prevails in the other villages, therows having distinct back walls of rude masonry. 

Rough stone work predominates also in the fronts of the houses, thoughit is occasionally brought to a fair degree of finish. Some adobe workis incorporated in the masonry, and at one point a new and stillunroofed room was seen built of adobe bricks on a stone foundation abouta foot high. There is but little adobe masonry, however, in Tusayan. Itsuse in this case is probably due to Mormon influence. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXIV. Plan of Shumopavi. ]

Moen-kopi was the headquarters of a large business enterprise of theMormons a number of years ago. They attempted to concentrate the productof the Navajo wool trade at this point and to establish here acompletely appointed woolen mill. Water was brought from a series ofreservoirs built in a small valley several miles away, and was conductedto a point on the Moen-kopi knoll, near the end of the south row ofhouses, where the ditch terminated in a solidly constructed box ofmasonry. From this in turn the water was delivered through a large pipeto a turbine wheel, which furnished the motive power for the works. Theditch and masonry are shown on the ground plan of the village (Pl. XLIII). This mill was a large stone building, and no expense was sparedin fitting it up with the most complete machinery. At the time of ourvisit the whole establishment had been abandoned for some years and wasrapidly going to decay. The frames had been torn from the windows, andboth the floor of the building and the ground in its vicinity werestrewn with fragments of expensive machinery, broken cog-wheels, shafts, etc. This building is shown in Pl. XLV, and may serve as an illustrationof the contrast between Tusayan masonry and modern stonemason’s workcarried out with the same material. The comparison, however, is notentirely fair, as applied to the pueblo builders in general, as theTusayan mason is unusually careless in his work. Many old examples areseen in which the finish of the walls compares very favorably with theAmerican mason’s work, though the result is attained in a whollydifferent manner, viz, by close and careful chinking with numberlesssmall tablets of stone. This process brings the wall to a remarkablysmooth and even surface, the joints almost disappearing in themosaic-like effect of the wall mass. The masonry of Moen-kopi is morethan ordinarily rough, as the small village was probably built hastilyand used for temporary occupation as a farming center. In the winter theplace is usually abandoned, the few families occupying it during thefarming months returning to Oraibi for the season of festivities andceremonials. 

CHAPTER III. 

RUINS AND INHABITED VILLAGES OF CIBOLA. 

PHYSICAL FEATURES OF THE PROVINCE. 

Though the surroundings of the Cibolan pueblos and ruins exhibit theordinary characteristics of plateau scenery, they have not themonotonous and forbidding aspect that characterizes the mesas andvalleys of Tusayan. The dusty sage brush and the stunted cedar andpiñon, as in Tusayan, form a conspicuous feature of the landscape, butthe cliffs are often diversified in color, being in cases composed ofalternating bands of light gray and dark red sandstone, which impart aconsiderable variety of tints to the landscape. The contrast isheightened by the proximity of the Zuñi Mountains, an extensivetimber-bearing range that approaches within 12 miles of Zuñi, narrowingdown the extent of the surrounding arid region. 

Cibola has also been more generously treated by nature in the matter ofwater supply, as the province contains a perennial stream which has itssources near the village of Nutria, and, flowing past the pueblo ofZuñi, disappears a few miles below. During the rainy season the riverempties into the Colorado Chiquito. The Cibolan pueblos are built on thefoothills of mesas or in open valley sites, surrounded by broad fields, while the Tusayan villages are perched upon mesa promontories thatoverlook the valley lands used for cultivation. 

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF RUINS. 

HAWIKUH. 

The village of Hawikuh, situated about 15 miles to the south of Zuñi, consisted of irregular groups of densely clustered cells, occupying thepoint of a spur projecting from a low rounded hill. The houses are insuch a ruined condition that few separate rooms can be traced, and theseare much obscured by débris. This débris covers the entire areaextending down the east slope of the hill to the site of the church. Thelarge amount of débris and the comparative thinness of such walls as arefound suggest that the dwellings had been densely clustered, and carriedto the height of several stories. Much of the space between the villageon the hill and the site of the Spanish church on the plain at its footis covered with masonry débris, part of which has slid down from above(Pl. XLVI). 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXV. View of Shumopavi. ]

The arrangement suggests a large principal court of irregular form. Thesurrounding clusters are very irregularly disposed, the directions ofthe prevailing lines of walls greatly varying in different groups. Thereis a suggestion also of several smaller courts, as well as of alleywaysleading to the principal one. 

The church, built on the plain below at a distance of about 200 feetfrom the main village, seems to have been surrounded by several groupsof rooms and inclosures of various sizes, differing somewhat incharacter from those within the village. These groups are scattered andopen, and the small amount of debris leads to the conclusion that thisportion of the village was not more than a single story in height. (Pl. XLVII. )

The destruction of the village has been so complete that no vestige ofconstructional details remains, with the exception of a row of posts ina building near the church. The governor of Zuñi stated that these postswere part of a projecting porch similar to those seen in connection withmodern houses. (See Pls. LXXI, LXXV. ) Suggestions of this feature aremet with at other points on the plain, but they all occur within thenewer portion of the village around the church. Some of the largerinclosures in this portion of the village were very lightly constructed, and cover large areas. They were probably used as corrals. Inclosuresfor this purpose occur at other pueblos traditionally ascribed to thesame age. 

The church in this village was constructed of adobe bricks, without theintroduction of any stonework. The bricks appear to have been moldedwith an unusual degree of care. The massive angles of the northwest, oraltar end of the structure, have survived the stonework of the adjoiningvillage and stand to-day 13 feet high. (Pl. XLVIII. )

KETCHIPAUAN. 

The small village of Ketchipauan appears to have been arranged about twocourts of unequal dimensions. It is difficult to determine, however, howmuch of the larger court, containing the stone church, is of laterconstruction. (Pl. XLIX. )

All the northwest portion of the village is now one large inclosure orcorral, whose walls have apparently been built of the fallen masonryfrom the surrounding houses, leaving the central space clear. This wallon the northeast side of the large inclosure apparently follows the jogsand angles of the original houses. This may have been the outer line ofrooms, as traces of buildings occur for some distance within it. On theopposite side the wall is nearly continuous, the jogs being of slightprojection. Here some traces of dwellings occur outside of the wall inplaces to a depth of three rooms. The same thing occurs also at thenorth corner. The continuation of these lines suggests a rectangularcourt of considerable size, bounded symmetrically by groups ofcompartments averaging three rooms deep. (Pl. L. )

Several much smaller inclosures made in the same way occur in thevillage, but they apparently do not conform to the original courts. 

At the present time dwelling rooms are traceable over a portion of thearea south and west of the church. As shown on the plan, upright postsoccasionally occur. These appear to have been incorporated into theoriginal walls, but the latter are so ruined that this can not be statedpositively, as such posts have sometimes been incorporated in moderncorral walls. In places they suggest the balcony-like feature seen inmodern houses, as in Hawikuh, but in the east portion of the pueblo theyare irregularly scattered about the rooms. A considerable area on thewest side of the ruin is covered with loosely scattered stones, affording no suggestions of a ground plan. They do not seem sufficientin amount to be the remains of dwelling rooms. 

The Spanish church in this pueblo was built of stone, but the walls weremuch more massive than those of the dwellings. The building is wellpreserved, most of the walls standing 8 or 10 feet high, and in places14 feet. This church was apparently built by Indian labor, as the wallseverywhere show the chinking with small stones characteristic of thenative work. In this village also, the massive Spanish construction hassurvived the dwelling houses. 

The ground plan of the church shows that the openings were splayed inthe thickness of the walls, at an angle of about 45°. In the doorway, inthe east end of the building, the greater width of the opening is on theinside, a rather unusual arrangement; in the window, on the north side, this arrangement is reversed, the splay being outward. On the south sideare indications of a similar opening, but at the present time the wallis so broken out that no well defined jamb can be traced, and it isimpossible to determine whether the splayed opening was used or not. Thestones of the masonry are laid with extreme care at the angles and inthe faces of these splays, producing a highly finished effect. 

The position of the beam-holes on the inner face of the wall suggeststhat the floor of the church had been raised somewhat above the ground, and that there may have been a cellar-like space under it. No beams arenow found, however, and no remains of wood are seen in the “altar” endof the church. At the present time there are low partitions dividing theinclosed area into six rooms or cells. The Indians state that these werebuilt at a late date to convert the church into a defense against thehostile Apache from the south. These partitions apparently formed nopart of the original design, yet it is difficult to see how they couldhave served as a defense, unless they were intended to be roofed overand thus converted into completely inclosed rooms. A stone of somewhatlarger size than usual has been built into the south wall of the church. Upon its surface some native artist has engraved a rudely drawn mask. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXVII. Key to the Oraibi plan, also showing localization of gentes. ] [numbering gap]

About 150 yards southeast from the church, and on the edge of the lowmesa upon which the ruin stands, has been constructed a reservoir oflarge size which furnished the pueblo with a reserve water supply. Theordinary supply was probably derived from the valley below, where wateris found at no great distance from the pueblo. Springs may also haveformerly existed near the village, but this reservoir, located where thedrainage of a large area discharges, must have materially increased thewater supply. The basin or depression is about 110 feet in diameter andits present depth in the center is about 4 feet; but it has undoubtedlybeen filled in by sediment since its abandonment. More than half of itscircumference was originally walled in, but at the present time the oldmasonry is indicated only by an interrupted row of large foundationstones and fallen masonry. Some large stones, apparently undisturbedportions of the mesa edge, have been incorporated into the inclosingmasonry. The Indians stated that originally the bottom of this basin waslined with stones, but these statements could not be verified. Withoutexcavation on the upper side, the basin faded imperceptibly into therising ground of the surrounding drainage. Other examples of these basinreservoirs are met with in this region. 

CHALOWE. 

About 15° north of west from Hawikuh, and distant 1½ miles from it, begins the series of ruins called Chalowe. They are located on two lowelevations or foothills extending in a southwestern direction from thegroup of hills, upon whose eastern extremity Hawikuh is built. Thesouthernmost of the series covers a roughly circular area about 40 feetin diameter. Another cluster, measuring about 30 feet by 20, liesimmediately north of it, with an intervening depression of a foot or so. About 475 feet northwest occurs a group of three rooms situated on aslight rise, A little east of north and a half a mile distant from thelatter is a small hill, upon which is located a cluster of about thesame form and dimensions as the one first described. Several morevaguely defined clusters are traceable near this last one, but they areall of small dimensions. 

This widely scattered series of dwelling clusters, according to thetraditional accounts, belonged to one tribe, which was known by thegeneral name of Chalowe. It is said to have been inhabited at the timeof the first arrival of the Spaniards. The general character andarrangement however, are so different from the prevailing type in thisregion that it seems hardly probable that it belonged to the same peopleand the same age as the other ruins. 

No standing walls are found in any portion of the group, and the smallamount of scattered masonry suggests that the rooms were only one storyhigh. Yet the débris of masonry may have been largely covered up bydrifting sand. Now it is hardly possible to trace the rooms, and overmost of the area only scattered stones mark the positions of the groupsof dwellings. 

HAMPASSAWAN. 

Of the village of Hampassawan, which is said traditionally to have beenone of the seven cities of Cibola visited by Coronado, nothing nowremains but two detached rooms, both showing vestiges of an upper story. With this exception, the destruction of the village is complete and onlya low rise in the plain marks its site. Owing to its exposed position, the fallen walls have been completely covered with drifting sand andearth, no vestige of the buildings showing through the dense growth ofsagebrush that now covers it. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 15. Hampassawan, plan. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XXXVIII. A court of Oraibi. ]

The two surviving rooms referred to appear to have been used from timeto time, as outlooks over corn fields close by, and as a defense againstthe Navajo. Their final abandonment, and that of the cultivation of theadjoining fields, is said to have been due to the killing of a Zuñithere, by the Navajo, within very recent times. These rooms have beenseveral times repaired, the one on the west particularly. In the latteran additional wall has been built upon the northern side, as shown onthe plan, Fig. 15. The old roof seems to have survived until recently, for, although at the present time the room is covered with a roof ofrudely split cedar beams, the remains of the old, carefully built rooflie scattered about in the corners of the room, under the dirt anddébris. The openings are very small and seem to have been modified sincethe original construction, but it is difficult to distinguish betweenthe older original structure and the more recent additions. 

K’IAKIMA. 

On the south side of the isolated mesa of Tâaaiyalana and occupying ahigh rounded spur of foothills, is the ruined village of K’iakima (Pl. LII). A long gulch on the west side of the spur contains, for 300 or 400yards, a small stream which is fed from springs near the ruined village. 

The entire surface of the hill is covered with scattered débris offallen walls, which must at one time have formed a village ofconsiderable size. Over most of this area the walls can not be traced;the few rooms which can be distinctly outlined, occurring in a group onthe highest part of the hill. Standing walls are here seen, but they areapparently recent, one room showing traces of a chimney (Pl. LIV). Someof the more distinct inclosures, built from fallen masonry of the oldvillage, seem to have been intended for corrals. This is the case alsowith the remains found on the cliffs to the north of the village, whoseposition is shown on the plan (Pl. LIII). Here nearly all the scatteredstones of the original one-story buildings, have been utilized for theselarge inclosures. It is quite possible that these smaller structures onthe ledge of the mesa were built and occupied at a much later date thanthe principal village. Pl. LIII illustrates a portion of the base ofTâaaiyalana where these inclosures appear. 

A striking feature of this ruin is the occurrence in the northeastcorner of the village of large upright slabs of stone. The largest ofthese is about 3 feet wide and stands 5½ feet out of the ground. One ofthe slabs is of such symmetrical form that it suggests skillfulartificial treatment, but the stone was used just as it came from a seamin the cliff above. From the same seam many slabs of nearly equal sizeand symmetrical form have fallen out and now lie scattered about on thetalus below. Some are remarkable for their perfectly rectangular form, while all are distinguished by a notable uniformity in thickness. Closeby, and apparently forming part of the same group, are a number ofstones imbedded in the ground with their upper edges exposed and placedat right angles to the faces of the vertical monuments. The taller slabsare said by the Indians to have been erected as a defense against theattacks of the Apache upon this pueblo, but only a portion of the groupcould, from their position, have been of any use for this purpose. Thestones probably mark graves. Although thorough excavation of the hardsoil could not be undertaken, digging to the depth of 18 inches revealedthe same character of pottery fragments, ashes, etc. , found in many ofthe pueblo graves. Mr. E. W. Nelson found identical remains in graves inthe Rio San Francisco region which he excavated in collecting pottery. Comparatively little is known, however, of the burial practices of thisregion, so it would be difficult to decide whether this was an ordinarymethod of burial or not. 

This pueblo has been identified by Mr. Cushing, through Zuñi tradition, as the scene of the death of Estevanico, the negro who accompanied thefirst Spanish expedition to Cibola. 

MATSAKI. 

Matsaki is situated on a foothill at the base of Tâaaiyalana, near itsnorthwestern extremity. This pueblo is in about the same state ofpreservation as K’iakima, no complete rooms being traceable over most ofthe area. Traces of walls, where seen, are not uniform in direction, suggesting irregular grouping of the village. At two points on the planrooms partially bounded by standing walls are found. These appear to owetheir preservation to their occupation as outlooks over fields in thevicinity long after the destruction of the pueblo. One of the two roomsshows only a few feet of rather rude masonry. The walls of the otherroom, in one corner, stand the height of a full story above thesurrounding débris, a low room under it having been partially filled upwith fallen masonry and earth. The well preserved inner corner of theexposed room shows lumps of clay adhering here and there to the walls, the remnants of an interior corner chimney. No trace of the supports fora chimney hood, such as occur in the modern fireplaces, could be found. The form outlined against the wall by these slight remains indicates arather rudely constructed feature which was added at a late date to theroom and formed no part of its original construction. It was probablybuilt while the room was used as a farming outlook. As shown on theground plan (Pl. LV), a small cluster of houses once stood at somelittle distance to the southwest of the main pueblo and was connectedwith the latter by a series of rooms. The intervening space may havebeen a court. At the northern edge of the village a primitive shrine hasbeen erected in recent times and is still in use. It is rudelyconstructed by simply piling up stones to a height of 2½ or 3 feet, in arudely rectangular arrangement, with an opening on the east. Thisshrine, facing east, contains an upright slab of thin sandstone on whicha rude sun-symbol has been engraved. The governor of Zuñi, in explainingthe purpose of this shrine, compared its use to that of our ownastronomical observatories, which he had seen. 

 [Illustration: Plate XXXIX. Masonry terraces of Oraibi. ]

PINAWA. 

The ruins of the small pueblo of Pinawa occupy a slight rise on thesouth side of the Zuñi River, a short distance west of Zuñi. The roadfrom Zuñi to Ojo Caliente traverses the ruin. Over most of the arearooms can not be traced. One complete room, however, has been preservedand appears to be still occupied during the cultivation of theneighboring “milpas. ” It is roofed over and in good condition, thoughthe general character of the masonry resembles the older work. On theplan (Fig. 16) it will be seen that the stones of the original masonryhave been collected and built into a number of large inclosures, whichhave in turn been partly destroyed. The positions of the entrances tothese inclosures can be traced by the absence of stones on the surface. The general outline of the corral-like inclosures appears to havefollowed comparatively well preserved portions of the original wall, as was the case at Ketchipauan. (Pl. LVI. )

 [Illustration: Fig. 16. Pinawa, plan. ]

On the southwest side of the pueblo, portions of the outer wall aredistinctly traceable, some of the stones being still in position. Thisportion of the outline is distinguished by a curious series of curves, resembling portions of Nutria and Pescado, but intersecting in anunusual manner. 

The Ojo Caliente road passes between the main ruin and the standing roomabove described. The remnants of the fallen masonry are so few and sopromiscuously scattered over this area that the continuity of remainscan not be fully traced. 

HALONA. 

An ancient pueblo called Halona is said to have belonged to the Cibolangroup, and to have been inhabited at the time of the conquest. Itoccupied a portion of the site upon which the present pueblo of Zuñistands. A part of this pueblo was built on the opposite side of theriver, where the remains of walls were encountered at a slight depthbelow the surface of the ground in excavating for the foundations of Mr. Cushing’s house. At that time only scattered remains of masonry were metwith, and they furnished but little indication of details of plan orarrangement. Later--during the summer of 1888--Mr. Cushing madeextensive additions to his house on the south side of the river, and inexcavating for the foundations laid bare a number of small rooms. Excavation was continued until December of that year, when a large partof the ancient village had been exposed. Pl. LVII, from a photograph, illustrates a portion of these remains as seen from the southwest cornerof Zuñi. The view was taken in the morning during a light fall of snowwhich, lightly covering the tops of the walls left standing in theexcavations, sharply defined their outlines against the shadows of therooms. 

It seems impossible to restore the entire outline of the portion ofHalona that has served as a nucleus for modern Zuñi from such data ascan be procured. At several points of the present village, however, vestiges of the old pueblo can be identified. Doubtless if access couldbe obtained to all the innermost rooms of the pueblo some of them wouldshow traces of ancient methods of construction sufficient, at least, toadmit of a restoration of the general form of the ancient pueblo. At thetime the village was surveyed such examination was not practicable. Theportion of the old pueblo serving as a nucleus for later constructionwould probably be found under houses Nos. 1 and 4, forming practicallyone mass of rooms. Strangers and outsiders are not admitted to theseinnermost rooms. Outcrops in the small cluster No. 2 indicate by theirposition a continuous wall of the old pueblo, probably the external one. Portions of the ancient outer wall are probably incorporated into thewest side of cluster No. 1. On the north side of cluster No. 2 (see Pl. LXXVI) may be seen a buttress-like projection whose construction ofsmall tabular stones strongly contrasts with the character of thesurrounding walls, and indicates that it is a fragment of the ancientpueblo. This projecting buttress answers no purpose whatever in itspresent position. 

 [Illustration: Plate XL. Oraibi house row, showing court side. ]

The above suggestions are confirmed by another feature in the samehouse-cluster. On continuing the line of this buttress through thegovernor’s house we find a projecting fragment of second story wall, thecharacter and finish of which is clearly shown in Pl. LVIII. Its generalsimilarity to ancient masonry and contrast with the present carelessmethods of construction are very noticeable. The height of this fragmentabove the ground suggests that the original pueblo was in a very goodstate of preservation when it was first utilized as a nucleus for lateradditions. That portion under house No. 1 is probably equally wellpreserved. The frequent renovation of rooms by the application of a mudcoating renders the task of determining the ancient portions of thecluster by the character of the masonry a very difficult one. Ceilingswould probably longest retain the original appearance of the ancientrooms as they are not subjected to such renovation. 

Mr. Cushing thought that the outer western wall of the ancient pueblowas curved in outline. It is more probable, however, that it regulatedthe lines of the present outer rooms, and is reflected in them, as theusual practice of these builders was to put one partition directly overanother in adding to the height of a building. This would suggest anearly rectangular form, perhaps with jogs and offsets, for the oldbuilders could not incorporate a curved outer wall into a mass ofrectangular cells, such as that seen in the present pueblo. On the otherhand, the outer wall of the original pueblo may have been outside ofrooms now occupied, for the village had been abandoned for some timebefore the colony returned to the site. 

TÂAAIYALANA. 

On the abandonment of the pueblos known as the Seven Cities of Cibola, supposed to have occurred at the time of the general uprising of thepueblos in 1680, the inhabitants of all the Cibolan villages soughtrefuge on the summit of Tâaaiyalana, an isolated mesa, 3 miles southeastfrom Zuñi, and there built a number of pueblo clusters. 

This mesa, otherwise known as “Thunder Mountain, ” rises to the height of1, 000 feet above the plain, and is almost inaccessible. There are twofoot trails leading to the summit, each of which in places traversesabrupt slopes of sandstone where holes have been pecked into the rock tofurnish foot and hand holds. From the northeast side the summit of themesa can be reached by a rough and tortuous burro trail. All the rest ofthe mesa rim is too precipitous to be scaled. Its appearance as seenfrom Zuñi is shown in Pl. LIX. 

On the southern portion of this impregnable site and grouped about apoint where nearly the whole drainage of the mesa top collects, arefound the village remains. The Zuñis stated that the houses weredistributed in six groups or clusters, each taking the place of one ofthe abandoned towns. Mr. Frank H. Cushing [4] was also under theimpression that these houses had been built as six distinct clusters ofone village, and he has found that at the time of the Pueblo rebellion, but six of the Cibolan villages were occupied. An examination of theplan, however, will at once show that no such definite scheme ofarrangement governed the builders. There are but three, or at most fourgroups that could be defined as distinct clusters, and even in the caseof these the disposition is so irregular and their boundaries so illdefined, through the great number of outlying small groups scatteredabout, that they can hardly be considered distinct. There are reallythirty-eight separate buildings (Pl. LX) ranging in size from one of tworooms, near the southern extremity to one of one hundred and threerooms, situated at the southwestern corner of the whole group and closeto the western edge of the mesa where the foot trails reach the summit. There is also great diversity in the arrangement of rooms. In some casesthe clusters are quite compact, and in others the rooms are distributedin narrow rows. In the large cluster at the northwestern extremity thehouses are arranged around a court; with this exception the clusters ofrooms are scattered about in an irregular manner, regardless of anydefensive arrangement of the buildings. The builders evidently placedthe greatest reliance on their impregnable site, and freely adopted sucharrangement as convenience dictated. 

 [Footnote 4: See Millstone for April, 1884, Indianapolis, Indiana. ]

The masonry of these villages was roughly constructed, the walls beingoften less than a foot thick. Very little adobe mortar seems to havebeen used; some of the thickest and best preserved walls have apparentlybeen laid nearly dry (Pl. LXI). The few openings still preserved alsoshow evidence of hasty and careless construction. Over most of the areathe debris of the fallen walls is very clearly marked, and is but littleencumbered with earth or drifted sand. This imparts an odd effect ofnewness to these ruins, as though the walls had recently fallen. Thesmall amount of debris suggests that the majority of these buildingsnever were more than one story high, though in four of the broadestclusters (see plan, Pl. LX) a height of two, and possibly three, storiesmay have been attained. All the ruins are thickly covered by a veryluxurious growth of braided cactus, but little of which is foundelsewhere in the neighborhood. The extreme southeastern cluster, consisting of four large rooms, differs greatly in character from therest of the ruins. Here the rooms or inclosures are defined only by afew stones on the surface of the ground and partly embedded in the soil. There is no trace of the debris of fallen walls. These outlinedinclosures appear never to have been walled to any considerable height. Within one of the rooms is a slab of stone, about which a few ceremonialplume sticks have been set on end within recent times. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLI. Back of Oraibi house row. ]

The motive that led to the occupation of this mesa was defense; thecause that led to the selection of the particular site was facility forprocuring a water supply. The trail on the west side passes a springhalf way down the mesa. There was another spring close to the foot trailon the south side; this, however, was lower, being almost at the foot ofthe talus. 

In addition to these water sources, the builders collected and storedthe drainage of the mesa summit near the southern gap or recess. At thispoint are still seen the remains of two reservoirs or dams built ofheavy masonry. Only a few stones are now in place, but these indicateunusually massive construction. Another reservoir occurs farther alongthe mesa rim to the southeast, beyond the limits of the plan as given. As may be seen from the plan (Pl. LX) the two reservoirs at the gap arequite close together. These receptacles have been much filled up withsediment. Pl. LXII gives a view of the principal or westernmostreservoir as seen from the northeast. On the left are the large stonesonce incorporated in the masonry of the dam. This masonry appears tohave originally extended around three-fourths of the circumference ofthe reservoir. As at Ketchipauan, previously described, the upperportion of the basins merged insensibly into the general drainage andhad no definite limit. 

The Zuñi claim to have here practiced a curious method of water storage. They say that whenever there was snow on the ground the villagers wouldturn out in force and roll up huge snowballs, which were finallycollected into these basins, the gradually melting snow furnishing aconsiderable quantity of water. The desert environment has taught thesepeople to avail themselves of every expedient that could increase theirsupply of water. 

It is proper to state that in the illustrated plan of the Tâaaiyalanaruins the mesa margin was sketched in without the aid of instrumentalsights, and hence is not so accurately recorded as the plans andrelative positions of the houses. It was all that could be done at thetime, and will sufficiently illustrate the general relation of thebuildings to the surrounding topography. 

KIN-TIEL. 

All the ruins above described bear close traditional and historicrelationship to Zuñi. This is not the case with the splendidly preservedancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, but the absence of such close historicconnection is compensated for by its architectural interest. Differingradically in its general plan from the ruins already examined, it stillsuggests that some resemblance to the more ancient portions of Nutriaand Pescado, as will be seen by comparing the ground plans (Pls. LXVIIand LXIX). Its state of preservation is such that it throws light ondetails which have not survived the general destruction in the otherpueblos. These features will be referred to in the discussion andcomparison of these architectural groups by constructional details inChapter IV. 

This pueblo, located nearly midway between Cibola and Tusayan, is givenon some of the maps as Pueblo Grande. It is situated on a small arm ofthe Pueblo Colorado wash, 22 or 23 miles north of Navajo Springs, andabout the same distance south from Pueblo Colorado (Ganado post-office). Geographically the ruins might belong to either Tusayan or Cibola, butMr. Cushing has collected traditional references among the Zuñi as tothe occupation of this pueblo by related peoples at a time not farremoved from the first Spanish visit to this region. 

The plan (Pl. LXIII) shows a marked contrast to the irregularity seen inthe ruins previously described. The pueblo was clearly defined by acontinuous and unbroken outer wall, which probably extended to the fullheight of the highest stories (Pl. LXIV). This symmetrical form is allthe more remarkable in a pueblo of such large dimensions, as, with theexception of Pueblo Bonito of the Chaco group, it is the largest ancientpueblo examined by this Bureau. This village seems to belong to the sametype as the Chaco examples, representing the highest developmentattained in building a large defensive pueblo practically as a singlehouse. All the terraces faced upon one or more inclosed courts, throughwhich access was gained to the rooms. The openings in this outer wall, especially near the ground, were few in number and very small in size, as shown in Pl. CIV. The pueblo was built in two wings of nearly equalsize on the opposite slopes of a large sandy wash, traversing its centerfrom east to west. This wash doubtless at one time furnished peculiarfacilities for storage of water within or near the village, and thismust have been one of the inducements for the selection of the site. At the time of our survey, however, not a drop of water was to be foundabout the ruin, nor could vestiges of any construction for gathering orstoring water be traced. Such vestiges would not be likely to remain, asthey must have been washed away by the violent summer torrents or buriedunder the accumulating sands. Two seasons subsequent to our work at thispoint it was learned that an American, digging in some rooms on thearroyo margin, discovered the remains of a well or reservoir, which hecleared of sand and debris and found to be in good condition, furnishingso steady a water supply that the discoverer settled on the spot. Thiswas not seen by the writer. There is a small spring, perhaps a mile fromthe pueblo in a northeasterly direction, but this source would have beenwholly insufficient for the needs of so large a village. It may havefurnished a much more abundant supply, however, when it was in constantuse, for at the time of our visit it seemed to be choked up. About amile and a half west quite a lagoon forms from the collected drainage ofseveral broad valleys, and contains water for a long time after thecessation of the rains. About 6 miles to the north, in a depression of abroad valley, an extensive lake is situated, and its supply seems to beconstant throughout the year, except, perhaps, during an unusually dryseason. These various bodies of water were undoubtedly utilized in thehorticulture of the occupants of Kin-tiel; in fact, near the borders ofthe larger lake referred to is a small house of two rooms; much similarin workmanship to the main pueblo, evidently designed as an outlook overfields. This building is illustrated in Pl. LXVI. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLII. The site of Moen-kopi. ]

The arrangement of the inner houses differs in the two halves of theruin. It will be seen that in the north half the general arrangement isroughly parallel with the outer walls, with the exception of a smallgroup near the east end of the arroyo. In the south half, on the otherhand, the inner rows are nearly at right angles to the outer roomclusters. An examination of the contours of the site will reveal thecause of this difference in the different configuration of the slopes inthe two cases. In the south half the rows of rooms have been built ontwo long projecting ridges, and the diverging small cluster in the northhalf owes its direction to a similar cause. The line of outer wall beingonce fixed as a defensive bulwark, there seems to have been but littlerestriction in the adjustment of the inner buildings to conform to theirregularities of the site. (Pl. LXIII. )

Only three clearly defined means of access to the interior of the pueblocould be found in the outer walls, and of these only two were suitablefor general use. One was at a reentering angle of the outer wall, justsouth of the east end of the arroyo, where the north wall, continuedacross the arroyo, overlaps the outer wall of the south half, and theother one was near the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. Thethird opening was a doorway of ordinary size in the thick north wall. Itseems probable that other gateways once existed, especially in the southhalf. From its larger size and more compact arrangement this south halfwould seem to have greatly needed such facilities, but the preservedwalls show no trace of them. 

