Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: theyare listed at the end of the text. 

A

NEW SYSTEM;

OR, AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY:

WHEREIN AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO DIVEST TRADITION OF FABLE;AND TO REDUCE THE TRUTH TO ITS ORIGINAL PURITY, BY JACOB BRYANT, ESQ. 

_THE THIRD EDITION. _IN SIX VOLUMES. 

WITH A PORTRAIT ANDSOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR;

A VINDICATION OF THE APAMEAN MEDAL;

Observations and Inquiries relating to variousParts of Antient History;

A COMPLETE INDEX, AND FORTY-ONE PLATES, NEATLY ENGRAVED. 

VOL. II. 

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. WALKER; W. J. AND J. RICHARDSON; R. FAULDER AND SON; R. LEA;J. NUNN; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; H. D. SYMONDS; VERNOR, HOOD, AND SHARPE; E. JEFFERY; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. ; J. BOOKER; BLACK, PARRY, ANDKINGSBURY; J. ASPERNE; J. MURRAY; AND J. HARRIS. 

1807. 

 * * * * *

A

NEW SYSTEM

OR AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY. 

 * * * * *

PHŒNIX AND PHŒNICES. 

As there has been much uncertainty about the purport and extent of theseterms; and they are of great consequence in the course of history; I willendeavour to state their true meaning. Phoinic, or Poinic, was an Egyptianand Canaanitish term of honour; from whence were formed Φοινιξ, Φοινικες, Φοινικοεις of the Greeks, and Phoinic, Poinicus, Poinicius of the Romans;which were afterwards changed to Phœnix, Punicus, and [1]Puniceus. It wasoriginally a title, which the Greeks made use of as a provincial name: butit was never admitted as such by the people, to whom it was thusappropriated, till the Greeks were in possession of the country. And eventhen it was but partially received: for though mention is made of the coastof Phœnice, yet we find the natives called Sidonians, Tyrians, and[2]Canaanites, as late as the days of the Apostles. It was an honoraryterm, compounded of Anac with the Egyptian prefix; and rendered at timesboth Phoinic and Poinic. It signified a lord or prince: and wasparticularly assumed by the sons of Chus and Canaan. The Mysians seem tohave kept nearest to the original pronunciation, who gave this title to theGod Dionusus, and called him Ph'anac. 

 [3]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat, Osirin Ægyptus putat, Mysi Phanacem. 

It was also conferred upon many things, which were esteemed princely andnoble. Hence the red, or scarlet, a colour appropriated to great andhonourable personages, was styled Phoinic. The palm was also styledPhoinic, Φοινιξ: and the antients always speak of it as a stately and nobletree. It was esteemed an emblem of honour; and made use of as a reward ofvictory. Plurimarum palmarum homo, was a proverbial expression among theRomans, for a soldier of merit. Pliny speaks of the various species ofpalms; and of the great repute in which they were held by the Babylonians. He says, that the noblest of them were styled the royal Palms; and supposesthat they were so called from their being set apart for the king's use. Butthey were very early an emblem of royalty: and it is a circumstanceincluded in their original name. We find from Apuleius, that Mercury, the[4]Hermes of Egypt, was represented with a palm branch in his hand: and hispriests at Hermopolis used to have them stuck in their [5]sandals, on theoutside. The Goddess [6]Isis was thus represented: and we may infer thatHermes had the like ornaments; which the Greeks mistook for feathers, andhave in consequence of it added wings to his feet. The Jews used to carryboughs of the same tree at some of their festivals; and particularly at thecelebration of their nuptials: and it was thought to have an influence atthe birth. Euripides alludes to this in his Ion; where he makes Latonarecline herself against a Palm tree, when she is going to produce Apolloand Diana. 

 [7]Φοινικα Παρ' ἁβροκομαν Ενθα λοχευματα σεμν' ελοχευσατο Λατω. 

In how great estimation this tree was held of old, we may learn from manypassages in the sacred writings. Solomon says to his espoused, [8]_how fairand how pleasant art thou, O Love, for delights: thy stature is like a Palmtree_. And the Psalmist for an encouragement to holiness, says, [9]_thatthe righteous shall flourish like the Palm tree_: for the Palm was supposedto rise under a weight; and to thrive in proportion to its being[10]depressed. There is possibly a farther allusion in this, than may atfirst appear. The antients had an opinion, that the Palm was immortal: atleast, if it did die, it recovered again, and obtained a second life byrenewal. Hence the story of the bird, styled the Phoenix, is thought tohave been borrowed from this tree. Pliny, in describing the species ofPalm, styled Syagrus, says, [11]Mirum de eâ accepimus, cum Phœnice Ave, quæputatur ex hujus Palmæ argumento nomen accepisse, iterum mori, et renasciex seipsà. Hence we find it to have been an emblem of immortality among allnations, sacred and prophane. The blessed in heaven are represented in theApocalypse by St. John, [12]as standing before the throne in white robes, with branches of Palm in their hands. The notion of this plant being anemblem of royalty prevailed so far, that when our Saviour made his lastentrance into Jerusalem, the people took branches of Palm trees, andaccosted him as a prince, crying, [13]_Hosanna--blessed is the King ofIsrael_. 

The title of Phoinic seems at first to have been given to persons of greatstature: but, in process of time, it was conferred upon people of power andeminence, like αναξ and ανακτες among the Greeks. The Cuthites in Egyptwere styled Royal Shepherds, Βασιλεις Ποιμενες, and had therefore the titleof Phœnices. A colony of them went from thence to Tyre and Syria: hence itis said by many writers that Phœnix came from Egypt to Tyre. People, notconsidering this, have been led to look for the shepherd's origin inCanaan, because they were sometimes called Phœnices. They might as wellhave looked for them in Greece; for they were equally styled [14]Ἑλληνες, Hellenes. Phœnicia, which the Greeks called Φοινικη, was but a small partof Canaan. It was properly a slip of sea coast, which lay within thejurisdiction of the Tyrians and Sidonians, and signifies Ora Regia; or, according to the language of the country, the coast of the Anakim. It was alordly title, and derived from a stately and august people. All the nativesof Canaan seem to have assumed to themselves great honour. The Philistinesare spoken of as [15]Lords, and the merchants of Tyre as Princes; whosegrandeur and magnificence are often alluded to in the Scriptures. Theprophet Ezekiel calls them the princes of the sea. [16]_Then all theprinces of the sea shall come down from their thrones, and lay away theirrobes, and put off their broidered garments. _ And Isaiah speaks to the samepurpose. [17]_Who hath taken this counsel against Tyre, that crowning city, whose merchants are princes; whose traffickers are the honourable of theearth?_ The scripture term by which they are here distinguished is שרים, Sarim: but the title which they assumed to themselves was Ph'anac, orPh'oinac, the Phœnix of the Greeks and Romans. And as it was a mere title, the sacred writers of the old testament never make use of it to distinguisheither the people or country. This part of Canaan is never by them calledPhœnicia: yet others did call it so; and the natives were styled Phœnicesbefore the birth of Homer. But this was through mistake; for it was neverused by the natives as a provincial appellation. I have shewn that it was atitle of another sort, a mark of rank and pre-eminence: on this account itwas assumed by other people, and conferred upon other places. For thisreason it is never mentioned by any of the sacred writers before thecaptivity, in order to avoid ambiguity. The Gentile writers made use of it;and we see what mistakes have ensued. There were Phœnicians of variouscountries. They were to be found upon the Sinus [18]Persicus, upon theSinus [19]Arabicus, in Egypt, in [20]Crete, in [21]Africa, in [22]Epirus, and even in Attica. [23]Φοινικες--γενος τι Αθηνῃσι. _There is a race ofpeople called Phœnicians_ _among the [24]Athenians. _ In short, it was atitle introduced at Sidon, and the coast adjoining, by people from Egypt:and who the people were that brought it may be known from several passagesin antient history; but particularly from an extract in Eusebius, [25]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριαν, Τυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευον. _Phœnix and Cadmus, retiring from Thebes, inEgypt, towards the coast of Syria, settled at Tyre and Sidon, and reignedthere. _ It is said, that [26]Belus carried a colony to the same parts: andfrom what part of the world [27]Belus must be supposed to have come, needsnot to be explained. Euripides styles Cepheus the king of Ethiopia, the sonof Phœnix: and Apollodorus makes him the son of Belus: hence we may infer, that Belus and Phœnix were the same. Not that there were any such personsas Phœnix and Belus, for they were certainly titles: and, under thecharacters of those two personages, Colonies, named Belidæ and Phœnices, went abroad, and settled in different parts. Their history and appellationmay be traced from Babylonia to Arabia and Egypt; and from thence toCanaan, and to the regions in the west. It were therefore to be wished, that the terms Phœnix and Phœnicia had never been used in the commonacceptation; at least when the discourse turns upon the more antienthistory of Canaan. When the Greeks got possession of the coast of Tyre, they called it Phœnicia: and from that time it may be admitted as aprovincial name. In consequence of this, the writers of the New Testamentdo not scruple to make use of it, but always with a proper limitation; forthe geography of the Scriptures is wonderfully exact. But the Greek andRoman writers often speak of it with a greater latitude, and include Judeaand Palestina within its borders; and sometimes add Syria and Idume. Butthese countries were all separate and distinct; among which Phœnicia borebut a small proportion. Yet, small as it may have been, many learned menhave thought, that all the colonies, which at times settled upon the coastof the Mediterranean, were from this quarter; and that all science was ofPhœnician original. But this is not true according to their acceptation ofthe term. Colonies did settle; and science came from the east: but notmerely from the Sidonian. I shall shew, that it was principally owing to aprior and superior branch of the family. 

 * * * * *

ADDENDA. 

_OF THE PALM TREE_. 

Phœnix was a colour among horses. They were styled Phœnices, and[28]Phœniciati, from the colour of the Palm tree, which they resembled; andupon the same account had the name of Spadices. This, according to AulusGellius, was a term synonymous with the former. [29]Rutilus, et SpadixPhœnicii συνωνυμος, exuberantiam splendoremque significant ruboris, qualessunt fructus Palmæ arboris, nondum sole incocti: unde spadicis et Phœniceinomen est. [30]Spadix, σπαδιξ, avulsus est a Palmâ termes cum fructu. Homer, describing the horses of Diomedes, says, that the one was Phœnix, orof a bright Palm colour, with a white spot in his forehead like a moon. 

 [31]Ὁς το μεν αλλο τοσον φοινιξ ην, ενδε μετωπῳ Λευκον σημ' ετετυκτο περιτροχον ηϋτε μηνη. 

Upon this the Scholiast observes, Φοινικες το χρωμα, ητοι πυῤῥος. The horsewas of a Palm colour, which is a bright red. We call such horses bays, which probably is a term of the same original. The branch of a Palm treewas called Bai in Egypt; and it had the same name in other places. Baia, Βαια, are used for Palm-branches by St. John. [32]Τα βαια των Φοινικων. Andit is mentioned by the author of the book of Maccabees, that the Jews, upona solemn occasion, entered the temple. [33]Μετα αινεσεως και βαιων. AndDemetrius writes to the high priest, Simon, [34]Τον στεφανον τον χρυσουνκαι την Βαϊνην, ἁ απεστειλατε, κεκομισμεθα. Coronam auream et Bainem, quæmisistis, accepimus. The Greeks formed the word βαϊνη from the EgyptianBai. The Romans called the same colour Badius. [35]Varro, speaking ofhorses, mentions, Hic badius, ille gilvus, ille Murinus. 

As the Palm tree was supposed to be immortal; or, at least, if it did die, to revive, and enjoy a second life, the Egyptians gave the name of Bai tothe soul: [36]Εστι μεν γαρ το βαι ψυχη. 

 * * * * *

OF THE

TERM CAHEN:

THE

COHEN, כהן, OF THE HEBREWS. 

I have before taken notice that the term Cahen denoted a Priest, orPresident; and that it was a title often conferred upon princes and kings. Nor was it confined to men only: we find it frequently annexed to the namesof Deities, to signify their rule and superintendency over the earth. Fromthem it was derived to their attendants, and to all persons of aprophetical or sacred character. The meaning of the term was so obvious, that one would imagine no mistake could have ensued: yet such is theperverseness of human wit, that we find it by the Greeks and Romansconstantly misapplied. They could not help imagining, from the sound of theword, which approached nearly to that of κυων and canis, that it had somereference to that animal: and, in consequence of this unlucky resemblance, they continually misconstrued it _a dog_. Hence we are told by [37]Ælianand [38]Plutarch, not only of the great veneration paid to dogs in Egypt, and of their being maintained in many cities and temples; in which theycertainly exceed the truth; but we are moreover assured, that the people ofEthiopia had a dog for their king: that he was kept in great state, beingsurrounded with a numerous body of officers and guards, and in all respectsroyally treated. Plutarch speaks of him as being [39]σεμνως προσκυνομενος, worshipped with a degree of religious reverence. The whole of this notiontook its rise from a misinterpretation of the title above. I havementioned, that in early times Cahen was a title universally conferred uponpriests and prophets: hence Lycophron, who has continually allusions toobsolete terms, calls the two diviners, Mopsus and Amphilochus, Κυνας. 

 [40]Δοιαιδε ῥειθρων Πυραμου προς εκβολαις Αυτοκτονοις σφαγαισι Δηραινου ΚYΝΕΣ Δμηθεντες αιχμαζουσι λοισθιον βοαν. 

Upon which the Scholiast observes: Κυνες ὁι Μαντεις: _by Cunes are meantDiviners:_ and again, Κυνας Απολλωνος τους μαντεις ειπειν. _The Poet, by_Κυνας, _means the ministers and prophets of Apollo. _ Upon this the learned[41]Meursius observes, that Lycophron had here made use of a term importedfrom Egypt: so that, I think, we cannot be mistaken about the purport ofthe word, however it may have been perverted. 

The name of the Deity, Canouphis, expressed also Canuphis, and Cnuphis, wascompounded with this term. He was represented by the Egyptians as aprincely person, with a serpent entwined round his middle, and embellishedwith other characteristics, relating to time and duration, of which theserpent was an emblem. Oph, and Ouph, signified a serpent in the Amonianlanguage; and the Deity was termed Can-uph, from his serpentinerepresentation. The whole species, in consequence of this, were made sacredto him, and styled Canyphian. To this Lucan alludes, when, in speaking ofthe Seps, he calls all the tribe of serpents Cinyphias pestes:

 [42]Cinyphias inter pestes tibi palma nocendi. 

Canuphis was sometimes expressed Anuphis and Anubis; and, however rendered, was by the Greeks and Romans continually spoken of as a dog; at least theysupposed him to have had a dog's head, and often mention his [43]barking. But they were misled by the title, which they did not understand. TheEgyptians had many emblematical personages, set off with heads of variousanimals, to represent particular virtues and affections, as well as todenote the various attributes of their Gods. Among others was this caninefigure, which I have no reason to think was appropriated to Canuph, orCneph. And though upon gems and marbles his name may be sometimes foundannexed to this character, yet it must be looked upon as a Grecian work, and so denominated in consequence of their mistaken notion. For we mustmake a material distinction between the hieroglyphics of old, when Egyptwas under her own kings; and those of later date, when that country wasunder the government of the Greeks: at which time their learning wasgreatly impaired, and their antient theology ruined. Horus Apollo assuresus, if any credit may be given to what he says, that this canine figure wasan emblem of the earth: [44]Οικουμενην γραφοντες κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι. _When they would describe the earth, they paint a Cunocephalus. _ It couldnot, therefore, I should think, in any degree relate to Canuphis. Thesame[45] writer informs us, that under the figure of a dog they representeda priest, or sacred scribe, and a prophet; and all such as had the chiefmanagement of funerals: also the spleen, the smell, sneezing; rule andgovernment, and a magistrate, or judge: which is a circumstance hardly tobe believed. For, as hieroglyphics were designed to distinguish, it isscarce credible that the Egyptians should crowd together so many differentand opposite ideas under one character, whence nothing could well ensue butdoubt and confusion. Besides, I do not remember, that in any group ofantient hieroglyphics the figure of a dog occurs. The meaning of thishistory, I think, may be with a little attention made out. The Egyptianswere refined in their superstitions, above all the nations in the world;and conferred the names and titles of their Deities upon vegetables andanimals of every species; and not only upon these, but also upon the partsof the human body, and the very passions of the mind. Whatever they deemedsalutary, or of great value, they distinguished by the title of Sacred, andconsecrated it to some [46]God. This will appear from words borrowed fromEgypt. The Laurel, Laurus, was denominated from Al-Orus: the berry wastermed bacca, from Bacchus; Myrrh, Μυῤῥα was from Ham-Ourah; Casia, fromChus. The Crocodile was called Caimin and Campsa; the Lion, El-Eon; theWolf, El-Uc; the Cat, Al-Ourah: whence the Greeks formed λεων, λυκος, αιλουρος. The Egyptians styled Myrrh, Baal; balsam, baal-samen; Camphire, Cham-phour, καμφουρα of Greece; Opium, Ophion. The sweet reed of Egypt wasnamed [47]Canah, and Conah, by way of eminence; also, [48]Can-Osiris. Cinnamon was denominated from Chan-Amon; Cinnabar, κινναβαρις, fromChan-Abor; the sacred beetle, Cantharus, from Chan-Athur. The harp wasstyled Cinnor, and was supposed to have been found out by Cinaras; whichterms are compounded of Chan-Or, and Chan-Arez; and relate to the Sun, orApollo, the supposed inventor of the lyre. Priests and magistrates wereparticularly honoured with the additional title of Cahen; and many thingsheld sacred were liable to have it in their composition. Hence arose theerror of Horus Apollo; who, having been informed that the antient Egyptiansdistinguished many things which were esteemed holy by this sacred title, referred the whole to hieroglyphics, and gave out that they were allrepresented under the figure of a dog. And it is possible, that in latertimes the Grecian artists, and the mixed tribes of Egypt, may haveexpressed them in this manner; for they were led by the ear; and did notinquire into the latent purport of the [49]theology transmitted to them. From hence we may perceive how little, in later times, even the nativeEgyptians knew of their rites and history. 

Farther accounts may be produced from the same writer, in confirmation ofwhat I have been saying. He not only mentions the great veneration paid bythe Egyptians to dogs, but adds, that in many temples they keptκυνοκεφαλοι, a kind of baboons, or animals with heads like those of dogs, which were wonderfully endowed. By their assistance the Egyptians found outthe particular periods of the Sun and Moon. These did not, like otheranimals, die at once, but by piece-meal; so that one half of the animal wasoftentimes buried, while the other half[50] survived. He moreover assuresus, that they could read and write; and whenever one of them was introducedinto the sacred apartments for probation, the priest presented him with a[51]tablet, and with a pen and ink; and by his writing could immediatelyfind out if he were of the true intelligent breed. These animals are saidto have been of infinite use to the antient Egyptians in determining timesand seasons; for it seems they were, in some particular functions, the mostaccurate and punctual of any creatures upon earth: [52]Per æquinoctia enimduodecies in die urinam reddere, et in nocte[53] compertus (Cunocephalus), æquali interstitio servato, Trismegisto ansam dedit diem dividendi induodecim partes æquales. Such is the history of these wonderful[54]animals. That Apes and Baboons were, among the Egyptians, held inveneration, is very certain. The Ape was sacred to the God Apis; and by theGreeks was rendered Capis, and [55]Ceipis. The Baboon was denominated fromthe Deity[56] Babon, to whom it was equally sacred. But what have these todo with the supposed Cunocephalus, which, according to the Grecianinterpretation, is an animal with the head of a dog? This characteristicdoes not properly belong to any species of Apes, but seems to have beenunduly appropriated to them. The term Cunocephalus, Κυνοκεφαλος, is anEgyptian compound: and this strange history relates to the priests of thecountry, styled Cahen; also to the novices in their temples; and to theexaminations, which they were obliged to undergo, before they could beadmitted to the priesthood. To explain this, I must take notice, that inearly times they built their temples upon eminences, for many reasons; butespecially for the sake of celestial observations. The Egyptians were muchaddicted to the study of astronomy: and they used to found their collegesin Upper Egypt upon rocks and hills, called by them Caph. These, as theywere sacred to the Sun, were farther denominated Caph-El, and sometimesCaph-Aur, and Caph-Arez. The term Caph-El, which often occurs in history, the Greeks uniformly changed to Κεφαλη, Cephale: and from Cahen-Caph-El, the sacred rock of Orus, they formed Κυνοκεφαλη, and Κυνοκεφαλος; whichthey supposed to relate to an animal with the head of a dog. But thisCahen-Caph-El was certainly some royal seminary in Upper Egypt, whence theydrafted novices to supply their colleges and temples. These young personswere, before their introduction, examined by some superior priest; and, accordingly as they answered upon their trial, they were admitted, orrefused. They were denominated Caph-El, and Cahen-Caph-El, from the academywhere they received their first instruction; and this place, though sacred, seems to have been of a class subordinate to others. It was a kind ofinferior cloister and temple, such as Capella in the Romish church; which, as well as Capellanus, was derived from Egypt: for, the church, in itsfirst decline, borrowed largely from that country. That there was someparticular place of this sort situated upon a rock or eminence, may, Ithink, be proved from Martianus Capella; and, moreover, that it was aseminary well known, where the youth of Upper Egypt were educated. For, indescribing the sciences, under different personages, he gives thisremarkable account of Dialectica upon introducing her before his audience. [57]Hæc se educatam dicebat in _Ægyptiorum Rupe;_ atque in Parmenidisexinde gymnasium, atque Atticam demeasse. And Johannes Sarisburiensis seemsto intimate that Parmenides obtained his knowledge from the same quarter, when he mentions [58]"_in Rupe_ vitam egisse. In this short detail we haveno unpleasing account of the birth of science in Egypt, and of its progressthence to Attica. It is plain that this Rupes Ægyptiaca could be nothingelse but a seminary, either the same, or at least similar to that, which Ihave before been describing. As the Cunocephali are said to have beensacred to Hermes, this college and temple were probably in the nome ofHermopolis. Hermes was the patron of Science, and particularly styledCahen, or [59]Canis: and the Cunocephali are said to have been worshippedby the people of that [60]place. They were certainly there reverenced: andthis history points out very plainly the particular spot alluded to. Hermopolis was in the upper region styled Thebaïs: and there was in thisdistrict a tower, such as has been [61]mentioned. It was in aftertimes madeuse of for a repository, where they laid up the tribute. This may have beenthe Rupes Ægyptiaca, so famed of old for science; and which was the seat ofthe Chancephalim, or Cunocephalians. 

It is said of the Cunocephali, that when one part was dead and buried, theother still survived. This can relate to nothing else but a society, orbody politic, where there is a continual decrement, yet part still remains;and the whole is kept up by succession. It is an enigma, which particularlyrelates to the priesthood in Egypt: for the sacred office there washereditary, being vested in certain families; and when part was dead, aresidue still [62]survived, who admitted others in the room of thedeceased. [63]Επεαν δε τις αποθανῃ, τουτου ὁ παις αντικατισταται. The sons, we find, supplied the place of their fathers: hence the body itself neverbecame extinct, being kept up by a regular succession. As to theCunocephali giving to Hermes the first hint of dividing the day into twelveparts from the exactness, which was observed in their [64]evacuations, itis a surmise almost too trifling to be discussed. I have shewn that theCunocephali were a sacred college, whose members were persons of greatlearning: and their society seems to have been a very antient institution. They were particularly addicted to astronomical observations; and bycontemplating the heavens, styled Ouran, they learned to distinguish theseasons, and to divide the day into parts. But the term Ouran the Greeks bya strange misconception changed to ουρειν; of which mistake they haveafforded other instances: and from this abuse of terms the silly figmenttook its rise. 

The Cunocephali are not to be found in Egypt only, but in India likewise;and in other parts of the world. Herodotus [65]mentions a nation of thisname in Libya: and speaks of them as a race of men with the heads of dogs. Hard by in the neighbourhood of this people he places the Ακεφαλοι, menwith no heads at all: to whom, out of humanity, and to obviate some verynatural distresses, he gives eyes in the breast. But he seems to haveforgot mouth and ears, and makes no mention of a nose: he only says, [66]Ακεφαλοι, ὁι εν στηθεσιν οφθαλμους εχοντες. Both these and theCunocephali were denominated from their place of residence, and from theirworship: the one from Cahen-Caph-El, the other from Ac-Caph-El: each ofwhich appellations is of the same purport, the right noble, or sacred[67]rock of the Sun. 

Similar to the history of the Cunocephali, and Acephali, is that of theCunodontes. They are a people mentioned by Solinus and Isidorus, and bythem are supposed to have had the teeth of dogs. Yet they were probablydenominated, like those above, from the object of their worship, the DeityChan-Adon; which the Greeks expressed Κυνοδων, and styled his votaries[68]Cunodontes. 

The Greeks pretended, that they had the use of the sphere, and wereacquainted with the zodiac, and its asterisms very early. But it is plainfrom their mistakes, that they received the knowledge of these things verylate; at a time when the terms were obsolete, and the true purport of themnot to be obtained. They borrowed all the schemes under which the stars arecomprehended from the Egyptians: who had formed them of old, and named themfrom circumstances in their own religion and mythology. They hadparticularly conferred the titles of their Deities upon those stars, whichappeared the brightest in their hemisphere. One of the most remarkable andbrilliant they called Cahen Sehor; another they termed Purcahen; a thirdCahen Ourah, or Cun Ourah. These were all misconstrued, and changed by theGreeks; Cahen-Sehor to Canis Sirius; P'urcahen to Procyon; and Cahen Ourahto Cunosoura, the dog's tail. In respect to this last name I think, fromthe application of it in other instances, we may be assured that it couldnot be in acceptation what the Greeks would persuade us: nor had it anyrelation to a dog. There was the summit of a hill in Arcadia of this[69]name: also a promontory in [70]Attica; and another in [71]Eubœa. Howcould it possibly in its common acceptation be applicable to these places?And as a constellation if it signified a dog's tail, how came it to be aname given to the tail of a bear? It was a term brought from [72]Sidon, andEgypt: and the purport was to be sought for from the language of theAmonians. 

The antient Helladians used upon every promontory to raise pillars andaltars to the God of light, Can-Our, the Chan-Orus of Egypt. But Can-Our, and Can-Ourah, they changed to κυνοσουρα, as I have shewn: yetnotwithstanding this corruption, the true name is often to be discovered. The place which is termed Cunosoura by Lucian, in his Icaromemenippus, iscalled Cunoura by Stephanus Byzant, and by [73]Pausanias. Cunoura is alsoused by Lycophron, who understood antient terms full well, for any highrock or headland. 

 [74]Εν ἁισι προς κυνουρα καμπυλους σχασας Πευκης οδοντας. 

 Προς κυνουρα, προς τραχειας πετρας. Scholiast. Ibid. 

We find the same mistake occur in the account transmitted to us concerningthe first discovery of purple. The antients very gratefully gave the meritof every useful and salutary invention to the Gods. Ceres was supposed tohave discovered to men corn, and bread: Osiris shewed them the use of theplough; Cinyras of the harp: Vesta taught them to build. Every Deity waslooked up to as the cause of some blessing. The Tyrians and Sidonians werefamous for the manufacture of purple: the die of which was very exquisite, and the discovery of it was attributed to Hercules of Tyre; the same who byPalæphatus is styled Hercules [75]Philosophus. But some will not allow himthis honour; but say, that the dog of Hercules was the discoverer. Foraccidentally feeding upon the Murex, with which the coast abounded, the dogstained his mouth with the ichor of the fish; and from hence the first hintof dying was [76]taken. This gave birth to the proverbial expression, [77]Ἑυρημα κυνος ην ἡ σεβαστη πορφυρα. Nonnus mentions the particularcircumstance of the dog's staining his mouth:

 [78]Χιονεας πορφυρε παρηϊδας ἁιματι κοχλου. 

Such is the story, which at first sight is too childish to admit of credit. It is not likely that a dog would feed upon shell-fish: and if this may atany time have happened, yet whoever is at all conversant in naturalhistory, must know, that the murex is of the turbinated kind, andparticularly aculeated; having strong and sharp protuberances, with which adog would hardly engage. The story is founded upon the same misconception, of which so many instances have been produced. Hercules of Tyre, like allother oriental divinities, was styled Cahen, and Cohen; as was allowed bythe Greeks themselves. [79]Τον Ἡρακλην φασι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτονΧΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. _We are told, that Hercules in the language of the Egyptiansis called Chon. _ This intelligence, however, they could not abide by; butchanged this sacred title to [80]κυων, a dog, which they described as anattendant upon the Deity. 

The Grecians tell us, that the Egyptians styled Hermes a dog: but they seemto have been aware, that they were guilty of an undue representation. HencePlutarch tries to soften, and qualify what is mentioned, by saying, [81]Ουγαρ κυριως τον Ἑρμην ΚYΝΑ λεγουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι): by which this learnedwriter would insinuate, that it was not so much the name of a dog, as thequalities of that animal, to which the Egyptians alluded. Plutarch thoughtby this refinement to take off the impropriety of conferring so base a nameupon a Deity. But the truth is, that the Egyptians neither bestowed itnominally; nor alluded to it in any degree. The title which they gave toHermes was the same that they bestowed upon Hercules: they expressed itCahen, and Cohen; and it was very properly represented above by the Greekterm Χων, Chon. It is said of Socrates, that he sometimes made use of anuncommon oath, μα τον κυνα, και τον χηνα _by the dog and the goose_: whichat first does not seem consistent with the gravity of his character. But weare informed by Porphyry, that this was not done by way of ridicule: forSocrates esteemed it a very serious and religious mode of attestation: andunder these terms made a solemn appeal to the son of [82]Zeus. The purportof the words is obvious: and whatever hidden meaning there may have been, the oath was made ridiculous by the absurdity of the terms. Besides, whatpossible connection could there have subsisted between a dog and a Deity; agoose and the son of Jove? There was certainly none: yet Socrates, like therest of his fraternity, having an antipathy to foreign terms, chose torepresent his ideas through this false medium; by which means the veryessence of his invocation was lost. The son of Zeus, to whom he appealed, was the Egyptian Cahen abovementioned; but this sacred title was idlychanged to κυνα και χηνα, a dog and a goose, from a similitude in sound. That he referred to the Egyptian Deity, is manifest from Plato, whoacknowledges that he swore, [83]μα τον κυνα τον Αιγυπτιων θεον. By which weare to understand a Cahen of Egypt. Porphyry expressly says, that it wasthe God Hermes the son of Zeus, and Maia: [84]Κατα τον του Διος και Μαιαςπαιδα εποιειτο τον ὁρκον. 

I cannot account upon any other principle than that upon which I haveproceeded, for the strange representation of Apollo, and Bacchus, gapingwith open mouths. So it seems they were in some places described. Clemensof Alexandria mentions from Polemon, that Apollo was thus exhibited:[85]Πολεμων δε κεχηνοτος Απολλωνος οιδεν αγαλμα. And we are told that agaping[86] Bacchus was particularly worshipped at Samos. They were both thesame as the Egyptian Orus; who was styled Cahen-On, Rex, vel Deus Sol; outof which Cahen-On the Grecians seem to have formed the word Χαινων: and inconsequence of it, these two Deities were represented with their jawswidely extended. This term was sometimes changed to κοινος, communis: henceit is that we so often meet with κοινοι Θεοι, and κοινοι βωμοι, upon coinsand marbles: also κοινος Ἑρμης. And as Hermes was the reputed God of gain, every thing found was adjudged to be κοινος, or common. 

 [87]Αλλ' εσιδουσα Εξαπινης, Ἑρμης κοινος, εφη θυγατηρ. [88]Κοινον ειναι τον Ἑρμην. 

Notwithstanding this notion so universally received, yet among the Greciansthemselves the term κοινος was an antient title of eminence. [89]Κοινος, ὁΔεσποτης. _Coinos signifies a lord and master_: undoubtedly from Cohinus;and that from Cohen. It would be endless to enumerate all the instanceswhich might be brought of this nature. Of this, I think, I am assured, thatwhoever will consider the uncouth names both of Deities, and men, as wellas of places, in the light recommended; and attend to the mythologytransmitted concerning them; will be able by these helps to trace them totheir original meaning. It is, I think, plain, that what the Grecians sooften interpreted κυνες, was an antient Amonian title. When therefore Iread of the brazen dog of Vulcan, of the dog of Erigone, of Orion, ofGeryon, of Orus, of Hercules, of Amphilochus, of Hecate, I cannot butsuppose, that they were the titles of so many Deities; or else of theirpriests, who were denominated from their office. In short, the Cahen ofEgypt were no more dogs than the Pateræ of Amon were basons: and thoughDiodorus does say, that at the grand celebrity of [90]Isis, the whole waspreceded by dogs, yet I cannot help being persuaded that they were thepriests of the Goddess. 

By this clue we may unravel many intricate histories transmitted fromdifferent parts. In the temple of Vulcan, near mount Ætna, there are saidto have been a breed of dogs, which fawned upon good men, but wereimplacable to the bad. [91]Inde etiam perpetuus ignis a Siculis alebatur inÆtnæo Vulcani templo, cui custodes adhibiti sunt sacri canes, blandientespiis hominibus, in impios ferocientes. In the celebrated gardens of Electrathere was a golden dog, which shewed the same regard to good men, and wasas inveterate to others. 

 [92]Χρυσεος οιδαινοντι κυων συνυλακτεε λαιμῳ Σαινων ηθαδα φωτα. 

What is more remarkable, there were many gaping dogs in this temple; whichare represented as so many statues, yet were endowed with life. 

 [93]Χασμασι ποιητοισι σεσῃροτες ανθερεωνες Ψευδαλεων σκυλακων στιχες εμφρονες. 

Homer describes something of the same nature in the gardens of Alcinous. 

 [94]Χρυσειοι δ' ἑκατερθε και αργυρεοι κυνες ησαν, Ὁυς Ἡφαιστος ετευξεν ιδυιῃσι πραπιδεσσιν, Αθανατους οντας, και αγηρως ηματα παντα. 

All this relates to the Cusean priests of Vulcan or Hephaistos, and to thepriesthood established in his temple: which priesthood was kept up bysuccession, and never became extinct. What was Cusean, the Greeks oftenrendered Χρυσειον, as I shall hereafter shew. The same people were alsostyled Cuthim; and this word likewise among the antients signified gold:from hence these priests were styled Χρυσειοι κυνες. We find the likehistory in Crete: here too was a golden dog, which Zeus had appointed to bethe guardian of his temple[95]. By comparing these histories, I think wecannot fail of arriving at the latent meaning. The God of light among othertitles was styled Cahen, or Chan-Ades: but the term being taken in the sameacceptation here, as in the instances above, the Deity was changed to adog, and said to reside in the infernal regions. From hence he was supposedto have been dragged to light by Hercules of Thebes. The notion both ofCerberus and Hades being subterraneous Deities took its rise from thetemples of old being situated near vast caverns, which were esteemedpassages to the realms below. Such were in Messenia, in Argolis, inBithynia, and at Enna in Sicily; not to mention divers other places. Thesetemples were often named Kir-Abor; and the Deity Chan-Ades; out of whichterms the Greeks formed Τον Κερβερον κυνα ἁδου; and fabled, that he wasforced into upper air by Hercules, through these infernal inlets. And astemples similar in name and situation were built in various parts, the likehistory was told of them all. Pausanias takes notice of this event, amongother places, being ascribed to the cavern at [96]Tænarus; as well as toone at [97]Trœzen, and to a third near the city [98]Hermione. The PoetDionysius speaks of the feat being performed in the country of theMarianduni, near Colchis. 

 [99]Και Μαριανδυνων ἱερον πεδον, ενθ' ενεπουσιν Ουδαιου Κρονιδαο μεγαν κυνα Χαλκεοφωνον Χερσιν ανελκομενον μεγαλητορος Ἡρακληος, Δεινον απο στοματων βαλεειν σιαλωδεα χυλον. 

But however the Deity in all these instances may have been degraded to theregions of darkness, yet he was the God of light, Κυν-ἁδης; and such wasthe purport of that name. He was the same as Apollo, as may be proved fromthe Cunidæ at Athens, who were a family set apart for his service. Κυννιδαι, γενος Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ ὁ ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος. Hesychius. _The Cunnidai are a family at Athens, out of which the priest of ApolloCunnius is chosen_. He styles him Apollo Cunnius: but the Cunidai were moreproperly denominated from Apollo Cunides, the same as Cun-Ades. Poseidonwas expressly styled Cun-Ades; and he was the same Deity as Apollo, onlyunder a different title, as I have shewn. Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσινετιμᾳτο. Hesychius. _Poseidon was worshipped at Athens under the title ofCun-Ades. _

Though I have endeavoured to shew, that the term of which I have beentreating was greatly misapplied, in being so uniformly referred to dogs, yet I do not mean to insinuate that it did not sometimes relate to them. They were distinguished by this sacred title, and were held in some degreeof [100]veneration; but how far they were reverenced is not easy todetermine. Herodotus, [101] speaking of the sanctity of some animals inEgypt, says, that the people in every family, where a dog died, shavedthemselves all over: and he mentions it as a custom still subsisting in hisown time. Plutarch[102] differs from him. He allows that these animalswere, at one time, esteemed holy; but it was before the time of Cambyses:from the æra of his reign they were held in another light: for when thisking killed the sacred Apis, the dogs fed so liberally upon his entrails, without making a proper distinction, that they lost all their sanctity. Itis of little consequence whichever account be the truest. They werecertainly of old looked upon as sacred; and esteemed emblems of the Deity. And it was, perhaps, with a view to this, and to prevent the Israelitesretaining any notion of this nature, that a dog was not suffered to comewithin the precincts of the temple at [103]Jerusalem. In the Mosaic law, the price of a dog, and the hire of a harlot, are put upon the same level. [104]_Thou shalt not bring the hire of a whore, or the price of a dog, intothe house of the Lord thy God for any vow: for both these are anabomination to the Lord thy God. _

To conclude: The Dog, in Egypt, was undoubtedly called Cahen, and Cohen; atitle by which many other animals, and even vegetables, were honoured, onaccount of their being consecrated to some Deity. The Greeks did notconsider that this was a borrowed appellation, which belonged to the Godsand their Priests; and was from them extended to many things held sacred. Hence they have continually referred this term to one object only: by whichmeans they have misrepresented many curious pieces of history: and a numberof idle fables have been devised to the disparagement of all that was true. 

 * * * * *

OF

CHUS;

STYLED

ΧΡYΣΟΣ AND ΧΡYΣΑΩΡ. 

Among the different branches of the great Amonian family which spreadthemselves abroad, the sons of Chus were the most considerable, and at thesame time the most enterprising. They got access into countries widelydistant; where they may be traced under different denominations, but moreparticularly by their family title. This we might expect the Greeks to haverendered Chusos, and to have named the people Χυσαιοι, Chusæi. But, by afatal misprision, they uniformly changed these terms to words more familiarto their ear, and rendered them Χρυσος, and Χρυσειος, as if they had areference to gold. I have before mentioned the various parts of the worldwhere the Amonians settled, and especially this branch of that family. Their most considerable colonies westward were in Iönia and Hellas; andabout Cuma and Liguria in Italy; and upon the coast of Iberia in Spain. They were likewise to be found in Cyrene; and still farther in Mauritania, and in the islands opposite to that coast. In the north they were to be metwith at Colchis, towards the foot of Mount Caucasus, and in most regionsupon the coast of the Euxine sea. In the histories of these countries theGrecians have constantly changed Chusos, the Gentile name, to Chrusos, Χρυσος; and Chus-Or, Chusorus, to Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and, in consequence ofthis alteration, they have introduced in their accounts of these placessome legend about gold. Hence we read of a golden fleece at Colchis; goldenapples at the Hesperides; at [105]Tartessus, a golden cup; and, at Cuma, inCampania, a golden branch:

 Aureus et foliis, et lento vimine, ramus. 

Something similar is observable in the history of Cyrene. The natives werenot remarkable for either mines or merchandize: yet, Palæphatus, havingmentioned that they were κατα γενος Αιθιοπες, Ethiopians by extraction, that is, Cuseans, subjoins: [106]Εισι δε σφοδρα χρυσοι. Pindar, incelebrating each happy circumstance of the Insulæ Fortunatæ, mentions, thatthere were trees with branches of gold: [107]Ανθεμα δε χρυσου φλεγει. Theriver Phasis, in Colchis, was supposed to have abounded with gold; and thelike was pretended of the Hermus and Pactolus in Iönia. Not only the Poets, but many of the graver [108]historians, speak of their golden sands. Yetthere is reason to doubt of the fact: for not one of them produces any goodvoucher for what they suppose. They do not mention any trade carried on, nor riches accruing from this lucky circumstance: so that there is noreason to think that one grain of gold was gathered from these celebratedstreams. Among the several islands occupied by this people were Rhodes andDelos. In the former, the chief city is said to have been blessed withshowers of gold. [109]Ενθα ποτε βρεχε θεον Βασιλευς ὁ μεγας χρυσαιςνιφαδεσσι πολιν. At Delos every thing was golden, even the slippers of theGod. 

 [110]Χρυσεα και τα πεδιλα, πολυχρυσος γαρ Απολλων. 

And this not only in aftertimes, when the island was enriched withofferings from different nations, but even at the birth of the God; bywhich is meant the foundation of his temple, and introduction of his rites. 

 [111]Χρυσεα τοι τοτε παντα θεμειλια γεινατο, Δηλε, Χρυσῳ δε τροχοεσσα πανημερος εῤῥεε λιμνη, Χρυσειον δ' εκομισσε γενεθλιον ερνος ελαιης, Χρυσῳ δε πλημμυρε βαθυς Ινωπος ἑλιχθεις, Αυτη δε χρυσοιο απ' ουδεος ἑιλεο παιδα, Εν δ' εβαλευ κολποισιν. 

We find that the very soil and foundations of the island were golden: thelake floated with golden waves: the olive tree vegetated with golden fruit:and the river Inopus, deep as it was, swelled with gold. Homer, in a hymnto the same personage, represents the whole more compendiously, by saying, that the island was weighed down with treasure:

 [112]Χρυσῳ δ' αρα Δηλος ἁπασα Βεβριθει. 

I have before mentioned that the Amonians settled in Liguria: and, inconsequence of it, the Heliadæ are represented as weeping, not only amber, but gold. Philostratus, speaking of a particular species of fir-trees inBœtica, says, that they dropped blood, just as the Heliadæ upon the Padusdid[113] gold. 

Chus, by the Egyptians and Canaanites, was styled Or-Chus, and[114]Chus-Or: the latter of which was expressed by the Greeks, analogous to theexamples above, Χρυσωρ, Chrusor: and we learn in Eusebius, from Philo, thatChrusor was one of the principal Deities of the Phenicians, a greatbenefactor to mankind; and by some supposed to have been the same asHephaistus. Both the Tyrians and Sidonians were undoubtedly a mixed race, and preserved the memory of Ham, and Chus, equally with that of Canaan. 

This name, so often rendered Chrusos, and Chrusor, was sometimes changed toΧρυσαωρ, Chrusaor: and occurs in many places where the Cuthites were knownto have settled. We have been shewn that they were a long time in Egypt;and we read of a Chrusaor in those parts, who is said to have arisen fromthe blood of Medusa. 

 [115]Εξεθορε Χρυσαωρ τε μεγας, και Πηγασος ἱππος. 

We meet with the same Chrusaor in the regions of Asia Minor, especiallyamong the Carians. In these parts he was particularly worshipped, and saidto have been the first deified mortal. The great Divan of that nation wascalled Chrusaorium; and there was a city [116]Chrusaoris, and a temple ofthe same name. [117]Εγγυς δε της πολεως το του Χρυσαορεως Διος κοινονἁπαντων Καρων, εις ὁ συνιασι θυσαντες τε και βουλευσαμενοι. This city wasproperly called Chus-Or, and built in memory of the same person; as thecity Chusora, called also [118]Cerchusora, in Egypt. It was undoubtedlyfounded by some of the same family, who in aftertimes worshipped theirchief ancestor; as the Sidonians and Syrians did likewise. For this we havethe testimony of Sanchoniathon; who, having mentioned the various benefitsbestowed upon mankind by Chrusaor, says, at the conclusion, [119]Διο και ὡςθεον αυτον μετα θανατον εσεβασθησαν· _for which reason, after his death, they worshipped him as a God_. The first king of Iberia was named Chrusaor, the reputed father of [120]Geryon; and he is said to have been πολυχρυσος, a person of great wealth: all which is an Egyptian history, transferredfrom the Nile to the Bœtis. 

 [121]Χρυσαωρ δ' ετεκε τρικαρηνον Γηρυονηα, Μιχθεις Χαλλιροῃ κουρῃ κλυτου Ωκεανοιο. 

Geryon of Spain was, according to this mythology of the poet, the son ofChrusaor; and Chrusaor was confessedly of Egyptian original: so that, whatever the fable may allude to, it must have been imported into Bœticafrom Egypt by some of the sons of Chus. The Grecians borrowed this term, and applied it to Apollo; and from this epithet, Chrusaor, he wasdenominated the God of the golden sword. Homer accordingly styles him, [122]Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα: and, speaking of Apollo's infancy, he says, [123]Ουδ' αρ' Απολλωνα Χρυσαορα θησατο μητηρ: and Diana is termed[124]Αυτοκασιγνητη Χρυσαορος Απολλωνος. 

This title cannot possibly relate to the implement supposed: for it wouldbe idle to style an infant the God of the golden sword. It was a weapon, which at no time was ascribed to him: nor do I believe, that he is everrepresented with one either upon a gem, or a marble. He is described aswishing for a harp, and for a bow. 

 [125]Ειη μοι κιθαρις τε φιλη, και καμπυλα τοξα. 

And his mother is said to have been pleased that she produced him to theworld an archer:

 [126]Χαιρε δε Λετω, Ὁυνεκα τοξοφορον και καρτερον ὑιον ετικτεν. 

These habiliments are often specified: but I do not recollect any mentionmade of a sword, nor was the term Chrusaor of Grecian etymology. 

Since then we may be assured that Chus was the person alluded to under thename of Chrusos, Chrubor, and Chrusaor; we need not wonder that hissubstitute Apollo is so often styled Χρυσοκομης, and Χρυσολυρος: that theharp, called by the Amonians [127] Chan-Or, and Cuth-Or, from the supposedinventor, should by the Grecians be denominated Χρυσεα φορμιγξ[128]Απολλωνος: that so many cities, where Apollo was particularlyworshipped, should be called Chruse, and Chrusopolis, the number of whichwas of no small [129]amount. Nor is this observable in cities only, but inrivers, which were named in the same manner. For it was usual, in the firstages, to consecrate rivers to Deities, and to call them after their names. Hence many were denominated from Chusorus, which by the Greeks was changedto Χρυσοῤῥοας; and from this mistake they were supposed to abound withgold. The Nile was called Chrusorrhoas[130], which had no pretensions togold: and there was a river of this name at [131]Damascus. Others too mightbe produced, none of which had any claim to that mineral. There was astream Chrusorrhoas near the Amazonian city Themiscura in [132]Pontus: andthe river Pactolus was of old so called, whence probably came the notion ofits abounding with gold. [133]Πακτωλος ποταμος εστι της Λυδιας----εκαλειτοδε προτερον Χρυσοῤῥοας. It was named Chrusorrhoas first, and in aftertimesPactolus: whence we may conclude, in respect to gold, that the name was notgiven on account of any such circumstance; but the notion was inferred fromthe name. 

It is apparent that this repeated mistake arose in great measure from theterm Chusus and Chrusus being similar: whence the latter was easilyconvertible into the former; which to the Grecians appeared a moreintelligible, and at the same time a more splendid, title. But there wasstill another obvious reason for this change. Chus was by many of theeastern nations expressed Cuth; and his posterity the Cuthim. This term, inthe antient Chaldäic, and other Amonian languages, signified [134]gold:hence many cities and countries, where the Cuthites settled, were describedas golden, and were represented by the terms Chrusos and Chruse. These, asI have shewn, had no relation to gold, but to Chus, who was reverenced asthe Sun, or Apollo; and was looked upon as Dionusus; but may more truly beesteemed Bacchus. Hence, when the poet Dionysius mentions the island Chrusein [135]India, his commentator observes; Χρυση νησος, λεγομενη ὁυτως, η διατο χρυσον φερειν, η κατα τον Διονυσον· and at last concludes, [136]Χρυσουςειναι πως δοκει ὁ ἡλιος. 

In a former dissertation concerning the Shepherd Kings in Egypt, I haveshewn that they were the sons of Chus, who came into that country under thetitle of Auritæ. They settled in a province named from them Cushan, whichwas at the upper part of Delta; and in aftertimes called Nomos Arabicus. Itwas in the vicinity of Memphis, and Aphroditopolis, which places theylikewise [137]occupied. I have mentioned that Chusos was often expressedChrusos, and the country of the Cuthim rendered the golden country. If thenthere be that uniformity in error which I maintain, it may be expectedthat, in the history of these places, there should be some reference togold. It is remarkable that all this part of Egypt, conformably to what Ihave said, was called Χρυση, Chruse. Here was the campus aureus, andAphrodite Aurea of the Romans: and all the country about Memphis was styledgolden. To this Diodorus, among others, bears witness: [138]Την τεΑφροδιτην ονομαζεσθαι παρα τοις εγχωριοις Χρυσην ΕΚ ΠΑΛΑΙΑΣ ΠΑΡΑΔΟΣΕΩΣ, καιπεδιον ειναι καλουμενον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης περι την ονομαζομενην Μεμφιν. Whenthe Cuthite shepherds came into Egypt, they made Memphis the seat of royal[139]residence: and hard by was the nome of Aphrodite, and the Arabiannome, which they particularly possessed: and which, in consequence of it, were both styled the regions of the Cuthim. Hence came the title of[140]Aphrodite Chruse: and hence the country had the name of the GoldenDistrict. The island at the point of Delta, where stood the city Cercusora, is called Gieserat [141]Eddahib, or the Golden Island, at this day. Diodorus mentions, that this appellation of Chruse was derived from _a veryantient tradition_. This tradition undoubtedly related to the shepherds, those sons of Chus, who were so long in possession of the country; andwhose history was of the highest antiquity. 

The Cuthites in the west occupied only some particular spots: but fromBabylonia eastward the greatest part of that extensive sea-coast seems tohave been in their possession. In the history of these parts, there isoften some allusion to gold, as may be seen in the island Chruse, above-mentioned; and in the Chersonesus Aurea, which lay beyond the Ganges:and not only of gold, but sometimes a reference to brass; and this from asimilar mistake. For as Chusus was changed to Chrusus, Χρυσος, gold; so wasCal-Chus, the hill, or place of Chus, converted to Chalcus, Χαλκος, brass. Colchis was properly Col-Chus; and therefore called also Cuta, and Cutaia. But what was Colchian being sometimes rendered Chalcion, Καλκιον, gave riseto the fable of brazen bulls; which were only Colchic Tor, or towers. Therewas a region named Colchis in [142]India: for where the Cuthites settled, they continually kept up the memory of their forefathers, and called placesby their names. This being a secret to Philostratus, has led him into adeal of mysterious error. It is well known that this people were styledOreitæ, and Auritæ, both in Egypt and in other parts. Philostratus saysthat [143]Apollonius came to a settlement of the Oreitæ upon the IndianOcean. He also visited their Pegadæ; and, what is remarkable, he met with apeople whose very rocks were brazen; their sand was brazen: the riversconveyed down their streams fine filaments of brass: and the nativesesteemed their land golden on account of the plenty of brass. Now what isthis detail, but an abuse of terms, ill understood, and shamefullymisapplied? Philostratus had heard of a region in India; the history ofwhich he would fain render marvellous. The country, whither Apollonius issupposed to go, was a province of the Indo-Cuthites, who were to be metwith in various parts under the title of Oreitæ. They were worshippers offire, and came originally from the land of Ur; and hence had that name. ThePegadæ of the country are what we now call Pagodas; and which are too wellknown to need describing. There were in this part of the world severalcities, and temples, dedicated to the memory of Chus. Some of these arefamous at this day, though denominated after the Babylonish dialect Cutha, and Cuta; witness Calcutta, and Calecut. The latter seems to have been thecapital of the region called of old Colchis. This was more truly expressedCal-Chus; which Philostratus has mistaken for Χαλκος, brass; and made thevery [144]rocks and rivers abound with that mineral. And yet, that the oldmistake about gold may not be omitted, he concludes with a strangeantithesis, by saying, that the natives esteemed their country Chrusitis, or golden, from the quantity of [145]brass. 

It has been my endeavour to prove that what the Grecians represented byChrusos, Chrusor, and Chrusaor, should have been expressed Chus, Chusos, and Chusor, called also Chus-Orus. Chus was the son of Ham; and though thenames of the Grecian Deities are not uniformly appropriated, yet Ham isgenerally looked upon as Ἑλιος, the Sun; and had the title Dis, and Dios:hence the city of Amon in Egypt was rendered Diospolis. If then Chrusos, and Chrusor, be, as I have supposed, Chus; the person so denominated musthave been, according to the more antient mythology, the son of Helius, andDios. We find accordingly that it was so. The Scholiast upon Pindarexpressly says, [146]Διος παις ὁ Χρυσος. And in another place he is said tohave been the offspring of Helius, who was no other than Cham. [147]Εκθειας και Ὑπεριονος Ἡλιος, εκ δε Ἡλιου ὁ Χρυσος. Magic and incantations areattributed to Chus, as the inventor; and they were certainly firstpractised among his sons: hence it is said by Sanchoniathon, [148]ΤονΧρυσωρ λογους ασκησαι και επῳδας, και μαντειας. He was however esteemed agreat benefactor; and many salutary inventions were ascribed to him. He hadparticularly the credit of being the first who ventured upon the seas:[149]Πρωτον τε παντων ανθρωπων πλευσαι. Whether this can be said truly ofChus himself, is uncertain: it agrees full well with the history of hissons; who, as we have the greatest reason to be assured, were the firstgreat navigators in the world. 

 * * * * *

OF

CANAAN, CNAAN, AND

ΧΝΑΣ;

AND OF THE

DERIVATIVE ΚΥΚΝΟΣ. 

Lucian tells us, that, reflecting upon the account given of Phaëthon, whofell thunderstruck into the Eridanus, and of his sisters, who were changedto poplars weeping amber, he took a resolution, if he should ever be nearthe scene of these wonderful transactions, to inquire among the nativesconcerning the truth of the [150]story. It so happened, that, at a certaintime, he was obliged to go up the river above mentioned: and he says, thathe looked about very wistfully; yet, to his great amazement, he saw neitheramber nor poplar. Upon this he took the liberty to ask the people, whorowed him, when he should arrive at the amber-dropping trees: but it waswith some difficulty that he could make them understand what he meant. Hethen explained to them the story of Phaëthon: how he borrowed the chariotof the Sun; and being an awkward charioteer, tumbled headlong into theEridanus: that his sisters pined away with grief; and at last weretransformed to trees, the same of which he had just spoken: and he assuredthem, that these trees were to be found somewhere upon the banks, weepingamber. Who the deuce, says one of the boatmen, could tell you such an idlestory? We never heard of any charioteer tumbling into the river; nor havewe, that I know of, a single poplar in the country. If there were any treeshereabouts dropping amber, do you think, master, that we would sit here, day after day, tugging against stream for a dry groat, when we might stepashore, and make our fortunes so easily? This affected Lucian a good deal:for he had formed some hopes of obtaining a little of this preciouscommodity; and began to think that he must have been imposed upon. However, as Cycnus, the brother of Phaëthon, was here changed to a swan, he took itfor granted that he should find a number of those birds sailing up and downthe stream, and making the groves echo with their melody. But notperceiving any in a great space, he took the liberty, as he passed onward, to put the question again to the boatmen; and to make inquiry about thesebirds. Pray, gentlemen, says he, at what particular season is it that yourswans hereabouts sing so sweetly? It is said, that they were formerly men, and always at Apollo's side; being in a manner of his privy council. Theirskill in music must have been very great: and though they have been changedinto birds, they retain that faculty, and, I am told, sing mostmelodiously. The watermen could not help smiling at this account. Why, sir, says one of them, what strange stories you have picked up about ourcountry, and this river? We have plied here, men and boys, for years; andto be sure we cannot say that we never saw a swan: there are some here andthere towards the fens, which make a low dull noise: but as for anyharmony, a rook or a jackdaw, in comparison of them, may be looked upon asa nightingale. 

Such are the witty strictures of Lucian upon the story of Phaëthon andCycnus, as described by the poets. Whatever may have been the grounds uponwhich this fiction is founded, they were certainly unknown to the Greeks;who have misinterpreted what little came to their hands, and from suchmisconstruction devised these fables. The story, as we have it, is notuniformly told. Some, like Lucian, speak of swans in the plural; andsuppose them to have been the ministers, and attendants of Apollo, whoassisted at his concerts. Others mention one person only, called Cycnus;who was the reputed brother of Phaëthon, and at his death was transformedto the bird of that name. The fable is the same whichever way it may berelated, and the purport of it is likewise the same. There is one mistakein the story, which I must set right before I proceed; as it may be of someconsequence in the process of my inquiry. Phaëthon is represented by manyof the poets as the offspring of the Sun, or Apollo: [151]Sole satusPhaëthon. But this was a mistake, and to be found chiefly among the Romanpoets. Phaëthon was the Sun. It was a title of Apollo; and was given to himas the God of light. This is manifest from the testimony of the more earlyGreek poets, and particularly from Homer, who uses it in this acceptation. 

 [152]Ουδεποτ' αυτους Ηελιος Φαεθον επιδερκεται ακτινεσσιν. 

In respect to Cycnus and his brotherhood, those vocal ministers of Apollo, the story, which is told of them, undoubtedly alludes to Canaan, the son ofHam; and to the Canaanites, his posterity. They sent out many colonies;which colonies, there is great reason to think, settled in those places, where these legends about swans particularly prevailed. The name of Canaanwas by different nations greatly varied, and ill expressed: and thismisconstruction among the Greeks gave rise to the fable. To shew this, itwill be proper to give an account of the rites and customs of theCanaanites, as well as of their extensive traffic. Among the many branchesof the Amonian family, which settled in various parts of the world, andcarried on an early correspondence, the Canaanites were not the leastrespectable. They traded from Sidon chiefly, before that city was taken bythe king of Ascalon: and upon their commerce being interrupted here, they[153]removed it to the strong hold of Tyre. This place was soon improved toa mighty city, which was very memorable in its day. The Canaanites, as theywere a sister tribe of the Mizraïm, so were they extremely like them intheir rites and religion. They held a heifer, or cow, in high veneration, agreeably with the [154]customs of Egypt. Their chief Deity was the Sun, whom they worshipped together with the Baalim, under the titles Ourchol, Adonis, Thamuz. It was a custom among the Grecians, at the celebration oftheir religious festivals, to crown the whole with hymns of praise, and themost joyful exclamations. But the Egyptians were of a gloomy turn of mind, which infected the whole of their worship. Their hymns were always composedin melancholy affecting airs, and consisted of lamentations for the loss ofOsiris, the mystic flight of Bacchus, the wanderings of Isis, and thesufferings of the Gods. Apuleius takes notice of this difference in therites and worship of the two nations: [155]Ægyptiaca numinum fana plenaplangoribus: Græca plerumque choreis. Hence the author of the OrphicArgonautica, speaking of the initiations in Egypt, mentions, [156]Θρενους τ' Αιγυπτιον, και Οσιριδος ἱερα χυτλα. 

The Canaanites at Byblus, Berytus, Sidon, and afterwards at Tyre, usedparticularly mournful dirges for the loss of Adonis, or Thamuz; who was thesame as Thamas, and Osiris in Egypt. The Cretans had the like mournfulhymns, in which they commemorated the grief of Apollo for the loss ofAtymnius. 

 [157]Αιλινα μελπειν, Ὁια παρα Κρητεσσιν αναξ ελιγαινεν Απολλων Δακρυχεων ερατεινον Ατυμνιον. 

The measures and harmony of the Canaanites seem to have been veryaffecting, and to have made a wonderful impression on the minds of theiraudience. The infectious mode of worship prevailed so far, that thechildren of Israel were forbidden to weep, and make lamentation upon afestival: [158]Ειναι γαρ ἑορτην, και μη δειν εν αυτῃ κλαιειν, ου γαρεξειναι. And Nehemiah gives the people a caution to the same purpose:[159]_This day is holy unto the Lord your God: mourn not, nor weep_. AndEsdras counsels them in the same manner: [160]_This day is holy unto theLord: be not sorrowful_. It is likewise in another place mentioned, that[161]_the Levites stilled all the people, saying, Hold your peace, for theday is holy: neither be ye grieved_. Such was the prohibition given to theIsraelites: but among the Canaanites this shew of sorrow was encouraged, and made part of their [162]rites. 

The father of this people is represented in the Mosaic history, accordingto our version, Canaan: but there is reason to think that by the Egyptiansand other neighbouring nations it was expressed Cnaan. This by the Greekswas rendered Χναας, and Χνας; and in later times Χνα, Cna. [163]Χνα, ὁυτοςἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο--το εθνικον Χναος. We are told by Philo fromSanchoniathon, that [164]Isiris the Egyptian, who found out three letters, was the brother of Cna: by which is meant, that Mizraïm was the brother ofCanaan. I have taken notice more than once of a particular term, Υκ, Uc;which has been passed over unnoticed by most writers: yet is to be found inthe composition of many words; especially such as are of Amonian original. The tribe of Cush was styled by Manethon, before the passage was depraved, Υκκουσος. Uch, says this author, in the sacred language of Egypt, signifiesa [165]king. Hence it was conferred as a title upon the God Sehor, who, aswe may infer from Manethon and [166]Hellanicus, was called Ucsiris, andIcsiris; but by the later Greeks the name was altered to Isiris and Osiris. And not only the God Sehor, or Sehoris was so expressed; but Cnas, orCanaan, had the same title, and was styled Uc-Cnas, and the Gentile name orpossessive was Uc-cnaos, Υκ-κναος: το εθνικον γαρ Χναος, as we learn fromStephanus. The Greeks, whose custom it was to reduce every foreign name tosomething similar in their own language, changed Υκκναος to Κυκνειος, UcCnaus to Cucneus; and from Υκ Κνας formed Κυκνος. Some traces of this wordstill remain, though almost effaced; and may be observed in the name of theGoddess Ichnaia. Instead of Uc-Cnaan the son of Ham, the Greeks havesubstituted this personage in the feminine, whom they have represented asthe daughter of the Sun. She is mentioned in this light by Lycophron:[167]Της Ἡλιου θυγατρος Ιχναιας βραβευς. They likewise changed Thamuz andThamas of Canaan and Egypt to Themis a feminine; and called her IchnaiaThemis. She is so styled by Homer. 

 [168]Θεαι δ' εσαν ενδοθι πασαι, Ὁσσαι αρισται εσαν, Διωνη τε, Ῥειη τε, Ιχναιη τε Θεμις, και αγαστονος Αμφιτριτη. 

Ιχναια is here used adjectively. Ιχναια Θεμις signifies Themis, or Thamuz, of [169]Canaan. 

There was another circumstance, which probably assisted to carry on themistake: a Canaanitish temple was called both Ca-Cnas, and Cu-Cnas; andadjectively[170] Cu-Cnaios; which terms there is reason to think wererendered Κυκνος, and Κυκνειος. Besides all this, the swan was undoubtedlythe insigne of Canaan, as the eagle and vulture were of Egypt, and the doveof Babylonia. It was certainly the hieroglyphic of the country. These werethe causes which contributed to the framing many idle legends, such as thepoets improved upon greatly. Hence it is observable, that wherever we mayimagine any colonies from Canaan to have settled and to have foundedtemples, there is some story about swans: and the Greeks, in alluding totheir hymns, instead of Yκκναον ασμα, the music of Canaan, have introducedκυκνειον ασμα, the singing of these birds: and, instead of the death ofThamuz, lamented by the Cucnaans, or priests, they have made the swans singtheir own dirge, and foretell their own funeral. Wherever the Canaanitescame, they introduced their national worship; part of which, as I haveshewn, consisted in chanting hymns to the honour of their country God. Hewas the same as Apollo of Greece: on which account, Lucian, in compliancewith the current notion, says, that the Cycni were formerly the assessorsand ministers of that Deity. By this we are to understand, that people ofthis denomination were in antient times his priests. One part of the world, where this notion about swans prevailed, was in Liguria, upon the banks ofthe Eridanus. Here Phaëthon was supposed to have met with his downfal; andhere his brother Cycnus underwent the metamorphosis, of which we havespoken. In these parts some Amonians settled very early; among whom itappears that there were many from Canaan. They may be traced by the mightyworks which they carried on; for they drained the river towards its mouth, and formed some vast canals, called Fossæ Philistinæ. Pliny, speaking ofthe entrance into the Eridanus, says, [171]Indé ostia plana, Carbonaria, acfossiones Philistinæ, quod alii Tartarum vocant: omnia ex Philistinæ fossæabundatione nascentia. These canals were, undoubtedly the work of theCanaanites, and particularly of some of the Caphtorim, who came fromPhilistim: and hence these outlets of the river were named Philistinæ. Theriver betrays its original in its name; for it has no relation to theCeltic language, but is apparently of Egyptian or Canaanitish etymology. This is manifest from the terms of which it is made up; for it iscompounded of Ur-Adon, sive Orus Adonis; and was sacred to the God of thatname. The river, simply, and out of composition, was Adon, or Adonis: andit is to be observed, that this is the name of one of the principal riversin Canaan. It ran near the city Biblus, where the death of Thamuz wasparticularly lamented. It is a circumstance taken notice of by manyauthors, and most pathetically described by Milton. 

 [172]Thammuz came next behind, Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd The Syrian damsels to lament his fate In amorous ditties all a summer's day: While smooth Adonis from his native rock Ran purple to the sea; suppos'd with blood Of Thammuz yearly wounded. 

It is said that the Eridanus was so called first by [173]Pherecydes Syrus:and that my etymology is true, may in great measure be proved from the[174]Scholiast upon Aratus. He shews that the name was of Egyptianoriginal, at least consonant to the language of Egypt; for it was the sameas the Nile. It is certain that it occurred in the antient sphere of Egypt, whence the Grecians received it. The great effusion of water in thecelestial sphere, which, Aratus says, was the Nile, is still called theEridanus: and, as the name was of oriental original, the purport of it mustbe looked for among the people of those parts. The river Strymon, inThrace, was supposed to abound with swans, as much as the Eridanus; and theantient name of this river was Palaestinus. It was so called from theAmonians, who settled here under the name of Adonians, and who founded thecity Adonis. They were by the later Greeks styled, after the Iönic manner, Edonians, and their city Edonis. [175]Στρυμων ποταμος εστι της Θρακης καταπολιν Ηδωνιδα, προσηγορευετο δε προτερον Παλαιστινος. _The Strymon is ariver of Thrace, which runs by the city Edonis: it was of old called theriver Palæstinus_. In these places, and in all others where any of theCanaanites settled, the Grecians have introduced some story about swans. 

Some of them seem to have gained access at Delphi; as did likewise othersfrom Egypt: and by such was that oracle first founded. Egypt, among othernames, was called Ait, and Ai Ait, by the Greeks expressed Αετια:[176]Εκληθη δε--και ΑΕΤΙΑ. The natives, in consequence of it, were calledΑετιοι, and Αεται; which was interpreted eagles. Hence, we are told byPlutarch, that some of the feathered kind, either eagles or swans, camefrom the remote parts of the earth, and settled at Delphi. [177]Αετουςτινας, η Κυκνους, ω Τερεντιανε Πρισκε, μυθολογουσιν απο των ακρων της γηςεπι το μεσον φερομενους εις ταυτο συμπεσειν Πυθοι περι τον καλουμενονομφαλον. These eagles and swans undoubtedly relate to colonies from Egyptand Canaan. I recollect but one philosopher styled Cygnus; and, what isremarkable, he was of Canaan. Antiochus, the Academic, mentioned by Ciceroin his philosophical works, and also by [178]Strabo, was of Ascaloun, inPalestine; and he was surnamed Cygnus, the Swan: which name, as it is socircumstanced, must, I think, necessarily allude to this country. 

As in early times colonies went by the name of the Deity whom theyworshipped, or by the name of the insigne and hieroglyphic under whichtheir country was denoted, every depredation made by such people was placedto the account of the Deity under such a device. This was the manner inwhich poets described things: and, in those days, all wrote in measure. Hence, instead of saying that the Egyptians, or Canaanites, or Tyrians, landed and carried off such and such persons; they said, that it was doneby Jupiter, in the shape of an eagle, or a swan, or a bull: substituting aneagle for Egypt, a swan for Canaan, and a bull for the city of [179]Tyre. It is said of the Telchines, who were Amonian priests, that they came toAttica under the conduct of Jupiter in the shape of an eagle. 

 [180]Αιετος ἡγεμονευε δι αιθερος αντιτυπος Ζευς. 

By which is meant, that they were Egyptian priests; and an eagle wasprobably the device in their standard, as well as the insigne of theirnation. 