The ground plan furnishes indications, mostly in the north half, ofseveral large rooms of circular form, but broken down remains of squarerooms are so much like those of round ones in appearance, owing to thegreater amount of débris that collects at the corners, that it could notbe definitely determined that the ceremonial rooms here were of thecircular form so common in the ancient pueblos. While only circularkivas have been found associated with ancient pueblos of this type, thekivas of all the Cibola ruins above described are said by the Zuñis tohave been rectangular. The question can be decided for this pueblo onlyby excavation on a larger scale than the party was prepared toundertake. Slight excavation at a point where a round room was indicatedon the surface, revealed portions of straight walls only. 

The large size of the refuse heap on the south side of the villageindicates that the site had been occupied for many generations. Notwithstanding this long period of occupation, no important structureof the village seems to have extended beyond the plan. On the northside, outside the main wall, are seen several rectangles faintlyoutlined by stones, but these do not appear to have been rooms. Theyresemble similar inclosures seen in connection with ruined pueblosfarther south, which proved on excavation to contain graves. 

The positions of the few excavations made are indicated on the plan (Pl. LXIII). Our facilities for such work were most meager, and whateverresults were secured were reached at no great distance from the surface. One of these excavations, illustrated in Pl. C, will be described atgreater length in Chapter IV. 

PLANS AND DESCRIPTIONS OF INHABITED VILLAGES. 

NUTRIA. 

Nutria is the smallest of the three farming pueblos of Zuñi, and islocated about 23 miles by trail northeast from Zuñi at the head ofNutria valley. The water supply at this point is abundant, and furnishesa running stream largely utilized in irrigating fields in the vicinity. Most of the village is compactly arranged, as may be seen from the plan(Pl. LXVII and Fig. 17), but a few small clusters, of late construction, containing two or three rooms each, are situated toward the east atquite a distance from the principal group. It is now occupied solely asa farming pueblo during the planting and harvesting season. 

The outline of this small pueblo differs greatly from those of most ofthe Cibolan villages. The village (Pl. LXVIII), particularly in itsnorthernmost cluster, somewhat approximates the form of the ancientpueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII), and has apparently been built on theremains of an older village of somewhat corresponding form, as indicatedby its curved outer wall. Fragments of carefully constructed masonry ofthe ancient type, contrasting noticeably with the surrounding modernconstruction, afford additional evidence of this. The ancient villagemust have been provided originally with ceremonial rooms or kivas, butno traces of such rooms are now to be found. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 17. Nutria, plan; small diagram, old wall. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XLIII. Plan of Moen-kopi. ]

At the close of the harvest, when the season of feasts and ceremonialsbegins, lasting through most of the winter, the occupants of thesefarming villages close up their houses and move back to the main puebloleaving them untenanted until the succeeding spring. 

The great number of abandoned and ruined rooms is very noticeable in thefarming pueblos illustrated in this and two of the succeeding plans(Pls. LXIX and LXXIII). The families that farm in their vicinity seem tooccupy scarcely more than half of the available rooms. 

PESCADO. 

This village, also a Zuñi farming pueblo, is situated in a large valleyabout 12 miles northeast from Zuñi. Although it is much larger thanNutria it is wholly comprised within the compact group illustrated. Thetendency to build small detached houses noticed at Nutria and at OjoCaliente has not manifested itself here. The prevalence of abandoned androofless houses is also noticeable. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 18. Pescado, plan, old wall diagram. ]

The outlines of the original court inclosing pueblo (Pl. LXX) are veryclearly marked, as the farming Zuñis in their use of this site havescarcely gone outside of the original limits of the ancient pueblo. Theplan, Pl. LXIX and Fig. 18, shows a small irregular row built in thelarge inclosed court; this row, with the inclosures and corrals thatsurround it, probably formed no part of the original plan. The fullcurved outline is broken only at the west end of the village by smalladditions to the outer wall, and the north and east walls also closelyfollow the boundary of the original pueblo. In fact, at two points alongthe north wall fragments of carefully executed masonry, probably formingpart of the external wall of the ancient pueblo, are still preserved(Pl. LXXII). This outer wall was probably once continuous to the fullheight of the pueblo, but the partial restorations of the buildings bythe Zuñi farmers resemble more closely the modern arrangement. Smallrooms have been added to the outside of the cluster and in some casesthe terraces are reached by external stone steps, in contrast with thedefensive arrangement prevailing generally in pueblos of this form. A number of dome-shaped ovens have been built outside the walls. 

The principle of pueblo plan embodied in Kin-tiel, before referred to, is traceable in this village with particular clearness, distinguishingit from most of the Cibolan pueblos. No traces of kivas were met with inthis village. 

OJO CALIENTE. 

The farming village of Ojo Caliente is located near the dry wash of theZuñi River, and is about 15 miles distant from Zuñi, in a southerlydirection. It is about midway between Hawikuh and Ketchipauan, two ofthe seven cities of Cibola above described. Though situated in fertileand well watered country and close to the remains of the ancientvillages, it bears indications of having been built in comparativelyrecent times. There are no such evidences of connection with an oldervillage as were found at Nutria and Pescado. The irregular and smallclusters that form this village are widely scattered over a rather roughand broken site, as shown on the plan (Pl. LXXIII). Here again a largeportion of the village is untenanted. The large cluster toward theeastern extremity of the group, and the adjoining houses situated on thelow, level ground, compose the present inhabited village. The housesoccupying the elevated rocky sites to the west (Pl. LXXIV) are in anadvanced stage of decay, and have been for a long time abandoned. 

This southern portion of the Cibola district seems to have been muchexposed to the inroads of the Apache. One of the effects of this hasalready been noticed in the defensive arrangement in the Ketchipauanchurch. On account of such danger, the Zuñi were likely to have builtthe first house-clusters here on the highest points of the rockypromontory, notwithstanding the comparative inconvenience of such sites. Later, as the farmers gained confidence or as times became safer, theybuilt houses down on the flat now occupied; but this apparently was notdone all at once. The distribution of the houses over sites of varyingdegrees of inaccessibility, suggests a succession of approaches to theoccupation of the open and unprotected valley. 

Some of the masonry of this village is carelessly constructed, and, asin the other farming pueblos, there is much less adobe plastering andsmoothing of outer walls than in the home pueblo. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLIV. Moen-kopi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate (unnumbered key). ]

At the time of the survey the occupation of this village throughoutthe year was proposed by several families, who wished to resort tothe parent village only at stated ceremonials and important festivals. The comparative security of recent times is thus tending to thedisintegration of the huge central pueblo. This result must beinevitable, as the dying out of the defensive motive brings about arealization of the great inconvenience of the present centralizedsystem. 

ZUÑI. 

The pueblo of Zuñi is built upon a small knoll on the north bank ofthe Zuñi River, about three miles west of the conspicuous mesa ofTâaaiyalana. It is the successor of all the original “Seven Cities ofCibola” of the Spaniards, and is the largest of the modern pueblos. As before stated, the remains of Halona, one of the “seven cities, ” asidentified by Mr. Cushing, have served as a nucleus for the constructionof the modern pueblo, and have been incorporated into the most denselyclustered portions, represented on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) by numbers 1and 4. 

Some of the Cibolan villages were valley pueblos, built at a distancefrom the rocky mesas and canyons that must have served as quarries forthe stone used in building. The Halona site was of this type, thenearest supply of stone being 3 miles distant. At this point (Halona)the Zuñi River is perennial, and furnishes a plentiful supply of waterat all seasons of the year. It disappears, however, a few miles west ina broad, sandy wash, to appear again 20 miles below the village, probably through the accession of small streams from springs fartherdown. The so-called river furnishes the sole water supply at Zuñi, withthe exception of a single well or reservoir on the north side of thevillage. 

Zuñi has been built at a point having no special advantages for defense;convenience to large areas of tillable soil has apparently led to theselection of the site. This has subjected it in part to the sameinfluences that had at an earlier date produced the carefully walledfortress pueblos of the valleys, where the defensive efficiency was dueto well planned and constructed buildings. The result is that Zuñi, while not comparable in symmetry to many of the ancient examples, displays a remarkably compact arrangement of dwellings in the portionsof the pueblos first occupied, designated on the plan (Pl. LXXVI) ashouses 1 and 4. Owing to this restriction of lateral expansion thisportion of the pueblo has been carried to a great height. 

Pl. LXXVIII gives a general view of these higher terraces of the villagefrom the southeast. A height of five distinct terraces from the groundis attained on the south side of this cluster. The same point, however, owing to the irregularity of the site, is only three terraces above theground on the north side. The summit of the knoll upon which the olderportion of Zuñi has been built is so uneven, and the houses themselvesvary so much in dimensions, that the greatest disparity prevails in theheight of terraces. A three-terrace portion of a cluster may have buttwo terraces immediately alongside, and throughout the more closelybuilt portions of the village the exposed height of terraces varies from1 foot to 8 or 10 feet. Pl. LXXIX illustrates this feature. 

The growth of the village has apparently been far beyond the originalexpectation of the builders, and the crowded additions seem to have beenjoined to the clusters wherever the demand for more space was mosturgent, without following any definite plan in their arrangement. Insuch of the ancient pueblo ruins as afford evidence of having passedthrough a similar experience, the crowding of additional cells seems tohave been made to conform to some extent to a predetermined plan. AtKin-tiel we have seen how such additions to the number of habitablerooms could readily be made within the open court without affecting thesymmetry and defensive efficiency of the pueblo; but here the nucleus ofthe large clusters was small and compact, so that enlargement has takenplace only by the addition of rooms on the outside, both on the groundand on upper terraces. 

The highest point of Zuñi, now showing five terraces, is said to havehad a height of seven terraces as late as the middle of the presentcentury, but at the time of the survey of the village no traces wereseen of such additional stories. The top of the present fifth terrace, however, is more than 50 feet long, and affords sufficient space for theaddition of a sixth and seventh story. 

The court or plaza in which the church (Pl. LXXX) stands is so muchlarger than such inclosures usually are when incorporated in a puebloplan that it seems unlikely to have formed part of the original village. It probably resulted from locating the church prior to the constructionof the eastern rows of the village. Certain features in the housesthemselves indicate the later date of these rows. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLV. The Mormon mill at Moen-kopi. ]

The arrangement of dwellings about a court (Pl. LXXXII), characteristicof the ancient pueblos, is likely to have prevailed in the small puebloof Halona, about which clustered the many irregular houses thatconstitute modern Zuñi. Occasional traces of such an arrangement arestill met with in portions of Zuñi, although nearly all of the ancientpueblo has been covered with rooms of later date. In the arrangement ofZuñi houses a noticeable difference in the manner of clustering is foundin different parts of the pueblo. That portion designated as house No. 1on the plan, built over the remains of the original small pueblo, isunquestionably the oldest portion of the village. The clustering seemsto have gone on around this center to an extraordinary and exceptionalextent before any houses were built in other portions. House No. 4 is aportion of the same structure, for although a street or passagewayintervenes it is covered with two or three terraces, indicating thatsuch connection was established at an early date. The rows on the lowerground to the east (Pl. LXXXI), where the rooms are not so denselyclustered, were built after the removal of the defensive motive thatinfluenced the construction of the central pile. These portions, arranged approximately in rows, show a marked resemblance to pueblos ofknown recent date. That they were built subsequently to the mainclusters is also indicated by the abundant use of oblique openings androof holes, where there is very little necessity for such contrivances. This feature was originally devised to meet the exceptional conditionsof lighting imposed by dense crowding of the living rooms. It will bereferred to again in examining the details of openings, and its widedeparture from the arrangement found to prevail generally in puebloconstructions will there be noted. The habit of making such provisionsfor lighting inner rooms became fixed and was applied generally to manyclusters much smaller in size than those of other pueblos where thisfeature was not developed and where the necessity for it was not felt. These less crowded rooms of more recent construction form the easternportion of the pueblo, and also include the governor’s house on thesouth side. 

The old ceremonial rooms or kivas, and the rooms for the meeting of thevarious orders or secret societies were, during the Spanish occupancy, crowded into the innermost recesses of this ancient portion of Zuñiunder house No. 1. But the kivas, in all likelihood, occupied a moremarginal position before such foreign influence was brought to bear onthem, as do some of the kivas at the present time, and as is the generalpractice in other modern pueblos. 

CHAPTER IV. 

ARCHITECTURE OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA COMPARED BY CONSTRUCTIONAL DETAILS. 

INTRODUCTION. 

In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form anddistribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibolahave been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of thearchitectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessaryto examine closely the constructional details of their present houses, endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rathermeager vestiges of similar features that have survived the destructionof the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departedfrom early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of suchdeviation. For convenience of comparison the various details ofhousebuilding for the two groups will be treated together. 

The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of thetraditionary data already given, for information concerning the ritesconnected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the followingpages, and also for the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature ofarchitectural details appended hereto. Material of this class pertainingto the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be procured. 

HOUSE BUILDING. 

RITES AND METHODS. 

The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quitemeager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their properconnection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitelyassigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLVI. Hawikuh, plan. ]

So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for anentire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguoushouses. Most of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearlydefined general plan governing the location of rooms added to theoriginal cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite planoccur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) isevidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definiteform to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, doesthe ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In boththese cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems tohave been regarded as of more importance than the specific locations ofindividual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Throughout that partof Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems nowto be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete house. It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to bedescribed. 

A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what thedimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces, placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woodsand cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a lengthcorresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered androughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by hisfriends, usually of his own gens. These assistants receive nocompensation except their food, but that of itself entails considerableexpense on the builder, and causes him to build his house with as fewhelpers as possible. 

The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the villagechief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties ashort cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votivemeal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposedhouse and its occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a termmeaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Másauwu, theSun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers areplaced at the four corners of the house and a large stone is laid overeach of them. The builder then decides where the door is to be located, and marks the place by setting some food on each side of it; he thenpasses around the site from right to left, sprinkling piki crumbs andother particles of food, mixed with native tobacco, along the lines tobe occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offering he sings to theSun his Kitdauwi, house song: “Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai. ” The meaningof these words the people have now forgotten. 

Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason andthe woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished;but according to my own observation this is not the universal practicein modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated inPl. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, aswell as finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her femalerelatives. There was but one man present at this house-building, whosegrudgingly performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams andlintels into place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavierwork. The ground about this house was strewn with quantities of brokenstone for masonry, which seemed to be all prepared and brought to thespot before building began; but often the various divisions of the workare carried on by both men and women simultaneously. While the men weredressing the stones, the women brought earth and water and mixed a mudplaster. Then the walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortarvery sparingly. 

The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the wallsbeing from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimesvarying from 15 to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall. 

Pine, piñon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the availabletrees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams forthe roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has beenstripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of thebeams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet. Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and notmore than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or smallwillows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this seriesis crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over thisframework a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered withearth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of thewomen. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick coatingof mud for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster to thewalls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a small space on the wallunplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina came andfinished it, and although the space remained bare it was considered tobe covered with an invisible plaster. 

The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four featherssimilar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short pieceof willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roofbeams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina, celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. Thebuilder also makes an offering to Másauwu (called “feeding the house”)by placing fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not tohasten the departure of any of the family to the under world. 

A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the womanbuilds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavityabout a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hoodis constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor. 

As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stonecoping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher thanthe roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away. Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in thecopings, as will be described later. 

All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard thissingle-roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also considerit the nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, aswhen the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves, another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and asecond story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony isobserved in building the ground story in front, but there is no ceremonyfor the second and additional stories. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLVII. Hawikuh, view. ]

Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in whichhe was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as beingfour stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, hissisters and their families occupying the rear portion. The fourth storyconsisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. Thisold house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the wallshave been carried away. There is no prescribed position forcommunicating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed in thelee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 19. A Tusayan wood rack. ]

Formerly on the approach of cold weather, and to some extent the customstill exists, people withdrew from the upper stories to the kikolirooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in theconsumption of fuel also prompted this expedient; but these ground-floorrooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways, and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with aladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even theirroofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many householdarticles, and in the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, theterraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and thepeculiar long strips into which pumpkins and squashes have been cut tofacilitate their desiccation for winter use. Among other things thehousehold supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of thisterrace, but more commonly the natives have so many other uses for thisspace that the sticks of fuel are piled up on a rude projecting skeletonof poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set intothe ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall, as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across are-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack, without anysupport from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the availablespace of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam orstick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many longpoles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty asadditional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplaceon the inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on theterraces, usually at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is stilla general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled upand roofed, and is called tupubi. Tuma is the name of the flatbaking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking atthe kisi in the field is called tupubi. 

Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has noopening in the outer wall. 

The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all ofthem; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of generalresort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, no one claimingdistinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling, but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In thisconnection it may also be noted that the eldest sister’s house isregarded as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces andnephews. 

Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especiallyconstructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These areusually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensionsnot larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the placeof the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcokdescribing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in thedwelling houses are also devoted to this use. 

The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the housesand their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary ofarchitectural terms, comprising those especially applied to the variousconstructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the“kisis, ” or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found nearthe end of this paper. 

The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement ofcontiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of thetraditions, that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and toform an appropriate place for the public dances and processions ofmasked dancers. No definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to thesetraditional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in theevolution of this defensive type of architecture they must have partakensomewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on the Rio Chaco andelsewhere. 

LOCALIZATION OF GENTES. 

In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless someeffort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries, in definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At thepresent day, however, there is but little trace of such localization. Inthe case of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen haswith great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the variousgentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton plan(Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the diagram in connection with theappended list of the families occupying Oraibi will at once show that, however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes inthe traditional village, the greatest confusion prevails at the presenttime. The families numerically most important, such as the Reed, Coyote, Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house clusters. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLVIII. Adobe church at Hawikuh. ]

_Families occupying Oraibi. _

[See house plan--house numbers in blue. ]

 1. Kokop................ Winwuh................... Burrowing owl. 2. Pikyas............... Nyumuh................... Young corn plant. 3. Bakab................ Winwuh................... Reed (_Phragmitescommunis_). 4. Tuwa................. Winwuh................... Sand. 5. Tdap................. Nyumuh................... Jack rabbit. 6. Honan................ Winwuh................... Badger. 7. Isn.................. Winwuh................... Coyote. 8. See 3......................................... Reed. 9. Kukuto............... Winwuh................... Lizard. 10. Honan................ Nyumuh................... Bear. 11. Honau......................................... Bear. 12. See 3......................................... Reed. 13. See 7......................................... Coyote. 14. Tcuin......................................... Rattlesnake. 15. Awat.......................................... Bow. 16. Kokuan........................................ Spider. 17. See 9......................................... Lizard. 18. See 3......................................... Reed. 19. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 20. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 21. See 5......................................... Rabbit. 22. See 9......................................... Lizard. 23. See 9......................................... Lizard. 23½. See 9........................................ Lizard. 24. See 2......................................... Young corn. 25. Gyazro............... Nyumuh................... Paroquet. 26. See 2......................................... Young corn. 27. Kwah................. Nyumuh................... Eagle. 28. See 7......................................... Coyote. 29. See 27........................................ Eagle. 30. See 9......................................... Lizard. 31. See 9......................................... Lizard. 32. See 7......................................... Coyote. 33. See 7......................................... Coyote. 34. See 2......................................... Young corn. 35. See 6......................................... Badger. 36. See 16........................................ Spider. 37. Batun................ Winwuh................... Squash. 38. See 15........................................ Bow. 39. See 15........................................ Bow. 40. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 41. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 42. See 6......................................... Badger. 43. Tdawuh............... Winwuh................... Sun. 44. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 45. See 25........................................ Paroquet. 46. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 47. See 1......................................... Burrowing-owl. 48. See 3......................................... Reed. 49. See 3......................................... Reed. 50. See 3......................................... Reed. 51. See 3......................................... Reed. 52. See 27........................................ Eagle. 53. See 25........................................ Paroquet. 54. See 1......................................... Burrowing owl. 55. See 5......................................... Rabbit. 56. See 9......................................... Lizard. 57. Pobol................ Winwuh................... Moth. 58. See 6......................................... Badger. 59. See 5......................................... Rabbit. 60. See 5......................................... Rabbit. 61. See 7......................................... Coyote. 62. See 7......................................... Coyote. 63. Atoko................ Winwuh................... Crane. 64. See 3......................................... Reed. 65. See 9......................................... Lizard. 66. Keli................. Nyumuh................... Hawk. 67. See 7......................................... Coyote. 68. See 43........................................ Sun. 69. Kwan................. Nyumuh................... Mescal cake. 70. See 27........................................ Eagle. 71. See 27........................................ Eagle. 72. See 2......................................... Corn. 73. See 6......................................... Badger. 74. See 7......................................... Coyote. 75. See 7......................................... Coyote. 76. See 27........................................ Eagle. 77. See 3......................................... Reed. 78. See 3......................................... Reed. 79. See 3......................................... Reed. 80. See 9......................................... Lizard. 81. See 43........................................ Sun. 82. See 25........................................ Paroquet. 83. See 9......................................... Lizard. 84. See 9......................................... Lizard. 85. See 43........................................ Sun. 86. See 3......................................... Reed. 87. See 3......................................... Reed. 88. See 7......................................... Coyote. 89. See 3......................................... Reed. 90. Vacant. 91. See 2......................................... Corn. 92. See 25........................................ Paroquet. 93. See 25........................................ Paroquet. 94. See 10........................................ Bear. 95. See 19........................................ Bear. 96. See 4......................................... Sand. 97. See 4......................................... Sand. 98. See 4......................................... Sand. 99. See 3......................................... Reed. 100. See 2........................................ Corn. 101. See 2........................................ Corn. 102. See 7........................................ Coyote. 103. See 7........................................ Coyote. 104. See 3........................................ Reed. 105. See 3........................................ Reed. 106. See 3........................................ Reed. 107. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 108. See 7........................................ Coyote. 109. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 110. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 111. See 3........................................ Reed. 112. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 113. Vacant. 114. Vacant. 115. See 3........................................ Reed. 116. See 6........................................ Badger. 117. See 43....................................... Sun. 118. See 7........................................ Coyote. 119. See 43....................................... Sun. 120. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 121. See 43....................................... Sun. 122. See 3........................................ Reed. 123. See 4........................................ Sand. 124. See 4........................................ Sand. 125. See 3........................................ Reed. 126. See 3........................................ Reed. 127. See 43....................................... Sun. 128. See 2........................................ Corn. 129. See 9........................................ Lizard. 130. See 4........................................ Sand. 131. See 4........................................ Sand. 132. See 7........................................ Coyote. 133. See 9........................................ Lizard. 134. See 25....................................... Paroquet. 135. See 25....................................... Paroquet. 136. See 6........................................ Badger. 137. See 6........................................ Badger. 138. Vacant. 139. See 10....................................... Bear. 140. See 3........................................ Reed. 141. See 25....................................... Paroquet. 142. See 25....................................... Paroquet. 143. See 43....................................... Sun. 144. See 5........................................ Rabbit. 145. See 15....................................... Bow. 146. Vacant. 147. See 6........................................ Badger. 148. Katcin.............. Nyumuh................... Katcina. 149. See 7........................................ Coyote. 150. See 6........................................ Badger. 151. See 6........................................ Badger. 152. See 6........................................ Badger. 153. See 6........................................ Badger. 

Counting No. 23½, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant. 

 [Illustration: Plate XLIX. Ketchipanan, plan. ]

Reed families..... 25 Paroquet families... 10 Eagle families.... 6Coyote families... 17 Owl families........ 9 Bear families..... 5Lizard families... 14 Corn families....... 9 Bow families...... 4Badger families... 13 Sun families........ 9 Spider families... 2Rabbit families... 11 Sand families....... 8

Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each. 

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola. Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements ofrooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, thearchitectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the variousportions of the present Zuñi by distinct groups of people. 

INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT. 

On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data heregiven were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scalemodels of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for thetreatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the wallsand roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded, little remains to be described about a pueblo house; for such of itsinterior details as do not connect with the external features are of thesimplest character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos noexhaustive study of the interior of the houses was practicable, but theillustrations present typical dwelling rooms from both Tusayan and Zuñi. As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zuñi. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 20. Interior ground plan of a Tusayan room. ]

 [Illustration: Plate L. Ketchipauan. ]

The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story roomof Mashongnavi. This room measures 13 by 12½ feet, and is considerablybelow the average size of the rooms in these villages. A projectingbuttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end of theroom into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for storagein the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet highfrom the floor; and a small inclosed triangular bin, built directly onthe floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The wholeconstruction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which hasafterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band thatencircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position of abaseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that iswholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; anindispensable feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common tofind a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entireavailable width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of itsdepth behind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneelingwomen who grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided bybuttress or pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner. They are always so arranged that those who operate them face the middleof the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clayof the same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, infact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished withspecial care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimescarefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone. It is often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient sizefor this purpose, but the irregularities of outline of the large flatstones are very skillfully interfitted, furnishing, when finished, a smoothly paved floor easily swept and kept clean. 

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplaceand chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimneyhood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entirechimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curvedform of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, orwater jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the waterjars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringingin water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zuñiwater seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, inwhich it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose. 

The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is setback or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common inTusayan. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84. 

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has nointerior communication with any other room. In this respect it isexceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster. 

Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. Itillustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the precedingexample. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it isdivided midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttresssupports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floorbeams to span the whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimneyare similar to those described, as is also the single compartment formealing stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is quitelarge, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to itsback wall and not parallel with it. 

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straightpole suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in bothTusayan and Zuñi. The pole is used for the suspension of the householdstock of blankets and other garments. The windows of this house aresmall, and two of them, in the right-hand division of the room, havebeen roughly sealed up with masonry. 

Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zuñi interior. In this instance theexample happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will benoticed that this apartment has many features in common with that atTusayan last described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended ishere incorporated into the original construction of the house, its twoends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire flooris paved with slabs of much more regular form than any used at Tusayan. The Zuñi have access to building stone which is of a much better gradethan is available in Tusayan. 

 [Illustration: Plate LI. Stone church at Ketchipauan. ]

This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along thesides, a feature much more common at Zuñi than at Tusayan. Usually suchbenches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projectionis interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the leftit terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones, in order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates arearranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additionaldetached section placed at right angles to the main series. The sill ofthe doorway by which this room communicates with an adjoining one israised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided with a rudelymortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small hole through whichthe occupant can prop the door on the inside of the communicating room. The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole with mud effectuallycloses the house against intrusion. The unusual height of this door sillfrom the floor has necessitated the construction of a small step, whichis built of masonry and covered with a single slab of stone. All thedoors of Zuñi are more or less raised above the ground or floor, thoughseldom to the extent shown in the present example. This room has noexternal door and can be directly entered only by means of the hatchwayand ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room was probablybounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and windows, though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows have becomeniches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds and endsof a Zuñi household. The chimney of this house will be noticed asdiffering materially, both in form and in its position in the room, fromthe Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type ofchimney used in Zuñi at the present time, although many examples of thecurved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of theroom. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearlyalways built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection forthe support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is notpracticed at Zuñi to any extent. Deer horns have been built into thewall of the room to answer the purpose of pegs, upon which varioushousehold articles are suspended. 

The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house havebeen briefly described above, will each be made the subject of moreexhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form throughwhich they have passed. The above outline will furnish a general idea ofthe place that these details occupy in the house itself. 

KIVAS IN TUSAYAN. 

_General use of kivas. _--Wherever the remains of pueblo architectureoccur among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in everyimportant village throughout all changes of form, due to variations ofenvironment and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptionalcharacter. The chambers are distinguishable from the typical dwellingrooms by their size and position, and, generally, in ancient examples, by their circular form. This feature of pueblo architecture has survivedto the present time, and is prominent in all modern pueblos that havecome under the writer’s notice, including the villages of Acoma andJemez, belonging to the Rio Grande group, as well as in the pueblosunder discussion. In all the pueblos that have been examined, bothancient and modern, with the exception of those of Tusayan, thesespecial rooms, used for ceremonial purposes, occupy marginal orsemidetached positions in the house clusters. The latter are whollydetached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans. 

_Origin of the name. _--Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by theSpanish term “estufa, ” meaning literally a stove, and here used in thesense of “sweat house, ” but the term is misleading, as it more properlydescribes the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially bylodge-building Indians, such as the Navajo. At the suggestion of MajorPowell the Tusayan word for this everpresent feature of puebloarchitecture has been adopted, as being much more appropriate. The word“kiva, ” then, will be understood to designate the ceremonial chamber ofthe pueblo building peoples, ancient and modern. 

_Antiquity of the kiva. _--The widespread occurrence of this feature andits evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy ofexhaustive study, especially as embodied in its construction maybe foundsurvivals of early methods of arrangement that have long ago becomeextinct in the constantly improving art of housebuilding, but which arepreserved through the well known tendency of the survival of ancientpractice in matters pertaining to the religious observances of aprimitive people. Unfortunately, in the past the Zuñi have been exposedto the repressive policy of the Spanish authorities, and this hasprobably seriously affected the purity of the kiva type. At one time, when the ceremonial observances of the Zuñi took place in secret forfear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the original kivasmust have been wholly abandoned, and though at the present time some ofthe kivas of Zuñi occupy marginal positions in the cell clusters, justas in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these roomsfaithfully represent the original type of kiva. There seems to be butlittle structural evidence to distinguish the present kivas fromordinary large Zuñi rooms beyond the special character of the fireplaceand of the entrance trap door, features which will be fully describedlater. At Tusayan, on the other hand, we find a distinct andcharacteristic structural plan of the kiva, as well as many specialconstructive devices. Although the position of the ceremonial room ishere exceptional in its entire separation from the dwelling, this is dueto clearly traceable influences in the immediate orograpic environment, and the wholly subterranean arrangement of most of the kivas in thisgroup is also due to the same local causes. 

 [Illustration: Plate LII. K’iakima, plan. ]

_Excavation of the kiva. _--The tendency to depress or partly excavatethe ceremonial chamber existed in Zuñi, as in all the ancient pueblobuildings which have been examined; but the solid rock of the mesa topsin Tusayan did not admit of the necessary excavation, and thepersistence of this requirement, which, as I shall elsewhere show, hasan important connection with the early types of pueblo building, compelled the occupants of these rocky sites to locate their kivas atpoints where depressions already existed. Such facilities were mostabundant near the margins of the mesas, where in many places largeblocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the surfacestratum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliffwall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontoriesforced the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, thetraditional and customary arrangement of the kivas within thehouse-inclosed courts of the pueblo, in order to obtain properlydepressed sites. This accidental effect of the immediate environmentresulted in giving unusual prominence to the sinking of the ceremonialroom below the ground surface, but a certain amount of excavation isfound as a constant accompaniment of this feature throughout the puebloregion in both ancient and modern villages. Even at Zuñi, where thekivas appear to retain but few of the specialized features thatdistinguish them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below thegeneral level of the ground. But at Tusayan the development of thissingle requirement has been carried to such an extent that many of thekivas are wholly subterranean. This is particularly the case with thosethat occupy marginal sites on the mesas, such as have been referred toabove. In such instances the broken-out recesses in the upper rocks havebeen walled up on the outside, roughly lined with masonry within, androofed over in the usual manner. In many cases the depth of these rockniches is such that the kiva roof when finished does not project abovethe general level of the mesa summit, and its earth covering isindistinguishable from the adjoining surface, except for the presence ofthe box-like projection of masonry that surrounds the entrance trap doorand its ladder (see Pl. LXXXVII). Frequently in such cases the surfaceof the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or dimensions of theunderlying room. Examples of such subterranean kivas may be seen in theforeground of the general view of a court in Oraibi (Pl. XXXVIII), andin the view of the dance rock at Walpi (Pl. XXIV). But such whollysubterranean arrangement of the ceremonial chamber is by no meansuniversal even at Tusayan. Even when the kiva was placed within thevillage courts or close to the houses, in conformity to the traditionalplan and ancient practice as evidenced in the ruins, naturally depressedsites were still sought; but such sites as the mesa margin affords wererarely available at any distance from the rocky rim. The result is thatmost of the court kivas are only partly depressed. This is particularlynoticeable in a court kiva in Shumopavi, an illustration of which isgiven in Fig. 14. 

The mungkiva or principal kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Pl. XXXIII, is scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards thehouses, but its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet downon the declivity of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals ofMashongnavi, shown in Pl. CIX, also illustrates a kiva of the typedescribed. This chamber is constructed on a sharp slope of the declivitywhere a natural depression favored the builders. On the upper side theroof is even with the ground, but on its outer or southern side themasonry is exposed to nearly the whole depth of the chamber. At thenorth end of Shumopavi, just outside the houses, are two kivas, one ofwhich is of the semi-subterranean type. The other shows scarcely anymasonry above the ground outside of the box-like entrance way. Pl. LXXXVIII illustrates these two kivas as seen from the northeast, andshows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following (Fig. 21)illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view. 

_Access. _--The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar onein the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on theireastern side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented whennecessary by the removal of the ladder from the outside, or in someinstances by the withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely insertedinto holes in the side pieces. There is no means of preventing access tothe exposed trap doors, which are nearly on a level with the ground. Asa matter of convenience and to facilitate the entrance into the kiva ofcostumed and masked dancers, often encumbered with clumsy paraphernalia, steps are permanently built into the outside wall of the kiva in directcontradiction to the ancient principles of construction; that is, inhaving no permanent or fixed means of access from the ground to thefirst roof. These are the only cases in which stone steps springdirectly from the ground, although they are a very important feature inTusayan house architecture above the first story, as may be seen in anyof the general views of the villages. The justification of such anarrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies obviouslyin the different conditions here found as compared with the dwellings. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 21. North kivas of Shumopavi, seen from the southwest. ]

The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi group, above illustrated, isexceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Probablyall such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures orcrevices of the sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility forthe excavation of the site to the required depth. The most noteworthyexample of such inner kiva being located with reference to favorablerock fissures has been already described in discussing the ground planof Walpi and its southern court-inclosed kiva (p. 65). 

_Masonry. _--The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases tobe of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This isparticularly noticeable in the kivas of Walpi on the mesa edge, but isapparent even in some of the Zuñi examples. One of the kivas of houseNo. 1 in Zuñi, near the churchyard, has small openings in its wall thatare rudely framed with stone slabs set in a stone wall of exceptionalroughness. Apparently there has never been any attempt to smooth orreduce this wall to a finished surface with the usual coating of adobemud. 

 [Illustration: Plate LIII. Site of K’iakima, at base of Tâaaiyalana. ]

In Tusayan also some of the kiva walls look as though they had beenbuilt of the first material that came to hand, piled up nearly dry, andwith no attempt at the chinking of joints, that imparts some degree offinish to the dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas, however, is usually plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering isapplied on a base of masonry even in the case of the kivas that arewholly subterranean. It seems to be the Tusayan practice to line allsides of the kivas with stone masonry, regardless of the completenessand fitness of the natural cavity. It is impossible, therefore, toascertain from the interior of a kiva how much of the work of excavationis artificial and how much has been done by nature. The lining ofmasonry probably holds the plastering of adobe mud much better than thenaked surface of the rock, but the Tusayan builders would hardly resortto so laborious a device to gain this small advantage. The explanationof this apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had beenbuilt of masonry from time immemorial, and that the changed conditionsof the present Tusayan environment have not exerted their influence fora sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional practice. Aswill be seen later, the building of a kiva is accompanied by certainrites and ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additionaltestimony of the comparatively recent date of the present subterraneantypes. 

_Orientation. _--In questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephenwas told that no attention to the cardinal points was observed in theplan, although the walls are spoken of according to the direction towhich they most closely approximate. An examination of the village plansof the preceding chapters, however, will show a remarkable degree ofuniformity in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due toaccident in rooms built on such widely differing sites. The intentionseems to have been to arrange these ceremonial chambers approximately onthe north and south line, though none of the examples approach themeridian very closely. Most of them face southeast, though some, particularly in Walpi, face west of south. In Walpi four of the fivekivas are planned on a southwest and northeast line, following thegeneral direction of the mesa edge, while the remaining one facessoutheast. The difference in this last case may have been brought aboutby exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the form of the cavity inwhich the kiva was built. Again at Hano and Sichumovi (Pls. XVI andXVIII) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction prevails, but, as the plans show, the kivas in these two villages are few in number. The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (Pl. XXX) to have the samedirection, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (Pl. XXXIV) there arefour kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however (Pl. XXVI), thesame uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas face south of east, and two others built in the edge of the rocky bench on the south side ofthe village face west of south. In the large village of Oraibi there isremarkable uniformity in the direction of the many kivas, there being avariation of only a few degrees in direction in the whole number ofthirteen shown on the plan (Pl. XXXVI). But in the case of the largekiva partly above ground designated as the Coyote kiva, the directionfrom which it is entered is the reverse of that of the other kivas. No explanation is offered that will account for this curious singleexception to the rule. The intention of the builders has evidently beento make the altar and its attendant structural features conform to adefinite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of theceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in manycases resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given riseto the variations that are seen. 

In Zuñi there was an evident purpose to preserve a certain uniformity ofdirection in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pls. LXXVI and LXXVII)there are two kivas, distinguishable on the plan by the large dividedtrap door. The entrance of these both face southeast, and it can readilybe seen that this conformity has been provided intentionally, since therooms themselves do not correspond in arrangement. The roof opening isin one case across the room and in the other it is placedlongitudinally. As has been pointed out above, the general plan ofarranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished in Zuñi as inTusayan. Uniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more strikingas occurring where there is so much more variation in the directions ofthe walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is furnished by thepueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward from Zuñi. Here thekivas are six in number and the directions of all the examples are foundto vary but a few degrees. These also face east of south. 

There are reasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is oflater origin in the pueblo system of building than the use of thecircular form of ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrenceamong the older ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kivaprevailed for long periods of time it would undoubtedly have exerted astrong influence towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clustersin which the kivas were incorporated; but in the earlier circular form, the constructional ceremonial devices could occupy definite positions inrelation to the cardinal points at any part of the inner curve of thewall without necessarily exerting any influence on the directions ofadjoining dwellings. 

 [Illustration: Plate LIV. Recent wall at K’iakima. ]

_The ancient form of kiva. _--In none of the ruins examined in theprovince of Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found, nor do any of them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonialrooms. It is not likely, however, that the present custom of buildingthese chambers wholly under ground prevailed generally among the earlierTusayan villages, as some of the remains do not occupy sites that wouldsuggest such arrangement. The typical circular kiva characteristic ofmost of the ancient pueblos has not been seen within the limits ofTusayan, although it occurs constantly in the ruins of Canyon de Chellywhich are occasionally referred to in Tusayan tradition as having beenoccupied by related peoples. Mr. Stephen, however, found vestiges ofsuch ancient forms among the debris of fallen walls occupying two smallknolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a point that overlooks thebroken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast shoulder of one of theknolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was originally 12 feet indiameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches thick, 6 to 8inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which have beenpecked and dressed. Mud mortar has been sparingly used, and the masonryshows considerable care and skill in execution; the curve of the wall isfairly true, and the interstices of the masonry are neatly filled inwith smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the best work of theCanyon de Chelly ruins. 

The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast slopeis the complete ground plan of a round structure 16½ feet in diameter. At one point of the curved wall, which is about 22 inches thick, occursthe characteristic recessed katchinkihu (described later in discussingthe interior of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber for ceremonialpurposes. 

Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruinsdiscussed above (Chapter II), they suggest a connection and relationshipbetween the typical kiva of the older ruins and the radically differentform in use at the present time. 

_Native explanations of position. _--Notwithstanding the present practicein the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal villageplan is still acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributedas to form inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located withinthese courts or occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters onthe edge of the inclosed areas. But the native explanations of thetraditional plan are vague and contradictory. 

In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh, through which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powersinvoked. According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva wasconstructed to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built onevery side to surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earliertimes, too, so the priests relate, people were more devout, and thehouses were planned with their terraces fronting upon the court, so thatthe women and children and all the people, could be close to the maskeddancers (katchinas) as they issued from the kiva. The spectators filledthe terraces, and sitting there they watched the katchinas dance in thecourt, and the women sprinkled meal upon them, while they listened totheir songs. Other old men say the kiva was excavated in imitation ofthe original house in the interior of the earth, where the human familywere created, and from which they climbed to the surface of the groundby means of a ladder, and through just such an opening as the hatchwayof the kiva. Another explanation commonly offered is that they are madeunderground because they are thus cooler in summer, and more easilywarmed in winter. 

All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we havealready seen that excavation to the extent here practiced is whollyexceptional in pueblo building and the unusual development of thisrequirement of kiva construction has been due to purely local causes. In the habitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, theIndians have lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation ofthis requirement. At Zuñi, too, a curious explanation is offered for thepartial depression of the kiva floor below the general surroundinglevel. Here it is naively explained that the floor is excavated in orderto attain a liberal height for the ceiling within the kiva, this being aroom of great importance. Apparently it does not occur to the Zuñiarchitect that the result could be achieved in a more direct and muchless laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so higher at thetime of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same problem issolved when it is encountered in their ordinary dwelling houseconstruction. Such explanations, of course, originated long after thepractice became established. 

METHODS OF KIVA BUILDING AND RITES. 

The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described andillustrated; it now remains to examine the general form and method ofconstruction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the attendantrites and ceremonies. 

_Typical plans. _--All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of aparallelogram, usually about 25 feet long and half as wide, the ceiling, which is from 5½ to 8 feet high, being slightly higher in the middlethan at either end. There is no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, andseemingly the size of the chamber is determined according to the numberwho are to use it, and who assume the labor of its construction. A listof typical measurements obtained by Mr. Stephen is appended (p. 136). 

 [Illustration: Plate LV. Matsaki, plan. ]

An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an existingone having been discovered, the person who is to be chief of the kivaperforms the same ceremony as that prescribed for the male head of afamily when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. He takes ahandful of meal, mixed with piki crumbs, and a little of the crumbledherb they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the ground, beginning on the west side, passing southward, and so around, thesprinkled line he describes marking the position to be occupied by thewalls. As he thus marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a droningtone “Si-ai, a-hai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai”--no other words but these. Themeaning of these words seems to be unknown, but all the priests agree insaying that the archaic chant is addressed to the sun, and it is calledKitdauwi--the House Song. The chief then selects four good-sized stonesof hard texture for corner stones, and at each corner he lays a baho, previously prepared, sprinkles it with the mixture with which he hasdescribed the line of the walls, and then lays the corner stone upon it. As he does this, he expresses his hope that the walls “will take goodroot hold, ” and stand firm and secure. 

The men have already quarried or collected a sufficient quantity ofstone, and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each sideof the excavation. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; theyare irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to handle. They are laid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried up, if theground be level, to within 18 inches of the surface. If the kiva isbuilt on the edge of the cliff, as at Walpi, the outside wall connectsthe sides of the gap, conforming to the line of the cliff. If thesurface is sloping, the level of the roof is obtained by building up oneside of the kiva above the ground to the requisite height as illustratedin Fig. 21. One end of the “Goat” kiva at Walpi is 5 feet above ground, the other end being level with the sloping surface. When the ledge onthe precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is filled in with roughmasonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the outside wall ofsome of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although in theinterior the measurement from floor to ceiling is much less. 

Both cottonwood and pine are used for the roof timbers; they are roughlydressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made to hew themwith four sides, but none are square. In the roof of the “Goat” kiva, at Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring exactly 6 by 10inches, which are said to have been taken from the mission house builtnear Walpi by the Spanish priests some three centuries ago. The ceilingplan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 23) shows that four of theseold Spanish squared beams have been utilized in its construction. One ofthese is covered with a rude decoration of gouged grooves and boredholes, forming a curious line-and-dot ornament. The other kiva of thisvillage contains a single undecorated square Spanish roof beam. Thisbeam contrasts very noticeably with the rude round poles of the nativework, one of which, in the case of the kiva last mentioned, is a forkedtrunk of a small tree. Some of the Indians say that the timbers werebrought by them from the Shumopavi spring, where the early Spanishpriests had established a mission. According to these accounts, the homemission was established at Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, anda third and important one at Awatubi. 

One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams werebrought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred milesaway, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved andfinished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel andcloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timberswere finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi. At Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi(The-high-place-of-snow--San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only8 years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them arehewn with flat sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other threeare round, the under sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches indiameter. These timbers were brought from the San Francisco Mountainswhile the Spaniards were here. The Shumopavi account states that thepeople were compelled to drag most of the timbers with ropes, althoughoxen were also used in some cases, and that the Spaniards used them toroof their mission buildings. After the destruction of the mission thesetimbers were used in the construction of a dwelling house, which, falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down. Subsequently they wereutilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the main timbers weretaken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers nowin the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old andmuch decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers fromthe Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inches, etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation thatoccurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above described. At the otherend of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round timbers that mayhave come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks of fire, andare in places deeply charred. 

In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls arebrought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laidparallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3feet apart, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet isleft between two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The endsof the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed inposition a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied(nakwakwoci) is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the barkhas been stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, withslight spaces between them. Near the center of the kiva two shorttimbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this isdone to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is madewith walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two centralbeams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried upso as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof. Across the poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straighttwigs of any kind are laid close together, and over these is placed alayer of dry grass arranged in regular rows. Mud is then carefullyspread over the grass to a depth of about 3 inches, and after it hasnearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill up all the cracks. A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly trodden down, to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with thesurrounding ground, following the same method and order of constructionthat prevails in dwelling-house buildings. 

 [Illustration: Plate LVI. Standing wall at Pinawa. ]

Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one endof which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, andupon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl. LXXXVII. ) An open space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, andthis is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway, window, and chimney. 

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this isnever in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platformsome 10 or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length ofthe kiva and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under thehatchway, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva ofShupaulovi (Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of theplatform rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higherside of the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in theair. Upon this platform the women and other visitors sit when admittedto witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor ina few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is acomparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable, as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetichesout of position. 

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, butusually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is locatedimmediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raisingthe hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling inthe middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuelused in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several bundles ofthe shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of thehatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, smolders andemits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, burns with abright, sparkling flame. 

Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry isbuilt, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as ashelf for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during statedobservances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in themiddle of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house). During a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by thedancers. Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sidesfor use as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three havethe ledge at the end containing the katchina house. 

In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slabof cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through themiddle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2or 2½ inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and isaccurately fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flushwith the surface of the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy aposition in the main floor near the end of the kiva. This feature is thesipapuh, the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of theceremonial chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during afestival; it typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis andthe opening through which the people first emerged. It is frequently sospoken of at the present time. 

Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; theyusually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the daisthat forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladderrests. These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used asreceptacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days, however, these niches were used exclusively as receptacles for thesacred pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 22. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LVII. Halona excavations as seen from Zuñi. ]

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various featuresof kiva construction that have been described several typical examplesare here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scaleand represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a seriesof typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this section, andcomparison of these with the plans will show the relation of theexamples selected to the usual dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is theground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will beobserved that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the daisbefore referred to, is about 15 inches narrower on each side than themain floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is notuniversal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes thenarrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva ofMashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, andin other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been builtmidway along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to thepoint at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, isfree for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women standon the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into thecourt. The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor. Benches of masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows, they are not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by a continuation of thehigh bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room. These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies. When young men are initiated into the various societies during thefeasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacreddivision of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy thebenches along the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is usedas a shelf for paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whoseposition is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacredorifice from which the katchina is said to come, and is called thekatchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is thesipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity inthe floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18 inches wide and 6½feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. Thepaving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whoseirregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and wellfinished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptaclesis shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. Theposition of the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles restingupon the paved surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edgeof the step. Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustratingthe arrangement of such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible frominside. The plan shows the position of the four Spanish beams beforereferred to, the northernmost being the one that has the line and dotdecoration. The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and ofSpanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of thehatchway dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and ofnative workmanship. The position and dimensions of the large hatchwayprojection are here indicated in plan, but the general appearance ofthis curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be better seen from theinterior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelikestructure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greaterheight in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. Theold men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Otherssay it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the firepreparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute anupper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aidsin the performance of this good office. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 23. Ceiling plan of the chief kiva of Shupaulovi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 24. Interior view of a Tusayan kiva. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LVIII. Fragments of Halona wall. ]

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of theinterior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about halfof the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposedstonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used withthe wall in this uncovered condition. 

The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that isplaced directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smokehole. It is usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of thesecond level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finishedquite neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the firepit. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 25. Ground plan of a Shupaulovi kiva. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 26. Ceiling plan of a Shupaulovi kiva. ]

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the secondkiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement itis identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will benoticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or“altar” end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in themungkiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here thesipapuh is at much greater distance than usual from the katchina recess. It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an orifice inone of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into acottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of thiskiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of thembeing nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of longcontinued use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness. The ceiling plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen ofSpanish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows aforked “viga” or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 27. Ground plan of the chief kiva of Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LIX. The mesa of Tâaaiyalana, from Zuñi. ]

This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in placesevidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying theinterior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violatedin this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have beenbrought to an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavationwith reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held inplace by long, slender, horizontal rods, forming a rude matting orwattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points bymeans of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the primitivelathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found thePonobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. The walls are linedwith a reed lathing over which mud is plastered. The reed used is theBakabi (_Phragmites communis_) whose stalks vary from a quarter of aninch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In this instance thereeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the ordinarymud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the naturalexcavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reedslaid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in placeby pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feetand are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are veryinteresting examples of aboriginal lathing and plastering applied tostone work. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 28. Interior view of a kiva hatchway in Tusayan. ]

The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig. 27. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of thefloor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached fromthe main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches atthe west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small openinglike a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side ofthe main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual bench. Theportion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on a level withthe west bench and continuous for a couple of feet beyond the northeastcorner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on the west sideand nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement of the katchinkihuis quite different from that described in the Shupaulovi kivas. Theorifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½ feet above the floor, and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that extends across thisend of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in the otherexamples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kivahatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but theladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladderrests against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on thenear side of the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. Thesmall smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundlesof greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At thefar end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reedsor rushes that is used for closing the openings when necessary. It ishere shown rolled up at the foot of the slope of the hatchway top, itscustomary position when not in use. When this mat is used for closingthe kiva opening it is usually held in place by several large stoneslabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen of the Tusayan kivamat. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 29. Mat used in closing the entrance of Tusayan kiva. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LX. Tâaaiyalana, plan. ]

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples isprovided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close tothe wall and provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. Thisfeature is a common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains tothe use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weaversof Tusayan. It will be more fully described in the discussion of thevarious uses of the kiva. 

The essential structural features of the kivas above described areremarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selectedat random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of thefeatures, but a certain general relation between the variousconstructional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevailthroughout all the villages. 

_Work by women. _--After all the above described details have beenprovided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, thewomen belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue thelabor of its construction. They go over the interior surface of thewalls, breaking off projections and filling up the interstices withsmall stones, and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside ofthe hatchway with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferousclay found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma(the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same attention. 

_Consecration. _--When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares abaho and “feeds the house, ” as it is termed; that is, he thrusts alittle meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in thesame place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses hishope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils maynever enter the kiva. 

It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of thebaho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. Thebaho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merelyspeaking or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing uponwhich to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpableportion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in someobject, which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted inthe roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small featherssuspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along thetwig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especiallyaddressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attachingthem to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present casethese are addressed to the “chiefs” who control the paths taken by thepeople after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thusdesignated:

 To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud. South: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud. East: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud. North: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud. 

Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressedto the zenith, héyap omáuwu--the invisible space of the above--and tothe nadir, Myuingwa--god of the interior of the earth and maker of thegerm of life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the cornerstones are also addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chiefin another kiva. He smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales thesmoke upon them he formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, whonot only control the paths or lives of all the people, but also presideover the six regions of space whence come all the necessaries of life. The ancients also occupy his thoughts during these devotions; he desiresthat all the pleasures they enjoyed while here may come to his people, and he reciprocally wishes the ancients to partake of all the enjoymentsof the living. 

All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food fora feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva tothe accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitivedrum, rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims thename by which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of hischoosing, often without reference to its appropriateness. 

_Various uses of kivas. _--Allusions occur in some of the traditions, suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly tothe purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by apriest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, andappropriate groups of these fetiches were displayed from month to month, as the different priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, eachnew moon bringing its prescribed feast. 

Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still holdtheir stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear thenames of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in aparticular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusivelyfor religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for themen, especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with thearts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple during asacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion ofpublic affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and asa lounging place by the idle. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXI. Standing walls of Tâaaiyalana ruins. ]

There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinctionthat only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the moreimportant ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been maderecently. The prescribed operation is performed by the chief and theassistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. Somesay the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none cannow be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly usedinstead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of stone forthis purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second kiva ofShupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example of thisancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the plank of thesipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, theshoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed (see Fig. 30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as theorifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in thesipapuh, is described as being of circular form in all the versions ofthe Tusayan genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at onetime distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated toreligious observances from those that were of more general use. AtTusayan, at the present time, certain societies do not meet in theordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling house, each societyhaving its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is calledthe house of the “Sister of the eldest brother, ” meaning, probably, thatshe is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman’s houseis also called the “house of grandmother, ” and in it is preserved thetiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a ceremonialobject about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright around asmall disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set uponthe altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the namegiven to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order ofwarriors (Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it isthe chief of the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low roomon the ground floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. Thereis no sipapuh in this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly toCótukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures ofanimal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On thewest wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, theWild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, theWhite Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large disk, representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other societiesare not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another class ofkiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi mesa. Theordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, “kikoli, ” the housewithout any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at Oraibi, although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply theterm “kiva” to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as tothe underground chambers. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 30. Rectangular sipapuh in a Mashongnavi kiva. ]

It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, hasexisted from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses havealways been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Withinsuch cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any ofthe arts they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried onout of doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to manyinterruptions. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed forsuch ordinary purposes, though now one type of room seems to answer allthese various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, inwhich stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, forattaching the lower beam of a primitive vertical loom, and projectingvigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of theirconstruction as a provision for the attachment of the upper loom poles. The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loomappear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partlyburied in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving stones insuch a manner as to be held in place very securely against the strain ofthe tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The holespierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed inthe manner illustrated in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices insection, together with the adjoining paving stones. The outwardappearance of the device, as seen at short intervals along the length ofthe log, is also shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are passedthrough these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of theloom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The lattercan thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in withthe woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving thedark-blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which forma staple article of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. Asan additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivasof Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist simply ofsingle stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inchesthick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their useas seats, these stones are used in connection with the edges of thestone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva to supporttemporarily the upper and lower poles of the blanket loom while the warpis gradually wound around them. The large stones that are incorporatedinto the side of the benches of some of the Mashongnavi kivas haveoccasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of about an inch in diameter, drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a warp stick, theother end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the heavy, movablestone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar manner, whilethe thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction preparatoryto placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the finalworking of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formedalong the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths ofwarp that may be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva anumber of similar holes or depressions are turned into the mudplastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occurrence atother of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiquity of the practiceof using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a suggestionof similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example in Canyon deChelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a rocky ledge andpartly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land slide hadcarried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined section ofits floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a numberof partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven fibercarefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though thesandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again workon them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in thesandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark ofthe cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of theruin and the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that thesespecimens were in use just where they were found at the time of theabandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however, of any structural devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aidsto the weavers, though the weaving of the particular articles comprisedin the collection from this spot would probably not require any cumbrousapparatus. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 31. Loom post in kiva at Tusayan. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXII. Remains of a reservoir on Tâaaiyalana. ]

_Kiva ownership. _--The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home ofthe organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used incommon by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in someparticular one and he frequents that one only. The same person is oftena member of different societies, which takes him to different kivas, butthat is only on set occasions. There is also much informal visitingamong them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of thekiva in which he holds membership. 

In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to agreat extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. Thisoffice or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew throughthe female line--that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son ofhis eldest sister succeeds him. 

A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or anindividual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonlyhas inherited his office in the manner indicated from the “eldestbrother” of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chiefis not necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but anordinary member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kivabelongs to a group of gentes, only in that case the kiva chief isusually chief of the gentile group. 

As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustratethe Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by agroup of “Sun” gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic ofsmallpox, all the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man. The room fell into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and itbecame filled up with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, restedwith the old survivor, as all the more direct heirs had died, and he, when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a “Snake” man from Walpi, who married a Tewa (Hano) woman and still lives in Hano. This manrepaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said to be a Pah-Ute term, meaningblack mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for NavajoMountain) because his people (the “Snake”) came from that place. He inturn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva mungwi, but theson says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest sister. Themembership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but not all ofany one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members of agens to be members of the same kiva. 

Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandonedfor a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by anindividual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo--Oak Mound. He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He alsosays that his eldest sister’s son will succeed him as chief. 

In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called(aside from its own special name) mungkiva--chief kiva. It is frequentedby the kimungwi--house or village chief--and the tshaakmungwi--chieftalker, councillor--and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies areobserved. 

No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them exceptto plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion ofcertain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built forthe observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and anotherfemale society--Lalénkobáki--exist in all the other villages, and on theoccasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of oneof the kivas. 

_Motives for building a kiva. _--Only two causes are mentioned forbuilding a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions amongthe occupants of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurredquite recently at Hano. The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise todissensions, and the members opposed to him prepared to build a separateroom of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, closeto Hano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof timbersfrom the distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay thefoundation their differences were adjusted and a complete reconciliationwas effected. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXIII. Kin-tiel, plan (also showing excavations). ]

The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when agens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numberssufficiently to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of thegentile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes tohis kin to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumesthe direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and otherceremonies connected with the undertaking. An instance of this kindoccurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the members of the“Katchina” gentes, who are also members of the religious order ofKatchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves. 

The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On theother hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence ofits membership. In the “Oak Mound” kiva at Sichumovi there are now butfour members. The young men have married and moved to their wives’houses in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chiefin this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stoveand pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now hasgrave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised adeleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; butthe stove is still retained. 

_Significance of structural plan. _--The designation of the curiousorifice of the sipapuh as “the place from which the people emerged” inconnection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with itschange of floor level, suggested to the author that these features mightbe regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that hasexercised such an influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data onthis subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who isspecially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that adefinite conception exists concerning the significance of the structuralplan of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by thevarious kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that ittypifies the four “houses, ” or stages, described in their creationmyths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainlyregarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house underthe earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floorrepresents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor ismade to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephenobserved, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set ingroups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladderleading to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests uponthe platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditionalgenesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house(stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kivahatchway; only most of the stories indicate that the opening was round. The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied. 

There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circularkivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythicstructures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose inthe present discussion. 

_Typical measurements. _--The following list is a record of a numberof measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The widedifference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usuallydue to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, butthe differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularitiesof the site. The latter differences are not so marked as the former. 

 +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+ | Width at ends. | Length of sides. |Height at| Height | | | | center. | at ends. | +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+ | 13 6 -- -- | 24 0 -- -- | 8 6 | -- -- -- -- | | 12 0 -- -- | 21 9 -- -- | 7 6 | 6 6 -- -- | | 14 6 14 6 | 24 6 23 3 | 8 0 | 6 6 6 6 | | 12 2 12 11 | 23 9 23 9 | 7 10 | 6 1 6 0 | | 12 6 12 6 | 26 0 25 3 | 7 6 | 6 6 6 6 | | 13 4 12 10 | 26 8 26 7 | 7 10 | 7 0 7 0 | | 15 0 13 6 | 26 6 24 11 | 7 4 | 6 3 6 2 | | 12 6 11 5 | 23 7 21 9 | 8 0 | 7 0 7 0 | | 12 5 13 5 | 22 8 24 1 | 7 3 | 6 1 6 9 | | 10 6 13 6 | 27 0 27 0 | 8 3 | 6 3 6 2 | | 13 6 11 6 | 29 9 29 0 | 11 0 | 5 11 -- -- | | 14 6 -- -- | 28 6 28 6 | 9 8 | 6 0 -- -- | | 13 2 14 0 | 28 9 29 9 | 8 6 | 7 0 6 4 | | 15 1 14 0 | 28 6 -- -- | 9 6 | 7 3 6 6 | | 13 0 12 6 | 28 7 29 6 | -- -- | 7 4 6 3 | +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+

_List of Tusayan kivas. _--The following list gives the present namesof all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of thevillage is in each case designated:

 HANO. 1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain. 2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano. Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva. 

 WALPI. 1. Djiva´to kiva Goat. 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn. 3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central. 4. Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud. [5] Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers. 5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief. No. 5 is the mungkiva. 

 [Footnote 5: These two names are common to the kiva in which the Snake order meets and in which the indoor ceremonies pertaining to the Snake-dance are celebrated. ]

 SICHUMOVI. 1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound. 2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound. Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva. 

 MASHONGNAVI. 1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar. 2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens. 3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 4. Kotcobi kiva High place. 5. Al kiva A´la, Horn. Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva. 

 SHUPAULOVI. 1. A´tkabi kiva Place below. 2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider. A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva. 

 SHUMOPAVI. 1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco Mountain. 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn. 3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens. Tco´sobi is the mungkiva. 

 ORAIBI. 1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers. 2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place. Obi, high place. 3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens. 4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order. 5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order. 6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place. 7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order. 8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate themselves with circular marks on the body. 9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair. 10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order. 11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap. Ko´li, a heap. 12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens. 13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order. Tdau kiva is the mungkiva. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXIV. North wall of Kin-tiel. ]

DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION. 

WALLS. 