Some of the same family were to be found among the Atlantes of Mauritania, and are represented as having the shape of swans. Prometheus, in Æschylus, speaks of them in the commission which he gives to Io: [181]_You must go_, says he, _as far as the city Cisthene in the Gorgonian plains, where thethree Phorcides reside; those antient, venerable ladies, who are in theshape of swans, and have but one eye, of which they make use in common. _This history relates to an Amonian temple founded in the extreme parts ofAfrica; in which there were three priestesses of Canaanitish race; who, onthat account, are said to be in the shape of swans. The notion of theirhaving but one eye among them took its rise from an hieroglyphic verycommon in Egypt, and probably in Canaan: this was the representation of aneye, which was said to be engraved upon the pediment of their [182]temples. As the land of Canaan lay so opportunely for traffic, and the emigrantsfrom most parts went under their conduct, their history was well known. They navigated the seas very early, and were necessarily acquainted withforeign regions; to which they must at one time have betaken themselves ingreat numbers, when they fled before the sons of Israel. In all the placeswhere they settled they were famous for their hymns and music; all whichthe Greeks have transferred to birds, and supposed that they were swans whowere gifted with this harmony. Yet, sweet as their notes are said to havebeen, there is not, I believe, a person upon record who was ever a witnessto it. It is, certainly, all a fable. When, therefore, Plutarch tells usthat Apollo was pleased with the music of swans, [183]μουσικῃ τε ἡδεται, και κυκνων φωναις; and when Æschylus mentions their singing their owndirges; they certainly allude to Egyptian and Canaanitish priests, wholamented the death of Adon and Osiris. And this could not be entirely asecret to the Grecians, for they seem often to refer to some such notion. Socrates termed swans his fellow-servants: in doing which he alluded to theantient priests, styled Cycni. They were people of the choir, andofficiated in the temples of the same Deities; whose servant he professedhimself to be. Hence Porphyry assures us, [184]Ὁυ παιζων ὁμοδουλους αυτουελεγεν τους κυκνους (Σοκρατης), _that Socrates was very serious when hementioned swans as his fellow-servants. _ When, therefore, Aristophanesspeaks of the [185]Delian and Pythian swans, they are the priests of thoseplaces, to whom he alludes. And when it is said by Plato, that the soul ofOrpheus, out of disgust to womankind, led the life of a [186]swan, themeaning certainly is, that he retired from the world to some cloister, andlived a life of celibacy, like a priest. For the priests of many countries, but particularly of Egypt, were recluses, and devoted themselves to[187]celibacy: hence monkery came originally from Egypt. Lycophron, who wasof Egypt, and skilled in antient terms, styles Calchas, who was the priestof Apollo, a swan. [188]Μολοσσου κυπεως κοιτου κυκνον. These epithets, theScholiast tells us, belong to Apollo; and Calchas is called a swan, δια τογηραιον, και μαντικον: _because he was an old prophet and priest_. Hence, at the first institution of the rites of Apollo, which is termed the birthof the Deity, at Delos, it is said that many swans came from the coast ofAsia, and went round the island for the space of seven days. 

 [189]Κυκνοι δε θεου μελποντες αοιδοι Μηονιον Πακτωλον εκυκλωσαντο λιποντες Ἑβδομακις περι Δηλον· επηεισαν δε λοχειῃ Μουσαων ορνιθες, αοιδοτατοι πετεηνων. 

The whole of this relates to a choir of priests, who came over to settle atDelos, and to serve in the newly erected temple. They circled the islandseven times; because seven, of old, was looked upon as a mysterious andsacred number. 

 [190]Ἑβδομη ειν αγαθοις, και ἑβδομη εστι γενεθλη. Ἑβδομη εν πρωτοισι, και ἑβδομη εστι τελειη. Ἑβδοματῃ δη ὁι τετελεσμενα παντα τετυκται. Ἑπτα δε παντα τετυκται εν ουρανῳ αστεροεντι. 

The birds in the island of Diomedes, which were said to have beenoriginally companions of that hero, were undoubtedly priests, and of thesame race as those of whom I have been treating. They are represented asgentle to good men, and averse to those who are bad. Ovid describes theirshape and appearance: [191]Ut non cygnorum, sic albis proxima cygnis;which, after what has been said, may, I think, be easily understood. 

If then the harmony of swans, when spoken of, not only related to somethingquite foreign, but in reality did not of itself exist, it may appearwonderful that the antients should so universally give into the notion. Fornot only the poets, but [192]Plato, Plutarch, Cicero, Pliny, with manyothers of high rank, speak of it as a circumstance well known. But it is tobe observed, that none of them speak from their own experience: nor arethey by any means consistent in what they say. Some mention this singing asa general faculty; which was exerted at all times: others limit it toparticular seasons, and to particular places. Aristotle seems to confine itto the seas of [193]Africa: [194]Aldrovandus says, that it may be heardupon the Thames near London. The account given by Aristotle is veryremarkable. He says, that mariners, whose course lay through the Libyansea, have often met with swans, and heard them singing in a melancholystrain: and upon a nearer approach, they could perceive that some of themwere dying, from whom the harmony proceeded. Who would have expected tohave found swans swimming in the salt sea, in the midst of theMediterranean? There is nothing that a Grecian would not devise in supportof a favourite error. The legend from beginning to end is groundless: andthough most speak of the music of swans as exquisite; yet some absolutelydeny [195]the whole of it; and others are more moderate in theircommendations. The watermen in Lucian give the preference to a jackdaw: butAntipater in some degree dissents, and thinks that the swan has theadvantage. 

 [196]Λωιτερος κυκνων μικρος θροος, ηε κολοιων Κρωγμος. 

And Lucretius confesses, that the screaming of a crane is not quite sopleasing:

 [197]Parvus ut est, Cygni melior canor, ille gruum quam Clamor:

Which however is paying them no great compliment. To these respectablepersonages I must add the evidence of a modern; one too of no small repute, even the great Scaliger. He says, that he made a strict scrutiny about thisaffair, when in Italy; and the result of his observations was this:[198]Ferrariæ multos (cygnos) vidimus, sed cantores sane malos, nequemelius ansere canere. 

 * * * * *

OF

TEMPLE SCIENCE. 

The Egyptians were very famous for geometrical knowledge: and as all theflat part of their country was annually overflowed, it is reasonable tosuppose that they made use of this science to determine their lands, and tomake out their several claims, at the retreat of the waters. Many indeedhave thought, that the confusion of property, which must for a while haveprevailed, gave birth to practical [199]geometry, in order to remedy theevil: and in consequence of it, that charts and maps were first delineatedin this country. These, we may imagine, did not relate only to privatedemesnes: but included also the course of the Nile in its various branches;and all the sea coast, and its inlets, with which lower Egypt was bounded. 

It is very certain, that the people of Colchis, who were a colony fromEgypt, had charts of this sort, with written descriptions of the seas andshores, whithersoever they traded: and they at one time carried on a mostextensive commerce. We are told, says the [200]Scholiast upon Apollonius, that the Colchians still retain the laws and customs of their forefathers:and they have pillars of stone, upon which are engraved maps of thecontinent, and of the ocean: Εισι δε, φησι, και νομοι παρ' αυτοις τωνΠρογωνον, και Στηλαι, εν ἁις γης και θαλασσης αναγραφαι εισι. The poet, upon whom the above writer has commented, calls these pillars, κυρβεις:which, we are told, were of a square figure, like obelisks: and on these, he says, were delineated all the passages of the sea; and the boundaries ofevery country upon the earth. 

 [201]Ὁι δη τοι γραπτας πατερων ἑθεν ειρυονται Κυρβεας, ὁις ενι πασαι ὁδοι, και πειρατ' εασιν Ὑγρης τε, τραφερης τε, περιξ επινεισσομενοισιν. 

These delineations had been made of old, and transmitted to the Colchiansby their forefathers; which forefathers were from [202]Egypt. 

If then the Colchians had this science, we may presume that their mothercountry possessed it in as eminent a degree: and we are assured, that theywere very knowing in this article. Clemens Alexandrinus [203]mentions, thatthere were maps of Egypt, and charts of the Nile very early. And we aremoreover told, that Sesostris (by which is meant the Sethosians) drew uponboards schemes of all the countries, which he had traversed: and copies ofthese were given both to [204]the Egyptians, and to the Scythians, who heldthem in high estimation. This is a curious account of the first delineationof countries, and origin of maps; which were first described upon[205]pillars. We may from hence be enabled to solve the enigma concerningAtlas, who is said to have supported the heavens upon his shoulders. Thistook its rise from some verses in Homer, which have been strangelymisconstrued. The passage is in the Odyssey; where the poet is speaking ofCalypso, who is said to be the daughter of Atlas, ολοοφρονος, a person ofdeep and recondite knowledge:

 [206]Ατλαντος θυγατηρ ολοοφρονος, ὁστε θαλασσης Πασης βενθεα οιδεν, εχει δε τε ΚΙΟΝΑΣ αυτος Μακρας, ἁι Γαιαν τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν. 

It is to be observed, that when the antients speak of the feats ofHercules, we are to understand the Herculeans; under the name of Cadmus ismeant the Cadmians; under that of Atlas, the Atlantians. With thisallowance how plain are the words of Homer! The [207]Atlantians settled inPhrygia and Mauritania; and, like the Colchians, were of the family of Ham. They had great experience in sea affairs: and the poet tells us, that theyknew all the soundings in the great deep. 

 Εχει δε τε Κιονας αυτος Μακρας, ἁι Γαιην τε και Ουρανον αμφις εχουσιν. 

_They had also long pillars, or obelisks, which referred to the sea; andupon which was delineated the whole system both of heaven and earth_;αμφις, _all around, both on the front of the obelisk, and on the othersides_. Κιονες Κοσμου were certainly maps, and histories of the universe;in the knowledge of which the Atlantians seem to have instructed theirbrethren the Herculeans. The Grecians, in their accounts, by putting oneperson for a people, have rendered the history obscure; which otherwisewould be very intelligible. There is a passage in Eusebius, which may berendered very plain, and to the purpose, if we make use of the clueabove-mentioned. [208]Ἡροδοτος δε λεγει τον Ηρακλεα μαντιν και φυσικονγενομενον παρα Ατλαντος του Βαρβαρου του Φρυγος διαδεχεσθαι τας του ΚοσμουΚιονας. This may be paraphrased in the following manner; and with suchlatitude will be found perfectly consonant to the truth. _The Herculeanswere a people much given to divination, and to the study of nature. Greatpart of their knowledge they are thought to have had transmitted to themfrom those Atlantians, who settled in Phrygia, especially the history ofthe earth and heavens; for all such knowledge the Atlantians had of oldconsigned to pillars and obelisks in that country: and from them it wasderived to the Herculeans, or Heraclidæ, of Greece. _ The Atlantians wereesteemed by the Grecians as barbarous: but they were in reality of the samefamily. Their chief ancestor was the father of the Peleiadæ, or Ionim; ofwhom I shall hereafter have much to say: and was the supposed brother ofSaturn. The Hellenes, though they did not always allow it, were undoubtedlyof his race. This may be proved from Diodorus Siculus, who gives thiscurious history of the Peleiadæ, his offspring. [209]Ταυτας δε μιγεισαςτοις ευφυεστατοις Ἡρωσι και Θεοις αρχηγους καταστηναι του πλειστου γενουςτον ανθρωπων, τεκουσας τους δι' αρετην Θεους και Ἡρωαςονομασθεντας. --Παραπλησεως δε και τας αλλας Ατλαντιδας γεννησαι παιδαςεπιφανεις, ὡν τους μεν εθνων, τους δε πολεων γενεσθαι κτιστας· διοπερ ουμονον παρ' ενιοις των Βαρβαρων, αλλα και παρα τοις Ἑλλησι τους πλειστουςτων αρχαιοτατων Ἡρωων εις ταυτας αναφερειν το γενος. _These daughters ofAtlas, by their connections and marriages with the most illustrious heroes, and divinities, may be looked up to as the heads of most families uponearth. And from them proceeded all those, who upon account of theireminence were in aftertimes esteemed Gods and Heroes_. And having spoken ofMaia, and her offspring, the author proceeds to tell us, that _the otherAtlantides in like manner gave birth to a most noble race: some of whomwere the founders of nations; and others the builders of cities: insomuchthat most of the more antient heroes, not only of those abroad, who wereesteemed Barbari, but even of the Helladians, claimed their ancestry fromthem_. And they received not only their ancestry, but their knowledge also, του κοσμου κιονας; all the celestial and terrestrial phenomena, which hadbeen entrusted to the sacred pillars of the Atlantes, ἁι γαιην τε καιουρανον αμφις εχουσιν, which contained descriptions both of the heavens, and the earth. From Phrygia they came at last to Hellas, where they wereintroduced by Anaximander, who is said, [210]Εσδουναι πρωτον γεωγραφικονπινακα, _to have been the first who introduced a geographical chart_: or, as Laertius expresses it, [211]Γης και Θαλαττης περιμετρον, _thecircumference of the terraqueous globe delineated_. 

Though the origin of maps may be deduced from Egypt, yet they were not thenative Egyptians, by whom they were first constructed. Delineations of thisnature were the contrivance of the Cuthites, or Shepherds. They were, amongother titles, styled Saïtæ; and from them both astronomy and geometry wereintroduced in those parts. They, with immense labour, drained the lowerprovinces; erected stupendous buildings; and raised towers at the mouths ofthe river, which were opportunely situated for navigation. For, though theMizraim were not addicted to commerce, yet it was followed by otherfamilies besides the Cuthites, who occupied the lower provinces towards thesea. The towers which were there raised served for lighthouses, and were, at the same time, temples, denominated from some title of the Deity, suchas Canoph, Caneph, Cneph; also Perses, Proteus, Phanes, and Canobus. Theywere on both accounts much resorted to by mariners, and enriched withofferings. Here were deposited charts of the coast, and of the navigationof the Nile, which were engraved on pillars, and in aftertimes sketched outupon the Nilotic Papyrus. There is likewise reason to think that they weresometimes delineated upon walls. This leads me to take notice of a passagefrom Pherecydes Syrus, which seems to allude to something of this nature:though, I believe, in his short detail that he has misrepresented theauthor from whom he copied. He is said, by Theopompus, [212]πρωτον περι τηςφυσεως, και Θεων, Ἑλλησι γραφειν, _to have been the first who wrote for thebenefit of his countrymen about nature and the Gods_. Suidas [213]mentions, that he composed a theogony; all which knowledge, we are assured, came fromEgypt. It is certain that he studied in that[214] country; whence we mayconclude, that the following history is Egyptian. He says, that Zas, orJupiter, composed a large and curious robe, upon which he described theearth, and the ocean, and the habitations upon the ocean. [215]Ζας ποιειφαρος μεγα τε, και καλον, και εν αυτῳ ποικιλλει Γην, και Ωγηνον, και ταΩγηνου δωματα. Now, Zas, or, as it should be rendered, Zan, was the Doriantitle of Amon. And Ogenus, the Ocean, was the most antient name of theNile; whence the Grecians borrowed their Oceanus. [216]Ὁι γαρ Αιγυπτιοινομιζουσιν ωκεανον ειναι τον παρ' αυτοις ποταμον Νειλον. _The Egyptians, bythe term Oceanus, understand their own river Nilus_. The same author, inanother place, calls this river Oceames[217]. Τον δε ποταμον αρχαιοτατονμεν ονομα σχειν Ωκεαμην, ὁς εστιν Ἑλλενιστι ωκεανος. The former term, Ogenus, whence the Greeks borrowed their Oceanus, was a compound ofOc-Gehon, and Avas originally rendered Ogehonus. It signifies the nobleGehon, and is a name taken from one of the rivers of Paradise. The Nile wassometimes called simply Gehon, as we learn from the author of the ChroniconPaschale. [218]Εχει δε (ἡ Αιγυπτος) ποταμον Γηων--Νειλον καλουμενον. It wasprobably a name given by the Cuthites, from whom, as will be hereaftershewn, the river Indus had the name of Phison. [219]Ποταμοι ονομαστοιΙνδος, ὁ και Φεισων, Νειλος, ὁ και Γηων. _The two most celebrated riversare the Indus, the same as the Phison, and the Nile, which is called theGehon. _ The river, also, of Colchis, rendered Phasis, and Phasin, was, properly, the Phison. The Nile, being of old styled Oc-Gehon, and havingmany branches, or arms, gave rise to the fable of the sea monster Ægeon, whom Ovid represents as supporting himself upon the whales of the ocean. 

 [220]Balænarumque prementem Ægæona suis immania terga lacertis. 

The Scholiast upon Lycophron informs us farther, that the river had threenames; and imagines that upon this account it was called Triton. [221]Τριτων ὁ Νειλος, ὁτι τρις μετωνομασθη· προτερον γαρ Ωκεανος ανεκαλειτο, δευτερον Αετος·--το δε Νειλος νεον εστι. I shall not at presentcontrovert his etymology. Let it suffice, that we are assured, both by thisauthor and by others, that the Nile was called Oceanus: and what is alludedto by Pherecydes is certainly a large map or chart. The robe of which hespeaks was indeed a Pharos, Φαρος; but a Pharus of a different nature fromthat which he describes. It was a building, a temple, which was notconstructed by the Deity, but dedicated to him. It was one of those towersof which I have before treated; in which were described upon the walls, andotherwise delineated, Ωγηνος και Ωγηνου δωματα, the course of the Gehon, orNile; and the towns and houses upon that river. 

I imagine that the shield of Achilles, in Homer, was copied from somethingof this sort which the poet had seen in Egypt: for Homer is continuallyalluding to the customs, as well as to the history, of that kingdom. And, it is evident, that what he describes on the central part of the shield, isa map of the earth, and of the celestial appearances. 

 [222]Εν μεν Γαιαν ετευξ', εν δ' Ουρανον, εν δε θαλασσαν. Εν δ' ετιθει ΠΟΤΑΜΟΙΟ μεγα σθενος ΩΚΕΑΝΟΙΟ. 

The antients loved to wrap up every thing in mystery and fable: they havetherefore described Hercules, also, with a robe of this sort:

 [223]Ποικιλον ἑιμα φερων, τυπον Αιθερος, εικονα Κοσμου:

_He was invested with a robe, which was a type of the heavens, and arepresentation of the whole world. _

The garment of Thetis, which the poets mention as given her upon hersupposed marriage with Peleus, was a Pharos of the same kind as thatdescribed above. We may learn, from Catullus, who copied the story, thatthe whole alluded to an historical picture preserved in some tower; andthat it referred to matters of great antiquity, though applied by theGreeks to later times, and ascribed to people of their own nation. 

 [224]Pulvinar vero Divæ geniale locatur Sedibus in mediis; Indo quod dente politum Tincta tegit roseo conchylis purpura fuco. Hæc vestis priscis hominum variata figuris Heroum mirâ virtutes indicat arte. 

It contained a description of some notable achievements in the first ages;and a particular account of the Apotheosis of Ariadne, who is described, whatever may be the meaning of it, as carried by Bacchus to heaven. Thestory is said to have been painted on a robe, or coverlet; because it wasdelineated upon a Pharos: that word being equivocal, and to be taken ineither sense. And here I cannot but take notice of the inconsistency of theGreeks, who make Theseus a partaker in this history; and suppose him tohave been acquainted with Ariadne. If we may credit Plutarch[225], Theseus, as soon as he was advanced towards manhood, went, by the advice of hismother Æthra, from Trœzen, in quest of his father Ægeus at Athens. This wassome years after the Argonautic expedition; when Medea had left Jason, andput herself under the protection of this same Ægeus. After having beenacknowledged by his father, Theseus went upon his expedition to Crete;where he is said to have first seen Ariadne, and to have carried her away. All this, I say, was done after Jason had married Medea, and had childrenby her; and after she had left him and was come to Athens. But the story ofAriadne, in the above specimen, is mentioned as a fact of far older date. It was prior to the arrival of Medea in Greece, and even to the Argonauticexpedition. It is spoken of as a circumstance of the highest antiquity:consequently, [226]Theseus could not any ways be concerned in it. 

There, is an account in Nonnus of a robe, or Pharos, which Harmonia issupposed to have worn when she was visited by the Goddess of beauty. Therewas delineated here, as in some above mentioned, the earth, and theheavens, with all the stars. The sea, too, and the rivers, wererepresented; and the whole was, at the bottom, surrounded by the ocean. 

 [227]Πρωτην Γαιαν επασσε μεσομφαλον, αμφι δε γαιῃ Ουρανον εσφαιρωσε τυπῳ κεχαραγμενον αστρων. Συμφερτην δε θαλασσαν εφηρμοσε συζυγι Γαιῃ, Και ποταμους ποικιλλεν· επ' ανδρομεῳ δε μετωπῳ Ταυροφυης μορφουτο κερασφορος εγχλοος εικων. Και πυματην παρα πεζαν εϋκλωστοιο χιτωνος Ωκεανος κυκλωσε περιδρομον αντυγα Κοσμου. 

All this relates to a painting, either at Sidon or Berytus; which wasdelineated in a tower, or temple, sacred to Hermon. 

Orpheus alludes to a Pharos of this sort, and to the paintings andfurniture of it, in his description of the robes with which Apollo, orDionusus, is invested. He speaks of them as the same Deity. 

 [228]Ταυτα δε παντα τελειν ἱερᾳ σκευῃ πυκασαντα, Σωμα θεου πλαττειν περιαυγους Ηελιοιο. Πρωτα μεν αργυφεαις εναλιγκιον ακτινεσσι Πεπλον φοινικεον, πυρι εικελον, αμφιβαλεσθαι. Αυταρ ὑπερθε νεβροιο παναιολου ἑυρυ καθαψαι Δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος κατα δεξιον ωμον, Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο. Ειτα δ' ὑπερθε νεβρης χρυσεον ζωστηρα βαλεσθαι, Παμφανοωντα, περιξ στερνων φορεειν, μεγα σημα. Ευθυς, ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων Χρυσειαις ακτισι βαλῃ ῥοον Ωκεανοιο, Αυγη δ' ασπετος ῃ, ανα δε δροσῳ αμφιμιγεισα, Μαρμαιρῃ δινῃσιν ἑλισσομενη κατα κυκλον Προσθε θεου, ζωνε δ' αρ' ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων Φαινετ' αρ' ωκεανου κυκλος, μεγα θαυμ' εσιδεσθαι. 

When the poet has thus adorned the Deity, we find, towards the conclusion, that these imaginary robes never shew to such advantage as in the morning. _When the sun_, says he, _rises from the extremities of the earth, andenlightens the ocean with his horizontal rays; then they appear in greatsplendour, which is increased by the morning dew. _ All this investiture ofthe Deity relates to the earth and the heavens, which were delineated upona [229]skin, δερμα πολυστικτον θηρος, styled πεπλον. This is described, Αστρων δαιδαλεων μιμημ', ἱερου τε πολοιο: _as a copy and imitation of allthe celestial appearances_. The whole was deposited in a Pharos upon thesea shore, upon which the sun, at his rising, darted his early rays; andwhose turrets glittered with the dew: Ὑπο στερνων αμετρητων φαινετ' αρ'ωκεανου κυκλος: from the upper story of the tower, which was of anunmeasurable height, there was an unlimited view of the ocean. This vastelement surrounded the edifice like a zone; and afforded a wonderfulphænomenon. Such, I imagine, is the solution of the enigma. 

 * * * * *

TAR, TOR, TARIT. 

I have taken notice of the fears and apprehensions, under which the firstnavigators must necessarily have been, when they traversed unknown seas;and were liable to be entangled among the rocks, and shelves of the deep:and I mentioned the expedients of which they made use to obviate suchdifficulties, and to render the coast less dangerous. They built upon everyhill, and promontory, where they had either commerce or settlement, obelisks, and towers, which they consecrated to some Deity. These served ina twofold capacity, both as seamarks by day, and for beacons by night. Andas people in those times made only coasting voyages, they continually wenton shore with offerings, in order to gain the assistance of the God, whoever there presided; for these towers were temples, and oftentimesrichly furnished and endowed. They were built sometimes on artificialmounds; but generally on natural eminences, that they might be seen at agreat distance. They were called by the Amonians, who first erected them, [230]Tar, and Tor; the same as the תור of the Chaldees, which signifiedboth a hill and tower. They were oftentimes compounded, and styled Tor-Is, or fire towers: on account of the light which they exhibited, and the fireswhich were preserved in them. Hence came the turris of the Romans; and theτυρις, τυῤῥις, τυρσις, τυρσος, of the Greeks. The latter, when the word Toroccurred in antient history, often changed it to ταυρος, a bull; andinvented a number of idle stories in consequence of this change. The OphiteGod Osiris, the same as Apollo, was by the Amonians styled Oph-El, andOpe-El: and there was upon the Sinus Persicus a city Opis, where his riteswere observed. There seems likewise to have been a temple sacred to him, named Tor-Opel; which the Greeks rendered Ταυροπολος. Strabo speaks of suchan oracular temple; and says, that it was in the island Icaria, towards themouth of the Tigris: [231]Νησον Ικαριον, και ἱερον Απολλωνος ἁγιον εν αυτῃ, και μαντειον Ταυροπολου. Here, instead of Osiris, or Mithras, the serpentDeity, the author presents us with Apollo, the manager of bulls. 

One of the principal and most antient settlements of the Amonians upon theocean was at Gades; where a prince was supposed to have reigned, namedGeryon. The harbour at Gades was a very fine one; and had several Tor, orTowers to direct shipping: and as it was usual to imagine the Deity, towhom the temple was erected, to have been the builder, this temple was saidto have been built by Hercules. All this the Grecians took to themselves:they attributed the whole to the hero of Thebes: and as he was supposed toconquer wherever he came, they made him subdue Geryon; and changing theTor, or Towers, into so many head of cattle, they [232]describe him asleading them off in triumph over the Pyranees and Alpes, to Hetruria, andso on to Calabria. From thence, for what reason we know not, he swims themover to Messana in Sicily: and after some stay he swims with them throughthe sea back again, all the while holding by one of their horns. The bullsof Colchis, with which Jason was supposed to have engaged, were probably ofthe same nature and original. The people of this country were Amonians, andhad once a [233]mighty trade; for the security of which they erected at theentrance of the Phasis towers. These served both as light-houses, andtemples; and were sacred to Adorus. They were on this account calledTynador, whence the Greeks formed Tyndarus, Tyndaris, and Tyndaridæ. Theywere built after some, which stood near the city [234]Parætonium of Egypt;and they are alluded to by the geographer Dionysius:

 [235]Παρ δε μυχον Ποντοιο, μετα χθονα Τυνδαριδαων, Κολχοι ναιεταουσιν επηλυδες Αιγυπτοιο. 

Colchis was styled Cutaia, and had been early occupied by the sons of Chus. The chief city, whence the country has been in general denominated, wasfrom its situation called Cal-Chus, and Col-Chus, the hill, or place ofChus. This by the Greeks was rendered Colchis: but as travellers are notuniform in expressing foreign terms, some have rendered what was Colchian, Chalcian, and from Colchus they have formed Χαλκος, brass. The Chalciantowers being moreover interpreted ταυροι, bulls, a story took its riseabout the brazen bulls of Colchis. Besides this, there was in these towersa constant fire kept up for the direction of ships by night: whence thebulls were said to breath fire. 

We however sometimes meet with sacred towers, which were really denominatedTauri from the worship of the mystic bull, the same as the Apis, and Mneuisof Egypt. Such was probably the temple of Minotaurus in Crete, where the[236]Deity was represented under an emblematical figure; which consisted ofthe body of a man with the head of a bull. In Sicily was a promontoryTaurus, mentioned by Diodorus Siculus; which was called also Tauromenium. He acquaints us, that Hanno the Carthaginian sent his Admiral with ordersπαραπλειν επι τον λοφον καλουμενον Ταυρον, _to sail along the coast to thepromontory named Taurus_. This Taurus, he thinks, was afterwards namedΤαυρομενιον, Tauromenium, from the people who settled, and [237]remainedthere: as if this were the only place in the world where people settled andremained. It was an antient compound, and no part of it of Grecian[238]original. Tauromenium is the same as Menotaurium reversed: and thefigure of the Deity was varied exactly in the same manner; as is apparentfrom the coins and engravings which have been found in Sicily. The Minotauris figured as a man with the head of a bull; the Tauromen as a bull withthe face of a [239]man. 

Among the [240]Hetrurians this term seems to have been taken in a moreenlarged sense; and to have signified a city, or town fortified. When theysettled in Italy, they founded many places of strength; and are reputed tohave been the first who introduced the art of fortification. [241]Τυρσηνοιπρωτον εφευρον την τειχοποιϊαν. Hence the word Tar, and Tur, is often foundin the composition of names, which relate to people of this country. Theyworshipped the Sun, styled Zan, and Zeen; whose temples were calledTur-Zeen: and in consequence of it one of the principal names by whichtheir country was distinguished, was Turzenia. The Scholiast upon Lycophronmentions it as [242]Χωραν απο Τυρσηνου κληθεισαν Τυρσηνιαν, _a region, which from Tur-Seen was named Tursenia_. The Poet above takes notice of twopersons by the names of Tarchon, and Turseen. [243]Ταρχων τε, και Τυρσηνος, αιθωνες λυκοι. From Tarchon there was a city and district named[244]Tarcunia; from whence came the family of the Tarquins, or Tarquinii, so well known in the history of [245]Rome. The Amonians esteemed everyemanation of light a fountain; and styled it Ain, and Aines: and as theybuilt lighthouses upon every island and insular promontory, they were inconsequence of it called Aines, Agnes, Inis, Inesos, Nesos, Nees: and thiswill be found to obtain in many different countries and languages. TheHetrurians occupied a large tract of sea-coast; on which account theyworshipped Poseidon: and one of their principal cities was Poseidonium. They erected upon their shores towers and beacons for the sake of theirnavigation, which they called Tor-ain: whence they had a still fartherdenomination of Tur-aini, and their country was named Tur-ainia; theΤυῤῥηνια of the later Greeks. All these appellations are from the sameobject, the edifices which they erected: even Hetruria seems to have been acompound of Ai-tur; and to have signified the land of Towers. Another namefor buildings of this nature was Turit, or Tirit; which signified a toweror turret. I have often mentioned that temples have been mistaken forDeities, and places for persons. We have had an instance of this above;where Tarchon, and Tursenus are supposed to have been founders of colonies. Torone was a place in Macedonia; and signifies literally the Tower of theSun. The Poets have formed out of it a female personage; and supposed herto have been the wife of [246]Proteus. So Amphi-Tirit is merely an oraculartower. This too has by the Poets been changed to a female, Amphitrite; andmade the wife of Neptune. The name of Triton is a contraction of Tirit-On;and signifies the tower of the Sun, like Torone: but a Deity was framedfrom it, who was supposed to have had the appearance of a man upwards, butdownwards to have been like a fish. From this emblematical representationwe may judge of the figure of the real Deity; and be assured that it couldbe no other than that of Atargatis and Dagon. The [247]Hetrurians werethought to have been the inventors of trumpets: and in their towers uponthe sea-coast there were people appointed to be continually upon the watchboth by day and night; and to give a proper signal, if any thing happenedextraordinary. This was done by a blast from the trumpet; and Triton washence feigned to have been Neptune's trumpeter. He is accordingly describedby Nonnus, [248]Τυρσηνης Βαρυδουπον εχων σαλπιγγα θαλασσης·

_as possessing the deep toned trumpet of the Hetrurian main_. However inearly times these brazen instruments were but little known: and people wereobliged to make use of what was near at hand, the conchs of the sea, whichevery strand afforded. By sounding these, they gave signals from the top ofthe towers when any ship appeared: and this is the implement with whichTriton is more commonly furnished. The antients divided the night intodifferent watches; the last of which was called cockcrow: and inconsequence of this they kept a cock in their Tirat, or Towers, to givenotice of the dawn. Hence this bird was sacred to the Sun, and namedAlector, Αλεκτωρ: which seems to be a compound out of the titles of thatDeity, and of the tower set apart for his service: for all these towerswere temples. Those styled Tritonian were oracular; as we may infer fromthe application made by the Argonauts. What Homer attributes to Proteus, Pindar ascribes to Triton. [249]Μαντευεται δε ὡς παρ' Ομηρῳ Πρωτευς, καιπαρα Πινδαρῳ Τριτων τοις Αργοναυταις. Pausanias mentions a tradition of a[250]Triton near Tanagra, who used to molest women, when they were bathingin the sea; and who was guilty of other acts of violence. He was at lastfound upon the beach overpowered with wine; and there slain. This Tritonwas properly a Tritonian, a priest of one of these temples: for the priestsappear to have been great tyrants, and oftentimes very brutal. This personhad used the natives ill; who took advantage of him, when overpowered withliquor, and put him to death. 

The term Tor, in different parts of the world, occurs sometimes a littlevaried. Whether this happened through mistake, or was introduced forfacility of utterance, is uncertain. The temple of the Sun, Tor Heres, inPhenicia was rendered Τριηρης, Trieres; the promontory Tor-Ope-On, inCaria, Triopon; Tor-Hamath, in Cyprus, Trimathus; Tor-Hanes, in India, Trinesia; Tor-Chom, or Chomus, in Palestine, Tricomis. In antient times thetitle of Anac was often conferred upon the Deities; and their temples werestyled Tor-Anac, and Anac-Tor. The city Miletus was named [251]Anactoria:and there was an Heroüm at Sparta called Ανακτορον, Anactoron; where Castorand Pollux had particular honours, who were peculiarly styled Anactes. Itwas from Tor-Anac that Sicily was denominated Trinacis and Trinacia. This, in process of time, was still farther changed to Trinacria; which name wassupposed to refer to the triangular form of the island. But herein was agreat mistake; for, the more antient name was Trinacia, as is manifest fromHomer:

 [252]Ὁπποτε δη πρωτον πελασῃς ευεργεα νηα Τρινακιῃ νησῳ. 

And the name, originally, did not relate to the island in general, but to apart only, and that a small district near Ætna. This spot had been occupiedby the first inhabitants, the Cyclopians, Lestrygons, and Sicani: and ithad this name from some sacred tower which they built. Callimachus callsit, mistakenly, Trinacria, but says that it was near Ætna, and a portion ofthe antient Sicani. 

 [253]Αυε δ' αρ' Αιτνα, Αυε δε Τρινακριη Σικανων ἑδος. 

The island Rhodes was called [254]Trinacia, which was not triangular: sothat the name had certainly suffered a variation, and had no relation toany figure. The city Trachin, Τραχιν, in Greece, was properly Tor-chun, turris sacra vel regia, like Tarchon in Hetruria. Chun and Chon weretitles, said peculiarly to belong to Hercules: [255]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατατον Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. We accordingly find that this placewas sacred to Hercules; that it was supposed to have been [256]founded byhim; and that it was called [257]Heraclea. 

I imagine that the trident of Poseidon was a mistaken implement; as it doesnot appear to have any relation to the Deity to whom it has been by thePoets appropriated. Both the towers on the sea-coast, and the beacons, which stood above them, had the name of Tor-ain. This the Grecians changedto Triaina, Τριαινα, and supposed it to have been a three-pronged fork. Thebeacon, or Torain, consisted of an iron or brazen frame, wherein were threeor four tines, which stood up upon a circular basis of the same metal. Theywere bound with a hoop; and had either the figures of Dolphins, or elsefoliage in the intervals between them. These filled up the vacant spacebetween the tines, and made them capable of holding the combustible matterwith which they were at night filled. This instrument was put upon a highpole, and hung sloping sea-ward over the battlements of the tower, or fromthe stern of a ship: with this they could maintain, either a smoke by day, or a blaze by night. There was a place in Argos named [258]Triaina, whichwas supposed to have been so called from the trident of Neptune. It wasundoubtedly a tower, and the true name Tor-ain; as may be shewn from thehistory with which it is attended. For it stood near a fountain, though afountain of a different nature from that of which we have been speaking. The waters of Amumone rose here: which Amumone is a variation from Amim-On, _the waters of the Sun_. The stream rose close to the place, which wasnamed Tor-ain, from its vicinity to the fountain. 

[Illustration: A _The ancient Tower at Torone_B _Tower of Cronus in Sicily_]

[Illustration: _Ancient Triainæ_]

Cerberus was the name of a place, as well as Triton and Torone, thoughesteemed the dog of hell. We are told by [259]Eusebius, from Plutarch, thatCerberus was the Sun: but the term properly signified the temple, or place, of the Sun. The great luminary was styled by the Amonians both Or and Abor;that is, _light_, and _the parent of light:_ and Cerberus is properlyKir-Abor, the place of that Deity. The same temple had different names, from the diversity of the God's titles who was there worshipped. It wascalled TorCaph-El; which was changed to τρικεφαλος, just as Cahen-Caph-Elwas rendered κυνοκεφαλος: and Cerberus was hence supposed to have had threeheads. It was also styled Tor-Keren, Turris Regia; which suffered a likechange with the word above, being expressed τρικαρηνος: and Cahen Ades, orCerberus, was hence supposed to have been a triple-headed monster. Thatthese idle figments took their rise from names of places, ill expressed andmisinterpreted, may be proved from Palæphatus. He abundantly shews that themistake arose hence, though he does not point out precisely the mode ofdeviation. He first speaks of Geryon, who was supposed to have had threeheads, and was thence styled τρικεφαλος. [260]Ην δε τοιονδε τουτο· πολιςεστιν εν τῳ Ευξινῳ ποντῳ Τρικαρηνια καλουμενη κλ. _The purport of the fableabout Geryones is this: There was, upon the Pontus Euxinus, a city namedTricarenia; and thence came the history_ Γηρυονου του Τρικαρηνου, _ofGeryon the Tricarenian; which was interpreted, a man with three heads. _ Hementions the same thing of Cerberus. [261]Λεγουσι περι Κερβερου, ὡς κυωνην, εχων τρεις κεφαλας· δηλον δε ὁτι και ὁυτος απο της πολεως εκληθηΤρικαρηνος, ὡσπερ ὁ Γηρυονης. _They say of Cerberus, that he was a dog withthree heads: but it is plain that he was so called from a city namedTricaren, or Tricarenia, as well as Geryones_. Palæphatus says, very truly, that the strange notion arose from a place. But, to state more preciselythe grounds of the mistake, we must observe, that from the antientTor-Caph-El arose the blunder about τρικεφαλος; as, from Tor-Keren, rendered Tricarenia, was formed the term τρικαρηνος: and these personages, in consequence of it, were described with three heads. 

As I often quote from Palæphatus, it may be proper to say somethingconcerning him. He wrote early: and seems to have been a serious andsensible person; one, who saw the absurdity of the fables, upon which thetheology of his country was founded. In the purport of his name issignified an antiquarian; a person, who dealt in remote researches: andthere is no impossibility, but that there might have casually arisen thiscorrespondence between his name and writings. But, I think, it is hardlyprobable. As he wrote against the mythology of his country, I shouldimagine that Παλαιφατος, Palæphatus, was an assumed name, which he took fora blind, in order to screen himself from persecution: for the nature of hiswritings made him liable to much ill will. One little treatise of[262]Palæphatus about Orion is quoted verbatim by the Scholiast upon[263]Homer, who speaks of it as a quotation from Euphorion. I shouldtherefore think, that Euphorion was the name of this writer: but as therewere many learned men so called, it may be difficult to determine which wasthe author of this treatise. 

Homer, who has constructed the noblest poem that was ever framed, from thestrangest materials, abounds with allegory and mysterious description. Heoften introduces ideal personages, his notions of which he borrowed fromthe edifices, hills, and fountains; and from whatever savoured of wonderand antiquity. He seems sometimes to blend together two differentcharacters of the same thing, a borrowed one, and a real; so as to make thetrue history, if there should be any truth at bottom, the moreextraordinary and entertaining. 

I cannot help thinking, that Otus and Ephiâltes, those gigantic youths, socelebrated by the Poets, were two lofty towers. They were building toAlohim, called [264]Aloëus; but were probably overthrown by an earthquake. They are spoken of by Pindar as the sons of Iphimedeia; and are supposed tohave been slain by Apollo in the island Naxos. 

 [265]Εν δε Ναξῳ Φαντι θανειν λιπαρᾳ Ιφιμεδειας παιδας Ωτον, και σε, τολμαεις Εφιαλτα αναξ. 

They are also mentioned by Homer, who styles them γηγενεις, or earthborn:and his description is equally fine. 

 [266]Και ῥ' ετεκεν δυο παιδε, μινυνθαδιω δε γενεσθην, Ωτον τ' αντιθεον, τηλεκλειτον τ' Εφιαλτην· Ὁυς δη μηκιστους θρεψε ζειδωρος αρουρα, Και πολυ καλλιστους μετα γε κλυτον Ωριωνα. Εννεωροι γαρ τοι γε, και εννεαπηχεες ησαν Ευρος, αταρ μηκος γε γενεσθην εννεοργυιοι. 

Homer includes Orion in this description, whom he mentions elsewhere; andseems to borrow his ideas from a similar object, some tower, or temple, that was sacred to him. Orion was Nimrod, the great hunter in theScriptures, called by the Greeks Nebrod. He was the founder of Babel, orBabylon; and is represented as a gigantic personage. The author of thePaschal Chronicle speaks of him in this light. [267]Νεβρωδ Γιγαντα, τον τηνΒαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα--ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. He is called Alorus byAbydenus, and Apollodorus; which was often rendered with the Amonian prefixPelorus. Homer describes him as a great hunter; and of an enormous stature, even superior to the Aloeidæ above mentioned. 

 [268]Τον δε μετ' Ωριωνα Πελωριον εισενοησα, Θηρας ὁμου ειλευντα κατ' ασφοδελον λειμωνα. 

The Poet styles him Pelorian; which betokens something vast, and isapplicable to any towering personage, but particularly to Orion. For theterm Pelorus is the name by which the towers of Orion were called. Of thesethere seems to have been one in Delos; and another of more note, to whichHomer probably alluded, in Sicily; where Orion was particularly reverenced. The streight of Rhegium was a dangerous pass: and this edifice was erectedfor the security of those who were obliged to go through it. It stood nearZancle; and was called [269]Pelorus, because it was sacred to Alorus, thesame as [270]Orion. There was likewise a river named from him, and renderedby Lycophron [271]Elorus. The tower is mentioned by Strabo; but moreparticularly by Diodorus Siculus. He informs us that, according to thetradition of the place, Orion there resided; and that, among other works, he raised this very mound and promontory, called Pelorus and Pelorias, together with the temple, which was situated upon it. [272]Ωριωνα προσχωσαιτο κατα την Πελωριαδα κειμενον ακρωτηριον, και το τεμενος του Ποσειδωνοςκατασκευασαι, τιμωμενον ὑπο των εγχωριων διαφεροντως. We find from hencethat there was a tower of this sort, which belonged to Orion: and that theword Pelorion was a term borrowed from these edifices, and made use ofmetaphorically, to denote any thing stupendous and large. The descriptionin Homer is of a mixed nature: wherein he retains the antient tradition ofa gigantic person; but borrows his ideas from the towers sacred to him. Ihave taken notice before, that all temples of old were supposed to beoracular; and by the Amonians were called Pator and Patara. This temple ofOrion was undoubtedly a Pator; to which mariners resorted to know the eventof their voyage, and to make their offerings to the God. It was on thisaccount styled Tor Pator; which being by the Greeks expressed τριπατωρ, tripator, gave rise to the notion, that this earthborn giant had threefathers. 

 [273]Ωριων τριπατωρ απο μητερος ανθορε γαιης. 

These towers, near the sea, were made use of to form a judgment of theweather, and to observe the heavens: and those which belonged to citieswere generally in the Acropolis, or higher part of the place. This, by theAmonians, was named Bosrah; and the citadel of Carthage, as well as ofother cities, is known to have been so denominated. But the Greeks, by anunavoidable fatality, rendered it uniformly [274]βυρσα, bursa, a skin: andwhen some of them succeeded to Zancle [275]in Sicily, finding that Orionhad some reference to Ouran, or Ouranus, and from the name of the temple(τριπατωρ) judging that he must have had three fathers, they immediatelywent to work, in order to reconcile these different ideas. They accordinglychanged Ouran to ουρειν; and, thinking the misconstrued hide, βυρσα, noimproper utensil for their purpose, they made these three fathersco-operate in a most wonderful manner for the production of this imaginaryperson; inventing the most slovenly legend that ever was devised. [276]Τρεις (θεοι) του σφαγεντος βοος βυρσῃ ενουρησαν, και εξ αυτης Ωριωνεγενετο. Tres Dei in bovis mactati pelle minxerunt, et inde natus estOrion. 

 * * * * *

TIT AND TITH. 

When towers were situated upon eminences fashioned very round, they were bythe Amonians called Tith; which answers to תד in Hebrew, and to [277]τιτθη, and τιτθος, in Greek. They were so denominated from their resemblance to awoman's breast; and were particularly sacred to Orus and Osiris, theDeities of light, who by the Grecians were represented under the title ofApollo. Hence the summit of Parnassus was [278]named Tithorea, fromTith-Or: and hard by was a city, mentioned by Pausanias, of the same name;which was alike sacred to Orus and Apollo. The same author takes notice ofa hill, near Epidaurus, called [279]Τιτθειον ορος Απολλωνος. There was asummit of the like nature at Samos, which, is by Callimachus styled _thebreast of Parthenia_: [280]Διαβροχον ὑδατι μαστον Παρθενιης. Mounds of thisnature are often, by Pausanias and Strabo, termed, from their resemblance, [281]μαστοειδεις. Tithonus, whose longevity is so much celebrated, wasnothing more than one of these structures, a Pharos, sacred to the sun, asthe name plainly shews. Tith-On is μαστος ἑλιου, _the mount of the[282]Sun_. As he supplied the place of that luminary, he is said to havebeen beloved by Aurora, and through her favour to have lived many ages. This, indeed, is the reverse of that which is fabled of the [283]Cyclopes, whose history equally relates to edifices. They are said to have raised thejealousy of Apollo, and to have been slain by his arrows: yet it will befound at bottom of the same purport. The Cyclopian turrets upon theSicilian shore fronted due east: and their lights must necessarily havebeen extinguished by the rays of the rising Sun. This, I imagine, is themeaning of Apollo's slaying the Cyclopes with his arrows. Tethys, theantient Goddess of the sea, was nothing else but an old tower upon a mount;of the same shape, and erected for the same purposes, as those above. Onthis account it was called Tith-Is, μαστος πυρος. Thetis seems to have beena transposition of the same name, and was probably a Pharos, or Fire-tower, near the sea. 

These mounts, λοφοι μαστοειδεις, were not only in Greece; but in Egypt, Syria, and most parts of the world. They were generally formed by art;being composed of earth, raised very high; which was sloped gradually, andwith great exactness: and the top of all was crowned with a fair tower. Thesituation of these buildings made them be looked upon as places of greatsafety: and the reverence in which they were held added to the security. Onthese accounts they were the repositories of much wealth and treasure: intimes of peril they were crowded with things of value. In Assyria was atemple named Azara; which the Parthian plundered, and is said to havecarried off ten thousand talents: [284]Χαι ηρε παλαντων μυριων γαζαν. Thesame author mentions two towers of this sort in Judea, not far fromJericho, belonging to Aristobulus and Alexander, and styled[285]Γαζοφυλακια των Τυραννων: which were taken by Pompeius Magnus in hiswar with the Jews. There were often two of these mounds of equal height inthe same inclosure; such as are described by Josephus at Machærus, nearsome warm fountains. He mentions here a cavern and a rock;[286]σπηλαιον--τῃ πετρᾳ προυχουσῃ σκεπομενον· ταυτης ανωθεν ὡσανει μαστοιδυο ανεχουσιν, αλληλων ολιγῳ διεστωτες: _and above it two round hills likebreasts, at no great distance from each other_. To such as these Solomonalludes, when he makes his beloved say, [287]_I am a wall, and my breastslike towers_. Though the word חומה, Chumah, or Comah, be generally rendereda wall; yet I should think that in this place it signified the ground whichthe wall surrounded: an inclosure sacred to Cham, the Sun, who wasparticularly worshipped in such places. The Mizraïm called these hillsTyphon, and the cities where they were erected, Typhonian. But as theystood within inclosures sacred to Chom, they were also styled Choma. This, I imagine, was the meaning of the term in this place, and in some others;where the text alludes to a different nation, and to a foreign mode ofworship. In these temples the Sun was principally adored, and the rites offire celebrated: and this seems to have been the reason why the judgmentdenounced against them is uniformly, that they shall be destroyed by fire. If we suppose Comah to mean a mere wall, I do not see why fire should be soparticularly destined against a part, which is the least combustible. TheDeity says, [288]_I will kindle a fire in the wall of Damascus. [289]I willsend a fire on the wall of Gaza. [290]I will send a fire on the wall ofTyrus. [291]I will kindle a [292]fire in the wall of Rabbah_. As the crimewhich brought down this curse was idolatry, and the term used in all theseinstances is Chomah; I should think that it related to a temple of Chom, and his high places, called by the Greeks λοφοι μαστοειδεις: and to thesethe spouse of Solomon certainly alludes, when she Says, εγω τειχος, και ὁιμαστοι μου ὡς πυργοι. This will appear from another passage in Solomon, where he makes his beloved say, [293]_We have a little sister, and she hathno breasts. If she be a Comah, we will build upon her a palace of silver. _A palace cannot be supposed to be built upon a wall; though it may beinclosed with one. The place for building was a Comah, or eminence. It issaid of Jotham, king of Judah, that [294]_on the wall of Ophel he builtmuch_. Ophel is literally Pytho Sol, the Ophite Deity of Egypt and Canaan. What is here termed a wall, was a Comah, or high place, which had been ofold erected to the sun by the Jebusites. This Jotham fortified, and turnedit to advantage; whereas before it was not used, or used for a bad purpose. The ground set apart for such use was generally oval; and towards oneextremity of the long diameter, as it were in the focus, were these moundsand towers erected. As they were generally royal edifices, and at the sametime held sacred; they were termed Tarchon, like Tarchonium in Hetruria:which by a corruption was in later times rendered Trachon, Τραχων. Therewere two hills of this denomination near Damascus; from whence undoubtedlythe Regio Trachonitis received its name: [295]ὑπερκεινται δε αυτης(Δαμασκου) δυο λεγομενοι Τραχωνες. These were hills with towers, and musthave been very fair to see to. Solomon takes notice of a hill of this sortupon [296]_Lebanon, looking toward Damascus_; which he speaks of as abeautiful structure. The term Trachon seems to have been still farthersophisticated by the Greeks, and expressed Δρακων, Dracon: from whence in, great measure arose the notion of treasures being guarded by [297]Dragons. We read of the gardens of the Hesperides being under the protection of asleepless serpent: and the golden fleece at Colchis was entrusted to suchanother guardian; of which there is a fine description in Apollonius. 

 [298]Πυργους εισοψεσθε Κυταεος Αιηταο, Αλσος τε σκιοεν Αρεος, τοθι κωας επ' ακρης Πεπταμενον φηγοιο Δρακων, τερας αινον ιδεσθαι, Αμφις οπιπτευει δεδοκημενος· ουδε ὁι ημαρ, Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε. 

Nonnus often introduces a dragon as a protector of virginity; watchingwhile the damsel slumbered, but sleepless itself: [299]Ὑπναλεης αγρυπνονοπιπτευτηρα κορειης: and in another place he mentions [300]Φρουρον εχειςαπελεθρον Οφιν. Such an one guarded the nymph Chalcomeda, [301]Παρθενικηςαγαμοιο βοηθοος. The Goddess Proserpine had two [302]dragons to protecther, by the appointment of her mother Demeter. 

Such are the poetical representations: but the history at bottom relates tosacred towers, dedicated to the symbolical worship of the serpent; wherethere was a perpetual watch, and a light ever burning. The Titans, Τιτανες, were properly Titanians; a people so denominated from their worship, andfrom the places where it was celebrated. They are, like Orion and theCyclopians, represented as gigantic persons: and they were of the samerace, the children of Anak. The Titanian temples were stately edifices, erected in Chaldea, as well as in lower Egypt, upon mounds of earth, λοφοιμαστοειδεις, and sacred to Hanes; Τιτανις and Τιτανες are compounds ofTit-Hanes; and signify literally μαστος ἡλιου, the conical hill of Orus. They were by their situation strong, and probably made otherwisedefensible. 

In respect to the legends about dragons, I am persuaded that the antientssometimes did wilfully misrepresent things, in order to increase thewonder. Iphicrates related, that in Mauritania there were dragons of suchextent, that grass grew upon their backs: [303]Δρακοντας τε λεγει μεγαλους, ὡστε και ποαν επιπεφυκεναι. What can be meant under this representation buta Dracontium, within whose precincts they encouraged verdure? It is said ofTaxiles, a mighty prince in India, and a rival of Porus, that, upon thearrival of Alexander the Great, he shewed him every thing that was in hiscountry curious, and which could win the attention of a foreigner. Amongother things he carried him to see a [304]Dragon, which was sacred toDionusus; and itself esteemed a God. It was of a stupendous size, being inextent equal to five acres; and resided in a low deep place, walled roundto a great height. The Indians offered sacrifices to it: and it was dailyfed by them from their flocks and herds, which it devoured at an amazingrate. In short my author says, that it was treated rather as a tyrant, thana benevolent Deity. Two Dragons of the like nature are mentioned by[305]Strabo; which are said to have resided in the mountains of Abisares, or Abiosares, in India: the one was eighty cubits in length, the other onehundred and forty. Similar to the above is the account given by Posidoniusof a serpent, which he saw in the plains of _Macra_, a region in Syria; andwhich he styles [306]δρακοντα πεπτωκοτα νεκρον. He says, that it was aboutan acre in length; and of a thickness so remarkable, as that two persons onhorseback, when they rode on the opposite sides, could not see one another. Each scale was as big as a, shield; and a man might ride in at its mouth. What can this description allude to, this δρακων πεπτωκως, but the ruins ofan antient Ophite temple; which is represented in this enigmatical mannerto raise admiration? The plains of Macra were not far from Mount Lebanonand Hermon; where the Hivites resided; and where serpent-worshipparticularly prevailed. The Indian Dragon above mentioned seems to havebeen of the same nature. It was probably a temple, and its environs; wherea society of priests resided, who were maintained by the public; and whoworshipped the Deity under the semblance of a serpent. Tityus must beranked among the monsters of this class. He is by the Poets represented asa stupendous being, an earthborn giant:

 [307]Terræ omniparentis alumnum, ---- per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur. 

By which is meant, that he was a tower, erected upon a conical mount ofearth, which stood in an inclosure of nine acres. He is said to have avulture preying upon his heart, or liver; immortale jecur tondens. Thewhole of which history is borrowed from Homer, who mentions two vulturesengaged in tormenting him. 

 [308]Και Τιτυον ειδον Γαιης ερικυδεος ὑιον, Κειμενον εν δαπεδῳ· ὁδ' επ' εννεα κειτο πελεθρα· Γυπε δε μιν ἑκατερθε παρημενοι ηπαρ εκειρον, Δερτρον εσω δυνοντες, ὁδ' ουκ απαμυνετο χερσι. 

The same story is told of Prometheus, who is said to have been exposed uponMount Caucasus, near Colchis; with this variation, that an eagle is placedover him, preying upon his heart. These strange histories are undoubtedlytaken from the symbols and devices which were carved upon the front of theantient Amonian temples; and especially those of Egypt. The eagle and thevulture were the insignia of that country: whence it was called Ai-Gupt, and [309]Aetia, from Ait and Gupt, which signified an eagle and vulture. Ait was properly a title of the Deity, and signified heat: and the heart, the centre of vital heat, was among the Egyptians styled [310]Ait: hence weare told by [311]Orus Apollo, that a heart over burning coals was an emblemof Egypt. The Amonians dealt much in hieroglyphical representations. Nonnusmentions one of this sort, which seems to have been a curious emblem of theSun. It was engraved upon a jasper, and worn for a bracelet. Two serpentsentwined together, with their heads different ways, were depicted in asemicircular manner round the extreme part of the gem. At the top betweentheir heads was an eagle; and beneath a sacred carriage, called Cemus. 

 [312]Αιετος εν χρυσειος, ἁτε πλατυν ηερα τεμνων, Ορθος, εχιδναιων διδυμων μεσσηγυ καρηνων, Ὑψιφανης πτερυγων πισυρων τετραζυγι κημῳ. Τῃ μεν ξανθος ιασπις επετρεχε. 

The history of Tityus, Prometheus, and many other poetical personages, wascertainly taken from hieroglyphics misunderstood, and badly explained. Prometheus was worshipped by the Colchians as a Deity; and had a temple andhigh place, called [313]Πετρα Τυφαονια, upon Mount Caucasus: and the deviceupon the portal was Egyptian, an eagle over a heart. The magnitude of thesepersonages was taken from the extent of the temple inclosures. The words, per tota novem cui jugera corpus Porrigitur, relate to a garden of so manyacres. There were many such inclosures, as I have before taken notice: someof them were beautifully planted, and ornamented with pavilions andfountains, and called Paradisi. One of this sort stood in Syria upon theriver [314]Typhon, called afterwards Orontes. Places of this nature arealluded to under the description of the gardens of the Hesperides, andAlcinous; and the gardens of Adonis. Such were those at Phaneas inPalestine; and those beautiful gardens of Daphne upon the Orontes abovementioned; and in the shady parts of Mount Libanus. Those of Daphne aredescribed by Strabo, who mentions, [315]Μεγα τε και συνηρεφες αλσος, διαῤῥεομενον πηγαιοις ὑδασιν· εν μεσῳ δε Ασυλον τεμενος, και νεως Απολλωνοικαι Αρτεμιδος. _There was a fine wide extended grove, which sheltered thewhole place; and which was watered with numberless fountains. In the centreof the whole was a sanctuary and asylum, sacred to Artemis and Apollo_. TheGroves of Daphne upon the mountains Heræi in Sicily, and the garden andtemple at bottom were very noble; and are finely described by[316]Diodorus. 

I have taken notice that the word δρακων, draco, was a mistake for Tarchon, Ταρχων: which was sometimes expressed Τραχων; as is observable in theTrachones at Damascus. When the Greeks understood that in these templespeople worshipped a serpent Deity, they concluded that Trachon was aserpent: and hence came the name of Draco to be appropriated to such ananimal. For the Draco was an imaginary being, however afterwards acceptedand understood. This is manifest from Servius, who distributes theserpentine species into three tribes; and confines the Draco solely totemples: [317]Angues aquarum sunt, serpentes terrarum, Dracones templorum. That the notion of such animals took its rise from the temples of theSyrians and Egyptians, and especially from the Trachones, Τραχωνες, atDamascus, seems highly probable from the accounts above: and it may berendered still more apparent from Damasenus, a supposed hero, who took hisname from the city Damasene, or Damascus. He is represented as an earthborngiant, who encountered two dragons: [318]Και χθονος απλετον ὑια, δρακοντοφονον Δαμασηνα. One of the monsters, with which he fought, isdescribed of an enormous size, πεντηκονταπελεθρος Οφις, _a serpent inextent of fifty acres_: which certainly, as I have before insinuated, musthave a reference to the grove and garden, wherein such Ophite temple stoodat Damascus. For the general measurement of all these wonderful beings by[319]jugera or acres proves that such an estimate could not relate to anything of solid contents; but to an inclosure of that superficies. Of thesame nature as these was the gigantic personage, supposed, to have beenseen at Gades by Cleon Magnesius. He made, it seems, no doubt of Tityus andother such monsters having existed. For being at Gades, he was ordered togo upon a certain expedition by Hercules: and upon his return to theisland, he saw upon the shore a huge sea-man, who had been thunderstruck, and lay extended upon the ground: [320]τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλισταεπεχειν; _and his dimensions were not less than five acres_. So Typhon, Caanthus, Orion, are said to have been killed by lightning. Orpheus too, who by some is said to have been torn to pieces by the Thracian women, byothers is represented as slain by the bolt of Jupiter: and his epitaphimports as much. 

 [321]Θρηϊκα χρυσολυρην τηδ' Ορφεα Μουσαι εθαψαν, Ὁν κτανεν ὑψιμεδων Ζευς ψολοεντι βελει. 

All these histories relate to sacred inclosures; and to the worship of theserpent, and rites of fire, which were practised within them. Such aninclosure was by the Greeks styled [322]τεμενος, and the mound or highplace ταφος and τυμβος; which had often a tower upon it, esteemed asanctuary and asylum. Lycophron makes Cassandra say of Diomedes, [323]ΤYΜΒΟΣ δ' αυτον εκσωσει: _the temple, to which he shall fly, shallsave him_. In process of time both the word τυμβος, as well as ταφος, wereno longer taken in their original sense; but supposed uniformly to havebeen places of sepulture. This has turned many temples into tombs: and theDeities, to whom they were sacred, have been represented as there buried. There was an Orphic Dracontium at Lesbos; where a serpent was supposed tohave been going to devour the remains of Orpheus: and this temple being ofold styled Petra, it was fabled of the serpent, that he was turned intostone. 

 [324] Hic ferus expositum peregrinis anguis arenis Os petit, et sparsos stillanti rore capillos. Tandem Phœbus adest: morsusque inferre parantem Arcet; et in lapidem rictus serpentis apertos Congelat; et patulos, ut erant, indurat hiatus. 

All the poetical accounts of heroes engaging with dragons have arisen froma misconception about these towers and temples; which those persons eitherfounded, or else took in war. Or, if they were Deities of whom the story istold, these buildings were erected to their honour. But the Greeks made nodistinction. They were fond of heroism; and interpreted every antienthistory according to their own prejudices: and in the most simple narrativecould find out a martial achievement. No colony could settle any where, andbuild an Ophite temple, but there was supposed to have been a contentionbetween a hero and a dragon. Cadmus, as I have shewn, was described inconflict with such an one near Thebes, whose teeth he sowed in the earth:

 [325]οδοντας Αονιοιο δρακοντος, ὁν ωγυγιῃ ενι Θηβῃ Καδμος, ὁτ' Ευρωπην διζημενος εισαφικανε, Πεφνε. 

Serpents are said to have infested [326]Cyprus, when it was occupied by itsfirst inhabitants: and there was a fearful dragon in the isle of[327]Salamis. The Python of Parnassus is well known, which Apollo wassupposed to have slain, when he was very young; a story finely told byApollonius. 

 [328]Ὡς ποτε πετραιῃ ὑπο δειραδι Παρνησσοιο Δελφυνην τοξοισι πελωριον εξεναριξε, Κουρος εων ετι γυμνος, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως. 

After all, this dragon was a serpent temple; a tumbos, τυμβος, formed ofearth, and esteemed of old oracular. To this, Hyginus bears witness. [329]Python, Terræ filius, Draco ingens. Hic ante Apollinem ex oraculo inmonte Parnasso responsa dare solitus est. Plutarch says, that the disputebetween Apollo and the Dragon was about the privilege of the place. [330]ὉιΔελφων θεολογοι νομιζουσιν ενταυθα ποτε προς οφιν τῳ Θεῳ περι τουχρηστηριου μαχην γενεσθαι. Hence we may perceive, that he was in realitythe Deity of the temple; though the Greeks made an idle distinction: and hewas treated with divine honours. [331]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιοςθρησκευεται, και του Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. It is said, moreover, that the seventh day was appointed for a festival in the temple, and celebrated with a Pæan to the [332]serpent. 

We often read of virgins, who were exposed to dragons and sea-monsters; andof dragons which laid waste whole provinces, till they were at length, bysome person of prowess, encountered and slain. These histories relate towomen, who were immured in towers by the sea-side; and to banditti, who gotpossession of these places, whence they infested the adjacent country. The[333]author of the Chronicon Paschale supposes, that Andromeda, whom thepoets describe as chained to a rock, and exposed to a sea-monster, was inreality confined in a temple of Neptune, a Petra of another sort. Thesedragons are represented as sleepless; because, in such places there werecommonly lamps burning, and a watch maintained. In those more particularlyset apart for religious service there was a fire, which never went out. 

 [334]Irrestincta focis servant altaria flammas. 

The dragon of Apollonius is ever watchful. 

 Ουδε ὁι ημαρ, Ου κνεφας ἡδυμος ὑπνος αναιδεα δαμναται οσσε. 

What the Poet styles the eyes of the Dragon, were undoubtedly windows inthe upper part of the building, through which the fire appeared. Plutarchtakes notice, that in the temple of Amon there was a [335]light continuallyburning. The like was observable in other temples of the [336]Egyptians. Pausanias mentions the lamp of Minerva [337]Polias at Athens, which neverwent out: the same custom was kept up in most of the [338]Prutaneia. TheChaldeans and Persians had sacred hearths; on which they preserved a[339]perpetual fire. In the temple of [340]Apollo Carneus at Cyrene, thefire upon the altar was never suffered to be extinguished. A like accountis given by Said Ebn Batrick of the sacred fire, which was preserved in thegreat temple at [341]Aderbain in Armenia. The Nubian Geographer mentions anation in India, called [342]Caimachitæ, who had large Puratheia, andmaintained a perpetual fire. According to the Levitical law, a constantfire was to be kept up upon the altar of God. [343]_The fire shall be everburning upon the altar: it shall never go out. _

From what has preceded, we may perceive, that many personages have beenformed out of places. And I cannot help suspecting much more of antienthistory, than I dare venture to acknowledge. Of the mythic age I supposealmost every circumstance to have been imported, and adopted; or else to bea fable. I imagine, that Chiron, so celebrated for his knowledge, was amere personage formed from a tower, or temple, of that name. It stood inThessaly; and was inhabited by a set of priests, called Centauri. They wereso denominated from the Deity they worshipped, who was represented under aparticular form. They styled him Cahen-Taur: and he was the same as theMinotaur of Crete, and the Tauromen of Sicilia; consequently of anemblematical and mixed figure. The people, by whom this worship wasintroduced, were many of them Anakim; and are accordingly represented as ofgreat strength and stature. Such persons among the people of the east werestyled [344]Nephelim: which the Greeks in after times supposed to relate toνεφελη, a cloud. In consequence of this, they described the Centaurs asborn of a cloud: and not only the Centaurs, but Ixion, and others, werereputed of the same original. The chief city of the Nephelim stood inThessaly, and is mentioned by [345]Palæphatus: but through themisconception of his countrymen it was expressed Νεφελη, Nephele, a cloud. The Grecians in general were of this race; as will be abundantly shewn. TheScholiast upon Lycophron mentions, that the descendants of Hellen were by awoman named Nephele, whom Athamas was supposed to have married. [346]Αθαμαςὁ Αιολου του Ἑλληνος παις εκ Νεφελης γεννᾳ Ἑλλην, και Φριξον. The authorhas made a distinction between Helle, and Hellen; the former of which hedescribes in the feminine. By Phrixus is meant Φρυξ, Phryx, who passed theHellespont, and settled in Asia minor. However obscured the history may be, I think the purport of it is plainly this, that the Hellenes, and Phrygianswere of the Nephelim or Anakim race. Chiron was a temple, probably atNephele in Thessalia, the most antient seat of the Nephelim. His name is acompound of Chir-On, in purport the same as Kir-On, the tower and temple ofthe Sun. In places of this sort people used to study the heavenly motions:and they were made use of for seminaries, where young people wereinstructed; on which account they were styled παιδοτροφοι. Hence Achilleswas supposed to have been taught by [347]Chiron, who is reported to havehad many disciples. They are enumerated by Xenophon in his treatise uponhunting, and amount to a large number. [348]Εγενοντο αυτῳ μαθηταικυνηγεσιων τε, και ἑτερων καλων, Κεφαλος, Ασκληπιος, Μελανιων, Νεστωρ, Αμφιαραος, Πηλευς, Τελαμων, Μελεαγρος, Θησευς, Ἱππολυτος, Παλαμηδης, Οδυσσευς, Μενεσθευς, Διομηδης, Καστωρ, Πολυδευκης, Μαχαων, Ποδαλειριος, Αντιλοχος, Αινειας, Αχιλλευς. Jason is by Pindar made to say of himself, [349]Φαμι διδασκαλιαν Χειρωνος οισειν: and the same circumstance ismentioned in another place; [350]Κρονιδᾳ δε τραφεν Χειρωνι δωκαν (Ιασονα). These histories could not be true of Chiron as a person: for, unless wesuppose him to have been, as the Poets would persuade us, of a differentspecies from the rest of mankind, it will be found impossible for him tohave had pupils in such different ages. For not only Æsculapius, mentionedin this list, but Apollo likewise learnt of him the medicinal arts. [351]Ασκληπιος και Απολλων παρα Χειρωνι τῳ Κενταυρῳ ιασθαι διδασκονται. Xenophon indeed, who was aware of this objection, says, that the term ofChiron's life was sufficient for the performance of all that was attributedto him: [352]Ὁ Χειρωνος βιος πασιν εξηρκει· Ζευς γαρ και Χειρων αδελφοι:but he brings nothing in proof of what he alleges. It is moreoverincredible, were we to suppose such a being as Chiron, that he should havehad pupils from so many different [353]countries. Besides many of them, whoare mentioned, were manifestly ideal personages. For not to speak ofCephalus and Castor, Apollo was a Deity; and Æsculapius was the [354]like:by some indeed esteemed the son of the former; by others introduced ratheras a title, and annexed to the names of different Gods. Aristides uses itas such in his invocation of [355]Hercules: Ιω, Παιαν, Ἡρακλες, Ασκληπιε:and he also speaks of the temple of Jupiter Æsculapius, Διος Ασκληπιουνεως. It was idle therefore in the Poets to suppose that these personagescould have been pupils to Chiron. Those that were instructed, whoever theymay have been, partook only of Chironian education; and were taught in thesame kind of academy: but not by one person, nor probably in the sameplace. For there were many of these towers, where they taught astronomy, music, and other sciences. These places were likewise courts of judicature, where justice was administered: whence Chiron was said to have beenφιλοφρονεων, και δικαιοτατος:

 [356]Ὁν Χειρων εδιδαξε δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων. 