The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed atZuñi by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished andsome broken-down walls indicates that the methods of constructionadopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which, have been repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however, that in the former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singularfeature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing useof mud in the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances whenwalls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up inthe walls without the use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand inthis condition until the rains come; then the mud mortar is mixed, theinterstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, andthe inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to completethe house at once, finishing it inside and out with the requisitemortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completelycovering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the houses, as maybe seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the Tusayanvillages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewedcoating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry wasseen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating ofmud, viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 describedas possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona andillustrated in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partlysurfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are still visible. As a result of this practice it is now in many cases impossible todetermine from mere superficial inspection whether the underlyingmasonry has been constructed of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that maybe realized from an examination of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III. Where the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, hasremoved the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adobe alike, a large proportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that itis clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a stone village. Theextensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quiterecent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders preferredto use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out withstonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short. An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry stillsurvives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has beenrepaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry, consisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little interveningmortar showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methodsprobably took place on every opportunity, though it is remarkable thatthe Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in thisinstance. Although this church building has for many generationsfurnished a conspicuous example of typical adobe construction to theZuñi, he has never taken the lesson sufficiently to heart to closelyimitate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material orin the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of largeand uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberaladmixture of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zuñi in anyother example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem to havebeen utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this place orat Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi inhousebuilding they have been made from the raw material just as it wastaken from the fields. As a result these bricks have little of thedurability of the Spanish work. Pl. XCVI illustrates an adobe wall ofZuñi, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church at Hawikuh (Pl. XLVIII), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood the wear of time andweather better than any of the stonework of the surrounding houses. Onthe right-hand side of the street that shows in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a wall with adobebricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been roofed over. The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the usualseries of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings. The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has broughtabout the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will benoticed in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wallcopings. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate a curious employment of potteryfragments on a mud-plastered wall and on the base of a chimney toprotect the adobe coating against rapid erosion by the rains. Thesepieces, usually fragments from large vessels, are embedded in the adobewith the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales welladapted to resist disintegration, by the elements. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXV. Standing walls of Kin-tiel. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 32. A Zuñi chimney, showing pottery fragments embedded in its adobe base. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 33. A Zuñi oven with pottery scales embedded in its surface. ]

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably beattributed to foreign influence, but the position of the village in theopen plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop ofsuitable building stone naturally led the builders to use stone moresparingly when an available substitute was found close at hand. The thinslabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came tobe used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as copingson walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo buildersnever attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and requirementsof this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls are built only asthick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being more than a foot inthickness. The walls are thus, in proportion, to height and weight, sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of other peoples, and require protection and constant repairs to insure durability. As tothickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the walls of stonemasonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola, been pushed tothe limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of Zuñi, onwhich the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over thecourt passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirelyfallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustainthe weight of several stories. 

The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employmentof adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months inthe year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent stormswhich play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constantvigilance and frequent repairs on the part of the occupants. 

Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedlyled to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancientmethods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retainsome of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Featuresof this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstandingthe rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this province, thefact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods of theancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the presentvillages. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXVI. Kinna-Zinde. ]

Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and onewhich is more or less present in both ancient and modern examples, isthe use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an evenface after the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laidin place. This method of construction has, in the case of some of thebest built ancient pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in New Mexico, resulted in the production of marvelously finished stone walls, in whichthe mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finestjoints on the face of the wall with but little trace of mortar. Thechinking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit thesizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The useof stone in this manner no doubt suggested the banded walls that form sostriking a feature in some of the Chaco houses. This arrangement waslikely to be brought about by the occurrence in the cliffs of seams ofstone of two degrees of thickness, suggesting to the builders the use ofstones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effectof this device was originally an accidental result of adopting the mostconvenient method of using the material at hand. Though the masonry ofthe modern pueblos does not afford examples of distinct bands, theintroduction of the small chinking spalls often follows horizontal linesof considerable length. Even in mud-plastered Zuñi, many outcrops ofthese thin, tabular wedges protrude from the partly eroded mudcoating ofa wall and indicate the presence of this kind of stone masonry. Anexample is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower-like projection at thenortheast corner of house No. 2. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 34. Stone wedges of Zuñi masonry exposed in rain-washed wall. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 35. An unplastered house wall in Ojo Caliente. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXVII. Nutria, plan. ]

In the Tusayan house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIV, the construction ofwhich was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stonesthat formed the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of mudmortar, were filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, which, after being partly embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven in withunhafted stone hammers, producing a fairly even face of masonry, afterward gone over with mud plastering of the consistency of modelingclay, applied a handful at a time. Piled up on the ground near the newhouse at convenient points for the builders may be seen examples of thelarger wall stones, indicating the marked tabular character of thepueblo masons’ material. The narrow edges of similar stones are visiblein the unplastered portions of the house wall, which also illustratesthe relative proportion of chinking stones. This latter, however, is avariable feature. Pl. XV affords a clear illustration of the proportionof these small stones in the old masonry of Payupki; while in Pl. XI, illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire House, the tabletsare fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in thehorizontal joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to thesame extent. Fig. 35 illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wallof a small house at Ojo Caliente, in which the modern method of usingthe chinking stones is shown. This example bears a strong resemblance tothe Payupki masonry illustrated in Pl. XV in the irregularity with whichthe chinking stones are distributed in the joints of the wall. The sameroom affords an illustration of a cellar-like feature having theappearance of an intentional excavation to attain a depth for this roomcorresponding to the adjoining floor level, but this effect is duesimply to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an existing ledge ofsandstone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial treatment beyondthe partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the cutting out ofa small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about the sameposition in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It isremarkable that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilizetheir skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregularrocky sites that they have at times occupied for the more convenientreception of their wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases thebuildings have been modified to suit the ground. An example of thispractice is illustrated in Pl. XXIII, from the west side of Walpi. Insome of the ancient examples the labor required to so prepare the siteswould not have exceeded that expended on the massive masonry composed ofnumberless small stones. Many of the older works testify to theremarkable patience and industry of the builders in amassing andcarefully adjusting vast quantities of building materials, and themodern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited much of this ancientspirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the excavation of roomor village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which specialmotives led to the practice. In some of the Chaco pueblos, as now seen, the floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below thegeneral level of the surrounding soil; but it is now difficult todetermine whether such was the original arrangement, as much sand andsoil have drifted against the outer walls, raising the surface. In noneof the pueblos within the limits of the provinces under discussion hasthere been found any evidence of the existence of underground cellars;the rooms that answer such purpose are built on the level of the ground. At Tusayan the ancient practice of using the ground-floor rooms forstorage still prevails. In these are kept the dried fruit, vegetables, and meats that constitute the principal winter food of the Tusayan. Throughout Tusayan the walls of the first terrace rooms are not finishedwith as much care as those above that face the open courts. A quitesmoothly finished coat of adobe is often seen in the upper stories, butis much more rarely applied to the rough masonry of the ground-floorrooms. At Zuñi no such difference of treatment is to be seen, a resultof the recent departure from their original defensive use. At thepresent day most of the rooms that are built on the ground have externaldoors, often of large size, and are regarded by the Zuñi as preferableto the upper terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea ofconvenience has already largely overcome the traditional defensiverequirements of pueblo arrangement. The general finish and quality ofthe masonry, too, does not vary noticeably in different portions of thevillage. An occasional wall may be seen in which underlying stones maybe traced through the thin adobe covering, as in one of the walls of thecourt illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, but most of the walls have a fairlysmooth finish. The occasional examples of rougher masonry do not seem tobe confined to any particular portion of the village. At Tusayan, on theother hand, there is a noticeable difference in the extent to which thefinishing coat of adobe has been used in the masonry. The villages ofthe first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent contact with theeastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show the effect inthe adoption of several devices still unknown to their westernneighbors, as is shown in the discussion of the distribution of roofopenings in these villages, pp. 201-208. The builders of the first mesaseem also to have imitated their eastern brethren in the free use of theadobe coating over their masonry, while at the villages of the middlemesa, and particularly at Oraibi, the practice has been comparativelyrare, imparting an appearance of ruggedness and antiquity to thearchitecture. 

The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types moreclosely than that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable forthe frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry atthe corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance andindicates a knowledge of the principles of good construction in theproper alternation of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tielmasonry (Pl. LXXXIX) will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblomasonry an upper house wall was supported along its whole length by awall of a lower story, but occasional exceptions occur in both ancientand modern work, where the builders have dared to trust the weight ofupper walls to wooden beams or girders, supported along part of theirlength by buttresses from the walls at their ends or by large, clumsypieces of masonry, as was seen in the house of Sichumovi. In an upperstory of Walpi also, partitions occur that are not built immediatelyover the lower walls, but on large beams supported on masonry piers. In the much higher terraces of Zuñi, the strength of many of the innerground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the superincumbentweight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average thickness andstrength of ground walls. The dense clustering of this village hascertainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or evenfour additional, stories upon walls in which no provision was made forthe unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible toinspection did not indicate any provision in their thickness for thesupport of additional weight; in fact, the builders of the originalwalls could have no knowledge of their future requirements in thisrespect. In the pueblos of the Chaco upper partition walls were, in afew instances, supported directly on double girders, two posts of 12 or14 inches in diameter placed side by side, without reinforcement bystone piers or buttresses, the room below being left whollyunobstructed. This construction was practicable for the careful buildersof the Chaco, but an attempt by the Tusayan to achieve the same resultwould probably end in disaster. It was quite common among the ancientbuilders to divide the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms thanthe floor above, still preserving the vertical alignment of the walls. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXVIII. Nutria, view. ]

The finish of pueblo masonry rarely went far beyond the two leadingforms, to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on theone hand and the banded arrangement of ancient masonry on the other. These types appear to present development along divergent lines. Thebanded feature doubtless reached such a point of development in theChaco pueblos that its decorative value began to be appreciated, for itis apparent that its elaboration has extended far beyond therequirements of mere utility. This point would never have been reachedhad the practice prevailed of covering the walls with a coating of mud. The cruder examples of banded construction, however--those that stillkept well within constructional expediency--were doubtless covered witha coating of plaster where they occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayanand Cibola, on the other hand, the tendency has been rather to elaboratethe plastic element of the masonry. The nearly universal use of adobe isundoubtedly largely responsible for the more slovenly methods ofbuilding now in vogue, as it effectually conceals careless construction. It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully constructed ofbanded stonework when they were to be subsequently covered with mud. Theelaboration of the use of adobe and its employment as a periodicalcoating for the dwellings, probably developed gradually into the use ofa whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude attempts atwall decoration. 

Many of the interiors in Zuñi are washed with a coating of white, clayeygypsum, used in the form of a solution made by dissolving in hot waterthe lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The mixture isapplied to the walls while hot, and is spread by means of a rudeglove-like sack, made of sheep or goat skin, with the hair side out. With this primitive brush the Zuñi housewives succeed in laying on asmooth and uniform coating over the plaster. An example of this class ofwork was observed in a room of house No. 2. It is difficult to determineto what extent this idea is aboriginal; as now employed it has doubtlessbeen affected by the methods of the neighboring Spanish population, among whom the practice of white-coating the adobe houses inside and outis quite common. Several traces of whitewashing have been found amongthe cliff-dwellings of Canyon de Chelly, notably at the ruin known asCasa Blanca, but as some of these ruins contained evidences ofpost-Spanish occupation, the occurrence there of the whitewash does notnecessarily imply any great antiquity for the practice. 

External use of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuñi, whereonly a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is notprotected from the rains by an overhanging coping or other feature, thefinish is not durable. Occasionally where a doorway or other opening hasbeen repaired the evidences of patchwork are obliterated by asurrounding band of fresh plastering, varying in width from 4 inches toa foot or more. Usually this band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe, but in some instances a decorative effect is attained by using white. It is curious to find that at Tusayan the decorative treatment of thefinishing wash has been carried farther than, at Zuñi. The use of adarker band of color about the base of a whitewashed room has alreadybeen noticed in the description of a Tusayan interior. On many of theouter walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopped within afoot of the coping, the unwhitened portion of the walls at the tophaving the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashongnavi, that had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect wasproduced by tinting a broad band about the base of the wall with anapplication of bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around thedoorway as an enframing band, as in the case of the Zuñi door abovedescribed. The angles on each side, at the junction of the broad baseband with the narrower doorway border, were filled in with a design ofalternating pink and white squares. This doorway is illustrated in Fig. 36. Farther north, on the same terrace, the jamb of a whitewasheddoorway was decorated with the design shown on the right hand side ofFig. 36, executed also in pink clay. This design closely resembles apattern that is commonly embroidered upon the large white “kachina, ” orceremonial blankets. It is not known whether the device is here regardedas having any special significance. The pink clay in which these designshave been executed has in Sichumovi been used for the coating of anentire house front. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 36. Wall decorations in Mashongnavi executed in pink on a white ground]. 

In addition to the above-mentioned uses of stone and earth in themasonry of house walls, the pueblo builders have employed both thesematerials in a more primitive manner in building the walls of corralsand gardens, and for other purposes. The small terraced gardens of Zuñi, located on the borders of the village on the southwest and southeastsides, close to the river bank, are each surrounded by walls 2½ or 3feet high, of very light construction, the average thickness notexceeding 6 or 8 inches. These rude walls are built of small, irregularly rounded lumps of adobe, formed by hand, and coarselyplastered with mud. When the crops are gathered in the fall the wallsare broken down in places to facilitate access to the inclosures, sothat they require repairing at each planting season. Aside from thisthey are so frail as to require frequent repairs throughout the periodof their use. This method of building walls was adopted because it wasthe readiest and least laborious means of inclosing the required space. The character of these garden walls is illustrated in Pl. XC, and theirconstruction with rough lumps of crude adobe shows also the contrastbetween the weak appearance of this work and the more substantial effectof the masonry of the adjoining unfinished house. At the Cibolan farmingpueblos inclosing walls were usually made of stone, as were also thoseof Tusayan. Pl. LXX indicates the manner in which the material has beenused in the corrals of Pescado, located within the village. The stonewalls are used in combination with stakes, such as are employed at themain pueblo. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXIX. Pescado, plan. ]

Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuñi, occur at several points inTusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude incharacter as those inclosing the Zuñi gardens. The smaller clusters areusually located in the midst of large areas of broken stone that hasfallen from the mesa above. In the foreground of Pl. XXII may be seen anumber of examples of such work. Pl. XCI illustrates a group of corralsat Oraibi whose walls are laid up without the use of mud mortar. 

Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have beenutilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less intervalsalong the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was seen ina garden wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had been seton end in the yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foothills. A similar arrangement, occurring close to the houses at Ojo Caliente, is illustrated in Pl. XCII. Large, upright slabs of stone have been usedby the pueblo builders in many ways, sometimes incorporated into thearchitecture of the houses, and again in detached positions at somedistance from the villages. Pls. XCIII and XCIV, drawn from thephotographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford illustrations of this usage inthe ancient ruins of Montezuma Canyon. In the first of these cases thestones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry. Among the ruins inthe valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as described by Messrs. W. H. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied arrangements of upright slabs ofstone are of frequent occurrence. The rows of stones are sometimesarranged in squares, sometimes in circles, and occasionally areincorporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the exampleillustrated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. AtK’iakima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series ofvery large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to anumber of small inclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined upon theground. These have been already described in connection with the groundplan of this village. 

The employment of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probablyprevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggestthemselves. Occupying a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel(Pl. LXIII) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in itsoriginal position undisturbed, though the walls of the adjoining roomsare in ruins. A similar feature was seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the eastside of the village and a short distance without the inclosing wall. Both these rude pillars are, in character and in position, very similarto an upright stone of known use at Zuñi. A hundred and fifty feet fromthis pueblo is a large upright block of sandstone, which is said to beused as a datum point in the observations of the sun made by a priest ofZuñi for the regulation of the time for planting and harvesting, fordetermining the new year, and for fixing the dates of certain otherceremonial observances. By the aid of such devices as the native priestshave at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the wintersolstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination of timewas probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished the motivein other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual positions. Theexplanation of the governor of Zuñi for a sun symbol seen on an uprightstone at Matsaki has been given in the description of that place. Singleslabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room group ofTâaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same mesa, in thebuilding of shrines for the deposit of plume sticks and other ceremonialobjects. 

An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs atZuñi. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burialplace, is provided at intervals along its top with upright pieces ofstone set into the joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall. This feature may have some connection with the idea of vertical gravestones, noted at K’iakima. It is difficult to surmise what practicalpurpose could have been subserved by these small upright stones. 

Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblobuilders rarely appreciated the advantages that might be obtained by theproper use of such material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made up ofsmall, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubtlessresulted in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise havebeen attained, but it also imposes certain limitations upon theirarchitectural achievement. Some of these are noted in the discussion ofopenings and of other details of construction. 

Pl. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, alreadyreferred to in the description of that village, is introduced for thepurpose of comparing the methods adopted by the natives and by thewhites in the treatment of the same class of material. Perhaps the mostnoteworthy contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings. 

ROOFS AND FLOORS. 

In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all thefloors, except such as are formed immediately on the surface of theground, are at the same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. Thepueblo plan of to-day readily admits of additions at any time and almostat any point of the basal construction. The addition of rooms aboveconverts a roof into the floor of the new room, so that there can be nodistinction in method of construction between floors and roofs, exceptthe floors are occasionally covered with a complete paving of thin stoneslabs, a device that in external roofs is confined to the copings thatcap the walls and enframe openings. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXX. Court view of Pescado, showing corrals. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 37. Diagram of Zuñi roof construction. ]

The methods of roofing their houses practiced by the pueblo buildersvaried but little, and followed the general order of construction thathas been outlined in describing Tusayan house building. The diagram, shown in Fig. 37, an isometric projection illustrating roofconstruction, is taken from a Zuñi example, the building of which wasobserved by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of principalbeams or rafters. These are usually straight, round poles of 6 or 8inches in diameter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. Squaredbeams are of very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of theTusayan kivas, of Spanish manufacture. In recently constructed housesthe principal beams are often of large size and are very neatly squaredoff at the ends. Similar square ended beams of large size are met within the ancient work of the Chaco pueblos, but there the enormous laborinvolved in producing the result with only the aid of stone implementsis in keeping with the highly finished character of the masonry and thegeneral massiveness of the construction. The same treatment was adoptedin Kin-tiel, as may be seen in Pl. XCV, which illustrates a beam restingupon a ledge or offset of the inner walls. The recent introduction ofimproved mechanical aids has exerted a strong influence on the characterof the construction in greatly facilitating execution. The use of theAmerican ax made it a much easier task to cut large timbers, and theintroduction of the “burro” and ox greatly facilitated theirtransportation. In the case of the modern pueblos, such as Zuñi, thedwelling rooms that were built by families so poor as not to have theseaids would to some extent indicate the fact by their more primitiveconstruction, and particularly by their small size, in this respect moreclosely resembling the rooms of the ancient pueblos. As a result thepoorer classes would be more likely to perpetuate primitive devices, through the necessity for practicing methods that to the wealthiermembers of the tribe were becoming a matter of tradition only. In such asedentary tribe as the present Zuñi, these differences of wealth andstation are more marked than one would expect to find among a peoplepracticing a style of architecture so evidently influenced by thecommunal principle, and the architecture of to-day shows the effect ofsuch distinctions. In the house of the governor of Zuñi a new room hasbeen recently built, in which the second series of the roof, thatapplied over the principal beams, consisted of pine shakes or shingles, and these supported the final earth covering without any interveningmaterial. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated in thefigure, the first series, or principal beams, are covered by anotherseries of small poles, about an inch and a half or two inches indiameter, at right angles to the first, and usually laid quite closetogether. The ends of these small poles are partially embedded in themasonry of the walls. In an example of the more careful and laboriouswork of the ancient builders seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the Chaco, theprincipal beams were covered with narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wideand about 1 inch thick, over which was put the usual covering of earth. The boards had the appearance of having been split out with wedges, theedges and faces having the characteristic fibrous appearance of torn orsplit wood. At Zuñi an instance occurs where split poles have been usedfor the second series of a roof extending through the whole thickness ofthe wall and projecting outside, as is commonly the case with the firstseries. A similar arrangement was seen in a ruined tower in the vicinityof Fort Wingate, New Mexico. In the typical roof constructionillustrated the second series is covered with small twigs or brush, laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying series, orparallel with the main beams. Pl. XCVI, illustrating an unroofed adobehouse in Zuñi, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoiningroof. This series is in turn covered with a layer of grass and smallbrush, again at right angles, which prepares the frame for the receptionof the final earth covering, this latter being the fifth application tothe roof. In the example illustrated the entire earth covering of theroof was finished in a single application of the material. It has beenseen that at Tusayan a layer of moistened earth is applied, followed bya thicker layer of the dry soil. 

In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material variedsomewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed ofstraight willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a veryneat appearance to the ceiling within the room. Examples were seen inCanyon de Chelly, at Mummy Cave, and at Hungo Pavie and Pueblo Bonito onthe Chaco. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXI. Pescado houses. ]

Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles incontact and the joints are chinked on the upper side with small stonesto prevent the earth from sifting through. This arrangement was seen ina small cluster on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly. 

The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought abouta construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger rooms, which support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in turncarry series 1, or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders aregenerally double, an arrangement that has been often employed in ancienttimes, as many examples occur among the ruins. The purpose of sucharrangement may have been to admit of the abutment of the ends of series1, when the members of the latter were laid in contact. In the absenceof squared beams, which seem never to have been used in the old work, this abutment could only be securely accomplished by the use of doublegirders, as suggested in the following diagram, Fig. 38. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 38. Showing abutment of smaller roof beams over round girders. ]

The final roof covering, composed of clay, is usually laid on verycarefully and firmly, and, when the surface is unbroken, answers fairlywell as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is given to the roof. Thisroof subserves every purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open uponit, and seems to be used exactly like the ground itself. Sheepskins arestretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and thecharacteristic Zuñi dome-shaped oven is frequently built upon it. InZuñi generally upper rooms are provided only with a mud floor, althoughoccasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone isadopted. These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being tohave them as large as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is oftendisplayed in selecting the pieces and in joining the irregular edges. This arrangement, similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, isoccasionally met with in the kivas. 

In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in whichthe circular door illustrated in Pl. C, was found was paved with large, irregular fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not averagemore than an inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was strewnwith broken, irregular fragments similar in character, which must havebeen used as the flooring of an upper chamber. 

WALL COPINGS AND ROOF DRAINS. 

In the construction of the typical pueblo house the walls are carried upto the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a continuousprotecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, theirouter edges flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is stillthe prevailing one at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example ofthe projecting coping that practically forms a cornice. This latter isthe more usual form at Zuñi, though in the farming pueblos of Cibola itdoes not occur with any greater frequency than at Tusayan. The flushcoping is in Tusayan made of the thinnest and most uniform specimens ofbuilding stone available, but these are not nearly so well adapted tothe purpose as those found in the vicinity of Zuñi. 

Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetricalform, and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extremethinness makes it easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles, reducing them to such a form that they can be laid in close contact. Thus laid they furnish an admirable protection against the destructiveaction of the violent rains. The stones are usually trimmed to a widthcorresponding to the thickness of the walls. Of course where aprojecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some extent, to conformto the width of available coping stones. These can usually be procured, however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the overhangingcornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing either themain roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second series, according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or morebeyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the roofing iscontinued as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that theedge of the earth covering is built of masonry, an additional precautionagainst its destruction by the rains. In many places the adobeplastering originally applied to the faces of these cornices, as well asto the walls, has been washed away, exposing the whole construction. Insome of these instances the face of the cornice furnishes a completesection of the roof, in which all the series of its construction can bereadily identified. The protective agency of these coping stones is wellillustrated in Pl. XCVII, which shows the destructive effect of rain ata point where an open joint has admitted enough water to bare themasonry of the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe, whileat the firmly closed joint toward the left there has been no erosiveaction. The much larger proportion of projecting copings or cornices inZuñi, as compared with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to theuniversal smoothing of the walls with adobe, and to the more general useof this perishable medium in this village, and the consequent necessityfor protecting the walls. The efficiency of this means of protecting thewall against the wear of weather is seen in the preservation of externalwhitewashing for several feet below such a cornice on the face of thewalls. At the pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projectingcornices is met with, particularly on the third story walls. Here againit is due to the use of adobe, which has been more frequently employedin the finish of the higher and newer portions of the village than inthe lower terraces. As a rule these overhanging copings occurprincipally on the southern exposures of the buildings and on theterraced sides of house rows. When walls rise to the height of severalstories directly from the ground, such as the back walls of house rows, they are not usually provided with this feature but are capped withflush copings. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXII. Fragments of ancient masonry in Pescado. ]

The rapid and destructive erosion of the earthen roof covering must haveearly stimulated the pueblo architect to devise means for promptlydistributing where it would do the least harm, the water which came uponhis house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof drains, for in no other way could the ancient builders have provided for theeffectual removal of the water from, the roofs and at the same time havepreserved intact the masonry of the walls. Unfortunately we have noexamples of such features in the ruined pueblos, for in the destructionor decay of the houses they are among the first details to be lost. Theroof drain in the modern architecture becomes a very prominent feature, particularly at Zuñi. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 39. Single stone roof drains. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 40. Trough roof drains of stone. ]

These drains are formed by piercing an opening through the thickness ofthe coping wall, at a point where the drainage from the roof wouldcollect, the opening being made with a decided pitch and furnished witha spout or device of some kind to insure the discharge of the waterbeyond the face of the wall. These spouts assume a variety of forms. Perhaps the most common is that of a single long, narrow slab of stone, set at a suitable angle and of sufficient projection to throw thedischarge clear of the wall. Fig. 39 illustrates drains of this type, No. 1 being a Tusayan example and No. 2 from Zuñi. It will be noted thatthe surrounding masonry of the former, as well as the stone itself, aremuch ruder than the Zuñi example. Another type of drain, not differinggreatly from the preceding, is illustrated in Fig. 40. This form is aslight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided withside pieces which convert the device into a trough-like spout, and moreeffectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tusayan spout and No. 2 aZuñi example. Wooden spouts are also commonly used for this purpose. Fig. 41 illustrates an example from each province of this form of drain. These are usually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 3 or 4inches in diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tubularspecimens of wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayan the builders haveutilized stone of a concretionary formation for roof drains. The workersin stone could not wish for material more suitably fashioned for thepurpose than these specimens. Two of these curious stone channels areillustrated in Fig. 42. Two more examples of Tusayan roof drains areillustrated in Fig. 43. The first of the latter shows the use of adiscarded metate, or mealing stone, and the second of a gourd that hasbeen walled into the coping. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 41. Wooden roof drains. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 42. Curved roof drains of stone in Tusayan. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXIV. General view of Ojo Caliente. ]

It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi in olden times forroof drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Three formsof this device are attributed to the people of that village. Some aresaid to have been made of wood, others of stone, and some again ofsun-dried clay. The native explanation of the use in this connection ofsun-dried clay, instead of the more durable baked product, was that theapplication of fire to any object that water passes through would belikely to dry up the rains. It was stated in this connection that at thepresent day the cobs of the corn used for planting are not burned untilrain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout described really existedamong the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have been an innovationintroduced by the Spanish missionaries. Among the potsherds picked up atthis ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay tube, which seemed tobe too large and too roughly modeled to have been the handle of a ladle, which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to any other known formof domestic pottery. As a roof drain its use would not accord with therestrictions referred to in the native account, as the piece had beenburnt. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 43. Tusayan roof drains; a discarded metate and a gourd. ]

In some cases in Zuñi where drains discharge from the roofs of upperterraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also theadjoining vertical walls are protected by thin tablets of stone, asshown in Fig. 44. It will be seen that one of these is placed upon thelower roof in such a position that the drainage falls directly upon it. Where the adobe roof covering is left unprotected its destruction by therain is very rapid, as the showers of the rainy season in these regions, though usually of short duration, are often extremely violent. The forceof the torrents is illustrated in the neighboring country. Here smallruts in the surface of the ground are rapidly converted into largearroyos. Frequently ordinary wagon tracks along a bit of valley slopeserve as an initial channel to the rapidly accumulating waters and areeaten away in a few weeks so that the road becomes wholly impassable, and must be abandoned for a new one alongside. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 44. Zuñi roof drain, with splash stones on roof below. ]

The shiftlessness of the native builders in the use of the moreconvenient material brings its own penalty during this season in anecessity for constant watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep thehouses habitable. One can often see in Zuñi where an inefficient drainor a broken coping has given the water free access to the face of aplastered wall, carrying away all its covering and exposing in avertical space the jagged stones of the underlying masonry. It isnoticeable that much more attention has been paid to protective devicesat Zuñi than at Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the prevalent use ofadobe in the former. This friable material must be protected at allvulnerable points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert thewater and preserve the roofs and walls from destruction. 

LADDERS AND STEPS. 

In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace wasreached only by means of ladders, but the terraces or rooms above thiswere reached both by ladders and steps. The removal of the lower tier ofladders thus gave security against intrusion and attack. The builders ofTusayan have preserved this primitive arrangement in much greater puritythan those of Cibola. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXV. House at Ojo Caliente. ]

In Zuñi numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the purpose ofthese, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms ofthe upper story, which always have external doors opening on theterraces, but to facilitate repairs of the roofs. At Tusayan, on theother hand, ladders are of rare occurrence above the first terrace, their place being supplied by flights of stone steps. The relativescarcity of stone at Zuñi, suitable for building material, and its greatabundance at Tusayan, undoubtedly account for this difference of usage, especially as the proximity of the timber supply of the Zuñi mountainsto the former facilitates the substitution of wood for steps of masonry. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 45. A modern notched ladder in Oraibi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 46. Tusayan notched ladders from Mashongnavi. ]

The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notchedlog, a form still occasionally used. Figures 45 and 46 illustrateexamples of this type of ladder from Tusayan. 

A notched ladder from Oraibi, made with a modern axe, is shown. Thisspecimen has a squareness of outline and an evenness of surface notobserved in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashongnavi, illustrated on the left of Fig. 46, closely resembles the Oraibispecimen, though the workmanship is somewhat ruder. The exampleillustrated on the right of the same figure is from Oraibi. This ladderis very old, and its present rough and weatherbeaten surface affords butlittle evidence of the character of the implement used in making it. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 47. Aboriginal American forms of ladder. ]

The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undoubtedly anative invention, and was probably developed through a series ofimprovements on the primitive notched type. It is described in detail inthe earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. 47 illustrates on the left thenotched ladder, and on the right a typical two-pole ladder in its mostprimitive form. In this case the rungs are simply lashed to theuprights. The center ladder of the diagram is a Mandan deviceillustrated by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan. [6] As used by the Mandans thisladder is placed with its forked end on the ground, the reverse of thePueblo practice. It will readily be seen, on comparing these examples, that an elongation of the fork which occurs as a constant accompanimentof the notched ladder might eventually suggest a construction similar tothat of the Mandan ladder reversed. The function of the fork on thenotched ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall would bemore effectually performed by enlarging this feature. 