The like character is given of him by Hermippus, of Berytus. 

 [357]Ὁυτος Εις τε δικαιοσυνην θνητων γενος ηγαγε, δειξας Ὁρκον, και θυσιας ἱλαρας, και σχηματ' Ολυμπου. 

Right was probably more fairly determined in the Chironian temples, than inothers. Yet the whole was certainly attended with some instances ofcruelty: for human sacrifices are mentioned as once common, especially atPella in Thessaly; where, if they could get a person, who was an Achean bybirth, they used to offer him at the altars of Peleus and [358]Chiron. 

There were many edifices denominated Chironian, and sacred to the Sun. Charon was of the same purport, and etymology; and was sacred to the sameDeity. One temple of this name, and the most remarkable of any, stoodopposite to Memphis on the western side of the Nile. It was near the spotwhere most people of consequence were buried. There is a tower in thisprovince, but at some distance from the place here spoken of, called[359]Kiroon at this day. As Charon was a temple near the catacombs, orplace of burial; all the persons who were brought to be there deposited, had an offering made on their account, upon being landed on this shore. Hence arose the notion of the fee of Charon, and of the ferryman of thatname. This building stood upon the banks of a canal, which communicatedwith the Nile: but that which is now called Kiroon, stands at some distanceto the west, upon the lake [360]Mœris; where only the kings of Egypt had aright of sepulture. The region of the catacombs was called the Acheronianand [361]Acherusian plain, and likewise the Elysian: and the stream, whichran by it, had the name of Acheron. They are often alluded to by Homer, andother Poets, when they treat of the region of departed souls. The Amoniansconferred these names upon other places, where they settled, in differentparts of the world. They are therefore to be met with in [362]Phrygia, [363]Epirus, [364]Hellas, [365]Apulia, [366]Campania, and other countries. The libri [367]Acherontii in Italy, mentioned by Arnobius, were probablytranscripts from some hieroglyphical writings, which had been preserved inthe Acherontian towers of the Nile. These were carried by Tages toHetruria; where they were held in great veneration. 

As towers of this sort were seminaries of learning, Homer from one of themhas formed the character of sage Mentor; under whose resemblance theGoddess of wisdom was supposed to be concealed. By Mentor, I imagine, thatthe Poet covertly alludes to a temple of Menes. It is said, that Homer inan illness was cured by one [368]Mentor, the son of Αλκιμος, Alcimus. Theperson probably was a Mentorian priest, who did him this kind office, ifthere be any truth in the story. It was from an oracular temple styledMentor; and Man-Tor, that the sacred cakes had the name of Amphimantora. [369]Αμφιμαντορα, αλφιτα μελιτι δεδευμενα. 

Castor, the supposed disciple of Chiron, was in reality the same as Chiron;being a sacred tower, a Chironian edifice, which served both for a templeand Pharos. As these buildings for the most part stood on strands of thesea, and promontories; Castor was esteemed in consequence of it a tutelaryDeity of that element. The name seems to be a compound of Ca-Astor, thetemple or place of Astor; who was rendered at different times Asterius, Asterion, and Astarte. Ca-Astor was by the Greeks abbreviated to Castor;which in its original sense I should imagine betokened a fire-tower: butthe Greeks in this instance, as well as in innumerable others, havemistaken the place and temple for the Deity, to whom it was consecrated. The whole history of Castor and Pollux, the two Dioscuri, is very strangeand inconsistent. Sometimes they are described as two mortals of Lacedæmon, who were guilty of violence and rapine, and were slain for theirwickedness. At other times they are represented as the two principalDeities; and styled Dii Magni, Dii Maximi, Dii Potentes, Cabeiri. Mentionis made by Pausanias of the great regard paid to them, and particularly bythe Cephalenses. [370]Μεγαλους γαρ σφας ὁι ταυτῃ Θεους ονομαζουσιν. _Thepeople there style them by way of eminence the Great Gods_. There arealtars extant, which are inscribed [371]CASTORI ET POLLUCI DIIS MAGNIS. In[372]Gruter is a Greek inscription to the same purport. Γαιος ΓαιουΑχαρνευς Ἱερευς γενομενος Θεων Μεγαλων Διοσκορων Καβειρων. But thoughCastor was enshrined, as a God, he was properly a Tarchon, such as I havebefore described; and had all the requisites which are to be found in suchbuildings. They were the great repositories of treasure; which people thereentrusted, as to places of great security. The temple of Castor vasparticularly famous on this account, as we may learn from Juvenal:

 [373]Æratâ multus in arcâ Fiscus, et ad vigilem ponendi Castora nummi. 

The Deity, who was alluded to under the name of Castor, was the Sun: and hehad several temples of that denomination in Laconia, and other parts ofGreece. His rites were first introduced by people from Egypt and Canaan. This we may infer, among other circumstances, from the title of Anac beingso particularly conferred on him and his brother Pollux: whence theirtemple was styled Ανακειον in Laconia; and their festival at Athensανακεια, anakeia. For Anac was a Canaanitish term of honour; which theGreeks changed to αναξ and [374]ανακτες. I have before mentioned, that inthese places were preserved the Archives of the cities and provinces inwhich they stood: and they were often made use of for courts of judicature, called πρυτανεια, and prætoria; whither the antient people of the placeresorted, to determine about right and wrong. Hence it is that Castor andPollux, two names of the same personage, were supposed to preside overjudicial affairs. This department does but ill agree with the general andabsurd character, under which they are represented: for what hashorsemanship and boxing to do with law and equity? But these were mistakenattributes, which arose from a misapplication of history. Within theprecincts of their temples was a parade for boxing and wrestling; and oftenan Hippodromus. Hence arose these attributes, by which the Poets celebratedthese personages:

 [375]Καστορα θ' Ἱπποδαμον, και πυξ αγαθον Πολυδευκεα. 

The Deity, originally referred to, was the Sun: As he was the chief Deity, he must necessarily have been esteemed the supervisor and arbitrator of allsublunary things:

 [376]Ηελιος, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ, και παντ' επακουει. 

On this account the same province of supreme judge was conferred on hissubstitute Castor, in conjunction with his brother Pollux: and they wereaccordingly looked upon as the conservators of the rights of mankind. Cicero makes a noble appeal to them in his seventh oration against Verres;and enlarges upon the great department, of which they were presumed to bepossessed: at the same time mentioning the treasures, which were depositedin their temples. [377]Vos omnium rerum forensium, consiliorum maximorum, legum, judiciorumque arbitri, et testes, celeberrimo in loco PRÆTORIIlocati, Castor et Pollux; quorum ex templo quæstum sibi iste (Verres) etprædam maximam improbissime comparavit--teque, Ceres, et Libera--a quibisinitia vitæ atque victûs, legum, morum, mansuetudinis, humanitatis exemplahominibus et civitatibus data ac dispertita esse dicuntur. Thus we findthat they are at the close joined with Ceres, and Libera; and spoken of asthe civilizers of the world: but their peculiar province was law andjudicature. 

Many instances to the same purpose might be produced; some few of which Iwill lay before the reader. Trophonius, like Chiron and Castor, was asacred tower; being compounded of Tor-Oph-On, Solis Pythonis turris, rendered Trophon, and Trophonius. It was an oracular temple, situated neara vast cavern: and the responses were given by dreams. Tiresias, thatantient prophet, was an edifice of the same nature: and the name is acompound of Tor-Ees, and Tor-Asis; from whence the Greeks formed the wordTiresias. He is generally esteemed a diviner, or soothsayer, to whom peopleapplied for advice: but it was to the temple that they applied, and to theDeity, who was there supposed to reside. He was, moreover, said to havelived nine ages: till he was at last taken by the Epigoni, when he died. The truth is, there was a tower of this name at Thebes, built by theAmonians, and sacred to the God Orus. It stood nine ages, and was thendemolished. It was afterwards repaired, and made use of for a place ofaugury: and its situation was close to the temple of Amon. [378]Θηβαιοις δεμετα του Αμμωνος το Ἱερον, οιωνοσκοπειον τε Τειρεσιου καλουμενον. Tiresias, according to Apollodorus, was the son of Eueres, [379]Ευηρης, or, accordingto the true Dorian pronunciation, Euares, the same as the Egyptian Uc Arez, the Sun. He is by Hyginus styled [380]Eurimi filius; and in another placeEurii filius, Pastor. Eurius, Eurimus, Euarez, are all names of the Sun, orplaces sacred to him; but changed to terms of relation by not beingunderstood. Tiresias is additionally styled Pastor; because all the AmonianDeities, as well as their princes, were called Shepherds: and those, whocame originally from Chaldea, were styled the children of Ur, or Urius. 

By the same analogy we may trace the true history of Terambus, the Deity ofEgypt, who was called the Shepherd Terambus. The name is a compound ofTor-Ambus, or Tor-Ambi, the oracular tower of Ham. He is said to have beenthe son of Eusires, [381]Ευσειρου του Ποσειδωνος; and to have come over, and settled in Thessaly, near mount Othrys. According to AntoniusLiberalis, he was very rich in flocks, and a great musician, andparticularly expert in all pastoral measure. To him they attributed theinvention of the pipe. The meaning of the history is, I think, too plain, after what has preceded, to need a comment. It is fabled of him, that hewas at last turned into a bird called Cerambis, or Cerambix. Terambus andCerambis are both antient terms of the same purport: the one properlyexpressed is Tor-Ambi; the other Cer-Ambi, the oracular temple of the Sun. 

I have taken notice that towers of this sort were the repositories of muchtreasure; and they were often consecrated to the Ophite Deity, called Opisand Oupis. It is the same which Callimachus addresses by the title of[382]Ουπι, Ανασσ' ευωπι: and of whom Cicero speaks, and styles Upis;[383]quam Græci Upim paterno nomine appellant. The temple was hence calledKir-Upis; which the Grecians abridged to Γρυπες: and finding many of theAmonian temples in the north, with the device of a winged serpent upon thefrontal, they gave this name to the hieroglyphic. Hence, I imagine, arosethe notion of Γρυπες, or Gryphons; which, like the dragons abovementioned, were supposed to be guardians of treasure, and to never sleep. The realconservators of the wealth were the priests. They kept up a perpetual fire, and an unextinguished light in the night. From Kir Upis, the place of hisresidence, a priest was named Grupis; and from Kir-Uph-On, Gryphon. ThePoets have represented the Grupes as animals of the serpentine kind; andsupposed them to have been found in countries of the Arimaspians, Alazonians, Hyperboreans, and other the most northern regions, which theAmonians possessed. In some of the temples women officiated, who weredenominated from the Deity they served. The Scholiast upon Callimachuscalls the chief of them Upis; and styles her, and her associates, Κορας[384]Ὑπερβορεους, Hyperborean young women. The Hyperboreans, Alazonians, Arimaspians, were Scythic nations of the same family. All the stories aboutPrometheus, Chimæra, Medusa, Pegasus, Hydra, as well as of the Grupes, orGryphons, arose, in great measure, from the sacred devices upon theentablatures of temples. 

 * * * * *

TAPH, TUPH, TAPHOS. 

There was another name current among the Amonians, by which they calledtheir λοφοι, or high places. This was Taph; which at times was renderedTuph, Toph, and Taphos. Lower Egypt being a flat, and annually overflowed, the natives were forced to raise the soil, on which they built theirprincipal edifices, in order to secure them from the inundation: and manyof their sacred towers were erected upon conical mounds of earth. But therewere often hills of the same form constructed for religious purposes, uponwhich there was no building. These were very common in Egypt. Hence we readof Taphanis, or Taph-Hanes, Taph-Osiris, Taph-Osiris parva, and contraTaphias, in Antoninus; all of this country. In other parts were Taphiousa, Tape, Taphura, Tapori, Taphus, Taphosus, Taphitis. All these names relateto high altars, upon which they used oftentimes to offer human sacrifices. Typhon was one of these; being a compound of Tuph-On, which signifies thehill or altar of the Sun. Tophet, where the Israelites made their childrenpass through fire to [385]Moloch, was a mount of this form. And there seemto have been more than one of this denomination; as we learn from theprophet Jeremiah, [386]_They have built the high places of Tophet, which isin the valley of the son of Hinnom, to burn their sons and their daughtersin the fire. _ And in another place: _They have built also the high placesof Baal, to burn their sons with fire for burnt-offerings unto Baal. _ Thesecruel operations were generally performed upon mounts of this sort; which, from their conical figure, were named Tuph and Tupha. It seems to have beena term current in many countries. The high Persian [387]bonnet had the samename from its shape: and Bede mentions a particular kind of standard in histime; which was made of plumes in a globular shape, and called in likemanner, [388]Tupha, vexilli genus, ex consertis plumarum globis. There wasprobably a tradition, that the calf, worshipped by the Israelites in thewilderness near Horeb, was raised upon a sacred mound, like those describedabove: for Philo Judæus says, that it was exhibited after the model of anEgyptian Tuphos: [389]Αιγυπτιακου μιμημα Τυφου. This I do not take to havebeen a Grecian word; but the name of a sacred orbicular mount, analogous tothe Touphas of Persis. 

The Amonians, when they settled in Greece, raised many of these Tupha, orTapha, in different parts. These, beside their original name, were stillfarther denominated from some title of the Deity, to whose honour they wereerected. But as it was usual, in antient times, to bury persons ofdistinction under heaps of earth formed in this fashion; these Tapha cameto signify tombs: and almost all the sacred mounds, raised for religiouspurposes, were looked upon as monuments of deceased heroes. Hence[390]Taph-Osiris was rendered ταφος, or the burying place of the GodOsiris: and as there were many such places in Egypt and Arabia, sacred toOsiris and Dionusus; they were all by the Greeks esteemed places ofsepulture. Through this mistake many different nations had the honourattributed to them of these Deities being interred in their country. Thetumulus of the Latines was mistaken in the same manner. It was originally asacred hillock; and was often raised before temples, as an altar; such as Ihave before described. It is represented in this light by Virgil:

 [391]Est urbe egressis tumulus, templumque vetustum Desertæ Cereris; juxtaque antiqua cupressus. 

In process of time the word tumulus was in great measure looked upon as atomb; and tumulo signified to bury. The Greeks speak of numberlesssepulchral monuments, which they have thus misinterpreted. They pretendedto shew the tomb of [392]Dionusus at Delphi; also of Deucalion, Pyrrha, Orion, in other places. They imagined that Jupiter was buried in Crete:which Callimachus supposes to have been a forgery of the natives. 

 [393]Κρητες αει ψευσται· και γαρ ταφον, ω Ανα, σειο Κρητες ετεκτῃναντο, συ δ' ου θανες, εσσι γαρ αιει. 

I make no doubt, but that there was some high place in Crete, which thelater Greeks, and especially those who were not of the country, mistook fora tomb. But it certainly must have been otherwise esteemed by those whoraised it: for it is not credible, however blind idolatry may have been, that people should enshrine persons as immortal, where they had theplainest evidences of their mortality. An inscription _Viro Immortali_ wasin a style of flattery too refined for the simplicity of those ages. Ifdivine honours were conferred, they were the effects of time, and paid atsome distance; not upon the spot, at the vestibule of the charnel-house. Besides, it is evident, that most of the deified personages never existed:but were mere titles of the Deity, the Sun; as has been, in great measure, proved by Macrobius. Nor was there ever any thing of such detriment toantient history, as the supposing that the Gods of the Gentile world hadbeen natives of the countries, where they were worshipped. They have bythese means been admitted into the annals of times: and it has been thechief study of the learned to register the legendary stories concerningthem; to conciliate absurdities, and to arrange the whole in achronological series. A fruitless labour, and inexplicable: for there arein all these fables such inconsistences, and contradictions, as no art, norindustry, can remedy. Hence, all who have expended their learning to thispurpose, are in opposition to one another, and often at variance withthemselves. Some of them by these means have rendered their works, whichmight have been of infinite use to the world, little better than thereveries of Monsieur Voltaire. The greatest part of the Grecian theologyarose from misconceptions and blunders: and the stories concerning theirGods and Heroes were founded on terms misinterpreted and abused. Thus fromthe word ταφος, taphos, which they adopted in a limited sense, they formeda notion of their gods having been buried in every place, where there was atumulus to their honour. This misled bishop Cumberland, Usher, Pearson, Petavius, Scaliger, with numberless other learned men; and among theforemost the great Newton. This extraordinary genius has greatly impairedthe excellent system, upon which he proceeded, by admitting these fanciedbeings into chronology. We are so imbued in our childhood with notions ofMars, Hercules, and the rest of the celestial outlaws, that we scarce evercan lay them aside. We absolutely argue upon Pagan principles: and thoughwe cannot believe the fables, which have been transmitted to us; yet weforget ourselves continually; and make inferences from them, as if theywere real. In short, till we recollect ourselves, we are semi-pagans. Itgives one pain to see men of learning, and principle, debating which wasthe Jupiter who lay with Semele; and whether it was the same that outwittedAmphitryon. This is not, says a critic, the Hermes, who cut off Argus'shead; but one of later date, who turned Battus into a stone. I fancy, saysanother, that this was done, when Iö was turned into a cow. It is said ofJupiter, that he made the night, in which he enjoyed Alcmena, as long as[394]three; or, as some say, as long as nine. The Abbe [395]Banier withsome phlegm excepts to this coalition of nights; and is unwilling to allowit. But he is afterwards more complying; and seems to give it his sanction, with this proviso, that chronological verity be not thereby impeached. _Iam of opinion_, says he, _that there was no foundation for the fable ofJupiter's having made the night, on which he lay with Alcmena, longer thanothers: at least this event put nothing in nature out of order; since theday, which followed, was proportionably shorter, as Plautus [396]remarks. _

 Atque quanto nox fuisti longior hâc proximâ, Tanto brevior dies ut fiat, faciam; ut æque disparet, Et dies e nocte accedat. 

Were it not invidious, I could subjoin names to every article, which I havealleged; and produce numberless instances to the same purpose. 

It may be said, that I run counter to the opinions of all antiquity: thatall the fathers who treated of this subject, and many other learned men, supposed the Gods of the heathen to have been deified mortals, who wereworshipped in the countries, where they died. It was the opinion ofClemens, Eusebius, Cyril, Tertullian, Athenagoras, Epiphanius, Lactantius, Arnobius, Julius Firmicus, and many others. What is more to the purpose, itwas the opinion of the heathen themselves; the very people, by whom thesegods were honoured: yet still it is a mistake. In respect to the fathers, the whole of their argument turns upon this point, the concessions of theGentiles. The more early writers of the church were not making a strictchronological inquiry: but were labouring to convert the heathen. Theytherefore argue with them upon their own principles; and confute them fromtheir own testimony. The Romans had their Dii Immortales; the Greeks theirΘεοι Αθανατοι: yet acknowledged that they had been men; that they died, andwere buried. Cicero owns; [397]ab Euhemero et mortes, et sepulturædemonstrantur deorum. It matters not whether the notion were true; thefathers very fairly make use of it. They avail themselves of theseconcessions; and prove from them the absurdity of the Gentile worship, andthe inconsistency of their opinions. Even Maximus Tyrius, the Platonic, could not but smile, at being shewn in the same place the temple, and tombof the deity[398]; ἱερον Θεου, και ταφον Θεου. These supposed places ofsepulture were so numerous, that Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, they werenot to be counted. [399]Αλλα γαρ επιοντι μοι τους προσκυνουμενους ὑμινταφους, εμοι μεν ουδ' ὁ πας αν αρκεσῃ χρονος. But, after all, these Ταφοιwere not tombs, but λοφοι μαστοειδεις, conical mounds of earth; on which inthe first ages offerings were made by fire. Hence τυφω, tupho, signified tomake a smoke, such as arose from incense upon these Tupha, or eminences. Besides, if these were deified men, who were buried under these hills; howcan we explain the difficulty of the same person being buried in differentplaces, and at different times? To this it is answered, that it was anotherBacchus, and another Jupiter. Yet this still adds to the difficulty: for itis hard to conceive, that whoever in any country had the name of Jupiter, should be made a God. Add to this, that Homer and Hesiod, and the authorsof the Orphic poetry, knew of no such duplicates. There is no hint of thissort among the antient writers of their nation. It was a refinement inafter ages; introduced to obviate the difficulties, which arose from theabsurdities in the pagan system. Arnobius justly ridicules the idleexpedients, made use of to render a base theology plausible. Gods, of thesame name and character, were multiplied to make their fables consistent;that there might be always one ready at hand upon any chronologicalemergency. Hence no difficulty could arise about a Deity, but there mightbe one produced, adapted to all climes, and to every age. [400]AiuntTheologi vestri, et vetustatis absconditæ conditores, tres in rerum naturâJoves esse--quinque Soles, et Mercurios quinque. Aiunt iidem Theologiquatuor esse Vulcanos, et tres Dianas; Æsculapios totidem, et Dionysosquinque; ter binos Hercules, et quatuor Veneres; tria genera Castorum, totidemque Musarum. But Arnobius is too modest. Other writers insist upon agreater variety. In respect to Jupiters, Varro according to Tertullianmakes them in number three hundred. [401]Varro trecentos Joves, siveJupiteres, dicendum, ---- introducit. The same writer mentions forty heroesof the name of Hercules; all which variety arose from the causes aboveassigned: and the like multiplicity may be found both of kings and heroes;of kings, who did not reign; of heroes, who never existed. The same may beobserved in the accounts transmitted of their most early prophets, andpoets: scarce any of them stand single: there are duplicates of everydenomination. On this account it is highly requisite for those, who supposethese personages to have been men, and make inferences from thecircumstances of their history, to declare explicitly which they mean; andto give good reasons for their determination. It is said of Jupiter, thathe was the son of Saturn; and that he carried away Europa, before thearrival of Cadmus. He had afterwards an amour with Semele, the supposeddaughter of Cadmus: and they mention his having a like intimacy withAlcmena an age or two later. After this he got acquainted with Leda, thewife of Tyndarus: and he had children at the siege of Troy. If we maybelieve the poets, and all our intelligence comes originally from thepoets, Jupiter was personally interested in that war. But this intervalcontains little less than two hundred years. These therefore could not bethe actions of one man: on which account I want to know, why Sir IsaacNewton [402]in his chronological interpretations chooses to be determinedby the story of Jupiter and Europa, rather than by that of Jupiter andLeda. The learned [403]Pezron has pitched upon a Jupiter above one thousandyears earlier, who was in like manner the son of Saturn. But Saturn, according to some of the best mythologists, was but four generationsinclusive before the æra of Troy. Latinus, the son of Faunus, was alivesome years after that city had been taken; when Æneas was supposed to havearrived in Italy. The poet tells us, [404]Fauno Picus pater: isque parentemTe, Saturne, refert; Tu sanguinis ultimus auctor. The series amounts onlyto four, Latinus, Faunus, Picus, Saturn. What authority has Pezron for theanticipation of which he is guilty in determining the reign of Jupiter? andhow can he reconcile these contradictory histories? He ought to have givensome good reason for setting aside the more common and accepted accounts;and placing these events so [405]early. Shall we suppose with the criticsand commentators that this was a prior Jupiter? If it were a differentperson, the circumstances of his life should be different: but the person, of whom he treats, is in all respects similar to the Jupiter of Greece andRome. He has a father Saturn; and his mother was Rhea. He was nursed inCrete; and had wars with the Titans. He dethrones his father, who flies toItaly; where he introduces an age of gold. The mythology concerning him wefind to be in all respects uniform. It is therefore to little purpose tosubstitute another person of the same name by way of reconciling matters, unless we can suppose that every person so denominated had the samerelations and connexions, and the same occurrences in life reiterated:which is impossible. It is therefore, I think, plain, that the GrecianDeities were not the persons [406]supposed: and that their imputed nameswere titles. It is true, a very antient and respectable writer, [407]Euhemerus, of whom I have before made mention, thought otherwise. Itis said, that he could point out precisely, where each god departed: andcould particularly shew the burying-place of Jupiter. Lactantius, whocopied from him, says, that it was at Cnossus in [408]Crete. Jupiter, ætatepessum actâ, in Cretâ vitam commutavit. --Sepulchrum ejus est in Cretâ, etin oppido Cnosso: et dicitur Vesta hanc urbem creavisse: inque sepulchroejus est inscriptio antiquis literis Græcis, Ζαν Κρονου. If Jupiter hadbeen buried in Crete, as these writers would persuade us, the accountswould be uniform about the place where he was deposited. Lactantius, wefind, and some others, say, that it was in the city Cnossus. There arewriters who mention it to have been in a cavern upon [409]Mount Ida: othersupon Mount [410]Jasius. Had the Cretans been authors of the notion, theywould certainly have been more consistent in their accounts: but we find nomore certainty about the place of his burial, than of his birth; concerningwhich Callimachus could not determine. 

 [411]Ζευ, σε μεν Ιδαιοισιν εν ουρεσι φασι γενεσθαι, Ζευ, σε δ' εν Αρκαδιῃ. 

He was at times supposed to have been a native of Troas, of Crete, ofThebes, of Arcadia, of Elis: but the whole arose from the word ταφος being, through length of time, misunderstood: for there would have been no legendabout the birth of Jupiter, had there been no mistake about his funeral. Itwas a common notion of the Magnesians, that Jupiter was buried in theircountry upon Mount Sipylus. Pausanias says, that he ascended the mountain, and beheld the tomb, which was well worthy of [412]admiration. The tomb of[413]Isis in like manner was supposed to be at Memphis, and at Philæ inUpper Egypt: also at Nusa in Arabia. Osiris was said to have been buried inthe same places: likewise at Taphosiris, which is thought by Procopius tohave had its name, [414]because it was the place of sepulture of Osiris. The same is said of another city, which was near the mouth of the Nile, andcalled Taphosiris parva. But they each of them had their name from theworship, and not from the interment of the Deity. This is plain from theaccount given of the ταφος Οσιριδος, or high altar of Osiris, by Diodorus;from whom we learn that Busiris and Osiris were the same. [415]_TheGrecians_, says this author, _have a notion, that Busiris in Egypt used tosacrifice strangers: not that there was ever such a king as Busiris; butthe_ ταφος, _or altar, of Osiris had this name in the language of thenatives_. In short, Busiris was only a variation for Osiris: both werecompounded of the Egyptian term [416]Sehor, and related to the God of day. Hence the altars of the same Deity were called indifferently the altars ofOsiris, or Busiris, according as custom prevailed. 

I have in a former chapter taken notice of the Tarchons and Dracontia inSyria, and other parts: which consisted of sacred ground inclosed with awall, and an altar or two at the upper part. Such an inclosure is describedby Pausanias, which must have been of great antiquity: hence the history ofit was very imperfectly known in his time. He is speaking of Nemea inArgolis; [417]_near which_, says he, _stands the temple of Nemean Jupiter, a structure truly wonderful, though the roof is now fallen in. Round thetemple is a grove of cypress; in which there is a tradition that Ophelteswas left by his nurse upon the grass, and in her absence killed by aserpent. --In the same place is the tomb of Opheltes, surrounded with a wallof stone; and within the inclosure altars. There is also a mound of earthsaid to be the tomb of Lycurgus, the father of Opheltes. _ Lycurgus is thesame as Lycus, Lycaon, Lycoreus, the Sun: and Opheltes, his supposedoffspring, is of the same purport. To say the truth, [418]Opheltes, or, asit should be expressed, Ophel-tin is the place; and Ophel the Deity, SolPytho, whose symbol was a serpent. Ophel-tin was a Taphos with a τεμενος, or sacred inclosure: it was a sacred mound to the Ophite Deity; like thatwhich was inclosed and fortified by [419]Manasseh king of Judah; and whichhad been previously made use of to the same purpose by [420]Jotham. Ahistory similar to that of Opheltes is given of Archemorus; who was said tohave been left in a garden by his nurse Hypsipyle, and in her absence slainby a serpent. Each of them had festivals instituted, together with sacredgames, in memorial of their misfortune. They are on this account by manysupposed to have been the same person. But in reality they were notpersons, but places. They are, however, so far alike, as they are termswhich relate to the same worship and Deity. Opheltin is the place, andaltar of the Ophite God above-mentioned: and Archemorus was undoubtedly theantient name of the neighbouring town, or city. It is a compound ofAr-Chemorus; and signifies the city of Cham-Orus, the same who is styledOphel. In many of these places there was an antient tradition of someperson having been injured by a serpent in the beginning of life; whichthey have represented as the state of childhood. The mythology upon thisoccasion is different: for sometimes the personages spoken of are killed bythe serpent: at other times they kill it: and there are instances whereboth histories are told of the same person. But whatever may have been theconsequence, the history is generally made to refer to a state ofchildhood. Hercules has accordingly a conflict with two serpents in hiscradle: and Apollo, who was the same as Python, was made to engage aserpent of this name at Parnassus, when he was a child;

 [421]Κουρος, εων, ΕΤΙ ΓYΜΝΟΣ, ετι πλοκαμοισι γεγηθως. 

Near mount Cyllene in Arcadia was the sacred Taphos of [422]Æputus, who wassupposed to have been stung by a serpent. Æputus was the same as Iapetus, the father of mankind. In the Dionusiaca the priests used to be crownedwith serpents; and in their frantic exclamations to cry out [423]Eva, Eva;and sometimes Evan, Evan: all which related to some history of a serpent. Apollo, who is supposed by most to have been victor in his conflict withthe Pytho, is by Porphyry said to have been slain by that serpent:Pythagoras affirmed, that he saw his tomb at Tripos in [424]Delphi; andwrote there an epitaph to his honour. The name of Tripos is said to havebeen given to the place, because the daughters of Triopus used to lamentthere the fate of Apollo. But Apollo and the Python were the same; andTripus, or Triopus, the supposed father of these humane sisters, was avariation for Tor-Opus, the serpent-hill, or temple; where neither Apollo, nor the Python were slain, but where they were both worshipped, being oneand the same Deity. [425]Πυθοι μεν ουν ὁ Δρακων ὁ Πυθιος θρησκευεται, καιτου Οφεως ἡ πανηγυρις καταγγελλεται Πυθια. _At Python_ (the same as Delphi)_the Pythian Dragon is worshipped; and the celebrity of the serpent isstyled Pythian_. The daughters of Triopus were the priestesses of thetemple; whose business it was to chant hymns in memory of the serpent: andwhat is very remarkable, the festival was originally observed upon theseventh [426]day. 

The Greeks had innumerable monuments of the sort, which I have beendescribing. They were taken for the tombs of departed heroes, but werereally consecrated places: and the names by which they were distinguished, shew plainly their true history. Such was the supposed tomb of [427]Orionat Tanagra, and of Phoroneus in [428]Argolis; the tomb of [429]Deucalion inAthens; and of his wife [430]Pyrrha in Locris: of [431]Endymion in Elis: ofTityus in [432]Panopea: of Asterion in the island [433]Lade: of theEgyptian [434]Belus in Achaia. To these may be added the tombs of Zeus inMount Sipylus, Mount Iasius, and Ida: the tombs of Osiris in various parts:and those of Isis, which have been enumerated before. Near the Æaceum atEpidaurus was a hill, reputed to have been the tomb of the hero[435]Phocus. This Æaceum was an inclosure planted with olive trees of greatantiquity; and at a small degree above the surface of the ground was analtar sacred to Æacus. To divulge the traditions relative to this altarwould, it seems, be an high profanation. The author, therefore, keeps thema secret. Just before this sacred septum was the supposed tomb of Phocus, consisting of a mound of raised earth, fenced round with a border of stonework: and a large rough stone was placed upon the top of all. Such were therude monuments of Greece, which were looked upon as so many receptacles ofthe dead: but were high altars, with their sacred τεμενη, which had beenerected for divine worship in the most early times. The Helladians, and thePersians, were of the same [436]family: hence we find many similar ritessubsisting among the two nations. The latter adhered to the purer Zabaïsm, which they maintained a long time. They erected the same sacred Tupha, asthe Grecians: and we may be assured of the original purpose, for whichthese hills were raised, from the use to which they put them. They werededicated to the great fountain of light, called by the Persians, Anaït:and were set apart as Puratheia, for the celebration of the rites of fire. This people, after they had defeated the Sacæ in Cappadocia, raised animmense Comah in memorial of their victory. [437]Strabo, who describes itvery minutely, tells us, that they chose a spot in an open plain; wherethey reared a Petra, or high place, by heaping up a vast mound of earth. This they fashioned to a conical figure; and then surrounded it with a wallof stone. In this manner they founded a kind of temple in honour of Anaït, Omanus, and Anandrates, the Deities of their country. I have mentioned thatthe Egyptians had hills of this nature: and from them the custom wastransmitted to Greece. Typhon, or more properly Tuphon, Τυφων, who wassupposed to have been a giant, was a compound of Tuph-On, as I have beforementioned; and signified a sacred [438]mount of the sun. Those cities inEgypt, which had a high place of this sort, and rites in consequence of it, were styled Typhonian. Upon such as these they sacrificed red haired men, or men with hair of a light colour; in other words strangers. For both thesons of Chus, and the Mizraïm were particularly dark and woolly: so thatthere could be no surer mark than the hair to distinguish between a nativeand a foreigner. These sacrifices were offered in the city [439]Idithia, [440]Abaris, [441]Heliopolis, and Taphosiris; which in consequence of theseofferings were denominated Typhonian cities. Many writers say, that theserites were performed to Typhon at the [442]tomb of Osiris. Hence he was inlater times supposed to have been a person, one of immense size: and he wasalso esteemed a [443]God. But this arose from the common mistake by whichplaces were substituted for the Deities there worshipped. Typhon was theTupha, or altar, the supposed tomb of the God: and the offerings were madeto the Sun, styled On; the same as Osiris, and Busiris. As there wereTyphonian mounts in many parts, he was in consequence of it supposed tohave been buried in different places: near mount Caucasus in Colchis; nearthe river Orontes in Syria; and under lake Serbonis. Typhon, or ratherTyphonian worship, was not unknown in the region of [444]Troas, near whichwere the Scopuli Typhonis. Plutarch mentions that in the Phrygian TheologyTyphon was esteemed the grandson of Isaac or Isæac: and says that he was sospoken of εν τοις Φρυγιοις [445]γραμμασιν. But all terms of relation are tobe disregarded. The purport of the history was this. The altar was termedTuphon Isiac, sive Βωμος Ισιακος, from the sacra Isiaca, which wereperformed upon it. The same Isaac or Isæac was sometimes rendered Æsacus, and supposed to have been a son of the river Granicus. 

 [446]Æsacon umbrosâ furtim peperisse sub Idâ Fertur Alexirhoë Granico nata bicorni. 

The antient Arcadians were said to have been the offspring of [447]Typhon, and by some the children of Atlas; by which was meant, that they werepeople of the Typhonian, and Atlantian religion. What they called his tombswere certainly mounds of earth, raised very high, like those which havebeen mentioned before: only with this difference, that some of these hadlofty towers adorned with pinnacles, and battlements. They had also carvedupon them various symbols; and particularly serpentine hieroglyphics, inmemorial of the God to whom they were sacred. In their upper story was aperpetual fire, which was plainly seen in the night. I have mentioned, thatthe poets formed their notions about Otus and Ephialtes from towers: andthe idea of Orion's stupendous bulk taken from the Pelorian edifice inSicily. The gigantic stature of Typhon was borrowed from a like object: andhis character was formed from the hieroglyphical representations in thetemples styled Typhonian. This may be inferred from the allegoricaldescription of Typhœus, given by Hesiod. Typhon and Typhœus, were the samepersonage: and the poet represents him of a mixed form, being partly a man, and partly a monstrous dragon, whose head consisted of an assemblage ofsmaller serpents. 

 [448]Εκ δε ὁι ωμων Ην ἑκατον κεφαλαι οφιος, δεινοιο Δρακοντος. 

As there was a perpetual fire kept up in the upper story, he describes itas shining through the apertures in the building. 

 [449]Εκ δε ὁι οσσων Θεσπεσιῃς κεφαλῃσιν ὑπ' οφρυσι πυρ αμαρυσσε· Πασεων δ' εκ κεφαλεων πυρ καιετο δερκομενοιο. 

But the noblest description of Typhon is given in some very fine poetry byNonnus. He has taken his ideas from some antient tower situated near thesea upon the summit of an high mountain. It was probably the Typhoniantemple of Zeus upon mount Casius, near the famed Serbonian lake. Hementions sad noises heard within, and describes the roaring of the surgebelow: and says that all the monsters of the sea stabled in the cavities atthe foot of the mountain, which was washed by the ocean. 

 [450]Εν ιχθυοεντι δε ποντῳ Ἱσταμενου Τυφωνος εσω βρυοεντος εναυλου Βενθεϊ ταρσα πεπηκτο, και ηερι μιγνυτο γαστηρ Θλιβομενη νεφεεσσι· Γιγαντειου δε καρηνου Φρικτον αερσιλοφων αϊων βρυχημα λεοντων, Ποντιος ειλυοεντι λεων εκαλυπτετο κολπῳ. κτλ. 

We may perceive, that this is a mixed description, wherein, under thecharacter of a gigantic personage, a towering edifice is alluded to; whichwas situated upon the summit of a mountain, and in the vicinity of the sea. 

 * * * * *

OB, OUB, PYTHO, SIVE DE

OPHIOLATRIA. 

 Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων Οφις συμβολον μεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. Justin. Martyr. Apolog. L. 1. P. 60. 

It may seem extraordinary, that the worship of the serpent should have everbeen introduced into the world: and it must appear still more remarkable, that it should almost universally have prevailed. As mankind are said tohave been ruined through the influence of this being, we could littleexpect that it would, of all other objects, have been adopted, as the mostsacred and salutary symbol; and rendered the chief object of[451]adoration. Yet so we find it to have been. In most of the antientrites there is some allusion to the [452]serpent. I have taken notice, thatin the Orgies of Bacchus, the persons who partook of the ceremony used tocarry serpents in their hands, and with horrid screams called upon Eva, Eva. They were often crowned with [453]serpents, and still made the samefrantic exclamation. One part of the mysterious rites of Jupiter Sabaziuswas to let a snake slip down the bosom of the person to be initiated, whichwas taken out below[454]. These ceremonies, and this symbolic worship, began among the Magi, who were the sons of Chus: and by them they werepropagated in various parts. Epiphanius thinks, that the invocation, Eva, Eva, related to the great [455]mother of mankind, who was deceived by theserpent: and Clemens of Alexandria is of the same opinion. He supposes, that by this term was meant [456]Ευαν εκεινην, δι' ἡν ἡ πλανηπαρηκολουθησε. But I should think, that Eva was the same as Eph, Epha, Opha, which the Greeks rendered Οφις, Ophis, and by it denoted a serpent. Clemens acknowledges, that the term Eva properly aspirated had such asignification. [457]Το ονομα το Ευια δασυνομενον ἑρμηνευεται Οφις. Olympias, the mother of [458]Alexander, was very fond of these Orgies, inwhich the serpent was introduced. Plutarch mentions, that rites of thissort were practised by the Edonian women near mount Hæmus in Thrace; andcarried on to a degree of madness. Olympias copied them closely in alltheir frantic manœuvres. She used to be followed with many attendants, whohad each a thyrsus with [459]serpents twined round it. They had also snakesin their hair, and in the chaplets, which they wore; so that they made amost fearful appearance. Their cries were very shocking: and the whole wasattended with a continual repetition of the words, [460]Evoe, Saboe, HuesAttes, Attes Hues, which were titles of the God Dionusus. He was peculiarlynamed Ὑης; and his priests were the Hyades, and Hyantes. He was likewisestyled Evas. [461]Ευας ὁ Διονυσος. 

In Egypt was a serpent named Thermuthis, which was looked upon as verysacred; and the natives are said to have made use of it as a royal tiara, with which they ornamented the statues of [462]Isis. We learn from DiodorusSiculus, that the kings of Egypt wore high bonnets, which terminated in around ball: and the whole was surrounded with figures of [463]asps. Thepriests likewise upon their bonnets had the representation of serpents. Theantients had a notion, that when Saturn devoured his own children, his wifeOps deceived him by substituting a large stone in lieu of one of his sons, which stone was called Abadir. But Ops, and Opis, represented here as afeminine, was the serpent Deity, and Abadir is the same personage under adifferent denomination. [464]Abadir Deus est; et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorâsse pro Jove, quem Græci βαιτυλονvocant. --Abdir quoque et Abadir βαιτυλος. Abadir seems to be a variation ofOb-Adur, and signifies the serpent God Orus. One of these stones, whichSaturn was supposed to have swallowed instead of a child, stood, accordingto [465]Pausanias, at Delphi. It was esteemed very sacred, and used to havelibations of wine poured upon it daily; and upon festivals was otherwisehonoured. The purport of the above history I imagine to have been this. Itwas for a long time a custom to offer children at the altar of Saturn: butin process of time they removed it, and in its room erected a στυλος, orstone pillar; before which they made their vows, and offered sacrifices ofanother nature. This stone, which they thus substituted, was calledAb-Adar, from the Deity represented by it. The term Ab generally signifiesa [466]father: but, in this instance, it certainly relates to a serpent, which was indifferently styled Ab, Aub, and [467]Ob. I take Abadon, or, asit is mentioned in the Revelations, Abaddon, to have been the name of thesame Ophite God, with whose worship the world had been so long infected. Heis termed by the Evangelist [468]Αβαδδων, τον Αγγελον της Αβυσσου, theangel of the bottomless pit; that is, the prince of darkness. In anotherplace he is described as the [469]dragon, that old serpent, which is thedevil, and Satan. Hence I think, that the learned Heinsius is very right inthe opinion, which he has given upon this passage; when he makes Abaddonthe same as the serpent Pytho. Non dubitandum est, quin Pythius Apollo, hocest spurcus ille spiritus, quem Hebræi Ob, et Abaddon, Hellenistæ ad verbumΑπολλυωνα, cæteri Απολλωνα, dixerunt, sub hâc formâ, quâ miseriam humanogeneri invexit, primo cultus[470]. 

[Illustration: _Ophis Thermuthis, sive Ob Basiliscus Ægyptiacus cumSacerdote Supplicante. _]

[Illustration: Pl. VII. ]

It is said, that, in the ritual of Zoroaster, the great expanse of theheavens, and even nature itself, was described under the symbol of aserpent[471]. The like was mentioned in the Octateuch of Ostanes: andmoreover, that in Persis and in other parts of the east they erectedtemples to the serpent tribe, and held festivals to their honour, esteemingthem [472]Θεους τους μεγιστους, και αρχηγους των ὁλων, _the supreme of allGods, and the superintendants of the whole world_. The worship began amongthe people of Chaldea. They built the city Opis upon the [473]Tigris, andwere greatly addicted to divination, and to the worship of theserpent[474]. Inventi sunt ex iis (Chaldeis) augures, et magi, divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob, et Ideoni. From Chaldea the worship passedinto Egypt, where the serpent Deity was called Can-oph, Can-eph, andC'neph. It had also the name of Ob, or Oub, and was the same as theBasiliscus, or Royal Serpent; the same also as the Thermuthis: and in likemanner was made use of by way of ornament to the statues of their[475]Gods. The chief Deity of Egypt is said to have been Vulcan, who wasalso styled Opas, as we learn from [476]Cicero. He was the same as Osiris, the Sun; and hence was often called Ob-El, sive Pytho Sol: and there werepillars sacred to him with curious hieroglyphical inscriptions, which hadthe same name. They were very lofty, and narrow in comparison of theirlength; hence among the Greeks, who copied from the Egyptians, every thinggradually tapering to a point was styled Obelos, and Obeliscus. Ophel(Oph-El) was a name of the same purport: and I have shewn, that many sacredmounds, or Tapha, were thus denominated from the serpent Deity, to whomthey were sacred. 

Sanchoniathon makes mention of an history, which he once wrote upon theworship of the serpent. The title of this work, according to Eusebius was, [477]Ethothion, or Ethothia. Another treatise upon the same subject waswritten by Pherecydes Syrus, which was probably a copy of the former; forhe is said to have composed it, [478]παρα Φοινικων λαβων τας αφορμας, _fromsome previous accounts of the Phenicians_. The title of his book was theTheology of Ophion, styled Ophioneus; and of his worshippers, calledOphionidæ. Thoth, and Athoth, were certainly titles of the Deity in theGentile world: and the book of Sanchoniathon might very possibly have beenfrom hence named Ethothion, or more truly Athothion. But from the subject, upon which it was written, as well as from the treatise of Pherecydes, Ishould think, that Athothion, or Ethothion, was a mistake for Ath-ophion, atitle which more immediately related to that worship, of which the writertreated. _Ath_ was a sacred title, as I have shewn: and I imagine, thatthis dissertation did not barely relate to the serpentine Deity; butcontained accounts of his votaries, the Ophitæ, the principal of which werethe sons of Chus. The worship of the Serpent began among them; and theywere from thence denominated Ethopians, and Aithopians, which the Greeksrendered Αιθιοπες. It was a name, which they did not receive from theircomplexion, as has been commonly surmised; for the branch of Phut, and theLubim, were probably of a deeper die: but they were so called from Ath-Ope, and Ath-Opis, the God which they worshipped. This may be proved from Pliny. He says that the country Æthiopia (and consequently the people) had thename of Æthiop from a personage who was a Deity--ab [479]Æthiope Vulcanifilio. The Æthiopes brought these rites into Greece: and called the island, where they first established them, [480]Ellopia, Solis Serpentis insula. Itwas the same as Eubœa, a name of the like purport; in which island was aregion named Æthiopium. Eubœa is properly Oub-Aia; and signifies theSerpent Island. The same worship prevailed among the Hyperboreans, as wemay judge from the names of the sacred women, who used to come annually toDelos. They were priestesses of the Tauric Goddess, and were denominatedfrom her titles. 

 [481]Ουπις τε, Λοξω τε, και Ευαιων Ἑκαεργη. 

Hercules was esteemed the chief God, the same as Chronus; and was said tohave produced the Mundane egg. He was represented in the Orphic Theologyunder the mixed symbol of a [482]lion and serpent: and sometimes of a[483]serpent only. I have before mentioned, that the Cuthites under thetitle of Heliadæ settled at Rhodes: and, as they were Hivites or Ophites, that the island in consequence of it was of old named Ophiusa. There waslikewise a tradition, that it had once swarmed with [484]serpents. The likenotion prevailed almost in every place, where they settled. They came underthe more general titles of Leleges and Pelasgi: but more particularly ofElopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, Inopians, Ophionians, andÆthiopes, as appears from the names, which they bequeathed; and in mostplaces, where they resided, there were handed down traditions, whichalluded to their original title of Ophites. In Phrygia, and upon theHellespont, whither they sent out colonies very early, was a people styledΟφιογενεις, or the serpent-breed; who were said to retain an affinity andcorrespondence with [485]serpents. And a notion prevailed, that some hero, who had conducted them, was changed from a serpent to a man. In Colchis wasa river Ophis; and there was another of the same name in Arcadia. It was sonamed from a body of people, who settled upon its banks, and were said tohave been conducted by a serpent: [486]Τον ἡγεμονα γενεσθαι δρακοντα. Thesereptiles are seldom found in islands, yet Tenos, one of the Cyclades, wassupposed to have once swarmed with them. [487]Εν τῃ Τηνῳ, μιᾳ των Κυκλαδωννησῳ, οφεις και σκορπιοι δεινοι εγινοντο. Thucydides mentions a people ofÆtolia called [488]Ophionians: and the temple of Apollo at Patara in Lyciaseems to have had its first institution from a priestess of the same[489]name. The island of Cyprus was styled Ophiusa, and Ophiodes, from theserpents, with which it was supposed to have [490]abounded. Of what speciesthey were is no where mentioned; excepting only that about Paphos there wassaid to have been a [491]kind of serpent with two legs. By this is meantthe Ophite race, who came from Egypt, and from Syria, and got footing inthis [492]island. They settled also in Crete, where they increased greatlyin numbers; so that Minos was said by an unseemly allegory, [493]οφειςουρησαι, serpentes minxisse. The island Seriphus was one vast rock, by theRomans called [494]saxum seriphium; and made use of as a larger kind ofprison for banished persons. It is represented as having once abounded withserpents; and it is styled by Virgil _serpentifera_, as the passage ishappily corrected by Scaliger. 

 [495]Æginamque simul, serpentiferamque Seriphon. 

It had this epithet not on account of any real serpents, but according tothe Greeks from [496]Medusa's head, which was brought hither by Perseus. Bythis is meant the serpent Deity, whose worship was here introduced bypeople called Peresians. Medusa's head denoted divine wisdom: and theisland was sacred to the serpent as is apparent from its name[497]. TheAthenians were esteemed Serpentigenæ; and they had a tradition, that thechief guardian of their Acropolis was a [498]serpent. It is reported of theGoddess Ceres, that she placed a dragon for a guardian to her temple at[499]Eleusis; and appointed another to attend upon Erectheus. Ægeus ofAthens, according to Androtion, was of the [500]serpent breed: and thefirst king of the country is said to have been [501]Δρακων, a Dragon. Others make Cecrops the first who reigned. He is said to have been[502]διφυης, _of a twofold nature_; συμφυες εχων σωμα ανδρος και δρακοντος, _being formed with the body of a man blended with that of a serpent_. Diodorus says, that this was a circumstance deemed by the Atheniansinexplicable: yet he labours to explain it, by representing Cecrops, ashalf a man, and half a [503]brute; because he had been of two differentcommunities. Eustathius likewise tries to solve it nearly upon the sameprinciples, and with the like success. Some had mentioned of Cecrops, thathe underwent a metamorphosis, [504]απο οφεως εις ανθρωπον ελθειν, _that hewas changed from a serpent to a man_. By this was signified according toEustathius, that Cecrops, by coming into Hellas, divested himself of allthe rudeness and barbarity of his [505]country, and became more civilizedand humane. This is too high a compliment to be payed to Greece in itsinfant state, and detracts greatly from the character of the Egyptians. Thelearned Marsham therefore animadverts with great justice. [506]Estverisimilius ilium ex Ægypto mores magis civiles in Græciam induxisse. _Itis more probable, that he introduced into Greece, the urbanity of his owncountry, than that he was beholden to Greece for any thing from thence. _ Inrespect to the mixed character of this personage, we may, I think, easilyaccount for it. Cecrops was certainly a title of the Deity, who wasworshipped under this [507]emblem. Something of the like nature wasmentioned of Triptolemus, and [508]Ericthonius: and the like has been saidabove of Hercules. The natives of Thebes in Bœotia, like the Atheniansabove, esteemed themselves of the serpent race. The Lacedæmonians likewisereferred themselves to the same original. Their city is said of old to haveswarmed with [509]serpents. The same is said of the city Amyclæ in Italy, which was of Spartan original. They came hither in such abundance, that itwas abandoned by the [510]inhabitants. Argos was infested in the samemanner, till Apis came from Egypt, and settled in that city. He was aprophet, the reputed son of Apollo, and a person of great skill andsagacity. To him they attributed the blessing of having their country freedfrom this evil. 

 [511]Απις γαρ ελθων εκ περας Ναυπακτιας, Ιατρομαντις, παις Απολλωνος, χθονα Την δ' εκκαθαιρει κνωδαλον βροτοφθορων. 

Thus the Argives gave the credit to this imaginary personage of clearingtheir land of this grievance: but the brood came from the very quarter fromwhence Apis was supposed to have arrived. They were certainly Hivites fromEgypt: and the same story is told of that country. It is represented ashaving been of old over-run with serpents; and almost depopulated throughtheir numbers. Diodorus Siculus seems to understand this [512]literally:but a region, which was annually overflowed, and that too for so long aseason, could not well be liable to such a calamity. They were serpents ofanother nature, with which it was thus infested: and the history relates tothe Cuthites, the original Ophitæ, who for a long time possessed thatcountry. They passed from Egypt to Syria, and to the Euphrates: and mentionis made of a particular breed of serpents upon that river, which wereharmless to the natives, but fatal to every body else. [513]This, I think, cannot be understood literally. The wisdom of the serpent may be great; butnot sufficient to make these distinctions. These serpents were of the samenature as the [514]birds of Diomedes, and the dogs in the temple of Vulcan:and these histories relate to Ophite priests, who used to spare their ownpeople, and sacrifice strangers, a custom which prevailed at one time inmost parts of the world. I have mentioned that the Cuthite priests werevery learned: and as they were Ophites, whoever had the advantage of theirinformation, was said to have been instructed by serpents. Hence there wasa tradition, that Melampus was rendered prophetic from a communication withthese [515]animals. Something similar is said of Tiresias. 

As the worship of the serpent was of old so prevalent, many places, as wellas people from thence, received their names. Those who settled in Campaniawere called Opici; which some would have changed to Ophici; because theywere denominated from serpents. [516]Οι δε (φασιν) ὁτι Οφικοι απο τωνοφιων. But they are, in reality, both names of the same purport, and denotethe origin of the people. We meet with places called Opis, Ophis, Ophitæa, Ophionia, Ophioëssa, Ophiodes, and Ophiusa. This last was an antient name, by which, according to Stephanus, the islands Rhodes, Cythnus, Besbicus, Tenos, and the whole continent of Africa, were distinguished. There werealso cities so called. Add to these places denominated Oboth, Obona, andreversed Onoba, from Ob, which was of the same purport. ClemensAlexandrinus says, that the term Eva signified a serpent, if pronouncedwith a proper [517]aspirate. We find that there were places of this name. There was a city Eva in [518]Arcadia: and another in [519]Macedonia. Therewas also a mountain Eva, or Evan, taken notice of by [520]Pausanias, between which and Ithome lay the city Messene. He mentions also an Eva in[521]Argolis, and speaks of it as a large town. Another name for a serpent, of which I have as yet taken no notice, was Patan, or Pitan. Many places indifferent parts were denominated from this term. Among others was a city in[522]Laconia; and another in [523]Mysia, which Stephanus styles a city ofÆolia. They were undoubtedly so named from the worship of the serpent, Pitan: and had probably Dracontia, where were figures and devices relativeto the religion which prevailed. Ovid mentions the latter city, and hassome allusions to its antient history, when he describes Medea as flyingthrough the air from Attica to Colchis. 

 [524]Æoliam Pitanem lævâ de parte relinquit, Factaque de saxo longi simulacra _Draconis_. 

[Illustration: Pl. VIII. ]

The city was situated upon the river Eva or Evan, which the Greeks rendered[525]Evenus. It is remarkable, that the Opici, who are said to have beendenominated from serpents, had also the name of Pitanatæ: at least one partof that family were so called. [526]Τινας δε και Πιτανατας λεγεσθαι. Pitanatæ is a term of the same purport as Opici, and relates to thevotaries of Pitan, the serpent Deity, which was adored by that people. 

Menelaus was of old styled [527]Pitanates, as we learn from Hesychius: andthe reason of it may be known from his being a Spartan, by which wasintimated one of the serpentigenæ, or Ophites. Hence he was representedwith a serpent for a device upon his shield. It is said that a brigade, orportion of infantry, was among some of the Greeks named [528]Pitanates; andthe soldiers, in consequence of it, must have been termed Pitanatæ:undoubtedly, because they had the Pitan, or serpent, for their[529]standard. Analogous to this, among other nations, there were soldierscalled [530]Draconarii. I believe, that in most countries the militarystandard was an emblem of the Deity there worshipped. 

From what has been said, I hope, that I have thrown some light upon thehistory of this primitive idolatry: and have moreover shewn, that whereverany of these Ophite colonies settled they left behind from their rites andinstitutes, as well as from the names, which they bequeathed to places, ample memorials, by which they may be clearly traced out. It may seemstrange, that in the first ages there should have been such an universaldefection from the truth; and above all things such a propensity to thisparticular mode of worship, this mysterious attachment to the serpent. Whatis scarce credible, it obtained among Christians; and one of the most earlyheresies in the church was of this sort, introduced by a sect, called by[531]Epiphanius Ophitæ, by [532]Clemens of Alexandria Ophiani. They areparticularly described by Tertullian, whose account of them is well worthour notice. [533]Accesserunt his Hæretici etiam illi, qui Ophitænuncupantur: nam serpentem magnificant in tantum, ut illum etiam ipsiChristo præferant. Ipse enim, inquiunt, scientiæ nobis boni et malioriginem dedit. Hujus animadvertens potentiam et majestatem Moyses æreumposuit serpentem: et quicunque in eum aspexerunt, sanitatem consecuti sunt. Ipse, aiunt, præterea in Evangelio imitatur serpentis ipsius sacrampotestatem, dicendo, et sicut Moyses exaltavit serpentem in deserto, itaexaltari oportet filium hominis. Ipsum introducunt ad benedicendaEucharistia sua. In the above we see plainly the perverseness of human wit, which deviates so industriously; and is ever after employed in findingexpedients to countenance error, and render apostasy plausible. It would bea noble undertaking, and very edifying in its consequences, if some personof true learning, and a deep insight into antiquity, would go through withthe history of the [534]serpent. I have adopted it, as far as it relates tomy system, which is, in some degree, illustrated by it. 

 * * * * *

CUCLOPES OR CYCLOPES. 

 Παλαιοτατοι μεν λεγονται εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας) Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες οικησαι· ὡν εγω ουτε γενος εχω ειπειν, ουτε ὁποθεν εισηλθον, η ὁποι απεχωρησαν. Thucydides. L. 6. P. 378. 

Thucydides acquaints us concerning the Cyclopes and Læstrygones, that theywere the most antient inhabitants of Sicily, but that he could not find outtheir race: nor did he know from what part of the world they originallycame, nor to what country they afterwards betook themselves. I may appearpresumptuous in pretending to determine a history so remote and obscure;and which was a secret to this learned Grecian two thousand years ago. Yetthis is my present purpose: and I undertake it with a greater confidence, as I can plainly shew, that we have many lights, with which the natives ofHellas were unacquainted; besides many advantages, of which they would notavail themselves. 

The gigantic Cyclopes were originally Ophitæ, who worshipped the symbolicalserpent. They have been represented by the poets, as persons of an enormous[535]stature, rude and savage in their demeanour, and differing from therest of mankind in countenance. They are described as having only one largeeye; which is said to have been placed, contrary to the usual situation ofthat organ, in the middle of their foreheads. Their place of residence wasupon mount Ætna, and in the adjacent district at the foot of that[536]mountain, which was the original region styled Trinacia. This is thecommon account, as it has been transmitted by the Poets, as well as by theprincipal mythologists of Greece: and in this we have been taught toacquiesce. But the real history is not so obvious and superficial. Thereare accounts of them to be obtained, that differ much from therepresentations which are commonly exhibited. The Poets have given a mixeddescription: and in lieu of the Deity of the place have introduced thesestrange personages, the ideas of whose size were borrowed from sacrededifices, where the Deity was worshipped. They were Petra, or temples ofCœlus; of the same nature and form as the tower of Orion, which was at nogreat distance from them. Some of them had the name of [537]Charon, andTarchon: and they were esteemed Pelorian, from the God Alorus, the same asCœlus and Python. The Grecians confounded the people, who raised thesebuildings, with the structures themselves. Strabo places them near[538]Ætna, and Leontina: and supposes, that they once ruled over that partof the island. And it is certain that a people styled Cyclopians didpossess that [539]province. Polyphemus is imagined to have been the chiefof this people: and Euripides describes the place of his residence astowards the foot of the mountain: [540]Οικεις ὑπ' Αιτνῃ τῃ πυροστακτῳΠετρᾳ. They are represented as a people savage, and lawless, and delightingin human flesh. Hence it is prophesied by Cassandra, as a curse uponUlysses, that he would one day be forced to seek for refuge in a Cyclopian[541]mansion. And when he arrives under the roof of Polyphemus, and makesinquiry about his host, and particularly upon what he fed; he is told, thatthe Cyclops above all things esteemed the flesh of strangers. [542]Chancenever throws any body upon this coast, says Silenus, but he is made a mealof; and it is looked upon as a delicious repast. This character of theCyclopians arose from the cruel custom of sacrificing strangers, whomfortune brought upon their coast. This was practised in many parts of theworld, but especially here, and upon the coast of the Lamii in Italy; andamong all the Scythic nations upon the Euxine sea: into all which regionsit was introduced from Egypt and Canaan. 

But we must not consider the Cyclopians in this partial light: nor look forthem only in the island of Sicily, to which they have been by the Poetsconfined. Memorials of them are to be found in many parts of Greece, wherethey were recorded as far superior to the natives in science and ingenuity. The Grecians, by not distinguishing between the Deity, and the people, whowere called by his titles, have brought great confusion upon this history. The Cyclopians were denominated from Κυκλωψ, Cyclops, the same as Cœlus. According to Parmeno Byzantinus, he was the God [543]Nilus of Egypt, whowas the same as [544]Zeus, and Osiris. The history both of the Deity, andof the people, became in time obsolete: and it has been rendered moreobscure by the mixed manner in which it has been represented by the Poets. 

It is generally agreed by writers upon the subject, that the Cyclopianswere of a size superior to the common race of mankind. Among the manytribes of the Amonians, which went abroad, were to be found people, whowere styled [545]Anakim, and were descended from the sons of Anac: so thatthis history, though carried to a great excess, was probably founded intruth. They were particularly famous for architecture; which theyintroduced into Greece, as we are told by [546]Herodotus: and in all parts, whither they came, they erected noble structures, which were remarkable fortheir height and beauty: and were often dedicated to the chief Deity, theSun, under the name of Elorus, and P'elorus. People were so struck withtheir grandeur, that they called every thing great and stupendous, Pelorian. And when they described the Cyclopians as a lofty towering race, they came at last to borrow their ideas of this people from the towers, towhich they alluded. They supposed them in height to reach to the clouds;and in bulk to equal the promontories, on which they were founded. Homersays of Polyphemus, [547]Και γαρ θαυμ' ετετυκτο πελωριον, ουδε εῳκει Ανδρι γε σιτοφαγῳ, αλλα ῥιῳ ὑληεντι. 

Virgil says of the same person, [548]Ipse arduus, altaque pulsat sidera. 

As these buildings were oftentimes light-houses, and had in their upperstory one round casement, Argolici clypeï, aut Phœbeæ lampadis instar, bywhich they afforded light in the night-season; the Greeks made this acharacteristic of the people. They supposed this aperture to have been aneye, which was fiery, and glaring, and placed in the middle of theirforeheads. Hence Callimachus describes them as a monstrous race:

 [549]αινα Πελωρα, Πρηοσιν Οσσειοισιν εοικοτα· πασι δ' ὑπ' οφρυν Φαεα μουνογληνα σακει ισα τετραβοειῳ. 

The Grecians have so confounded the Cyclopian Deity with his votaries, thatit is difficult to speak precisely of either. They sometimes mention him asa single person; the same as Nilus of Egypt, who was esteemed the father ofthe Gods. At other times they introduce a plurality, whom they stillrepresent as of the highest antiquity, and make the brethren of Cronus:[550]Κυκλωπες--ὁι αδελφοι ησαν του Κρονου, του πατρος του Διος. Proclus inPhotius informs us, that, according to the antient mythology of theAuctores Cyclici, the giants with an hundred hands, and the Cyclopes, werethe first born of the [551]Earth and Cœlus. But in these histories everydegree of relation has been founded upon idle surmises: and is uniformly tobe set aside. The Cyclopian Deity was [552]Ouranus, and the Cyclopians werehis priests and votaries: some of whom had divine honours paid to them, andwere esteemed as Gods. Upon the Isthmus of Corinth was an antient temple;which seems to have been little more than a ταφος or high altar, whereofferings were made to the Cyclopian [553]Deities. People of this familysettled upon the southern coast of Sicily at Camarina; which some havesupposed to have been the Hupereia of Homer, where the Pheacians onceresided. 

 [554]Ὁι πριν μεν ποτ' εναιον εν ευρυχορῳ Ὑπερειᾳ, Αγχου Κυκλωπων ανδρων ὑπερηνορεοντων. 

But there is no reason to think, that the city Hupereia was in Sicily; orthat the Pheacians came from that country. The notion arose from a commonmistake. All the Greek and Roman Poets, and even Strabo, with otherrespectable writers, have taken it for granted, that the Cyclopians ofHomer were near Ætna in Sicily. Others except to their being near Ætna; andinsist, that they were in the vicinity of Eryx upon the opposite part ofthe island. But Homer does not once mention the island during his wholeaccount of the Cyclopes: nor does Ulysses arrive in Sicily, till after manysubsequent adventures. That there were Cyclopians near Ætna is certain: butthose mentioned by Homer were of another country, and are represented asnatives of the continent though his account is very indeterminate andobscure. There were probably people of this family in many parts of Sicily, especially about the city Camarina. They seem to have been of the Anakimrace, and worshippers of the Sun. Hence they were styled Camarin, and theirchief city Camarina, which was so called from a city of the same name in[555]Chaldea, the Ur of the Scriptures. Polyphemus is mentioned as amusician and a shepherd; but of a savage and brutal disposition: whichcharacter arose from the cruel rites practised by the Cyclopians. Accordingto [556]Bacchylides it was said, that Galatus, Illyrius, and Celtus werethe sons of Polyphemus. By this was certainly signified, that the Galatæ, Illyrii, and Celtæ, were of Cyclopian original, and of the Anakim race; allequally Amonians. Lycophron mentions the cave of this personage, by whichwas meant an antient temple; and he calls it [557]μονογληνου στεγαςΧαρωνος: _the habitation of Charon, a personage with one eye_. But here, asI have often observed, the place is mistaken for a person; the temple forthe Deity. Charon was the very place; the antient temple of the Sun. It wastherefore styled Char-On from the God, who was there worshipped; and afterthe Egyptian custom an eye was engraved over its portal. These temples weresometimes called Charis, [558]Χαρις; which is a compound of Char-Is, andsignifies a prutaneion, or place sacred to Hephastus. As the rites of firewere once almost universally practised, there were many places of thisname, especially in [559]Parthia, Babylonia, and Phrygia. The Greciansrendered Char-Is by Χαρις, a term in their own language, which signifiedgrace and elegance. And nothing witnesses their attachment to antient termsmore than their continually introducing them, though they were strangers totheir true meaning. The Arimaspians were Hyperborean Cyclopians; and hadtemples named Charis, or Charisia, in the top of which were preserved aperpetual fire. They were of the same family as those of [560]Sicily, andhad the same rites; and particularly worshipped the Ophite Deity under thename of [561]Opis. Aristeas Proconnesius wrote their history; and amongother things mentioned that they had but one eye, which was placed in theirgraceful forehead. 

 [562]Οφθαλμον δ' ἑν' ἑκαστος εχει χαριεντι μετωπῳ. 

How could the front of a Cyclopian, one of the most hideous monsters thatever poetic fancy framed, be styled graceful? The whole is a mistake ofterms: and what this writer had misapplied, related to Charis, a tower; andthe eye was the casement in the top of the edifice, where a light, and firewere kept up. What confirmed the mistake was the representation of an eye, which, as I have mentioned, was often engraved over the entrance of thesetemples. The chief Deity of Egypt was frequently represented under thesymbol of an eye, [563]and a sceptre. I have observed, that Orion wassupposed to have had three fathers, merely because a tower, sacred to himin Sicily, and called Tor-Pator, was altered to Τριπατωρ; which changeseemed to countenance such an opinion. The Cyclopians were of the sameregion in that island; and their towers had undoubtedly the same name: forthe Cyclopians were styled [564]Τριτοπατερες, and were supposed to havebeen three in number. Some such mistake was made about the towers styledCharis: whence the Grecians formed their notion of the Graces. As Chariswas a tower sacred to fire; some of the Poets have supposed a nymph of thatname, who was beloved by Vulcan. Homer speaks of her as his wife:[565]Χαρις--Καλη, ἡν ωπυιε περικλυτος Αμφιγυνεις. But Nonnus makes her hismistress; and says, that he turned her out of doors for her jealousy. 

 [566]Εκ δε δομων εδιωκε Χαριν ζηλημονα νυμφην. 

The Graces were said to be related to the Sun who was in reality the sameas Vulcan. The Sun among the people of the east was called Hares, and witha guttural, Chares: and his temple was styled Tor-Chares. But as Tor-Patorwas changed to Tripator; so Tor-Chares was rendered Trichares, which theGreeks expressed Τριχαρις; and from thence formed a notion of three Graces. Cicero says, that they were the daughters of night, and Erebus: butAntimachus, more agreeably to this etymology, maintained, that they werethe offspring of the Sun and light; [567]Αιγλης και Ἡλιου θυγατερας. Theseseeming contradictions are not difficult to be reconciled. 

The Amonians, wherever they settled, were celebrated for their superiorityin science; and particularly for their skill in building. Of this familywere Trophonius, and his brother Agamedes, who are represented as verygreat in the profession. They were truly wonderful, says [568]Pausanias, for the temples, which they erected to the Gods; and for the statelyedifices, which they built for men. They were the architects, who contrivedthe temple of Apollo at Delphi, and the treasury constructed to Urius. Theywere, I make no doubt, some of those, who were styled Cyclopians; as thepeople under this appellation were far the most eminent in this way. Whenthe Sibyl in Virgil shews Æneas the place of torment in the shades below, and leads him through many melancholy recesses, we find that the whole wasseparated from the regions of bliss by a wall built by the Cyclopians. TheSibyl accordingly at their exit tells him, [569]Cyclopum educta caminis Mœnia conspicio. 

From hence we find that they were the reputed builders of the infernalmansions; which notion arose from the real buildings, which they erected. For all the ideas of the antients about the infernal regions, and thetorments of hell, were taken from the temples in each country; and from therites and inquisition practised in them. But the Cyclopians were not merelyimaginary operators. They founded several cities in Greece; and constructedmany temples to the Gods, which were of old in high repute. They were somuch esteemed for their skill, that, as the Scholiast upon Statiusobserves, every thing great and noble was looked upon as Cyclopian:[570]quicquid magnitudine suâ nobile est, Cyclopum manu dicitur fabricatum. Nor was this a fiction, as may be surmised; for they were in great measurethe real architects. And if, in the room of those portentous beings theCyclopes, Κυκλωπες, we substitute a colony of people called Cyclopians, weshall find the whole to be true, which is attributed to them; and a newfield of history will be opened, that was before unknown. They were, undoubtedly, a part of the people styled Academians, who resided in Attica;where they founded the Academia, and Ceramicus, and introduced humansacrifices. Hence we are informed, that the Athenians, in the time of aplague, sacrificed three virgin daughters of Hyacinthus at the tombGeræstus, the [571]Cyclops. But Geræstus was not a person, but a place. Γεραιστος is a small variation for Ker-Astus; and signifies the temple ofAstus the God of fire. It was certainly the antient name of the place wherethese sacrifices were exhibited: and the Taphos was a Cyclopian altar, uponwhich they were performed. The Cyclopians are said to have built theantient city Mycene, which Hercules in Seneca threatens to ruin. 

 ----[572]quid moror? majus mihi Bellum Mycenis restat, ut Cyclopea Eversa manibus mœnia nostris concidant. 

Nonnus speaks of the city in the same light:

 [573]Στεμματι τειχιοεντι περιζωσθεντα Μυκηνη, Κυκλωπων κανονεσσι. 

The gate of the city, and the chief tower were particularly ascribed tothem: [574]Κυκλωπων δε και ταυτα εργα ειναι λεγουσιν. _These too arerepresented as the work of the Cyclopians_. They likewise built Argos;which is mentioned by Thyestes in Seneca as a wonderful performance. 

 [575]Cyclopum sacras Turres, labore majus humano decus. 

All these poetical histories were founded in original truths. Some of thembuilt Hermione, one of the most antient cities in Greece. The traditionwas, that it was built by [576]Hermion the son of Europs, or Europis, adescendant of Phoroneus, and Niobe; and was inhabited by Dorians, who camefrom Argos: in which history is more than at first appears. The city stoodnear a stagnant lake, and a deep cavern; where was supposed to be the mostcompendious passage to the shades below: [577]την εις ἁδου καταβασινσυντομον. The lake was called the pool of Acherusia; near to which and theyawning cavern the Cyclopians chose to take up their habitation. They aresaid to have built [578]Tiryns; the walls of which were esteemed no less awonder than the [579]pyramids of Egypt. They must have resided at Naupliain Argolis; a place in situation not unlike Hermione above-mentioned. Nearthis city were caverns in the earth, and subterraneous passages, consistingof [580]labyrinths cut in the rock, like the syringes in Upper Egypt, andthe maze at the lake Mæris: and these too were reputed the work ofCyclopians. Pausanias thinks very truly, that the Nauplians were fromEgypt. [581]Ησαν δε ὁι Ναυπλιεις, εμοι δοκειν, Αιγυπτιοι τα παλαιοτερα. _The Nauplians seem to me to have been a colony from Egypt in the moreearly times_. He supposes that they were some of those emigrants, who cameover with Danaüs. The nature of the works, which the Cyclopians executed, and the lake, which they named Acherusia, shew plainly the part of theworld from whence they came. The next city to Nauplia was Trœzen, whereOrus was said to have once reigned, from whom the country was called Oraia:but Pausanias very justly thinks, that it was an Egyptian history; and thatthe region was denominated from [582]Orus of Egypt, whose worshipundoubtedly had been here introduced. So that every circumstance witnessesthe country, from whence the Cyclopians came. Hence when [583]Euripidesspeaks of the walls of antient Mycene, as built by the Cyclopians after thePhenician rule and method: the Phenicians alluded to were the Φοινικες ofEgypt, to which country they are primarily to be referred. Those who builtTiryns are represented as seven in number; and the whole is described byStrabo in the following manner. [584]Τιρυνθι ὁρμητηριῳ χρησασθαι δοκειΠροιτος, και τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων· ὁυς ἑπτα μεν ειναι, καλεισθαι δεΓαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. _Prœtus seems to have been thefirst who made use of Tiryns as an harbour; which place he walled round bythe assistance of the Cyclopians. They were seven in number, styledGastrocheirs; and lived by their labour. _ Hesychius in some degree reversesthis strange name, and says, that they were called Εγχειρογαστερες. TheGrecians continually mistook places for persons, as I have shewn. Theseseven Cyclopes were, I make no doubt, seven Cyclopian towers built by thepeople, of whom I have been treating. Some of them stood towards theharbour to afford light to ships, when they approached in the night. Theywere sacred to Aster, or [585]Astarte; and styled Astro-caer, andCaer-Aster; out of which the Greeks formed Γαστροχειρ, and Εγχειρογαστηρ; astrange medley made up of hands, and bellies. Strabo in particular havingconverted these building's into so many masons, adds, [586]Γαστεροχειρας, τρεφομενους εκ της τεχνης. _They were honest bellyhanded men, industriouspeople, who got their livelihood by their art_. These towers were erectedlikewise for Purait, or Puratheia, where the rites of fire were performed:but Purait, or Puraitus, the Greeks changed to Προιτος; and gave out thatthe towers were built for [587]Prœtus, whom they made a king of thatcountry. 

I imagine, that not only the common idea of the Cyclopians was taken fromtowers and edifices; but that the term Κυκλωψ, and Κυκλωπις, Cuclops, andCuclopis, signified a building or temple; and from thence the people hadtheir name. They were of the same family as the Cadmians, and Phœnices; andas the Hivites, or Ophites who came from Egypt, and settled near Libanusand Baal Hermon, upon the confines of Canaan. They worshipped the Sun underthe symbol of a serpent: hence they were styled in different parts, wherethey in time settled, Europians, Oropians, Anopians, Inopians, Asopians, Elopians; all which names relate to the worship of the Pytho Ops, or Opis. What may be the precise etymology of the term Κυκλωψ, Cuclops, I cannotpresume to determine. Cuclops, as a personage, was said to have been theson of [588]Ouranus and the earth: which Ouranus among the Amonians wasoften styled Cœl, or Cœlus; and was worshipped under the forementionedemblem of a serpent. Hence the temple of the Deity may have been originallycalled Cu-Cœl-Ops, Domus Cœli Pythonis; and the priests and peopleCucelopians. But whatever may have been the purport of the name, thehistory of these personages is sufficiently determinate. 

There was a place in Thrace called [589]Cuclops, where some of theCyclopian race had settled; for many of the Amonians came hither. HenceThrace seems at one time to have been the seat of science: and theAthenians acknowledged, that they borrowed largely from them. The nativeswere very famous; particularly the Pierians for their music, the Peoniansfor pharmacy, and the Edonians for their rites and worship. Those, who wentunder the name of Cyclopes, probably introduced architecture; for which artthey seem to have been every where noted. There was a fountain in theseparts, of which Aristotle takes notice, as of a wonderful nature. [590]Ενδε Κυκλωψι τοις Θραξι κρηνιδιον εστιν, ὑδωρ εχων, ὁ τῃ μεν οψει καθαρον, και διαφανες, και τοις αλλοις ὁμοιον· ὁταν δε πιῃ τι ζωον εξ αυτου, παραχρημα διαφθειρεται. _In the region of the Cyclopians of Thrace is afountain, clear to the eye, and pure, and in no wise differing from commonwater: of which, however, if an animal drinks, it is immediately poisoned_. There is another account given by Theopompus; who speaks of the people bythe name of the Chropes, which is a contraction for Charopes. He says, thateven going into the water was fatal. [591]Θεοπομπος ἱστορει κρηνην εν Χρωψιτης Θρακης, εξ ἡς τους λουσαμενους παραχρημα μεταλλασσειν. _Theopompusmentions a fountain among the Charopes of Thrace, in which, if a personattempts to bathe, he immediately loses his life. _ I have taken notice ofthis history, because we find, that the persons who are called[592]Cuclopes by one writer, are styled Char-opes by another, and veryjustly: for the terms are nearly of the same purport. The Charopes weredenominated from a temple, and place called Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, locusDei Pythonis: and the Cyclopes were, as I have before supposed, denominatedfrom Cu-Coel-Ops, or Cu-Coel-Opis, the temple of the same Deity. They wereboth equally named from the Ophite God, the great object of theiradoration, and from the temple where he was worshipped. 

The head of Medusa in Argolis is said to have been the work of the[593]Cyclopians. This seems to have been an antient hieroglyphicalrepresentation upon the temple of Caphisus. It was usual with theEgyptians, and other Amonians, to describe, upon the Architrave of theirtemples, some emblem of the Deity, who there presided. This representationwas often an eagle, or vulture; a wolf, or a lion; also an heart, or aneye. The last, as I have shewn, was common to the temples of [594]Osiris, and was intended to signify the superintendency of Providence, from whomnothing was hid. Among others the serpent was esteemed a most salutaryemblem: and they made use of it to signify superior skill and knowledge. Abeautiful female countenance, surrounded with an assemblage of serpents, was made to denote divine wisdom, which they styled Meed, and Meet, theΜητις of the Greeks. Under this characteristic they represented an heavenlypersonage, and joined her with Eros, or divine love: and by these two theysupposed that the present mundane system was produced. Orpheus speaks ofthis Deity in the masculine gender:

 [595]Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης. 

On this account many antient temples were ornamented with this curioushieroglyphic: and among others the temple of Caphisus [596]in Argolis. Caphisus is a compound of Caph-Isis, which signifies Petra Isidis, andrelates to the same Deity as Metis. For we must not regard sexes, nordifference of appellations, when we treat of antient Deities. 

 [597]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολεματοκε Μητι. [598]Παντοφυης, γενετωρ παντων, πολυωνυμε Δαιμον. 

I have taken notice that the Cyclopians of Thrace were styled Charopes;which name they must have received from their rites, and place of worship. Char-Opis signifies the temple of the Python, or serpent: and we find thatit was situated near a poisonous pool. It was sacred to the Sun: and therewere many temples of this name in [599]Egypt, and other countries. The Sunwas called Arez; and the lion, which was an emblem of the Sun, had the samedenomination: and there is reason to think, that the device upon Charopiantemples was sometimes a lion. Homer, undoubtedly, had seen the fiercefigure of this animal upon some sacred portal in Egypt; to which he oftenalludes, when he speaks of a Charopian lion. 

 [600]Αρκτοιτ', αγροτεροι τε Συες, χαροποι τε Λεοντες. 

[Illustration: _Pl. IX. _ MEDUSA. 

From a Gem in the Collection of His Grace the Duke of Marlborough]

The devices upon temples were often esteemed as talismans, and supposed tohave an hidden and salutary influence, by which the building was preserved. In the temple of Minerva, at Tegea, was some sculpture of Medusa, which theGoddess was said to have given, [601]αναλωτον ες τον παντα κρονον ειναι(την πολιν); _to preserve the city from ever being taken in war_. It wasprobably from this opinion, that the [602]Athenians had the head of Medusarepresented upon the walls of their acropolis: and it was the insigne ofmany cities, as we may find from antient coins. The notion of the Cyclopesframing the thunder and lightning for Jupiter arose chiefly from theCyclopians engraving hieroglyphics of this sort upon the temples of theDeity. Hence they were represented as persons, [603]Ὁι Ζηνι βροντην τ' εδοσαν, τευξαν τε κεραυνον. 

The Poets considered them merely in the capacity of blacksmiths, andcondemned them to the anvil. This arose from the chief Cyclopian Deitybeing called Acmon, and Pyracmon. He was worshipped under the former titlein Phrygia; where was a city and district called Acmonia, mentioned byAlexander [604]Polyhistor. The Amazonians paid the like reverence: andthere was a sacred grove called Acmonium upon the [605]Thermodon, which washeld in great repute. He was by some looked upon as the offspring ofheaven; by others worshipped as Ouranus, and Cœlus, the heaven itself; andAcmonides was supposed to have been his [606]son, whom some of themythologists made the ruling spirit of the earth. Hence Simmias Rhodiusintroduces Divine Love displaying his influence, and saying, that heproduced Acmonides, that mighty monarch of the earth, and at the same timefounded the sea. [607]Λευσσε με τον Γας τε βαρυστερνου Ανακτ' Ακμονιδαν, ταν ἁλα θ' ἑδρασαντα. 

Acmon seems to have been worshipped of old at Tiryns, that antient city ofGreece, whose towers were said to have been built by the Cyclopians. ForAcmon was the Cyclopian Deity; and is represented by Callimachus as thetutelary God of the place, though the passage has been otherwiseinterpreted. 

 [608]Τοιος γαρ αει Τιρυνθιος Ακμων Ἑστηκε προ πυλεων. 

The term has commonly been looked upon as an adjective; and the passage hasbeen rendered Talis Tirynthius indefessus, which is scarce sense. Callimachus was very knowing in mythology, and is here speaking of theCyclopian God Acmon, whom he makes the θεος προπυλαιος, or guardian Deityof the place. It was the same God, that was afterwards called Hercules, andparticularly styled Tirynthius, to whom Callimachus here alludes, under amore antient name. 

As the Cyclopians were great artists, they probably were famous for worksin brass, and iron: and that circumstance in their history may have beenfounded in truth. The Idæi Dactyli were Cyclopians: and they are said tohave first forged metals, and to have reduced them to common [609]use; theknowledge of which art they obtained from the fusion of minerals at theburning of mount [610]Ida. Whether this was an eruption of fire from theinternal part of the mountain, or only a fire kindled among the forests, which crowned its summit, cannot be determined. It was an event of antientdate; and admitted, as a remarkable epocha, in the most early series ofchronology. From this event the Curetes, and Corybantes, who were the sameas the [611]Idæi Dactyli, are supposed to have learned the mystery offusing and forging metals. From them it was propagated to many countrieswestward, particularly to the Pangæan mountains, and the region Curetis, where the Cyclopians dwelt in Thrace: also to the region Trinacia andLeontina, near Ætna, which they occupied in Sicily. 

Thus have I endeavoured to shew the true history [612]and antiquity of thispeople: and we may learn from their works, [613]that there was a time, whenthey were held in high estimation. They were denominated from theirworship: and their chief Deity among other titles was styled Acmon, andPyracmon. They seem to have been great in many sciences: but the term Acmonsignifying among the Greeks an anvil, the Poets have limited them to onebase department, and considered them as so many blacksmiths. And as theyresided near Ætna, they have made the burning mountain their forge:

 [614]Ferrum exercebant vasto Cyclopes in antro, Brontesque, Steropesque, et nudus membra Pyracmon. 

[Illustration: _Pl. X_]

 * * * * *

OF

TEMPLE RITES

IN THE

FIRST AGES. 

I must continually put the reader in mind how common it was among theGreeks, not only out of the titles of the Deities, but out of the names oftowers, and other edifices, to form personages, and then to inventhistories to support what they had done. When they had created a number ofsuch ideal beings, they tried to find out some relation: and thenceproceeded to determine the parentage, and filiation of each, just as fancydirected. Some colonies from Egypt, and Canaan, settled in Thrace; asappears from numberless memorials. The parts which they occupied were uponthe Hebrus, about Edonia, Sithonia, and Mount Hæmus. They also held Pieria, and Peonia, and all the sea coast region. It was their custom, as I havebefore mentioned, in all their settlements to form puratheia; and tointroduce the rites of fire, and worship of the Sun. Upon the coast, ofwhich I have been speaking, a temple of this sort was founded, which iscalled Torone. The name is a compound of Tor-On, as I have before takennotice. The words purathus, and puratheia, were, in the language of Egypt, Pur-Ath, and Por-Ait, formed from two titles of the God of fire. Out of oneof these the Grecians made a personage, which they expressed Προιτος, Prœtus, whose daughters, or rather priestesses, were the Prœtides. And asthey followed the Egyptian rites, and held a Cow sacred, they were, inconsequence of it, supposed to have been turned into [615]cows; just as thepriestesses of Hippa were said to have been changed into mares; theŒnotropæ and Peleiadæ into pigeons. Proteus of Egypt, whom Menelaus wassupposed to have consulted about his passage homeward, was a tower of thissort with a purait. It was an edifice, where both priests and pilotsresided to give information; and where a light was continually burning todirect the ships in the night. The tower of Torone likewise was a Pharos, and therefore styled by Lycophron φλεγραια Τορωνη, the flaming Torone. Thecountry about it was, in like manner, called [616]Φλεγρα, Phlegra, bothfrom these flaming Towers, and from the worship there introduced. Thereseems to have been a fire-tower in this region named Proteus; for, according to the antient accounts, Proteus is mentioned as having residedin these parts, and is said to have been married to Torone. He isaccordingly styled by the Poet, [617]φλεγραιας ποσις Στυγνος Τορωνης, ᾡ γελως απεχθεται, Και δακρυ. 

The epithet στυγνος, gloomy, and sad, implies a bad character, which arosefrom the cruel rites practised in these places. In all these temples theymade it a rule to sacrifice strangers, whom fortune brought in their way. Torone stood near [618]Pallene, which was styled [619]Γηγενων τροφος, _thenurse of the earth-born, or giant brood_. Under this character both thesons of Chus, and the Anakim of Canaan are included. Lycophron takes offfrom Proteus the imputation of being accessary to the vile practices, forwhich the place was notorious; and makes only his sons guilty of murderingstrangers. He says, that their father left them out of disgust, [620]Τεκνων αλυξας τας ξενοκτονας παλας. 

In this he alludes to a custom, of which I shall take notice hereafter. According to Eustathius, the notion was, that Proteus fled by asubterraneous passage to Egypt, in company with his daughter Eidothea. [621]Αποκατεστη εις Φαρον μετα της θυγατρος Ειδοθεας. He went, it seems, from one Pharos to another; from Pallene to the mouth of the Nile. ThePharos of Egypt was both a watch-tower, and a temple, where people went toinquire about the success of their voyage; and to obtain the assistance ofpilots. Proteus was an Egyptian title of the Deity, under which he wasworshipped, both in the Pharos, and at [622]Memphis. He was the same asOsiris, and Canobus: and particularly the God of mariners, who confined hisdepartment to the [623]sea. From hence, I think, we may unravel the mysteryabout the pilot of Menelaus, who is said to have been named Canobus, and tohave given name to the principal seaport in Egypt. The priests of thecountry laughed at the idle [624]story; and they had good reason: for theplace was far prior to the people spoken of, and the name not of Grecianoriginal. It is observable, that Stephanus of Byzantium gives the pilotanother name, calling him, instead of Canobus, Φαρος, Pharus. His words areΦαρος ὁ Πρωρευς Μεναλαου, which are scarce sense. I make no doubt, from thehistory of Proteus above, but that in the original, whence Stephanuscopied, or at least whence the story was first taken, the reading was Φαροςὁ Πρωτευς Μενελαου; that is, the Proteus of Menelaus, so celebrated byHomer, who is represented, as so wise, and so experienced in navigation, whom they esteemed a great prophet, and a Deity of the sea, was nothingelse but a Pharos. In other words, it was a temple of Proteus upon theCanobic branch of the Nile, to which the Poet makes Menelaus have recourse. Such was the original history: but Πρωτευς Μενελαου has been changed toπρωρευς; and the God Canobus turned into a Grecian pilot. As these wereOphite temples, a story has been added about this person having been stungby a serpent. [625]Πρωρευς εν τῃ νησῳ δηχθεις ὑπο οφεως εταφη. _This Pilotwas bitten by a serpent, and buried in the island_. Conformable to myopinion is the account given by Tzetzes, who says, that Proteus resided inthe [626]Pharos: by which is signified, that he was the Deity of the place. He is represented in the Orphic poetry as the first-born of the world, thechief God of the sea, and at the same time a mighty [627]prophet. 

The history then of Menelaus in Egypt, if such a person ever existed, amounts to this. In a state of uncertainty he applied to a temple nearCanobus, which was sacred to Proteus. This was one title out of many, bywhich the chief Deity of the country was worshipped, and was equivalent toOn, Orus, Osiris, and Canobus. From this place Menelaus obtained properadvice, by which he directed his voyage. Hence some say, that he hadΦροντις, Phrontis, for his pilot. [628]Κυβερνητης αριστος Μενελαου ὁΦροντις, ὑιος Ονητορος. _Menelaus had an excellent pilot, one Phrontis, theson of Onetor. _ This, I think, confirms all that I have been saying: forwhat is Phrontis, but advice and experience? and what is Onetor, but thePharos, from whence it was obtained? Onetor is the same as Torone, Τορωνη, only reversed. They were both temples of Proteus, the same as On, and Orus:both Φλεγραιαι, by which is meant temples of fire, or light-houses. Hencewe may be pretty certain, that the three pilots, Canobus, Phrontis, Pharos, together with Onetor, were only poetical personages: and that the termsproperly related to towers, and sanctuaries, which were of Egyptianoriginal. 

These places were courts of justice, where the priests seem to havepractised a strict inquisition; and where pains and penalties were verysevere. The notion of the Furies was taken from these temples: for the termFuria is from Ph'ur, ignis, and signifies a priest of fire. It was onaccount of the cruelties here practised, that most of the antient judgesare represented as inexorable; and are therefore made judges in hell. Ofwhat nature their department was esteemed may be learned from Virgil, [629]Gnossius hæc Rhadamanthus habet durissima regna: Castigatque, auditque dolos, subigitque fateri, &c. 

The temple at Phlegya in Bœotia was probably one of these courts; wherejustice was partially administered, and where great cruelties wereexercised by the priests. Hence a person, named Phlegyas, is represented inthe shades below, crying out in continual agony, and exhorting people tojustice. 

 [630]--Phlegyasque miserrimus omnes Admonet, et tristi testatur voce per umbras, Discite justitiam moniti, et non temnere Divos. 

Excellent counsel, but introduced rather too late. Phlegyas was in realitythe Sun; so denominated by the Æthiopes, or Cuthites, and esteemed the sameas Mithras of Persis. They looked up to him as their great benefactor, andlawgiver: for they held their laws as of divine original. His worship wasintroduced among the natives of Greece by the Cuthites, styled Ethiopians, who came from Egypt. That this was the true history of Phlegyas we may beassured from Stephanus, and Phavorinus. They mention both Phlegyas, andMithras, as men deified; and specify, that they were of Ethiopian original. [631]Μιθραν, και Φλεγυαν, ανδρας Αιθιοπας το γενος. Minos indeed is spokenof, as an upright judge: and the person alluded to under that character waseminently distinguished for his piety, and justice. But his priests wereesteemed far otherwise, for they were guilty of great cruelties. Hence wefind, that Minos was looked upon as a judge of hell, and styled QuæsitorMinos. He was in reality a Deity, the same as Menes, and Menon of Egypt:and as Manes of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. And though his historybe not consistently exhibited, yet, so much light may be gained from theCretans, as to certify us, that there was in their island a temple calledMen-Tor, the tower of Men, or Menes. The Deity, from a particular[632]hieroglyphic, under which the natives worshipped him, was styledMinotaurus. To this temple the Athenians were obliged annually to send someof their prime youth to be sacrificed; just as the people of Carthage usedto send their children to be victims at [633]Tyre. The Athenians wereobliged for some time to pay this tribute, as appears from the festival incommemoration of their deliverance. The places most infamous for thesecustoms were those, which were situated upon the seacoast: and especiallythose dangerous passes, where sailors were obliged to go on shore forassistance, to be directed in their way. Scylla upon the coast of Rhegiumwas one of these: and appears to have been particularly dreaded bymariners. Ulysses in Homer says, that he was afraid to mention her name tohis companions, lest they should through astonishment have lost all senseof preservation. 

 [634]Σκυλλην δ' ουκετ' εμυθεομην απρηκτον ανιην, Μηπως μοι δεισαντες απολληξειαν ἑταιροι, Ειρεσιης, εντος δε πυκαζοιεν σφεας αυτους. 

Some suppose Scylla to have been a dangerous rock; and that it wasabominated on account of the frequent shipwrecks. There was a rock of thatname, but attended with no such peril. We are informed by Seneca, [635]Scyllam saxum esse, et quidem non terribile navigantibus. It was thetemple, built of old upon that [636]eminence, and the customs whichprevailed within, that made it so detested. This temple was a Petra: henceScylla is by Homer styled Σκυλλη Πετραιη; and the dogs, with which she wassupposed to have been surrounded, were Cahen, or priests. 

As there was a Men-tor in Crete, so there was a place of the same name, only reversed, in Sicily, called Tor-men, and Tauromenium. There is reasonto think, that the same cruel practices prevailed here. It stood in thecountry of the Lamiæ, Lestrygons, and Cyclopes, upon the river On-Baal, which the Greeks rendered Onoballus. From hence we may conclude, that itwas one of the Cyclopian buildings. Homer has presented us with somethingof truth, though we receive it sadly mixed with fable. We find from him, that when Ulysses entered the dangerous pass of Rhegium, he had six of hiscomrades seized by Scylla: and he loses the same number in the cavern ofthe Cyclops, which that monster devoured. Silenus, in a passage beforetaken notice of, is by Euripides made to say, that the most agreeablerepast to the Cyclops was the flesh of strangers: nobody came within hisreach, that he did not feed upon. 

 [637]Γλυκυτατα, φησι, τα κρεα τους ξενους φερειν· Ουδεις μολων δευρ', ὁστις ου κατεσφαγη. 

From these accounts some have been led to think, that the priests in thesetemples really fed upon the flesh of the persons sacrificed: and that thesestories at bottom allude to a shocking depravity; such, as one would hope, that human nature could not be brought to. Nothing can be more horrid, thanthe cruel process of the Cyclops, as it is represented by Homer. And thoughit be veiled under the shades of poetry, we may still learn thedetestation, in which these places were held. 

 [638]Συν δε δυω μαρψας ὡστε σκυλακας ποτι γαιῃ Κοπτ', εκ δ' εγκεφαλος χαμαδις ῥεε, δευε δε γαιαν. Τους τε διαμελεϊστι ταμων ὡπλισσατο δορπον· Ησθιε δ' ωστε λεων ορεσιτροφος, ουδ' απελειπεν Εγκατα τε, σαρκας τε, και οστεα μυελοεντα. Ἡμεις δε κλαιοντες ανεσχεθομεν Διι χειρας, Σκετλια εργ' ὁροωντες, αμηχανιη δ' εχε θυμον. 

 [639]He answered with his deed: his bloody hand Snatch'd two unhappy of my martial band, And dash'd like dogs against the rocky floor: The pavement swims with brains, and mingled gore. Torn limb from limb, he spreads the horrid feast, And fierce devours it like a mountain beast. He sucks the marrow, and the blood he drains; Nor entrails, flesh, nor solid bone remains. We see the death, from which we cannot move, And humbled groan beneath the hand of Jove. 

One would not be very forward to strengthen an imputation, which disgraceshuman nature: yet there must certainly have been something highly brutaland depraved in the character of this people, to have given rise to thisdescription of foul and unnatural feeding. What must not be concealed, Euhemerus, an antient writer, who was a native of these parts, did aver, that this bestial practice once prevailed. Saturn's devouring his ownchildren is supposed to allude to this custom. And we learn from thiswriter, as the passage has been transmitted by [640]Ennius, that not onlySaturn, but Ops, and the rest of mankind in their days, used to feed uponhuman flesh. --[641]Saturnum, et Opem, cæterosque tum homines humanam carnemsolitos esitare. He speaks of Saturn, and Ops, as of persons, who oncelived in the world, and were thus guilty. But the priests of their templeswere the people to be really accused; the Cyclopians, Lamiæ, andLestrygons, who officiated at their altars. He speaks of the custom, aswell known: and it had undoubtedly been practised in those parts, where inaftertimes hie was born. For he was a native [642]of Zancle, and lived inthe very country, of which we have been speaking, in the land of theLestrygons, and Cyclopians. The promontory of Scylla was within his sight. He was therefore well qualified to give an account of these parts; and hisevidence must necessarily have weight. Without doubt these cruel practicesleft lasting impressions; and the memorials were not effaced for ages. 

It is said of Orpheus by Horace, Cædibus, et victu fœdo deterruit: by whichone should be led to think, that the putting a stop to this unnaturalgratification was owing to him. Others think, that he only discountenancedthe eating of raw flesh, which before had been usual. But this could not betrue of Orpheus: for it was a circumstance, which made one part of hisinstitutes. If there were ever such a man, as Orpheus, he enjoined the verything, which he is supposed to have prohibited. For both in the [643]orgiesof Bacchus and in the rites of Ceres, as well as of other Deities, one partof the mysteries consisted in a ceremony styled ωμοφαγια; at which timethey eat the flesh quite crude with the blood. In Crete at the[644]Dionusiaca they used to tear the flesh with their teeth from theanimal, when alive. This they did in commemoration of Dionusus. [645]Festosfuneris dies statuunt, et annuum sacrum trietericâ consecratione componunt, omnia per ordinem facientes, quæ puer moriens aut fecit, aut passus est. _Vivum laniant dentibus Taurum_, crudeles epulas annuis commemorationibusexcitantes. Apollonius Rhodius speaking of persons like to Bacchanalians, represents them [646]Θυασιν ωμοβοροις ικελαι, as savage as the Thyades, whodelighted in bloody banquets. Upon this the Scholiast observes, that theMænadas, and Bacchæ, used to devour the raw limbs of animals, which theyhad cut or torn asunder. [647]Πολλακις τῃ μανιᾳ κατασχισθεντα, καιωμοσπαρακτα, εσθιουσιν. In the island of Chios it was a religious custom totear a man limb from limb by way of sacrifice to Dionusus. The sameobtained in Tenedos. It is Porphyry, who gives the account. He was astaunch Pagan, and his evidence on that account is of consequence. Hequotes for the rites of Tenedos Euelpis the Carystian. [648]Εθυοντο δε καιεν Χιω τῳ Ωμαδιῳ Διονυσῳ ανθρωπον διεσπωντες· και εν Τενεδῳ, φησιν Ευελπιςὁ Καρυστιος. From all which we may learn one sad truth, that there isscarce any thing so impious and unnatural, as not at times to haveprevailed. 

We need not then wonder at the character given of the Lestiygones, Lamiæ, and Cyclopians, who were inhabitants of Sicily, and lived nearly in thesame part of the island. They seem to have been the priests, andpriestesses, of the Leontini, who resided at Pelorus, and in the Cyclopiantowers: on which account the Lamiæ are by Lucilius termed [649]Turricolæ. They are supposed to have delighted in human blood, like the Cyclopians, but with this difference, that their chief repast was the flesh of youngpersons and children; of which they are represented as very greedy. Theywere priests of Ham, called El Ham; from whence was formed ’Lamus and’Lamia. Their chief city, the same probably, which was named Tauromenium, is mentioned by Homer, as the city of Lamus. 

 [650]Ἑβδοματῃ δ' ἱκομεσθα Λαμου αιπυ πτολιεθρον. 

And the inhabitants are represented as of the giant race. 

 [651]Φοιτων δ' ιφθιμοι Λαιστρυγονες, αλλοθεν αλλος, Μυριοι, ουκ ανδρεσσιν εοικοτες, αλλα Γιγασι. 

Many give an account of the Lestrygons, and Lamiæ, upon the Liris in Italy;and also upon other parts of that coast: and some of them did settle there. But they were more particularly to be found in [652]Sicily near Leontium, as the Scholiast upon Lycophron observes. [653]Λαιστρυγονες, ὁι νυνΛεοντινοι. _The antient Lestrygons were the people, whose posterity are nowcalled Leontini_. The same writer takes notice of their incivility tostrangers: [654]Ουκ ησαν ειθισμενοι ξενους ὑποδεχεσθαι. That they wereAmonians, and came originally from Babylonia, is pretty evident from thehistory of the Erythrean Sibyl; who was no other than a Lamian priestess. She is said to have been the daughter of Lamia, who was the daughter ofPoseidon. [655]Σιβυλλαν--Λαμιας ουσαν θυγατερα του Ποσειδωνος. Under thecharacter of one person is to be understood a priesthood: of whichcommunity each man was called Lamus, and each priestess Lamia. By the Sibylbeing the daughter of Lamia, the daughter of Poseidon, is meant, that shewas of Lamian original, and ultimately descended from the great Deity ofthe sea. Who is alluded to under that character, will hereafter be shewn. The countries, to which the Sibyl is referred, point out her extraction:for she is said to have come from Egypt, and Babylonia. [656]Ὁι δε αυτηνΒαβυλωνιαν, ἑτεροι δε Σιβυλλαν καλουσιν Αιγυπτιαν. If the Sibyl came fromBabylonia and Egypt, her supposed parent, Lamia, must have been of the sameoriginal. 

The Lamiæ were not only to be found in Italy, and Sicily, but Greece, Pontus, and [657]Libya. And however widely they may have been separated, they are still represented in the same unfavourable light. Euripides says, that their very name was detestable. 

 [658]Τις τ' ουνομα τοδ' επονειδιστον βροτοις Ουκ οιδε Λαμιας της Λιβυστικης γενος. 

Philostratus speaks of their bestial appetite, and unnatural gluttony. [659]Λαμιας σαρκων, και μαλιστα ανθρωπειων ερᾳν. And Aristotle alludes topractices still more shocking: as if they tore open the bodies big withchild, that they might get at the infant to devour it. _I speak_, says he, _of people, who have brutal appetites_. [660]Λεγω δε τας θηριωδεις, ὁιοντην ανθρωπον, την λεγουσι τας κυουσας ανασχιζουσαν τα παιδια κατεσθεειν. These descriptions are perhaps carried to a great excess; yet the historywas founded in truth: and shews plainly what fearful impressions were leftupon the minds of men from the barbarity of the first ages. 

One of the principal places in Italy, where the Lamia seated themselves, was about Formiæ; of which Horace takes notice in his Ode to Ælius Lamia. 

 [661]Æli, vetusto nobilis ab Lamo, &c. Authore ab illo ducis originem, Qui Formiarum mœnia dicitur Princeps, et innantem Maricæ Littoribus tenuisse Lirim. 

The chief temple of the Formians was upon the sea-coast at Caiete. It issaid to have had its name from a woman, who died here: and whom some makethe nurse of Æneas, others of Ascanius, others still of [662]Creusa. Thetruth is this: it stood near a cavern, sacred to the God Ait, called Ate, Atis, and Attis; and it was hence called Caieta, and Caiatta. Strabo says, that it was denominated from a cave, though he did not know the precise[663]etymology. There were also in the rock some wonderful subterranes, which branched out into various apartments. Here the antient Lamii, thepriests of Ham, [664]resided: whence Silius Italicus, when he speaks of theplace, styles it [665]Regnata Lamo Caieta. They undoubtedly sacrificedchildren here; and probably the same custom was common among the Lamii, asprevailed among the Lacedæmonians, who used to whip their children roundthe altar of Diana Orthia. Thus much we are assured by Fulgentius, andothers, that the usual term among the antient Latines for the whipping ofchildren was Caiatio. [666]Apud Antiquos Caiatio dicebatur puerilis cædes. 

The coast of Campania seems to have been equally infamous: and as muchdreaded by mariners, as that of Rhegium, and Sicily. Here the Sirensinhabited, who are represented, as the bane of all, who navigated thoseseas. They like the Lamii were Cuthite, and Canaanitish priests, who hadfounded temples in these parts; and particularly near three small islands, to which they gave name. These temples were rendered more than ordinaryfamous on account of the women, who officiated. They were much addicted tothe cruel rites, of which I have been speaking; so that the shores, uponwhich they resided, are described, as covered with the bones of men, destroyed by their artifice. 

 [667]Jamque adeo scopulos Sirenum advecta subibat, Difficiles quondam, multorumque ossibus albos. 

They used hymns in their temples, accompanied with the music of theircountry: which must have been very enchanting, as we may judge from thetraditions handed down of its efficacy. I have mentioned, that the songs ofthe Canaanites and Cretans were particularly plaintive, and pleasing:

 [668]They sang in sweet but melancholy strains; Such as were warbled by the Delian God, When in the groves of Ida he bewail'd The lovely lost Atymnius. 

But nothing can shew more fully the power of antient harmony than thecharacter given of the Sirens. Their cruelty the antients held indetestation; yet always speak feelingly of their music. They representtheir songs as so fatally winning, that nobody could withstand theirsweetness. All were soothed with it; though their life was the purchase ofthe gratification. The Scholiast upon Lycophron makes them the children ofthe muse [669]Terpsichore. Nicander supposes their mother to have beenMelpomene: others make her Calliope. The whole of this is merely anallegory; and means only that they were the daughters of harmony. Theirefficacy is mentioned by [670]Apollonius Rhodius: and by the Author of theOrphic [671]Argonautica: but the account given by Homer is by far the mostaffecting. 

 [672]Σειρηνας μεν πρωτον αφιξεαι, ἁι ῥα τε παντας Ανθρωπους θελγουσιν, ὁτις σφεας εισαφικανει. Ὁστις αϊδρειῃ πελασει, και φθογγον ακουσει Σειρηνων, τῳ δ' ουτι γυνη, και νηπια τεκνα Οικαδε νοστησαντι παρισταται, ουδε γανυνται· Αλλα τε Σειρηνες λιγυρῃ θελγουσιν αοιδῃ, Ἡμενοι εν λειμωνι· πολυς τ' αμφ' οστεοφιν θις Ανδρων πυθομενων, περι δε ῥινοι φθινυθουσιν. 

They are the words of Circe to Ulysses, giving him an account of thedangers which he was to encounter. 

 [673]Next where the Sirens dwell, you plough the seas. Their song is death, and makes destruction please. Unblest the man, whom music makes to stray Near the curst coast, and listen to their lay. No more that wretch shall view the joys of life, His blooming offspring, or his pleasing wife. 

 In verdant meads they sport, and wide around Lie human bones, that whiten all the ground: The ground polluted floats with human gore, And human carnage taints the dreadful shore. Fly, fly the dangerous coast. 

The story at bottom relates to the people above-mentioned; who with theirmusic used to entice strangers into the purlieus of their temples, and thenput them to death. Nor was it music only, with which persons were seducedto follow them. The female part of their choirs were maintained for atwofold purpose, both on account of their voices and their beauty. Theywere accordingly very liberal of their favours, and by these means enticedseafaring persons, who paid dearly for their entertainment. Scylla was apersonage of this sort: and among the fragments of Callimachus we have ashort, but a most perfect, description of her character. 

 [674]Σκυλλα, γυνη κατακασα, και ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα. 

Κατακασα is by some interpreted _malefica_: upon which the learnedHemsterhusius remarks very justly--κατακασα cur Latine vertatur maleficanon video. Si Grammaticis obtemperes, meretricem interpretabere: erat enimrevera Νησιωτις καλη ἑταιρα, ut Heraclitus περι απις: c. 2. Scylla then, under which character we are here to understand the chief priestess of theplace, was no other than a handsome island strumpet. Her name it seemsbetokened as much, and she did not belie it: ου ψυθος ουνομ' εχουσα. We mayfrom these data decipher the history of Scylla, as given by Tzetzes. Ην δεπρωτον Σκυλλα γυνη ευπρεπης· Ποσειδωνι δε συνουσα απεθηριωθη. _Scylla wasoriginally a handsome wench: but being too free with seafaring people shemade herself a beast_. She was, like the Sibyl of Campania, said byStesichorus to have been the daughter of [675]Lamia. Hence we may learn, that all, who resided in the places, which I have been describing, were ofthe same religion, and of the same family; being the descendants of Ham, and chiefly by the collateral branches of Chus, and Canaan. 

The like rites prevailed in Cyprus, which had in great measure been peopledby persons of these [676]families. One of their principal cities wasCurium, which was denominated from [677]Curos, the Sun, the Deity, to whomit was sacred. In the perilous voyages of the antients nothing was morecommon than for strangers, whether shipwrecked, or otherwise distressed, tofly to the altar of the chief Deity, Θεου φιλιου, και ξενιου, _the God ofcharity and hospitality_, for his protection. This was fatal to those whowere driven upon the western coast of Cyprus. The natives of Curium made ita rule to destroy all such, under an appearance of a religious rite. Whoever laid their hands upon the altar of Apollo, were cast down theprecipice, upon which it stood. [678]Ευθυς εστιν ακρα, αφ' ἡς ῥιπτουσι τουςἁψαμενους του βωμου του Απολλωνος. Strabo speaks of the practice, as if itsubsisted in his time. A like custom prevailed at the Tauric Chersonesus, as we are informed by Herodotus. [679]Θυουσι μεν τῃ Παρθενῳ τους τεναυηγους, και τους αν λαβωσι Ἑλληνων επαναχθεντας, τροπῳ τοιῳδε. Καταρξαμενοι ῥοπαλῳ παιουσι την κεφαλην. Ὁι μεν δη λεγουσι, ὡς το σωμα αποτου κρημνου διωθεουσι κατω· επι γαρ κρημνου ἱδρυται το Ἱρον. κτλ. _Thepeople of this place worship the virgin Goddess Artemis: at whose shrinethey sacrifice all persons, who have the misfortune to be shipwrecked upontheir coast: and all the Grecians, that they can lay hold of, when they areat any time thither driven. All these they without any ceremony brain witha club. Though others say, that they shove them off headlong from a highprecipice: for their temple is founded upon a cliff. _

The den of Cacus was properly Ca-Chus, the cavern or temple of Chus, out ofwhich the poets, and later historians have formed a strange personage, whomthey represent as a shepherd, and the son of Vulcan. Many antientDivinities, whose rites and history had any relation to Ur in Chaldea, aresaid to have been the children of Vulcan; and oftentimes to have been bornin fire. There certainly stood a temple of old upon the Aventine mountainin Latium, which was the terror of the neighbourhood. The cruelties of thepriests, and their continual depredations, may be inferred from the historyof Cacus. Virgil makes Evander describe the place to Æneas; though it issupposed in his time to have been in ruins. 

 [680]Jam primum saxis suspensam hanc aspice rupem, Disjectæ procul ut moles, desertaque montis Stat domus, et scopuli ingentem traxere ruinam. Hic spelunca fuit, vasto submota recessu, Semihominis Caci, facies quam dira tegebat, Solis inaccessum radiis: semperque recenti Cæde tepebat humus; foribusque affixa superbis Ora virûm tristi pendebant pallida tabo. Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater. 

Livy mentions Cacus as a shepherd, and a person of great strength, andviolence. [681]Pastor, accola ejus loci, Cacus, ferox viribus. He ismentioned also by Plutarch, who styles him Caccus, Κακκος. [682]Τον μεν γαρἩφαιστου παιδα Ρωμαιοι Κακκον ἱστορουσι πυρ και φλογας αφιεναι δια τουστοματος εξω ῥεουσας. As there were both priests, and priestesses, intemples of this sort, persons styled both Lami, and Lamiæ; so we read bothof a Cacus, and a Caca. The latter was supposed to have been a Goddess, whowas made a Deity for having betrayed her brother to Hercules. [683]Colituret Caca, quæ Herculi fecit indicium boum; divinitatem consecuta, quiaperdidit fratrem. In short, under the characters of Caca, and Cacus, wehave a history of Cacusian priests, who seem to have been a set of peopledevoted to rapine and murder. 

What we express Cocytus, and suppose to have been merely a river, wasoriginally a temple in Egypt called Co-Cutus: for rivers were generallydenominated from some town, or temple, near which they ran. Co-Cutus meansthe Cuthite temple, the house of Cuth. It was certainly a place ofinquisition, where great cruelties were exercised. Hence the river, whichwas denominated from it, was esteemed a river of hell; and was supposed tohave continual cries, and lamentations resounding upon its waters. 

 [684]Cocytus, named of lamentation loud Heard on its banks. 

Milton supposes the river to have been named from the Greek word κωκυτος:but the reverse is the truth. From the baleful river and temple Co-cutuscame the Greek terms κωκυτος, and κωκυω. Acheron, another infernal river, was properly a temple of Achor, the θεος απομυιος of Egypt, Palestine, andCyrene. It was a temple of the Sun, called Achor-On: and it gave name tothe river, on whose banks it stood. Hence like Cocutus it was looked uponas a melancholy stream, and by the Poet Theocritus styled [685]Αχερονταπολυστονον, _the river of lamentations_. Aristophanes speaks of an eminenceof this name, and calls it [686]Αχεροντιος σκοπελος ἁιματοσταγης, _the rockof Acheron, dropping blood_. 

 * * * * *

OF

MEED OR ΜΗΤΙΣ, AND THE

GODDESS HIPPA. 

One of the most antient Deities of the Amonians was named Meed, or Meet; bywhich was signified divine wisdom. It was rendered by the Grecians Μητις inthe masculine: but seems to have been a feminine Deity; and representedunder the symbol of a beautiful female countenance surrounded withserpents. The author of the Orphic Poetry makes Metis the origin of all[687]things: which Proclus expresses [688]την δημιουργικην αιτιαν: andsupposes this personage to be the same as Phanes, and Dionusus, from whomall things proceeded. By Timotheus Chronographus, in his account of thecreation, this divinity was described as that vivifying light, which firstbroke forth upon the infant world, and produced life and motion. His notionis said to have been borrowed from Orpheus: Εφρασε δε (ὁ [689] Ορφευς) ὁτιτο φως ῥηξαν τον αιθερα εφωτισε πασαν την κτισιν· ειπων, εκεινο ειναι τοφως το ῥηξαν τον αιθερα το προειρημενον, το ὑπερτατον παντων, ὁυ ονομα ὁαυτος Ορφευς ακουσας εκ Μαντειας εξειπε ΜΗΤΙΣ, ὁπερ ἑρμηνευεται ΒΟΥΛΗ, ΦΩΣ, ΖΩΟΔΟΤΗΡ. Ειπεν εν τῃ αυτου εκθεσει ταυτας τας τρεις θειας των ονοματωνδυναμεις μιαν ειναι δυναμιν, και ἑν κρατος τουτων Θεον, ὁν ουδεις ὁρᾳ. Theaccount is remarkable. Hippa was another Goddess, of the like antiquity, and equally obsolete. Some traces however are to be still found in theOrphic verses above-mentioned, by which we may discover her originalcharacter and department. She is there represented as the nurse of[690]Dionusus, and seems to have been the same as Cybele, who wasworshipped in the mountains of [691]Phrygia, and by the Lydians uponTmolus. She is said to have been the soul of the [692]world: and the personwho received and fostered Dionusus, when he came from the thigh of hisfather. This history relates to his second birth, when he returned to asecond state of childhood. Dionusus was the chief God of the Gentile world, and worshipped under various titles; which at length came to be looked uponas different Deities. Most of these secondary Divinities had the title ofHippius, and Hippia: and as they had female attendants in their temples, these too had the name of Hippai. What may have been the original of theterm Hippa, and Hippus, will be matter of future disquisition. Thus much iscertain, that the Greeks, who were but little acquainted with the purportof their antient theology, uniformly referred it to [693]horses. Hence itwas often prefixed to the names of Gods, and of Goddesses, when it had norelation to their department; and seemed inconsistent with their character. We have not only an account of Αρης Ἱππιος, Mars the horseman; but ofPoseidon Hippius, though a God of the sea. He is accordingly complimentedupon this title by the Poet Aristophanes. 

 [694]Ἱππι' Αναξ Ποσειδον, ᾡ Χαλκοκροτων ἱππων κτυπος Και χρεμετισμος ἁνδανει. 

Ceres had the title of Hippia: and the Goddess of wisdom, Minerva, had thesame. We read also of Juno Hippia, who at Olympia partook of joint ritesand worship, with those equestrian Deities Neptune, and Mars. Pausaniasmentions [695]Ποσειδωνος Ἱππιου, μαι Ἡρας Ἱππιου βωμοι: and hard-by τῃ μενΑρεως Ἱππιου, τῃ δε Αθηνας Ἱππιου βωμος. In Arcadia, and Elis, the mostantient rites were preserved: and the Grecians might have known, that theterms Hippa and Hippia were of foreign purport from the other titles givento Juno at Olympia. For they sacrificed here to [696]Amonian Juno, and toJuno Paramonian; which were also titles of Hermes. Hippa was a sacredEgyptian term, and as such was conferred upon Arsinoë, the wife of PtolemyPhiladelphus: for the princes of Egypt always assumed to themselves sacredappellations. [697]Ἱππια Αρσινοη, ἡ του Φιλαδελφου γυνη. As the Greciansdid not inquire into the hidden purport of antient names, they havecontinually misrepresented the histories of which they treated. As Cereswas styled Hippa, they have imagined her to have been turned into a[698]mare: and Hippius Poseidon was in like manner changed to a horse, andsupposed in that shape to have had an intimate acquaintance with theGoddess. Of this Ovid takes notice. 

 [699]Et te, flava comas, frugum mitissima mater Sensit equum: te sensit avem crinita colubris Mater equi volucris. 

The like is mentioned of the nymph [700]Ocuroë: also of Philyra, who was sochanged by Saturn. He is said to have taken upon himself the same shape, and to have followed her neighing over the mountains of Thessaly. 

 [701]Talis et ipse jubam cervice effudit equinâ Conjugis adventu pernix Saturnus, et altum Pelion hinnitu fugiens implevit acuto. 

All these legendary stories arose from this antient term being obsolete, and misapplied. Homer makes mention of the mares of Apollo, which the Godwas supposed to have bred in Pieria:

 [702]Τας εν Πιεριῃ θρεψ' αργυροτοξος Απολλων. 

And he has accordingly put them in harness, and given them to the heroEumelus. Callimachus takes notice of the same mares in his hymn to theShepherd God Apollo. 

 [703]Φοιβον και Νομιον κικλησκομεν, εξετ' εκεινου, Εξετ' επ' Αμφρυσῳ ζευγητιδας ετρεφεν ἱππας, Ηιθεου ὑπ' ερωτι κεκαυμενος Αδμητοιο. 

These Hippai, misconstrued mares, were priestesses of the Goddess Hippa, who was of old worshipped in Thessaly, and Thrace, and in many differentregions. They chanted hymns in her temples, and performed the rites offire: but the worship growing obsolete, the very terms were at lastmistaken. How far this worship once prevailed may be known from the manyplaces denominated from Hippa. It was a title of Apollo, or the Sun, andoften compounded Hippa On, and contracted Hippon: of which name placesoccur in Africa near Carthage[704]. Ἡτε δη Κιρτα πολις ενταυθα και ὁι δυοἹππωνες. Argos was of old called Hippeion; not from the animal Ἱππος, but[705]απο Ἱππης του Δαναου, _from Hippa the daughter of Danaus_. That isfrom a priestess, who founded there a temple, and introduced the rites ofthe Goddess whom she served. As it was a title of the Sun, it was sometimesexpressed in the masculine gender Hippos: and Pausanias takes notice of amost curious, and remarkable piece of antiquity, though he almost ruins thepurport of it by referring it to an horse. It stood near mount Taygetus inLaconia, and was called the monument of Hippos. The author tells us, [706]_that at particular intervals from this monument stood seven pillars, κατα τροπον οιμαι αρχαιον, placed_, says he, _as I imagine, according tosome antient rule and method; which pillars were supposed to represent theseven planets_. If then these exterior stones related to the [707]sevenerratic bodies in our sphere, the central monument of Hippos mustnecessarily have been designed for the Sun. And however rude the whole maypossibly have appeared, it is the most antient representation upon record, and consequently the most curious, of the planetary system. 

It is from hence, I think, manifest, that the titles Hippa, and Hippos, related to the luminary Osiris; and betokened some particular department ofthat Deity, who was the same as Dionusus. He was undoubtedly worshippedunder this appellation in various regions: hence we read of Hippici Montesin Colchis: Ἱππου κωμη in Lycia: Ἱππου ακρα in Libya: Ἱππου ορος in Egypt:and a town Hippos in Arabia Felix. There occur also in composition[708], Hippon, Hipporum, Hippouris, Hippana, Hipponesus, Hippocrene. This last wasa sacred fountain, denominated from the God of light, who was the patron ofverse, and science: but by the Greeks it was referred to an animal, andsupposed to have been produced by the hoof of an horse. The rites ofDionusus Hippius were carried into Thrace, where the horses of Diomedeswere said to have been fed with human flesh. Deianira is introduced byOvid, as asking Hercules, if he did not well remember this practice. 

 [709]Non tibi succurrit crudi Diomedis imago, Efferus humanâ qui dape pavit equos?

Abderus, the founder of Abdera, is supposed to have been a victim to theseanimals: of which Scymnus Chius gives the following account. 

 [710]Των δ' επι θαλαττῃ κειμενων εστιν πολις Αβδηρ', απ' Αβδηρου μεν ωνομασμενη, Του και κτισαντος προτερον αυτην· ὁς δοκει Ὑπο των Διομηδους ὑστερον ξενοκτονων Ἱππων φθαρηναι. 

These horses, ξενοκτονοι, which fed upon the flesh of strangers, were thepriests of Hippa, and of Dionusus, styled Hippus, or more properly Hippius. They seem to have resided in an island, and probably in the ThracianChersonese: which they denominated [711]Diu-Medes, or the island of theEgyptian Deity Medes. From hence the Grecian Poets have formed a personageDiomedes, whom they have made king of the country. There were opposite toApulia islands of the same name, where similar rites prevailed. The priestswere here Cycneans, and described as a species of swans, who were kind topeople of their own race, but cruel to [712]strangers. A Diomedes issupposed to have been a king in these parts, and to have given name tothese islands. It is said by Scymnus Chios above, that Abderus, who wasdevoured by the horses of Diomedes in Thrace, built the city, which borehis name. The Grecians continually supposed the personage, in whose honoura city was built, to have been the founder. I have mentioned, that Abderussignifies the place of Abdir, which is a contraction of Abadir, the serpentDeity Ad-Ur, or Adorus. And it is plain from many passages in antientwriters, that human sacrifices were common at his shrine; and particularlythose of infants. By Abdera being a victim to the horses of Diomedes ismeant that the natives of that place, which stood in the vicinity of theChersonesus, were obliged to submit to the cruel rites of the Diomedean[713]priests. The very name must have come from them; for they worshippedthe Deity under the titles of Meed, Hippa, and Abadir; and various otherappellations. 

There is an account given by [714]Palæphatus of one Metra, who in the moreauthentic manuscripts is called Μηστρα, Meestra. It is said of her, thatshe could change herself into various forms, particularly εκ κορης γενεσθαιβουν, και αυθις κυνα, και ορνεον, _that she would instead of a young womanappear an ox, or a cow; or else be in the shape of a dog, or of a bird_. She is represented as the daughter of Eresicthon: and these uncommonproperties are mentioned by Ovid[715], who sets them off with muchembellishment. The story at bottom is very plain. Egypt, the land of theMizraim, was by the Greeks often styled [716]Mestra and [717]Mestraia: andby the person here called Mestra we are certainly to understand a woman ofthat country. She was sometimes mentioned simply as a Cahen, or priestess, which the Grecians have rendered κυνα, a dog. Women in this sacred capacityattended at the shrine of Apis, and Mneuis; and of the sacred heifer atOnuphis. Some of them in different countries were styled Cygneans, and alsoPeleiadæ, of whom the principal were the women at [718]Dodona. Many of themwere priestesses of Hippa, and upon that account styled Hippai, as I haveshewn. Hence the mythologists under the character of Meestra haverepresented an Egyptian priestess, who could assume many departments, whichwere misconstrued different shapes. She could become, if we may creditOvid, Nunc equa, nunc ales, modo bos. 

or according to Palæphatus, βουν, κυνα, και ορνεον: _a cow, a dog, and abird_. The whole of this related to the particular service of thepriestess; and to the emblem under which the Deity was worshipped. 

 * * * * *

RITES

OF

DAMATER, OR CERES. 

I shall now proceed to the rites of Ceres: and the general character ofthis Goddess is so innocent, and rural, that one would imagine nothingcruel could proceed from her shrine. But there was a time, when some of hertemples were as much dreaded, as those of Scylla, and the Cyclops. Theywere courts of justice; whence she is often spoken of as a lawgiver. 

 [719]Prima Ceres unco terram dimovit aratro, Prima dedit leges. 

She is joined by Cicero with Libera, and they are styled the Deities, [720]a quibus initia vitæ, atque victus, _legum, morum_, mansuetudinis, humanitatis, exempla hominibus, et civitatibus data, ac dispertita essedicantur. The Deity, to whom she was a substitute, was El, the Sun. He wasprimarily worshipped in these temples: and I have shewn, that they werefrom Achor denominated Acherontian; also temples of Ops, and Oupis, thegreat serpent God. Hence it is said by Hesychius, that Acheron, and Ops, and Helle, and [721]Gerys, and Terra, and Demeter, were the same. Ἡ[722]Αχερω, και Ωπις, και Ἑλλη, και Γηρυς, και Γη, και Δημητηρ, [723]τοαυτο. Ceres was the Deity of fire: hence at Cnidus she was called Κυρα, [724]Cura, a title of the Sun. Her Roman name Ceres, expressed by HesychiusGerys, was by the Dorians more properly rendered [725]Garys. It wasoriginally a name of a city, called Χαρις: for many of the Deities wereerroneously called by the names of the places where they were worshipped. Charis is Char-Is, the [726]city of fire; the place where Orus andHephastus were worshipped. Hence as a personage she is made the wife of[727]Vulcan, on account of her relation to fire. Her title of Damater wasequally foreign to Greece; and came from Babylonia, and the east. It mayafter this seem extraordinary, that she should ever be esteemed the Goddessof corn. This notion arose in part from the Grecians not understandingtheir own theology: which bad originally, became continually more depraved, through their ignorance. The towers of Ceres were P'urtain, or Πρυτανεια;so called from the fires, which were perpetually there preserved. TheGrecians interpreted this πυρου ταμειον; and rendered, what was a temple ofOrus, a granary of corn. In consequence of this, though they did notabolish the antient usage of the place, they made it a repository of grain, from whence they gave largesses to the people upon any act of merit. [728]Τοπος ην παρ' Αθηναιοις, εν ᾡ κοιναι σιτησεις τοις δημοσιοιςευεργεταις εδιδοντο· ὁθεν και Πρυτανειον εκαλειτο, ὁιονει πυροταμειον·πυρος γαρ ὁ σιτος· In early times the corn there deposited seems to havebeen for the priests and [729]diviners. But this was only a secondary use, to which these places were adapted. They were properly sacred towers, wherea perpetual fire was preserved. Pausanias takes notice of such a one inArcadia. [730]Δημητρος, και Κορης ἱερον, πυρ δε ενταυθα καιουσι, ποιουμενοιφροντιδα, μη λαθῃ σφισιν αποσβεσθεν. He mentions a like circumstance at thePrutaneion in Elis[731]: Εστι δε ᾑ Ἑστια τεφρας και αυτη πεποιημενη, καιεπ' αυτης πυρ ανα πασαν τε ἡμεραν, και εν πασῃ νυκτι ὡσαυτως καιεται. Attica at first was divided into separate and independent hamlets: each ofwhich had its own Prutaneion, and Archon. These Archons were priests of the[732]Prutaneia; and were denominated from their office. Archon is the sameas Orchon, and like Chon-Or signifies the God of light, and fire; fromwhich title the priests had their name. In Babylonia, and Chaldea, theywere called Urchani. 

As in these temples there was always a [733]light, and a fire burning onthe hearth, some of the Grecians have varied in their etymology, and havederived the name from πυρ, Pur. Suidas supposes it to have been originallycalled Πυρος ταμειον. [734]Πρυτανειον, πυρος ταμειον, ενθα ην ασβεστον πυρ. The Scholiast upon Thucydides speaks to the same purpose. [735]Αλλοι δεφασιν, ὁτι το Πρυτανειον πυρος ην ταμειον, ενθα ην ασβεστον πυρ. _Otherstell us, that the Prutaneion was of old called Puros Tameion, from πυρ, pur: because it was the repository of a perpetual fire_. It was sacred toHestia, the Vesta of the Romans; which was only another title for Damater:and the sacred hearth had the same name. [736]Ἑστιαν δ' αν κυριωτατακαλοιης την εν Πρυτανειῳ, εφ' ἡς το πυρ το ασβεστον αναπτεται. I havementioned, that these places were temples, and at the same time courts ofjustice: hence we find, that in the Prutaneion at Athens, the laws of Solonwere [737]engraved. These laws were described upon wooden cylinders: someof which remained to the time of [738]Plutarch. 

Many of these temples were dedicated to the Deity under the name ofPersephone, or Proserpine, the supposed daughter of Ceres. They were inreality the same personage. Persephone was styled Κορα, Cora; which theGreeks misinterpreted Παρθενος, the virgin, or damsel. How could a person, who according to the received accounts had been ravished by Pluto, and beenhis consort for ages; who was the reputed queen of hell, be styled by wayof eminence Παρθενος? Κορα, Cora, which they understood was the same asCura, a feminine title of the sun: by which Ceres also was called atCnidos. However mild and gentle Proserpine may have been represented in hervirgin state by the Poets; yet her tribunal seems in many places to havebeen very formidable. In consequence of this we find her with Minos, andRhadamanthus, condemned to the shades below, as an infernal inquisitor. Nonnus says, [739]Περσεφονη θωρηξεν Εριννυας. 

_Proserpine armed the furies_. The notion of which Furies arose from thecruelties practised in these Prutaneia. They were called by the Latines, Furiæ; and were originally only priests of fire: but were at last rankedamong the hellish tormentors. Ceres the benefactress, and lawgiver, wassometimes enrolled in the list of these dæmons. This is manifest from apassage in Antimachus, quoted by Pausanias, where her temple is spoken ofas the shrine of a Fury. 

 [740]Δημητρος, τοθι φασιν Εριννυος ειναι εδεθλον. 

The like is mentioned by the Scholiast upon Lycophron, [741]Εριννυς ἡΔημητηρ εν Ογκαις πολει της Αρκαδιας τιμᾳται. Her temple stood upon theriver Ladon, and she had this name given to her by the people of the place. Καλουσι δε Εριννυν ὁι Θελπουσιοι την Θεον. _The Thelpusians call theGoddess Demeter a Fury_. Herodotus speaks of a Prutaneion in AchaiaPthiotic, called Leïtus; of which he gives a fearful account. _No person_, he says, _ever entered the precincts, who returned. Whatever person everstrayed that way, was immediately seized upon by the priests, andsacrificed. The custom so far prevailed, that many, who thought they wereliable to suffer, fled away to foreign parts. And he adds, that after along time, when any of them ventured to return, if they were caught, theywere immediately led to the Prutaneion. Here they were crowned withgarlands. And in great parade conducted to the altar_. I shall quote theauthor's words. [742]Ληιτον δε καλεουσι το Πρυτανηιον ὁι Αχαιοι· ην δεεσελθῃ, ουκ εστι, ὁκως εξεισι, πριν η θυσεσθαι μελλῃ· ὡστε τι προς τουτοισιπολλοι ηδε των μελλοντων τουτεων θυσεσθαι, δεισαντες οιχοντο αποδραντες εςαλλην χωρην. Χρονου δε προϊοντος, οπισω κατελθοντες, ην αλισκωνται, εστελλοντο ες το Πρυτανηιον, ὡς θυεται τε εξηγεοντο, στεμμασι παςπυκασθεις, και ὡς συν πομπῃ εξαχθεις. The people of Leïtus are said to havebeen the sons of Cutissorus. Herodotus speaks of the temple, as remainingin his time: and of the custom still subsisting. He farther mentions, thatwhen Xerxes was informed of the history of this place, as he passed throughThessaly, he withheld himself from being guilty of any violation. And hemoreover ordered his army to pay due regard to its sanctity; so very awful, it seems, was mysterious cruelty. 

I imagine, that the story of the Harpies relates to priests of the Sun. They were denominated from their seat of residence, which was an oraculartemple called Harpi, and Hirpi, analogous to Orphi, and Urphi in otherplaces. I have shewn, that the antient name of a priest was Cahen, renderedmistakenly κυν, and canis. Hence the Harpies, who were priests of Ur, arestyled by Apollonius, _the Dogs of Jove_. His accosting Calais, and Zethus, tells them, that it would be a profanation to offer any injury to thosepersonages. 

 [743]Ου θεμις, ω ὑιεις Βορεου ξιφεεσιν ελασσαν Ἁρπυιας, μεγαλοιο Διος ΚYΝΑΣ. 

This term in the common acceptation is not applicable to the Harpies, either as birds, for so they are represented; or as winged animals. Butthis representation was only the insigne of the people, as the vulture, andeagle were of the Egyptians: a lion of the Persians. The Harpies werecertainly a [744]college of priests in Bithynia; and on that account calledCahen. They seem to have been a set of rapacious persons, who, for theirrepeated acts of violence, and cruelty, were driven out of the country. Their temple was styled Arpi; and the environs Arpi-ai: hence the Greciansformed [745]Ἁρπυιαι. There was a region in Apulia named Arpi; and in itsneighbourhood were the islands of Diomedes, and the birds, which werefabled to have been like swans. I have before shewn, that they were Amonianpriests: so likewise were the Hirpi near Soracte in Latium. They werepriests of fire: of whose customs I have taken notice. 

The persons who resided in these temples are represented as persons ofgreat strength and stature: for many of them were of the race of Anac. There is reason to think, that a custom prevailed in these places of makingstrangers engage in fight with some of the priests trained up for thatpurpose. The manner of contention was either with the cæstus, or bywrestling. And as the priest appointed for the trial was pretty sure ofcoming off the conqueror, the whole was looked upon as a more specious kindof sacrifice. Amycus, who was king of Bithynia, is represented as of a[746]gigantic size, and a great proficient with the cæstus. He was inconsequence of it the terror of all strangers who came upon the coast. Cercyon of [747]Megara was equally famed for wrestling; by which art heslew many, whom he forced to the unequal contention. But Cercyon was thename of the [748]place; and they were the Cercyonians, the priests of thetemple, who were noted for these achievements. Pausanias gives an accountof them under the character of one person. [749]Ειναι δε ὁ Κερκυων λεγεταικαι τα αλλα αδικος εις τους ξενους, και παλαιειν ου βουλομενοις. _Cercyonwas in other respects lawless in his behaviour towards strangers; butespecially towards those who would not contend with him in wrestling_. These Cercyonians were undoubtedly priests of Ceres, or Damater: who seemsto have been tired of their service, and glad to get rid of them, as we areinformed by the poet. 

 [750]Quæque Ceres læto vidit pereuntia vultu Corpora Theseâ Cercyonea manu. 

Before most temples of old were areas, which were designed for Gumnasia, where these feats of exercise were performed. Lucian speaks of one beforethe temple of [751]Apollo Lucius. And Pausanias mentions that particular[752]parade, where Cercyon was supposed to have exhibited his art. It stoodbefore the tomb of Alope, and was called the Palæstra of Cercyon even inthe time of this writer, who takes notice of many others. He styles itταφος Αλοπης, as if it were a tomb. But it was a Taph, or high altar, sacred to Al-Ope, Sol Pytho, who was the Deity of the place calledCer-Cuon. Before this altar was the palæstra; where the Cercyonian priestsobliged people to contend with them. I have taken notice of a Pharos at[753]Torone, which Proteus is said to have quitted, that he might not bewitness to the cruelties of his sons. He fled, it seems, to Egypt, Τεκνωναλυξας τας ξενοκτονας παλας, to shun their wicked practices: for they wereso skilled in the Palæstric art, that they slew all strangers whom theyforced to engage with them. Taurus, called Minotaurus, was a temple inCrete: but by the Grecians is spoken of as a person. Under this characterTaurus is represented as a [754]renowned wrestler, and many persons aresaid to have been sent from Athens to be victims to his prowess. Eusebiusstyles him, [755]ωμος και ανημερος, a man of a cruel and sour disposition. After he had done much mischief, Theseus at length Ταυρον κατεπαλαισε, foiled him in his own art, and slew him. He is supposed to have done thelike by Cercyon. [756]Λεγεται δε ὁ Κερκυων τους διασταντας παντας ες παλην[757]διαφθειραι πλην Θησεως. _For it is said of Cercyon, that he slew everyperson who ventured to cope with him in wrestling, except Theseus_. In allthese instances the place is put for the persons who resided in it: ofwhich mistake I have been obliged often to take notice. 