 [Footnote 6: Cont. To N. A. Ethn. , vol. 4, Houses and House life, pp. 129-131. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXVII. Outline plan of Zuñi, showing distribution of oblique openings. ]

At one stage in the development of the form of ladder in common useto-day the rungs were laid in depressions or notches of the verticalpoles, resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and thenlashed on with thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, whenthe use of iron became known, holes were burned through the side poles. This is the nearly universal practice to-day, though some of the moreskillful pueblo carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. Thepiercing of the side poles, particularly prevalent in Zuni, has broughtabout a curious departure from the ancient practice of removing theladder in times of threatened danger. Long rungs are loosely slippedinto the holes in the side pieces, and the security formerly gained bytaking up the entire ladder is now obtained, partially at least, by theremoval of the rungs. The boring of the side pieces and the employmentof loose rungs seriously interferes with the stability of the structure, as means must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of the sidepieces. The Zuni architect has met this difficulty by prolonging thepoles of the ladder and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends tohold them together. As a rule this cross piece is provided with a holenear each end into which the tapering extremities of the poles areinserted. From their high position near the extremities of the ladders, seen in silhouette against the sky, they form peculiarly strikingfeatures of Zuni. They are frequently decorated with rude carvings ofterraced notches. Examples of this device may be seen in the views ofZuni, and several typical specimens are illustrated in detail in Pl. XCVIII. The use of cross pieces on ladders emerging from roof openingsis not so common as on external ones, as there is not the same necessityfor holding together the poles, the sides of the opening performing thatoffice. 

There are two places in Zuni, portions of the densest house cluster, where the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment ofdouble ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate twotiers of rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuouslengths through all three poles, and the cross pieces at the top arealso continuous, being formed of a single flat piece of wood perforatedby three holes for the reception of the tips of the poles. In additionalto the usual cross pieces pierced for the reception of the side polesand rudely carved into ornamental forms, many temporary cross pieces areadded during the harvest season in the early autumn to support thestrips of meat and melons, strings of red peppers, and other articlesdried in the open air prior to storage for winter use. At this seasonevery device that will serve this purpose is employed. Occasionallypoles are seen extending across the reentering angles of a house or aresupported on the coping and rafters. The projecting roof beams also aresimilarly utilized at this season. 

Zuni ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few haveas many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying ollas ofwater on their heads, children play upon them, and a few of the mostexpert of the numerous dogs that infest the village can clumsily maketheir way up and down them. As described in a previous section allhouses built during the year are consecrated at a certain season, andamong other details of the ceremonial, certain rites, intended toprevent accidents to children, etc. , are performed at the foot of theladders. 

In Tusayan, where stone is abundant, the ladder has not reached theelaborate development seen in Zuñi. The perforated cross piece is rarelyseen, as there is little necessity for its adoption. The side poles areheld together by the top and bottom rungs, which pass entirely throughthe side pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the others areonly partly embedded in the side pieces. In other cases (Pl. XXXII) thepoles are rigidly held in place by ropes or rawhide lashings. 

Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the toprung are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Three suchladders are shown in Pl. LXXXIV. A similar example may be seen in Pl. CVII, in connection with a large opening closed with rough masonry. Inthese cases the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depressionsin the upright poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, forming afairly rigid structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival ofthe earliest form of the pueblo ladder. 

In addition to the high cross piece whose function is to retain in placethe vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually provided, both in Zuñiand Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a round stick tied to theuprights and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof. This stickaffords a handhold for the marked dancers who are often encumbered withceremonial paraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the case of theOraibi kiva occupying the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII, it may be seen thatthis handhold cross piece is inserted into holes in the side poles, anexception to the general practice. In Pl. LXXXVII, illustrating kivas, the position of this feature will be seen. 

The exceptional mode of access to Tusayan kiva hatchways by means ofshort nights of stone steps has already been noticed. In severalinstances the top steps of these short flights cover the thickness ofthe wall. The remains of a similar stairway were observed in PuebloBonito, where it evidently reached directly from the ground to anexternal doorway. Access by such means, however, is a departure from theoriginal defensive idea. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXVIII. General inside view of Zuñi, looking west. ]

Modern practice in Zuñi has departed more widely from the primitivesystem than at Tusayan. In the former pueblo short nights of stone stepsgiving access to doors raised but a short distance above the ground arevery commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado twoexamples of this arrangement are met with. Pl. XCIX illustrates one ofthese found on the north outside wall. In the general views of theTusayan villages the closer adherence to primitive methods is clearlyindicated, although the modern compare very unfavorably with the ancientexamples in precision of execution. Pl. XXXII illustrates two flights ofstone steps of Shupaulovi. In many cases the workmanship of these stonesteps does not surpass that seen in the Walpi trail, illustrated in Pl. XXV. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 48. Stone steps at Oraibi, with platform at corner. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 49. Stone steps, with platform at chimney, in Oraibi. ]

Perhaps in no one detail of pueblo construction are the careless andshiftless modern methods so conspicuous as in the stone steps of theupper terraces of Tusayan. Here are seen many awkward makeshifts bymeans of which the builders have tried to compensate for their lack offoresight in planning. The absence of a definite plan for a housecluster of many rooms, already noted in the discussion of dwelling-houseconstruction, is rendered conspicuous by the manner in which the stonestairways are used. Figs. 48 and 49 illustrate stone steps on upperterraces in Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added long afterthe rooms against which they abut were built. In order to conform to thefixed requirement of placing such means of access at the corners of theupper rooms, the builders constructed a clumsy platform to affordpassage around the previously built chimney. Fig. 50 shows the result ofa similar lack of foresight. The upper portion of the flight, consistingof three steps, has been abruptly turned at right angles to the mainflight, and is supported upon rude poles and beams. The restriction ofthis feature to the corners of upper rooms where they were most likelyto conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of ancient practice, and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls and masonry in thisprimitive construction. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 50. Stone steps in Shumopavi. ]

COOKING PITS AND OVENS. 

Most of the cooking of the ancient Pueblos was probably done out ofdoors, as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical incharacter with those still found in Tusayan, are frequently seen. InCibola the large dome-shaped ovens, common to the Pueblos of the RioGrande and to their Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tusayan afew examples of this form of oven occur upon the roofs of the terraces, while the cooking pit in a variety of forms is still extensively used. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXIX. Zuñi terraces. ]

The distribution of the dome-shaped ovens in Cibola and in Tusayan maybe seen on the ground plans in Chapters III and IV. The simplest form ofcooking pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, consists of a depression inthe ground, lined with a coating of mud. The pit is usually of smallsize and is commonly placed at some little distance from the house; in afew cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building. Fig. 51illustrates a series of three such primitive ovens built against a housewall, in a low bench or ledge of masonry raised 6 inches above theground; the holes measure about a foot across and are about 18 or 20inches deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan villages; some ofthem are walled in with upright stone slabs, whose rough edges project 6or 8 inches above the ground, the result closely resembling the ancientform of in-door fireplace, such as that seen in a room of Kin-tiel. (Pl. C. )

 [Illustration: Fig. 51. A series of cooking pits in Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 52. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 53. Cross sections of pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi. ]

In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of themore elaborate oven used in Zuñi. Figs. 52 and 53 show two specimens ofpits used for the preparation of pi-gummi, a kind of baked mush. 

These occur on the east side of Mashongnavi. They project 6 or 8 inchesabove the ground, and have a depth of from 18 to 24 inches. The débrisscattered about the pits indicates the manner in which they are coveredwith slabs of stone and sealed with mud when in use. In all the oven, devices of the pueblos the interior is first thoroughly heated by a longcontinued fire within, the structure. When the temperature issufficiently high the ashes and dirt are cleaned out, the articles to becooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left inthese heated receptacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it isgenerally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovensillustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches indiameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity. Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in thisrespect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuñidome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vesselcontaining the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has beencovered with a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similarto that of the dome-shaped oven when the ground-opening or doorway ishermetically closed. 

No example of the dome-shaped oven of pre-Columbian origin has beenfound among the pueblo ruins, although its prototype probably existed inancient times, possibly in the form of a kiln for baking a fine qualityof pottery formerly manufactured. However, the cooking pit alone, developed to the point of the pi-gummi oven of Tusayan, may have beenthe stem upon which the foreign idea was engrafted. Instances of thecomplete adoption by these conservative people of a wholly foreign ideaor feature of construction are not likely to be found, as improvementsare almost universally confined to the mere modification of existingdevices. In the few instances in which more radical changes areattempted the resulting forms bear evidence of the fact. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 54. Diagram showing foundation stones of a Zuñi oven. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXX. Old adobe church of Zuñi. ]

In Cibola the construction of a dome-shaped oven is begun by laying outroughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the upperstructure is rudely built of stones laid in the mud and approximately inthe courses, though often during construction one side will be carriedconsiderably higher than another. The walls curve inward to anapparently unsafe degree, but the mud mortar is often allowed to partlydry before carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger thestructure, and accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated in Pl. XCVII shows near its broken doorway the arrangement of foundation stonesreferred to. Typical examples of the dome oven occur in the foregroundof the general view of Zuñi shown in Pl. LXXVIII. 

The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly plastered, inside andout, but a few examples are seen in which the stones of the masonry areexposed. In. Pl. XCIX may be seen two ovens differing in size, one ofwhich shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone tokeep out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. 55 illustrates amud-plastered oven at Pescado, which is elevated about a foot above theground on a base or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is onthe side toward the houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola, though of frequent occurrence among the Rio Grande pueblos. A very largeand carefully finished example was examined at Jemez. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 55. Dome-shaped oven on a plinth of masonry. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 56. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 57. Oven in Pescado exposing stones of masonry. ]

Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two specimens of rough masonry ovens seen atPescado. In one of these a decided horizontal arrangement of the stonesin the masonry prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudelyconstructed, showing but little care in the use of the buildingmaterial. The few specimens of dome ovens seen in Tusayan arecharacterized by the same rudeness of construction noticed in theirhouse masonry. The rarity of this oven at Tusayan, where so many of theconstructions have retained a degree of primitiveness not seenelsewhere, is perhaps an additional evidence of its foreign origin. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXI. Eastern rows of Zuñi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 58. Shrines in Mashongnavi. ]

OVEN-SHAPED STRUCTURES. 

In Tusayan, there are other structures, of rude dome-shape, likely to bemistaken for some form of cooking device. Fig. 58 illustrates twospecimens of shrines that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These arereceptacles for plume sticks (bahos) and other votive offerings used atcertain festivals, which, after being so used, are sealed up with stoneslabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of the villages, asnoted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter III. In the foregroundof Pl. XXXVIII may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat resembling thoseseen at Mashongnavi. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 59. A poultry house in Sichumovi resembling an oven. ]

Fig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi, resembling in form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house. Several of these are seen in the Tusayan villages. 

FIREPLACES AND CHIMNEYS. 

The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably thesimple cooking pit transferred to a position within the dwelling room, and employed for the lighter cooking of the family as well as forwarming the dwelling. It was placed in the center of the floor in orderthat the occupants of the house might conveniently gather around it. Oneof the first improvements made in this shallow indoor cooking pit musthave consisted in surrounding it with a wall of sufficient height toprotect the fire against drafts, as seen in the outdoor pits of Tusayan. In excavating a room in the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, a completelypreserved fireplace, about a foot deep, and walled in with thin slabs ofstone set on edge, was brought to light. The depression had beenhollowed out of the solid rock. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 60. Ground plan of an excavated room in Kin-tiel. ]

This fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, isillustrated in Pl. C and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but otherexamples have been found which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson describesa fireplace in a cliff dwelling in “Echo Cave” that consisted of acircular, basin-like depression 30 inches across and 10 inches deep. Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the corners againstthe walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped overhead, and the blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of anykind. 

The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the bestforms in use at the present time are probably of very recent origin, though they are still associated with fireplaces that have departedlittle from the aboriginal form seen at Kin-tiel and elsewhere. It isinteresting to note, in this connection, that the ceremony consecratingthe house is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is added, suggesting that the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginaldwelling. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXII. A Zuñi court. ]

In Cibola a few distinct forms of chimney are used at the present time, but in the more remote Tusayan the chimney seems to be still in theexperimental stage. Numbers of awkward constructions, varying from theordinary cooking pit to the more elaborate hooded structures, testify tothe chaotic condition of the chimney-building art in the latterprovince. 

Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitivefireplace occupied a central position in the floor of the room, thesmoke probably escaped through the door and window openings. Later ahole in the roof provided an exit, as in the kivas of to-day, whereceremonial use has perpetuated an arrangement long since superseded indwelling-house construction. The comfort of a dwelling room providedwith this feature is sufficiently attested by the popularity of themodern kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood or flue tofacilitate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until thefireplace was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and inthe first adoption of this device the builders would rely upon theadjacent walls for the needed support of the constructional members. Practically all of the chimneys of Tusayan are placed in corners at thepresent time, though the Zuñi builders have developed sufficient skillto construct a rigid hood and flue in the center of a side wall, as maybe seen in the view of a Zuñi interior, Pl. LXXXVI. 

Although the pueblo chimney owes its existence to foreign suggestion ithas evidently reached its present form through a series of timidexperiments, and the proper principles of its construction seem to havebeen but feebly apprehended by the native builders, particularly inTusayan. The early form of hood, shown in Fig. 66, was made by placing ashort supporting pole across the corner of a room at a sufficientdistance from the floor and upon it arranging sticks to form the framework of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was finallycovered with a thick coating of mud. This primitive wooden constructionhas probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified inspecial cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms toaccommodate “piki” stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. Itembodies the principle of roof construction that must have been employedin the primitive house from which the pueblo was developed, andpractically constitutes a miniature conical roof suspended over thefireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for support. Onaccount of the careful and economical use of fuel by these people thelight and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed doesnot involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The perfectfeasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the oldlog-cabin chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, thearrangement of the pieces is horizontal, not vertical. These lattercuriously exemplify also the use of a miniature section of houseconstruction to form a conduit for the smoke, placed at a sufficientheight to admit of access to the fire. 

A further improvement in the chimney was the construction of a cornerhood support by means of two short poles instead of a single piece, thusforming a rectangular smoke hood of enlarged capacity. This latter isthe most common form in use at the present time in both provinces, butits arrangement in Tusayan, where it represents the highest achievementof the natives in chimney construction, is much more varied than inCibola. In the latter province the same form is occasionally executed instone. Fig. 61 illustrates a corner hood, in which the crossed ends ofthe supporting poles are exposed to view. The outer end of the lowerpole is supported from the roof beams by a cord or rope, the latterbeing embedded in the mud plastering with which the hood is finished. The vertically ridged character of the surface reveals the underlyingconstruction, in which light sticks have been used as a base for theplaster. The Tusayans say that large sunflower stalks are preferred forthis purpose on account of their lightness. Figs. 63 and 64 show anotherTusayan hood of the type described, and in Fig. 69 a large hood of thesame general form, suspended over a piki-stone, is noticeable for thefrank treatment of the suspending cords, which are clearly exposed toview for nearly their entire length. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 61. A corner chimney hood with two supporting poles (Tusayan). ]

In a chimney in a Mashongnavi house, illustrated in Fig. 62, a simple, sharply curved piece of wood has been used for the lower rim of thishood, thus obtaining all the capacity of the two-poled form. Thevertical sticks in this example are barely discernible through theplastering, which has been applied with more than the usual degree ofcare. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 62. A curved chimney hood of Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXIII. A Zuñi small house. ]

A curious example illustrating a rudimentary form of two-poled hood isshown in Fig. 63. A straight pole of unusual length is built into thewalls across the corner of a room, and its insertion into the wall ismuch farther from the corner on one side than the other. From the longerstretch of inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the principalone and serves as a support for one side of the chimney-hood. In thiscase the builder appears to have been too timid to venture on the bolderconstruction required in the perfected two-poled hood. This exampleprobably represents a stage in the development of the higher form. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 63. A Mashongnavi chimney hood and walled up fireplace. ]

In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from theceiling, but is supported from beneath by a stone slab or a piece ofwood. Such a chimney hood seen in a house of Shupaulovi measures nearly4 by 5 feet. The short side is supported by two stone slabs built intothe wall and extending from the hood to the floor. Upon the upper stonerests one end of the wooden lintel supporting the long side, while theother end, near the corner of the room, is held in position by a lightcrotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates this hood; the plan indicating therelation of the stones and the forked stick to the corner of the room. Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi, shows the employment of similar supports. 

Corner chimney hoods in Zuñi do not differ essentially from the moresymmetrical of the Tusayan specimens, but they are distinguished bybetter finish, and by less exposure of the framework, having been, likethe ordinary masonry, subjected to an unusually free application ofadobe. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 64. A chimney hood of Shupaulovi. ]

The builders of Tusayan appear to have been afraid to add the necessaryweight of mud mortar to produce this finished effect, the hoods usuallyshowing a vertically ridged or crenated surface, caused by the sticks ofthe framework showing through the thin mud coat. Stone also is oftenemployed in their construction, and its use has developed a large, square-headed type of chimney unknown at Tusayan. This is illustrated inFig. 65. This form of hood, projecting some distance beyond its flue, affords space that may be used as a mantel-shelf, an advantage gainedonly to a very small degree by the forms discussed above. This chimney, as before stated, is built against one of the walls of a room, and nearthe middle. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 65. A semi-detached square chimney hood of Zuñi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXIV. A house-building at Oraibi. ]

All the joints of these hoods, and even the material used, are generallyconcealed from view by a carefully applied coating of plaster, supplemented by a gypsum wash, and usually there is no visible evidenceof the manner in which they are built, but the construction is littlesuperior to that of the simple corner hoods. The method of framing thevarious types of hoods is illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on theleft shows an unplastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrangement of theparts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is illustrated in theright-hand diagram of the figure. In constructing such a chimney a thinbuttress is first built against the wall of sufficient width and heightto support one side of the hood. The opposite side of the hood issupported by a flat stone, firmly set on edge into the masonry of thewall. The front of the hood is supported by a second flat stone whichrests at one end on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at theother end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would be quitepracticable for the pueblo builders to form a notch in the lower cornerof the supported stone to rest firmly upon a projection of thesupporting stone, but in the few cases in which the construction couldbe observed no such treatment was seen, for they depended mainly on theinterlocking of the ragged ends of the stones. This structure serves tosupport the body of the flue, usually with an intervening stone-coveredspace forming a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually builtof thin sandstone slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. Thewhole structure is bound together and smoothed over with mud plastering, and is finally finished with the gypsum wash, applied also to the restof the room. Mr. A. F. Bandelier describes “a regular chimney, withmantel and shelf, built of stone slabs, ” which he found “in the caves ofthe Rito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff dwellings of theregular detached family house type, ”[7] which, from the description, must have closely resembled the Zuñi chimney described above. Housescontaining such devices may be quite old, but if so they were certainlyreoccupied in post-Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have beenused as places of refuge in times of danger up to a comparatively recentdate. 

 [Footnote 7: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am. , p. 74. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 66. Unplastered Zuñi chimney hoods, illustrating construction. ]

Among the many forms of chimneys and fireplaces seen in Tusayan acurious approach to our own arrangement of fireplace and mantel wasnoticed in a house in Sichumovi. In addition to the principal mantelledge, a light wooden shelf was arranged against the wall on one side ofthe flue, one of its ends being supported by an upright piece of woodwith a cap, and the other resting on a peg driven into the wall. Thisfireplace and mantel is illustrated in Fig. 67. 

Aside from the peculiar “guyave” or “piki” baking oven, there is butlittle variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while inTusayan it appears to have been subjected to about the same mutationsalready noted in the outdoor cooking pits. A serious problem wasencountered by the Tusayan builder when he was called upon to constructcooking-pit fireplaces, a foot or more deep, in a loom of an upperterrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit into the floor, thenecessary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is shown inFig. 68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi. Other examples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and73. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 67. A fireplace and mantel in Sichumovi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 68. A second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXV. A Tusayan interior. ]

A modification of the interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin, paper-like bread, known to the Spanish-speaking peoples of this regionas “guyave, ” and by the Tusayan as “piki, ” is common to both Cibola andTusayan, though in the former province the contrivance is more carefullyconstructed than in the latter, and the surface of the baking stoneitself is more highly finished. In the guyave oven a tablet of carefullyprepared sandstone is supported in a horizontal position by two slabsset on edge and firmly imbedded in the floor. A horizontal flue is thusformed in which the fire is built. The upper stone, whose surface is toreceive the thin guyave batter, undergoes during its originalpreparation a certain treatment with fire and piñon gum, and perhapsother ingredients, which imparts to it a highly polished black finish. This operation is usually performed away from the pueblo, near a pointwhere suitable stone is found, and is accompanied by a ceremonial, whichis intended to prevent the stone from breaking on exposure to the firewhen first used. During one stage of these rites the strictest silenceis enjoined, as, according to the native account, a single word spokenat such a time would crack the tablet. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 69. Piki stone and chimney hood in Sichumovi. ]

When the long guyave stone is in position upon the edges of the back andfront stones the fire must be so applied as to maintain the stone at auniform temperature. This is done by frequent feeding with small bits ofsage brush or other fuel. The necessity for such economy in the use offuel has to a certain extent affected the forms of all the heating andcooking devices. Fig. 69 illustrates a Sichumovi piki stone, and Fig. 70shows the use of the oven in connection with a cooking fireplace, acombination that is not uncommon. The latter example is from Shumopavi. The illustration shows an interesting feature in the use of a primitiveandiron or boss to support the cooking pot in position above the fire. This boss is modeled from the same clay as the fireplace floor and isattached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. Stephen has collected freespecimens of these primitive props which had never been attached to thefloor. These were of the rudely conical form illustrated in the figure, and were made of a coarsely mixed clay thoroughly baked to a stonyhardness. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 70. Piki stone and primitive andiron in Shumopavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXVI. A Zuñi interior. ]

Chimneys and fireplaces are often found in Tusayan in the small, recessed, balcony-like rooms of the second terrace. When a deepcooking-pit is required in such a position, it is obtained by buildingup the sides, as in the indoor fireplaces of upper rooms. Such afireplace is illustrated in Fig. 71. A roofed recess which usuallyoccurs at one end of the first terrace, called “tupubi, ” takes its namefrom the flat piki oven, the variety of fireplace generally built inthese alcoves. The transfer of the fireplace from the second-story roomto the corner of such a roofed-terrace alcove was easily accomplished, and probably led to the occasional use of the cooking-pit, withprotecting chimney hood on the open and unsheltered roof. Fig. 72illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upper terrace of Walpi. In thisinstance the cooking pit is very massively built, and in the absence ofa sheltering “tupubi” corner is effectually protected on three sides bymud-plastered stone work, the whole being capped with the usualchimneypot. The contrivance is placed conveniently near the roofhatchway of a dwelling room. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 71. A terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 72. A terrace cooking-pit and chimney of Walpi. ]

The outdoor use of the above-described fireplaces on upper terraces hasapparently suggested the improvement of the ground cooking pit in asimilar manner. Several specimens were seen in which the cooking pit ofthe ordinary depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a housewall, was provided with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; but suchan arrangement is by no means of frequent occurrence. Fig. 73illustrates an example that was seen on the east side of Shumopavi. Itwill be noticed that in the use of this arrangement on the ground--anarrangement that evidently originated on the terraces--the builders havereverted to the earlier form of excavated pit. In other respects theexample illustrated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms abovedescribed. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 73. A ground cooking-pit of Shumopavi covered with a chimney. ]

In the discussion of the details of kiva arrangement in Tusayan (p. 121)it was shown that the chimney is not used in any form in theseceremonial chambers; but the simple roof-opening forming the hatchwayserves as a smoke vent, without the addition of either an internal hoodor an external shaft. In the Zuñi kivas the smoke also finds ventthrough the opening that gives access to the chamber, but in the framingof the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction between door andchimney is observed. The roof-hole is made double, one portionaccommodating the ingress ladder and the other intended to serve for theegress of the smoke. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXVII. A kiva hatchway of Tusayan. ]

The external chimney of the pueblos is a simple structure, and exhibitsbut few variations from the type. The original form was undoubtedly amere hole in the roof; its use is perpetuated in the kivas. Thisprimitive form was gradually improved by raising its sides above theroof, forming a rudimentary shaft. The earlier forms are likely to havebeen rectangular, the round following and developing later short masonryshafts which were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots. In Zuñi the chimney has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft, projecting sometimes to a height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This isparticularly noticeable on the lower terraces of Zuñi, the chimneys ofthe higher rooms being more frequently of the short types prevalent inthe farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall chimneys found inZuñi proper, and consisting often of four or five chimney pots on asubstructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions thathave so much influenced other constructional details; that is, theexceptional height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As aresult of this the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuñi thanelsewhere, as will be shown by a comparison of the views of the villagesgiven in Chapters III and IV. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 74. Tusayan chimneys. ]

In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite low, a single pot surmountinga masonry substructure not more than 6 inches high being quite common. As a rule, however, the builders preferred to use a series of pots. Twotypical Tusayan chimneys are illustrated in Fig. 74. Most of thesubstructures for chimneys in this province are rudely rectangular inform, and clearly expose the rough stonework of the masonry, while inZuñi the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces of construction. In both provinces chimneys are seen without the chimney pot. Theseusually occur in clusters, simply because the builder of a room or groupof rooms preferred that form of chimney. Pl. CI illustrates a portion ofthe upper terraces of Zuñi where a number of masonry chimneys aregrouped together. Those on the highest roof are principally of therectangular form, being probably a direct development from the squareroof hole. The latter is still sometimes seen with a rim rising severalinches above the roof surface and formed of slabs set on edge or ofordinary masonry. These upper chimneys are often closed or covered withthin slabs of sandstone laid over them in the same manner as the roofholes that they resemble. The fireplaces to which some of them belongappear to be used for heating the rooms rather than for cooking, as theyare often disused for long periods during the summer season. 

Pl. CI also illustrates chimneys in which pots have been used inconnection with masonry bases, and also a round masonry chimney. Thelatter is immediately behind the single pot chimney seen in theforeground. On the extreme left of the figure is shown a chimney intowhich fire pots have been incorporated, the lower ones being almostconcealed from view by the coating of adobe. A similar effect may beseen in the small chimney on the highest roof shown in Pl. LVIII. Pl. LXXXII shows various methods of using the chimney pots. In one case thechimney is capped with a reversed large-mouthed jar, the broken bottomserving as an outlet for the smoke. The vessel usually employed for thispurpose is an ordinary black cooking pot, the bottom being burned out, or otherwise rendered unfit for household use. Other vessels areoccasionally used. Pl. LXXXIII shows the use, as the crowning member ofthe chimney, of an ordinary water jar, with dark decorations on a whiteground. A vessel very badly broken is often made to serve in chimneybuilding by skillful use of mud and mortar. To facilitate smoke exit theupper pot is made to overlap the neck of the one below by breaking outthe bottom sufficiently. The joining is not often visible, as it isusually coated with adobe. The lower pots of a series are in many casesentirely embedded in the adobe. 

The pueblo builder has never been able to construct a detached chimney afull story in height, either with or without the aid of chimney pots;where it is necessary to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft heis compelled to rely on the support of adjoining walls, and usuallyseeks a corner. Pl. CI shows a chimney of this kind that has been builtof masonry to the full height of a story. A similar example is shown inthe foreground of Pl. LXXVIII. In Pl. XXII may be seen a chimney of thefull height of the adjoining story, but in this instance it isconstructed wholly of pots. Pl. LXXXV illustrates a similar caseindoors. 

The external chimney probably developed gradually from the simple roofopening, as previously noted. The raised combing about trapdoors or roofholes afforded the first suggestion in this direction. From thisdeveloped the square chimney, and finally the tall round shaft, crownedwith a series of pots. The whole chimney, both internal and external, excluding only the primitive fireplace, is probably of comparativelyrecent origin, and based on the foreign (Spanish) suggestion. 

GATEWAYS AND COVERED PASSAGES. 

Gateways, arranged for defense, occur in many of the morecompactly-built ancient pueblos. Some of the passageways in the modernvillages of Tusayan and Cibola resemble these older examples, but mostof the narrow passages, giving access to the inner courts of theinhabited villages, are not the result of the defensive idea, but areformed by the crowding together of the dwellings. They occur, as a rule, within the pueblo and not upon its periphery. Many of the terraces nowface outward and are reached from the outside of the pueblo, being inmarked contrast to the early arrangement, in which narrow passages toinclose courts were exclusively used for access. In the ground plans ofseveral villages occupied within historic times, but now ruined, vestiges of openings arranged on the original defensive plan may betraced. About midway on the northeast side of Awatubi fragments of astanding wall were seen, apparently the two sides of a passageway to theinclosed court of the pueblo. The masonry is much broken down, however, and no indication is afforded of the treatment adopted, nor do theremains indicate whether this entrance was originally covered or not. It is illustrated in Pl. CII. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXVIII. North kivas of Shumopavi, from the northeast. ]

Other examples of this feature may be seen in the ground plans ofTebugkihu, Chukubi, and Payupki (Fig. 7, and Pls. XII and XIII). 

In the first of these the deep jambs of the opening are clearly defined, but in the other two only low mounds of débris suggest the gateway. Inthe ancient Cibolan pueblos, including those on the mesa of Tâaaiyalana, no remains of external gateways have been found; the plans suggest thatthe disposition of the various clusters approximated somewhat theirregular arrangement of the present day. There are only occasionaltraces, as of a continuous defensive outer wall, such as those seen atNutria and Pescado. In the pueblos of the Cibola group, ancient andmodern, access to the inner portion of the pueblo was usually affordedat a number of points. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel, however, occurs anexcellent example of the defensive gateway. The jambs and corners of theopening are finished with great neatness, as may be seen in theillustration (Pl. CIII). This gateway or passage was roofed over, andthe rectangular depressions for the reception of cross-beams stillcontain short stumps, protected from destruction by the masonry. Themasonry over the passageway in falling carried away part of the masonryabove the jamb corner, thus indicating continuity of bond. The groundplan of this ruin (Pl. LXIII) indicates clearly the various points atwhich access to the inner courts was obtained. On the east side anoticeable feature is the overlapping of the boundary wall of the southwing, forming an indirect entranceway. The remains do not indicate thatthis passage, like the one just described, was roofed over. In somecases the modern passageways, as they follow the jogs and angles ofadjoining rows of houses, display similar changes of direction. InShupaulovi, which preserves most distinctly in its plan the idea of theinclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changesits direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (Pl. XXX). This arrangement was undoubtedly determined by the position of theterraces long before the passageway was roofed over and built upon. Pl. XXII shows the south passageway of Walpi; the entrances are madenarrower than the rest of the passage by building buttresses of masonryat the sides. This was probably done to secure the necessary support forthe north and south walls of the upper story. One of the walls, as maybeseen in the illustration, rests directly upon a cross beam, strengthenedin this manner. 