Antient history affords numberless instances of this ungenerous and cruelpractice. The stranger, who stood most in need of courtesy, was treated asa profest enemy: and the rites of hospitality were evaded under the unduesanction of a sacrifice to the Gods. In the history of Busiris we have anaccount of this custom prevailing in Egypt. [758]Βουσιριν δε κατα τηνΑιγυπτον τῳ Διι καλλιερειν σφαγιαζοντα τους παρεπιδημουντας ΞΕΝΟΥΣ. _It issaid of Busiris, that he used to offer to Jupiter, as the most acceptablesacrifice, all the strangers, whom chance brought into his country_. Therewas a tradition concerning Antæus, that he covered the roof of a temple, sacred to Poseidon, with the sculls of foreigners, whom he forced to engagewith him. The manner of the engagement was by [759]wrestling. Eryx inSicily was a proficient in this art, and did much mischief to strangers:till he was in his turn slain. The Deity was the same in these parts, aswas alluded to under the name of Taurus, and Minotaurus, in Crete; and therites were the same. Hence Lycophron speaks of Eryx by the name of Taurus;and calls the place of exercise before the temple, [760]Ταυρου γυμναδας κακοξενου Παλης κονιστρας. 

This the Scholiast interprets παλαιστραν του Ερυκος του ξενοκτονου, _TheGymnasium of Eryx, who used to murder strangers_. Androgeos the son ofMinos came to the [761]like end, who had been superior to every body inthis art. Euripides styles the hero Cycnus [762]ξενοδαικταν, on account ofhis cruelty to strangers. He resided it seems near the sea-coast; used tooblige every person, who travelled that way, or whom ill fortune brought onshore to contend with him. And his ambition was to be able with the skullsof the victims, which he slew, to build a temple to Apollo. [763]Κακοξενοςὁ Κυκνος, και εν παροδῳ της θαλασσης οικων, επεκερτομει τους παριοντας, ναον τῳ Απολλωνι βουλομενος εκ των κεφαλων οικοδομησαι. Mention is made ofLycaon, qui advenas et hospites trucidavit. He is said to have founded thetemple of Jupiter [764]Lycæus, and to have first introduced humansacrifices, particularly those of infants. Λυκαων δε επι τον βωμον τον[765]Λυκαιου Διος βρεφος ηνεγκεν ανθρωπου, και εθυσε το βρεφος, καιεσπεισεν επι του βωμου το ἁιμα. _Lycaon was the person, who brought aninfant, the offspring of a man, to the altar of Zeus Lucaios: and he slewthe infant, and he sprinkled the altar with the blood which issued fromit_. Antinous in Homer threatens to send Irus to one Echetus, a king inEpirus, who was the dread of that country. The same threat is utteredagainst [766]Ulysses, if he should presume to bend the bow, which Penelopehad laid before the suitors. Under the character of Lycaon, Cycnus, &c. Weare to understand Lycaonian and Cycnean priests; which latter were fromCanaan: and this method of interpretation is to be observed all throughthese histories. Echetus, Εχετος, was a title of Apollo, rendered morecommonly [767]Ἑκατος by the Greeks, as if it came from the word ἑκας. Itwas an Amonian title by which Orus, and Osiris, were called: and this kingEchetus was a priest of that family, who was named from the Deity, whom heserved. The Poet styles him βροτων δηλημονα, from his cruelty to strangers. 

 [768]Πεμψω σ' Ηπειρονδε βαλων εν νηι μελαινῃ Εις Εχετον βασιληα, βροτων δηλημονα παντων. Ὁς κ' απο ῥινα ταμῃσι, και ουατα νηλεϊ χαλκῳ, Μηδεα τ' εξερυσας δωῃ κυσιν ωμα δασασθαι. 

 I'll send thee, caitiff, far beyond the seas, To the grim tyrant Echetus, who mars All he encounters; bane of human kind. Thine ears he'll lop, and pare the nose away From thy pale ghastly visage: dire to tell! The very parts, which modesty conceals, He'll tear relentless from the seat of life, To feed his hungry hounds. 

When the Spaniards got access to the western world, there were to beobserved many rites, and many terms, similar to those, which were so commonamong the sons of Ham. Among others was this particular custom of makingthe person, who was designed for a victim, engage in fight with a priest ofthe temple. In this manner he was slaughtered: and this procedure wasesteemed a proper method of [769]sacrifice. 

The histories of which I have been speaking were founded in truth, thoughthe personages are not real. Such customs did prevail in the first ages:and in consequence of these customs we find those beggarly attributes ofwrestling and boxing conferred upon some of the chief Divinities. Herculesand Pollux were of that number, who were as imaginary beings, as anymentioned above: yet represented upon earth as sturdy fellows, who rightedsome, and [770]wronged many. They were in short a kind of honourableBanditti, who would suffer nobody to do any mischief, but themselves. Fromthese customs were derived the Isthmian, Nemean, Pythic, and Olympic games, together with those at Delos. Of these last Homer gives a fine descriptionin his Hymn to Apollo. 

 [771]Αλλα συ Δηλῳ, Φοιβε, μαλιστ' επιτερπεαι ητορ. Ενθα τοι ἑλκεχιτωνες Ιαονες ηγερεθονται, Αυτοις συν παιδεσσι, και αιδοιῃς αλοχοισι. Ὁιδε σε ΠYΓΜΑΧΙΗι τε, και ορχηθμῳ, και αοιδῃ Μνησαμενοι τερπουσιν, ὁταν στησωνται αγωνα. 

These contentions had always in them something cruel, and savage: but inlater times they were conducted with an appearance of equity. Of old thewhole ceremony was a most unfair and barbarous process. 

 * * * * *

CAMPE AND CAMPI. 

Another name for those Amonian temples was Campi, of the same analogy, andnearly of the same purport, as Arpi above-mentioned. It was in after timesmade to signify the parade before the temples, where they wrestled, andotherwise celebrated their sacred games; and was expressed Campus. Whenchariots came in fashion, these too were admitted within the precincts; andraces of this sort introduced. Among the Latines the word Campus came tomean any open and level space; but among the Sicilians the true meaning wasin some degree preserved. Καμπος--Ιπποδρομος, Σικυλοι. Hesychius. It wasproperly a place of exercise in general, and not confined to races. Hence acombatant was styled [772]Campio, and the chief persons, who presided, [773]Campigeni. The exercise itself was by the Greeks styled αγων, αεθλος, ἁμιλλα; all Amonian terms, taken from the titles of the Deity, in whosehonour the games were instituted. These temples partly from their symbols, and partly from their history, being misinterpreted, were by the antientmythologists represented as so many dragons and monsters. Nonnus mentionsboth Arpe, and Campe in this light, and says that the latter had fiftyheads, each of some different beast, [774]Ης απο δειρης Ηνθεε πεντηκοντα καρηατα ποικιλα θηρων. 

But Campe was an oracular temple and inclosure, sacred to Ham or Cham:where people used to exercise. The fifty heads related to the number of thepriests, who there resided; and who were esteemed as so many wild beastsfor their cruelty. Nonnus makes Jupiter kill Campe: but Diodorus Siculusgives the honour to Dionusus; who is supposed to have slain this monster atZaborna in Libya; and to have raised over her, χωμα παμμεγεθες, a vastmound of earth. This heap of soil was in reality a high place or altar;which in after times was taken for a place of burial. These inclosures grewby degrees into disrepute; and the history of them obsolete. In consequenceof which the ταφοι, or mounds, were supposed to be the tombs of heroes. TheGrecians, who took every history to themselves, imagined, that theirJupiter and Dionusus, and their Hercules had slain them. But what they tookfor tombs of enemies were in reality altars to these very Gods; who werenot confined to Greece, nor of Grecian original. The Campanians in Italywere an antient Amonian colony; and they were denominated from Campe orCampus, which was probably the first temple, they erected. StephanusByzantinus shews, that there was of old such a place: Καμπος--κτισμαΚαμπανου: but would insinuate that it took its name from a person the headof the colony. Eustathius more truly makes it give name to the people:though he is not sufficiently determinate. [775]Καμπανοι απο τωνὑποκαθημενων εκει Καμπων ωνομασθησαν, η απο Καμπου πολεως. There were manyof these Campi in Greece, which are styled by Pausanias ὑπαιθρα, incontradistinction to the temples, which were covered. They are to be foundin many parts of the world, where the Amonian religion obtained, which waspropagated much farther than we are aware. In our island the exhibition ofthose manly sports in vogue among country people is called Camping: and theinclosures for that purpose, where they wrestle and contend, are calledCamping closes. There are many of them in Cambridgeshire, as well as inother parts of the kingdom. In Germany we meet with the name of Kæmpenfelt;in which word there is no part derived from the Latin language: for theterms would then be synonymous, and one of them redundant. Kæmpenfelt was, I imagine, an antient name for a field of sports, and exercise, like thegymnasium of the Greeks: and a Camping place in Britain is of the likepurport. 

 * * * * *

ANTIENT HEROES. 

 Καθολου δε φασιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι τους επιφανεστατους Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους, ετι δε και αποικιας τας παρ' ἑαυτων. Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 21. 

It has been my uniform purpose, during the whole process, which I have madein my system, to shew, that the Grecians formed Deities out of titles; andthat they often attributed to one person, what belonged to a people. Andwhen they had completed the history, they generally took the merit of it tothemselves. By means of this clue we may obtain an insight into some of themost remote, and the most obscure parts of antiquity. For many and greatachievements have been attributed to heroes of the first ages, which it wasnot possible for them singly to have performed. And these actions, thoughin some degree diversified, and given to different personages, yet uponexamination will be found to relate to one people or family; and to be atbottom one and the same history. 

OSIRIS. 

If we consider the history of Osiris, he will appear a wonderful conqueror, who travelled over the face of the whole [776]earth, winning newterritories, wherever he came; yet always to the advantage of those whom hesubdued. He is said to have been the son of Rhea: and his chief attendantsin his peregrinations were Pan, Anubis, Macedo, with Maro, a great planterof vines; also Triptolemus much skilled in husbandry. The people of Indiaclaimed Osiris, as their own; and maintained, that he was born at Nusa intheir [777]country. Others supposed his birth-place to have been at Nusa in[778]Arabia, where he first planted the vine. Many make him a native ofEgypt: and mention the rout of his travels as commencing from that countrythrough Arabia, and Ethiopia; and then to India, and the regions of theeast. When he was arrived at the extremities of the ocean, he turned back, and passed through the upper provinces of Asia, till he came to theHellespont, which he crossed. He then entered [779]Thrace, with the King ofwhich he had a severe encounter: yet he is said to have persevered in hisrout westward, till he arrived at the fountains of the Ister. He was alsoin Italy, and Greece: from the former of which he expelled the giants nearPhlegra in Campania. He visited many places upon the ocean: and though heis represented as at the head of an army; and his travels were attendedwith military operations; yet he is at the same time described with theMuses, and Sciences in his retinue. His march likewise was conducted withsongs, and dances, and the sound of every instrument of music. He builtcities in various parts; particularly [780]Hecatompulos, which hedenominated Theba, after the name of his mother. In every region, whitherhe came, he is said to have instructed the people in [781]planting, andsowing, and other useful arts. He particularly introduced the vine: andwhere that was not adapted to the soil, he taught the natives the use offerment, and shewed them the way to make [782]wine of barley, littleinferior to the juice of the grape. He was esteemed a great blessing to theEgyptians both as a [783]Lawgiver, and a King. He first built temples tothe Gods: and was reputed a general benefactor of [784]mankind. After manyyears travel they represent him as returning to Egypt in great triumph, where after his death he was enshrined as a Deity. His Taphos, or highaltar, was shewn in many places: in all which he in aftertimes was supposedto have been buried. The people of Memphis shewed one of them; whereon wasa sacred pillar, containing a detail of his life, and great actions, to thefollowing purport. [785]_My father was Cronus, the youngest of all theGods. I am the king Osiris, who carried my arms over the face of the wholeearth, till I arrived at the uninhabited parts of India. From thence Ipassed through the regions of the north to the fountain-head of the Ister. I visited also other remote countries; nor stopped till I came to thewestern ocean. I am the eldest son of Cronus; sprung from the genuine andrespectable race of_ (Σωος) _Sous, and am related to the fountain of day. There is not a nation upon earth, where I have not been; and to whose goodI have not contributed. _

This is a very curious piece of antient history: and it will be found to bein great measure true, if taken with this allowance, that what is here saidto have been achieved by one person, was the work of many. Osiris was atitle conferred upon more persons than one; by which means the history ofthe first ages has been in some degree confounded. In this description theCuthites are alluded to, who carried on the expeditions here mentioned. They were one branch of the posterity of Ham; who is here spoken of as theeldest son of Cronus. How justly they conferred upon him this rank ofprimogeniture, I will not determine. By [786]Cronus we are here tounderstand the same person, as is also represented under the name of Soüs. This would be more truly expressed Σωον, Soön; by which is meant the Sun:All the Amonian families affected to be styled Heliadæ, or the offspring ofthe Sun: and under this title they alluded to their great ancestor thefather of all: as by Osiris they generally meant Ham. Σωον, Soön, is thesame as [787]Zoon, and Zoan, the fountain of day. The land of Zoan in Egyptwas the nome of Heliopolis: and the city Zoan the place of the Sun. Theperson then styled here Soüs can be no other than the great Patriarch undera title of the Sun. He is accordingly by Philo Biblius called Ousoüs in anextract from Sanchoniathon. He makes him indeed reside, where Tyre wasafterwards built; but supposes him to have lived at a time, when there weregreat rains and storms; and to have been the first constructor of a ship, and the first who ventured upon the [788]seas. In respect to the travels ofOsiris we shall find that the posterity of Ham did traverse at differenttimes the regions above-mentioned: and in many of them took up their abode. They built the city Memphis in Egypt; also Hecatompulos, which theydenominated Theba, after the name of their reputed mother. They also builtZoan, the city of the Sun. 

Osiris is a title often conferred upon the great patriarch himself: andthere is no way to find out the person meant but by observing the history, which is subjoined. When we read of Osiris being exposed in an ark, andbeing afterward restored to day; of his planting the vine, and teachingmankind agriculture; and inculcating religion, and justice; the personalluded to stands too manifest to need any farther elucidation. And when itis said of Osiris, that he went over most parts of the habitable globe, andbuilt cities in various regions; this too may be easily understood. It canallude to nothing else, but a people called Osirians, who traversed theregions mentioned. They were principally the Cuthites, who went abroadunder various denominations: and the histories of all the great heroes, andheroïnes of the first ages will be found of the same purport, as theforegoing. Osiris is supposed to have been succeeded in Egypt by Orus. After Orus came Thoules; who was succeeded by [789]Sesostris. 

PERSEUS. 

Perseus was one of the most antient heroes in the mythology of Greece: themerit of whose supposed achievements the Helladians took to themselves; andgave out that he was a native of Argos. He travelled to the temple of[790]Ammon; and from thence traversed the whole extent of Africa. Hesubdued the [791]Gorgons, who lived in Mauritania, and at Tartessus inBœtica; and defeated the Ethiopians upon the western ocean, and the nationsabout mount _Atlas_: which [792]mountain he only and Hercules are said tohave passed. Being arrived at the extremity of the continent, he foundmeans to pass over, and to get possession of all the western islands. Hewarred in the East; where he freed [793]Andromeda, the daughter of Cepheusking of the eastern Ethiopia, who was exposed to a sea-monster. Someimagine this to have happened at [794]Joppa in Palestine, where the[795]bones of this monster of an extraordinary size are supposed to havebeen for a long time preserved. He is said to have built [796]Tarsus inCilicia, reputed the most antient city in the world; and to have plantedthe peach tree at [797]Memphis. The Persians were supposed to have been hisdescendants. He travelled through Asia Minor, to the country of the[798]Hyperboreans upon the Ister, and the lake Mæotis; and from thencedescended to Greece. Here he built Mycene, and Tiryns, said by many to havebeen the work of the Cyclopians. He established a seminary at Helicon: andwas the founder of those families, which were styled Dorian, and Herculean. It is a doubt among writers, whether he came into Italy. Some of his familywere there; who defeated the giant race in Campania, and who afterwardsbuilt Argiletum, and Ardea in Latium. Virgil supposes it to have beeneffected by Danae, the mother of this Hero:

 [799]Ardea ---- quam dicitur olim Acrisioneïs Danäe fundâsse colonis. 

But [800]Servius says, that Perseus himself in his childhood was driven tothe coast of Daunia. He is represented as the ancestor of the GrecianHercules, supposed to have been born at Thebes in Bœotia. In realityneither [801]Hercules, nor Perseus, was of Grecian original;notwithstanding the genealogies framed in that country. The history of thelatter came apparently from Egypt, as we may learn from Diodorus[802]: Φασιδε και τον Περσεα γεγονεναι κατ' Αιγυπτον. Herodotus more truly representshim as an [803]Assyrian; by which is meant a Babylonian: and agreeably tothis he is said to have married [804]Asterie, the daughter of Belus, thesame as Astaroth and Astarte of Canaan; by whom he had a daughter Hecate. This, though taken from an idle system of theology, yet plainly shews, thatthe history of Perseus had been greatly misapplied and lowered, by beinginserted among the fables of Greece. Writers speak of him as a great[805]Astronomer, and a person of uncommon knowledge. He instructed marinersto direct their way in the sea by the lights of heaven; and particularly bythe polar constellation. This he first observed, and gave it the name ofHelice. Though he was represented as a Babylonian; yet he resided in Egypt, and is said to have reigned at Memphis. To say the truth, he was worshippedat that place: for Perseus was a title of the Deity; [806]Περσευς, ὁ Ἡλιος;_Perseus was no other than the Sun_, the chief God of the Gentile world. Onthis account he had a temple of great repute at [807]Chemmis, as well as atMemphis, and in other parts of Egypt. Upon the Heracleotic branch of theNile, near the sea, was a celebrated watch-tower, denominated from him. Histrue name was Perez, or Parez, rendered Peresis, Perses, and Perseus: andin the account given of this personage we have the history of thePeresians, Parrhasians, and Perezites, in their several peregrinations; whowere no other than the Heliadæ, and Osirians abovementioned. It is a mixedhistory, in which their forefathers are alluded to; particularly theirgreat progenitor, the father of mankind. He was supposed to have had arenewal of life: they therefore described Perseus as inclosed in an[808]ark, and exposed in a state of childhood upon the waters, after havingbeen conceived in a shower of gold. 

Bochart thinks that the name both of Persis and Perseus was from פרס, Paras, an Horse: because the Persians were celebrated horsemen, and tookgreat delight in that animal. But it must be considered that the name isvery antient, and prior to this use of horses. P'aras, P'arez, and P'erez, however diversified, signify the Sun; and are of the same analogy as P'ur, P'urrhos, P'oros, which betoken fire. Every animal, which was in any degreeappropriated to a Deity, was called by some sacred [809]title. Hence anhorse was called P'arez: and the same name, but without the prefix, wasgiven to a lion by many nations in the east. It was at first only a mark ofreference, and betokened a solar animal, specifying the particular Deity towhom it was sacred. There were many nations, which were distinguished inthe same manner; some of whom the Greeks styled Parrhasians. Hence theantient Arcadians, those Selenitæ, who were undoubtedly an Amonian colony, had this appellation. A people in Elis had the same. The Poets describedthe constellation of Helice, or the Bear, by the title of Parrhasis, Arctos, and Parrhasis Ursa. This asterism was confessedly first takennotice of by Perez or Perseus, by which is meant the Persians. 

 [810] Versaque ab axe suo Parrhasis Arctos erat. 

In the east, where the worship of Arez greatly prevailed, there were to befound many nations called after this manner. Part of Media, according to[811]Polybius, had the name of Parrhasia. There were also Parrhasii andParrhasini in [812]Sogdiana; and [813]the like near Caucasus: also a townnamed [814]Parasinum in the Tauric Chersonesus. The people styled[815]Parrhasians in Greece were the same as the Dorians and Heraclidæ; allalike Cuthites, as were the antient Persians. Hence it is truly said byPlato, that the Heraclidæ in Greece, and the Achæmenidæ among the Persianswere of the same stock: [816]Το δε Ἡρακλεους τε γενος και το Αχαιμενεουςεις Περσεα τον Διος αναφερεται. On this account [817]Herodotus makes Xerxesclaim kindred with the Argives of Greece, as being equally of the posterityof Perses, the same as Perseus, the Sun: under which character the Persiansdescribed the patriarch, from whom they were descended. Perseus was thesame as Mithras, whose sacred cavern was styled Perseüm. 

 [818]Phœbe parens--seu te roseum Titana vocari Gentis Achæmeniæ ritu; seu præstat Osirin Frugiferum; seu Persëi sub rupibus antri Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithram. 

OF MYRINA, AND THE

AMAZONIANS OF LIBYA. 

From a notion that the Amazons were a community of women, historians haverepresented the chief personage of their nation as a [819]female. She ismentioned by some as having flourished long before the æra of [820]Troy:and it is by others said more precisely, that she lived in the time ofOrus, the son of Isis and Osiris. This removes her history far back; so asto make it coeval with the first annals of time. Her dominions lay in themost western parts of [821]Africa, at the extremity of Atlas; where themountain terminated in the ocean, to which it gave name. This country wascalled Mauritania; and was supposed to have been possessed by the Atlantesand Gorgons. The Grecian writers, who did not know that the same familywent under different titles, have often made the same nation at variancewith itself. And as they imagined every migration to have been a warlikeexpedition, they have represented Myrina as making great conquests; andwhat is extraordinary, going over the same ground, only in a retrogradedirection, which Osiris had just passed before. Her first engagement waswith the Atlantes of Cercene: against whom she marched with an army of30, 000 foot, and 2, 000 horse; whom she completely armed with the skins ofserpents. Having defeated the Atlantes, she marched against the Gorgons, whom she likewise [822]conquered; and proceeding forward, subdued thegreater part of Africa, till she arrived at the borders of Egypt. Havingentered into an alliance with Orus, she passed the Nile, and invaded theArabians, whom she defeated. She then conquered the Syrians, and Cilicians, and all the nations about Mount Taurus; till she arrived at Phrygia, andthe regions about the river Caïcus. Here she built many cities, particularly Cuma, Pitane, and Priene. She also got possession of severalislands; and among others, of Lesbos and Samothracia, in which last shefounded an asylum. After these transactions, Myrina, accompanied withMopsus the diviner, made an expedition into Thrace, which was the ultimateof her progress; for she was supposed to have been here slain. According toHomer she died in Phrygia: for he takes notice of her tomb in the plains ofTroas; and represents it as a notable performance. 

 [823]Εστι δε τις προπαροιθε πολεως αιπεια κολωνη, Εν πεδιῳ απανευθε, περιδρομος ενθα και ενθα· Την ητοι ανδρες Βατιειαν κικλησκουσιν, Αθανατοι δε τε σημα πολυσκαρθμοιο Μυρινης. 

The tomb of this heroïne was in reality a sacred mound, or high altar; andMyrina a Gentile divinity. In her supposed conquests we may in greatmeasure see the history of Osiris, and Perseus, reversed, and in somedegree abridged; yet not so far varied, but that the purport may be plainlydiscerned. Indeed there is no other way to obtain the hidden meaning, butby collating the different histories, and bringing them in one view underthe eye of the reader. 

HERCULES. 

Similar to the foregoing are the expeditions of Hercules, and the conquestswhich he is supposed to have performed. After many exploits in Greece, thereputed place of his nativity, he travelled as far as mount Caucasus nearColchis, to free Prometheus, who was there exposed to an eagle or vulture. Upon the Thermodon he engaged with the Amazons, whom he utterly defeated;and then passed over into Thrace. Upon his return into Greece he wasordered to make an expedition into Iberia, a region in the farthest part ofSpain; where Chrusaor, a prince of great wealth, resided. Hercules acceptsof the commission; but, I know not for what reason, goes first to Crete, and from thence to [824]Libya; and what is extraordinary, proceeds toEgypt. This makes the plan of his supposed rout somewhat irregular andunaccountable. After some time spent in these parts, he builds the cityHecatompulos, said before to have been built by Osiris: and then traversesthe whole of Africa westward, till he arrives at the Fretum Gaditanum. Herehe erects two pillars; which being finished, he at last enters Iberia. Hedefeats the sons of Chrusaor, who were in arms to oppose him; and bestowstheir kingdom upon others. He likewise seizes upon the oxen of Geryon. Hethen marches into the country of the Celtæ, and [825]founds the cityCorunna, and likewise [826]Alesia in Gaul. He afterwards fights with thegiants Albion and Bergion near Arelate, in the plain styled CampusLapideus; where are the salt waters of Salona. He then passes the[827]Alpes; and upon the banks of the Eridanus encounters a person ofshepherd race; whom he kills, and seizes his [828]golden flocks. In his wayhomeward he visits Hetruria, and arrives at the mountain Palatinus upon theTiber. From thence he goes to the maritime part of Campania, about Cuma, Heraclea, and the lake Aornon. Not far from hence was an adust and fieryregion; supposed to have been the celebrated Phlegra, where the giantswarred against heaven: in which war Hercules is said to have [829]assisted. Here was an antient oracular temple; and hard by the mountain Vesuvius, which in those days flamed violently, though it did not for many agesafterwards. During his residence here he visited the hot fountains nearMisenus and Dicæarchea; and made a large causeway, called in aftertimes ViaHerculanea, and Agger Puteolanus. After having visited the Locrians, andthe people of Rhegium, he crossed the sea to Sicily; which sea he swamover, holding by the horn of an ox. At his arrival some warm springs burstforth miraculously, to give him an opportunity of bathing. Here he boxedwith Eryx; defeated the Sicani; and performed many other exploits. What isremarkable, having in Spain seized upon the cattle of Geryon, he is said tohave made them travel over the Pyrenean mountains, and afterwards over theAlpes, into Italy; and from thence cross the sea into Sicily; and being nowabout to leave that island, he swims with them again to Rhegium: andranging up the coast of the Adriatic, passes round to Illyria, from thenceto Epirus; and so descends to Greece. The whole of these travels is said tohave been completed in ten years. 

He was also reported, according to [830]Megasthenes and others, to havemade an expedition into [831]India, and to have left many memorials of histransactions in those parts. He travelled likewise into the region calledafterwards Scythia; the natives of which country were his [832]descendants. He also visited the Hyperboreans. In all these peregrinations he isgenerally described as proceeding alone: at least we have no intimation ofany army to assist in the performance of these great enterprises. He isindeed supposed to have sailed with six ships to [833]Phrygia: but how hecame by them is not said; nor whence he raised the men, who went with him. At other times he is represented with a club in his hand, and the skin ofan animal upon his shoulders. When he passed over the ocean, he is said tohave been wafted in a golden [834]bowl. In Phrygia he freed Hesione from aCetus, or sea monster, just as Perseus delivered Andromeda. He is mentionedas founding many cities in parts very remote: the sea-coast of Bœtica, andCantabria, was, according to some writers, peopled by [835]him. BySyncellus he is said to have resided in Italy, and to have reigned in[836]Latium. The Grecians supposed that he was burnt upon Mount Œta: butthe people of Gades shewed his Taphos in their [837]city, just as theEgyptians shewed the Taphos of Osiris at Memphis, and elsewhere. Hence itwas imagined by many, that Hercules was buried at Gades. The philosopherMegaclides could not be brought to give the least assent to the historiesof this [838]hero: and Strabo seems to have thought a great part of them tohave been a [839]fable. In short, the whole account of this personage isvery inconsistent: and though writers have tried to compromise matters bysupposing more persons than one of this name, yet the whole is stillincredible, and can never be so adjusted as to merit the least belief. Howthey multiplied the same Deity, in order to remedy their faulty mythology, may be seen in the following extract from Cicero. [840]Quanquam, quempotissimum Herculem colamus, scire velim: plures enim nobis tradunt ii, quiinteriores scrutantur et reconditas literas. Antiquissimum Jove natum, seditem Jove antiquissimo: nam Joves quoque plures in priscis Græcorum literisinvenimus. Ex eo igitur et Lysito est is Hercules, quem concertâsse cumApolline de tripode accepimus. Alter traditur Nilo natus, Ægyptius; quemaiunt Phrygias literas conscripsisse. Tertius est ex Idæis Dactylis, cuiinferias afferunt. Quartus Jovis est, et Asteriæ, Latonæ sororis, quemTyrii maxime colunt; cujus Carthaginem filium ferunt. Quintus in[841]Indiâ, qui Belus dicitur. Sextus hic, ex Alcumenâ quem Jupiter genuit;sed tertius Jupiter: quoniam, ut docebo, plures Joves accepimus. 

Hercules was a title given to the chief deity of the Gentiles, who havebeen multiplied into almost as many personages, as there were countries, where he was worshipped. What has been attributed to this god singly, wasthe work of Herculeans; a people who went under this title among the manywhich they assumed; and who were the same as the Osirians, Peresians, andCuthites. They built Tartessus in Bœtica, and occupied great part ofIberia. They likewise founded [842]Corunna in Cantabria, and [843]Alesia inGaul: of which there are traditions to this day. Some of them settled near[844]Arelate; others among the [845]Alpes: also at Cuma, and Heraclea inCampania. They were also to be found at Tyre, and in Egypt; and even in theremotest parts of [846]India. In short, wherever there were Heraclidæ, orHerculeans, an Hercules has been supposed. Hence his character has beenvariously represented. One, while he appears little better than a sturdyvagrant; at other times he is mentioned as a great benefactor; also as thepatron of science, the [847]God of eloquence, with the Muses in his train. On this account he had the title of [848]Musagetes; and the Roman generalFulvius dedicated a temple which he had erected to his honour, andinscribed it [849]_Herculi Musarum_. There are gems, upon which he isrepresented as presiding among the Deities of [850]Science. He is said tohave been swallowed by a Cetus, or large fish, from which he was after sometime delivered. This history will hereafter be easily decyphered. He wasthe chief deity of the [851]Gentile world; the same as Hermes, Osiris, andDionusus; and his rites were introduced into various parts by the Cuthites. In the detail of his peregrinations is contained, in great measure, anhistory of that people, and of their settlements. Each of these the Greekshave described as a warlike expedition; and have taken the glory of it tothemselves. He is said to have had many sons. One of these was[852]Archemagoras; by which is meant the father or chief of the Magi. Thereare many others enumerated: the principal of whom are said to have been;[853]Sardus, or Sardon; Cyrnus, Gelonus, Olynthus, Scythus, Galathus, Lydus, Iberus, Celtus, Poimen. As these are all manifestly the names ofnations, we may perceive by the purport of this history, that theSardinians, Corsicans, Iberians, Celtæ, Galatæ, Scythæ, &c. &c. Togetherwith those styled Shepherds, were Herculeans; all descended from that[854]Hercules, who was the father of Archemagoras the chief of the Magi. 

DIONUSUS. 

The history of Dionusus is closely connected with that of Bacchus, thoughthey were two distinct persons. It is said of the former, that he was bornat [855]Nusa in Arabia: but the people upon the Indus insisted, that he wasa native of their [856]country; and that the city Nusa, near mount Meru, was the true place of his birth. There were, however, some among them, whoallowed, that he came into their parts from the west; and that his arrivalwas in the most antient times. He taught the nations, whither he came, tobuild and to plant, and to enter into societies. To effect this, hecollected the various families out of the villages in which they dwelt, andmade them incorporate in towns and cities, which he built in the mostcommodious situations. After they were thus established, he gave them laws, and instructed them in the worship of the Gods. He also taught them toplant the Vine, and to extract the juice of the grape; together with muchother salutary knowledge. This he did throughout all his [857]travels, tillhe had conquered every region in the East. Nor was it in these parts only, that he shewed himself so beneficent a conqueror; but over all thehabitable [858]world. The account given by the Egyptians is consonant tothat of the Indians: only they suppose him to have been of their owncountry; and to have set out by the way of Arabia and the Red Sea, till hearrived at the extremities of the East. He travelled also into [859]Lybia, quite to the Atlantic; of which performance Thymætes is said to have givenan account in an antient Phrygian poem. After his Indian expedition, whichtook him up three years, he passed from Asia by the Hellespont into Thrace, where Lycurgus withstood him, and at last put him to flight. He came intoGreece; and was there adopted by the people, and represented as a native oftheir country. He visited many places upon the Mediterranean; especiallyCampania, and the coast of Italy, where he was taken prisoner by theHetrurian pirates. Others say, that he conquered all [860]Hetruria. He hadmany attendants; among whom were the Tityri, Satyri, Thyades, and Amazons. The whole of his history is very inconsistent in respect both to time andplace. Writers therefore have tried to remedy this by introducing differentpeople of the same name. Hence Dionusus is multiplied into as many[861]personages as Hercules. His history was looked upon as veryinteresting; and therefore was the chief theme of all the antient[862]bards. His flight, styled φυγη Διονυσου, was particularly[863]recorded. He was the same as Osiris; and many of the latermythologists acknowledged this truth. Αιγυπτιοι μεν γαρ τον παρ' αυτοιςθεον Οσιριν ονομαζομενον φασιν ειναι τον παρ' Ἑλλησι Διονυσον τουτον δεμυθολογουσιν επελθειν πασαν την οικουμενην--Ὁμοιως δε και τους Ινδους τονθεον τουτον παρ' ἑαυτοις αποφανεσθαι γεγονεναι. _The Egyptians_, says[864]Diodorus, _maintain that their God Osiris is no other than theDionusus of Greece: And they farther mention, that he travelled over theface of the whole earth--In like manner the Indi assure us, that it is thesame Deity, who wan conversant in their [865]country_. 

Dionusus, according to the Grecian mythology, is represented as having beentwice born: and is said to have had two fathers and two mothers. He wasalso exposed in an [866]ark, and wonderfully preserved. The purport ofwhich histories is plain. We must however for the most part consider theaccount given of Dionusus, as the history of the Dionusians. This istwofold. Part relates to their rites and religion; in which the greatevents of the infant world, and the preservation of mankind in general, were recorded. In the other part, which contains the expeditions andconquests of this personage, are enumerated the various colonies of thepeople, who were denominated from him. They were the same as the Osiriansand Herculeans; all of one family, though under different appellations. Ihave shewn, that there were many places which claimed his birth; and asmany, where was shewn the spot of his interment. Of these we may findsamples in Egypt, Arabia, and India; as well as in Africa, Greece, and itsislands. For the Grecians, wherever they met with a grot or a cavern sacredto him, took it for granted that he was born there: and wherever he had ataphos, or high altar, supposed that he was there [867]buried. The same isalso observable in the history of all the Gods. 

From what has been said we may perceive that the same history has beenappropriated to different personages: and if we look farther into theannals of the first ages, we shall find more instances to the same purpose. It is said of [868]Cronus, and Astarte, that they went over the wholeearth; disposing of the countries at their pleasure, and doing goodwherever they came. Cronus in consequence of it is represented as anuniversal [869]benefactor; who reclaimed men from their savage way of life, and taught them to pass their days in innocence and truth. A like accountis given of Ouranus, the great king of the [870]Atlantians, who observingmankind in an unsettled and barbarous state, set about building cities fortheir reception; and rendered them more humane and civilized by hisinstitutions and laws. His influence was very extensive; as he is supposedto have had the greater part of the world under his rule. All this, andwhat was above done by Cronus and Astarte, the Grecians attributed toApollo and Themis. Strabo mentions from the historian, Ephorus, that theoracle at Delphi was founded by these two [871]deities at the time, whenApollo was going over the world doing good to all mankind. He taught thenations, where he came, to be more [872]gentle and humane in their manners;and to abstain from their wild fruits, and foul banquets: affording theminstructions how to improve themselves by cultivation. 

Some of these persons are mentioned as proceeding in a pacific manner: butthese peregrinations in general are represented as a process of war; andall that was effected, was supposed to have been by conquest. Thus Osiris, Hercules, Perseus, Dionusus, displayed their benevolence sword in hand: andlaid every country under an obligation to the limits of the earth. The likeis said of Zeuth, the Zeus of Greece, who was an universal conqueror andbenefactor: [873]Τον Δια κυριον γενομενον τον ὁλων επελθειν ἁπασαν τηνοικουμενην, ευεργετουντα το γενος των ανθρωπων· διενεγκειν δε αυτον καισωματος ῥωμῃ και ταις αλλαις ἁπασαις αρεταις, και δια τουτο ταχυ κυριονγενεσθαι του συμπαντος κοσμου. _Zeus_ (or Jupiter) _having got the entiresupremacy marched over the whole earth, benefiting mankind wherever hecame. And as he was a person of great bodily strength, and at the same timehad every princely quality, he very soon subdued the whole world_. 

No mention is made of any conquests achieved by Orus: and tho reason is, because he was the same as Osiris. Indeed they were all the same personage:but Orus was more particularly Osiris in his second state; and thereforerepresented by the antient Egyptians as a child. What is omitted by him, was made up by his immediate successor Thoules; who like those, whopreceded, conquered every country which was inhabited. [874]Ειτα Οσιρις, μεθ' ὁν Ωρος, και μετα αυτον Θουλης, ὁς και ἑως του ωκεανου πασαν την γηνπαρειληφεν. _After him_ (that is, Söus, or Sosis, ) _came Osiris; and thenOrus: to whom succeeded Thoules, who conquered the whole earth quite to theocean_. The like history is given of him by [875]Suidas, and by the authorof the [876]Chronicon Paschale. 

These accounts I have collated, and brought in succession to one another;that we may at a view see the absurdity of the history, if taken in thecommon acceptation. And however numerous my instances may have been, Ishall introduce other examples before I quit the subject. I mustparticularly speak of an Egyptian hero, equally ideal with thoseabovementioned; whose history, though the most romantic and improbable ofany, has been admitted as credible and true. The person to whom I allude, is the celebrated Sesostris. Most of the antient historians speak of hisgreat achievements; and the most learned of the modern chronologists haveendeavoured to determine his æra, and point out the time of his reign. Buttheir endeavours have been fruitless; and they vary about the time when helived not less than a thousand years: nay, some differ even more than thisin the æra, which they assign to him. 

SESOSTRIS. 

Among the writers who have written concerning this extraordinary personage, Diodorus Siculus is the most uniform and full; and with his evidence I willbegin my account. He[877] informs us, that, when this prince was a youth, he was entrusted by his father with a great army. He upon this invadedArabia: and though he was obliged to encounter hunger and thirst in thewilds, which he traversed; yet he subdued the whole of that large tract ofcountry. He was afterwards sent far into the west; where he conquered allthe legions of Lybia, and annexed great part of that country to the kingdomof Egypt. After the death of his father he formed a resolution to subdueall the nations upon earth. Accordingly, having settled everything at home, and appointed governors to each province, he set out with an army of sixhundred thousand foot, and twenty-four thousand horse, and twenty-seventhousand armed chariots. With these he invaded the Ethiopians to the south;whom he defeated, and made tributaries to Egypt. He then built a fleet ofships upon the Red sea: and he is recorded as the first person whoconstructed vessels fit for distant navigation. With these, by means of hisgenerals, he subdued all the sea-coast of Arabia, and all the coast uponthe ocean as far as India. In the mean time he marched in person, with apuissant army, by land, and conquered the whole continent of Asia. He notonly overran the countries, which Alexander afterwards invaded; but crossedboth the Indus and the Ganges; and from thence penetrated to the easternocean. He then turned to the north, and attacked the nations of Scythia;till he at last arrived at the Tanäis, which divides Europe and Asia. Herehe founded a colony; leaving behind him some of his people, as he had justbefore done at [878]Colchis. These nations are said to the last to haveretained memorials of their original from Egypt. About the same time AsiaMinor, and most of the islands near it, fell into his hands. He at lastpassed into [879]Thrace, where he is said to have been brought into somedifficulties. He however persisted, and subdued all the regions of Europe. In most of these countries he erected pillars with hieroglyphicalinscriptions; denoting that these parts of the world had been subdued bythe great Sesostris, or, as [880]Diodorus expresses his name, Sesoosis. Helikewise erected statues of himself, formed of stone, with a bow and alance: which statues were in length four cubits and four palms, accordingto the dimensions of his own height and stature. Having thus finished hiscareer of [881]victory, he returned laden with spoils to Egypt, after anabsence of [882]nine years; which is one year less than was attributed tothe expeditions of Hercules. 

The detail given by this historian is very plain and precise: and weproceed very regularly and minutely in a geographical series from oneconquest to another: so that the story is rendered in some degreeplausible. But we may learn from Diodorus himself, that little credit is tobe paid to this narration, after all the pains he may have taken to winupon our credulity. He ingenuously owns, that not only the Grecian writers, but even the priests of Egypt, and the bards of the same country varied inthe accounts which they gave of this hero; and were guilty of greatinconsistence. It was therefore his chief labour to collect what he thoughtmost credible, and what appeared most consonant to the memorials in Egypt, which time had spared: [883]Τα πιθανωτατα, και τοις υπαρχουσιν ετι κατα τηνχωραν σημειοις τα μαλιστα συμφωνουντα διελθειν. But, as these memorialsconsisted chiefly in hieroglyphics, I do not see how it was possible forDiodorus to understand what the bards and priests could not decypher. Theadjustment of this history, had it been practicable, should have been thework of a native Egyptian, and not of a person either from Greece orSicily. This writer afterwards mentions the mighty [884]works of Sesostrisupon his return into Egypt: the temples which he built, and the greatentrenchments which he made to the east, to guard the country from theArabians: and having enumerated the whole of his actions, he concludes withan ingenuous confession, that [885]little could be obtained that wasprecisely true. He has, without doubt, culled the most probableachievements of this hero; and coloured and arranged them to the bestadvantage: yet they still exceed belief. And if, after this care anddisposition, they seem incredible, how would they appear in the garb, inwhich he found them? Yet the history of this personage has been admitted ascredible by the most learned [886]writers and chronologists: though, as Ibefore mentioned, they cannot determine the æra of his reign within athousand years. Sir John Marsham and Sir Isaac Newton suppose him to havebeen the Sesac of the scriptures; and consequently bring his reign down tothe time of Rehoboam king of Judah. But the only reason for this, as far asI can perceive, seems to be, that Sesostris is represented as a greatconqueror; and Sesac is presumed, from his large [887]army, to have been solikewise. But there is nothing more said of Sesac, than that he formed aplan of conquering the king of Judah; and accordingly came with the armybefore mentioned, to put his design in execution. But the [888]capitalbeing delivered into his hands without the least resistance, and the kingintirely submitting himself to his will; he contented himself with the richplunder, which he found, and which he carried away at his departure. We mayalso infer from the servitude, to which the people of Judah were reduced, that he imposed upon them some future contributions. 

This is the whole of the history of Sesac, or Shishak; by whom no otherexpedition was undertaken that we know of: nor is there mention made uponrecord of a single battle which he fought. Yet from a notion that Sesac wasa great warrior, he is made the same as Sesostris: and the age of thelatter is brought down very many centuries beneath the æra, to which thebest writers have adjudged it. When we differ from received tradition, weshould not pass over in silence what is said on the contrary part; but giveit at large, and then shew our reasons for our departure from it. I havetaken notice of the supposed conquerors of the earth: and among them of thereputed deities of Egypt, who came under the names of Osiris, Perseus, Thoules, &c. These are supposed, if they ever existed, to have lived in thefirst ages of the world, when Egypt was in its infant state; and Sesostrisis made one of their number. He is by some placed after Orus; by othersafter Thoules; but still referred to the first ages. He is representedunder the name of Sethos, [889]Sethosis, Sesoosis, Sesonchosis, Sesostris;but the history, with which these names are accompanied, shews plainly theidentity of the personage. Eusebius in reckoning up the dynasty of kings, who reigned after Hephaistus or Vulcan, mentions them in the followingorder: [890]_Then succeeded his son Helius; after him Sosis, then Osiris, then Orus, then Thoules, who conquered the whole earth to the ocean; andlast of all Sesostris_. The [891]Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodius callshim Sesonchosis; and places him immediately after Orus, and the third insuccession from Osiris: giving at the same time an account of hisconquests. He adds that he was the person whom Theopompus called Sesostris. The same Scholiast quotes a curious passage from Dicæarchus, in whichSesonchosis maintains the same rank, and was consequently of the highestantiquity. [892]_Dicæarchus in the first book of his history mentions, thatimmediately after the reign of Orus, the son of Isis and Osiris, in Egypt, the government devolved to Sesonchosis: so that from the time ofSesonchosis to Nilus were two thousand years_. Cedrenus [893]calls himSesostris; and mentions him after Osiris, and Orus, and Thoules; which lastwas by the above writer omitted. Οσιρις. Ωρος. Θουλης. μετα δε τουτονΣεσωστρις. The author of the Chronicon Paschale makes Orus to have beensucceeded by the same personage, as is mentioned above, whom he callsThoulis; and next to him introduces Sesostris. He relates all his greatconquests; and gives us this farther information, that this prince was thefirst of the line of Ham, who reigned in Egypt; in other words, he was thefirst king of the country. [894]Εν τουτοις μετα ταυτα χρονοις εβασιλευε τωνΑιγυπτιων πρωτος εκ τες φυλης ΤΟΥ ΧΑΜ [895]Σεσωστρις. Aristotle speaks ofSesostris; but does not determine the time of his reign on account of itsgreat antiquity. He only says that it was long before the age of[896]Minos, who was supposed to have reigned in Crete. Apollonius Rhodius, who is thought to have been a native of Egypt, speaks of the great actionsof this prince; but mentions no name: not knowing, I imagine, by whichproperly to distinguish him, as he was represented under so many. Hehowever attributes to him every thing which is said of [897]Sesostris;particularly the settling a Colony at Colchis, and building innumerablecities in the countries which he traversed:

 μυρια δ' αστη Νασσατ' εποιχομενος. 

He represents him as conquering all Asia and Europe; and this in times soremote, that many of the cities which he built, were in ruins before theæra of the Argonauts. 

From what has been said, we may perceive that if such a person as Sesostrishad existed, his reign must have been of the earliest date. He is by somerepresented as succeeding Thoules: according to others he comes one degreehigher, being introduced after [898]Orus, who in the catalogue of Panodorusis placed first of the Demigods, that reigned in Egypt; but by[899]Herodotus is ranked among the deities. According to Dicæarchus thereign of Sesostris was two thousand five hundred years before Nilus: andthe reign of the latter was four hundred and thirty-six years before thefirst Olympiad. I do not place the least confidence in these computations;but would only shew from them that the person spoken of must be referred tothe mythic age, to the æra of the Demigods of Egypt. Some of theseevidences are taken notice of by Sir John [900]Marsham; who cannotextricate himself from the difficulties with which his system is attended. He has taken for granted, that Sesostris and Sesonchosis are the Sesac ofthe Scriptures; though every circumstance of their history is repugnant tothat notion. [901]_I know_ _not, _ says he, _what to make of thisSesonchosis; who is represented as five thousand years before Menes, andwho is referred to the time of the Demigods_. In another place: _Sesostris, who is in the twelfth Dynasty of Africanus, and whose æra extends higher, than the Canon of Eusebius reaches, reigned according to Scaliger'scomputation in the 1392d year of the Julian Period. By this calculationSesostris is made prior to Sesostris; and this too by no less than 2355years: for it is manifest, as I will shew from Scripture, that Sesostrisundertook his expedition into Asia, and got possession of Jerusalem in the3747th year of the Period abovementioned_. What is said in the sacredwritings, I have taken notice of before. Not a word occurs about Sesostris, nor of any such Asiatic expedition. I am obliged to say, that through thewhole of this learned writer's process, instead of a proof, we find nothingelse but the question begged, and some inferences of his own in consequenceof this assumption. He indeed quotes the authority of Manethon fromJosephus to prove that the great actions of Sesostris were the same as wereperformed by Sesac. But Manethon says no such thing: nor does Josephusattribute any such exploits to Sesac: but expressly says more than once, that Sesac, and Sesostris were two different [902]persons. It is no wheresaid of Sesac, that he made an expedition into Asia; much less that heconquered it, as is supposed of Sesostris. Sesac went up against Jerusalem, and took it, αμαχητι, without meeting with any opposition. Upon this hedeparted, and carried with him the treasures which he had there seized: inother words, he went home again. There is not the least mention made of hisinvading [903]Samaria, or the country about Libanus, and Sidon; or of hismarching to Syria: all which made but a small part of the great Continent, called in aftertimes Asia: much less did he visit the countries of theAssyrians, and Babylonians; or the regions of Elam and the Medes. All this, and much more he must have done, to have come up to the character, to whichthey would fain entitle him. 

I will not enter into any farther discussion of the great conquestsattributed to this supposed monarch Sesostris. They are as ideal as thoseof Sesac, and sufficiently confute themselves. First Osiris is said to haveconquered the whole earth: then Zeus, then Perseus, then [904]Hercules, allnearly of the same degree of antiquity, if we may believe the bestMythologists. Myrina comes in for a share of conquest in the time of Orus. After her Thoules subdues the whole from the Eastern Ocean, to the greatAtlantic: and as if nothing had been performed before, Sesostrisimmediately succeeds, and conquers it over again. [905]Herodotus informsus, as a token of these victories, that Sesostris erected pillars andobelisks with emblematical inscriptions: and that he saw some of them inPhrygia, and in other countries, which had been conquered. He without doubtsaw pillars: but how did he know for certain, by whom they were erected?and who taught him to interpret the symbols? Pausanias takes [906]notice ofa colossal statue in the Thebäis, and says that the history given of it wasnot satisfactory. He tells us, that it stood near the Syringes, in upperEgypt; and he viewed it with great admiration. It was the figure of a manin a sitting posture; which some said was the representation of Memnon theEthiopian: others maintained, that it was the statue of Phamenophis: andothers again, that it related to Sesostris. There were here emblems, andsymbols; yet a diversity of opinions. I want therefore to know, howHerodotus could interpret in Phrygia, what a native could not decypher inEgypt. The same question may be asked about the people of Syria, among whomwere obelisks attributed to the same person. How came they to be sodeterminate about an Egyptian work; when people of that country in the samecircumstances were so utterly at a loss? the whole undoubtedly was matterof surmise. I shall not therefore say any thing more of Sesostris; as Imust again speak of him, when I come to the kings of Egypt. 

If we compare the above histories, we may perceive that they bear amanifest similitude to one another; though they are attributed to differentpersons. They contain accounts of great achievements in the first ages: ineffecting which these antient heroes are represented as traversing immenseregions, and carrying their arms to the very limits of the known world: thegreat Tartarian ocean to the east, and the Atlantic westward, being theboundaries of their travel. Some of them seem to have been of the same age;and to have carried on these conquests at nearly the same time: and those, whose æra may possibly differ, have this in common with the others; thatthey visit the same countries, march for the most part by the same rout;and are often joined by the same allies, and are followed by the likeattendants. They are in general esteemed benefactors, wherever they go: andcarry the sciences with them, as well as their religious rites; in whichthey instruct the natives in different parts of the world. These are to besure noble occurrences; which however could not possibly have happened, asthey are represented above. It is not to be supposed, that any person inthose early ages, or in any age, could go over such a tract of country;much less that he should subdue it. It is still more improbable, that suchextensive conquests should be so immediately repeated: and that they shouldin some instances be carried on by different people at nearly the sametime. They, who speak of mighty empires being founded in those early days, know little of true history; and have formed a very wrong judgment of thepolitics, which then universally prevailed. The whole earth, as far as wecan learn, was divided into little coördinate states: every city seems tohave been subservient to its own Judge and Ruler, and independent of allothers. In the land of [907]Canaan thirty-one kings were subdued by Joshua, between Jordan and the sea: and some were still left by him unconquered. Inthose days, says the learned Marsham, quot urbes, tot regna. The like wasfor many ages after observable in Greece, as well as in Latham, Samnium, and Hetruria. A powerful enemy made Egypt unite under one head: and thenecessities of the people in a time of dearth served to complete thatsystem. The Israelites too, when settled in Canaan, formed a large kingdom. Excepting these two nations we know of none of any considerable extent, that were thus united. The [908]Syrians and the Philistim were in separatestates, and under different governors. The kingdoms of Nineve and Babyloniaconsisted each of one mighty city, with its environs; in which were perhapsincluded some subordinate villages. They were properly walled[909]Provinces; and the inhabitants were in a state of rest for ages. TheAssyrian did not till about seven hundred years before Christ, begin tocontend for dominion, and make acquisition of territory: and we may form ajudgment, from what he then [910]gained, of what he was possessed before. The cities Hala, Habor, Haran in Mesopotamia, with Carchemish upon theEuphrates, were his first conquests: to these he added the puny states Ina, Iva, and Sepharvaim upon the same river. He then proceeded to Hamath, Damascus, and other cities of Syria; and at last came to Samaria. The lineof conquest points out the route, which he took; and shews that there werein Mesopotamia numberless little states, independent of Babylon and Nineve, though in their immediate vicinity. Consequently the notion of the extent, dominion, and antiquity of those Monarchies, as delivered by Ctesias andothers, is entirely void of truth. The conquests likewise of those Heroesand Demigods, who are made coeval with the supposed foundations of thoseMonarchies, must be equally groundless. To say the truth, the verypersonages are ideal, and have been formed out of the titles of the Deity:and the history, with which they are attended, related not to conquest, butto peregrinations of another nature; to Colonies which went abroad, andsettled in the countries mentioned. The antients, as I have repeatedlysaid, have given to a person, what related to a people: and if we make thissmall allowance, the history will be found in great measure true. 

NINUS AND SEMIRAMIS. 

Having given an account of the mythic heroes of Egypt, I think it necessaryto subjoin an history of two others of the like stamp, who have made noless figure in the annals of Babylon and Assyria. The persons, to whom Iallude, are Ninus and Semiramis; whose conquests, though they did notextend so far as those above, are yet alike wonderful, and equallygroundless. It is said of Ninus, that he was the first king of[911]Assyria: and being a prince of great power, he made war on hisneighbours the Babylonians, whom he conquered. He afterwards invaded theArmenians; whose king Barsanes, finding himself much inferior to hisadversary, diverted his anger by great presents, and a voluntary[912]submission. The next object of his ambition was Media, which he soonsubdued; and getting Phanius, the king of the country, into his hands, together with his wife and seven children, he condemned them all to becrucified. His hopes being greatly raised by this success, he proceeded toreduce all the nations to his obedience between the Tanaïs and the Nile:and in seventeen years he made so great a progress, that, exceptingBactria, all Asia submitted to him as far as the river Indus. In the seriesof conquered countries Ctesias enumerates Egypt, Phenicia, Coile Syria, Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, Caria, Phrygia, Mysia, Lydia, Cappadocia, andthe nations in Pontus, and those near the Tanaïs. To these are added theDacians, Hyrcanians, Derbicians, Carmanians, Parthians, with all Persis andSusiana, and the numerous nations upon the Caspian sea. After these notableactions he laid the foundation of the great city Nineve: which by mistakeis said to have been built upon the banks of the [913]Euphrates. His lastexpedition was against the Bactrians: at which time he first saw Semiramis, a woman of uncommon endowments, and great personal charms. He had an armywhich amounted to seven millions of foot, and two millions of horse, withtwo hundred thousand chariots with scythes. For the possibility of whichcircumstances Diodorus tries to account in favour of the historian, fromwhom he borrows. By the conduct of Semiramis the Bactrians are subdued; andNinus takes the capital of the country: upon which, in return for herservices, he makes Semiramis his queen. Not long after he dies, leavingonly one son by this princess, who was called Ninyas. 

The history of Semiramis is variously related by different authors. Somemake her a native of Ascalon; and say that she was exposed in the desert, and nourished by pigeons. She was in this situation discovered by ashepherd named Simma. He bred her up, and married her to Menon; whom shedeserted for Ninus. During her son's minority she assumed the regal state:and the first work which she undertook was the interment of her husband. She accordingly buried him with great splendor; and raised over him a moundof earth, no less than a mile and a quarter high, and proportionally wideat bottom: after which she built Babylon. This being finished, she made anexpedition into Media; and wherever she came left memorials of her powerand munificence. This was effected by erecting vast structures, forminglakes, and laying out gardens of great extent; particularly in Chaonia andEcbatana. In short, she levelled hills, and raised [914]mounds of animmense height, which retained her name for ages. After this she invadedEgypt, and conquered Ethiopia, with the greater part of Lybia: and havingaccomplished her wish, and there being no enemy to cope with her, exceptingthe people of India, she resolved to direct her forces towards thatquarter. She had an army of three millions of foot, five hundred thousandhorse, and one hundred thousand chariots. For the passing of rivers, andengaging with the enemy by water, she had procured two thousand ships, tobe so constructed as to be taken to pieces for the advantage of carriage:which ships were built in Bactria by experienced persons from Phenicia, Syria, and Cyprus. With these she entered into a naval engagement withStrabrobates king of India; and at the first encounter sunk a thousand ofhis ships. Upon this she built a bridge over the river Indus, andpenetrated into the heart of the country. Here Strabrobates engaged her;but being deceived by the numerous appearance of her elephants, at firstgave way. For being deficient in those animals, she had procured the hidesof three thousand black oxen; which being properly sewed, and stuffed withstraw, formed an appearance of so many elephants. All this was done sonaturally, that the real animals could not stand the sight. But thisstratagem being at last discovered, Semiramis was obliged to retreat, afterhaving lost a great part of her [915]army. Soon after this she resigned thegovernment to her son Ninyas, and died. According to some writers, she wasslain by his hand. 

The history of Ninus and Semiramis, as here represented, is in greatmeasure founded upon terms, which have been misconstrued; and thesefictions have been invented in consequence of the mistakes. Under thecharacter of Semiramis we are certainly to understand a people styledSemarim, a title assumed by the antient Babylonians. They were calledSemarim from their insigne, which was a dove, expressed Semaramas, of whichI shall speak hereafter more at large. It was used as an object of worship;and esteemed the same as Rhea, the mother of the gods: [916]Σεμιραμιν καιτην Ῥεαν καλουμενην παρ' Ασσυριοις. 

If we take the history of Semiramis, as it is given us by Ctesias andothers; nothing can be more inconsistent. Some make her the wife of Ninus:others say that she was his [917]daughter: and about the time of her birththey vary beyond measure. She is sometimes made cöeval with the cityNineve: at other times she is brought down within a few centuries of[918]Herodotus. She invades the Babylonians before the city was [919]built, from whence they were denominated: and makes sumptuous gardens at Ecbatana. Hence that city is introduced as coëval with Nineve: though, if the leastcredit may be given to [920]Herodotus, it was built many ages after byDeïoces the Mede. The city Nineve itself is by Ctesias placed upon the[921]Euphrates; though every other writer agrees, that it lay far to theeast, and was situated upon the Tigris. This shews how little credit is tobe paid to Ctesias. The whole account of the fleet of ships built inBactria, and carried upon camels to the Indus, is a childish forgery. Howcan we suppose, that there were no woods to construct such vessels, but inthe most inland regions of Asia? The story of the fictitious elephants, made out of the hides of black oxen, which put to flight the realelephants, is another silly fable. Megasthenes, who wrote of India, wouldnot allow that Semiramis was ever in those [922]parts. Arrian seems tospeak of it as a groundless [923]surmise. Her building of Babylon was by[924]Berosus treated as a fable. Herennius Philo maintained, that it wasbuilt by a son of Belus the wise, two thousand years before her [925]birth. Suidas says, that she called Nineve [926]Babylon: so uncertain is everycircumstance about this Heroine. She is supposed to have sent to Cyprus, and Phenicia, for artists to construct and manage the ships abovementioned;as if there had been people in those parts famous for navigation before thefoundation of Nineve. They sometimes give to Semiramis herself the merit ofbuilding the [927]first ship; and likewise the invention of weaving cotton:and another invention more extraordinary, which was that of emasculating[928]men, that they might be guardians, and overseers in her service. Yet, it is said of her, that she took a man to her bed every night, whom she putto death in the morning. How can it be imagined, if she was a woman of suchunbridled [929]lust, that she would admit such spies upon her actions? Wemay as well suppose, that a felon would forge his own gyves, and constructhis own prison. Claudian thinks, that she did it to conceal her own sex, byhaving a set of beardless people about her. 

 [930]Seu prima Semiramis astu Assyriis mentita virum, ne vocis acutæ Mollities, levesque genæ se prodere possent, Hos sibi junxisset socios: seu Parthica ferro Luxuries nasci vetuit lanuginis umbram; Servatosque diu puerili flore coegit Arte retardatam Veneri servire juventam. 

In respect to Semiramis I do not see how this expedient could avail. Shemight just as well have dressed up her maids in mens clothes, and with lesstrouble. In short the whole of these histories in their common acceptationis to the last degree absurd, and improbable: but if we make use of anexpedient, which I have often recommended, and for a person substitute apeople, we shall find, when it is stripped of its false colouring, thatthere is much truth in the narration. 

It was a common mode of expression to call a tribe or family by the name ofits founder: and a nation by the head of the line. People are often spokenof collectively in the singular under such a patronymic. Hence we read inScripture, that Israel abode in tents; that Judah was put to the worst inbattle; that Dan abode in ships; and Asher remained on the sea-coast. Thesame manner of speaking undoubtedly prevailed both in Egypt, and in othercountries: and Chus must have been often put for the Cuthites, or Cuseans;Amon for the Amonians; and Asur, or the Assyrian, for the people ofAssyria. Hence, when it was said, that the Ninevite performed any greataction, it has been ascribed to a person Ninus, the supposed founder ofNineve. And as none of the Assyrian conquests were antecedent to Pul, andAssur Adon, writers have been guilty of an unpardonable anticipation, inascribing those conquests to the first king of the country. A likeanticipation, amounting to a great many centuries, is to be found in theannals of the Babylonians. Every thing that was done in later times, hasbeen attributed to Belus, Semiramis, and other, imaginary princes, who arerepresented as the founders of the kingdom. We may, I think, be assured, that under the character of Ninus, and Ninyas, we are to understand theNinevites; as by Semiramis is meant a people called Samarim: and the greatactions of these two nations are in the histories of these personagesrecorded. But writers have rendered the account inconsistent by limiting, what was an historical series of many ages, to the life of a single person. The Ninevites and Samarim did perform all that is attributed to Semiramis, and Ninus. They did conquer the Medes, and Bactrians; and extended theirdominions westward as far as Phrygia, and the river Tanais, and to theSouthward as far as Arabia, and Egypt. But these events were many agesafter the foundation of the two kingdoms. They began under Pul of Nineve;and were carried on by Assur Adon, Salmanassur, Sennacherib, and other ofhis successors. Nineve was at last ruined, and the kingdom of Assyria wasunited with that of [931]Babylonia. This is probably alluded to in thesupposed marriage of Semiramis and Ninus. Then it was, that the Samarimperformed the great works attributed to them. For, exclusive of what wasperformed at Babylon; _There are_, says [932]Strabo, _almost over the faceof the whole earth, vast [933]mounds of earth, and walls, and ramparts, attributed to Semiramis; and in these are subterraneous passages ofcommunication, and tanks for water, with staircases of stone. There arealso vast canals to divert the course of rivers, and lakes to receive them;together with highways and bridges of a wonderful structure_. They builtthe famous terraces at [934]Babylon; and those beautiful gardens atEgbatana, after that city had fallen into their hands. To them was owingthat cruel device of emasculating their slaves, that their numerous wives, and concubines might be more securely guarded: an invention, which cannotconsistently be attributed to a woman. They found out the art of weavingcotton: which discovery has by some been assigned to those of their family, who went into Egypt: for there were Samarim here too. In consequence ofthis, the invention has been attributed to a Semiramis, who is hererepresented as a man, and a king of the country: at least it is referred tohis reign. [935]Επι τε Σεμιραμεως βασιλεως Αιγυπτιων τα βυσσινα ἱματιαἑυρησθαι ἱστορουσιν. The Samarim of Egypt and Babylonia, were of the samefamily, the sons of Chus. They came and settled among the Mizraim, underthe name of the shepherds, of whose history I have often spoken. The reasonof their being called Semarim, and Samarim, I shall hereafter disclose, together with the purport of the name, and the history, with which it isattended. 

ZOROASTER. 

The celebrated Zoroaster seems to have been a personage as much mistaken, as any, who have preceded. The antients, who treated of him, have describedhim in the same foreign light, as they have represented Perseus, Dionusus, and Osiris. They have formed a character, which by length of time has beenseparated, and estranged, from the person, to whom it originally belonged. And as among the antients, there was not a proper uniformity observed inthe appropriation of terms, we shall find more persons than one spoken ofunder the character of Zoroaster: though there was one principal, to whomit more truly related. It will be found, that not only the personoriginally recorded, and reverenced; but others, by whom the rites wereinstituted and propagated, and by whom they were in aftertimes renewed, have been mentioned under this title: Priests being often denominated fromthe Deity, whom they served. 

Of men, styled Zoroaster, the first was a deified personage, reverenced bysome of his posterity, whose worship was styled Magia, and the professorsof it Magi. His history is therefore to be looked for among the accountstransmitted by the antient Babylonians, and Chaldeans. They were the firstpeople styled Magi; and the institutors of those rites, which related toZoroaster. From them this worship was imparted to the Persians, wholikewise had their Magi. And when the Babylonians sunk into a morecomplicated idolatry, the Persians, who succeeded to the sovereignty ofAsia, renewed under their Princes, and particularly under Darius, the sonof Hystaspes, these rites, which had been, in a great degree, effaced, andforgotten. That king was devoted to the religion styled Magia[936]; andlooked upon it as one of his most honourable titles, to be called aprofessor of those doctrines. The Persians were originally named Peresians, from the Deity Perez, or Parez the Sun; whom they also worshipped under thetitle of [937]Zor-Aster. They were at different æras greatly distressed andpersecuted, especially upon the death of their last king Yesdegerd. Uponthis account they retired into Gedrosia and India; where people of the samefamily had for ages resided. They carried with them some shatteredmemorials of their religion in writing, from whence the Sadder, Shaster, Vedam, and Zandavasta were compiled. These memorials seem to have beentaken from antient symbols ill understood; and all that remains of themconsists of extravagant allegories and fables, of which but little now canbe decyphered. Upon these traditions the religion of the Brahmins andPersees is founded. 

The person who is supposed to have first formed a code of institutes forthis people, is said to have been one of the Magi, named Zerdusht. Imention this, because Hyde, and other learned men, have imagined thisZerdusht to have been the antient Zoroaster. They have gone so far as tosuppose the two names to have been the [938]same; between which I canscarce descry any resemblance. There seem to have been many persons styledZoroaster: so that if the name had casually retained any affinity, or if ithad been literally the same, yet it would not follow, that this Persic andIndian Theologist was the person of whom antiquity speaks so loudly. Weread of persons of this name in different parts of the world, who were allof them Magi, or Priests, and denominated from the rites of Zoroaster, which they followed. Suidas mentions a Zoroaster, whom he styles anAssyrian; and another whom he calls Περσο-Μηδης, Perso-Medes: and describesthem both as great in science. There was a Zoroaster Proconnesius, in thetime of Xerxes, spoken of by [939]Pliny. Arnobius mentions ZoroastresBactrianus: and Zoroastres Zostriani nepos [940]Armenius. ClemensAlexandrinus takes notice of Zoroaster [941]Medus, who is probably the sameas the Perso-Medes of Suidas. Zoroastres Armenius is likewise mentioned byhim, but is styled the son of [942]Armenius, and a Pamphylian. It is saidof him that he had a renewal of life: and that during the term that he wasin a state of death, he learned many things of the Gods. This was a pieceof mythology, which I imagine did not relate to the Pamphylian Magus, butto the head of all the Magi, who was reverenced and worshipped by them. There was another styled a Persian, whom Pythagoras is said to have[943]visited. Justin takes notice of the Bactrian [944]Zoroaster, whom heplaces in the time of Ninus. He is also mentioned by [945]Cephalion, whospeaks of his birth, and the birth of Semiramis (γενεσιν Σεμιραμεως καιΖωροαστρου Μαγου) as of the same date. The natives of India have a notionof a Zoroaster, who was of Chinese original, as we are informed by[946]Hyde. This learned man supposes all these personages, the Mede, theMedo-Persic, the Proconnesian, the Bactrian, the Pamphylian, &c. To havebeen one and the same. This is very wonderful; as they are by their historyapparently different. He moreover adds, that however people may differabout the origin of this person, yet all are unanimous about the time whenhe [947]lived. To see that these could not all be the same person, we needonly to cast our eye back upon the evidence which has been collected above:and it will be equally certain, that they could not be all of the same æra. There are many specified in history; but we may perceive, that there wasone person more antient and celebrated than the rest; whose history hasbeen confounded with that of others who came after him. This is acircumstance which has been observed by [948]many: but this ingeniouswriter unfortunately opposes all who have written upon the subject, howeverdeterminately they may have expressed themselves. [949]At quicquiddixerint, ille (Zoroaster) fuit tantum unus, isque tempore Darii Hystaspis:nec ejus nomine plures unquam extitere. It is to be observed, that theperson, whom he styles Zoroaster, was one Zerdusht. He lived, it seems, inthe reign of Darius, the father of Xerxes; which was about the time of thebattle of Marathon: consequently not a century before the birth of Eudoxus, Xenophon, and Plato. We have therefore no authority to suppose [950]thisZerdusht to have been the famous Zoroaster. He was apparently the renewerof the Sabian rites: and we may be assured, that he could not be the personso celebrated by the antients, who was referred to the first ages. Hydeasserts, that all writers agree about the time, when Zoroaster made hisappearance: and he places him, as we have seen above, in the reign ofDarius. But Xanthus Lydius made him above [951]six hundred years prior. And[952]Suidas from some anonymous author places him five hundred years beforethe war of Troy. Hermodorus Platonicus went much farther, and made him fivethousand years before that [953]æra. Hermippus, who professedly wrote ofhis doctrines, supposed him to have been of the same [954]antiquity. Plutarch also [955]concurs, and allows him five thousand years before thatwar. Eudoxus, who was a consummate philosopher, and a great traveller, supposed him to have flourished six thousand years before the death of[956]Plato. Moses [957]Chorenensis, and [958]Cephalion, make him onlycontemporary with Ninus, and Semiramis: but even this removes him very farfrom the reign of Darius. Pliny goes beyond them all; and places him manythousand years before Moses. [959]Est et alia Magices factio, a Mose, etJamne, et Lotapea Judæis pendens: sed multis millibus annorum postZoroastrem. The numbers in all these authors, are extravagant: but so muchwe may learn from them, that they relate to a person of the highestantiquity. And the purport of the original writers, from whence theGrecians borrowed their evidence, was undoubtedly to shew, that the personspoken of lived at the extent of time; at the commencement of allhistorical data. No fact, no memorial upon record, is placed so high asthey have carried this personage. Had Zoroaster been no earlier thanDarius, Eudoxus would never have advanced him to this degree of antiquity. This writer was at the same distance from Darius, as Plato, of whom hespeaks: and it is not to be believed, that he could be so ignorant, as notto distinguish between a century, and six thousand years. Agathias indeedmentions, that some of the Persians had a notion, that he flourished in thetime of one Hystaspes; but he confesses, that who the Hystaspes was, and atwhat time he lived, was [960]uncertain. Aristotle wrote not long afterEudoxus, when the history of the Persians was more known to the Grecians, and he allots the same number of years between Zoroaster and Plato, as hadbeen [961]before given. These accounts are for the most part carried toofar; but at the same time, they fully ascertain the high antiquity of thisperson, whose æra is in question. It is plain that these writers in generalextend the time of his life to the æra of the world, according to theirestimation; and make it prior to Inachus, and Phoroneus, and Ægialeus ofSicyon. 

Huetius takes notice of the various accounts in respect to his country. [962]Zoroastrem nunc Persam, nunc Medum ponit Clemens Alexandrinus;Persomedum Suidas; plerique Bactrianuni; alii Æthiopem, quos inter aitArnobius ex Æthiopiâ interiore per igneam Zonam venisse Zoroastrem. Inshort, they have supposed a Zoroaster, wherever there was a Zoroastrian:that is, wherever the religion of the Magi was adopted, or revived. Manywere called after him: but who among men was the Prototype can only befound out by diligently collating the histories, which have beentransmitted. I mention _among men_; for the title originally belonged tothe Sun; but was metaphorically bestowed upon sacred and enlightenedpersonages. Some have thought that the person alluded to was Ham. He has byothers been taken for Chus, also for Mizraim, and [963]Nimrod: and byHuetius for Moses. It may be worth while to consider the primitivecharacter, as given by different writers. He was esteemed the firstobserver of the heavens; and it is said that the antient Babyloniansreceived their knowledge in Astronomy from him: which was afterwardsrevived under Ostanes; and from them it was derived to the [964]Egyptians, and to the Greeks. Zoroaster was looked upon as the head of all those, whoare supposed to have followed his [965]institutes: consequently he musthave been prior to the Magi, and Magia, the priests, and worship, whichwere derived from him. Of what antiquity they were, may be learned fromAristotle. [966]Αριστοτελης δ' εν πρωτῳ περι φιλοσοφιας (τους Μαγους) καιπρεσβυτερους ειναι των Αιγυπτιων. _The Magi, according to Aristotle, wereprior even to the Egyptians_: and with the antiquity of the Egyptians, weare well acquainted. Plato styles him the son of [967]Oromazes, who was thechief Deity of the Persians: and it is said of him, that he laughed uponthe day on which he was [968]born. By this I imagine, that somethingfortunate was supposed to be portended: some indication, that the childwould prove a blessing to the world. In his childhood he is said to havebeen under the care of [969]Azonaces: which I should imagine was a name ofthe chief Deity Oromazes, his reputed father. He was in process of timegreatly enriched with knowledge, and became in high repute for his[970]piety, and justice. He first sacrificed to the Gods, and taught men todo the [971]same. He likewise instructed them in science, for which he wasgreatly [972]famed: and was the first who gave them laws. The Babyloniansseem to have referred to him every thing, which by the Egyptians wasattributed to Thoth and Hermes. He had the title of [973]Zarades, whichsignifies the Lord of light, and is equivalent to Orus, Oromanes, andOsiris, It was sometimes expressed [974]Zar-Atis, and supposed to belong toa feminine Deity of the Persians. Moses Chorenensis styles him[975]Zarovanus, and speaks of him as the father of the Gods. Plutarch wouldinsinuate, that he was author of the doctrine, embraced afterwards by theManicheans, concerning two prevailing principles, the one good, and theother evil[976]: the former of these was named Oromazes, the latterAreimanius. But these notions were of late [977]date, in comparison of theantiquity which is attributed to [978]Zoroaster. If we might credit whatwas delivered in the writings transmitted under his name, which wereprobably composed by some of the later Magi, they would afford us a muchhigher notion of his doctrines. Or if the account given by Ostanes weregenuine, it would prove, that there had been a true notion of the Deitytransmitted from [979]Zoroaster, and kept up by the Magi, when the rest ofthe gentile world was in darkness. But this was by no means true. It issaid of Zoroaster, that he had a renewal of [980]life: for I apply to theoriginal person of the name, what was attributed to the Magus of Pamphylia:and it is related of him, that while he was in the intermediate state ofdeath, he was instructed by the [981]Gods. Some speak of his retiring to amountain of Armenia, where he had an intercourse with the [982]Deity: andwhen the mountain burned with fire, he was preserved unhurt. The place towhich he retired, according to the Persic writers, was in the region called[983]Adarbain; where in aftertimes was the greatest Puratheion in Asia. This region was in Armenia: and some make him to have been born in the samecountry, upon one of the Gordiæan [984]mountains. Here it was, that hefirst instituted sacrifices, and gave laws to his followers; which laws aresupposed to be contained in the sacred book named Zandavasta. To him hasbeen attributed the invention of Magic; which notion has arisen from amisapplication of terms. The Magi Were priests, and they called religion ingeneral Magia. They, and their rites, grew into disrepute; in consequenceof which they were by the Greeks called απατεωνες, φαρμακευται: _jugglers, and conjurers_. But the Persians of old esteemed them very highly. [985]Μαγον, τον θεοσεβη, και θεολογον, και ἱερεα, ὁι Περσαι ὁυτως λεγουσιν. _By a Magus, the Persians understand a sacred person, a professor oftheology, and a Priest. _ Παρα Περσαις [986]Μαγοι ὁι φιλοσοφοι, καιθεοφιλοι. _Among the Persians, the Magi are persons addicted to philosophy, and to the worship of the Deity. _ [987]Dion. Chrysostom, and Porphyry speakto the same purpose. By Zoroaster being the author of Magia, is meant, thathe was the first promoter of religious rites, and the instructor of men intheir duty to God. The war of Ninus with Zoroaster of Bactria relatesprobably to some hostilities carried on between the Ninevites of Assyria, and the Bactrians, who had embraced the Zoroastrian rites. Their priest, orprince, for they were of old the same, was named [988]Oxuartes; but fromhis office had the title of Zoroaster; which was properly the name of theSun, whom he adored. This religion began in Chaldea; and it is expresslysaid of this Bactrian king, that he borrowed the knowledge of it from thatcountry, and added to it largely. [989]Cujus scientiæ sæculis priscis multaex Chaldæorum arcanis Bactrianus addidit Zoroastres. When the Persiansgained the empire in Asia, they renewed these rites, and doctrines. [990]Multa deinde (addidit) Hystaspes Rex prudentissimus, Darii pater. These rites were idolatrous; yet not so totally depraved, and gross, asthose of other nations. They were introduced by Chus; at least by theCuthites: one branch of whom were the Peresians, or Persians. The Cuthitesof Chaldea were the original Magi, and they gave to Chus the title ofZoroaster Magus, as being the first of the order. Hence the account givenby Gregorius Turonensis is in a great degree true. [991]Primogeniti Chamfilii Noë fuit Chus. Hic ad Persas transiit, quem Persæ vocitavereZoroastrem. Chus, we find, was called by this title; and from him thereligion styled Magia passed to the Persians. But titles, as I have shewn, were not always determinately appropriated: nor was Chus the originalperson, who was called Zoroaster. There was another beyond him, who was thefirst deified mortal, and the prototype in this worship. To whom I allude, may, I think, be known from the history given above. It will not fail ofbeing rendered very clear in the course of my procedure. 

The purport of the term Zoroaster is said, by [992]the author of theRecognitions, and by others, to be _the living star_: and they speak of itas if it were of Grecian etymology, and from the words ζωον and αστηρ. Itis certainly compounded of Aster, which, among many nations, signified astar. But, in respect to the former term, as the object of the Persic andChaldaic worship was the Sun, and most of their titles were derived fromthence; we may be pretty certain, that by Zoro-Aster was meant SolAsterius. Zor, Sor, Sur, Sehor, among the Amonians, always related to theSun. Eusebius says, that Osiris was esteemed the same as Dionusus, and theSun: and that he was called [993]Surius. The region of Syria was hencedenominated Συρια; and is at this day called Souria, from Sur, and Sehor, the Sun. The Dea Syria at Hierapolis was properly Dea Solaris. Inconsequence of the Sun's being called Sor, and Sur, we find that his templeis often mentioned under the name of [994]Beth-Sur, and [995]Beth-Sura, which Josephus renders [996]Βηθ-Σουρ. It was also called Beth-Sor, andBeth-Soron, as we learn from [997]Eusebius, and [998]Jerome. That Suria wasnot merely a provincial title is plain, from the Suria Dea being worshippedat Erix in [999]Sicily; and from an inscription to her at [1000]Rome. Shewas worshipped under the same title in Britain, as we may infer from anInscription at Sir Robert Cotton's, of Connington, in Cambridgeshire. 

[1001]DEÆ SURIÆSUB CALPURNIOLEG. AUG. &c. 

Syria is called Sour, and Souristan, at this day. 

[Illustration: Pl. XI. _Deus Azon Persicus. _]

The Grecians therefore were wrong in their etymology; and we may trace theorigin of their mistake, when they supposed the meaning of Zoroaster tohave been vivens astrum. I have mentioned, that both Zon and [1002]Zoansignified the Sun: and the term Zor had the same meaning. In consequence ofthis, when the Grecians were told that Zor-Aster was the same asZoan-Aster, they, by an uniform mode of mistake, expressed the latter ζωον;and interpreted Zoroaster αστερα ζωον. But Zoan signified the Sun. The cityZoan in Egypt was Heliopolis; and the land of Zoan the Heliopolitan nome. Both Zoan-Aster, and Zor-Aster, signified Sol Asterius. The God Menes wasworshipped under the symbol of a bull; and oftentimes under the symbol of abull and a man. Hence we read of Meno-Taur, and of Taur-Men, in Crete, Sicily, and other places. The same person was also styled simply[1003]Taurus, from the emblem under which he was represented. This Tauruswas also called Aster, and Asterius, as we learn from [1004]Lycophron, andhis Scholiast. Ὁ Αστηριος ὁυτος εστιν ὁ και Μινοταυρος. _By Asterius issignified the same person as the Minotaur. _ This Taur-Aster is exactlyanalogous to [1005]Zor-Aster above. It was the same emblem as the Mneuis, or sacred bull of Egypt; which was described with a star between his horns. Upon some of the [1006]entablatures at Naki Rustan, supposed to have beenthe antient Persepolis, we find the Sun to be described under theappearance of a bright [1007]star: and nothing can better explain thehistory there represented, than the account given of Zoroaster. He was thereputed son of Oromazes, the chief Deity; and his principal instructor wasAzonaces, the same person under a different title. He is spoken of as onegreatly beloved by heaven: and it is mentioned of him, that he longed verymuch to see the Deity, which at his importunity was granted to him. Thisinterview, however, was not effected by his own corporeal eyes, but by themediation of an [1008]angel. Through this medium the vision was performed:and he obtained a view of the Deity surrounded with light. The angel, through whose intervention this favour was imparted, seems to have been oneof those styled Zoni, and [1009]Azoni. All the vestments of the priests, and those in which they used to apparel their Deities, had sacred names, taken from terms in their worship. Such were Camise, Candys, Camia, Cidaris, Mitra, Zona, and the like. The last was a sacred fillet, orgirdle, which they esteemed an emblem of the orbit described by Zon, theSun. They either represented their Gods as girded round with a serpent, which was an emblem of the same meaning; or else with this bandage, denominated [1010]Zona. They seem to have been secondary Deities, who werecalled Zoni and [1011]Azoni. The term signifies Heliadæ: and they werelooked upon as æthereal essences, a kind of emanation from the Sun. Theywere exhibited under different representations; and oftentimes like Cnephof Egypt. The fillet, with which the Azoni were girded, is described as ofa fiery nature: and they were supposed to have been wafted through the air. Arnobius speaks of it in this light. [1012]Age, nunc, veniat, quæso, perigneam zonam Magus ab interiore orbe Zoroastres. I imagine, that byAzonaces, Αζωνακης, beforementioned, the reputed teacher of Zoroaster, wasmeant the chief Deity, the same as Oromanes, and Oromasdes. He seems tohave been the supreme of those æthereal spirits described above; and tohave been named Azon-Nakis, which signifies the great Lord, [1013]Azon. Naki, Nakis, Nachis, Nachus, Negus, all in different parts of the worldbetoken a king. The temple at Istachar, near which these representationswere found, is at this day called the palace of Naki Rustan, whoever thatpersonage may have been. 

[Illustration: Pl. XII. _Apud Kæmpferum in Amœnitat. Exot. P. 312_]

[Illustration: Zor-Aster, sive Taurus Solaris Ægyptiacus]

ORPHEUS. 

The character of Orpheus is in some respects not unlike that of Zoroaster, as will appear in the sequel. He went over many regions of the earth; andin all places, whither he came, was esteemed both as a priest, and aprophet. There seems to be more in his history than at first sight appears:all which will by degrees be unfolded. His skill in harmony is representedas very wonderful: insomuch that he is said to have tamed the wild beastsof the forest, and made the trees follow him. He likewise could calm thewinds, and appease the raging of the sea. These last circumstances aretaken notice of by a poet in some fine verses, wherein he laments hisdeath. 

 [1014]Ὁυκ ετι κοιμασεις ανεμων βρομον, ουχι χαλαζαν, Ου νιφετων συρμους, ου παταγευσαν ἁλα. Ωλεο γαρ. κλ. 

He is mentioned, as having been twice in a state of [1015]death; which isrepresented as a twofold descent to the shades below. There is also anobscure piece of mythology about his wife, and a serpent; also of the Rhoiaor Pomegranate: which seems to have been taken from some symbolicalrepresentation at a time, when the purport was no longer understood. TheOrpheans dealt particularly in symbols, as we learn from Proclus. [1016]Ορφικοι δια συμβολον, Πυθαγορειοι δια εικονων, τα θεια μηνυεινεφιεμενοι. His character for science was very great; and Euripides takesparticular notice of some antient tablets, containing much salutaryknowledge, which were bequeathed to the Thracians by Orpheus: [1017]ἁςΟρφειη κατεγραψε γηρυς. Plato styles his works [1018]βιβλων ὁμαδον, _a vastlumber of learning_, from the quantity, which people pretended had beentransmitted from him. He one while resided in Greece; and particularly atThebes in Bœotia. Here he introduced the rites of Dionusus, and celebratedhis Orgies upon mount [1019]Cithæron. He is said to have been the first whoinstituted those rites: and was the author of all mysterious worship. [1020]Πρωτος Ορφευς μυστηρια Θεων παρεδωκεν. All these were accompaniedwith science of another nature: for he is reputed to have been skilled inmany arts. 

From Thebes he travelled towards the sea-coast of Chaonia, in order torecover his lost Eurydice; who had been killed by a serpent. According to[1021]Agatharchides Cnidius it was at Aorthon in Epirus, that he descendedfor this purpose to the shades below. The same account is given by[1022]Pausanias, who calls the place more truly Aornon. In the OrphicArgonauts it is said to have been performed at Tænarus in [1023]Laconia. Helikewise resided in Egypt, and travelled over the regions of Libya; andevery where instructed people in the rites, and religion, which heprofessed. In the same manner he went over a great part of the world. 

 [1024]Ως ἱκομην επι γαιαν απειρετον, ηδε ποληας, Αιγυπτῳ, Λιβυῃ τε, βροτοις ανα θεσφατα φαινων. 

Some make Orpheus by birth a Thracian; some an Arcadian: others a Theban. Pausanias mentions it as an opinion among the [1025]Egyptians, that bothOrpheus, and Amphion, were from their country. There is great uncertaintyabout his parents. He is generally supposed to have been the son of Œagrus, and Calliope: but Asclepiades made him the son of Apollo, by that[1026]Goddess. By some his mother was said to have been Menippe; by others[1027]Polymnia. He is also mentioned as the son of [1028]Thamyras. Platodiffers from them all, and styles both Orpheus, and Musæus, [1029]Σεληνηςκαι Μουσων εγγονοι, _the offspring of the Moon, and the Muses_: in whichaccount is contained some curious mythology. The principal place of hisresidence is thought to have been in Pieria near mount Hæmus. He is alsosaid to have resided among the Edonians; and in Sithonia, at the foot ofmount Pangæus; also upon the sea-coast at Zona. In all these places hedisplayed his superiority in science; for he was not only a Poet, andskilled in harmony, but a great Theologist and Prophet; also very knowingin medicine, and in the history of the [1030]heavens. According toAntipater Sidonius, he was the author of Heroic verse. And some go so faras to ascribe to him the invention of letters; and deduce all knowledgefrom [1031]him. 

Many of the things, reported to have been done by Orpheus, are attributedto other persons, such as [1032]Eetion, Musæus, Melampus, Linus, Cadmus, and Philammon. Some of these are said to have had the same [1033]parents. Authors in their accounts of Orpheus, do not agree about the manner of his[1034]death. The common notion is, that he was torn to pieces by theThracian women. But, according to Leonides, in Laërtius, he was slain bylightning: and there is an [1035]epitaph to that purpose. The name ofOrpheus is to be found in the lists of the Argonauts: and he is mentionedin the two principal poems upon that subject. Yet there were writers whoplaced him eleven generations before the war of Troy, consequently tengenerations before that expedition. [1036]Γεγονε προ ια γενεων τωνΤρωικων--βιωναι δε γενεας θ· ὁι δε ια φησιν. _He was born eleven agesbefore the siege of Troy, and he is said to have lived nine ages; andaccording to some eleven_. This extent of [1037]life has been given him inorder to bring him down as low as the aera of the Argonauts: though, if wemay believe Pherecydes Syrus, he had no share in that expedition. 

To remedy the inconsistences, which arise in the history of Orpheus, writers have supposed many persons of this name. Suidas takes notice of noless than four in [1038]Thrace. But all these will not make the historyconsistent. Vossius therefore, with good reason, doubts whether such aperson ever existed. Nay, he asserts, [1039]Triumviros istos Poeseos, Orphea, Musæum, Linum, non fuisse: sed esse nomina ab antiquâ Phœnicumlinguâ, quâ usi Cadmus, et aliquamdiu posteri. There is great truth in whatVossius here advances: and in respect to Orpheus, the testimony ofAristotle, quoted by him from Cicero, is very decisive. [1040]Orpheumpoetam docet Aristoteles nunquam fuisse. Dionysius, as we learn fromSuidas, affirmed the same thing. Palæphatus indeed admits the man; but setsaside the history. [1041]Ψευδης και ὁ περι του Θρφεως μυθος. _The historytoo of Orpheus is nothing else but a fable_. From what has been said, Ithink it is plain, that under the character of this personage we are tounderstand a people named [1042]Orpheans; who, as Vossius rightlyintimates, were the same as the Cadmians. In consequence of this, therewill sometimes be found a great similarity between the characters of thesetwo persons. 

I have shewn, that Colonies from [1043]Egypt settled in the region ofSethon, called afterwards Sethonia, upon the river Palæstinus. They werelikewise to be found in the countries of Edonia, Pieria, and Peonia: in oneof which they founded a city and temple. The Grecians called this cityOrpheus: [1044]Ορφευς εστι πολις υπο τῃ Πιεριῃ. _Orpheus is a city ofThrace, below Pieria_. But the place was originally expressed Orphi, bywhich is meant the oracular temple of Orus. From hence, and from theworship here instituted, the people were styled Orphites, and Orpheans. They were noted for the Cabiritic mysteries; and for the Dionusiaca, andworship of Damater. They were likewise very famous for the medicinal arts;and for their skill in astronomy and music. But the Grecians havecomprehended, under the character of one person, the history of a people. When they settled in Thrace, they introduced their arts, and their worship, among the barbarous [1045]natives, by whom they were revered for theirsuperior knowledge. They likewise bequeathed many memorials of themselves, and of their forefathers, which were probably some emblematical sculpturesupon wood or stone: hence we read of the tablets of Orpheus preserved inThrace, and particularly upon mount [1046]Hæmus. The temple which theybuilt upon this mountain seems to have been a college, and to haveconsisted of a society of priests. They were much addicted to celibacy, aswe may judge from their history; and were, in great measure, recluses afterthe mode of Egypt and Canaan. Hence it is said of Orpheus, that he secretedhimself from the world, and led the life of a [1047]Swan: and it ismoreover mentioned of Aristæus, when he made a visit to Dionusus upon mountHæmus, that he disappeared from the sight of men, and was never after[1048]seen. According to the most common accounts concerning the death ofOrpheus, it was owing to his principles, and manner of life. He was asolitary, and refused all commerce with womankind: hence the Mænades, andother women of Thrace, rose upon him, and tore him to pieces. It is said, that his head, and lyre were thrown into the Hebrus; down which they werewafted to Lemnos. What is here mentioned of Orpheus, undoubtedly relates tothe Orpheans, and to their temple upon mount Hæmus. This temple was inprocess of time ruined: and there is great reason to think, that it wasdemolished upon account of the cruelties practised by the priests, andprobably from a detestation of their unnatural crimes, to which there arefrequent allusions. Ovid having given a character of Orpheus, concludeswith an accusation to this purpose. 

 [1049]Ille etiam Thracum populis fuit auctor amores In teneros transferre mares: citraque juventam Ætatis breve ver, et primos carpere flores. 

Those of the community, who survived the disaster, fled down the Hebrus toLesbos; where they either found, or erected, a temple similar to that whichthey had quitted. Here the same worship was instituted; and the place grewinto great reputation. They likewise settled at Lenmos. This island lay atno great distance from the former; and was particularly devoted to theDeity of fire. It is said by Hecatæus, that it received the name of Lemnosfrom the Magna Dea, Cybele. She was styled by the natives Λημνος, and ather shrine they used to sacrifice young persons. [1050]Απο μεγαληςλεγομενης Θεου· ταυτῃ δε και παρθενους εθυον. They seem to have named thetemple at Lesbos Orphi, and Orpheï caput: and it appears to have been veryfamous on account of its oracle. Philostratus says, that the Ionians, andÆolians, of old universally consulted it: and, what is extraordinary, thatit was held in high estimation by the people of [1051]Babylonia. He callsthe place the head of Orpheus: and mentions, that the oracle proceeded froma cavity in the earth; and that it was consulted by Cyrus, the Persian. That the Babylonians had a great veneration for a temple named Orphi, Imake no doubt: but it certainly could not be the temple at Lesbos. Duringthe Babylonish empire, Greece, and its islands, were scarcely known topeople of that country. And when the Persians succeeded, it is notcredible, that they should apply to an oracle at Lesbos, or to an oracle ofGreece. They were too refined in their religious notions to make any suchapplication. It is notorious, that, when Cambyses, and Ochus, invadedEgypt, and when Xerxes made his inroad into Greece, they burnt and ruinedthe temples in each nation, out of abomination to the worship. It wasanother place of this name, an oracle of their own, to which theBabylonians, and Persians, applied. For it cannot be supposed, in the timesspoken of, that they had a correspondence with the western world. It wasUr, in Chaldea, the seat of the antient Magi, which was styled Urphi, andOrphi, on account of its being the seat of an oracle. That there was such atemple is plain from Stephanus Byzantinus, who tells us, [1052]Μαντειονεχειν αυτους (Χαλδαιους) παρα βαρβαροις, ὡς Δελφοι παρ' Ἑλλησι. _TheChaldeans had an oracle as famous among the people of those parts, asDelphi was among the Grecians_. This temple was undoubtedly styled Urphi. Ido not mean, that this was necessarily a proper name; but an appellative, by which oracular places were in general distinguished. The city Edessa inMesopotamia seems likewise to have had the name of Urphi, which was givenon account of the like rites, and worship. That it was so named, we mayfairly presume from its being by the natives called [1053]Urpha, at thisday. It was the former temple, to which the Babylonians, and Persians hadrecourse: and it was from the Magi of these parts, that the Orphic ritesand mysteries were originally derived. They came from Babylonia to Egypt, and from thence to Greece. We accordingly find this particular in thecharacter of Orpheus, [1054]ειναι δε τον Ορφεα μαγευσαι δεινον, _that hewas great in all the mysteries of the Magi_. We moreover learn fromStephanus Monachius, that Orphon, a term of the same purport as Orpheus, was one of the appellations, by which the Magi were called. [1055]Orphon, quod Arabibus Magum sonat. In short, under the character of Orpheus, wehave the history both of the Deity, and of his votaries. The head ofOrpheus was said to have been carried to Lemnos, just as the head of Osirisused to be wafted to Byblus. He is described as going to the shades below, and afterwards returning to upper air. This is similar to the history ofOsiris, who was supposed to have been in a state of death, and after a timeto have come to life. There was moreover something mysterious in the deathof Orpheus; for it seems to have been celebrated with the same frantic actsof grief, as people practised in their lamentations for Thamuz and Osiris, and at the rites of Baal. The Bistonian women, who were the same as theThyades, and Mænades, used to gash their arms with knives, and besmearthemselves with [1056]blood, and cover their heads with ashes. By thisdisplay of sorrow we are to understand a religious rite; for Orpheus was atitle, under which the Deity of the place was worshipped. He was the sameas Orus of Egypt, whom the Greeks esteemed both as Apollo, and Hephaistus. That he was a deity is plain from his temple and oracle abovementioned:which, we find, were of great repute, and resorted to by various peoplefrom the opposite coast. 

As there was an Orpheus in Thrace, so there appears to have been an Orphain [1057]Laconia, of whose history we have but few remains. They representher as a Nymph, the daughter of Dion, and greatly beloved by Dionusus. Shewas said, at the close of her life, to have been changed to a tree. Thefable probably relates to the Dionusiaca, and other Orphic rites, which hadbeen in early times introduced into the part of the world abovementioned, where they were celebrated at a place called Orpha. But the rites grew intodisuse, and the history of the place became obsolete: hence Orpha has beenconverted to a nymph, favoured of the God there worshipped; and wasafterwards supposed to have been changed to one of the trees, which grewwithin its precincts. 

Many undertook to write the history of Orpheus; the principal of whom wereZopurus of Heraclea, Prodicus Chius, Epigenes, and Herodorus. They seem allto have run into that general mistake of forming a new personage from atitle, and making the Deity a native, where he was inshrined. The writings, which were transmitted under the name of Orpheus, were innumerable: and arejustly ridiculed by Lucian, both for their quantity, and matter. There werehowever some curious hymns, which used to be of old sung in Pieria, andSamothracia; and which Onomacritus copied. They contain indeed little morethan a list of titles, by which the Deity in different places wasaddressed. But these titles are of great antiquity: and though the hymnsare transmitted in a modern garb, the person, through whom we receive them, being as late as [1058]Pisistratus, yet they deserve our notice. They mustnecessarily be of consequence, as they refer to the worship of the firstages, and afford us a great insight into the Theology of the antients. Those specimens also, which have been preserved by Proclus, in hisdissertations upon Plato, afford matter of great curiosity. They are allimitations, rather than translations of the antient Orphic poetry, accompanied with a short comment. This poetry was in the original Amonianlanguage, which grew obsolete among the Helladians, and was no longerintelligible: but was for a long time preserved in [1059]Samothracia, andused in their sacred rites. 

CADMUS. 

Although I have said so much about Dionusus, Sesostris, and other greattravellers, I cannot quit the subject till I have taken notice of Cadmus:for his expeditions, though not so extensive as some, which I have beenmentioning, are yet esteemed of great consequence in the histories ofantient nations. The time of his arrival in Greece is looked up to as afixed æra: and many circumstances in chronology are thereby determined. Heis commonly reputed to have been a Phenician by birth; the son of Agenor, who was the king of that country. He was sent by his father's order inquest of his sister Europa; and after wandering about a long time to littlepurpose, he at last settled in Greece. In this country were many traditionsconcerning him; especially in Attica, and Bœotia. The particular spot, where he is supposed to have taken up his residence, was in the latterprovince at Tanagra upon the river Ismenus. He afterwards built Thebes: andwherever he came, he introduced the religion of his country. This consistedin the worship of [1060]Dionusus; and in the rites, which by the laterGreeks were termed the Dionusiaca. They seem to have been much the same asthe Cabyritic mysteries, which he is said to have established inSamothracia. He fought with a mighty dragon; whose teeth he afterwardssowed, and produced an army of men. To him Greece is supposed to have beenindebted for the first introduction of [1061]letters; which are said tohave been the letters of his country Phenicia, and in number sixteen. Hemarried Harmonia, the daughter of Mars and Venus: and his nuptials weregraced with the presence of all the Gods, and Goddesses; each of whomconferred some gift upon the bride. He had several children; among whom wasa daughter Semele, esteemed the mother of Bacchus. After having experiencedgreat vicissitudes in life, he is said to have retired with his wifeHarmonia to the coast of Illyria, where they were both changed to serpents. He was succeeded at Thebes by his son Polydorus, the father of Labdacus, the father of Laius. This last was the husband of Jocasta, by whom he hadŒdipus. 

Bochart with wonderful ingenuity, and equal learning, tries to solve theænigmas, under which this history is represented. He supposes Cadmus tohave been a fugitive Canaanite, who fled from the face of Joshua: and thathe was called Cadmus from being a Cadmonite, which is a family mentioned byMoses. In like manner he imagines, that Harmonia had her name from mountHermon, which was probably in the district of the Cadmonites. The story ofthe dragon he deduces from the Hevæi, or Hivites; the same people as theCadmonites. He proceeds afterwards with great address to explain the restof the fable, concerning the teeth of the dragon, which were sown; and thearmed men, which from thence arose: and what he says is in many particularsattended with a great shew of probability. Yet after all his ingeniousconjectures, I am obliged to dissent from him in some points; andparticularly in one, which is of the greatest moment. I cannot be inducedto think, that Cadmus was, as Bochart represents him, a Phenician. Indeed Iam persuaded, that no such person existed. If Cadmus brought letters fromPhenicia, how came he to bring but sixteen; when the people, from whom heimported them, had undoubtedly more, as we may infer from their neighbours?And if they were the current letters of Greece, as Herodotus intimates; howcame it to pass, that the tablet of Alcmena, the wife of Amphitryon, thethird in descent from Cadmus, could not be understood, as we are assured by[1062]Plutarch? He says, that in the reign of Agesilaus of Sparta, awritten tablet was found in the tomb of Alcmena, to whom it was inscribed:that the characters were obsolete, and unintelligible; on which accountthey sent it to Conuphis of Memphis in Egypt, to be decyphered. If thesecharacters were Phenician, why were they sent to a priest of a differentcountry for interpretation? and why is their date and antiquity defined bythe reign of a king in Egypt? [1063]Τους τυπους ειναι της επι Πρωτειβασιλευοντι γραμματικης. _The form of the letters was the same as was inuse when Proteus reigned in that country. _ Herodotus, indeed, to prove thatthe Cadmians brought letters into Greece, assures us, that he saw specimensof their writing at Thebes, in the temple of Apollo [1064]Ismenius: thatthere was a tripod as antient as the reign of Laius, the son of Labdacus;with an inscription, which imported, that it had been there dedicated byAmphitryon upon his victory over the Teleboæ. I make no doubt, but thatHerodotus saw tripods with antient inscriptions: and there might be onewith the name of Amphitryon: but how could he be sure that it was thewriting of that person, and of those times? We know what a pleasure thereis in enhancing the antiquity of things; and how often inscriptions areforged for that purpose. Is it credible that the characters of Amphitryonshould be so easy to be apprehended, when those of his wife Alcmena couldnot be understood? and which of the two are we in this case to believe, Herodotus or Plutarch? I do not mean that I give any credence to the storyof Alcmena and her tablet: nor do I believe that there was a tripod withcharacters as antient as Amphitryon. I only argue from the principles ofthe Greeks to prove their inconsistency. The Pheneatæ in Arcadia shewed toPausanias an inscription upon the basis of a brazen statue, which wasdedicated to [1065]Poseidon Hippius. It was said to have been written byUlysses, and contained a treaty made between him and some shepherds. ButPausanias acknowledges that it was an imposition; for neither statues ofbrass, nor statues of any sort, were in use at the time alluded to. 

It is said of Cadmus, that he introduced the rites of [1066]Bacchus intoGreece. But how is this possible, if Bacchus was his descendant, the son ofhis daughter Semele? To remedy this, the latter mythologists suppose, thatthere was a prior Bacchus, who was worshipped by Cadmus. This is theirusual recourse, when they are hard pressed with inconsistencies. They thencreate other personages, to help them out of their difficulties. They form, with great facility, a new Semiramis, or Ninus; another Belus, Perseus, Minos, Hermes, Phoroneus, Apis, though to little purpose: for the mistakebeing fundamental, the inconveniencies cannot be remedied by suchsubstitutes. We are told that Cadmus was a Phenician: but Diodorus Siculusspeaks of him as assuredly of Egypt; and mentions moreover, that he was anative of the Thebaïs: [1067]Καδμον εκ Θηβων οντα των Αιγυπτιων. PherecydesSyrus also, from whom most of the mythology of Greece was borrowed, makesCadmus an [1068]Egyptian, the son of Agenor and Argiope, who was thedaughter of Nilus. By others he is said to have been the son of Antiope, the daughter of Belus: consequently he must originally have been ofBabylonish extraction. His father Agenor, from whom he is supposed to havebeen instructed in the sciences, is represented by Nonnus as residing atThebes. 

 [1069]Πατρια θεσπεσιης δεδαημενος οργια τεχνης, Αιγυπτιης σοφιης μεταναστιος, ημος Αγηνωρ Μεμφιδος ενναετης ἑκατομπυλον ῳκεε Θηβην. 

We learn the same from the Scholiast upon Lycophron, who styles the kingOgugus. [1070]Και ὁ Ωγυγος Θηβων Αιγυπτιων ην Βασιλευς, ὁθεν ὁ Καδμοςὑπαρχων, ελθων εν Ἑλλαδι τας Ἑπταπυλους εκτισε. _Moreover Ogugus was kingof Thebes in Egypt: of which country was Cadmus, who came into Greece, andbuilt the city styled Heptapulæ_. It was from the same part of the world, that the mysteries were imported, in which Cadmus is represented as soknowing: and here it was, that he was taught hieroglyphics, and the othercharacters, which are attributed to him. For he is said to have been expert[1071]Χειρος οπισθοποροιο χαραγματα λοξα χαρασσων. These arts he carriedfirst to the coast of Sidon, and Syria; and from thence he is supposed tohave brought them to Greece: for, before he came to Hellas, he is said tohave reigned in conjunction with Phœnix, both at Sidon and Tyre. [1072]Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την ΣυριανΤυρου και Σιδωνος εβασιλευσαν. _Phœnix and Cadmus came from Thebes inEgypt, and reigned at Tyre and Sidon. _

Thus I have taken pains to shew, that Cadmus was not, as has been generallythought, a Phenician. My next endeavour will be to prove that no suchperson existed. If we consider the whole history of this celebrated hero, we shall find, that it was impossible for one person to have effected whathe is supposed to have performed. His expeditions were various andwonderful; and such as in those early times would not have been attempted, nor could ever have been completed. The Helladians say little more, thanthat he built Thebes, and brought letters into Greece: that he slew adragon, from the teeth of which being sowed in the ground there arose anarmy of earthborn men. The writers of other countries afford us a moreextensive account: among the principal of which are to be esteemedHerodotus, Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias. Some of them had their[1073]doubts about the reality of this adventurer: and from the historywhich they have transmitted, we may safely infer, that no such personexisted, as has been described under the character of Cadmus. 

He is said to have sailed first to [1074]Phenicia and Cyprus; andafterwards to [1075]Rhodes. Here he instructed the people in the religionwhich he professed; and founded a temple at Lindus, where he appointed anorder of priests. He did the same [1076]at Thera, and afterwards was at[1077]Thasus: and proceeding in his travels partook of the Cabiriticmysteries in [1078]Samothracia. He visited [1079]Ionia, and all the coastupwards to the Hellespont and Propontis. He was at Lesbos, which he named[1080]Issa: where some of his posterity were to be found long after. He wasalso at Anaphe, one of the Sporades; which island was denominatedMembliaros from one of his [1081]followers. Mention is made of his beingupon the [1082]Hellespont, and in Thrace. Here he resided, and found out amine of [1083]gold, having before found one of copper in [1084]Cyprus. Hence he is said to have procured great wealth. [1085]Ὁδε Καδμου πλουτοςπερι Θρακην, και το Παγγαιον ορος. We hear of him afterwards in[1086]Eubœa; where there are to be found innumerable traces of him, and hisfollowers. He was likewise at [1087]Sparta, as we may infer from the Heroümerected to him by Eurotas, and his brethren, the sons of Huræus. He musthave resided a great while in [1088]Attica; for there were many edificesabout Athens attributed to him. He settled at Tanagra in Bœotia; where helost all his companions, who were slain by a dragon. He afterwards builtThebes. Here he was king; and is said to have reigned sixty-two[1089]years. But as if his wanderings were never to be terminated, heleaves his newly founded city, and goes to Illyria. Here we find him againin regal state. [1090]Βασιλευει Καδμος των Ιλλυριων. He reigns over thecountry which receives its name from his son. [1091]Ιλλυρια--απο Ιλλυριουτου Καδμονος παιδος. Now whoever is truly acquainted with antiquity, mustknow, that, in the times here spoken of, little correspondence wasmaintained between nation and nation. Depredations were very frequent; andevery little maritime power was in a state of [1092]piracy: so thatnavigation was attended with great peril. It is not therefore to bebelieved, that a person should so often rove upon the seas amid suchvariety of nations, and reside among them at his pleasure: much less thathe should build temples, found cities, and introduce his religion, whereverhe listed; and this too in such transient visits. Besides, according to theEgyptian accounts, the chief of his adventures were in Libya. He marriedHarmonia at the lake [1093]Tritonis; and is said to have founded in thatpart of the world no less. Than an hundred cities:

 [1094]Λιβυστιδι Καδμος αρουρᾳ Δωμησας πολιων ἑκατονταδα. 

Some of these cities seem to have been situated far west in the remoterparts of Africa. 

 [1095]Και Λιβυες στρατοωντο παρ' Ἑσπεριον κλιμα γαιης, Αγχινεφη ναιοντες Αλημονος αστεα Καδμου. 

Carthage itself was of old called [1096]Cadmeia: so that he may be rankedamong the founders of that city. Καρχηδων, Μητροπολις Λιβυης--εκαλειτο δεΚαινη πολις, και Καδμεια. He is mentioned by Moses Chorenensis to havesettled in [1097]Armenia, where there was a regio Cadmeia not far fromColchis. He reigned here; and is said to have been of the giant race, andto have come from [1098]Babylonia. And as the city Carthage in Libya wascalled Cadmeia, so in this region Cadmeia, there was a city Carthage:[1099]Καρχηδων πολις Αρμενιας. 

Such are the expeditions of Cadmus. But is it credible that any personcould have penetrated into the various regions, whither he is supposed tohave gone? to have founded colonies in Phenicia, Cyprus, Rhodes, Thera, Thasus, Anaphe, Samothracia? to have twice visited the Hellespont? to haveworked the mines in the Pangean mountains, and in other places? to havemade settlements in Eubœa, Attica, Bœotia, and Illyria? and, above all, tohave had such territories in Afric? He is represented as heir to thekingdom of Egypt: this he quitted, and obtained a kingdom in Phenicia. Heleaves this too; and after much wandering arrives in Greece; where hefounds several cities, and reigns sixty-two years. After this, hard toconceive! he is made king in Illyria. He must also have reigned in Afric:and his dominions seem to have been considerable, as he founded an hundredcities. He is represented as a king in Armenia; and had there too no smallterritory. Sure kingdoms in those times must have been very cheap, if theywere so easily attainable. But the whole is certainly a mistake; at leastin respect to [1100]Cadmus. No person could possibly have effected what isattributed to him. They were not the achievements of one person, nor of oneage. And place Cadmus at any given æra, and arrange his history, as mayappear most plausible; yet there will arise numberless inconsistencies fromthe connexions he must have in respect to time, place, and people; such asno art nor disposition can remedy. 

It may be asked, if there were no such man as Cadmus, what did the antientsallude to under this character? and what is the true purport of thesehistories? The travels of Cadmus, like the expeditions of Perseus, Sesostris, and Osiris, relate to colonies, which at different times wentabroad, and were distinguished by this title. But what was the work ofmany, and performed at various seasons, has been attributed to one person. Cadmus was one of the names of Osiris, the chief Deity of Egypt. BothEuropa, and Harmonia are of the like nature. They were titles of the Deity:but assumed by colonies, who went out, and settled under thesedenominations. The native Egyptians seldom left their country, but byforce. This necessity however did occur: for Egypt at times underwent great[1101]revolutions. It was likewise in some parts inhabited by people of adifferent cast; particularly by the sons of Chus. These were obliged toretire: in consequence of which they spread themselves over various partsof the earth. All, who embarked under the same name, or title, were inaftertimes supposed to have been under the same leader: and to him wasattributed the honour of every thing performed. And as colonies of the samedenomination went to parts of the world widely distant; their idealchieftain, whether Cadmus, or Bacchus, or Hercules, was supposed to havetraversed the same ground: and the achievements of different ages wereconferred upon a fancied hero of a day. This has been the cause of greatinconsistency throughout the mythology of the antients. To this they addedlargely, by being so lavish of titles, out of reverence to their gods. Wherever they came they built temples to them, and cities, under variousdenominations; all which were taken from some supposed attribute. Thesetitles and attributes, though they belonged originally to one God, the Sun;yet being [1102]manifold, and misapplied, gave rise to a multitude ofDeities, whose æra never could be settled, nor their history renderedconsistent. Cadmus was one of these. He was the same as Hermes of Egypt, called also Thoth, Athoth, and Canathoth: and was supposed to have been theinventor of letters. He was sometimes styled Cadmilus, another name forHermes; under which he was worshipped in Samothracia, and Hetruria. Lycophron speaking of the prophet Prulis, in Lesbos, tells us, that he wasthe son of Cadmus, and of the race of Atlas. And he was the person, who wassupposed to give information to the Greeks, when they were upon theirexpedition towards Troy. 

 [1103]Ὡς μη σε Καδμος ωφελ' εν περιῤῥυτῳ Ισσῃ φυτευσαι δυσμενων ποδηγετην. 

These are the words of Cassandra: upon which the Scholiast observes;Πρυλις, ὑιος του Καδμιλου, και Καδμου, ητοι Ἑρμου: _Prulis of Lesbos wasthe son of Cadmilus, or Cadmus, the same as Hermes_. And afterwards hementions, [1104]ὁ Καδμος, ητοι Ἑρμης, _Cadmus, who is the same as Hermes_. In another place he takes notice, that the name of Hermes among theHetrurians was [1105]Cadmilus: and it has been shewn, that Cadmilus, andCadmus, are the same. To close the whole, we have this further evidencefrom Phavorinus, that Cadmus was certainly an epithet or title of Hermes. [1106]Καδμος, ου κυριον μονον, αλλα και Ἑρμου επιθετον. 

Harmonia, the wife of Cadmus, who has been esteemed a mere woman, seems tohave been an emblem of nature, and the fostering nurse of all things. Sheis from hence styled [1107]παντροφος Ἁρμονια. And when Venus is representedin the allegory as making her a visit, she is said to go [1108]εις δομονἉρμονιας παμμητορος, _to the house of the all-productive parent_. In someof the Orphic verses she is represented not only as a Deity, but as thelight of the world. 

 [1109]Ἁρμονιη, κοσμοιο φαεσφορε, και σοφε Δαιμον. 

Harmonia was supposed to have been a personage, from whom all knowledge wasderived. On this account the books of science were styled [1110]κυρβιαςἉρμονιας, the books of Harmonia, as well as the books of Hermes. These werefour in number, of which Nonnus gives a curious account, and says, thatthey contained matter of wonderful antiquity. 

 [1111]Ειν ἑνι θεσφατα παντα, ταπερ πεπρωμενα κοσμῳ Πρωτογονοιο Φανητος επιγραφε μαντιπολος χειρ. 

The first of them is said to have been coeval with the world. 

 [1112]Πρωτην κυρβιν οπωπεν ατερμονος ἡλικα κοσμου, Ειν ἑνι παντα φερουσαν, ὁσα σκηπτουχος Οφιων Ηνυσεν. 

From hence we find, that Hermon, or Harmonia, was a Deity, to whom thefirst writing is ascribed. The same is said of Hermes. [1113]Ἑρμης λεγεταιΘεων εν Αιγυπτῳ γραμματα πρωτος ἑυρειν. The invention is also attributed toTaut, or Thoth. [1114]Πρωτος εστι Τααυτος, ὁ των γραμματων την ἑυρεσινεπινοησας, --ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ, Ἑρμην δεἙλληνες μετεφρασαν. Cadmus is said not only to have brought letters intoGreece, but to have been the inventor of them: from whence we may fairlyconclude, that under the characters of Hermon, Hermes, Taut, Thoth, andCadmus, one person is alluded to. The Deity called by the Greeks Harmonia, was introduced among the Canaanites very early by people from Egypt: andwas worshipped in Sidon, and the adjacent country, by the name of[1115]Baal Hermon. 

Europa likewise was a Deity; according to Lucian the same as Astarte, whowas worshipped at Hierapolis in Syria. He visited the temple, and had thisinformation from the priests: [1116]ὡς δε μοι τις των Ἱρεων απηγετο, Ευρωπης εστι (το αγαλμα) της Καδμου αδελφεης. He is speaking of the statuein the temple, which the priests told him belonged to a Goddess, the sameas Europa, the sister of Cadmus. She was also esteemed the same as Rhea;which Rhea we know was the reputed mother of the gods, and particularly themother of Jupiter. 

 [1117]Εστ' αν Ῥεια τεκοι παιδα Κρονῳ εν φιλοτητι. 

Pindar speaks of Europa, as the [1118]daughter of Tityus: and by Herodotusshe is made the mother of [1119]Sarpedon and Minos. 

I have mentioned, that Cadmus was the same as the Egyptian Thoth; and it ismanifest from his being Hermes, and from the invention of letters beingattributed to him. Similar to the account given of Cadmus is the history ofa personage called by the Greeks Caanthus; this history contains an epitomeof the voyage undertaken by Cadmus, though with some small variation. Caanthus is said to have been the son of Oceanus; which in the language ofEgypt is the same as the son of Ogus, and Oguges; a different name for thesame [1120]person. Ogus, and with the reduplication Ogugus, was the same asOgyges, in whose time the flood was supposed to have happened. Ogyges isrepresented both as a king of Thebes in Egypt, and of Thebes in Bœotia: andin his time Cadmus is said to have left the former country, and to havecome to the latter, being sent in quest of his sister Europa by his father. Caanthus was sent by his father with a like commission. His sister Meliahad been stolen away; and he was ordered to search every country, till hefound her. He accordingly traversed many seas, and at last lauded inGreece, and passed into Bœotia. Here he found, that his sister was detainedby Apollo in the grove of Ismenus. There was a fountain [1121]of the samename near the grove, which was guarded by a dragon. Caanthus is said tohave cast fire into this sacred recess; on which account he was slain byApollo. His ταφος, or tomb, was in aftertimes shewn by the Thebans. We mayperceive, that the main part of this relation agrees with that of Cadmus. Melie, the sister of Caanthus, is by some spoken of as the mother of[1122]Europa: which shews, that there is a correspondence between the twohistories. The person also, who sent these two adventurers, the sister, ofwhom they went in quest, and the precise place, to which they both came, exhibit a series of circumstances so similar, that we need not doubt, butthat it is one and the same history. It is said, that Caanthus threw fireinto the sacred [1123]grove: which legend, however misconstrued, relates tothe first establishment of fire-worship at Thebes in the grove of ApolloIsmenius. The term Ismenius is compounded of Is-Men, ignis Menis. Meen, Menes, Manes, was one of the most antient titles of the Egyptian GodOsiris, the same as Apollo, and Caanthus. What has been mentioned aboutCadmus and Caanthus, is repeated under the character of a person namedCurnus; who is said to have been sent by his father Inachus in search ofhis sister [1124]Io. Inachus, Oceanus, Ogugus, and Agenor, are all the samepersonages under different names; and the histories are all the same. 

That Cadmus was of old esteemed a Deity may be farther proved from hisbeing worshipped at Gortyna in Crete, as we learn from [1125]Solinus. IidemGortynii et Cadmum colunt, Europæ fratrem. He had moreover an Heroum atSparta, which was erected by people styled the sons of [1126]Huræus. Welearn from Palæphatus, that according to some of the antient mythologists, Cadmus was the person, who slew the serpent [1127]at Lerna. And accordingto Nonnus he contended with the giant Typhasus, and restored to Jupiter hislost [1128]thunder. By this is meant, that he renewed the rites, andworship of the Deity, which had been abolished. These are circumstances, which sufficiently shew, that Cadmus was a different personage, from whathe is generally imagined. There was a hill in Phrygia of his name, andprobably sacred to him; in which were the fountains of the river[1129]Lycus. There was also a river Cadmus, which rose in the samemountain, and was lost underground. It soon afterwards burst forth again, and joined the principal stream. Mountains and rivers were not denominatedfrom ordinary personages. In short Cadmus was the same as Hermes, Thoth, and Osiris: under which characters more than one person is alluded to, forall theology of the antients is of a mixed nature. He may principally beesteemed Ham, who by his posterity was looked up to as the Sun, andworshipped under his titles: a circumstance, however, which was common toall, who were styled Baalim. That he was the same as Ham, will appear fromthe etymology of his name. I have before shewn, that the Sun was styled[1130]Achad, Achon, and Achor: and the name, of which we are treating, is acompound of [1131]Achad-Ham, rendered by the Greeks Acadamus and Academus, and contracted Cadmus. Many learned men have thought, that the place atAthens called Academia was founded by Cadmus, and denominated from him: andof the latter circumstance I make no doubt. [1132]Ab hoc Cadmo EruditiAcademiam, quasi Cadmiam deducunt: quo nomine indigitari locum musisstudiisque sacratum notissimum est. The true name of Cadmus, according tothis supposition, must have been, as I have represented, Acadamus; or, asthe Ionians expressed it, Academus, to have Academia formed from it. Herodotus informs us, that, when the Cadmians came to Attica, theyintroduced a new system of [1133]Architecture; and built temples in a styledifferent from that to which the natives had been used. And he describesthese buildings as erected at some distance from those of the country. Thiswas the situation of the place called Academia, which stood at the distanceof a few furlongs from [1134]Athens. It was a place of exercise andscience; and by all accounts finely disposed: being planted with a varietyof trees, but particularly Olives, called here (Μοριαι) Moriæ. There werelikewise springs, and baths for the convenience of those who here tooktheir exercise. The tradition among the Athenians was, that one Ecademus, or Academus, founded it in antient times; from whom it received its name. Laërtius styles him the hero Ecademus: [1135]Απο τινος Ἡρωος ωνομασθηΕκαδημου. And Suidas to the same purpose; Απο Εκαδημου τινος Ἡρωοςονομασθεν. But Eupolis, the comic writer, who was far prior, speaks of himas a Deity: [1136]Εν ευσκιοις δρυμοισιν Ακαδημου Θεου. The trees, whichgrew within the precincts, were looked upon as very sacred, [1137]οντωςἱεραι, and the place itself in antient times was of so great sanctity, thatit was a profanation to laugh there; [1138]προτερον εν Ακαδημιᾳ μηδεγελασαι εξουσιαν ειναι. 

The Ceramicus at Athens had the same name; and it was undoubtedly givenfrom the same personage. Ακαδημια. καλειται δε ὁυτως ὁ Κεραμικος. Hesych. The common notion was, that it was denominated from the hero [1139]Ceramus, the son of Dionusus. This arose from the common mistake; by which the placewas put for the person, to whom it was sacred, and whose name it bore. Hamwas the supposed hero: and Ceramus was Cer-Ham, the tower or temple of Ham, which gave name to the inclosure. This abuse of terms is no where moreapparent than in an inscription mentioned by Gruter; where there is a mixedtitle of the Deity formed from his place of worship. 

[1140]Malacæ Hispaniæ. MARTI CIRADINOTEMPLUM COMMUNI VOTOERECTUM. 

Cir-Adon was the temple of Adon, or Adonis; the Amonian title of the chiefGod. In like manner near mount Laphystium in Bœotia, the God [1141]Charopswas worshipped, and styled Hercules Charops. But Char-Ops, or Char-Opis, signified the temple of the serpent Deity: and was undoubtedly built of oldby the people named Charopians, and Cyclopians; who were no other than theantient Cadmians. Ceramicus was an Egyptian name; and one of the gates ortowers of the gates at [1142]Naucratis in that country was so called. Itwas also the name of an harbour in Caria, probably denominated from somebuilding at the [1143]entrance. 

I may possibly be thought to proceed too far in abridging history of somany heroic personages, upon whose names antiquity has impressed areverence; and whose mighty actions have never been disputed. For thoughthe dress and colouring may have been thought the work of fancy, yet thesubstance of their history has been looked upon as undeniably true. Towhich I answer, that it was undoubtedly founded in truth: and the only wayto ascertain what is genuine, must be by stripping history of thisunnatural veil, with which it has been obscured; and to reduce the whole toits original appearance. This may be effected upon the principles which Ihave laid down; for if instead of Perseus, or Hercules, we substitutebodies of men, who went under such titles, the history will be renderedvery probable, and consistent. If instead of one person, Cadmus traversingso much ground, and introducing the rites of his country at Rhodes, Samos, Thera, Thasus, Samothrace, and building so many cities in Libya, we supposethese things to have been done by colonies, who were styled Cadmians, allwill be very right, and the credibility of the history not disputed. Manydifficulties may by these means be solved, which cannot otherwise beexplained: and great light will be thrown upon the mythology of theantients. 

The story then of Cadmus, and Europa, relates to people from Egypt, andSyria, who went abroad at different times, and settled in various parts. They are said to have been determined in their place of residence by an ox, or cow: by which this only is meant, that they were directed by an oracle:for without such previous inquiry no colonies went abroad. An oracle by theAmonians was termed Alphi, and Alpha, the voice of God. In Egypt theprincipal oracular temples were those of the sacred animals Apis andMneuis. These animals were highly reverenced at Heliopolis, and Memphis, and in other cities of that country. They were of the male kind; but thehonours were not confined to them; for the cow and heifer were held in thelike veneration, and they were esteemed equally prophetic. Hence it was, that they were in common with the Apis and Mneuis styled Alphi, and Alpha:which name was likewise current among the Tyrians, and Sidonians. Inconsequence of this, Plutarch, speaking of the letter Alpha, says, [1144]Φοινικας ὁυτω καλειν τον Βουν. _The Phenicians call an ox Alpha_. AndHesychius speaks to the same purpose. Αλφα, βους. Thus we find that Alphawas both an oracle, and an oracular animal. The Grecians took it in thelatter acceptation; and instead of saying that the Cadmians acted inobedience to an oracle, they gave out, that Cadmus followed a cow. What isalluded to in the animal, which was supposed to have been his guide, may beknown by the description given of it by Pausanias: [1145]Επι δε ἑκατεραςτης βοος πλευρας σημειον επειναι λευκον, εικασμενον κυκλῳ της Σεληνης. _There was a white mark on each side of the cow like the figure of themoon_. The poet quoted by the Scholiast upon Aristophanes speaks to thesame purpose. [1146]Λευκον σχημ' ἑκατερθε περιπλοκον, ηυτε Μηνης. This isan exact description of the [1147]Apis, and other sacred kine in Egypt: andthe history relates to an oracle given to the Cadmians in that country. This the Grecians have represented, as if Cadmus had been conducted by acow: the term Alphi, and Alpha, being liable to be taken in either of theseacceptations. Nonnus speaks of Cadmus as bringing the rites of[1148]Dionusus, and Osiris, from Egypt to Greece: and describes himaccording to the common notion as going in quest of a bull, and as beingdetermined in his place of residence by a [1149]cow. Yet he afterwardsseems to allude to the true purport of the history; and says, that theanimal spoken of was of a nature very different from that, which wasimagined: that it was not one of the herd, but of divine original. 

 [1150]Καδμε ματην περιφοιτε, πολυπλανον ιχνος ἑλισσεις· Μαστευεις τινα Ταυρον, ὁν ου βοεη τεκε γαστηρ. 

Under the character of Europa are to be understood people styled Europiansfrom their particular mode of worship. The first variation from the purerZabaism consisted in the Ophiolatria, or worship of the serpent. Thisinnovation spread wonderfully; so that the chief Deity of the Gentile worldwas almost universally worshipped under this symbolical representation. Theserpent among the Amonians was styled Oph, Eph, and Ope: by the Greeksexpressed Οφις, Οπις, Ουπις: which terms were continually combined with thedifferent titles of the Deity. This worship prevailed in Babylonia, Egypt, and Syria: from which countries it was brought by the Cadmians into Greece. Serpentis eam venerationem acceperunt Græci a Cadmo. [1151]Vossius. It madea part in all their [1152]mysteries; and was attended with some wonderfulcircumstances: of which I have before made some mention in the treatise deOphiolatriâ. Colonies, which went abroad, not only went under thepatronage, but under some title of their God: and this Deity was inaftertimes supposed to have been the real conductor. As the Cadmians, andEuropians, were Ophitæ, both their temples, and cities, also the hills, andrivers, where they settled, were often denominated from this circumstance. We read of Anopus Asopus, Oropus, Europus, Charopus, Ellopis, Ellopia; allnearly of the same purport, and named from the same object of worship. Europa was a [1153]Deity: and the name is a compound Eur-Ope, analogous toCanope, Canophis, and Cnuphis of Egypt; and signifies Orus Pytho. It isrendered by the Greeks as a feminine, upon a supposition, that it was thename of a woman; but it related properly to a country; and we find manyplaces of the like etymology in Media, Syria, and Babylonia: which wereexpressed in the masculine Europos, and Oropus. The same also is observablein Greece. 

I have shewn, that Cadmus was Taut, or Thoth; the Taautes of Sanchoniathon. It is said of this person, that he first introduced the worship of theserpent: and this so early, that not only the Tyrians and Sidonians, butthe Egyptians received it from him. From hence we may infer, that it camefrom [1154]Babylonia, [1155]Την μεν ουν του Δρακοντος φυσιν, και των οφεων, αυτος εξεθειασεν ὁ Τααυτος, και μετ' αυτον αυθις Φοινικες τε, καιΑιγυπτιοι. 

The learned writers, who have treated of the Cadmians, have failed innothing more, than in not considering, that they were a twofold colony, which came both from Egypt, and Syria: from Egypt first; and then fromSyria, and Canaan. In their progress westward they settled in Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, Samos, Lesbos, Thrace: also in Eubœa, Attica, and Bœotia. Inprocess of time they were enabled to make settlements in other parts, particularly in Epirus and Illyria: and to occupy some considerableprovinces in Italy as high up as the Padus. Wherever they passed they leftbehind them numberless memorials: but they are to be traced by none moreplainly than by their rites, and worship. As they occupied the greatestpart of Syria, that country was particularly addicted to this species ofidolatry. Many temples were erected to the Ophite God: and many cities weredenominated from him. Both [1156]Appian and Stephanus Byzantinus mentionplaces in Syrophenicia called Oropus. Upon the Euphrates also inMesopotamia were the cities [1157]Amphipolis, and [1158]Dura, both calledof old Oropus. The chief Syrian God had the title of Bel, Baal, and Belial:which last the Greeks rendered Βελιαρ. Hence Clemens instead of saying, what agreement can there be between Christ and Belial, says [1159]Τις δεσυμφωνησις Χριστου προς ΒΕΛΙΑΡ. This Belial, or Beliar, was the same asBelorus, and Osiris, who were worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Hence Hesychius explains the term Beliar by a serpent. Βελιαρ--δρακων. _Beliar is the same as a dragon or serpent. _ The Cadmians are said to havebetaken themselves to Sidon, and Biblus: and the country between thesecities is called Chous at this day. To the north is the city, and provinceof Hama: and a town, and castle, called by D'Anville Cadmus; by the nativesexpressed Quadamus, or [1160]Chadamus. The Cadmians probably founded thetemple of Baal Hermon in Mount Libanus, and formed one of the Hivitenations in those parts. Bochart has very justly observed, that an Hivite isthe same as an [1161]Ophite: and many of this denomination resided underMount Libanus, and Anti-Libanus; part of which was called Baal Hermon, aswe learn from the sacred writings. [1162]_Now these are the nations, whichthe Lord left to prove Israel, namely, five Lords of the Philistines, andall the Canaanites, and the Sidonians; and the Hivites that dwell in MountLebanon from Mount Baal Hermon unto the entering in of Hamath. _ There wereother Hivites, who are mentioned by Moses among the children of[1163]Canaan. But the Cadmonites, and many of the people about MountLibanus were of another family. The Hivites of Canaan Proper were those, who by a stratagem obtained a treaty with [1164]Joshua. Their chief citieswere Gibeon, Cephirah, Beeroth, and Kirjath Jearim. These lay within thethe tribe of [1165]Judah, and of Benjamin, who possessed the southern partsof Canaan. But the other Hivites, among whom were the Cadmonites, lay farto the north under Libanus, at the very extremities of the country. Thesacred writer distinguishes them from the Canaanites, as well as from theother Hivites, by saying, the Hivites of Baal Hermon. And he seems todistinguish the Sidonians from the genuine Canaanites, and justly: for ifwe may credit prophane history, the Cadmians had obtained the sovereigntyin that city: and the people were of a mixed race. [1166]Καδμος--Τυρου καιΣιδωνος εβασιλευεν. The Cadmians extended themselves in these parts quiteto the Euphrates, and westward to the coast of Greece, and Ausonia; andstill farther to the great Atlantic. They went under the name of Ellopians, Oropians, [1167]Cadmonites, Hermonians, Ophitæ, and wherever they settledthere will be always found some reference to their antient history, andreligion. As they were particularly styled Ophitæ, or Hivites, many placeswhither they came, were said to swarm with [1168]serpents. Rhodes was underthis predicament, and had the name of Ophiusa: which name was given onaccount of the Hivites, who there settled, and of the serpent-worship, which they introduced. But the common notion was, that it was so calledfrom real serpents, with which it was infested. The natives were said tohave been of the giant race, and the [1169]Heliadæ or offspring of the Sun;under which characters the antients particularly referred to the sons ofChus, and Canaan. Their coming to the island is alluded to under thearrival both of Danaus and Cadmus, by whom the rites, and [1170]religion ofthe Rhodians are supposed to have been introduced. In Greece were severalcities named Oropus, by which is signified Ori Serpentis civitas. One ofthese was near [1171]Tanagia upon the border of Attica, and Bœotia. This isthe very spot where the Cadmians first resided: and the city wasundoubtedly built by them. It stood near the warm baths of Amphiaraus, whose temple belonged to the Oropians; and who was particularly worshippedby them. We are informed by Strabo, that the temple of Amphiaraus was builteither in imitation, or in memory, of one called Cnopia at [1172]Thebes. Cnopia is a contraction for Can-Opia; and the temple was certainly foundedby people from Egypt. It took its name from Can-ope, or Can-opus, theOphite God of that country; and of the people likewise, by whom thebuilding was erected. The natives of Bœotia had many memorials of theirhaving been originally Ophites. The history of their country had continualreferences to serpents and dragons. They seem to have been the nationalinsigne: at least they were esteemed so by the people of Thebes. Hence wefind, that upon the tomb of Epaminondas there was figured a shield with aserpent for a device, to signify that he was an Ophite, or [1173]Theban. The Spartans were of the same race: and there is said to have been the samedevice upon the shield of [1174]Menelaus, and of [1175]Agamemnon. The storyof Cadmus, and of the serpent, with which he engaged upon his arrival inBœotia, relates to the Ophite worship, which was there instituted by theCadmians. So Jason in Colchis, Apollo in Phocis, Hercules at Lerna, engagedwith serpents, all which are histories of the same purport; but mistaken bythe later Grecians. 

It will not, I think, be amiss to take notice of some of those countrieswestward, to which Cadmus is said to have betaken himself. From Bœotia heis supposed to have passed to Epirus and Illyria; and it is certain, thatthe Cadmians settled in many places upon that coast. In Thesprotia was aprovince of the Athamanes; who were denominated from their Deity Ath-Man, or Ath-Manes. Here were the rivers Acheron, and Cocytus, the lakeAcherusia, and the pestiferous pool [1176]Aornon Here was the city Acanthussimilar to one of the same name about forty miles above [1177]Memphis: anda nation of people called [1178]Oreitæ: all which have a reference toEgypt. The oracle at Dodona was founded by people from the same country, aswe are assured by [1179]Herodotus and others. And not only colonies fromthat country, but people from Canaan must have betaken themselves to theseparts, as is evident from names of places. This will appear from the city[1180]Phœnice: and from another near Oricum, called Palæste; and from thecoast and region styled Palæstina. This was the spot where Cæsar landed, before he marched to Pharsalia. [1181]Postridie terram attigit Cerauniorumsaxa inter, et alia loca periculosa, quietam nactus stationem. At portusomnes timens, quod teneri ab adversariis arbitrabatur, ad eundem locum, quiadpellatur Palæste, omnibus navibus incolumibus, milites exposuit. Lucantakes notice of the same circumstance, and the coast Palæstina. 

 [1182]Inde rapi cœpere rates, atque æquora classem Curva sequi; quæ jam, vento fluctuque secundo Lapsa, Palæstinas uncis confixit arenas. 

Here was the haven Comar, or [1183]Comarus, near the pool Aornus: and acity [1184]Oropus, similar to the Oropus of Syria, and Bœotia. And higherup was a region Europa, styled Europa Scythica by Festus Rufus. It isobservable that there was a city in Epirus called [1185]Tecmon, similar toone in Canaan, as we may infer from the chief of David's captains beingstyled the [1186]Tecmonite. 

Some of this family proceeded to the western part of the Adriatic gulf, andsettled upon the Eridanus, or Po. Here were the Orobians, the same as theOropians, whose chief city was Comus: near which the consul Marcellusoverthrew the [1187]Galli Insubres. The story of Phaethon, who was supposedto have fallen into the Eridanus, is manifestly of Egyptian original; asthe fable of Cycnus is from Canaan. Phaethon is by some represented as thefirst king, who reigned in [1188]Chaonia, and Epirus. He was in reality thesame as Osiris, the Sun; whose worship was in there very early, as well asupon the Padus. The names of the Deities in every country are generallyprefixed to the list of kings, and mistaken accordingly. Cycnus is supposedto have resided not only in Liguria, but in Ætolia, and Phocis. There wasin these parts a lake [1189]Conope, from Cycnus called also [1190]Cycnëa;which names undoubtedly came from Egypt, and Canaan. The colonies upon thePadus left many memorials of their original; especially those, who werefrom the Caphtorim of Palestina. Some of them had carried on a great workupon the part of the river, where they settled; which from them was called[1191]Fossa Philistina; and Fossiones Philistinæ. Of this I have mademention [1192]before. 

It is said of Cadmus, that at the close of his life, he was, together withhis wife Harmonia, changed to a serpent of stone. This wonderfulmetamorphosis is supposed to have happened at Encheliæ, a town in Illyria, which circumstance is taken notice of by Lucan. 

 [1193]Tunc qui Dardaniam tenet Oricon, et vagus altis Dispersus sylvis Athamas, et _nomine prisco_ Encheliæ, versi testantes funera Cadmi. 