One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuñi, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, is reached by means of two covered passages, bearing some generalresemblance to the ancient defensive entrances, but these houses, reached from within the court, have also terraces without. The lowpassage shown in the figure has gradually been surmounted by rooms, reaching in some cases a height of three terraces above the openings;but the accumulated weight finally proved too much for the beams andsustaining walls--probably never intended by the builders to withstandthe severe test afterwards put upon them--and following an unusuallyprotracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fellto the ground. This occurred since the surveying and photographing. Itis rather remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long theunusual strain, or even that they sustained the addition of a top storyat all. 

In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout itslength by rooms, but cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in whichonly portions of the roof form the floor of superstructures. Pl. CIVshows a passage roofed over beyond the two-story portion of the buildingfor a sufficient distance to form a small terrace, upon which a ladderstands. Pl. XXIII illustrates a similar arrangement on the west side ofWalpi. The outer edges of these terraces are covered with coping stonesand treated in the same manner as outer walls of lower rooms. In Zuñi anexample of this form of passage roof occurs between two of the easternhouse rows, where the rooms have not been subjected to the closecrowding characteristic of the western clusters of the pueblo. 

DOORS. 

In Zuñi many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must havebeen used largely for storage, have been converted into well-lighted, habitable apartments by the addition of external doors. In Tusayan thismodification has not taken place to an equal extent, the distinctlydefensive character of the first terrace reached by removable laddersbeing still preserved. In this province a doorway on the ground isalways provided in building a house, but originally this space was notdesigned to be permanent; it was left merely for convenience of passingin and out during the construction, and was built up before the wallswere completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are oftenpreserved, and additional small openings are constructed for windows. 

 [Illustration: Plate LXXXIX. Masonry in the north wing of Kin-tiel. ]

In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were probablynever closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes hung overthem in cold weather. Examples have been seen that seem to have beenconstructed with this object in view, for a slight pole, of the samekind as those used in the lintels, is built into the masonry of thejambs a few inches below the lintel proper. Openings imperfectly closedagainst the cold and wind were naturally placed in the lee walls toavoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of theexposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance, the tendency being to change them from the early inclosed court type andto place the houses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This isnoticeable in the plans given in Chapter II. 

Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. Possibly these arean indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the harvestseason, or at the time of the destruction or abandonment of the village;but they may have been closed for the purpose of economizing warmth andfuel during the winter season. No provision was made for closing themwith movable doors. The practice of fastening up the doors during theharvesting season prevails at the present time among the Zuñi, but theresult is attained without great difficulty by means of rude cross bars, now that they have framed wooden doors. One of these is illustrated inFig. 75. These doors are usually opened by a latch-string, which, whennot hung outside, is reached by means of a small round hole through thewall at the side of the door. Through this hole the owner of the house, on leaving it, secures the door by props and braces on the inside of theroom, the hole being sealed up and plastered in the same manner thatother openings are treated. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 75. A barred Zuñi door. ]

This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survivalof ancient methods in modified forms. It is not employed, however, inclosing the doors of the first terrace; these are fastened by barringfrom the inside, the exit being made by means of internal ladders to theterrace above, the upper doors only being fastened in the mannerillustrated. In Pl. LXXIX may be seen good examples of the side hole. Fig. 75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing of the small sidehole instead of the entire opening was brought about by the introductionof the wooden door, which in its present paneled form is of foreignintroduction, but in this, as in so many other cases, some analogousfeature which facilitated the adoption of the idea probably alreadyexisted. Tradition points to the early use of a small door, made of asingle slab of wood, that closed the small rectangular wall niches, inwhich valuables, such as turquoise, shell, etc. , were kept. This slab, it is said, was reduced and smoothed by rubbing with a piece ofsandstone. A number of beams, rafters, and roofing planks, seen in theChaco pueblos, were probably squared and finished in this way. Thelatter examples show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of woodthat would enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. Asyet, however, no examples of wooden doors have been seen in any of thepre-Columbian ruins. 

The pueblo type of paneled door is much more frequently seen in Cibolathan in Tusayan, and in the latter province it does not assume thevariety of treatment seen in Zuñi, nor is the work so neatly executed. The views of the modern pueblos, given in Chapters III and IV, willindicate the extent to which this feature occurs in the two groups. Inthe construction of a paneled door the vertical stile on one side isprolonged at the top and bottom into a rounded pivot, which works intocup-like sockets in the lintel and sill, as illustrated in Fig. 76. Thehinge is thus produced in the wood itself without the aid of anyexternal appliances. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 76. Wooden pivot hinges of a Zuñi door. ]

It is difficult to trace the origin of this device among the pueblos. Itclosely resembles the pivot hinges sometimes used in mediæval Europe inconnection with massive gates for closing masonry passages; in suchcases the prolonged pivots worked in cavities of stone sills andlintels. The Indians claim to have employed it in very early times, butno evidence on this point has been found. It is quite possible that theidea was borrowed from some of the earlier Mormon settlers who came intothe country, as these people use a number of primitive devices which areundoubtedly survivals of methods of construction once common in thecountries from which they came. Vestiges of the use of a pivotal hinge, constructed on a much more massive scale than any of the puebloexamples, were seen at an old fortress-like, stone storehouse of theMormons, built near the site of Moen-kopi by the first Mormon settlers. 

 [Illustration: Plate XC. Adobe garden walls near Zuñi. ]

The paneled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, andconsists of a frame inclosing a single panel. This panel, when of largesize, is occasionally made of two or more pieces. These doors varygreatly in size. A few reach the height of 5 feet, but the usual heightis from 3½ to 4 feet. As doors are commonly elevated a foot or moreabove the ground or floor, the use of such openings does not entail thefull degree of discomfort that the small size suggests. Doors of largersize, with sills raised but an inch or two above the floor or ground, have recently been introduced in some of the ground stories in Zuñi; butthese are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the mostprogressive people. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 77. Paneled wooden doors in Hano. ]

Pl. XLI shows a small paneled door, not more than a foot square, used asa blind to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples ofpaneled doors are those employed for closing the small, square openingsin the back walls of house rows, which still retain the defensivearrangement so marked in many of the ancient pueblos. In some instancesdoors occur in the second stories of unterraced walls, their sills being5 or 6 feet above the ground. In such cases the doors are reached byladders whose upper ends rest upon the sills. Elevated openings of thiskind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single-paneled door, which is often whitened with a coating of clayey gypsum. 

Carefully worked paneled doors are much more common in Zuñi than inTusayan, and within the latter province the villages of the first mesamake more extended use of this type of door, as they have come into moreintimate contact with their eastern brethren than other villages of thegroup. Fig. 77 illustrates a portion of a Hano house in which two woodendoors occur. These specimens indicate the rudeness of Tusayanworkmanship. It will be seen that the workman who framed the upper oneof these doors met with considerable difficulty in properly joining thetwo boards of the panel and in connecting these with the frame. Thefigure shows that at several points the door has been reenforced andstrengthened by buckskin and rawhide thongs. The same device has beenemployed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two pieces ofthe panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These doors alsoillustrate the customary manner of barring the door during the absenceof the occupant of the house. 

The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The sillis generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, andthe door openings, with a few exceptions, are thus practically onlylarge windows. In this respect they follow the arrangementcharacteristic of the ancient pueblos, in which all the larger openingsare window-like doorways. These are sometimes seen on the court marginof house rows, and frequently occur between communicating rooms withinthe cluster. They are usually raised about a foot and a half above thefloor, and in some cases are provided with one or two steps. In Zuñi, doorways between communicating rooms, though now framed in wood, preserve the same arrangement, as may be seen in Pl. LXXXVI. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 78. Framing of a Zuñi door-panel. ]

The side pieces of a paneled pueblo door are mortised, an achievementfar beyond the aboriginal art of these people. Fig. 78 illustrates themanner in which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, and thepreparation of the projecting tenons is laboriously executed with themost primitive tools, in many cases the whole frame, with all itsjoints, being cut out with a small knife. 

 [Illustration: Plate XCI. A group of stone corrals near Oraibi. ]

Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of whichturns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting thelatch from its wooden catch, by means of a string passed through a smallhole in the door, and hanging outside. Some few doors are, however, provided with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means of a square, notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually fastened tothe inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin or rawhide, passedthrough small holes bored or drilled through the edge of the lock, andthrough the stile and panel of the door at corresponding points. Theentire mechanism consists of wood and strings joined together in therudest manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception isfar in advance of the aboriginal culture of the pueblos, and both it andthe string latch must have come from without. The lock was probably acontrivance of the early Mormons, as it is evidently roughly modeledafter a metallic lock. 

Many doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. Theseare very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Cibola, particularly inthe farming pueblos. The open front of the “tupubi” or balcony-likerecess, seen so frequently at the ends of first-terrace roofs inTusayan, is often constructed with a transom-like arrangement inconnection with the girder supporting the edge of the roof, in the samemanner in which doorways proper are treated. Pl. XXXII illustrates abalcony in which one bounding side is formed by a flight of stone steps, producing a notched or terraced effect. The supporting girder in thisinstance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuringthe construction. Fig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting beamof a balcony roof in the principal house of Hano. The upper doorwayshown in this house has been partly walled in, reducing its sizesomewhat. It is also provided with a small horizontal opening over themain lintel, which, like the doorway, has been partly filled withmasonry. This upper transom often seems to have resulted from carryingsuch openings to the full height of the story. The transom probablyoriginated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on themain girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Somewhatsimilar balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuñi and in the farmingvillages, but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. Anexample is shown in Pl. CI, in which the construction of this feature isclearly visible. 

In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use ofthe half-open terrace rooms described above. If such rooms existed, especially if constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples, they must have been among the first to succumb to destruction. Thecomparative rarity of this feature in Zuñi does not necessarily indicatethat it is not of native origin, as owing to the exceptional manner ofclustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign influence, this puebloexhibits a wider departure from the ancient type than do any of theTusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting tothe double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive firstterrace, freely adopted this open and convenient arrangement inconnection with the upper roofs. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 79. Rude transoms over Tusayan openings. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XCII. An inclosing wall of upright stones at Ojo Caliente. ]

The transom-like opening commonly accompanying the large opening is alsoseen in many of the inclosed doorways of Tusayan, but in some of thesecases its origin can not be traced to the roof constructions, as theopenings do not approach the ceilings of the rooms. In early days suchdoorways were closed by means of large slabs of stone set on edge, andthese were sometimes supplemented by a suspended blanket. In severewinter weather many of the openings were closed with masonry. At thepresent time many doorways not provided with paneled doors are closed insuch ways. When a doorway is thus treated its transom is left open forthe admission of light and air. The Indians state that in early timesthis transom was provided for the exit of smoke when the main doorwaywas closed, and even now such provision is not wholly superfluous. Fig. 80 illustrates a large doorway of Tusayan with a small transom. Theopening was being reduced in size by means of adobe masonry at the timethe drawing was made. Fig. 81 shows a double transom over a lintelcomposed of two poles; a section of masonry separating the transom intotwo distinct openings rests upon the lintel of the doorway and supportsa roof-beam; this is shown in the figure. Other examples of transoms maybe seen in connection with many of the illustrations of Tusayandoorways. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 80. A large Tusayan doorway with small transom openings. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 81. A doorway and double transom in Walpi. ]

The transom bars over exterior doorways of houses probably bear somerelation to a feature seen in some of the best preserved ruins and stillsurviving to some extent in Tusayan practice. This consists of astraight pole, usually of the same dimensions as the poles of which thelintel is made, extending across the opening from 2 to 6 inches belowthe main lintel, and fixed into the masonry in a position to serve as acurtain pole. Originally this pole undoubtedly served as a means ofsuspension for the blanket or skin rug used in closing the opening, justas such means are now used in the huts of the Navajo, as well asoccasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this cross stickanswered the same purpose as the transoms of the present time. 

A most striking feature of doorways is the occasional departure from thequadrangular form, seen in some ruined villages and also in some of themodern houses of Tusayan. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen of this typefound in a small cliff ruin, in Canyon de Chelly. Ancient examples ofthis form of opening are distinguished by a symmetrical disposition ofthe step in the jamb, while the modern doors are seldom so arranged. A modern example from Mashongnavi is shown in Fig. 83. This opening alsoillustrates the double or divided transom. The beam ends shown in thefigure project beyond the face of the wall and support an overhangingcoping or cornice. A door-like window, approximating the symmetricalform described, is seen immediately over the passage-way shown in Pl. XXII. This form is evidently the result of the partial closing of alarger rectangular opening. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 82. An ancient doorway in Canyon de Chelly cliff ruin. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 83. A symmetrically notched doorway in Mashongnavi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XCIII. Upright blocks of sandstone built into an ancient pueblo wall. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 84. A Tusayan notched doorway. ]

Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced doorway in Tusayan, in whichone jamb is stepped at a considerably greater height than the other. In Tusayan large openings occur in which only one jamb is stepped, producing an effect somewhat of that of the large balcony openings withflights of stone steps at one side, previously illustrated. An openingof this form is shown in Fig. 85. Both of the stepped doorways, illustrated above, are provided with transom openings extending from oneroof beam to another. In the absence of a movable door the openings weremade of the smallest size consistent with convenient use. The steppedform was very likely suggested by the temporary partial blocking up ofan opening with loose, flat stones in such a manner as to least impairits use. This is still quite commonly done, large openings being oftenseen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is narrowed bymeans of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled up. In this connection itmay be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously described asoccurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the additionalpurpose of a hand-hold when supplies are brought into the house on thebacks of the occupants. The stepping of the doorway, while diminishingits exposed area, does not interfere with its use in bringing in largebundles, etc. Series of steps, picked into the faces of the cliffs, andaffording access to cliff dwellings, frequently have a supplementaryseries of narrow and deep cavities that furnish a secure hold for thehands. The requirements of the precipitous environment of these peoplehave led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc. , on the back bymeans of a suspending band passed across the forehead; this left thehands free to aid in the difficult task of climbing. These conditionsseem to have brought about the use, in some cases, of handholds in themarginal frames of interior trapdoors as an aid in climbing the ladder. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 85. A large Tusayan doorway with one notched jamb. ]

One more characteristic type of the ancient pueblo doorway remains to bedescribed. During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined pueblo of Kin-tielwas surveyed, a number of excavations were made in and about the pueblo. A small room on the east side, near the brink of the arroyo thattraverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out, exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other detailsof construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found alarge slab of stone, pierced with a circular hole of sufficient size fora man to squeeze through. This slab was set on edge and incorporatedinto the masonry of the partition, and evidently served as a means ofcommunication with another room. The position of this doorway and itsrelation to the room in which it occurs may be seen from theillustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ. The doorway or“stone-close” is shown in Fig. 86 on a sufficient scale to indicate thedegree of technical skill in the architectural treatment of stonepossessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zuñi inOctober of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H. Cushing, learned that the Zuñi Indians still preserved traditionalknowledge of this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time thefollowing extract from the tale of “The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards, ” aZuñi folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of Zuñi. 

 [Illustration: Plate XCIV. Ancient wall of upright rocks in southwestern Colorado. ]

“‘How will they enter?’ said the young man to his wife. ‘Through thestone-close at the side, ’ she answered. In the days of the ancients, thedoorways were often made of a great slab of stone with a round hole cutthrough the middle, and a round stone slab to close it, which was calledthe stone-close, that the enemy might not enter in times of war. ”

 [Illustration: Fig. 86. An ancient circular doorway or “stone-close” in Kin-tiel. ]

Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of such circular stonedoorways at ruins some distance northwest from Zuñi, but had been underthe impression that they were used as roof openings. All examples ofthis device known to the writer as having been found in place occurredin side walls of rooms. Mr. E. W. Nelson, while making collections ofpottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent to theSmithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, “a flat stone about 18inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This stone wastaken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses nearSpringerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall betweentwo inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means ofcommunication or perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an exampleof their stone-working craft. ” The position of this feature in theexcavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan, Fig. 60, which also shows the position of other details seen in the general viewof the room, Pl. C. 

A small fragment of a “stone-close” doorway was found incorporated intothe masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicatingits use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within theCibola district. Another point at which similar remains have beenbrought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from thepresent Zuñi. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the HemenwaySouthwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. F. H. Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite commonoccurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorwaysare associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latterwere held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form wereseen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearlyrectangular form, found within this ruin, may have served the samepurpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular slabsfor this purpose when the openings were conveniently near the floors. No example of the stone-close has as yet been found in Tusayan. 

The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known tothe writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device ofaboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this devicewas necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The largerrectangular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably werecovered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended from the lintel. In the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling thestone-close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in amore permanent manner. 

The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much tothe fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was todefensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude onesbuilt with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors andwindows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings insuch a manner as to protect and render comfortable the inhabited roomsimplies a greater advance in architectural skill than these builders hadachieved. 

The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos isonly a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors, admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the presentday, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the earlytype. The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerableheight from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of anyconvenient means of rigidly closing the doors and windows, in earlytimes external openings were restricted to the smallest practicabledimensions. The convenience of these openings was increased withoutaltering their dimensions by elevating them to a certain height abovethe ground. In the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in theheight of the openings above the ground, and such openings were likelyto be quite uniform when used for similar purposes. The most commonelevation of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readilystep over at one stride. It will be seen that the same economy of spacehas effected the use of windows in this system of architecture. 

WINDOWS. 

In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not alwaysclearly differentiated. Many of the openings, while used for access tothe dwellings, also answer all the purposes of windows, and, both intheir form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meetthe requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than foraccess. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters III and IV, openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wallas to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is whollyinadequate, but which are still provided with the typical thoughdiminutive single-paneled door. Many of these small openings, occurringmost frequently in the back walls of house rows, have the jambs, lintels, etc. , characteristic of the typical modern door. However, as the drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openingsconcerning the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can onlyprovide outlook, light, and air. 

 [Illustration: Plate XCV. Ancient floor-beams at Kin-tiel. ]

In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayan and Cibolathe width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in whatappear to be the older portions of the present pueblos, this shapeprobably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient puebloswere sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when largerthey were never distinguishable from doorways in either size or finish, and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width ofopenings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building stonemade use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders had notsufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The failureto utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of mechanicalaids that at first thought seems scarcely in keeping with themassiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing many ofthe remains; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, thelatter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands, although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. Thenarrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblossuggests timidity on the part of the ancient builders. The apparentlybolder construction of the present day, shown in the prevailing use ofhorizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, butrather to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 87. Diagram illustrating symmetrical arrangement of small openings in Pueblo Bonito. ]

The same contrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in thedisposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does notseem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in someof the older pueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco, and others ofthe same group, the arrangement of the outer openings exhibits a certaindegree of symmetry. The accompanying diagram, Fig. 87, illustrates aportion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, in which the smallwindows of successive rooms, besides being uniform in size, are groupedin pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in the execution of themasonry about these openings is in keeping with the precision with whichthe openings themselves are placed. Pl. CV, gives a view of a portion ofthe wall containing these openings. 

In marked contrast to the above examples is the slovenly practice of themodern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, even ina single room, nor are these usually placed at a uniform height from thefloor. The placing appears to be purely a matter of individual taste, and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows occursometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in somecases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall; examplesmay be found occupying all intermediate heights between these extremes. Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregularity, butPls. LXXIX and LXXXII of Zuñi perhaps represent it most clearly. 

The framing of these openings differs but little from that of theancient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by themore careless method of combining the materials, and by the introductionin many instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or sticks, usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side incontact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earthof the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet ofstone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is neverlong enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for largeropenings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach fromthe face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings thesurrounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish influenceoccasionally shows itself in the employment of sawed boards for lintels, sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit a curiouslylight and flimsy construction. 

A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, arefurnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sashof several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; insome instances it is set directly into the adobe without any interveningsash or frame. In several cases in Zuñi the primitive sash or frame hasbeen rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example of thisis shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly into thewall. Hinged sashes do not seem to have been adopted as yet. Often theintroduction of lights shows a curious and awkward compromise betweenaboriginal methods and foreign ideas. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 88. Incised decoration on a rude window sash in Zuñi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XCVI. Adobe walls in Zuñi. ]

Characteristic of Zuñi windows, and also of those of the neighboringpueblo of Acoma, is the use of semitranslucent slabs of selenite, about1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. Pieces are occasionally metwith about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches wide, but usually they aremuch smaller and very irregular in outline. For windows pieces areselected that approximately fit against each other, and thin, flatstrips of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the openings to serveas supports for the irregular fragments of selenite, which could not beretained in place without some such provision. The use of windowopenings at the bases of walls probably suggested this use of verticalsticks as a support to slabs of selenite, as in this position they wouldbe particularly useful, the windows being generally arranged on a slope, as shown in Fig. 89. Similar glazing is also employed in the related, obliquely pierced openings of Zuñi, to be described later. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 89. Sloping selenite window at base of Zuñi wall on upper terrace. ]

Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. Noexamples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where thismaterial is found and now used. Throughout the south and east portion ofthe ancient pueblo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, where manyof the remains were in a very good state of preservation, no cases ofthe use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a typicalselenite window. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 90. A Zuñi window glazed with selenite. ]

In Zuñi some of the kivas are provided with small external windowsframed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a longtime perpetuate methods and practices that had been superseded in theconstruction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, wouldnecessarily be limited to openings of small size, as such use for largeopenings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders. 

Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in externalexposed walls in Zuñi. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what seemto be the older and least modified portions of the village. At Tusayan, however, this method of framing windows is much more noticeable, as theexceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence on Zuñiconstruction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are arrangedmore in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures resembling thecourts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not been encroachedupon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier methods seem tohave been retained in greater purity than in Zuñi. The unbroken outerwall, of two or three stories in height, like the same feature of theold villages, is pierced at various heights with small openings that donot seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan examples ofthese loop-hole-like openings maybe seen in Pls. XXII, XXIII, and XXXIX. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 91. Small openings in the back wall of a Zuñi house-cluster. ]

In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on adistinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care. Openings of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the secondstory outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In thepueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) similar loop-hole-like openings were veryskillfully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeasterncorner of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle, as shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes maybe seen inPl. LXV. This figure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners andfaces of three large openings of the second story, which, though greatlyundermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still held inposition by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built. 

 [Illustration: Plate XCVII. Wall coping and oven at Zuñi. ]

It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows ofa house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the temporaryabsence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the seasonsof planting and harvesting. At such times many Zuñi families occupyoutlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the Tusayans, in a like manner, live in rude summer shelters close to their fields. Such absence from the home pueblo often lasts for a month or more at atime. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in the roughestmanner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid masonry has beenused. The latter is sometimes plastered. Occasionally the sealing isdone with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than the opening, held in place with mud plastering, or propped from the inside after themanner of the “stone close” previously described. Fig. 92 illustratesspecimens of sealed openings in the village of Hano of the Tusayangroup. The upper window is closed with a single large slab and a fewsmall chinking stones at one side. The masonry used in closing the loweropening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the adjoining walls. Pl. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening in a detachedhouse of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the home pueblo of Zuñiat the close of the harvesting season. The doorway in this case is onlypartly closed, leaving a window-like aperture at its top, and the stonesused for the purpose are simply piled up without the use of adobemortar. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 92. Sealed openings in Tusayan. ]

Windows and doors closed with masonry are often met with in the remainsof ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occupants wereabsent at the time of the destruction of the village. When largedoor-like openings in upper external walls were built up and plasteredover in this way, as in some ruins, the purpose was to economize heatduring the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would beinadequate. 

Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just described, the modern pueblo builders frequently make permanent changes in suchopenings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows arereduced in size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the walls, apparently, with the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from theirfinish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity ofthe mud-covered wall in which they are found. Occasionally surfaceweathering of the walls, particularly in Zuñi, exposes a bit ofhorizontal pole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window longsince sealed up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It isprobable that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace oftheir existence on the external wall. In Zuñi particularly, where theoriginal arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms musthave been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, suchchanges are very numerous. It often happens that the addition of a newroom will shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latterare often converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards. Such niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos. Changes in the character of openings are quite common in all of thepueblos. Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in therougher and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finishedhouses of Zuñi. Pl. CVII illustrates a large, balcony-like opening inOraibi that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by fillingin with rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over thelintel of the newer door. Pl. CVIII illustrates two large openings inthis village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, butthe filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have beenused as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the righthaving been provided with a small transom; the combined opening wasarranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In thefurther conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondarytransom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a smallloophole window in the upper lefthand corner of the large opening wasalso closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left inthis illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway. A small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open. It will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings havein all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry. 

 [Illustration: Plate XCVIII. Cross-pieces on Zuñi ladders. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 93. A Zuñi doorway converted into a window. ]

The clearness with which all the steps of the gradual reduction of theseopenings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked contrastwith the obscurity of such features in Zuñi. In the latter group, however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has been partlyclosed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a window. Oftenin such cases the filled-in masonry is thinner than that of theadjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway iseasily traced. Fig. 93, from an adobe wall in Zuñi, gives anillustration of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zuñi houseillustrated in Pl. LXXXIII, has been similarly reduced in size, leavingtraces of the original form in a slight offset. In modern times, both inTusayan and Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seemto have been made with the greatest freedom, but in the ancient pueblosaltered doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing ofthese features was more carefully considered, and the buildings wererarely subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding. 

In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, seemto have been universally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being confinedexclusively to doorways. 

ROOF OPENINGS. 

The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows is, with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes, whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in thesimple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the first terrace. Pl. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground akiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is butlittle difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambersand those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the formerare in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumeddancers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope, conforming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while thoseof the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the houseroofs in which they are placed. In Zuñi, however, where the developmentand use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatchways aredistinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. Anexamination of the plans of the modern villages in Chapters II and IIIwill show the general distribution of roof openings. Those used ashatchways are distinguishable by their greater dimensions, and in manycases by the presence of the ladders that give access to the roomsbelow. The smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructedin essentially the same manner as the trap doors, and the width isusually regulated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. Thesecond series of small roof poles is interrupted at the sides of theopening, which sides are finished by means of carefully laid smallstones in the same manner as are projecting copings. This finish isoften carried several inches above the roof and crowned with narrowstone slabs, one on each of the four sides, forming a sort of framewhich protects the mud plastered sides of the opening from the action ofthe rains. Examples of this simple type may be seen in many of thefigures illustrating Chapters II and III, and in Pl. XCVII. Fig. 94 alsoillustrates common types of roof openings seen in Zuñi. Two of theexamples in this figure are of openings that give access to lower rooms. Occasional instances are seen in this pueblo in which an exaggeratedheight is given to the coping, the result slightly approaching a squarechimney in effect. Fig. 95 illustrates an example of this form. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 94. Zuñi roof-openings. ]

 [Illustration: Plate XCIX. Outside steps at Pescado. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 95. A Zuñi roof opening, with raised coping. ]

In Zuñi, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openingsoccur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roofdrainage. These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with copingstones laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a thin slabon edge, as illustrated in Fig. 96. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 96. Zuñi roof-openings, with one elevated end. ]

Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form. 

The special object of this arrangement is in some cases difficult todetermine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof alwaystakes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative todrainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on theslightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no meansconstant. Roof holes on the west side of the village in such positionsas to be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail hereduring certain months of the year seem in some cases to have in viewprotection against the flying sand. We do not meet with evidence of anyfixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many casesthese trap holes are provided with a thin slab of sandstone large enoughto cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fairweather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed tocover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown inFig. 97. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 97. A Zuñi roof hole with cover. ]

When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab at oneend, it has a steep pitch, to shed water, and at the same time light andair are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this is theresult of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possibledevelopment of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimentarychimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys. A development in this direction would possibly be suggested by thedesirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenientsmoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the attentionof the Indian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace, they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat. 

 [Illustration: Plate C. An excavated room at Kin-tiel. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 98. Kiva trapdoor in Zuñi. ]

The survival to the present time of such an inconvenient arrangement inthe kivas can be explained only on the ground of the intenseconservatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In thesmall roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be sopracticable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which theyhave been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of masonry oradobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping overwalls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for theadmission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The ladderfor access rests against the coping. 

When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certainpeculiarities in which they differ from the ordinary form used indwellings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admitdancers in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roofopenings to be found in Zuñi, are framed with pieces of wood. Themethods of holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail. It is quite likely that recent examples, while still preserving the formand general appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence that thebuilders had used their knowledge of improved methods of joining andfinishing. 

As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing, by the addition of a cross piece, divides the opening unequally. Thesmaller aperture is situated immediately above the fireplace (whichconforms to the ancient type without chimney and located in the openfloor of the room) and is very evidently designed to furnish an outletto the smoke. In a chamber having no side doors or windows, or at mostvery small square windows, and consequently no drafts, the column ofsmoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically fromthe roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is usedfor ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests thatat no very remote period one opening was used to answer both purposes, as it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction inwhich differentiation of functions began to take place, which in thekiva was delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling, when in the civil architecture it may have been the initial point of adevelopment that culminated in the chimney, a development that wasassisted in its later steps by suggestions from foreign sources. In themore primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simplylaid on without any cutting in. The central piece is held in place by apeg set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladderhelping to hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has beensomewhat improved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertainedwhether these were of later date or not. 

In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are “halved” inthe manner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by apin as shown in Fig. 99. 

The use of a frame of wood in these trapdoors dates back to acomparatively high antiquity, and is not at all a modern innovation, as one would at first be inclined to believe. Their use in so highlydeveloped a form in the ceremonial chamber is an argument in favor ofantiquity. Only two examples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan in aruined pueblo on the Animas. “One of these measured 16 by 17 inches andthe other was 16 inches square. Each was formed in the floor by piecesof wood put together. The work was neatly done. ”[8]

 [Footnote 8: Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, vol. 4. House Life, etc. , p. 182. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 99. Halved and pinned trapdoor frame of a Zuñi kiva. ]

 [Illustration: Plate CI. Masonry chimneys of Zuñi. ]

Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not describe in detail the manner inwhich the joining was effected, or whether the pieces were halved or cutto fit. It seems hardly likely, considering the rude facilitiespossessed by the ancients, that the enormous labor of reducing largepieces of wood to such interfitting shapes would have been undertaken. A certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arrangingthe principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at rightangles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kivaroof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, isparalleled in the excavated lodges of the San Francisco Mountains, wherea single opening served this double purpose. A slight recess orexcavation in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for theexit of smoke. 

At the village of Acoma the kiva trapdoors differ somewhat from the Zuñiform. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no opportunitywas afforded of ascertaining from the Indians the special purpose of themode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, as in Zuñi, butthe portion against which the ladder leans, instead of being made into asmoke vent, is provided with a small roof. These roof holes to theceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open air, while in thedwelling rooms it seems customary (much more customary than at Zuñi) toenter the lower stories through trapdoors within upper rooms. In manyinstances second-story rooms have no exterior rooms but are entered fromrooms above, contrary to the usual arrangement in both Tusayan andCibola. All six of the kivas in this village are provided with thispeculiarly constructed opening. 

In Zuñi close crowding of the cells has led to an exceptionally frequentuse of roof-lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders wasgreatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The roofhole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access andlight for the first terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is hereused in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air. In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has ledto the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directlymodeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularlyfrequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house No. 1. Theexceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, withthe consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuityof the Zuñi to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings hereassuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere. 

In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clusteringof the Zuñi houses has led to the invention of a curious device forlighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. Thisconsists of an opening, usually of oval or subrectangular form inelevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. Thisopening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as shown inthe sections, Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within the roomjust at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the wall. Withthe meager facilities and rude methods of the Zuñi, this peculiararrangement often involved weak construction, and the openings, placedso low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water from the roof. Thedifficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was muchlessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceilingwithin. 

These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of housesNos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of thevillage, though they do not occur either at Acoma or in the Tusayanvillages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer andcontinuance in use of a constructional device developed in one place byunusual conditions to a new field in which it was uncalled for, beingless efficient and more difficult of introduction than the devices inordinary use. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 100. Typical sections of Zuñi oblique openings. ]

FURNITURE. 

The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in whichthe term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain featureswhich are more or less closely embodied in the house construction andwhich answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothesrack for ordinary wearing apparel, extra blankets, robes, etc. , hasalready been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes andceremonial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are storedaway in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms. 

 [Illustration: Plate CII. Remains of a gateway in Awatubi. ]

The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a thinfilling-in wall, and which answer the purpose of cupboards orreceptacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also beendescribed and illustrated in connection with the Zuñi interior (Pl. LXXXVI). 

 [Illustration: Fig. 101. Arrangement of mealing stones in a Tusayan house. ]

In many houses, both in Tusayan and in Cibola, shelves are constructedfor the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are oftenconstructed in a very primitive manner, particularly in the formerprovince. An unusually frail example may be seen in Fig. 67, inconnection with a fireplace. Fig. 101, showing a series of mealingstones in a Tusayan house, also illustrates a rude shelf in the cornerof the room, supported at one end by an upright stone slab and at theother by a projecting wooden peg. Shelves made of sawed boards areoccasionally seen, but as a rule such boards are considered too valuableto be used in this manner. A more common arrangement, particularly inTusayan, is a combination of three or four slender poles placed side byside, 2 or 3 inches apart, forming a rude shelf, upon which trays offood are kept. 

Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblohouse, is a pocket or bin built into the corner of a room. Fig. 101, illustrating the plan of a Tusayan house, indicates the position of oneof these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown inFig. 102. This bin, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like, is formed by cutting off a corner of the room by setting two stone slabsinto the floor, and it is covered with the mud plastering which extendsover the neighboring walls. 

A curious modification of this device was seen in one of the inner roomsin Zuñi, in the house of José Pié. A large earthen jar, apparently anordinary water vessel, was built into a projecting masonry bench nearthe corner of the room in such a manner that its rim projected less thanhalf an inch above its surface. This jar was used for the same purposeas the Tusayan corner bin. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 102. A Tusayan grain bin. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 103. A Zuñi plume box. ]

Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in whichtheir ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of coursehave been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. InZuñi, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for theprecious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. This is anoblong box, provided with a countersunk lid, and usually carved from asingle piece of wood. Typical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and104. The workmanship displayed in these objects is not beyond theaboriginal skill of the native workman, and their use is undoubtedlyancient. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 104. A Zuñi plume box. ]

 [Illustration: Plate CIII. Ancient gateway, Kin-tiel. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 105. A Tusayan mealing trough. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 106. An ancient pueblo form of metate. ]

Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of thepueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household millingapparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates ofvarying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting position mostconvenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone setinto the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitionsbetween the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105, illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zuñi are of the sameform, as maybe seen in the illustration of a Zuñi interior, Fig. 105. Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing wallsof the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end ofthe series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisionsbeing made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are notusually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in theirsetting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at theproper angle. This arrangement of the mealing stones is characteristicof the more densely clustered communal houses of late date. In the moreprimitive house the mealing stone was usually a single large piece ofcellular basalt, or similar rock, in which a broad, sloping depressionwas carved, and which could be transported from place to place. Fig. 106illustrates an example of this type from the vicinity of Globe, insouthern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day isundoubtedly the successor of the earner moveable form, yet it was in useamong the pueblos at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as thefollowing extract from Castañeda’s account[9] of Cibola will show. Hesays a special room is designed to grind the grain: “This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Threewomen sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, thesecond brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder. ” It willbe seen how exactly this description fits both the arrangement and theuse of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanicaldevices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to be inadvance of the achievement of this people in other directions. 

 [Footnote 9: Given by W. W. H. Davis in El Gringo, p. 119. ]

The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondinglyvarying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for thefirst crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the final grindingon the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appliancesthe corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten flour. The grindingstones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ fromthose that were used with the early massive type of metate in being ofcylindrical form. 

One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against thewall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is quitenarrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series comprisingfour mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zuñi, are very generally arrangedin this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left behind themills to accommodate the women who kneel at their work. Pl. LXXXVIillustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing stone isset at right angles to the other stones of the series. 

Mortars are in general use in Zuñi and Tusayan households. As a rulethey are of considerable size, and made of the same material as therougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grinding thechile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the Zuñi, and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. Thesemortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used with a roundpestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form forconvenience in handling. 

Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of thepueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. Theseconsist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the loom, which need not be described in this connection. In some of the Tusayanhouses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor provided withholes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening the warp, similar to those built into the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 31. No device of this kind was seen in Zuñi. A more primitive appliance forsuch work is seen in both groups of pueblos in an occasional stump of abeam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying heights. Ceilingbeams are also used for stretching the warp both in blanket and beltweaving. 

 [Illustration: Plate CIV. A covered passageway in Mashongnavi. ]

The furnishings of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. Themeals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participantsrarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled upor folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but theneed of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by theseIndians, who can, for hours, sit in a peculiar squatting position ontheir haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairsor stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are provided with thelow ledge or bench around the rooms, which in earlier times seems tohave been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form ofseat was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on p. 132, which at the same time served a useful purpose in the adjustment of thewarp threads for blanket weaving. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 107. Zuñi stools. ]

The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, and areusually made of a single piece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates two formsof wooden stool from Zuñi. The small three-legged stool on the left hasbeen cut from the trunk of a piñon tree in such a manner as to utilizeas legs the three branches into which the main stem separated. The otherstool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree trunk, whichhas been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leaving the two endsfor support. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 108. A Zuñi chair. ]

A curiously worked chair of modern form seen in Zuñi is illustrated inFig. 108. It was difficult to determine the antiquity of this specimen, as its rickety condition may have been due to the clumsy workmanshipquite as much as to the effects of age. Rude as is the workmanship, however, it was far beyond the unaided skill of the native craftsman tojoin and mortise the various pieces that go to make up this chair. Somedecorative effect has been sought here, the ornamentation, made up ofnotches and sunken grooves, closely resembling that on the window sashillustrated in Fig. 88, and somewhat similar in effect to the carving onthe Spanish beams seen in the Tusayan kivas. The whole constructionstrongly suggests Spanish influence. 

Even the influence of Americans has as yet failed to bring about the useof tables or bedsteads among the pueblo Indians. The floor answers allthe purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The food dishesare placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the blankets, rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly upon it. These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes polepreviously described and illustrated. 

CORRALS AND GARDENS. 

The introduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a new andimportant element to their mode of living, but they seem never to havereached a clear understanding as to how these animals should be caredfor. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that the lambswill be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of sheep andgoats which are allowed to run together at all tunes. Black sheep andsome with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. No attemptis made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, since theblack and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in producing manyof the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these people. Theflocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures everyevening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at quite alate hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving them to andfrom pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than those of thenomadic Navajo. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of small size andinclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may be seen in theforeground of Pl. XXI. Pl. CIX illustrates several corrals just outsidethe village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of somewhat largersize. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger size, approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens arerudely rectangular in form, with more or less rounded angles, and arealso built of rude masonry. 

 [Illustration: Plate CV. Small square openings in Pueblo Bonito. ]

In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used forinclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in Pl. LXX, illustrating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farmingpueblo of Pescado. Pl. CX illustrates in detail the manner in whichstone work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the constructionof this inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corralsare placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, butat Zuñi, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearlycontinuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes andbrush held in place by horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide. The rudely contrived gateways are supported in natural forks at the topand sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros orhorses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identicalwith those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig. 109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and alsothe method of attaching the horizontal tie-pieces. The construction ofthese inclosures is frail, and the danger of pushing the stakes over bypressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces thatabut against horizontal pieces tied on 4 or 5 feet from the ground. Reference to Pl. LXXIV will illustrate this construction. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 109. Construction of a Zuñi corral. ]

Within the village of Zuñi inclosures resembling miniature corrals aresometimes seen built against the houses; these are used as cages foreagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zuñi for the sake of theirplumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. Pl. CXIillustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobewall and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals. 

In both of the pueblo groups under discussion, small gardens contiguousto the villages are frequent. Those of Tusayan are walled in with stone. 

Within the pueblo of Zuñi a small group of garden patches is inclosed bystake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of theprincipal villages are provided with low walls of mud masonry. The smallterraced gardens here are near the river bank on the southwest andsoutheast sides of the village. The inclosed spaces, averaging in sizeabout 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers, beans, etc. , which, during the dry season, are watered by hand. Theseinclosures, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probableexplanation for similar inclosures found in many of the ruins in thesouthern and eastern portions of the ancient pueblo region. Mr. Bandelier was informed by the Pimas[10] that these inclosures wereancient gardens. He concluded that since acequias were frequent in theimmediate vicinity these gardens must have been used as reserves in caseof war, when the larger fields were not available, but the manner oftheir occurrence in Zuñi suggests rather that they were intended forcultivation of special crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhapsalso of a variety of tobacco--corn, melons, squashes, etc. , beingcultivated elsewhere in larger tracts. There is a large group of gardenson the bank of the stream at the southeastern corner of Zuñi, and herethere are slight indications of terracing. A second group on the steeperslope at the southwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walledgardens of the same type as these Zuñi examples occur in the vicinity ofsome of the Tusayan villages on the middle mesa. They are located nearthe springs or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand. Some of them contain a few small peach trees in addition to thevegetable crops ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule, smaller than those of Zuñi, as there is much less space available in thevicinity of the springs. At one point on the west side of the firstmesa, a few miles above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quitean extensive series of small garden patches distributed over lowerslopes. 

 [Footnote 10: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am. , p. 92. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 110. Gardens of Zuñi. ]

 [Illustration: Plate CVI. Sealed openings in a detached house of Nutria. ]

At several points around Zuñi, usually at a greater distance than theterrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similarmanner. Their inclosure was simply to secure them against thedepredations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When thecrops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the lowwall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. Pl. LIXindicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches on thesoutheastern side of Zuñi. Fig. 110, taken from photographs made in1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops anda large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls ascontrasted with that of the house masonry has been already described andis illustrated in Pl. XC. 

“KISI” CONSTRUCTION. 

Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fieldswere probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Suchshelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which materialwas most available. 

In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooksnaturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters. In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion, however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan theselighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties, are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods ofconstruction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interestas affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruderneighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of thedetails of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have anopportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used inthese pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the “tuwahlki, ” or watchhouse, and the “kishoni, ” or uncovered shade. The former is constructedby first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports oneend of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval betweenthis ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticksand brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, witha maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for theaccommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until thefruit is harvested. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 111. Kishoni, or uncovered shade, of Tusayan. ]

The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps thesimplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplingsare set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curvedinclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willowboughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laidwith stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of smallcottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around theoutside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplingswith cottonwood and willow twigs. 

 [Illustration: Plate CVII. Partial filling-in of a large opening in Oraibi, converting it into a doorway. ]

Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter inTusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers aconsiderable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches thatinclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shadethe level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortableretreat. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 112. A Tusayan field shelter, from southwest. ]

 [Illustration: Fig. 113. A Tusayan field shelter, from northeast. ]

ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE. 

The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises theterms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayanhouses and kivas:

 Kiko´li The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace. Tupu´bi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace. Ah´pabi } A terrace roof. Ih´pobi } Tupat´ca ih´pobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering place. Tumtco´kobi “The place of the flat stone;” small rooms in which “piki, ” or paper-bread, is baked. “Tuma, ” the piki stone, and “tcok” describing its flat position. Tupa´tca “Where you sit overhead;” the third story. O´mi Ah´pabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it upon the roof of the “kiko´li. ” Kitcobi “The highest place;” the fourth story. Tuhkwa A wall. Puce An outer corner. Apaphucua An inside corner. Lestabi The main roof timbers. Wina´kwapi Smaller cross poles. “Winahoya, ” a small pole, and “Kwapi, ” in place. Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering. Süibi kwapi The brush covering. Si´hü kwapi The grass covering. Kiam´ balawi The mud plaster of roof covering, “Balatle´lewini, ” to spread. Tcukat´cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. “Tcuka, ” earth, “katuto, ” to sit, and “at´cvewata, ” one laid above another. Kiami An entire roof. Kwo´pku The fireplace. Kwi´tcki “Smoke-house, ” an inside chimney-hood. Sibvu´tütük´mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each other, and luted together as a chimney-top. Sibvu´ A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney pot. Bok´ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than a doorway. Hi´tci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also applied to a gap in a cliff. Hi´tci Kalau´wata A door frame. Tûñañ´îata A lintel; literally, “that holds the sides in place. ” Wuwûk´pi “The place step;” the door sill. Niñuh´pi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the lintel. Pana´ptca ütc´pi bok´ci A window; literally, “glass covered opening. ” Ut´cpi A cover. Ahpa´bütc´pi } A door. “Apab, ” inside; wina, a pole. Wina´ütc´pi } O´wa ütc´ppî “Stone cover, ” a stone slab. Tüi´ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa. Kiam´i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and roof layers have the same names as in the kiva, given later. Wĭna´kü´i Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the walls. Bal´kakini “Spread out;” the floor. O´tcokpü´h “Leveled with stones;” a raised level for the foundation. Ba´lkakini tü´wi “Floor ledge;” the floor of one room raised above that of an adjoining one. Hako´la “Lower place;” the floor of a lower room. Sand dunes in a valley are called “Hakolpi. ” Ko´ltci A shelf. Owako´ltci A stone shelf. Ta´pü kü´ita A support for a shelf. Wina´koltci A hewn plank shelf. Kokiüni A wooden peg in a wall. Tületa A shelf hanging from the ceiling. Tület´haipi The cords for suspending a shelf. Tükûlci A niche in the wall. Tükûli A stone mortar. Ma´ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn. Owa´mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs. Mata´ki The metate or grinding slab. Kakom´ta mata´ki The coarsest grinding slab. Tala´kî mata´ki The next finer slab; from “talaki” to parch crushed corn in a vessel at the fire. Piñ´nyümta mata´ki The slab of finest texture; from “pin, ” fine. Ma´ta ü´tci The upright partition stones separating the metates. The rubbing stones have the same names as the metates. Hawi´wita A stone stairway. Tütü´beñ hawi´wita A stairway pecked into a cliff face. Sa´ka A ladder. Wina´hawi´pi Steps of wood. Ki´cka The covered way. Hitcu´yî´wa “Opening to pass through;” a narrow passagebetween houses. Ki´sombi “Place closed with houses;” courts and spaces between house groups. Bavwa´kwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping. 

 [Illustration: Plate CVIII. Large openings reduced to small windows, Oraibi. ]

In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same namesas the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described onpp. 148-151. 

 Le´stabi The main roof timbers. Wina´kwapi The smaller cross poles. Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering. Süibi kwapi The brush covering. Si´hü kwapi The grass covering. Tcuka´tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof. Kiam´ba´lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof. Kiami An entire roof. 

The following terms are used to specially designate various features ofthe kivas:

 Tüpat´caiata, Both of these terms are used to designate lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the Lesta´bkwapi, } hatchway walls rest. Süna´cabi le´stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the hatchway. Ĕp´eoka le´stabi The main beams next to the central ones. Püep´eoka le´stabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams intervening between the “epeoka” and the end beams are so designated. Kala´beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva. Mata´owa “Stone placed with hands. ” Hüzrüowa “Hard stone. ” Both of these latter terms are applied to corner foundation stones. Kwa´kü üt´cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering hatchway opening, Fig. 29. “Kwaku, ” wild hay; “utepi, ” a stopper. Tüpat´caiata The raised hatchway; “the sitting place, ” Fig. 95. Tüpat´caiata tü´kwa The walls of the hatchway. Kipat´ctjua´ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway, Fig. 28. Apa´pho´ya Small niches in the wall. “Apap, ” from “apabi, ” inside, and “hoya, ” small. Si´papüh An archaic term. The etymology of this word is not known. Kwŏp´kota The fireplace. “Kwuhi, ” coals or embers; “küaiti, ” head. Kŏi´tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway. “Ko-hu, ” wood; Fig. 28. Kokü´ina Pegs in the walls. Sa´ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder. Figs. 45-47. Sa´kaleta Ladder rungs; “Leta, ” from “lestabi;” see above. Tüvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the floor. “Tu-vwi, ” a ledge; Fig. 24. Tüvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The same term is used to designate any ledge, as that of a mesa, etc. Katcin´ Kibü “Katcina, ” house. The niche in a ledge at the end of the kiva. Kwi´sa The planks set into the floor, to which the lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened. Kaintup´ha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean Kiva´kani } “the large space. ” Tapü´wü´tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long, set into the floor. Wina´wü´tci A plank. Owa´pühü´imiata “Stone spread out;” the flagged floor; also designates the slabs covering the hatchway. Yau´wiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding the loom beam while the warp is being adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132. 

 [Illustration: Plate CIX. Stone corrals and kiva of Mashongnavi. ]

The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-storyhouse, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces. 

 [Illustration: Fig. 114. Diagram showing ideal section of terraces, with Tusayan names. ]

CONCLUDING REMARKS. 

The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely inarrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topographythan did their predecessors even of historic times. 

Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to thevalley types--villages of considerable size, located in open plains oron the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans inChapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan thenecessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, sothat now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesasummits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, althoughcompelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessiblesummit of Tâaaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, andsoon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population ofwhich afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained onlyby building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence onthe part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, whileat Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied inmodern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In bothprovinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portionsof the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by lessskillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happensto contain a notable exception to this general carelessness. 

In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensiveouter wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position, notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the FireHouse occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. Thelatter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, sincethe Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zuñi, are made up ofremnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of theIndians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuñi, built a numberof pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in thepresent paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonialroom being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos herediscussed. 

The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguisticstocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences beingno greater than would result from the slightly different conditions thathave operated within the last few generations. Zuñi, perhaps, came moredirectly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan. 

Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but itis doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression onthe people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At someof the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of thevillage proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; butsuch an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to havebeen attempted. Zuñi is an apparent exception; but all the houseclusters east of the church have probably been built later than thechurch itself, the church court of the present village being a muchlarger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. Theseearly churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring instone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where itwas built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. TheSpaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to thecomposition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe. 

At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house everformed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans arecomplete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblosbuilt on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied onlyin comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters mayhave been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in thevalleys below. 

 [Illustration: Plate CX. Portion of a corral in Pescado. ]

It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally andhistorically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stonepueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have beenfrom time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, andregarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished butonce powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midstof desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of earlyexplorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with“Aztecs” and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted biashas caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning theorigin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, isamply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on thissubject. 

In connection with the architectural examination of some of theseremains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes, clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliffdwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the presentPueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period. 

The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legendscollected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursuedtheir wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they haltedmany times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certainplaces on their routes during a certain number of “plantings, ” alwaysbuilding the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up themarch. 

When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their repliesare various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that themembers of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from thenorth, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last fromthe east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or aconfederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries andgroups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionallyreferred to as having been important are now represented by fewsurvivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of eachphratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderingsof their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, andrefer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the caseof others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cavelodges is known to have occurred within historic times. 

Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord inestablishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to thoseof the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the moreor less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in formertimes occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon asthe early homes of “Aztec colonies, ” etc. 

The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environmentindicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions thatnow prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of thesandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffsthroughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into smallpieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of thepueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselvesgive an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness withwhich the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in thelast chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of thewalls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry wouldsuggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection andarrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chacoruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surfacefinish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and moreirregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face bycarefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones andfragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; thismethod is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders. 

Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkableadaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influenceof such environment would not alone suffice to produce thisarchitectural type. In order to develop the results found, anotherelement was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. Thepueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuousinfluence of this defensive motive throughout the period of theiroccupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, whohad to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have beeninfluenced more by the physical environment and would have progressedfurther in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangularrooms--the initial point of departure in the development of puebloarchitecture--would not have been brought into action. The crowding ofmany habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site, resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to theconditions imposed by this necessity for defense. 

 [Illustration: Plate CXI. Zuñi eagle-cage. ]

The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein theancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptionalmaterials about them, both by the difficult conditions of theirsemi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection againsttheir neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from theprimitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal villageof many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use atthe time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuñi, perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps haveresulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately athand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taughtthe builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases thematerial was derived from the nearest available source, and oftenvariations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations inthe quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest thepatient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the workdoes not display great skill in construction or in preparation ofmaterial. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundanceof material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult andinhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply, compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was animportant factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement inthe building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in thewater sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character ofthe climate remains unaltered. 

The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may beregarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environmentthat furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at thesame time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequentemployment. 

The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years hasgreatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the longpractice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparativesecurity from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognizethe inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sitesdifficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence arenecessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable inthe building of small, detached houses at a distance from the mainvillages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighingthe defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in thisdirection has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, thenewest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking examplewithin the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as thecountry comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resultedin the more careless construction in modern examples as compared withthe ancient. 

There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of buildingmany-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandonedby these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a moreconvenient system, employing scattered small houses, located nearsprings and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to amode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the puebloprior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl. LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on theoutskirts of Zuñi, across the river from the main pueblo. 

The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboringtribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigationprogresses. Mr. Cushing’s study of the Zuñi social, political, andreligious systems has clearly established their essential identity ingrade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weaving, ceramics, etc. , these people in no degree surpass manytribes who build ruder dwellings. 

In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond theirneighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitivecharacter of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction ingrade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of theenvironment. 

INDEX

Acoma, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 direction of kivas of 116 kiva trap-doors at 207Adobe, use in Tusayan 54, 78 use in Zuñi attributed to foreign influence 139 necessity for protecting against rain 156 used in Spanish churches 224Adobe balls used in garden walls 146Adobe bricks, in Hawikut church 81 use modern in Zuñi 138Adobe mortar, in Tâaaiyalana structures 90 Cibola and Tusayan use of, compared 137Adobe walls on stone foundation at Moenkopi 78Áikoka. See Acoma 30Aiyáhokwi, the descendants of the Asa at Zuñi 30Alleyway, Hawikuh 81Altar, conformity of, to direction of kiva 116Andiron, Shumopavi 176Annular doorway 192, 193Apache, inroads upon Tusayan by the 25, 26, 35 exposure of southern Cibola to the 96Architectural nomenclature 220, 223Architecture, comparison of constructional details of Tusayan and Cibola 100-223 adaption to defense 226, 227 adaption to environment 225, 226, 227, 228Art, textile and fictile, degree of Pueblo advancement in 227Arts of Cibola and Tusayan closely related 224Asa, migrations of the 30, 31 language of the 37 houses of, Hano 61Asanyumu. See Asa. Awatubi, survey of 14 Spanish mission established at 22 when and by whom built 29 settlement of the Asa at 30 attacked by the Walpi 34 description of ruins of 49, 50 possession of sheep by the 50 clay tubes used as roof drains at 155 fragments of passage wall at 181Aztecs, ruined structures attributed to the 225

Badger people leave Walpi 31Baho, use of, in kiva consecratory ceremonies 119-120, 129, 130Balcony, notched and terraced 187Banded masonry 145Bandelier, A. F. , description of chimney 173 explorations of 197 on ancient stone inclosures 216Bat house, description of ruin of 52Bátni, the first pueblo of the Snake people of Tusayan 18Bedsteads not used by Pueblos 214Beams, Tusayan kivas, taken from Spanish church at Shumopavi 76 for supporting upper walls 144 modern finish of 149 construction of steps upon 162 for supporting passageway wall 181 Chaco pueblos, how squared 184Bear people, settlement in Tusayan of the 20, 26 removal to Walpi of the 21, 27 movements of 27, 30, 31, 38Bear-skin-rope people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27Benches or ledges of masonry, Zuñi rooms 110 Tusayan kivas 121, 123, 125 Mashongnavi mungkiva 127 around rooms of pueblo houses 213Bins for storage in Tusayan rooms 109, 209, 210Blankets formerly used to cover doorways 182, 188, 189, 194Blue Jay people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26, 27Bond stones used in pueblo walls 144, 198Boss, or andiron, Shumopavi 176Boundary line, Hano and Sichumovi 36Boundary mark, Shumopavi and Oraibi 28Boxes for plumes 210Bricks of adobe modern in Zuñi 138Brush, use of, in roof construction 150Brush shelters 217-219Burial custom of K’iakima natives 86Burial inclosures at K’iakima 147Burial place of Zuñi 148Burrowing Owl people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26Buttress, formerly of Halona, existing in Zuñi 88, 89Buttress projections, Zuñi 111 Tusayan rooms 109, 110 girders supported by 144 chimney supported by 172, 173 support of passageway roofs by 181

Cages for eagles at Zuñi 214Canyon de Chelly, proposed study of ruins of 14 Tusayan, tradition concerning villages of 19 early occupancy of, by the Bear people at Tusayan 20 occupied by the Asa 30 use of whitewash in cliff houses of 74, 145 circular kivas of 117, 133 finish of roofs of houses of 150, 151 doorway described and figured 190 cliff dwellings of 217Casa Blanca, traces of whitewashing at 145Castañeda’s account of Cibolan milling 211, 212Cattle introduced into Tusayan 22Cave lodges occupied in historic times 225Cave used by inhabitants of Kwaituki 57Ceiling plan of Shupaulovi kiva 123, 125, 126Ceilings, retention of original appearance of rooms through nonrenovation of 89Cellars not used in Tusayan and Cibola 143Ceremonial chamber. See Kiva. Ceremonial paraphernalia of Tusayan taken by the Navajo 50Ceremonies connected with Tusayan house-building 100-104, 168Ceremonies accompanying kiva construction 115, 118Ceremonies performed at placing of Zuñi ladders 160Chaco ruins, character of 14, 70 compared with Kin-tiel 92 finish of masonry of 140, 226 upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144 finish of woodwork of 149, 184 symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195 loop-holes in walls of 198Chairs, lack of in Pueblo houses 212Chalowe, description of 83Charred roof timbers of Tusayan kiva 120Chimney. See Fireplace. Chimney-hoods, how constructed 169-175Chimneys, traces of in K’iakima 85 remains of, at Matsaki 86 Tusayan 102 Zuñi 111 described and figured 167-180Chukubi pueblo, built by the Squash people 25 description 58, 59 fragments of passage wall at 181Church, Shumopavi, established by Spanish monks 75, 76 Hawikuh 81, 138 Ketchipauan, remains of 81, 82 in court of Zuñi 98, 138, 148 See Mission. Churches established in Zuñi and Tusayan 224Cibola, ruins and inhabited villages of 80-99 architecture of compared with that of Tusayan 100-223 See Zuñi. Circular doorway of Kin-tiel described 192Circular kivas, antiquity of 116 traditional references to 135 absent in Cibolan pueblos 224Circular room at Oraibi Wash 54-55Circular rooms at Kin-tiel 93Circular wall of kiva near Sikyatki 117Clay surface of pueblo roofs 151Clay tubes used as roof drains 155Cliff dwellings, Moen-kopi 54 use of whitewash in 74 absence of chimneys in 168 developed from temporary shelters 217 occupied in historic times 225Climatic conditions, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 140, 227Clustering of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90Cochití claimed to be a former Tewa pueblo 37Communal village, development of pueblo architecture from conical lodge to 226Consecration of kivas 129Contours represented on plans, interval of 45Cooking, pueblo method of 164Cooking pits and ovens described 162-166, 176-177Cooking stones of Tusayan, flames of 104Copings of walls described 151-152Coping of hatchways 203Coping. See Roof-coping. Cords, used for suspending chimney 170Corner stones of Tusayan kivas 119Corrals, Payupki 59 Sichumovi 62-63 Hawikuh 81 Ketchipauan 81 modern, at K’iakima 85 how constructed 146 described in detail 214-217Cotton cultivated by the Tusayan 33Courts, Mishiptonga 52 Kwaituki 56 Chukubi 59 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63 Mashongnavi 68 Shupaulovi 71 Shumopavi 74 Hawikuh 81 Ketchipauan 81 Matsaki 86 Tâaaiyalana 90 Kin-tiel 92 Pescado 95 Zuñi 98Covered way, how developed 76Covered passages and gateways described 180-182Coyote people, settlement in Tusayan of the 26Coyote kiva, direction of the 116Crossbars used in fastening wooden doors 183Crosspieces of ladders 159Cruzate, visit to Awatubi of 49Culture of pueblo tribes, degree of 227Cushing, Frank H. , identifies K’iakima as scene of death of Estevanico 86 excavations at Halona 88, 193 opinion concerning western wall of Halona 89 opinion concerning distribution of Tâaaiyalana ruins 89-90 on the former occupancy of Kin-tiel 92 Haloua identified as one of the Seven Cities of Cibola 97 on Zuñi tradition concerning stone-close 192

Dais of kivas 121, 122, 123Dance ceremony in kiva consecration 130Dance rock, Tusayan, reference to snake dance of 65Débris, how indicated in plans of ruins 45 an indication of original height of walls 90Decoration, house openings 145-146 Kiva roof timbers 119, 120 ladder crosspieces 159 roof beams 123, 124 wall of Mashongnavi house 146 wooden chair 213 Zuñi window sashes 196Deer horns used as pegs in Zuñi 111Defense, wall for, at Bat House 52 a motive for selection of dwelling site 56 architecture relied upon for 58 method of, of Payupki 59, 60 not a factor in selection of Mashongnavi site 67 features of, at Ojo Calient 69 wall for, at Pueblo Bonito 70 features of, at Tusayan and Zuñi compared 76 sites chosen for, inconvenient to sources of subsistence 77 use of Kelchipauan church for, by natives 82 the motive of occupation of Tâaaiyalana mesa 90 provision for, at Kin-tie 92, 93 provisions for, in Ketchipauan church 96 motive for, dying out in Zuñi 96-97 efficiency of, at Zuñi 97 not a motive in selection of site of Zuñi 97 gateways arranged for 180, 182 loopholes for 198 adaptation of architecture to 225Doors to ground floor rooms of Zuñi 143Doors of various lands described 183-194Doorway, Walpi kiva, closed with cottonwood slab 64 Kin-tiel 93 position of, in Tusayan 103 stepped form in Tusayan 109 how sealed against intrusion 110 window and chimney in one 121 annular 193Doorways, closed with masonry 183, 187, 188, 189 why made small 197Drainage of roof, relations of certain roof openings to 203-204Drains of roofs described 153-156Drains. See roof drains. 