The true history is this. These two personages were here enshrined in atemple, or Petra: and worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. ScylaxCaryandensis, speaking of this part of Illyria, says, [1194]Καδμου καιἉρμονιας ὁι λιθοι εισιν ενταυθα, και ἱερον. _In this region are two stonessacred to Cadmus, and Harmonia: and there is likewise a temple dedicated tothem. _ Lucan, who calls the place Encheliæ, speaks of the name as of greatantiquity. It undoubtedly was of long standing, and a term from the Amonianlanguage. Encheliæ, Εγχελιαι, is the place of En-Chel, by which issignified the fountain of heaven; similar to Hanes, Anorus, Anopus in otherparts. The temple was an Ophite Petra: which terms induced people tobelieve, that there were in these temples serpents petrified. It ispossible, that in later times the Deity may have been worshipped under thisform: whence it might truly be said of Cadmus, and Harmonia, that theywould one day be exhibited in stone. 

 [1195]Λαϊνεην ημελλον εχειν οφιωδεα μορφην. 

But the notion in general arose from a mistake; and was owing to amisinterpretation of the word Petra. On this account many personages weresaid to have undergone this change. Pollux, who was of a character superiorto what is generally imagined, was said to have been turned to a stone. 

 [1196]Εις λιθον αυτοτελεστον εμορφωθη Πολυδευκης. 

Ariadne underwent the like [1197]change. Also Battus, Atlas, [1198]Alcmena, and others. All these histories relate to personages, enshrined in templesstyled Petra, who had a στυλος or rude pillar erected to their honour. Thiswas the usage in all parts, before the introduction of images. There areallusions to these Ophite temples, and to these pillars, upon the coins ofSyria, and Tyre. Upon these the Deity is represented between two roughstones, with two [1199]serpents on each side of him. A temple of this sort, which betrayed great antiquity, stood in the vicinity of Thebes, and wascalled the serpent's head. Pausanius speaks of it as remaining in his[1200]time. The same author affords another instance in his account ofAchaia; which is attended with some remarkable circumstances. He tells us, [1201]that at Pheræ, a city of that region, was a fountain sacred toHermes; and the name of it was Hama. Near this fountain were thirty largestones, which had been erected in antient times. Each of these was lookedupon as a representative of some Deity. And Pausanias remarks, that insteadof images, the Greeks in times of old universally paid their adoration torude unwrought [1202]stones. 

That the Cadmians were the people, whom I suppose them, may I think beproved from many other circumstances. There are some particulars in thehistory of these emigrants, by which they may be as effectuallydistinguished, as by any national mark of feature, or complexion. I havetaken notice in a former treatise of the Cuthites, who came from Babyloniaand settled in Egypt; and who were afterwards expelled the country. Theycame under different titles; and were styled Phenicians, Arabians, andEthiopians; but they were more particularly distinguished by the name ofOritæ, and of shepherds. These appellations must be carefully kept inremembrance, for they will be found to occur in almost every part of theworld, wherever any of this family settled. In the histories above given ofOsiris, Dionusus, and others, we find, that the sons of Chus arerepresented as great travellers, and at the same time general benefactors:and it is to be observed, that the same characters occur in every history:the great outlines are the same in all. They appear to have been zealousworshippers of the Sun; and addicted to the rites of fire: which mode ofworship they propagated, wherever they came. They are described as ofsuperior stature, and were reputed the sons of Anac, and Urius, fromCanaan, and Babylonia. In respect to science, they seem to have been veryeminent, if we consider the times when they lived. They were particularlyfamed for their knowledge in astronomy, architecture, and music. They hadgreat sagacity in finding [1203]mines, and consequently were very rich. Lastly, there continually occurs in their history some allusion toshepherds. Every one of these particulars may be met with in the accountsgiven of the Cadmians: but it was the turn of the times to make every thingcentre in their imaginary leader, Cadmus. He is supposed to have found outmines in Cyprus, and Thrace: and to have been the inventor of letters, andthe introducer of science. To him are ascribed the temples at Rhodes; andthe buildings in Attica and Bœotia. We find him celebrated as a great[1204]theologist and astronomer: and it is reported of Cadmus, as it wasalso of Orpheus, that he left behind him many valuable remains, which[1205]Bion Proconnesius is said to have translated. But all these gifts, solavishly bestowed upon one person, should be transferred to a people, whowent under the name of Cadmians: and in whom all these requisites are to befound. If we make this allowance, the history will be found to be true. This people, in their migrations westward, were accompanied by others fromCanaan, and Syria. I have shewn that they settled at Rhodes, where theywere called Ophites, or Hivites. Another of their titles was Heliadæ, orchildren of the [1206]Sun. They were looked upon as adepts in every branchof science, and particularly famed for their skill in astronomy. They werethe first navigators of the seas; and the division of time, with thenotification of seasons, is ascribed to them. [1207]Ὁι δε Ἡλιαδαι διαφοροιγεγονοτες των αλλων εν παιδειᾳ διηνεγκαν, και μαλιστα εν Αστρολογιᾳ·εισηγησαντο δε και περι της ναυτιλιας πολλα, πολλα δε και περι τας ὡραςδιεταξαν. All these arts, if we may believe Herodotus, took their rise in[1208]Babylonia: from whence they were carried by the Oritæ into Egypt: andfrom Egypt westward to Rhodes, and to various parts besides. The Oritæ, orAuritæ, were the same as the Heliadæ, denominated from the great object oftheir worship, the Sun. He was among other titles styled [1209]Orites: aswe learn from Lycophron: which is by his Scholiast interpreted the Sun. [1210]Ωριτην θεον, τον αυτον Ἡλιον. _The Deity, which is termed Orites, isno other than the Sun. _ These Heliadæ were Ophitæ; and introduced atRhodes, and in other places, the worship of the serpent. Hence they occurin Greece under various titles, such as Ellopians, Europians, Oropians, Asopians, and the like, being so denominated from places which theyconsecrated to Ops, and Opis, the serpent. The Cadmians settled in Eubœa, which was called Ellopia from Ellops, a supposed brother of [1211]Cothus. Plutarch gives an account of Cothus himself coming to Eubœa in company withanother named Arclus. [1212]Κοθος, και Αρκλος, ὁι Ξουθου παιδες εις Ευβοιανἡκον οικησαντες. By Cothus and Arclus are meant Cuthites and Herculeans, people of the same family, who settled in this island. The Oritæ of Egyptwere also styled Arabians; and the Arabian nome was denominated from them. The Cadmians, who settled in Eubœa, may be traced under the same names. Strabo calls the people, who were supposed to attend Cadmus, Arabians, [1213]Αραβες, ὁι συν Καδμῳ. One district in the island was denominated fromthem, Æthiopium: [1214]Αιθιοπιον, ονομα χωριου εν Ευβοιᾳ. This is moreparticularly described by Stephanus, as the passage is happily corrected bySalmasius. Αιθιοπιον, χωριον Ευβοιας παρα Δηλιου, πλησιον του Ευριπου. _There is a part of Eubœa hard by Delium, and near to the Euripus, calledEthiopium. _ But the most critical mark, by which any of these islands weredistinguished, was that of [1215]Oritæ. This is the express title of theshepherds in Egypt; which they assumed both on account of the Deity, whomthey worshipped, and in reference to the city Ur in Chaldea, from whencethey were in part derived. They founded a city of the same name in Eubœa, which the Greeks expressed [1216]Oria: whence came the provincial title ofOritæ. Here Orion was supposed to have been [1217]nursed, whose history weknow was from Babylonia. The natives had a tradition, that he was the sonof [1218]Urieus, and of the gigantic race: the purport of which, I think, cannot be mistaken. They passed, as I have shewn, from Eubœa to Attica, andBœotia. Here also was a city [1219]Ur, like that in Chaldea, and atradition about Orion being born in these parts. They likewise pretended toshew his [1220]tomb. This city Ur, or Uria, was in the district of Tanagra, and stood directly opposite to the province of Ethiopia in Eubœa, beingseparated only by the narrow frith of the [1221]Euripus. They settled alsoat Træzen, where Orus is said to have resided: by which we are tounderstand his worshippers, the Oritæ. [1222]Φασι δε Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισινεν γῃ πρωτον· εμοι μεν ουν Αιγυπτιον φαινεται, και ουδαμως Ἑλληνικον ονομαΩρος ειναι. Βασιλευσαι δ' ουν φασιν αυτον, και Ωραιαν απ' αυτου καλεισθαιτην γην. _The people of Træzen_, says Pausanias, _give out, that one Oruswas the first in their country. But the name Orus to me seems to have beenof Egyptian original. They farther relate, that this Orus was a king, andthat the province was from him called Oraia. _ Uria above, and Oraia here, however differently expressed, signify literally the land of Ur. In allthese places the Cuthites went under various appellations, but particularlyof Cyclopians, Ellopians, and [1223]Europians from their worship. Agreeablyto the account which has been above given, we find, that the Heroum ofCadmus at Sparta was built by Europus, and his brethren: and they likewiseare represented as the sons of [1224]_Uræus_. As we are acquainted with theeastern manner of speaking; and know that by the daughter of Tyre, thedaughter of Jerusalem, the children of Moab, the children of Kedar, thechildren of Seir, the children of the east, are meant the inhabitants ofthose places: may we not be assured that by Europus and the sons of Uriusand Uræus, are pointed out a people styled Europians of Babylonishextraction, who were ab origine from Ur in Chaldea? And is it not plain, that the history of Cadmus is founded upon terms ill understood, andgreatly misapplied? Yet the truth is not totally defaced, as I hope, that Ihave made appear. By Moses Chorenensis Cadmus is represented as of thegiant race; and he is said to have come from [1225]Babylonia. Nonnusmentions his planting in Greece a colony of giants. 

 [1226]Και σταχυς αυτολοχευτος ανηεξητο Γιγαντων. 

Hence the Cadmians were styled Ανακες, and [1227]Ανακτες; and the templesof their Gods, Ανακτορια, Anactoria. These terms were imported from theAnakim of Egypt and Canaan: but as the people, who brought them, wereOritæ, and the sons of Urius, they must ultimately have come fromBabylonia. Here astronomy, and the other sciences first commenced; and theworship of the Sun was first instituted: where the priests, and professorswere styled Oritæ, and [1228]Orchani. Lucian indeed says, that astronomywas not derived to the Greeks either from the Egyptians, or the Ethiopians;but from [1229]Orpheus. This however intimates, that the Ethiopians, underwhich name the sons of Chus are mentioned by the [1230]Greeks, weresupposed to have introduced science into this country; otherwise thiscaveat had been unnecessary. But we shall in the end shew, that Orpheus wasfrom the same quarter. And to put the matter out of all doubt, we findHerodotus maintaining very determinately, that the knowledge of theheavens, and every thing relating to the distribution of time, was importedfrom [1231]Babylonia. As these Babylonians, these sons of Urius, manifestlycame to Greece by the way of Egypt, it appears pretty evident, that theywere the sons of Chus, of the shepherd race, who so long held thesovereignty in that kingdom. Hence it is, that throughout the wholemythology of the Grecians there are continual allusions to shepherds; atitle, which we know was peculiar to the Auritæ of Egypt. Nonnus, in hisallegorical poem, describes Cadmus in a pastoral habit, playing upon aninstrument, and reclining himself under the shade of an oak. 

 [1232]Κλινας γειτονι νωτον ὑπο δρυι φορβαδος ὑλης, Και φορεων αγραυλον αηθεος ἑιμα Νομηος. 

He gives to him the same powers in harmony which were attributed toOrpheus. Hence Cadmus is made to say that he could charm the woods upon themountains, and sooth the wild beasts of the forest: that he could even calmthe ocean, and stop the course of its turbulent waters. 

 [1233]Θελξω δενδρεα παντα, και ουρεα, και φρενα θηρων· Ωκεανον σπευδοντα παλινδινητον ερυξω. 

Almost all the principal persons, whose names occur in the mythology ofGreece and Italy, are represented as shepherds. Not only the Gods Faunus, Apollo, Pan, Sylvanus, Pales, Adonis, but Eumelus, Triptolemus, Ericthonius, Eumolpus, Aristæus, Battus, Daphnis, Terambus of Egypt, andOsiris, are represented of that profession. Hence it is, that we findaltars, and inscriptions to the shepherd [1234]Gods. Apollo was styledΝομευς, and Ποιμνιος; and was said to have been educated in [1235]Arabia. When Rhea produced to the world Poseidon, she gave him to the care of a[1236]shepherd to bring him up among the flocks. Atlas, the greatastronomer, is represented as a shepherd. [1237]Ατλας μαθηματικος ην Λιβυςανηρ. --Πολυειδος δε ὁ διθυραμβοποιος τον Ατλαντα τουτον ΠΟΙΜΕΝΑ Λιβυνφησιν. _Atlas the great mathematician, was a person of Libya. TheDithyrambic poet Polueidos says, that Atlas was a Libyan shepherd. _ Therewas a tradition that the temple of Ammon in Libya was built by a shepherd, from whom it received its name; [1238]απο του ἱδρυσαμενου ποιμενος. It isreported of the Muses, that they were of shepherd extraction, and tendedflocks, which they entrusted to their favourite Aristæus. 

 [1239]Και μιν ἑων μηλων θεσαν ηρανον, ὁσσ' ενεμοντο Αμπεδιον Φθιαν Αθαμαντιον, αμφι τ' ερυμνην Οθρυν, και ποταμου ἱερον ῥοον Απιδανοιο. 

This is the person by Virgil styled Pastor Aristæus. Zethus and Amphion aredescribed as of the same profession, though kings of Thebes, [1240]Ζηθος δεκαι Αμφιων αδελφοι ησαν ποιμενες. Even the monster Polyphemus is takennotice of as a musician, and a [1241]shepherd. Macrobius mentions, thatamong the Phrygians the Sun was worshipped under a pastoral[1242]character, with a pipe and a wand. Tiresias, the prophet, is byHyginus styled Tiresias, Eueri filius, or as some read it, Tiresias, Euriifilius, [1243]_Pastor_. This was also one of the titles out of manyconferred upon the Phenician Hercules, to whom they attributed theinvention of purple. He was the chief Deity, the same as Cham, and Orus, the God of light; to whom there is a remarkable invocation in theDionusiaca of Nonnus. 

 [1244]Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου, Ηελιε, βροτεοιο βιου δολιχοσκιε ΠΟΙΜΗΝ. 

Some of the pyramids in Egypt were styled the pyramids of the shepherd[1245]Philitis; and were said to have been built by people, whom theEgyptians held in abomination: from whence we may form a judgment of thepersons, by whom those edifices were erected. Many hills, and places ofreputed sanctity were denominated from shepherds. Caucasus, in the vicinityof Colchis, had its name conferred by Jupiter in memory of Caucasus ashepherd. [1246]Το ορος εις τιμην του Ποιμενος Καυκασον μετονομασας. MountCithæron in Bœotia was called Asterius; but received the former name fromone Cithæron, a [1247]shepherd, supposed to have been there slain. I havementioned from Herodotus, that the Cadmians built the temple of[1248]Damater, or Ceres, in Attica, where they introduced her worship. Andthere is a remarkable circumstance mentioned in consequence of this byHesychius, who tells us, that the priests of this Goddess were of aparticular family, called Ποιμενιδαι, or _the Shepherd race_. Ποιμενιδαι, γενος, εξ ὁυ ὁ Δημητρος ἱερευς. The Cadmians therefore, from whom thispriesthood came, must have been in a peculiar manner shepherds. Themountain Apæsantus in Argolis is said to have been named from[1249]Apæsantus, a shepherd. The Cuthites settled in Thrace near Hæmus, inSethonia; of whom Stephanus gives this short but remarkable history:εκαλουντο προτερον Νομαιοι. The author does not say, that they _were_shepherds; but that they antiently were so called: so that it was not somuch the profession, as the title of the people. They settled in Hetruria, and Latium; in which last province stood the city Præneste, of which I havebefore spoken. It was said to have been of high antiquity, and was foundedby Cœculus, [1250]Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem, Inventumque focis, omnis quem credidit ætas. 

We find here, that the founder of this city was a shepherd, and a king, andthe reputed son of Vulcan, the same as Urius. It is said of him, that hewas, inventum focis, because he was ab origine from the land of fire; bywhich is meant Ur of Chaldea. So the personage, represented under thecharacter of Cacus upon Mount Aventine, is by Livy said to have been ashepherd. [1251]Pastor accola ejus loci, nomine Cacus, ferox viribus. Helikewise is said to have been the son of the God of Fire: [1252]Huicmonstro Vulcanus erat pater. The first city which the Cadmians built inBœotia was named [1253]Poimandris; or as Eustathius renders it Poimandria, [1254]Ποιμανδρια; the same which was afterwards called Tanagra. It is saidto have been so denominated from one Poimander. This name is byinterpretation a shepherd, or rather a shepherd of men. It answers to thetitle of Ποιμην λαου, so frequently to be met with in Homer. That excellentPoet was wonderfully fond of every thing, which savoured of antiquity: andhas continual references to the antient history of Egypt, and to the ritesof that country. He sometimes seems to adhere superstitiously to obsoleteterms, thinking probably, that they enriched his verse, and gave avenerable air to the narration. Of these, no one occurs more frequentlythan the title of a shepherd Prince, which he bestows on many of hisleaders. It is the translation of a title, which the sons of Chus, as wellas the Egyptians, gave to their Deities, and to their kings. Hence thewritings of Hermes were inscribed the works of the Shepherd Prince, as wemay infer from the Greek transcript: for that was written in imitation ofthe former, and called [1255]Poimandras. 

Thus have I endeavoured to state the progress of the Cuthites under theirdifferent appellations to Greece; and to describe the rout which they tookin their peregrinations, I have shewn, that under the title of Pheniciansand Cadmians, they first settled in Canaan, and in the region about Tyreand Sidon: from whence they extended themselves towards the midland partsof Syria; where they built Antioch. [1256]Κασος, και Βηλος, Ιναχου παιδες, προς τῳ Οροντῃ ποταμῳ την νυν Αντιοχειαν της Συριας πολιν εκτισαν. _Casus, and Belus, two sons of Inachus, built the city in Syria, which is nowcalled Antioch upon the river Orontes. _ By Casus is meant Chus; and Belusis a Babylonish title of Ham, as well as of his immediate descendants, whoare here alluded to. From Syria they penetrated to the Euphrates, and fromthence to Armenia: and that there were colonies here of Amonians, andparticularly of the Cuthites, may be known from the history of Cadmus: butmore especially from the similitude of language, person, and manners, whichsubsisted among these [1257]nations. Zonaras is very explicit upon thishead. He mentions the incroachments of the sons of Ham in these parts, andshews the extent of the trespass, of which they were guilty. [1258]Ὁιδε γεπαιδες του Χαμ την απο Συριας και Αβανου και Λιβανου των ορων γην κατεσχον, και ὁσα προς θαλασσαν αυτων ετετραπτο, μεχρις ωκεανου, κατειληφασι. _Inrespect to the sons of Ham, they seized upon all the inland country, whichreaches from Syria, and particularly from the mountains Albanus, andLibanus: and all the region, which from thence extends towards the sea, even as far as the Ocean. _ Of these emigrants Tacitus has given a curiousaccount, which has never been sufficiently heeded. He takes notice of thosewho settled in Canaan, as well as those who passed higher towards thenorth. [1259]Sunt, qui tradant Assyrios convenas, indigum agrorum populum, parte Ægypti potitos, ac mox [1260]proprias urbes, Hebræasque terras, etpropiora Syriæ coluisse. As the Cadmians settled about Byblus and Sidon, there seems in consequence of it to have been a religious correspondencekept up between this colony and Egypt. It is said according to theenigmatical turn of the times, that the head of Osiris was annually waftedby the floods to [1261]Byblus. It was reported to have been just seven daysin its passage; and the whole was performed θειῃ ναυτιλιῃ, by a voyagetruly miraculous. There are many proofs that the religion of Syria came ingreat measure from Egypt. The rites of Adonis, and the lamentations uponhis account at Sidon, and Byblus, were copies of the mourning for Osiris, and represented in the same [1262]manner. Lucian, having described thepompous temple at Hierapolis, says, that there was another in theneighbourhood, not of Assyrian, but Egyptian original; the rites of whichwere received by the natives from Heliopolis in that [1263]country. This hedid not see: but speaks of it as very grand, and of high antiquity. 

These particulars I have thought proper to discuss thoroughly, in order todisclose the true history of the Cadmians, as I am hereby enabled to provethe great antiquity of this people; and to shew who they were, and fromwhence they came. It has been observed by many of the learned, that someparticular race of men spread themselves abroad, and got access amongnumberless nations. Some have thought that they were Scythians: others, that they were Egyptians: others still, that they were from Phenicia, andCanaan. What they have said upon the subject, however they may seem todiffer from one another, may in some degree be allowed. But I believe, thatthe true account is that which I have here given. I have endeavoured, withgreat pains, to sift the history to the bottom: and it is to me manifest, that they were for the most part the Auritæ, those shepherds of Egypt. Thispeople had spread themselves over that country like a deluge: but were intime forced to retreat, and to betake themselves to other parts. Inconsequence of this they were dissipated over regions far remote. They wereprobably joined by others of their family, as well as by the Canaanites, and the Caphtorim of Palestina. They are to be met with in Persis, andGedrosia, under the name of Oritæ. They are to be found in Bœtica upon theAtlantic under the same [1264]name. They settled in Colchis, Thrace, Phrygia, Sicily, and Hetruria; and upon the extreme parts of theMediterranean: Diluvio ex illo tot vasta per æquora vecti. 

These are the migrations, of which the antient historian [1265]Istrus wrotein a curious treatise, long since lost; which he inscribed περι τωνΑιγυπτιων αποικιας. We meet with a summary account of them in DiodorusSiculus, who mentions, that after the death of Isis and Osiris theEgyptians sent out many colonies, which were scattered over the face of theearth. [1266]Ὁ δε ουν Αιγυπτιοι φασι και μετα ταυτα αποικιας πλειστας εξΑιγυπτου κατα πασαν διασπαρηναι την οικουμενην. Of these migrations therewere two remarkable above the rest: the one of the sons of Chus, concerningwhom I have been treating; the other of the Israelites, which was somewhatlater than the former. The author above takes notice of both theseoccurrences, in a most valuable extract preserved by Photius; wherein hedoes not sufficiently distinguish the particular families of theseemigrants, nor the different times of the migration: yet the account isvery curious; and the history of each transaction plainly delineated. [1267]Ευθυς ουν ὁι ξενολατουμενων των αλλοεθνων ὁι επιφανεστατοι, καιδραστικωτατοι συστραφεντες εξεῤῥιφησαν, ὡς τινες φασιν, εις την Ἑλλαδα, καιτινας ἑτερους τοπους, εχοντες αξιολογους ἡγεμονας· ὡν ἡγουντο Δαναος, καιΚαδμος, των αλλων επιφανεστατοι. Ὁδε πολυς λεως εξεπεσεν εις την νυνκαλουμενην Ιουδαιαν. _Upon this, as some writers tell us, the most eminentand enterprising of those foreigners, who were in Egypt, and obliged toleave the country, betook themselves to the coast of Greece, and also toother regions, having put themselves under the command of proper leadersfor that purpose. Some of them were conducted by Danaus, and Cadmus, whowere the most illustrious of the whole. There were beside these a large, but less noble, body of people, who retired into the province called now[1268]Judea. _

When therefore we speak of the history of Greece as far back as we cancarry it, and of the rites and religion introduced into that country, wemay accede to the account given of them by Zonaras. [1269]Εκ Χαλδαιων γαρλεγεται φοιτησαι ταυτα προς Αιγυπτον κακειθεν προς Ἑλληνας. _All thesethings came from Chaldea to Egypt; and from thence were derived to theGreeks_. The same is attested by [1270]Josephus. What preceded the arrivalof the Cadmians, and other Cuthites, in these parts, is utterly unknown. With them commences the history of the country. It is true, there areaccounts concerning Erectheus, Ericthonius, Cecrops, and other antientkings: but they were superadded to the history of Attica, just as the namesof Inachus, Phoroneus, Apis, were to that of Argos. It was therefore matterof great surprise to Solon, when he was informed by the Egyptian priests ofthe antient occurrences of their country, and of the wars of theAtlantians, to find the same names stand at the head of their histories, aswere observable in those of Greece: [1271]Κεκροπος τε, και Ερεχθεως, καιΕριχθονιου, και Ερισιχθονος, των τε αλλων. _For instance, the names ofCecrops, Erectheus, Ericthonius, Erisicthon, and others. _ Και τα τωνΓυναικων και ταυτα. _The names also of their women were the same. _ Inreality, they were all titles of the Deity, as might be easily shewn. Erectheus for instance was the God of the sea, and as such worshipped bythe very people who enlisted him among their kings. This may be proved fromAthenagoras. [1272]Αθηναιος Ερεχθει Ποσειδωνι θυει. _The Atheniansacrifices to Erectheus the same as Poseidon_. Strabo seems to think, thatmost of the antient names were foreign; [1273]such as Cecrops, and Codrus, and Arclus, and Cothus: and he is certainly right in his opinion. 

What I have here said, may in some degree prove a basis for the history ofGreece. We may indeed talk of Xuthus, Ion, and Hellen: also of the Leleges, and Pelasgi, and thus amuse ourselves in the dark: but no real emolumentcan possibly arise, till the cloud, with which history has been so longobscured, be done away. This cannot well be effected, till some of thefirst principles, upon which we are to proceed, be made out, and thesegreat truths determined. 

This inquisition I have been obliged to make concerning some of theprincipal personages in the annals of Greece. For it is impossible to lay afoundation for a future history unless what is true, and what is false, bepreviously determined. All those, of whom I have been treating, standforemost in the lists of antiquity, and have been admitted with too littleconsideration. Many of the first Fathers in the Christian church, seeingthe high pretensions of the Grecians, tried to invalidate their claim, byshewing that all their antient heroes were subsequent to Moses. This wasthe repeated labour of Clemens of Alexandria, Theophilus, Eusebius, Tatianus, and others. It was a point urged by them continually in theirrecommendation of the Scriptures, as if priority of time were necessarily amark of truth. The best chronologers likewise admit these personages intheir computations; and great pains have been used to reconcile thecontradictions in their histories, and to ascertain the æra when theyflourished. These learned men acted upon a very laudable principle, butfailed in the very beginning of their process. For, as I have before takennotice, the question should not have been about the time when these personslived, but whether they ever existed. The fathers proceeded upon veryprecarious grounds, and brought their evidence to a wrong test. They indeedstate things very fairly, and have authorities for all that they advance. But the traditions of the Greeks were not uniform. And if any Gentilewriter, instead of carrying the æra of Inachus and Phoroneus, or ofDionusus and Perseus, towards the time of Moses, had extended it to thetimes of the first kings in Egypt, I do not see what they could have done;for this person, in his turn, could have produced authorities. They mightindeed have disputed the point, and have opposed evidence to evidence, butnothing certain could have ensued. 

END OF VOL. II. 

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn. 

[1] In all antient accounts of the Romans the term was expressed Poini, andPoinicus. Poinei stipendia pendunt. Poinei sunt soliti suos sacrificarepuellos. Ennius. Annal. Vii. Afterwards it was changed to Pœnus, andPunicus. 

[2] Simon the Canaanite. Matth. C. 10. V 4. Also the woman of Canaan. Matthew. C. 15. V. 22. 

[3] Ausonius. Epigram. 25. Ph'Anac, the Great Lord. 

[4] Apuleius. L. Xi. P. 246. 

[5] Zachlas adest Ægyptius, propheta primarius, --et cum dicto juvenemquempiam linteis amiculis intectum, pedesque palmeis baxeis indutum, etadusque deraso capite, producit in medium. Apuleius. L. 2. P. 39. 

[6] Pedes ambrosios tegebant soleæ, palmæ victricis foliis intextæ. Ibid. L. 11. P. 241. 

[7] Euripides in Ione. V. 920. 

[8] Cantic. C. 7. V. 6. 

[9] Psalm 93. V. 12. 

[10] Plutarch Symposiac. L. 8. C. 4. Adversus pondera resurgit. Gellius. L. 3. C. 6. 

[11] Pliny. Hist. Nat. L. 13. C. 4. Ἱερον Ἑλιου το φυτον, αγηρων τε ον. Juliani Imp. Orat. V. P. 330. 

[12] Revelations. C. 7. V. 9. Περιβεβλημενοι στολας λευκας, και Φοινικες ενταις χερσιν αυτων. 

[13] John. C. 12. V. 13. 

[14] Ἑκκαιδεκατη δυναστεια Ποιμενες Ἑλληνες Βασιλεις. Syncellus. P. 61. 

[15] The Lords of the Philistines; and the Princes of the Philistines. 1Samuel. C. 29. V. 2, 3, 4. 

[16] Ezekiel. C. 26. V. 16. 

[17] Isaiah. C. 23. V. 8. 

Ezekiel. C. 28. V. 2. 

[18] Herodotus brings the Phœnicians from the Mare Erythræum; by which hemeans the Sinus Persicus. L. 7. C. 89. L. 1. C. 1. 

[19] Philo, mentioning the march of the Israelites towards the Red Sea, andthe Amalekites, adds: νεμονται δ' αυτην Φοινικες. De V. Mosis. Vol. 2. P. 115. 

Φοινικων κωμη, in Edom. Procopius. Persic. L. 1. C. 19. 

[20] Phœnicus, in Crete. Steph. Byzant. 

[21] Αφροι Φοινικες. Glossæ. 

[22] Κατα Βουθρωτον Φοινικη. Strabo. L. 7. P. 499. 

Mount Olympus, in Lycia, was styled, by way of eminence, Phoinic. Ολυμποςπολις μεγαλη και ορος ὁμωνυμον, ὁ και Φοινικους καλειται. Strabo. L. 14. P. 982. Bochart supposes Phœnic and Phœnices (Φοινικες) to be derived fromBeni Anac, changed to Pheni Anac, i. E. The sons of Anac: but how can thisbe applicable to a mountain, or to the Palm tree? I am happy, however, thatin a part of my etymology, and that a principal part, I am countenanced bythat learned man. 

Bishop Cumberland derives it from Anac torquis. Orig. P. 302. 

[23] Hesychius. 

[24] A city and mountain in Bœotia, called Phœnice: the natives, Phœnicians. Strabo. L. 9. P. 629. 

[25] Chron. P. 27. 

[26] Syncellus. P. 126. From Eusebius. 

[27] Βηλος απ' Ευφρηταο. κτλ. Nonnus. 

[28] Bochart. Hierazoican. L. 2. C. 7. 

[29] Gellius. L. 2. C. 26. 

[30] Gellius. Ibidem. 

[31] Iliad ψ. V. 454. 

[32] John. C. 12. V. 13. 

[33] 1 Maccab. C. 13. V. 51. 

[34] Ibidem. C. 13. V. 37. 

[35] Varro apud Nonium Marcellum. 

[36] Horapollo. L. 1. C. 7. P. 11. 

[37] Ælian de Animalibus. L. 7. C. 60. 

He cites Hermippus and Aristotle for vouchers. 

[38] Εθνος ειναι φασιν Αιθιοπων, ὁπου, κυων βασιλευει, και βασιλευςπροσαγορευται, και ἱερα και τιμας εχει βασιλεων. Ανδρες δε πρασσουσιν, ἁπερἡγεμοσι πολεων προσηχει, και αρχουσιν. Plutarch adversus Stoïcos. Vol. 2. P. 1064. 

[39] Ibid. 

[40] Lycophron. V. 439. 

[41] Comment. Upon Lycophron. P. 68. 

[42] Lucan. Pharsalia. L. 9. V. 787. 

[43] Ausa Jovi nostro latrantem opponere Anubim. Propert. L. 3. El. 11. 

Ἑξης δε εστιν ὁ κυνοπολιτις νομος, και Κυνων πολις, εν ᾑ Ανουβις τιμᾳται, και τοις κυσι τιμη, και σιτις τετακται τις ἱερα. Strabo. L. 17. P. 1166. 

[44] Σεληνην δε γραφοντες, Η ΟΙΚΟΥΜΕΝΗΝ, η γραμματεα, η ἱερεα, η οργην, ηκολυμβον, κυνοκεφαλον ζωγραφουσι. L. 1. C. 14. P. 26. 

[45] Ἱερογραμματεα τε παλιν, η προφητην, η οσφρησιν, η πταρμον, η αρχην, ηδικαστην, βουλομενοι γραφειν κυνα ζωγραφουσιν. L. 1. C. 39. P. 52. 

[46] Εω γαρ τους Αιγυπτιους, ὁιπερ και δεισιδαιμονεστατοι εισι παντων· ὁμωςτοις θειοις ονομασιν εις κορον επιχρωμενους· σχεδον γαρ τα πλειστα ΕΞΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ εστιν. Lucian de imaginibus. 

See Observations on Antient History. P. 166. 

Solebant autem Ægyptii sibi suisque Deorum patriorum nomina plerumqueimponere. --Moremque hunc gens illa servare perrexit, postquam salutari luceEvangelicâ diu fruita esset. Jablonsky. V. 1. L. 1. C. 5. P. 105. 

[47] It is possibly alluded to in Psalm 80. V. 16. And in Jeremiah. C. 6. V. 20. 

[48] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 365. Χενοσιρις. 

[49] The purport of the term Cahen, or Cohen, was not totally unknown inGreece. They changed it to κοης, and κοιης; but still supposed it tosignify a priest. Κοιης, ἱερευς Καβειρων, ὁ καθαιρωμενος φονεα. Hesychius. Κοιᾳται ἱερᾳται. Ibid. 

It was also used for a title of the Deity. Κοιας, ὁ στρογγυλος λιθος;scilicet Βαιτυλος. Moscopulus. P. 5. The Bætulus was the most antientrepresentation of the Deity. See Apollon. Rhod. Schol. Ad. L. 1. V. 919. 

[50] Ου, καθαπερ τα λοιπα ζωα εν ἡμερᾳ μιᾳ τελευτᾳ, ὁυτω και τουτους: αλλαμερος αυτων καθ' ἑκαστην ἡμεραν νεκρουμενον ὑπο των Ἱερεων θαπτεσθαι. κτλ. 

Ἑως δ' αν ἁι ἑβδομηκοντα και δυο πληρωθῳσιν ἡμερας, τοτε ὁλος αποθνησκει. Horapollo. L. 1. C. 14. P. 2. 

[51] Εις ἱερον επειδαν πρωτα κομισθη Κυνοκεφαλος, δελτον αυτῳ παρατιθησιν ὁἹερευς, και σχοινιον, και μελαν, πειραζων, ει εκ της επισταμενης εστισυγγενειας γραμματα, και ει γραφει. Horapollo. L. 1. C. 14. P. 28. 

[52] Horapollo. L. 1. C. 16 p. 30. Δωδεκατις της ἡμερας καθ' ἑκαστην ὡρανουρει· τοδε αυτο και ταις δυσι νυξι ποιει. κτλ. Speaking of the twoEquinoxes. 

[53] Hoffman: Cunocephalus. 

Vossius de Idol. Vol. 2. L. 3. C. 78. 

[54] What Orus Apollo attributes to the Cunocephalus, Damascius (in VitâIsidori) mentions of the Cat. Photii Bibliotheca. C. 242. P. 1049. 

[55] By Strabo expressed Κειπος, who says, that it was reverenced by thepeople at Babylon, opposite to Memphis. L. 17. P. 1167. Κειπον δεΒαβυλωνιοι ὁι κατα Μεμφιν (σεβουσι). 

[56] Babun, Βαβυν, of Hellanicus Lesbius. Athenæus. L. 15. P. 680. CalledBebon, Βεβων, by Manethon. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 371, 376. Babon wasthought to have been the same as Typhon: by some esteemed a female, and thewife of that personage. Plutarch. Ibid. 

The Ape and Monkey were held sacred, not in Egypt only, but in India, andlikewise in a part of Africa. Diodorus Sicul. L. 20. P. 793. Maffeusmentions a noble Pagoda in India, which was called the monkeys' Pagoda. Historia Ind. L. 1. P. 25: and Balbus takes notice of Peguan temples, called by the natives Varelle, in which monkeys were kept, out of areligious principle. See Balbi Itinerarium. 

[57] Martianus Capella. L. 4. Sub initio. 

Astronomia is made to speak to the same purpose. --Per immensa spatiaseculorum, ne profanâ loquacitate vulgarer, Ægyptiorum clausa adytisocculebar. Martianus Capella. L. 8. 

[58] Johannes Sarisburiensis Metalogic. L. 2. P. 787. Editio Lugd. Bat. Anno 1639. 

He speaks of Parmenides as if he were a native of Egypt; and seems to haveunderstood that Parmenides took up his residence in the Egyptian seminary, in order to obtain a thorough knowledge in science. Et licet ParmenidesÆgyptius in rupe vitam egerit, ut rationem Logices inveniret, tot et tantosstudii habuit successores, ut ei inventionis suæ totam fere præripuerintgloriam. 

[59] Hermes was the same as Anubis Latrator. Jablonsky. L. 5. C. 1. 

Κυνα σεβεις· τυπτω δ' εγω. Anaxandrides apud Athenæum. L. 7. P. 300. 

Ἑρμην κυνα. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. 

[60] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1167. Κυνοκεφαλον δε (τιμωσιν) Ἑρμοπολιται. 

[61] Ἑρμοπολιτικη φυλακη. Strabo. Ibid. 

[62] Analogous to this we read in Herodotus, that the Persian brigade, whose deficiencies were supplied by continual recruits, was styledαθανατος, immortalis. Herodotus. L. 7. C. 83. 

It consisted of ten thousand men. 

[63] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 37. 

[64] Δωδεκατις ἡμερας καθ' ἑκαστην ὡραν ΟΥΡΕΙ Κυνοκεφαλος. Horapollo. L. 1. C. 16. 

[65] Herodot. L. 4. C. 191. 

Upon the Mare Erythræum, ἱδρυμα Κυνοσκεφαλων καλουμενον. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1120. Also Pliny. L. 6. C. 30. And l. 7. C. 2. Of Cunocephali in Ethiopiaand India. 

[66] Herodot. L. 4. C. 191. 

[67] Many places were named Cunocephale: all which will be found uponinquiry to have been eminences, or buildings situated on high, agreeably tothis etymology. Κυνοσκεφαλη, ΛΟΦΟΣ τις Θεσσαλιας. Stephanus Byzant. FromPolybius. L. 17. 

Κυνωγκεφαλαι near Scotiussa. ΛΟΦΩΝ πυκνων παραλληλων ΑΚΡΑΙ. Plutarch inFlaminino, of the same place. 

The citadel at Thebes was called Κυνοσκεφαλη by Xenophon. Those who speakof the Cunocephali as a people, describe them as Mountaineers. Megasthenesper diversos Indiæ montes esse scribit nationes caninis capitibus. Solinus. C. 52. 

A promontory of this name upon the coast of the Red Sea, mentioned abovefrom Strabo. Another promontory Cunocephale in Corcyra. Procopius. Goth. L. 3. C. 27. 

[68] Solinus. C. 4. And Isidorus. Origi l. 9. De Portentis. 

[69] Steph. Byzantinus. 

[70] Ptolemy. L. 3. C. 15. 

[71] Hesychius. Also a family at Lacedæmon, Φυλη Λακωνικη: and Cunosouroi, the name of a family at Megara. See Alexander ab Alexandro. L. 1. C. 17. 

[72]

 Esse duas Arctos, quarum Cynosura petatur Sidoniis; Helicen Graia carina notet. Ovid. Fastor. L. 3. V. 107. 

[73] L. 3. P. 207. 

[74] V. 99. 

[75] Palæphatus περι εφευρησεως κογχυλης.. P. 124. 

[76] Cassiodorus of the purple. Cum fame canis avida in Tyrio littoreprojecta conchylia impressis mandibulis contudisset, illa naturaliterhumorem sanguineum diffluentia ora ejus mirabili colore tinxerunt: et utest mos hominibus occasiones repentinas ad artes ducere, talia exemplameditantes fecerunt principibus decus nobile. L. 9. C. 36. 

See also Chronicon Paschale. P. 43. Achilles Tatius. L. 3. Julius Pollux. L. 1. C. 4. P. 30. Ed. Amstel. Pliny. L. 9. C. 36. 

[77] Cyrus Prodromus επι αποδημῳ τῃ φιλιᾳ. 

[78] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 40. P. 1034. 

[79] Etymologicum Magnum. 

[80] Johannes Antiochenus, who tells the story at large, says, that purplewas the discovery κυνος ποιμενικου which in the original history wasundoubtedly a shepherd king. 

[81] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 355. 

[82] Ουδε Σωκρατης τον κυνα και τον χηνα ομνυς επαιζεν. Porphyry deAbstinentiâ. L. 3. P. 286. 

It is said to have been first instituted by Rhadamanthus of Crete: Εκελευσε(Ῥαδαμανθυς) κατα χηνος, και κυνος, και κριου ομνυναι. Eustathius uponHomer. Odyss. Υ. P. 1871. 

See Aristophan. Ορνιθες. Scholia, v. 521. Ομνυναι κελευσαι (Ῥαδαμανθυν)χηνα, και κυνα, κτλ. From Socrates. L. 12. De Rebus Creticis. 

The antient Abantes of Eubœa styled Zeus himself Cahen; called inaftertimes Cenæus. There was a promontory of the same name: Κηναιονακρωτηριον (Αβαντων) Steph. Byzant. Here Hercules was supposed to havesacrificed after his conquest of Æchalia. 

 Victor ab Æchaliâ Cenæo sacra parabat Vota Jovi. Ovid. Metamorph. L. 9 v. 136. 

Sophocles in Trachin. V. 242, mentions, Βωμους, τελητ' εγκαρτα Κηναιῳ Διι. 

[83] Plato in Gorgiâ. Vol. 1. P. 482. 

[84] Porphyry. L. 3. P. 286. So corrected by Jablonsky. L. V. C. 1. P. 10

[85] Clementis Cohortatio. P. 32. 

[86] Pliny. L. 8. P. 446. 

[87] Anthologia. L. 1. Epigram. 144. 

[88] Theophrast. Charact. 

[89] Hesychius. 

[90] Diodorus Siculus de pompâ Isiacâ. L. 1. P. 78. 

[91] Huetius. Præp. Evang. P. 86. From Cornutus de naturâ Deorum. 

A like history is given of serpents in Syria by Aristotle, περι θαυμασιωνακουσματων: and by Pliny and Isidorus, of birds in the islands of Diomedes. 

[92] Nonni Dionysica. L. 3. P. 94. 

[93] Ibid. 

[94] Homer. Odyss. L. 8. V. 92. 

[95] Τον Κυνα τον χρυσεον απεδειξεν (ὁ Ζευς) φυλαττειν το ἱερον εν Κρητῃ. Antoninus Liberalis. C. 35. P. 180. 

[96] Pausanias of Tænarus. L. 3. P. 275. 

[97] ---- of Trœzen. L. 2. P. 183. 

[98] ---- of Hermione. L. 2. P. 196. 

[99] Dionys. Περιηγης. V. 791. This temple stood, according to DiodorusSiculus and Arrian, in the country of the Cimmerians, near the AcherusianChersonese. See Scholia to Dionysius above. 

[100] Oppida tota canem venerantur. Juvenal. Sat. 15. V. 8. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 16. 

[101] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 66. 

[102] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 368. 

[103] Εξω κυνες was a proverbial expression among the Jews. 

[104] Deuteronomy. C. 23. V. 18. 

[105] In this golden cup Hercules was supposed to have passed over theocean. Χρυσεον ---- δεπας, εν ᾡ τον ωκεανον διεπερασεν Ἡρακλης. Apollodorus. L. 2. P. 100. 

There was likewise in the same place a story about a golden belt. Philostratus: Vita Apollon. L. 5. P. 212. 

[106] Palæphatus. Edit. Elz. 1642. P. 76. The author would not say σφοδραπλουσιοι, but keeps to the antient term χρυσοι, though it is scarce sense. 

[107] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 2. στροφ. δ. P. 25. 

[108] Χρυσοφορουσι δ' εκ του Καυνασου πολλαι πηγαι ψηγμα αφανες. Appian deBello Mithridat. P. 242. Salauces, an antient king of Colchis, was said tohave abounded with gold. Pliny. L. 33. C. 15. P. 614. Arrian supposes thatthey put fleeces into the river, to intercept (ψηγμα αφανες) thisimperceptible mineral; and that hence arose the fable of the Golden Fleece. 

[109] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. P. 64. 

[110] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. V. 34. 

In like manner there was a shower of gold at Thebes, in Bœotia. Pindarspeaks of Jupiter Χρυσῳ μεσονυκτιον νιφοντα. Isthm. Ode 7. P. 746. 

[111] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. V. 260. 

[112] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. V. 135. 

[113] Πευκης ειδος ἑτερον· λειβεσθαι δ' ἁιματι, καθαπερ τῳ χρυσῳ την Ἡλιαδααιγειρον. Philostratus. L. 5. P. 211. Æschylus mentions the Arimaspians asliving upon a golden stream:

 Ὁι Χρυσοῤῥυτον Οικουσιν αμφι ναμα Πλατωνος πορου. Prometheus. P. 49. 

[114] Hence the celebrated city in Egypt had the name of Cherchusora. Sometraces of Orcus may be found in Zeus Hircius, and Orcius, mentioned byPausanias. L. 5. P. 442. He supposes the name to be from ὁρκος, an oath, and mentions a legend to that purpose. 

[115] Hesiod. Theog. V. 281. 

[116] Χρυσαορις, πολις Καριας----Επαφροδιτος δε την Καριαν πασαν Χρυσαοριδαλεγεσθαι (φησι). Steph. Byzant. 

[117] Strabo. L. 14. P. 975. Zeus was a title conferred upon more than oneof the family. 

[118] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 15. Also c. 17. And 97. Called by StraboΚερκεσουρα. L. 17. P. 1160. 

[119] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. L. 1. P. 35. 

[120] Diodorus Sic. L. 4. P. 224. 

[121] Hesiod. Theog. V. 287. 

Τρισωματον βοτηρ' Ερυθειας. Euripides. Hercules Furens. V. 423. 

[122] Homer. Iliad. Ο. V. 256. 

[123] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. V. 123. 

[124] Second Hymn to Diana. V. 3. 

Perseus is styled Χρυσαορος in Orpheus de Lapid. C. 15. V. 41. 

[125] Homer. Hymn to Apollo. V. 131. 

[126] Ibid. V. 126. 

[127] Apollo was represented as the author of the lyre, called among theoriental nations Kinor, and Cuthar: from the latter of which came κιθαρις, and cithara in the west. 

[128] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 1. 

[129] Χρυση, ἡ πολις του Απολλωνος εγγυς Λημνου--και της Λεσβιας τοπος· καιΠανηφαιστια της Λημνου ακρωτηριον--και εν Βιθυνιᾳ, και περι Χαλκηδονα, καιτης Καριας· και εν τῃ Ἁλικαρνασιδι Δωριον πεδιον· και εν Ἑλλησποντῳ· εστικαι αλλη Χεῤῥονησος της Ινδικης· εν δε τῃ εκτος Γανγου Ινδικῃ. StephanusByzant. 

See also Χρυσοπολις ibidem. 

[130] Cedrenus. P. 12. 

[131] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1095. 

[132] Hoffman Lexic. 

[133] Plutarch de fluminibus. P. 1151. The original name was Chrusaor, which had no relation to a golden stream: at least that part of it was sonamed which ran through the city Mastaura. See Stephanus Byzant. Μασταυρα. 

[134] כתם of of the Hebrews. 

[135] Dionysius περιηγης. V. 589. Scholia ibidem. 

[136] The antients, as I have before observed, were not consistent in theirtheology. The Sun was properly Cham, styled also Orus, but, as a title, wasbestowed upon more persons than one. 

[137] Josephus of Salatis, the first Shepherd King; Ὁυτος εν τῃ Μεμφιδικατεγινετο. Contra Apion. L. 1. §. 14. 

[138] Diodorus Sic. L. 1. P. 88. 

[139] Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. C. 14. 

[140] Justin Martyr mentions this: Εγνω γαρ και τεμενος Χρυσης Αφροδιτης ενΑιγυπτῳ λεγομενον, και πεδιον Χρυσης Αφροδιτης ονομαζομενον. Cohort, p. 28. Chruse Aphrodite is plainly the Cuthite Venus; the Deity of the Cuthim. 

[141] Pocock's and Norden's Travels, and maps of the country about Cairo. 

[142] Colchis, near Comar. Arrian Periplus maris Erythræi. Geog. Vet. Vol. 1. P. 33. 

[143] Κατασχειν δε φασι και ες Πηγαδας της των Ωρειτων χωρας. Ὁιδε Ωρειται, χαλκαι μεν αυτοις ἁι πετραι, χαλκη δε ἡ ψαμμος, χαλκουν δε ψηγμα ὁι ποταμοιαγουσι. Χρυσιτιν ἡγουνται την γην δια την ευγενειαν του Χαλκου. Philostratus. Vita Apollon. L. 3. P. 155. 

[144] The Petra and Pagoda were the same: both names for temples. 

[145] This mistake arose from Cal-Chus being styled the region of theCuthim. 

[146] Scholia upon Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. P. 259. 

[147] Ibid. Isth. Ode 5. P. 462. 

[148] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb: Præp. Evan. L. 1. C. 10. P. 35. 

[149] Ibid. 

[150] Lucian de Electro. Vol. 2. P. 523. Edit. Salmurii. 

[151] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 1. V. 751. 

[152] Homer. Odyss. L. λ. V. 15. Phaëthon was universally allowed to be theSun by the antient mythologists of Greece; to whom we must appeal, and notto the Roman poets. Orpheus says, Ηελιον Φαεθοντα εφ' ἁρμασι πωλοι αγουσι. De Lapid. V. 90. 

And in another place;

 Ευθυς ὁτ' εκ περατων γαιης Φαεθων ανορουσων, κλ. 

Phaëthon was the same as Phanes: and there is something very mysterious inhis character. He is represented as the first born of heaven: ΠρωτογονοςΦαεθων περιμηκεος Ηερος ὑιος--Hunc ait (Orpheus) esse omnium Deorumparentem; quorum causâ cœlum condiderit, liberisque prospexerit, uthaberent habitaculum, sedemque communem: Εκτισεν Αθανατοις δομον αφθιτον. Lactantus de falsâ religione. L. 1. C. 5. P. 15. His history will beexplained hereafter. 

[153] Phœnices post multos deinde annos, a Rege Ascaloniorum expugnati, navibus appulsi, Tyron urbem ante annum Trojanæ cladis condiderunt. Justin. L. 18. C. 3. See Isaiah. C. 23. V. 11. They enlarged Tyre: but it was acity before: for it is mentioned Joshua. C. 19. V. 29. As the strong cityTyre. 

[154] Porphyry de Abstinentiâ. L. 2. P. 158. 

[155] Apuleius de genio Socratis. 

[156] Argonautica. V. 32. See Clementis Cohortatio. P. 12. 

[157] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 19. P. 520. 

[158] Joseph. Antiq. L. 11. C. 5. P. 563. 

[159] Nehemiah. C. 8. V. 9. 

[160] 1 Esdras. C. 9. V. 52, 53. 

[161] Nehemiah. C. 8. V. 11. 

[162] Sanchoniathon alludes to the songs of Canaan, and their greatsweetness, when he is in an allegorical manner speaking of Sidon; whom hemakes a person, and the inventress of harmony. Απο δε Ποντου γινεται Σιδων, ἡ καθ' ὑπερβολην ευφωνιας πρωτη ὑμνον ῳδης ἑυρεν. Apud Euseb. P. E. Lib. 1. C. 10. P. 38. 

[163] Stephanus Byzant. 

[164] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. L. 1. C. 10. P. 39. 

[165] Υκ καθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαι βασιλεα σημαινει. Josephus contra Ap. L. 1. C. 13. P. 445. 

[166] Osiris, Υσιρις, according to Hellanicus. Plutarch de Iside etOsiride. 

[167] Verse 129. 

[168] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. V. 92. 

[169] Ichnaia was a city in Sicily, and elsewhere. 

Αχναι πολις Θεσσαλιας--εστι και πολις Βοιωτιας. Steph. Byzant. 

Αραχναιον ορος Αργους. Ibid. Ar-Achnaion is the hill of Canaan, or theCanaanitish mount. 

[170] See Radicals. P. 106. 

[171] Pliny. L. 3. P. 173. 

[172] Milton. Paradise Lost. L. 1. V. 416. See also Ezekiel. C. 8. V. 14. 

[173] Hyginus. Fab. 154. P. 266. Not. 7. Ἑτεροι δε φασι, δικαιοτατον αυτονειναι Νειλον. Eratosthenes. Catasterism. 37. 

[174] Καλειται δε ὑπο των εγχωριων Βυχερνος. Αιγυπτιοι δε φασι Νειλον ειναιτον κατηστηρισμενον. Scholia in Aratum. P. 48. 

[175] Plutarch de Fluminibus. Vol. 2. P. 1154. 

[176] Eustathius in Dionysium. V. 239. See Steph. Byzant. Αιγυπτος. 

[177] Plutarch περι τον εκλελοιποτων χρηστηριων. Vol. 1. P. 409. 

[178] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1101. There was supposed to have been a person inThessaly named Cycnus, the son of Apollo. He lived upon a lake Uria; whichwas so called from his mother. 

 Inde lacus Hyries videt, et Cycnëia Tempe, Quæ subitus celebravit olor. Ovid. Metam. L. 7. V. 371. 

Uria was also a river in Bœotia: and here was a Cycnus, said to have beenthe son of Poseidon. Pausan. L. 10. P. 831. 

[179] Ερασθεντα δε Πασιφαης Δια γενεσθαι μεν Ταυρον· νυν δε αετον καικυκνον. Porphyry de Abstin. L. 3. P. 285. 

Που νυν εκεινος ὁ αετος; που δαι ὁ κυκνος; που δαι αυτος ὁ Ζευς. Clemens. Alex. Cohort. P. 31. 

[180] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 24. P. 626. 

[181]

 Προς Γοργονεια πεδια Κισθενης, ἱνα Ἁι φορκιδες ναιουσι, δηναιοι κοραι, Τρεις κυκνομορφοι, κοινον ομμ' εκτημεναι. Æschyli Prometheus. P. 48. 

Ἁι μεν φορκιδες τρεις--ειχον ειδος Κυκνων. Scholia ibidem. 

Φορκυν ην ανηρ Κυρηναιος· ὁιδε Κυρηναιοι κατα γενος μεν εισιν Αιθιοπες. Palæphatus. Edit. Elz. P. 76. 

[182] Τατε ωτα, και τους οφθαλμους ὁι δημιουργουντες εξ ὑλης τιμιαςκαθιερουσι, τοις Θεοις ανατιθεντες εις τους νεως· τουτο δηπου αινισσομενοι, ὡς παντα θεος ὁρᾳ, και ακουει. Clemens Alexand. L. 5. P. 671. 

See Diodorus. L. 3. P. 145. This may have been one reason, among others, why the Cyclopians and Arimaspians are represented with one eye: τονμουνωπα στρατον Αριμασπον. Æschylus Prometh. P. 49. The Arimaspian historywas written by Aristeus Proconnesius, and styled Αριμασπεια επη. 

[183] Plutarch. Ει. Vol. 2. P. 387. 

[184] Porph. De Abst. L. 3. P. 286. 

[185] Aristophanes. Aves. Κυκνῳ Πυθιῳ και Δελιῳ. V. 870. 

[186] Plato de Republicâ. L. 10. P. 620. Vol. 2. 

[187] Porph. De Abstin. L. 4. P. 364. 

[188] Lycophron. V. 426. Scholia Ibidem. 

[189] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. V. 249. 

[190] Fragmenta Lini. Ex Aristobulo. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Steph. P. 112. 

[191] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 14. V. 509. 

[192] Plato in Phædone. Vol. 1. P. 84. Plutarch. In Ει. V. 2. P. 387. 

Cicero Tusc. Quæst. L. 1. Pliny. L. X. C. 23. 

Ælian de Animal. L. 2. C. 32. L. X. C. 36. 

Philostratus. Vita Apollon. L. 3. C. 23. 

[193] De Animalibus. L. 9. Και τινες ηδη πλεοντες παρα την Λιβυηνπεριετυχον εν τῃ θαλαττῃ πολλοις αδουσι φωνῃ γοωδει· και τουτων ἑωρωναποθνησκοντας ενιους. Vol. 2. P. 423. 

[194] See Brown's Vulgar Errors. L. 3. C. 27. 

[195] Ὁ δε Μυνδιος φησιν Αλεξανδρος πολλοις τελευτωσι παρακολουθησας ουκακουσαι αδοντων. Athenæus. L. 9. C. 11. 

[196] Epigram. In Erinnam. L. 3. P. 280. H. Steph. 

[197] Lucretius. L. 4. V. 182. 

[198] See Vossius de Idol. Vol. 2. L. 3. C. 88. P. 1212. And Pierius deCygnis. P. 254. 

[199] Herod. L. 2. C. 109. 

Γεωμετριας τε αυ ἑυρεται γεγονασιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι. ) Clemens. Strom. L. 1. P. 361. 

[200] L. 4. V. 279. 

[201] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 4. V. 279. 

[202] Dionys. Περιηγησις. V. 688. 

[203] Clem. Alexand. Speaks Περι τε της Κοσμογραφιας και Γεωγραφιαςκτλ. --Χωρογραφιας τε της Αιγυπτου, και της του Νειλου διαγραφης. Strom. 6. P. 757. 

[204] Σεσωστρις δε, φασιν, ὁ Αιγυπτιος, πολλην περιεληλυθως γην πιναξι τεδεδωκε την περιοδον, και της των πινακων αναγραφας ουκ Αιγυπτιοις μονον, αλλα και Σκυθαις εις θαυμα μεταδουναι ηξιωσεν. Eustath. Præf. Epist. ToDionys. P. 12. 

[205] Ægyptios primos omnium tam cœlum quam terram esse dimensos: ejusquerei scientiam columnis incisam ad posteros propagâsse. Petavii Uranalogia. P. 121. Taken from Achilles Tatius. 

[206] Homer. Odyss. L. α. V. 52. 

[207] The Atlantians were styled [Greek Ouraniônes], or sons of heaven. Thehead of the family was supposed to be the brother of Saturn. Diodorus. L. 3. P. 193. 

[208] Euseb. Ἱστοριων συναγωγη. P. 374. C. 2. 

[209] L. 3. 194. 

[210] Strabo. L. 1. P. 13. 

[211] Diog. Laert. Anaximander. 

[212] Laertius. L. 1. P. 74. 

[213] In Pherecyde. 

[214] Josephus cont. Apion. L. 1. C. 2. 

[215] Clemens. Strom. L. 6. P. 741. 

[216] Diodorus Sic. L. 1. P. 12. 

[217] Ibid. L. 1. P. 17. 

[218] P. 30. 

[219] Chron. Paschale. P. 34. Zonaras. P. 16. 

See Salmasius upon Solinus. C. 35. Concerning Ogen. Also, WindeliniAdmiranda Nili. P. 12. And 16. 

[220] Metamorph. L. 2. V. 9. 

[221] V. 119. 

[222] Iliad. L. 18. V. 483. And v. 606. 

[223] Nonni Dionus. L. 40. P. 1040. 

[224] Catull. Epithalamium of Peleus and Thetis. V. 47. 

[225] Plutarch. Life of Theseus. 

[226] Add to this, what I have before taken notice of, the great absurdityof making the Grecian Argo the first ship which sailed upon the seas: Illarudem cursu prima imbuit Amphitriten: when the poet, at the same instant, is describing Theseus, previous to the Argo, _in a ship_, and attended with_fleet of ships_. 

 Namque fluentisono prospectans littore Diæ Thesea _cedentem celeri cum classe_ tuetur, Indomitos in corde gerens Ariadna furores. 

Catulli. Epithal. Pel. Et Thet. V. 52. See Famiani Stradæ Prolus. L. 3. P. 285. 

[227] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 41. P. 1070. 

[228] Orphica ex Macrobio Saturn. L. 1. C. 18. P. 202. 

[229] Maps, and books too, when writing was introduced, were made of skins, called διφθεραι. Τας βιβλους διφθερας καλεουσι απο του παλαιου ὁι Ιωνες. Herodot. L. 5. C. 58. 

A Zone, of curious imagery, is given by Homer to Hercules. Odyss. L. Λ. V. 609. 

Χρυσεος ην τελαμων, ἱνα θεσκελα εργα τετυκτο. 

A remarkable passage, from Isidorus Basilidis, quoted by ClemensAlexandrin. Και γαρ μοι δοκει τους προσποιουμενους φιλοσοφειν, ἱνα μαθωσι, τι εστιν ἡ ὑποπτερος δρυς, και το επ' αυτῃ πεποικιλμενον ΦΑΡΟΣ. Παντα ὁσαΦερεκυδης αλληγορησας εθεολογησεν, λαβων απο της του Χαμ προφητειας. Strom. L. 6. P. 767. 

In the former verses from Nonnus we may see the method of deviation. Pharos, a tower, is taken for Pharos a garment; and this altered to Χιτων:and, after all, the genuine history is discernible, notwithstanding theveil which is spread over it. The author says, that, at the bottom, εϋκλωστοιο Χιτωνος, of the well-woven garment, flowed the Ocean, whichsurrounded the world. This is certainly a misinterpretation of the termφαρος: and, in the original writings, whence these verses were copied, thehistory related to a tower: and it was at the foot ΦΑΡΟΥ ΕΥΚΛΥΣΤΟΙΟ thatthe ocean beat, by which the earth was encircled. 

[230] Bochart Geog. Sacra. L. 1. C. 228. P. 524. Of תור. 

[231] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1110. 

[232] Diodorus Siculus. L. 4. P. 231. 

[233] Strabo. L. 11. P. 762. 

[234] Τυνδαριοι σκοπελοι. Ptolemæus. P. 122. See Strabo. L. 17. P. 1150. 

[235] Dionysius. V. 688. Pliny styles them oppida. 

Oppida--in ripâ celeberrima, Tyndarida, Circæum, &c. L. 6. C. 4. 

[236] The Minotaur was an emblematical representation of Menes, the same asOsiris; who was also called Dionusus, the chief Deity of Egypt. He was alsothe same as Atis of Lydia, whose rites were celebrated in conjunction withthose of Rhea, and Cybele, the mother of the Gods. Gruter has aninscription, M. D. M. IDÆ, et ATTIDI MINOTAURO. He also mentions an altarof Attis Minoturannus. Vol. 1. P. Xxviii. N. 6. 

[237] Diodor. Sicul. L. 16. P. 411. 

[238] Meen was the moon: and Meno-Taurus signified Taurus Lunaris. It was asacred emblem, of which a great deal will be said hereafter. 

[239] See Paruta's Sicilia nummata. 

[240] Τυρις, ὁ περιβολος του τειχους. Hesych. From whence we may infer, that any place surrounded with a wall or fortification might be termed aTor or Turris. 

Ταρχωνιον πολις Τυῤῥηνιας. Stephan. Byzant. 

[241] Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 717. 

[242] Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 1242. 

The Poet says of Æneas, Παλιν πλανητην δεξεται Τυρσηνια. V. 1239. 

[243] Lycophron. V. 1248. 

[244] Ταρκυνια πολις Τυῤῥενιδος απο Ταρχωνος· το εθνικον Ταρκυνιος. Steph. Byzant. 

[245] Strabo. L. 5. P. 336. Ταρκωνα, αφ' ὁυ Ταρκυνια ἡ πολις. 

[246] Lycophron. V. 116. 

Ἡ Τορωνε, γυνη Πρωτεως. Scholia ibidem. 

[247] Τυῤῥηνοι σαλπιγγα. Tatianus Assyrius. P. 243. 

[248] L. 17. P. 468. 

[249] Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 754. 

[250] Pausanias. L. 9. P. 749. 

[251] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 524. 

Δειμε δε τοι μαλα καλον Ανακτορον. Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. V. 77. 

[252] Homer. Odyss. λ. V. 105. Strabo supposes Trinakis to have been themodern name of the island; forgetting that it was prior to the time ofHomer. L. 6. P. 407: he also thinks that it was called Trinacria from itsfigure: which is a mistake. 

[253] Hymn to Diana. V. 56. I make no doubt but Callimachus wrote Τρινακια. 

[254] Pliny. L. 5. C. 31. 

[255] Etymolog. Magn. 

[256] Stephanas Byzant. 

[257] Τραχιν, ἡ νυν Ἡρακλεια καλουμενη. Hesych. Or, as Athenæus representsit, more truly, Ἡρακλειαν, την Τραχινιαν καλεομενην. L. 11. P. 462. 

[258] Τριαινα τοπος Αργους· ενθα την τριαιναν ορθην εστησεν ὁ Ποσειδων, συγγινομενος τη Αμυμωνη, και ευθυς κατ' εκεινο ὑδωρ ανεβλυσεν, ὁ και τηνεπικλησιν εσχεν εξ Αμυμωνης. Scholia in Euripidis Phœniss. V. 195. 

[259] Eusebius. Præp. Evan. L. 3. C. 11. P. 113. 

[260] Palæphatus. P. 56. 

[261] Ibid. P. 96. 

[262] Palæphatus. P. 20. 

[263] Iliad. Σ. V. 486. 

[264] Diodorus Siculus. L. 3. P. 324. 

[265] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. P. 243. 

[266] Homer. Odyss. Λ. V. 306. 

[267] Chron. Paschale. P. 36. 

Νεβρωδ----καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Cedrenus. P. 14. 

[268] Homer. Odyss. Λ. V. 571. 

[269] Strabo. L. 3. P. 259. 

[270] Alorus was the first king of Babylon; and the same person as Orion, and Nimrod. See Radicals. P. 10. Notes. 

[271] Ἑλωρος, ενθα ψυχρον εκβαλλει ποτον. Lycophron. V. 1033. 

Ῥειθρων Ἑλωρου προσθεν. Idem. V. 1184. Ὁ ποταμος ὁ Ἑλωρος εσχε το ονομα αποτινος βασιλεως Ἑλωρου. Schol. Ibid. There were in Sicily many places ofthis name; Πεδιον Ἑλωριον. Diodorus. L. 13. P. 148. Elorus Castellum. Fazellus. Dec. 1. L. 4. C. 2. 

Via Helorina. Ἑλωρος πολις. Cluver. Sicilia Antiqua. L. 1. C. 13. P. 186. 

[272] Diodorus Siculus. L. 4. P. 284. 

[273] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 13. P. 356. 

[274] Κατα μεσην δε την πολιν ἡ ακροπολις, ἡν εκαλουν βυρσαν, οφρυς ἱκανωςορθια. Strabo. L. 17. P. 1189. 

See also Justin. L. 18. C. 5. And Livy. L. 34. C. 62. 

[275] Ζαγκλη πολις Σικελιας--απο Ζαγκλου του γηγενους. Stephanus Byzant. 

[276] Scholia in Lycophron. V. 328. 

Ωριων--κατα τροπην του ου εις ω απο του ουριων εστιν απο ἱστοριας τουουρησαι τους θεους εν τῃ βυρσῃ, και γενεσθαι αυτον. Etymolog. Mag. Ωριων. 

[277] Τιτθη, τιτθος, τιτθιον, μαστος. Hesychius. 

[278] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 878. 

[279] Ορος--ὁ δε Τιτθειον ονομαζουσιν εφ' ἡμων, τηνικαυτα δε εκαλειτοΜυρτιον. Pausan. L. 2. P. 170. 

[280] Callimach. Hymn in Delon. V. 48. Μαστοι, often taken notice of byXenophon. Αναβας. L. 4. P. 320. A hill at Lesbos. Εν Λεσβῳ κλεινης Ερεσουπερικυμονι ΜΑΣΤΩ. Athenæus. L. 3. P. 111. Εχει δ' εν αυτῳ και μαστον. Polyb. L. 1. P. 57. 

[281] Strabo mentions in Cyprus, Αμαθους πολις--και ορος μαστοειδεςΟλυμπος. L. 14. P. 1001. 

[282] The Circean promontory in Italy seems to have been named Tit-On; for, the bay below is by Lycophron styled Titonian. Τιτωνιον τε χευμα. V. 1275. Rivers and seas were often denominated from places near which they flowed. 

[283] Of the Cyclopes I shall hereafter treat at large. 

[284] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1080. Azara signified a treasure. 

[285] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1106. 

[286] Bell. Jud. L. 7. P. 417. 

[287] Canticles. C. 8. V. 10. 

[288] Jeremiah. C. 49. V. 27. 

[289] Amos. C. 1. V. 7. 

[290] Ibid. C. 1. V. 10. 

[291] Ibid. C. 1. V. 14. 

[292] It is remarkable, that in many of the very antient temples there wasa tradition of their having suffered by lightning. 

[293] Canticles. C. 8. V. 8. 

[294] 2 Chron. C. 27. V. 3. 

[295] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1096. 

[296] Canticles. C. 7. V. 4. 