Eagle cages of Zuñi 214Eagle people, migration legend of the 28Earth used in pueblo roof construction 150Eaves, lack of, in Tusayan houses 102Echo Cave fireplace described 168Entrances, uniformity of direction of, in Zuñi kivas 116Environment, adaptation, of architecture to 225, 226, 227, 228Estevanico’s death, at K’iakima 86Estufa. See Kiva. 

Families occupying Oraibi 105-108Farming outlook, Matsaki used as 86 near Kin-tiel 93Farming pueblos, Cibola 14 Moen-kopi 77 Nutria 94, 95 Pescado 95-96 Ojo Caliente 96 Zuñi 198Fastenings of doors 186Feathers, use of, in house-building ceremonies 101, 102Feather wand or baho used in kiva-building ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130Fences of corrals and gardens 215, 217Fetiches, where placed during kiva ceremonial 122 Tusayan kivas 130, 131Fire gens, Tebugkihu constructed by the 57Fire-house or Tebugkihu, Tusayan 20, 57, 100, 142, 224Fire people of Tusayan, migration of the 20Fireplaces 102, 109, 121, 125, 163, 167-180Floor, Mashongnavi house 109 stone flags, Tusayan kiva 121 sandstone slabs, Shupaulovi kiva 123Floors in pueblo buildings, various kinds described 121, 135, 148-151Folk-tale of the Zuñi, describing stone-close 193Food sacrifices in Tusayan house building 101, 102Fortress houses the highest type of Pueblo construction 77Frames of trap-doors, method of making 206Framing of windows, method of 196-198Fuel, how stored in Tusayan 103Fuel used in kivas 121Fuel of kivas, where stored 124Furniture of the Pueblos described 208-214

Gardens and corrals of the Pueblos 214-217Gardens and garden walls 215-217Garden walls, how constructed 146Gateway at Awatubi 49Gateway jambs at Kin-tiel, finish of 181Gateways, probable existence in Kin-tiel of 93Gateways and covered passages described 180-182Gateways of corrals 214Genesis myth of the Tusayan 16Gentes of Tusayan, grouping of houses by 24 land apportionment by 29 list of traditionary 38 localization of 104-108Girders supporting upper walls 144 Tusayan houses supported by piers 151Glass used in modern Pueblo windows 193Glazing of Pueblo windows 196, 197Goat kiva of Walpi, height of 119Gourd used as roof drain 154, 155Grass, use of, in roof construction 150Graves, probable existence of, in Kin-tiel 93Gravestones at K’iakima 85, 86, 147Greasewood, the ordinary kiva fuel 121Grinding stones. See Metate; Milling. Ground plan, Mashongnavi room 108 Shupaulovi kiva 125Ground plans of Zuñi and Tusayan compared 76 of mesa villages influenced by prevailing winds 182Guyave or piki oven 173, 175Gyarzobi or Paroquet kiva, roof timbers of 120Gypsum used as whitewash 73, 74, 172

Hairdressing among the Tusayan 37Halona, description of 88, 89 remains of the nucleus of Zuñi 97, 98 walls of the nucleus of modern Zuñi 138 stone-close at, described 193“Halving” of timbers in kiva trap-frames 206Hampassawan, description of 83-85Hand-holds cut in faces of cliffs 191Hand-holds in frames of trap-doors 192Hano, Asa group occupy site of 30 description of 61, 62 direction of kivas of 115 kiva, ownership of 134 kivas, list of 136 rude transom over roof beam in 187 sealed openings in 199Hano people, length of time spent in Tusayan by the 35 received by the Tusayan 36 trouble between the Walpi and 37Hanomuh, the inhabitants of Hano 17 definition of 36Hano traditions regarding settlement in Tusayan 35Harvest time, how determined in Zuñi 148Hatchways to pueblo houses 110, 120, 121, 124, 127Hawikuh, description of 80, 81Hawikuh church, durability of masonry of 138Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition, excavations at Halona 193High-house people, a Navajo clan 30Hinged sashes not in use in Zuñi 196Hinges of Pueblo doors 184Hodge, F. Webb, on stone-close of Halona 193Holmes, William H. , on ruins of the San Juan 147Homólobi, the early home of the Sun and Water peoples 29 legend of Water people concerning 31Hopituh, the native name of the Tusayan 17Hopituh marriage within phratries and gentes 24Horn House, description of ruin of 50, 51Horn people migration legend 18 early settlement in Tusayan of the 19House-building rites of Tusayan 100-104House clusters in Zuñi, arrangement of 98Hungo Pavie, finish of roofs in 150

Interior arrangement of pueblos 108-111Interior of Zuñi house described 110Irrigation of gardens near Walpi 217

Jackson, W. H. , on ruins of the San Juan 147 photographs of pueblo ruins by 147 describes fireplace of Echo Cave 168Jar of large size used for storage 210Jars used in chimney construction 180Jeditoh group of ruins 52, 53Jemez oven-opening described 165

Kaékibi, an ancient pueblo 30Kaiwáika. See Laguna 30Kápung. See Santa Clara 37Katchina kiva of Oraibi 135Katchina people depart from Oraibi for eastern Tusayan villages 26, 27Katchinkihu, occurrence of, in ruined kiva near Sikyatki 117 described 121, 123 Shupaulovi kiva 126 Mashonguavi mungkiva 127Kótite. See Cochití. Ketchipauan church built of stone 224Ketchipauan, description of 81-83Kiáini. See High-house people 30K’iakima, description of 85, 86 upright stone slabs at 147Kikoli rooms occupied in winter 103, 104, 131Kin-tiel, description of 91-94 compared with Nutria 94 compared with Pescado 96 plan of, prearranged 100 compared with Oraibi 114 occurrence of upright stone slab at 147-148 beams of ruins of 149 upper room of, paved with stone 151 fireplace in room of 163, 168 defensive gateway at 181Kin-tiel, finish of gateway jambs at 181 circular doorway at, described 192, 193 openings at, of uniform height 194 site of 224Kisákobi, description of pueblo of 21Kishoni, or uncovered shade 217-218“Kisi” construction 217-219Kitdauwi--the house song of Tusayan 118-119Kiva, study of construction of 14 remains of, at Payupki 60 Mashongnavi 66 of Moen-kopi 78 origin of the name 111 ancient form of 116, 117 native explanation of position of 118 duties of mungwi, or chief of the 133 ownership of 133-134 motive for building 134-135 significance of structural plan of 135 measurements of 136 hatchways of 201-202, 205-207 openings of, at Acoma 207 See Mungkiva. Kivas, excavated, at Awatubi 50 Hano 61 Sichumovi 62 Walpi 63, 64, 65 Shupaulovi 72 Shumopavi 74 Kin-tiel and Cibola compared 93 Zuñi, where located during Spanish occupancy 99 in Tusayan 111-137 typical plans of 118-129 dimensions of 118, 136 of, measurements of 118, 136 annually repaired by women 129 uses of 130 nomenclature of 130, 223-223 Tusayan, list of 136 nonuse of chimneys in 178 Zuñi, stone window-frames of 197Kwaituki, description of ruin of 56-57Kwálakwai, Hano tradition related by 35Kwetcap tutwi, the second pueblo of the snake people of Tusayan 18

Ladders, arrangement in Tusayan kiva 121 withdrawal of rungs to prevent use of 113 significance of position of, in kivas 135 described 156-162 second-story terrace of Tusayan reached principally by 182 openings for, in roofs 205Laguna, arrival of the Asanyumu at 30Lalénkobáki, a female society of Tusayan 134Land apportionment by gentes in Tusayan 29Language of the Asa and Hano of Tusayan 37Languages of Tusayan, tradition regarding difference in 36Las Animas ruins, trap-door frames in 206Latches of doors 186-187Latch strings used on Zuñi doors 183Lathing or wattling of kiva walls 126Ledges of masonry in kivas 121Ledges or benches around rooms 213Lenbaki, society of Tusayan 18Light, method of introducing, in inner rooms 207Lighting, method of, in crowded portions of Zuñi 99Lintels of old windows embedded in masonry 200Lizard people move from Walpi 31, 38Lock and key of wood, how made 187Loom appurtenances 212Loom posts of kivas 128-129, 132Loophole-like openings in pueblo buildings 127, 198

Mamzrántiki, an Oraibi society of women 134Mandan ladder described and figured 158Maricopa, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32Marriage of the Hopituh within phratries and gentes 24Mashongnavi, origin of name of 26 settlement of Paroquet and Katchina peoples in 27 settlementof the Water people at 32 description of ruins of 48 age of masonry at 66 description of 66-70 ground plan of room of 108 direction of kivas of 115 description of dais of kiva at 122 list of kivas at 136 wall decoration at 146 notched ladder of 157-158 pi-gummi ovens at 163-164 shrines of 167 chimney hoods of 170-171 second-story fireplace at 174 doorway with transom at 190 corrals of rude stonework at 214 See Old Mashongnavi. Masonry, ancient, at Nutria 94 Ojo Caliente carelessly constructed 96 exterior, of kivas 114Masonry of Pueblo Bonito, skill shown in 195Mat close for kiva hatchways 127, 128Matsaki, description of 86 sun symbol at 148Meal, votive, used in pueblo house-building 101Mealing trough. See Milling. Metate used as roof-drain 154, 155Metates, or grinding stones, how arranged in pueblo houses 109, 110, 210, 211Migration, effect of, upon pueblo architecture 15Migration of the Tusayan 17Migration of Tusayan Water people 31, 32Migration of the Horn people 18, 19Migration of the Bear people of Tusayan 20Migration of the Asanynmu of Tusayan 30Milling troughs of Pueblo households 109, 210, 212Mindeleff, Cosmos, acknowledgments to 14, 15 on traditional history of Tusayan 16-41Mindeleff, Victor, paper on pueblo architecture 3-228Mishiptonga, description of ruin of 52-53Mission buildings of Shumopavi 27, 75-76Mission house at Walpi, timbers of, used in Walpi kiva 119Missions of Tusayan 22, 49Moen-kopi surveyed and studied 14 description of ruins of 53-54 description of village of 77Mole people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27Montezuma Canyon ruins, use of large stone blocks in 147Monument marking boundary of Oraibi and Shumopavi 28Morgan, L. H. , Mandan ladder described by 158 on trap-door frames in Las Animas ruins 205Mormon and Pueblo building compared 148Mormons, effect of the, upon development of Moen-kopi 77 establishment of woolen mill at Moen-kopi by the 78 fort built by, at Moen-kopi 184 lock and key contrivance of 187Mortar of adobe mud 137Mortars used in Pueblo households 212Mortised door in Zuñi house 110, 186Mummy cave, Arizona, ruin in 64 finish of roofs in ruins of 150Mungkiva, Mashongnavi 127 of Shupaulovi 113, 122 Tusayan 134

Nambé, Tewa pueblo 37Navajo, Asa of Tusayan live among 30 huts of, closed with blankets 189 method of sheep-herding compared with Pueblo 214Nelson, E. W. , graves unearthed by 86 collection of stone-closes by 193Niches, use of, in kivas 121, 122Niches formed in old window openings 110, 200, 208-209Nomenclature of Tusayan structural details 220-223Númi. See Nambé. Notched logs used as ladders 157-158Nutria, compared with Kin-tiel 91 description of 91-95Nuvayauma, old Mashongnavi tradition related by 47-48Nuvwatikyuobi kiva 120

Oak mound kiva, Tusayan, decadence of membership of 135Ohke. See San Juan. Ojo Caliente, a modern village 54, 96-97 chinked walls of 142Old Mashongnavi, tradition concerning occupation of 47-48Openings, splayed, in Ketchipauan church 82 walls of Tâaaiyalana structures 90 Kin-tiel walls 92, 93 oblique Zuñi 98, 207-208 to kivas 113-114 in wall of Zuñi kiva 114 in lee walls 182Openings of Pueblo houses banded with whitewash 145-146Oraibi, retirement of Sikyátki inhabitants to 24 departure of Ketchina and Paroquet peoples from 27 settlement by the Bears of 27 traditions regarding first settlement of 27 settlement of the Water people at 33 affray between the Walpi and 35 description of 76-77 families occupying 105-108 direction of kivas of 115-116 rare use of plastering on outer walls of 144Oraibi, notched ladders described and figured 157-158 stone steps at, figured 161 corral walls at, laid without mortar 147 distribution of gentes of 104-105 kiva for women 134 list of kivas of 137 kiva, hatchway of 201 corrals at, large size of 214Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary stone 28Oraibi wash, ruins on the 54-56Orientation of kivas 115-116Ovens at Pescado 95 upon roofs 151 various kinds described 162-166 in Zuñi 164-165Oven-shaped structures described and figured 167Oven-surface imbedded with pottery scales 139

Paintings on kiva walls 131Palát Kivabi, the pristine habitat of the Squash and Sun people of Tusayan 25, 29Paneled doors in modern pueblos 184-186Parallelogramic form of Tusayan buildings 102-118Paroquet people, settlement in Shumopavi of the 37Partitions in Ketchipauan church 82Partitions of upper story supported by beams 144Passageways, Shupaulovi 72 Shumopavi 74 rarity of, at Oraibi 76 description of 180-182Paving Shupaulovi kiva 126Paving stones of kiva floor, how finished 125Payupki, tradition concerning pueblo of 40 migration legend 40 description of 59-60 finish of masonry of 143 fragments of passage wall at 181Peaches planted by the Asa people 30Pegs, deer horns used as, in Zuñi 111Pegs for suspending kiva fuel 121Peña Blanca formerly inhabited by the Hano 35Peñasco Blanco, occurrence of upright stone slab at 148 method of roof construction at 150Pescado compared with Kin-tiel 91 description of 95-96 corral walls at, how constructed 147 outside steps at 160 ovens at, described and figured 165-166 fragment of stone close in steps of 193 stone inclosure in court of 214Pestles or crushers used with Pueblo mortars 212Petroglyph, or sun-symbol at Matsaki 86 Ketchipauan church 82 legend of the Tusayan concerning 32Phratries, Tusayan 24, 38Pictograph on Oraibi-Shumopavi boundary monument 28Piers of masonry for supporting girders 151Piers. See Buttresses. Pi-gummi ovens of Mashongnavi 163Piki or guyave oven 173-175Piki stone, process of making 175Pima, myth of the Water people of Tusayan concerning the 32 opinion of the, as to ancient stone inclosures 216Pinawa, description of 86, 88Pine invariably used for kiva ladders 135Pink clay used in house decorations 146Pits for cooking 163Plan of villages, traditional mention of 104Plans and descriptions, Tusayan ruins 45-60 inhabited villages 61-79 Cibolan ruins 80 Zuñi villages 94-99Plan of pueblo houses not usually prearranged 100-162Planting time, how determined in Zuñi 148Plaster, frequent renewal of, at Shumopavi 73Plastering, renovation of rooms by frequent 89 on outer walls in Ojo Caliente 96 custom formerly observed in 102 on floor in Mashongnavi 109 kiva walls 115 Shupaulovi kiva, condition of 124-125 Shupaulovi kiva 126 on walls 140 on masonry 144 chimney hoods 169, 172 side hole of door for fastening 183-184Platform in floor of Tusayan kiva 121Platform at head of steps 161-162Plaza. See Court. Plume boxes 210Plume stick, baho, or feather wand, used in Kiva consecratory ceremonials 119-120, 129, 130Plume-stick shrines at Mashongnavi 167Pojoaque, a Tewa pueblo 37Pokwádi. See Pojoaque 37Polaka, Hano tradition given by 35Poles for suspension of blankets, etc. 110, 189, 208, 214Ponobi kiva of Oraibi, wall lathing of 126Population, enlargement of pueblos necessitated by increase of 70Porch posts 81, 82Posówe, a former Tewa pueblo 37Posts of porch, remains of, at Hawikuh and Ketchipauan 81, 82Posts sunk in floor forming part of loom 212Pots used in chimney construction 179-180Pottery fragments, Horn House ruin 51 Kwaituki 57 ruin on Oraibi wash 55 used in mud-plastered walls 139Pottery of Payupki, character of 60Poultry house of Sichumovi 167Prayer plume, or baho, used in kiva consecratory ceremonials 119, 120, 129, 130Props used for fastening wooden doors 183Pueblo Bonito, additions to 70 the largest yet examined 92 finish of roof of 150 stairway described 160 symmetry of arrangement of outer openings of 195 skill shown in masonry of 195Pueblo buildings, mode of additions to 70, 97, 98, 102, 148-149Pueblo construction in Tusayan and Cibola, details of 137-223Pueblo Grande. See Kin-tiel. Pueblo openings, carelessness in placing 196Pueblo remains, area occupied by 13Pueblo revolt of 1680 89Pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola compared 80Pueblos, inhabited 61-79, 94-99Pyramidal form of pueblo house rows 61

Rabbit-skin robes used to cover doorways 182, 194Racks for suspending clothes 208, 214Rawhide thong used in pueblo construction to fasten lock 186, 187, 214Rectangular kivas, antiquity of 116Rectangular rooms, how developed 226Rectangular type of architecture 72Reeds used for kiva lathing 126Repair of houses infrequent in Tusayan 73Reservoirs, pueblo 82-83, 91, 92, 97Reservoir site as affecting selection of dwelling site 51-52Revolt of the Pueblos in 1680 23Rites and methods of Tusayan kiva building 118-137Rites of house-building at Tusayan 100-104Rito de los Frijoles, chimney of, described 173Roof construction, pueblo buildings 120, 149Roof-coping of Tusayan houses 102Roof-drains, pueblo buildings 102, 153-156Roof-openings, pueblo buildings 61, 63, 77, 98, 169, 178, 201-208Roofs, pueblo buildings 63, 102, 119, 148-151Roof timbers of kivas 119Rooms, arrangement of, into rows in Tusayan 49 confused arrangement of, in Walpi 63 Tâaaiyalana ruins, arrangement of 90 circular, at Kin-tiel 93 Tusayan, smaller than in Zuñi 108 names of, in Tusayan 223Rows of houses forming Shumopavi 74Ruins, method of survey of 45Ruins, Tusayan 45-60 between Horn House and Bat House 51 Oraibi wash 54-56 Cibola 80 Tâaaiyalana 89Rungs of ladders, how attached 158, 159

Sacrifices of food in Tusayan house-building 101, 102Sandals of yucca found in Canyon de Chelly 133Sandstone used in pueblo construction, how quarried 225San Felipe, return of Payupki to 41San Juan, a Tewa pueblo 37Santa Clara doubtfully identified with Kápung 37Santo Domingo, settlement of the Asanyumu 30Sash of rude construction in window openings 196Sealing of doorways of pueblo buildings 110, 183-184, 198-201Seats of stone in Tusayan kivas 132Selenite used in pueblo windows 196, 197Semisubterranean kivas of Tusayan 113Seven cities of Cibola. See Cibola. Sheep, introduced into Tusayan 22 possessed by the Awatubi 50 introduction of, among the Pueblos 214Shitáimu pueblo 28, 48, 49Shelters in pueblo fields 60, 198, 217-219Shelves, pueblo buildings 109, 173, 209Shrine, Matsaki 86 court of Shupaulovi 71 court of Shumopavi 75 Tâaaiyalana 90Shrines, pueblo 72, 148, 167Shumopavi, Spanish mission established at 22 by whom built 27 removal of portion of Bear people from 27 description of 73-76 kivas of 113, 114, 137 primitive andiron at 176 piki stone at 176 fireplace and chimney of 176, 177 ground cooking-pit of 178Shumopavi-Oraibi boundary stone 28Shumopavi people, removal of, to mesa site 23Shupaulovi, settlement of Paroquet and Ketchina peoples in 27 when established 29 settlement of Bear people at 30 settlement of the water people at 32 description of 71-73 mungkiva of, described 113 direction of kivas of 115 description of dais of kiva of 123 ground and ceiling plans of kiva of 125 list of kivas of 136 description of chimney-hood at 171, 172 passageway at, described 181Sichumovi, settled by peoples from Walpi 31 derivation of term 38 description of 62, 63 direction of kivas of 115 ownership of kiva of 134 list of kivas of 136 poultry-house of 167 fireplace and mantel of 173 piki stone at 175Sikyatki, ruin of 20, 21 pueblo of 24 ancient kiva near 117Sikyátki people dispute with the Walpi 24 slaughtered by the Walpi 25Sills of doors 110, 186, 194Sióki. See Zuñi 30Sipapuh, Tusayan kivas 117, 121, 122, 123, 126, 130, 131, 135Sites of pueblo buildings, why selected 63, 66, 90, 97, 112, 223Slabs of stone in pueblo architecture 147Slavery among the Tusayan 41Smallpox prevalent in Tusayan 38, 134Smoke escape through roof-opening and transoms 189, 204, 206, 207Snake dance, relation of dance-rock to 65Snake people, the first occupants of the Tusayan region 17 construction of modern Walpi by the 23Snow, use of, as water supply by the Zuñi 91Spaniards, early visit of, to Tusayan 21, 22Spanish authority, effect of, upon purity of Zuñi kiva type 112Spanish beams in Tusayan kivas 119, 123, 124, 125, 126Spanish churches at pueblos, Hawikuk 81, 82, 138Spanish influence in Zuñi and Tusayan 169, 180, 196, 213, 224Spanish missions established in Tusayan 22Spider people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27Splash-stones described and figured 155, 156Splayed openings in Ketchipauan church 82Squash people, settlement in Tusayan of the 25Stakes used in construction of stone walls 147Stephen, A. M. , material on traditional history of Tusayan collected by 16-41 opinion on Walpi architectural features 72 acknowledgments to 100 on distribution of Oraibi gentes 104, 105 on orientation of Tusayan kivas 115 discovery of ancient kiva type near Sikyatki 117 typical kiva measurements by 122 on wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126 on significance of structural plan of kiva 135 collection of primitive andirons or bosses by 176Steps and ladders described 156-162Steps cut in faces of cliffs 191Steps or foot-holes of Walpi trail 65Steps to kivas 114Stone, size, character, and finish of, in pueblo ruins 55, 58, 60, 138 means of obtaining, in Zuñi 139 effect of use of, in chimney hoods 172 corrals 214 flags used to floor Tusayan kiva 121 inclosures in Southern Arizona 216 roof drains, curious forms of 154 shelters, possible remains of, at Payupki 60 slabs formerly used to close doorways 188Stone-close anciently used 192, 193Stone wedges used in pueblo wall finish 140, 142Stonework, Shumopavi 75 at Oraibi 144 Mormon and Pueblos compared 148Stone steps, Pescado 95 Tusayan 157Stools used by the Pueblos 212, 213Storage facilities of pueblo dwellings 57, 62, 103, 109, 143, 144, 182, 209Straw adobe made by Spaniards 138, 224Structural features of kivas similar 129Subterranean character of kivas 63, 72, 112, 113Sullivan, Jeremiah, Payupki tradition obtained by 40Sunflower stalks used in chimney construction 170Sun people of Tusayan 29Supplies, how taken to Walpi mesa 65Survey of Tusayan and Cibola, methods of 44-45

Tâaaiyalana, relation of K’iakima to 85 stone inclosures at base of 85 description of ruins of 89-91 flight of Zuñis to, during Pueblo revolt 89 mesa of, temporarily occupied 223Tables not used in Pueblo houses 212, 214Talla Hogan. See Awatubi 49-50Taos formerly partly inhabited by the Tewa 37Tceewáge. See Peña Blanca. Tcosobi or Jay kiva, roof timbers of 120Tebowúki, an early pueblo of the fire people of Tusayan 20Tebugkihu or fire-house, description of 57 fragments of passage-wall at 181Terraced doorways 190-191Terraced gardens 217Terraced roofs of Tusayan, names of 104Terrace cooking-pits and fireplaces 174-177Terrace rooms, half open, not seen in ancient pueblos 187Terraces, Sichumovi form of 62 Oraibi, formed by natural causes 76 Zuñi 97, 98, 144 ancient pueblos, how reached 156 Tusayan names of 223Tusayan, order of settlement of, by various peoples 29Tesuque, a Tewa pueblo 37Tetsógi. See Tesuque. Tewa conflict with the Ute 36Tewa, language of the 37Tewa. See Hano. Timbers for roof, kind used in kiva-building 19Time for planting and harvesting, how determined in Zuñi 148Tiponi of Tusayan explained 131Topography, houses of Walpi constructed to conform to 64 of Shupaulovi 71Tradition, historical value of 15Tradition, Tusayan 16-41 Hano 35 regarding Hano and Tusayan languages 36 concerning Payupki pueblo 40 concerning occupancy of Old Mashongnavi 47-48 of foundation of Walpi 63 concerning circular kivas 135 Zuñi concerning stone-close 92-193 concerning early occupancy of former pueblos by existing tribes 225Traditionary gentes of Tusayan, list of 38Trails, Walpi 65, 66 Tâaaiyalana 89Transoms over pueblo doorways 187-189Transportation to Walpi mesa, Indian method 66Trapdoors, Sichumovi 63 kivas, no means of fastening 113 frames furnished with hand-holds 192Tupubi defined 176Túpkabi. See Canyon de Chelly. Tusayan, survey of 15 traditional history of 16-41 ruins and inhabited villages of 42-79 house-building rites 100-104 houses of, owned by women 101 kivas in 111-137 list of kivas of 136Tusayan and Cibola architecture compared by constructional details 100-223 details of 137-223Tusayan. See Hopituh. Tuwahlki, or watch-house 217Tuwii. See Santo Domingo 30Twigs, use of, in roof construction 150

Ute, conflict with, by the Tewa of Hano 36 inroads of, upon Tusayan 25, 26, 35

Vargas, Don Diego, visit to Tusayan of 35Vocabulary of Tusayan architectural terms 220-223

Walls, how indicated on plans of ruins 45 defensive, at Bat House 52 construction of, in Moen-kopi ruins 53 curved, instances of 54 showing precision of workmanship 54 dimensions in Tâaaiyalana mesa 90 original height of, indicated by débris 90 thickness of, in modern Tusayan 102 paintings on, in Tusayan kiva 131 pueblo, mode of construction of 137-148 copings of 139, 151, 152Walls, strength of 144 weakness of, in Zuñi 182 of gardens 215Walpi, settlement of Bear people at 21, 27 Spanish mission established at 22 construction of, by the Snake people 23 dispute of, with the Sikyatki 24 settlement of the Asa at 30, 31 abandoned by Bear, Lizard, Asa, and Badger peoples 31 description of 63-66 court-surrounded kiva of 114 kivas of 119, 136 upper story partitions of, supported by beams 144 use of large stone blocks in garden walls of 47 cooking pit at 176, 177 south passageway of, described 181Walpi people, attack of Awatubi by the 34 affray between the Oraibi and 35 trouble between the Hano and 37 various pueblos formerly occupied by the 46, 47Warp-sticks, mode of supporting 133Water, method of carrying, at Walpi 65Water family, last to settle at Tusayan 29 migration legend of 31Water jars used in chimney construction 180Water supply, Cibola 80 Ketchipauan 82, 83 Tâaaiyalana dwellings 90, 91 Kin-tiel 92 Zuñi 97Water vessels, forms of 109Wattling or lathing of kiva walls 126Weaving appliances 212Wejegi pueblo, loop-holes in 198Well or reservoir of Zuñi 97Whitewash on outer walls of Shumopavi 73-74 on Mashongnavi room 109 how made and applied in Zuñi 145 on house walls 145 used for coating doors 186Wíksrun people, settlement in Tusayan of the 27Willow wands used in roof construction 150Window, doorway and chimney in one 121Windows of various kinds described 194, 201Wings constructed in court of Pueblo Bonito 70Women, house owners at Tusayan 101 work of, in Tusayan house-building 101, 102 roof-building performed by 102 work of, in kiva-building 129 when admitted to kivas 134 societies of, and kivas for, in Tusayan 134Wood, kinds of, used in Tusayan construction 102Wood rack of pueblos described 103Wood-working, how performed 184Wooden doors not found in pre-Columbian ruins 184Wooden features of pueblo windows 196Woolen mill established by Mormons at Moen-kopi 78Workshop, use of the kiva, as a 129, 133

Yeso used for interior whitewash 74Yucca, use of, in lathing 127Yucca fiber sandals from Canyon de Chelly 133Zuñi, survey of pueblo of 14 arrival of the Asanyumu at 30 portion of site of, formerly occupied by Halona 88 tradition as to occupancy of Kin-tiel by the 92 plans and descriptions of villages of 94-99 description of pueblo of 97-99 See Cibola. 

 * * * * *

Errors and Anomalies:

Variant Forms, unchanged from original:

nyumu _sometimes hyphenated:_ nyu-muMashongnaviShupauloviSichumovi _sometimes written with accent:_ Mashóngnavi Shupaúlovi Sichúmovi

Irregularities in Table of Contents:

CHAPTER I. --Traditionary history of Tusayan _title in body text reads “Traditional... ”_Small ruin near Horn HouseMoen-kopiTâaaiyalana ruinsKin-tiel and Kinna-Zinde _titles in body text:_ Small ruin between Horn House and Bat House Moen-kopi ruins Tâaaiyalana Kin-tiel

Many phrases are hyphenated in the List of Illustrations but not in thecaptions themselves: chief-kiva, ground-plan, loom-post, roof-beams... 

Whatever their motive, the Bears left Antelope Canyon _text reads “Cañyon”_far off on the Múina (river) near Alavia (Santa Fé) _text reads “Sante Fé”_The principal building is a long irregular row, similar to _text reads “similiar”_All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram _text reads “paralellogram”_the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred toThe ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators _text reads “dias” both times, but is spelled “dais” on its first occurrence (earlier in text)_these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures _text reads “pricipally”_particularly prevalent in Zuni _text reads “particulary”_Chapters II and III _text reads “Chapter”_usually carved from a single piece of wood _text reads “single / single” at line break_somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams _text reads “similiar”_the almost inaccessible summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa _text reads “Tâaiyalana”_

[Index]Stonework ... Oraibi _text reads “Oraib”_Tâaaiyalana, relation of K’iakima to _text reads “Tâaiyalana”_

Punctuation:

Long ago the Hopi´tuh were few _paragraph (printed as block quote) begins with redundant quotation mark_