[297]

 Pervenit ad Draconis speluncam ultimam, Custodiebat qui thesauros abditos. Phædrus. L. 4. Fab. 18. 

See Macrobius. Saturn. L. 1. C. 20. Of dragons guarding treasures. 

[298] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 2. V. 405. 

[299] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 14. P. 408. 

[300] Nonni Dionys. L. 33. P. 840. 

[301] Ibid. L. 35. P. 876. 

[302] Ibid. L. 6. P. 186. 

[303] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1183. 

[304] Εν δε τοις εδειξε και ζωον ὑπερφυες, Διονυσου αγαλμα, ᾡ Ινδοι εθυον. Δρακων ην, μηκος πενταπλεθρον· ετρεφετο δε εν χοριῳ κοιλῳ, εν κρημνῳ βαθει, τειχει ὑψηλῳ ὑπερ των ακρων περιβεβλημενος· και ανηλισκε τας Ινδων αγελας. κτλ. Maximus Tyr. Dissert. 8. C. 6. P. 85. 

[305] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1022. 

[306] Μακρα πεδιον. Εν τουτῳ δε Ποσειδωνιος ἱστορει τον Δρακοντα πεπτωκοταὁραθηναι νεκρον, μηκος σχεδον τι και πλεθριαιον, παχος δε, ὡσθ' ἱππεαςἑκατερωθεν παρασταντας αλληλους μη καθορᾳν· χασμα δε, ὡστ' εφιππονδεξασθαι, της δε φολιδος λεπιδα ἑκαστην ὑπεραιρουσαν θυρεου. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1095. The epithet πεπτωκως could not properly be given to a serpent:but to a building decayed, and in ruins nothing is more applicable. Aserpent creeps upon its belly, and is even with the ground, which he goesover, and cannot fall lower. The moderns indeed delineate dragons withlegs: but I do not know that this was customary among the antients. 

[307] Virgil. Æneis. L. 6. V. 595. 

[308] Homer. Odyss. L. Λ. V. 575. 

Quintus Calaber styles him πουλυπελεθρος. 

 Πουλυπελεθρος εκειτο κατα χθονος ευρυπεδοιο. L. 3. V. 395. 

 Τιτυον μεγαν, ὁν ῥ' ετεκεν γε Δι' Ἑλαρη, θρεψεν δε και αψ ελοχευσατο Γαια. Apollon. Rhodius. L. 1. V. 761. 

[309] Αιγυπτος--εκληθη Μυσαρα--και Αερια, και Ποταμιτις, και ΑΕΤΙΑ, αποτινος Ινδου Αετου. Stephanus Byzant. 

Eustathius mentions, Και Αετια, απο τινος Ινδου Αετου. κτλ. In Dionysium. V. 239. P. 42. 

[310] Orus Apollo styles it in the Ionian manner Ηθ. L. 1. C. 7. P. 10. Τοδε Ηθ καρδια. 

[311] Αιγυπτον δε γραφοντες, θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανωκαρδιαν. L. 1. C. 22. P. 38. It also signified an eagle. 

[312] See the whole in Nonnus. L. 5. P. 148. It seems to have been a wingedmachine, which is called Κημος, from Cham the Sun. Hence the notion of thechariot of the Sun, and horses of the same. 

[313] Καυκασου εν κνημοισι, Τυφαονιη ὁτε πετρη. Apollonius Rhodius. L. 2. V. 1214. 

[314] Typhon was a high place; but represented as a Giant, and supposed tobe thunderstruck here, near the city Antioch. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1090. Herewas Νυμφαιον, σπηλαιον τι ἱερον. P. 1091. 

[315] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1089. He mentions a place near the fountains of theriver Orontes called Paradisos: Μεχρι και των του Οροντου πηγων, ἁι πλησιοντου τε Λιβανου και του Παραδεισου. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1096. 

[316] Diodorus Siculus. L. 4. P. 283. 

[317] Servii Comment. In Virgil. Æneid. L. 2. V. 204. 

[318] Nonni Dionys. L. 25. P. 668. 

[319] Tot jugera ventre prementem. Ovid of the Pytho of Parnassus. Met. L. 1. V. 459. 

See Pausanias. L. 10. P. 695. He says, the extent related to the place, ενθα ὁ Τιτυος ετεθη. 

[320] Ὡς δε αυθις επανηκειν (τον Κλεοντα) ες τα Γαδειρα, ανδρα ἑυρεινθαλασσιον ΕΚΠΕΠΤΩΚΟΤΑ ες την γην· τουτον πλεθρα μεν πεντε μαλιστα επεχειν, κεραυνωθεντα δε ὑπο του θεου καιεσθαι. Pausan. L. 10. P. 806. 

[321] Diogenes Laertius. Proœm. P. 5. 

[322] Τεμενος· ἱερον χωριον αφωρισμενον Θεῳ. Scholia in Homer. Il. L. Γ. V. 696. 

Και τεμενος περιπυστον Αμυκλαιοιο Κανωβου. Dionysius. Περιηγης. V. 13. 

Ασυλον τεμενος at Daphne upon the Orontes. See above. P. 428. 

[323] Lycophron. V. 6l3. 

[324] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 11. V. 56. 

[325] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 3. V. 1176. 

[326] Βη δ' επ' εραν Διας φευγων οφιωδεα Κυπρον. Parthenius, as correctedby Vossius. See Notes to Pompon. Mela. P. 391. 

[327] Lycophron. V. 110. 

[328] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 2. V. 707. 

[329] Hyginus. Fab. 140. 

[330] Plutarch de Oraculoram defectu. V. 1. P. 417. 

[331] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. P. 29. 

[332] Prolegomena to the Pyth. Odes of Pindar. 

[333] P. 39. 

[334] Silius Ital. L. 3. V. 29. 

[335] Λυχνον ασβεστον. Plutarch de Defect. Orac. Vol. 1. P. 410. 

[336] Porphyr. De Abstinentiâ. L. 2. 

[337] L. 1. P. 63. 

[338] Το δε λυχνιον εν Πρυτανειῳ. Theoc. Idyll. 21. V. 36. 

Πυρος τε φεγγος αφθιτον κεκλημενον. Æsch. Χοηφοροι. V. 268. 

[339] See Hyde Relig. Vet. Persarum: and Stanley upon the Chaldaicreligion. 

[340] Αει δε τοι αεναον πυρ. Callimach. Hymn to Apollo. V. 84. 

[341] Vol. 2. P. 84. 

[342] Clima. 4. P. 213. 

[343] Leviticus. C. 6. V. 13. Hence the ξυλοφορια; a custom, by which thepeople were obliged to carry wood, to replenish the fire when decaying. 

[344] It is said in the Scriptures, that _there were giants in the earth inthose days; and also after that_. Genesis. C. 6. V. 4. The word in theoriginal for giants is Nephelim. 

[345] C. 2. P. 6. 

[346] V. 22. 

[347] Orphic. Argonaut. V. 395. 

[348] De Venatione. P. 972. 

[349] Pyth. Ode 4. P. 244. 

[350] Ibid. P. 246. 

[351] Justin. Martyr de Monarchiâ. P. 42. 

[352] De Venat. P. 972. 

[353] Æsculapius was of Egypt. Cephalus is said to have lived in the timeof Cecrops αυτοχθων: or, as some say, in the time of Erectheus; manycenturies before Antilochus and Achilles, who were at the siege of Troy. 

[354] Æsculapius was the Sun. Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. 3. P. 112. 

[355] Oratio in Herculem. Vol. 1. P. 64. Oratio in Æsculapium. P. 67. 

[356] Homer. Iliad. Λ. V. 831. 

[357] Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 361. 

[358] Μονιμος δε ἱστορει, εν τῃ των θαυμασιων συναγωγῃ, εν Πελλῃ τηςΘετταλιας Αχαιον ανθρωπον Πηλει και Χειρωνι καταθυεσθαι. Clementis Cohort. P. 36. 

[359] Pocock's Travels. V. 1. P. 65. 

[360] Ibid. 

[361] Παρα την λιμνην την καλουμενην Αχερουσιαν. Diodorus Sic. L. 1. P. 86. 

[362] In Phrygiâ--juxta specus est Acherusia, ad manes, ut aiunt, pervius. Mela. L. 1. C. 19. P. 100. 

[363] River Acheron, and lake Acherusia in Epirus. Pausan. L. 1. P. 40. Strabo. L. 7. P. 499. Thucydides. L. 1. P. 34. 

[364] Near Corinth Acherusia. Pausan. L. 2. P. 196. 

In Elis Acheron. Strabo. L. 8. P. 530. 

[365] Celsæ nidum Acherontiæ. Horat. L. 3. Ode. 4. V. 14. 

[366] Near Avernus. In like manner there were πεδια Ηλυσια in Egypt, Messenia, and in the remoter parts of Iberia. See Plutarch in Sertorio, andStrabo. L. 3. P. 223. 

[367] Also Libri Tarquitiani Aruspicum Hetruscorum, so denominated fromTar-Cushan. Marcellinus. L. 25. C. 2. P. 322. 

[368] Herodot. Vit. Hom. C. 3. 

[369] Hesychius. 

[370] L. 1. P. 77. 

[371] Fleetwood's Inscript. P. 42. 

[372] P. 319. N. 2. 

[373] Sat. 14. V. 259. 

[374] Pausanias. L. 2. P. L6l, 162. 

There was a hill called Anakeion: Ανακειον· ορος, η των Διοσκουρων Ἱερον. Suidas. 

It is said of the celebrated Polygnotus, that he painted τας εν τῳ θησαυρῳκαι εν τῳ Ανακειῳ γραφας. Harpocration. The treasury we may suppose to havebeen a part of the temple. 

[375] Homer. Iliad. Γ. V. 237. 

[376] Homer. Odyss. Μ. V. 323. 

[377] Cicero in Verrem. Orat. 7. Sect. Ult. 

[378] Pausanias. L. 9. P. 741. 

[379] Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 154. 

[380] Hyginus. Fab. 68, and 75. 

[381] Antonin. Liberalis Metamorph. C. 22. 

[382] Hymn. In Dian. V. 204. 

[383] Cicero de Nat. Deorum. L. 3. 23. 

She is supposed to be the same as Diana. Καλουσι δε την Αρτεμιν ΘρακεςΒενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν. Palæphatus. C. 32. P. 78. 

[384] Scholia in Callimach. Hymn. In Dianam. V. 204. 

Ωπιν, και Ἑκαεργην--εκ των Ὑπερβορεων. Pausan. L. 5. P. 392. 

 Metuenda feris Hecaerge, Et Soror, optatum numen venantibus, Opis. Claudian in Laudes Stilic. L. 3. V. 253. 

[385] 2 Kings. C. 23. V. 10. 2 Chron. C. 28. V. 3. 

[386] C. 7. V. 31. And c. 19. V. 5. There was a place named Tophel(Toph-El) near Paran upon the Red Sea. Deuteron. C. 1. V. 1. 

[387] Zonar. Vol. 2. P. 227. Τουφαν καλει ὁ δημωδης και πολυς ανθρωπος. 

[388] Bedæ. Hist. Angliæ. L. 2. C. 16. 

[389] De legibus specialibus. P. 320. 

The Greek term τυφος, fumus, vel fastus, will hardly make sense, asintroduced here. 

[390] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. V. 1. P. 359. 

[391] Virgil. Æn. L. 2. V. 713. 

[392] Την ταφην (Διονυσου) ειναι φασιν εν Δελφοις παρα τον ΧρυσουνΑπολλωνα. Cyril. Cont. Julian. L. 1. P. 11. 

[393] Callimach. Hymn. In Jovem. V. 8. 

 Ὡδε μεγας κειται Ζαν, ὁν Δια κικλησκουσι. Porphyr. Vita Pythagoræ. P. 20. 

[394] Hence Hercules was styled Τριεσπερος. Lycoph. V. 33. 

Ζευς τρεις ἑσπερας εις μιαν μεταβαλων συνεκαθευδε τῃ Αλκμηνῃ. Schol. Ibid. 

[395] Abbe Banier. Mythology of the Antients explained. Vol. 4. B. 3. C. 6. P. 77, 78. Translation. 

[396] Plaut. Amphitryo. Act. 1. S. 3. 

[397] Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 1. C. 42. 

Αλλα και ταφον αυτου (Ζηνος) δεικνυουσι. Lucian. De Sacrificiis. V. 1. P. 355. 

[398] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 38. P. 85. 

[399] Clementis Cohort. P. 40. 

[400] Arnobius contra Gentes. L. 4. P. 135. Clem. Alexand. Cohort. P. 24. 

[401] Tertullian. Apolog. C. 14. 

Πευσομαι δε σου κᾳ 'γω, ω ανθρωπε, ποσοι Ζηνες ἑυρισκονται. Theoph. AdAutolyc. L. 1. P. 344. 

[402] Newton's Chronology. P. 151. 

[403] Pezron. Antiquities of nations. C. 10, 11, 12. 

[404] Virgil. Æn. L. 7. V. 48. 

[405] Sir Isaac Newton supposes Jupiter to have lived after the division ofthe kingdoms in Israel; Pezron makes him antecedent to the birth ofAbraham, and even before the Assyrian monarchy. 

[406] Arnobius has a very just observation to this purpose. Omnes Dii nonsunt: quoniam plures sub eodem nomine, quemadmodum accepimus, esse nonpossunt, &c. L. 4. P. 136. 

[407] Antiquus Auctor Euhemerus, qui fuit ex civitate Messene, res gestasJovis, et cæterorum, qui Dii putantur, collegit; historiamque contexuit extitulis, et inscriptionibus sacris, quæ in antiquissimis templishabebantur; maximeque in fano Jovis Triphylii, ubi auream columnam positamesse ab ipso Jove titulus indicabat. In quâ columnâ gesta sua perscripsit, ut monumentum esset posteris rerum suarum. Lactant. De Falsâ Relig. L. 1. C. 11. P. 50. 

(Euhemerus), quem noster et interpretatus, et secutus est præter cæteros, Ennius. Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 1. C. 42. 

[408] Lactantius de Falsâ Relig. L. 1. C. 11. P. 52. 

[409] Varro apud Solinum. C. 16. 

[410] Epiphanius in Ancorato. P. 108. 

Cyril. Contra Julianum. L. 10. P. 342. See Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 1194. 

[411] Callimach. Hymn. In Jovem. V. 6. 

[412] Ταφον θεας αξιον. Pausan. L. 2. P. 161. 

[413] Diodor. Sicul. L. 1. P. 23. Ταφηναι λεγουσι την Ισιν εν Μεμφει. 

Osiris buried at Memphis, and at Nusa. Diodorus above. Also at Byblus inPhenicia. 

Εισι δε ενιοι Βυβλιων, ὁι λεγουσι παρα σφισι τεθαφθαι τον Οσιριν τονΑιγυπτιον. Lucian. De Syriâ Deâ. V. 2. P. 879. 

Τα μεν ουν περι της ταφης των Θεων τουτων διαφωνειται παρα τοις πλειστοις. Diodor. L. 1. P. 24. 

[414] Procopius περι κτισματων. L. 6. C. 1. P. 109. 

Αιγυπτιοι τε γαρ Οσιριδος πολλαχου θηκας, ὡσπερ ειρηται, δεικνυουσι. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 358. He mentions πολλους Οσιριδος ταφους ενΑιγυπτῳ. Ibid. P. 359. 

[415] L. 1. P. 79. Περι της Βουσιριδος ξενοκτονιας παρα τοις Ἑλλησινενισχυσαι τον μυθον· ου του Βασιλεως ονομαζομενου Βουσιριδος, αλλα τουΟσιριδος ταφου ταυτην εχοντος την προσηγοριαν κατα την των εγχωριωνδιαλεκτον. Strabo likewise says, that there was no such king as Busiris. L. 17. P. 1154. 

[416] Bou-Sehor and Uch-Sehor are precisely of the same purport, andsignify the great Lord of day. 

[417] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 144. 

[418] Altis, Baaltis, Orontis, Opheltis, are all places compounded withsome title, or titles, of the Deity. 

[419] 2 Chron. C. 33. V. 14. 

[420] 2 Chron. C. 27. V. 3. _On the wall_ (חומת) _of Ophel he built much:_or rather on the Comah, or sacred hill of the Sun, called Oph-El, he builtmuch. 

[421] Apollon. Rhodii Argonaut. L. 2. V. 709. Apollo is said to have killedTityus, Βουπαις εων. Apollon. L. 1. V. 760. 

[422] Τον δε του Αιπυτου ταφον σπουδῃ μαλιστα εθεασαμην--εστι μεν ουν γηςχωμα ου μεγα, λιθου κρηπιδι εν κυκλῳ περιεχομενον. Pausan. L. 8. P. 632. 

Αιπυτιον τυμβον, celebrated by Homer. Iliad. β. V. 605. 

Αιπυτος, supposed to be the same as Hermes. Ναος Ἑρμου Αιπυτου near Tegeain Arcadia. Pausan. L. 8. P. 696. Part of Arcadia was called Αιπυτις. 

[423] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. P. 11. Ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσινεπολολυζοντες Ευαν, Ευαν κτλ. 

[424] Porphyrii Vita Pythagoræ. 

[425] Clement. Alexand. Cohort. P. 29. 

[426] The Scholiast upon Pindar seems to attribute the whole to Dionusus, who first gave out oracles at this place, and appointed the seventh day afestival. Εν ᾡ πρωτος Διονυσος εθεμιστευσε, και αποκτεινας τον Οφιν τονΠυθωνα, αγωνιζεται τον Πυθικον αγωνα κατα Ἑβδομην ἡμεραν. Prolegomena inPind. Pyth. P. 185. 

[427] Pausanias. L. 9. P. 749. 

[428] Ibid. L. 2. P. 155. 

[429] Strabo. L. 9. P. 651. 

[430] Ibid. 

[431] Pausanias. L. 5. P. 376. 

[432] Ibid. L. 10. P. 806. 

[433] Ibid. L. 1. P. 87. 

[434] At Patræ, μνημα Αιγυπτιου του Βηλου. Pausan. L. 7. P. 578. 

[435] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 179. 

[436] Herodotus. L. 7. C. 150. And l. 6. C. 54. 

Plato in Alcibiad. 1^{mo}. Vol. 2. P. 120. 

Upon Mount Mænalus was said to have been the tomb of Arcas, who was thefather of the Arcadians. 

 Εστι δε Μαιναλιη δυσχειμερος, ενθα τε κειται Αρχας, αφ' ὁυ δη παντες επικλησιν καλεονται. Oraculum apud Pausan. L. 8. P. 616. 

But what this supposed tomb really was, may be known from the same author:Το δε χωριον τουτο, ενθα ὁ ταφος εστι του Αρκαδος, καλουσιν Ἡλιου Βωμους. Ibid. 

Ταφος, η τυμβος, η σημειον.. Hesych. 

[437] Strabo. L. 11. P. 779. Εν δε τῳ πεδιῳ ΠΕΤΡΑΝ ΤΙΝΑ προσχωματισυμπληρωσαντες εις βουνοειδες σχημα κτλ. 

[438] Typhon was originally called Γηγενης, and by Hyginus Terræ Filius. Fab. 152. P. 263. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 79. He is styled Γης ὑιος εξαισιος. Antoninus Liberal. C. 25. 

[439] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 380. 

[440] Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. P. 460. 

[441] Porphyry de Abstinen. L. 2. P. 223. 

There was Πετρα Τυφαονια in Caucasus. Etymolog. Magnum. Τιφως· ΤυφαονιαΠετρα εστιν ὑψηλη εν Καυκασῳ. 

Καυκασου εν κνημοισι, Τυφαονιη ὁτι Πετρη. Apollon. L. 2. V. 1214. 

[442] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 79. 

[443] Παρηγορουσι θυσιαις και πραϋνουσι (τον Τυφωνα), Plutarch. Isis etOsiris. P. 362. 

[444] Diodorus Sicul. L. 5. P. 338. 

[445] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 362. Ισαιακου του Ἡρακλεους ὁ Τυφων. 

[446] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 11. V. 762. 

[447] Ενιοι δε ὑπο του Τυφωνος, ὑπο δε Ατλαντος Ξεναγορας ειρηκεν. Schol. Apollon. L. 4. V. 264. 

[448] Hesiod. Theogon. V. 824. 

[449] Ibid. V. 826. Typhis, Typhon, Typhaon, Typhœus, are all of the samepurport. 

[450] Nonni Dionys. L. 1. P. 24. 

[451] Οφεις--τιμᾳσθαι ισχυρως. Philarchus apud Ælian: de Animal. L. 17. C. 5. 

[452] See Justin Martyr above. 

Σημειον Οργιων Βακχικων Οφις εστι τετελεσμενος. Clemens Alexand. Cohort. P. 11. See Augustinus de Civitate Dei. L. 3. C. 12. And l. 18. C. 15. 

[453] Ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσιν. Clemens above. 

[454] In mysteriis, quibus Sabadiis nomen est, aureus coluber in sinumdimittitur consecratis, et eximitur rursus ab inferioribus partibus. Arnobius. L. 5. P. 171. See also Clemens, Cohort. P. 14. Δρακων διελκομενοςτου κολπου. κ. λ. 

Sebazium colentes Jovem anguem, cum initiantur, per sinum ducunt. JuliusFirmicus. P. 23. Σαβαζιος, επωνυμον Διονυσου. Hesych. 

[455] Τους Οφεις ανεστεμμενοι, ευαζοντες το Ουα, Ουα, εκεινην την Ευαν ετι, την δια του Οφεως απατηθεισαν, επικαλουμενοι. Epiphanius. Tom. 2. L. 3. P. 1092. 

[456] Cohortatio. P. 11. 

[457] Ibid. 

[458] Plutarch. Alexander. P. 665. 

[459] Οφεις μεγαλους χειροηθεις εφειλκετο τοις θιασοις (ἡ Ολυμπιας), ὁιπολλακις εκ του κιττου και των μυστικων λικνων παραναδυομενοι, καιπεριελιττομενοι θυρσοις των γυναικων, και τοις στεφανοις, εξεπληττον τουςανδρας. Plutarch. Ibid. 

[460] Τους οφεις τους Παρειας θλιβων, και ὑπερ της κεφαλης αιωρων, καιβοων, Ευοι, Σαβοι, και επορχουμενος Yης Αττης, Αττης Yης. Demosth. Περιστεφανου. P. 516. 

[461] Hesych. 

[462] Της Ισιδος αγαλματα ανεδουσι ταυτῃ, ὡς τινι διαδηματι βασιλειῳ. Ælian. Hist. Animal. L. 10. C. 31. 

[463] Τους Βασιλεις--χρησθαι πιλοις μακροις επι του περατος ομφαλον εχουσι, και περιεσπειραμενοις οφεσι, ὁυς καλουσιν ασπιδας. L. 3. P. 145. 

[464] Priscian. L. 5. And l. 6. 

[465] Pausan. L. 10. P. 859. 

[466] Bochart supposes this term to signify a father, and the purport ofthe name to be Pater magnificus. He has afterwards a secondary derivation. Sed fallor, aut Abdir, vel Abadir, cum pro lapide sumitur, corruptum exPhoenicio Eben-Dir, lapis sphæricus. Geog. Sac. L. 2. C. 2. P. 708. 

[467] See Radicals. P. 59. And Deuteronomy. C. 18. V. 11. 

[468] Εχουσαι βασιλεα εφ' ἁντων τον Αγγελον της Αβυσσου· ονομα αυτῳἙβραϊστι Αβαδδων, εν δε τη Ἑλληνικῃ ονομα εχει Απολλυων. Revelations. C. 20. V. 11. 

[469] Revelations. C. 20. V. 2. Abadon signifies serpens Dominus, velSerpens Dominus Sol. 

[470] Daniel Heinsius. Aristarchus. P. 11. 

[471] Euseb. P. E. L. 1. P. 41, 42. 

[472] Euseb. Ibidem. Ταδε αυτα και Οστανης κτλ. 

[473] Herod. L. 2. C. 189. Also Ptolemy. 

[474] M. Maimonides in more Nevochim. See Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. C. 3. P. 49. 

[475] Ουβαιον, ὁ εστιν Ἑλληνιστι Βασιλισκον· ὁνπερ χρυσουν ποιουντες Θεοιςπεριτιθεασιν. Horapollo. L. 1. P. 2. 

Ουβαιον is so corrected for Ουραιον, from MSS. By J. Corn. De Pauw. 

[476] Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 3. 

[477] Præp. Evan. L. 1. P. 41. 

[478] Euseb. Supra. 

[479] L. 6. P. 345. 

[480] Strabo. L. 10. P. 683. It was supposed to have had its name fromEllops, the Son of Ion, who was the brother of Cothus. 

[481] Callimachus. H. In Delon. V. 292. Ευαιων, Eva-On, Serpens Sol. 

[482] Athenagoras. Legatio. P. 294. Ηρακλης Χρονος. 

[483] Athenag. P. 295. Ἡρακλης Θεος--δρακων ἑλικτος. 

[484] It is said to have been named Rhodus from Rhod, a Syriac for aserpent. Bochart. G. S. P. 369. 

[485] Ενταυθα μυθυουσι τους Οφιογενεις συγγενειαν τινα εχειν προς τουςοφεις. Strabo. L. 13. P. 850. Ophiogenæ in Hellesponto circa Parium. Pliny. L. 7. P. 371. 

[486] Pausan. L. 8. P. 614. 

[487] Aristoph. Plutus. Schol. V. 718. 

[488] L. 3. C. 96. Strabo. L. 10. P. 692. 

[489] Steph. Byzant. Παταρα. 

[490] Βη δ' επ' εραν Διας φευγων οφιωδεα Κυπρον. Parthenius. See Vossiusupon Pomp. Mela. L. 1. C. 6. P. 391. 

Ovid Metamorph. L. 10. V. 229. Cypri arva Ophiusia. 

[491] They were particularly to be found at Paphos. Apollon. Discolus. Mirabil. C. 39. Οφις ποδας εχων δυο. 

[492] Herodotus. L. 7. C. 90. Ὁι δε απο Αιθιοπιης, ὡς αυτοι Κυπριοιλεγουσι. 

[493] Ὁ γαρ Μινως οφεις, και σκορπιους, και σκολοπενδρας ουρεσκεν κλ. Antonin. Liberalis. C. 41. P. 202. See notes, p. 276. 

[494] Tacitus. Annal. L. 4. C. 21. 

[495] In Ceiri. 

[496] Strabo. L. 10. P. 746. 

[497] What the Greeks rendered Σεριφος was properly Sar-Iph; and Sar-Iphis, the same as Ophis: which signified Petra Serpentis, sive Pythonis. 

[498] Herodotus. L. 8. C. 41. 

[499] Strabo. L. 9. P. 603. 

[500] Lycophron Scholia. V. 496. απο των οδοντων του δρακοντος. 

[501] Meursius de reg. Athen. L. 1. C. 6. 

[502] Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 191. 

[503] Diodorus. L. I. P. 25. Cecrops is not by name mentioned in thispassage according to the present copies: yet what is said, certainlyrelates to him, as appears by the context, and it is so understood by thelearned Marsham. See Chron. Canon. P. 108. 

[504] Eustat. On Dionys. P. 56. Edit. Steph. 

[505] Τον βαρβαρον Αιγυπτιασμον αφεις. κτλ. Ibid. 

See also Tzetzes upon Lycophron. V. 111. 

[506] Chron. Canon, p. 109. 

[507] It may not perhaps be easy to decypher the name of Cecrops: but thusmuch is apparent, that it is compounded of Ops, and Opis, and related tohis symbolical character. 

[508] Δρακοντας δυο περι τον Ερικθονιον. Antigonus Carystius. C. 12. 

[509] Aristot. De Mirabilibus. Vol. 2. P. 717. 

[510] Pliny. L. 3. P. 153. L. 8. P. 455. 

[511] Æschyli Supplices. P. 516. 

[512] L. 3. P. 184. 

[513] Apollonius Discolus. C. 12. And Aristot. De Mirabilibus, vol. 2. P. 737. 

[514] Aves Diomedis--judicant inter suos et advenas, &c. Isidorus Orig. L. 12. C. 7. Pliny. L. 10. C. 44. 

[515] Apollodorus. L. 1. P. 37. 

[516] Stephanas Byzant. Οπικοι. 

[517] The same is said by Epiphanius. Ἑυια τον οφιν παιδες Ἑβραιωνονομαζουσι. Epiphanius advers. Hæres. L. 3. Tom. 2. P. 1092. 

[518] Steph. Byzant. 

[519] Ptolemy. P. 93. Ευια. 

[520] Pausanias. L. 4. P. 356. 

[521] L. 2. P. 202. 

[522] Pausan. L. 3. P. 249. 

[523] There was a city of this name in Macedonia, and in Troas. Also ariver. 

[524] Ovid Metamorph. L. 7. V. 357. 

[525] Strabo. L. 13. P. 913. It is compounded of Eva-Ain, the fountain, orriver of Eva, the serpent. 

[526] Strabo. L. 5. P. 383. 

[527] Μενελαον, ὁς ην Πιτανατης. Hesych. 

Δρακων επι τῃ ασπιδι (Μενελαου) εστιν ειργασμενος. Pausan. L. 10. P. 863. 

[528] Πιτανατης, λοχος. Hesych. 

[529] It was the insigne of many countries. Textilis _Anguis_

Discurrit per utramque aciem. Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 5. V. 409. 

[530]

 Stent bellatrices Aquilæ, sævique _Dracones_. Claudian de Nuptiis Honor. Et Mariæ. V. 193. 

 Ut primum vestras Aquilas Provincia vidit, Desiit hostiles confestim horrere _Dracones_. Sidon. Apollinaris. Carm. 2. V. 235. 

[531] Epiphanius Hæres. 37. P. 267. 

[532] Clemens. L. 7. P. 900. 

[533] Tertullian de Præscript. Hæret. C. 47. P. 221. 

[534] Vossius, Selden, and many learned men have touched upon this subject. There is a treatise of Philip Olearius de Ophiolatriâ. Also DissertatioTheologico-Historico, &c. &c. De cultu serpentum. Auctore M. Johan. Christian. Kock. Lipsiæ. 1717. 

[535] Homer. Odyss. L. 10. V. 106. 

[536] Hæc a principio patria Cyclopum fuit. Justin. Of the island Sicily. L. 4. C. 2. 

[537]

 Ος οψεται μεν του μονογληνου στεγας Χαρωνος. Lycophron. V. 659. 

Charon was not a person, but Char-On, the temple of the Sun. 

[538] Των περι την Αιτνην και Λεοντινην Κυκλωπας (δυναστευσαι). Strabo. L. 1. P. 38. 

[539] The province of Leontina called Xuthia. Diodorus. L. 5. P. 291. 

[540] Cyclops. V. 297. 

[541] Lycophron. V. 659. 

[542]

 Γλυκυτατα φασι τα κρεα τους ξενους φερειν. Ουδεις μολων δευρ', ὁστις ου κατεσφαγη. Euripid. Cyclops. V. 126. 

[543] The river Nilus was called Triton, and afterwards Nilus. Μετωνομασθῃδε απο Νειλου του Κυκλωπος. Scholia in Apollon. L. 4. V. 268. 

Nilus Deorum maximus. Huetii Demons. Evang. Prop. 4. P. 111. 

[544] Αιγυπτιε Ζευ, Νειλε. Athenæus. L. 5. P. 203. 

Vulcanus--Nilo natus, Opas, ut Ægyptii appellant. Cicero de Naturâ Deor. L. 3. C. 22. Hence Νειλος Κυκλωψ must have been the chief Deity; and theCyclopians his votaries and priests. 

Νειλοιο τεμενος Κρονιδα. Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. P. 239. He was no other thanOuranus, and Cœlus. 

[545] Αστεριων, ὑιος Ανακτος, who was buried in the island Lade, nearMiletus, is mentioned as a gigantic personage by Pausanias. L. 1. P. 87. Large bones have been found in Sicily; which were probably the bones ofelephants, but have been esteemed the bones of the Cyclopians by Kircherand Fazellus. Fazellus. Dec. 1. L. 1. C. 6. 

[546] Herodotus. L. 5. C. 61. He alludes to them under the name ofCadmians. 

[547] Odyss. 10. V. 190. 

[548] Æneid. L. 3. V. 619. 

[549] Hymn in Dian. V. 51. 

Μουνος δ' οφθαλμος μεσσῳ επεκειτο μετωπῳ. Hesiod. Theogon. V. 143. 

Clemens Alexandrinus tells us, that Homer's account of Polyphemus isborrowed from the character of Saturnus in the Orphic poetry. Strom. L. 6. P. 751. 

[550] Scholia in Æschyl. Prometh. P. 56. 

[551] Παιδες Ουρανου, και Γης. 

[552] Εξ ἡς αυτῳ (Ουρανῳ) τρεις παιδας γινωσκουσιν ἑκατονταχειρας, καιτρεις ἑτερους αποτικτουσι Κυκλωπας. Proclus in Photio. C. Ccxxxix. P. 982. 

Euripides makes them the sons of Oceanus. 

 Ἱν' ὁι μονωπες ποντιου παιδες Θεου Κυκλωπες οικουσ' αντρ' ερημ' ανδροκτονοι. Cyclops. V. 21. 

[553] Και δη Ἱερον εστιν αρχαιον, Κυκλωπον καλουμενος βωμος, και θυουσινεπ' αυτᾳ Κυκλωψι. Pausanias. L. 2. P. 114. 

[554] Odyss. Ζ. V. 5. Ὑπερειαν, ὁι μεν την εν Σικελια Καμαρινην. Schol. Ibid. 

[555] Εν πολει της Βαβυλωνιας Καμαρινῃ, ἡν τινας λεγειν πολιν Ουριαν. Alexand. Polyhist. Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. L. 9. P. 418. 

[556] Natalis Comes. L. 9. P. 510. By the Celtæ are meant those of Iberia:οψιγονοι Τιτηνες of Callimachus. 

[557] Lycoph. V. 659. Appian mentions a nation of Cyclopians in Illyria, who were near the Pheacians. 

[558] The liba made in such temples were from it named Charisia. Χαρισιον, ειδος πλακουντων. Hesych. 

[559] In Parthia, Καλλιοπη, Χαρις. Appian. Syriac. P. 125. 

Φρυγιας πολις Καρις. Steph. Byzant. 

Charisiæ in Arcadia. Ibid. The island Cos, called of old Caris. Ibid. 

[560] Herodotus. L. 4. C. 13. Αριμασπους ανδρας μουνοφθαλμους. 

Strabo. L. 1. P. 40. Ταχα δε και τους μονομματους Κυκλωπας εκ της Σκυθικηςἱστοριας μετενηνοχεν (Ὁμηρος. )

[561] Ουπις τε, Λοξω τε, και ευαιων Ἑκαεργη. Callimach. H. In Delon. V. 292. 

[562] Casaubon. Not. In Strabon. L. 1. P. 40. 

Μουνωπα στρατον Αριμασπον. Æschyl. Prineth. P. 49. 

[563] Τον γαρ βασιλεα και κυριον Οσιριν οφθαλμῳ και σκηπτρῳ γραφουσιν. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 354. 

[564] Lycophron. V. 328. See Suidas. 

Φιλοχορος Τριτοπατορας παντων γεγονεναι πρωτους. Etymolog. Mag. See Meursiinot. In Lycophron. V. 328. Ῥαισει τριπατρου φασγανῳ Κανδαονος. 

[565] Iliad. Σ. V. 382. And Ξ. V. 275. See Pausan. L. 9. P. 781. 

[566] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 29. P. 760. 

The Graces and the Furies (Charites et Furiæ) were equally denominated fromthe Sun, and fire; and in consequence of it had joint worship in Arcadia. Pausan. L. 8. P. 669. Charis, Χαρις, of the Greeks, was the same personageas Ceres of the Romans. She was also called Damater, and esteemed one ofthe Furies. Pausan. L. 8. P. 649. 

[567] Pausanias. L. 9. P. 781. So Coronis is said to have been the daughterof Phlegyas. Pausan. L. 2. P. 170: and Cronus the son of Apollo. L. 2. P. 123. Chiron the son of Saturn; Charon the son of Erebus and night. The heroCharisius, the son of Lycaon, which Lycaon was no other than Apollo, theGod of light. These were all places, but described as personages; and madethe children of the Deity, to whom they were sacred. 

[568] Δεινους Θεοις τε ἱερα κατασκευασασθαι, και βασιλεια ανθρωποις· καιγαρ τῳ Απολλωνι τον Ναον ῳκοδομησαντο τον εν Δελφοις, και Ὑριει τονΘησαυρον. Pausan. L. 9. P. 785. 

Turres, ut Aristoteles, Cyclopes (invenerunt). Pliny. L. 7. C. 56. 

[569] Virgil. Æn. L. 6. V. 630. 

[570] Lutatius Placidus in Statii Thebaïd. L. 1. P. 26. 

[571] Τας Ὑακινθου κορας--επι τον Γεραιστου του Κυκλωπος ταφον κατεσφαξαν. Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 205. 

[572] Hercules furens. Act. 4. V. 996. 

[573] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. 41. P. 1068. 

Euripides styles the walls of Argos Ουρανια:

'Ινα τειχεα λαϊνα, Κυκλωπει', ουρανια νεμονται. Troades. V. 1087. 

[574] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 146. 

[575] Seneca Thyestes. Act. 2. V. 406. 

[576] Εντος δε του Ισθμου της Τροιζηνος ὁμορος εστιν Ἑρμιονη· Οικιστην δετης αρχαιας πολεως Ἑρμιονεις γενεσθαι φασιν Ἑρμιονα Ευρωπος. Pausanias. L. 2. P. 191. 

[577] Strabo. L. 8. P. 573. It was inhabited by people particularly styledἉλιεις, or men of the sea; who were brought thither by Druops Arcas. 

[578] Pausan. L. 2. P. 147. Κυκλωπων μεν εστιν εργον. P. 169. 

See Strabo. L. 8. P. 572. Τειχισαι δια Κυκλωπων. 

[579] Τα τειχη τα εν Τιρυνθι--ουδε οντα ελαττονος θαυματος (των Πυραμιδων). Pausanias. L. 9. P. 783. 

[580] Εφεξης δε τῃ Ναυπλιᾳ, τα σπηλαια, και ὁι εν αυτοις οικοδομητοιλαβυρινθοι. Κυκλωπεια δ' ονομαζουσιν. Strabo. L. 8. P. 567. 

[581] Pausanias. L. 4. P. 367. 

[582] Εμοι μεν ουν Αιγυπτιον φαινεται, και ουδαμως Ἑλληνικον ονομα Ωροςειναι. κτλ. Pausan. L. 2. P. 181. 

[583]

 Κυκλωπων βαθρα Φοινικι κανονι και τυκοις ἡρμοσμενα. Eurip. Herc. Furens. V. 944. 

[584] Strabo. L. 8. P. 572. 

[585] Many places were denominated from Aster; such as Asteria, Asterion, Asteris, Astræa, Astarte. See Steph. Byzantinus. Αστεριον, πολιςΘετταλιας--ἡ νυν Πιρεσια. Idem. Αστεριη, ἡ Δηλος, και ἡ Κρητη, εκαλειτο. Hesychius. Δηλος Αστεριη. Callimach. H. In Delon. V. 37. And 40. Asteriasignifies the island of Aster. 

[586] L. 8. P. 572. 

[587] Pausanias mentions the apartments of the daughters of Prœtus. L. 2. P. 169. But the daughters of Prœtus were property the virgins whoofficiated at the Purait, the young priestesses ot the Deity. 

The Sicilian Cyclopes were three, because there were three towers only, erected upon the islands called Cyclopum Scopuli; and that they werelighthouses is apparent from the name which still remains: for they are atthis day styled Faraglioni, according to Fazellus. The Cyclopes of Tirynswere seven, as we learn from Strabo; because the towers probably were innumber so many. From this circumstance we may presume, that the ideas ofthe antients concerning the Cyclopians, were taken from the buildings whichthey erected. 

[588] The Cyclopian buildings were also called Ouranian. Κυκλωπεια τ'ουρανια τειχεα. Euripid. Electra. V. 1158. 

[589] Both Cuclops, and Cuclopes, was the name of a place. We may, therefore, I think, be pretty well assured, that the Cyclopians were fromhence denominated. And as sacred places had their names from the Deity, towhom they were dedicated, it is very probable, that the Cuclopian towerswere named from Cœlus Ops, the Deity there worshipped: for I have shewn, that this people were the reputed children of Ouranus and Cœlus. 

[590] Aristoteles de mirabil. Auscult. P. 732. 

[591] In excerptis apud Sononem. See not. Meursii in Antigonum Carystium. P. 183. 

[592] Of the Cyclopians of Thrace see Scholia in Euripid. Orest. V. 966. Κυκλωπες, Θρακικον εθνος. Also Scholia in Statii Theb. L. 2. P. 104. 

[593] παρα δε το ἱερον του Κηφισσου Μεδουσης λιθου πεποιημενη κεφαλη. Κυκλωπων φασιν ειναι και τουτο εργον. Pausan. L. 2. P. 156. Κηφισσος, Doricè Καφισσος, vel Καφισος: from Caph-Isis, Petra Deæ Isidis. 

[594] Ηελιου, ὁς παντ' εφορᾳ και παντ' ὑπακουει. Homer. Odyss. L. Λ. V. 108. 

[595] Orphic Fragment. 6. V. 19. The same as Phanes, and Dionusus. Frag. 8. V. 2. Schol. Ibid. 

[596] Hence the stream and lake of Cephisus in Bœotia were styled ὑδατα καιλιμνη Κηφισσιδος: by the antient Dorians expressed Καφισιδος, fromΚαφ-Ισις. 

[597] Orphic Hymn. 31. V. 10. 

[598] Hymn. 10. V. 10. Metis was the same as Pan. 

Meed-Ous whence came Μεδουσα, is exactly analogous to Cotinousa, Aithousa, Alphiousa, Ampelousa, Pithecousa, Scotousa, Arginousa, Lampadousa, Amathousa, Ophiousa, Asterousa; and signifies the temple of Metis, ordivine wisdom. Aster-Ous was a temple on Mount Caucasus: Amath-Ous, thesame in Cyprus: Ampel-Ous, a temple in Mauritania: Alphi-Ous, in Elis:Achor-Ous, in Egypt: all dedicated to the Deity, under different titles. 

[599] Χασμασι λεοντειοις τα των ἱερων θυρωματα κοσμουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. P. 366. 

[600] Odyss. Λ. V. 610. It is a term which seems to have puzzled thecommentators. Χαροποι, επιπληκτικοι, φοβεροι. Scholiast. Ibid. It wascertainly an Amonian term: and the Poet alluded to a Charopian temple. 

Της δ' ην Τρεις κεφαλαι, μια μεν χαροποιο λεοντος. Hesiod. Theogon. V. 321. Homer in another place mentions, Λυκων κλαγγην, χαροπων τε Λεοντων. Hymn. εις Μητερα θεων. V. 4. 

As a lion was from hence styled Charops, so from another temple it wasnamed Charon. Χαρων ὁ λεων. Hesych. Achilles is styled Αιχμητης Χαρων, Lycoph. V. 260. A martial Charonian Lion. 

[601] Pausan. L. 8. P. 696. 

[602] Pausan. L. 1. P. 49. 

[603] Hesiod. Theogon. V. 141. Scholia Apollon. L. 1. V. 730. 

Κυκλωπες τοτε Διι μεν διδοασι βροντην, και αστραπην, και κεραυνον. Apollodorus. L. 1. P. 4. 

[604] See Stephanus. Ακμονια πολις Φρυγιας κτλ. He styles Acmon Ακμονα τονΜανεως. Manes was the chief Deity of Lydia, Lycia, and Persis; and the sameas Menes of Egypt. 

There was a city Acmonia in Thrace. Ptol. L. 5. P. 138. 

[605] Εστι και αλλο Ακμονιον αλσος περι Θερμαδοντα. Steph. Byzant. Apollonius takes notice of Αλσεος Ακμονιοιο. L. 2. V. 994. Here Mars wassupposed to have married Harmonia, the mother of the Amazonians. 

[606] Acmonides is represented as a patronymic; but there is reason tothink that it is an Amonian compound, Acmon-Ades, Acmon the God of light, the same as Cœlus, Cronus, and Osiris. Acmon and Acmonides were certainlythe same person: Ακμων· Κρονυς, Ουρανος. Hesych. Ακμονιδης, ὁ Χαρων, και ὁΟυρανος. Ibid. He was the Cyclopian God, to whom different departments weregiven by the mythologists. Charon Cyclops is mentioned by Lycophron. V. 659. Above quoted. 

[607] Simmiæ Rhodii Πτερυγια. Theocritus. Heinsii. P. 214. 

[608] Callimachi Hymn. In Dianam. V. 146. 

[609] Δακτυλοι Ιδαιοι Κρηταεες. Apollonius Rhod. L. 1. V. 1129. 

The Scholiast upon this Poet takes notice of only three; of which one wasAcmon:

 Κελμις, Δαμναμενευς τε μεγας, και ὑπερβιος Ακμων, Ὁι πρωτοι τεχνην πολυμητιος Ἡφαιστοιο Ἑυρον εν ουρειῃσι ναπαις ιοεντα σιδηρον, Ες πυρ τ' ηνεγκαν, και αριπρεπες εργον εδειξαν. 

These verses are quoted from the antient author, ὁ την φορωνιδα συνθεις. 

Diodorus Siculus, l. 1. P. 333. Says, that some made the Idæi Dactyli tenin number; others an hundred. 

[610] Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 401. Strabo. L. 10. P. 725. 

[611] Strabo. L. 10. P. 715. They are by Tatianus Assyrius spoken of as theCyclopes, and the same invention attributed to them. Χαλκευειν Κυκλωπες(εδιδαξαν). P. 243. 

Fabricam ferrariam primi excogitârunt Cyclopes, See Hoffman. Ferrum. 

[612] Κυκλωπες, Θρακικον εθνος, απο Κυκλωπος βασιλεως ὁυτωςονομαζομενοι. --πλειονες δε αυτων εν τῃ Κουρητιδι· ησαν δε ΑΡΙΣΤΟΙ ΤΕΧΝΙΤΑΙ. Schol. In Euripid. Orest. V. 966. 

Mention is afterwards made των εκ της Κουρητιδος Κυκλωπων. The Curetesworshipped Cronus: so that Cronus and Cuclops were the same. See Porphyryde Abstin. L. 2. P. 225. 

[613] They are said to have made the altar upon which the Gods were sworn, when the Titans rebelled against Jupiter. Scholiast upon Aratus. P. 52. Inmemorial of this altar an Asterism was formed in the Sphere, denominatedβωμος, ara. 

[614] Virgil Æn. L. 8. V. 424. 

[615] Prœtides implerunt falsis mugitibus auras. Virgil. Eclog. 6. V. 48. 

[616] Herod. L. 7. C. 123. 

Ἡ Παλληνη Χερρονησος, ἡ εν τῳ Ισθμῳ κειται. ἡ πριν μεν Ποτιδαια, νυν δεΚασσανδρεια, Φλεγραια δε πριν εκαλειτο· ωκουν δ' αυτην ὁι μυθυομενοιΓιγαντες, εθνος ασεβες, και ανομον. Strabo. Epitome. L. 7. P. 510. 

[617] Lycophron. V. 115. 

[618] Stephanus places Torone in Thrace, and supposes it to have been namedfrom Torone, who was not the wife, but daughter of Proteus. Απο Τορωνης τηςΠρωτεως. Some made her the daughter of Poseidon and Phœnice. See Steph. Φλεγραια. There were more towers than one of this name. 

[619] Παλληνιαν επηλθε Γηγενων τροφον, Lycoph. V. 127. 

[620] Lycophron. V. 124. 

[621] Eustath. On Dionysius. V. 259. 

[622] Herodot. L. 2. C. 112. 

[623] Πρωτεα κικλησκω, ποντου κληιδας εχοντα. Orphic Hymn. 24. 

[624] Aristides. Oratio Ægyptiaca. V. 3. P. 608. 

[625] Stephanus Byzant. Φαρος. 

[626] Chilias. 2. Hist. 44. P. 31. Πρωτευς φοινικης φινικος παις--περι τηνφαρον κατοικων. 

[627] Orphic Hymn to Proteus. 24. 

[628] Eustath. In Dionys. V. 14. 

Φροντιν Ονητοριδην. Homer. Odyss. Γ. V. 282. See also Hesych. 

[629] Æneid. L. 6. V. 556. 

[630] Virg. Æneid. L. 6. V. 618. 

[631] Stephanus. Αιθιοπια. 

[632] The hieroglyphic was a man with the head of a bull; which had thesame reference, as the Apis, and Mneuis of Egypt. 

[633] Diodorus Sic. L. 20. P. 756. 

[634] Homer. Odyss. Μ. V. 222. 

[635] Epist. 79. 

[636] Ακουσιλαος Φορκυνος και Ἑκατης την Σκυλλαν λεγει. Στησικορος δε, εντῃ Σκυλλῃ, Λαμιας την Σκυλλαν φησι θυγατερα ειναι. Apollonius. Schol. L. 4. V. 828. 

[637] Euripides. Cyclops. V. 126. 

[638] Odyss. L. Ι. V. 389. 

[639] Imitated by Mr. Pope. 

[640] Ennius translated into Latin the history of Euhemerus, who seems tohave been a sensible man, and saw into the base theology of his country. Helikewise wrote against it, and from hence made himself many enemies. Strabotreats him as a man devoted to fiction. L. 2. P. 160. 

[641] Ex Ennii Historiâ sacrâ, quoted by Lactantius. Divin. Institut. Vol. 1. C. 13. P. 59. 

[642] Μεσσηνιον Ευημερον. Strabo. L. 1. P. 81. 

[643] Clemens. Cohort. P. 11. Arnobius. L. 5. 

[644] Διονυσον Μαινολον οργιασουσι Βακχοι, ωμοφαγιᾳ την ἱερομανιαν αγοντες, και τελισκουσι τας κρεονομιας των φονων ανεστεμμενοι τοις οφεσιν. ClemensCohort. P. 11. 

[645] Julius Firmicus. P. 14. 

[646] Apollon. Rhod. L. 1. V. 636. 

[647] Scholia Apollon. L. 1. V. 635. 

[648] Porphyry περι αποχης. L. 2. P. 224. 

[649] Turricolas Lamias, Fauni quas Pompiliique

Instituere Numæ. Lactant. De falsâ Relig. L. 1. C. 22. P. 105. 

[650] Homer Odyss. Κ. V. 81. 

[651] Ibid. Κ. V. 120. 

[652] Εν μερει τινι της χωρας (της Σικελιας) Κυκλωπες, και Λαιστρυγονες, οικησαι. Thucyd. L. 6. P. 378. 

[653] Scholia. V. 956. Leon in Leontium is a translation of Lais (לוש) Leo:Bochart. 

[654] Lycoph. Above. 

[655] Plutarch de Defect. Orac. Vol. 1. P. 398. 

Ἑτεροι δε φᾳσιν εκ Μαλιαιων αφικεσθαι Λαμιας θυγατερα Σιβυλλαν. Clem. Alex. Strom. L. 1. P. 358. Pausanias makes her the daughter of Jupiter and Lamia. L. 10. P. 825. 

[656] Clemens Alex. L. 1. P. 358. 

[657] See Diodorus. L. 20. P. 778. Of the Lamia in Libya, and of hercavern. 

[658] Euripides quoted ibid. 

[659] Philostratus. Vita Apollon. L. 4. P. 183. 

[660] Aristot. Ethic. L. 7. C. 6. P. 118. See Plutarch περιπολυπραγμοσυνης, And Aristoph. Vespæ. Schol. V. 1030. 

[661] Horace, l. 3. Ode 17. 

[662] Virgil Æn. L. 7. V. 1. See Servius. 

[663] Strabo. L. 5. P. 357. Κολπον Καιατταν. κλ. 

[664] Ibid. P. 356. 

[665] Silius. L. 8. 

[666] De Virgilianâ continentiâ. P. 762. Caiat signified a kind of whip, orthong, probably such was used at Caiate. 

[667] Virgil. Æneid. L. 5. V. 873. 

[668] See Nonnus. L. 19. P. 320. 

[669] V. 653. See Natalis Comes. 

[670] L. 4. V. 892. 

[671] V. 1269. 

[672] Odyss. L. Μ. V. 39. 

[673] From Mr. Pope's translation. 

[674] Callimachi Frag. 184. P. 510. 

[675] Apollon. L. 4. V. 828. Scholia. She is said also to have been thedaughter of Hecate and Phorcun. Ibid. The daughter of a Deity means thepriestess. Phor-Cun signifies Ignis Dominus, the same as Hephastus. 

[676] Herodotus. L. 7. C. 90. 

[677] Κυρος ὁ ἡλιος. See Radicals. P. 48. 

[678] Strabo. L. 14. P. 1002. The promontory was called Curias Κυριας ακρα·ειτα πολις Κουριον. 

[679] L. 4. C. 103. 

[680] Virgil. Æneid. L. 8. V. 190. 

[681] Livy. L. 1. C. 7. 

[682] Plutarch. In Amatorio. Vol. 2. P. 762. 

[683] Lactantius de F. R. L. 1. C. 20. P. 90. 

[684] Milton. L. 2. V. 579. 

[685] Theoc. Idyl. 17. V. 47. 

[686] Aristoph. Βατραχ. V. 474. So Cocytus is by Claudian described as theriver of tears. 

 ---- presso lacrymarum fonte resedit Cocytos. De Rapt. Proserp. L. 1. V. 87. 

[687] He makes Metis the same as Athena. H. 31. L. 10. 

In another place Metis is styled πρωτος γενετωρ. Frag. 6. V. 19. P. 366. 

[688] Ibid. Fragm. 8. P. 373. 

[689] Eusebii. Chron. Log. P. 4. L. 42. 

[690] Ἱππαν κικλησκω Βακχου τροφον. Hymn. 48. 

[691] Hymn. 47. V. 4. 

[692] Orphic Frag. 43. Ἡ μεν γαρ Ἱππα του παντος ουσα ψυχη κτλ. Proclus. Ibid. P. 401. 

[693] Among the Egyptians, the emblems of which they made use werearbitrary, and very different from the things to which they referred. Aneagle, an ox, and a horse, were all used as symbols, but had no realconnexion with the things alluded to, nor any the least likeness. TheGrecians not considering this were always misled by the type; and neverregarded the true history, which was veiled under it. 

[694] Ἱππεις. V. 548. 

[695] Pausan. L. 5. P. 414. 

[696] Ibid. L. 5. P. 416. 

[697] Hesych. Ἱππια. 

[698] Pausan. L. 8. P. 649. 

[699] Metam. L. 6. V. 117. 

[700] Ibid. L. 2. V. 668. 

[701] Virg. Georg. L. 3. V. 92. 

[702] Iliad. Β. V. 766. He also mentions the mares of Eresicthon, withwhich Boreas was supposed to have been enamoured. 

 Ταων και Βορεης ηρασσετο βοσκομεναων, Ἱππῳ δ' εισαμενος παρελεξατο κυανοχαιτῃ. Ἁι δ' ὑποκυσσαμεναι ετεκον δυοκαιδεκα πωλους. Odyss. Υ. V. 224. 

[703] H. To Apollo. V. 47. 

[704] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1188. 

[705] Hesych. Ἱππειον. 

[706] Προϊουσι δε Ἱππου καλουμενον μνημα εστιν. --Κιονες δε ἑπτα, ὁι τουμνηματος τουτου διεχουσιν ου πολυ, κατα τροπον οιμαι τον αρχαιον, ὁυςαστερων των Πλανητων φασιν αγαλματα. Pausan. L. 3. P. 262. 

[707] They included the moon among the primary planets; not beingacquainted with any secondary. 

[708] See Steph. Byzant. And Cellarius. 

[709] Ovid. Deianira ad Hero. Epist. 

[710] Geog. Vet. Vol. 2. V. 665. See also Diodorus. L. 4. P. 223. AlsoStrabo Epitome. L. 7. P. 511. 

[711] See Radicals. P. 119. 

[712] The birds at the lake Stymphalus are described as feeding upon humanflesh. Λογος Ορνιθας ποτε ανδροφαγους επ' αυτῳ τραφηναι. Pausan. L. 8. P. 610. The real history of the place was, that the birds called Stymphalideswere a set of Canibal priests. 

[713] Glaucus, the son of Sisiphus is said to have been eaten by horses. Palæphatus. P. 58. 

[714] P. 54. 

[715] Metamorph. L. 8. V. 873. 

[716] Josephus calls Egypt Mestra. Antiq. L. 1. C. 6. §. 2. See Radicals, p. 8. Notes. 

[717] Ὁ πρωτος οικησας την Μεστραιαν χωραν, ητοι Αιγυπτον, Μεστραιμ. Euseb. Chron. P. 17. 

[718] Herodotus. L. 2 c. 55. 

[719] Ovid Metam. L. 5. V. 341. Most temples of old were courts of justice;and the priests were the judges, who there presided. 

Ælian. V. H. L. 14. C. 34. Δικασται το αρχαιον παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ὁι ἱερειςησαν. 

[720] Oratio in Verrem. 5. Sect. Ultima. Vol. 3. P. 291. 

[721] Ceres is mentioned by Varro quasi Geres. L. 4. P. 18. 

[722] Hesychius. Αχειρω. 

[723] Repentur in poematiis antiquis, a Pithæo editis, carmen in laudemSolis; quod eum esse Liberum, et Cererem, et Jovem statuit. Huetius. Demonst. Evang. Prop. 4. P. 142. 

[724] Cœlius. Rhodog. L. 17. C. 27. 

[725] Varro speaks of Ceres, as if her name was originally Geres. L. 4. P. 18. 

[726] There was a place called Charisia in Arcadia. Pausan. L. 8. P. 603. Charesus, and Charesene, in Phrygia. Charis in Persis, and Parthia. SeeTreatise upon the Cyclopes. 

[727] Pausan. L. 9. P. 781. Nonnus. L. 29. P. 760. 

[728] Etymolog. Mag. And Suidas. 

[729] Χρησμολογοι μετειχον της εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ σιτησεως.. Aristoph. Ειρηνη. Scholia, v. 1084. 

[730] L. 8. P. 6l6. 

[731] L. 5. P. 415. 

[732] Πρυτανεια τε εχουσα και Αρχοντας. Thucyd. L. 2. P. 107. 

[733] Το δε λυχνιον εν Πρυτανειῳ. Theocrit. Idyl. 21. 

[734] Suidas. 

[735] L. 2. P. 107. Others gave another reason. Πρυτανειον εκαλειτο, επειδηεκει εκαθηντο ὁι Πρυτανεις, ὁι των ὁλων πραγματων διοικηται. Ibid. 

[736] Julius Pollux. L. 1. C. 1. P. 7. 

[737] Πρυτανειον εστιν, εν ᾡ νομοι του Σολωνος εισι γεγραμμενοι. Pausan. L. 1. P. 41. 

[738] Plutarch in Solone. P. 92. 

[739] L. 41. P. 1152. 

[740] L. 8. P. 649. Mount Caucasus was denominated, as is supposed, from ashepherd Caucasus. The women, who officiated in the temple, were styled thedaughters of Caucasus, and represented as Furies: by which was meantpriestesses of fire. 

Caucasi filiæ Furiæ. See Epiphanius Anchorat. P. 90. 

[741] Lycophron. Scholia. V. 1225. Και Καλλιμαχος Εριννυν καλει Δημητρα. Ibid. 

Neptune is said to have lain with Ceres, when in the form of a Fury. Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 157. She is said from thence to have conceived thehorse Areion. 

Lycophron alludes to her cruel rites, when he is speaking of Tantalus, andPelops. 

 Ὁυ παππον εν γαμφαισιν Ἑνναια ποτε Ερκυν' Εριννυς, θουρια, ξιφηφορος, Ασαρκα μιστυλλουσ' ετυμβευσεν ταφῳ. V. 152. ]

[742] Herodotus. L. 7. C. 197. 

[743] L. 2 v. 288. 

[744] The Sirens and Harpies were persons of the same vocation, and of thisthe Scholiast upon Lycophron seems to have been apprised. See v. 653. 

[745] Harpya, Ἁρπυια, was certainly of old a name of a place. The town socalled is mentioned to have been near Encheliæ in Illyria. Here was anAmonian Petra of Cadmus, and Harmonia. 

[746] Τιτυῳ εναλιγκιος ανηρ. Theocrit. Idyl. 22. V. 94. 

[747] Pausan. L. 1. P. 94. 

[748] Κερκυον is compounded of Ker-Cuon, and signifies the temple of theDeity. 

[749] L. 1. P. 94. 

[750] Ovid. Ibis. V. 411. 

[751] Anacharsis. Vol. 2. P. 388. Γυμνασιον ὑφ' ἡμων ονομαζεται, και εστινἱερον Απολλωνος Λυκιου. 

[752] Και ὁ τοπος ὁυτος παλαιστρα και ες εμε εκαλειτο ολιγον που ταφου τηςΑλοπης απεχων. Pausan. L. 1. P. 94. 

That very antient temple of Pan on Mount Lycæum in Arcadia had a Gymnasiumin a grove. Εστι εν τῳ Λυκαιῳ Πανος τε Ἱερον, και περι αυτο αλσος δενδρων, και Ἱπποδρομος τε, και προ αυτου σταδιον. Pausan. L. 8. P. 678. 

[753] I have mentioned, that Torone was a temple of the Sun, and alsoφλεγραια, by which was meant a place of fire, and a light-house. This isnot merely theory: for the very tower may be seen upon coins, where it isrepresented as a Pharos with a blaze of fire at the top. See vol. 2. Page118. 

[754] Plutarch. Theseus, p. 6. 

[755] Chron. Logos. P. 31. He was also named Asterus, Asterion, andAsterius. Lycoph. V. 1299. Schol. And Etymolog. Mag. Minois. Asterius wasrepresented as the son of Anac. Αστεριου του Ανακτος. Pausan. L. 7. P. 524. Ανδρειᾳ τους αποθανοντας ὑπο Θησεως ὑπερεβαλεν ὁ Αστεριων (ὁ Μινω) Pausan. L. 2. P. 183. 

[756] Pausan. L. 1. P. 94. 

[757] Diodorus explains farther the character of this personage, τονπαλαιοντα τοις παριουσι, και τον ἡττηθεντα διαφθειροντα. L. 4 p. 226. 

[758] Diodorus Sic. L. 4. P. 225, and 233. 

[759] Ιδεως τον Ανταιον φησι των ΞΕΝΩΝ των ἡττημενων ΤΟΙΣ ΚΡΑΝΙΟΙΣ ερεφειντον του Ποσειδωνος ναον. Pindar. Isth. Ode 4. Scholia. P. 458. See Diodorusconcerning Antæus συναναγκαζοντα τους ξενους διαπαλαιειν. L. 4. P. 233. 

[760] V. 866, and Scholia. 

[761] Diodorus Sic. L. 4. P. 263. 

[762] Hercules Furens. V. 391. 

[763] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 10. P. 97. Scholia. From the Cygnus ofStesichorus. 

[764] Euripides. Orestes. V. 1648. Schol. Lycaon was a Deity, and hispriests were styled Lycaonidæ. He was the same as Jupiter Lycæus, andLucetius: the same also as Apollo. 

[765] Pausan. L. 8. P. 600. 

[766] Odyss. L. Φ. V. 307. 

[767] Μνησομαι, ουδε λαθοιμι Απολλωνος Εκατοιο. Homer. Η. To Apollo. V. 1. 

Ευ ειδως αγορευε θεοπροπιας Ἑκατοιο. Iliad. Α. V. 385. 

Αρτεμις ιοχεαιρα, κασιγνητη Ἑκατοιο. Iliad. Υ. V. 71. 

[768] Odyss. Σ. V. 83. 

[769] Purchas. Pilg. Vol. 5. P. 872. And Garcilasso della Vega. Rycaut. P. 403. 

[770] See Plutarch's life of Theseus. P. 3, 4. Vol. 1. 

[771] V. 146. 

[772] Campio, Gladiator. Isidorus. 

[773] Vegetius. L. 2. C. 7. 

[774] Nonnus. L. 18. P. 500. 

[775] Eustathius on Dionysius. V. 357. 

[776] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 13, 14. 

[777] Ὁμοιως δε τους Ινδους τον θεον τουτον παρ' ἑαυτοις αποφανεσθαιγεγονεναι. Diod. Sic. L. 4. P. 210. 

[778] Diodorus. L. 1. P. 14. 

[779] Diodorus. L. 1. P. 17. 

[780] Ibid. P. 14. This city is also said to have been built by Hercules. Diodorus. L. 4. P. 225. 

[781]

 Primus aratra manu sollerti fecit Osiris, Et teneram ferro sollicitavit humum. Tibull. L. 1. El. 8. V. 29. 

[782] Ζυθος, εκ των κριθων πομα. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 37. 

[783] Βασιλευοντα δε Οσιριν Αιγυπτιους ευθυς απορου βιου και θηριωδουςαπαλλαξαι, καρπους τε δειξαντα, και νομους θεμενον αυτοις. Plut. Is. EtOsir. P. 356. 

[784] Eusebius. Pr. Ev. L. 1. P. 44, 45. 

[785] Diodorus Sic. L. 1. P. 24. 

[786] Both the Patriarch, and his son Ham, had the name of Cronus, as maybe learned from Sanchoniathon. Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳ τρειςπαιδες, Κρονος ὁμωνυμος τῳ πατρι, κτλ. Euseb. Præp. L. 1. C. 10. P. 37. 

Paraia is the same as Pur-aia, the land of Ur; from whence the Gentilewriters deduce all their mythology. 

[787] See Radicals. P. 42. 

[788] Ῥαγδαιων δε γενομενων ομβρων και πνευματων, --δενδρου λαβομενον τονΟυσωον, και αποκλαδευσαντα, πρωτον τολμησαι εις θαλασσαν εμβηναι. Euseb. Pr. Ev. L. 1. C. 10. P. 35. 

[789] Euseb. Chron. P. 7. L. 43. 

[790] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1168. 

[791] Τας Γοργονας επ' ωκεανον ουσας τον περι πολιν Ιβηριας την Ταρτησσον. Schol. In Lycophr. Ad v. 838. 

[792] [Atlas] Apex Perseo et Herculi pervius. Solin. C. 24. 

[793] Andromedam Perseus nigris portârit ab Indis. Ovid. Art. Amand. L. 1. V. 53. 

[794] Pausan. L. 4. P. 370. 

[795] Pliny mentions these bones being brought from Joppa to Rome in theædileship of M. Scaurus; longitudine pedum 40, altitudine costarum Indicoselephantos excedente, spinæ crassitudine sesquipedali. L. 9. C. 5. 

[796] Deseritur Taurique jugum, Perseaque Tarsus. Lucan. L. 3. V. 225. SeeSolin. C. 38. 

[797] Perseam quoque plantam ---- a Perseo Memphi satam. Plin. L. 15. C. 13. 

Of Perseus in Cilicia, see Chron. Pasch. P. 39. 

[798] Pindar. Pyth. Od. 10. V. 49 and 70. Εις το των Μακαρων ανδρων εθνος. Schol. In v. 70. 

[799] Virgil. Æn. L. 7. V. 409. 

Ardea a Danae Persei matre condita. Plin. Hist. Nat l. 3. P. 152. 

[800] Servius in Virgil. Æn. L. 8. 

[801] Diodorus Sic. L. 1. P. 21. 

[802] Ibidem. 

[803] Herodotus. L. 6. C. 54. See Chron. Paschale. P. 38. 

Some make him a Colchian. Ἡλιῳ γαρ φησιν ὑιους γενεσθαι δυο εν τοις τοποιςεκεινοις, ὁις ονοματα ην Περσευς και Αιητης· τουτους δε κατασχεσιν τηνχωραν· και Αιητην μεν Κολχους και Μαιωτας, Περσεα δε Ταυρικης Βασιλευσαι. Schol. In Apollon. Argonautic. L. 3. V. 199. 

[804] Ἡ δε Περσου γυνη Αστερια παις ην Κοιου και Φοιβης· ὁι Κοιος δε καιΦοιβη ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ παιδες. Schol. In Lycophron. V. 1175. 

[805] Natalis Comes. L. 7. C. 18. 

[806] Schol. In Lycophr. V 18. 

Lycophr. V. 17. 

Τον χρυσοπατρον μορφνον--τον Περσεα. Schol. In Lycophr. V. 838. 

[807] Εγγυς της Νεης πολιος. He is said to have introduced here Gymnicexercises. Herodot. L. 2. C. 91. And to have often appeared personally tothe priests. Herodot. Ibid. 

Herodotus of the Dorians. L. 6. C. 54. 

[808] Εν λαρνακι ξυλινῳ. Schol. In Lycophr. V. 838. 

Εν κιβωτῳ τινι. Chron. Pasch. P. 38. From Euripides. 

The father of Danae ενειρξας αυτην εις την Κιβωτον μετα του ΠΑΙΔΟΣ καθηκενεις το πελαγος. Schol. In Pind. Pyth. Od. 10. V. 72. 

[809] All salutary streams were consecrated to the Sun. There were somewaters of this nature near Carthage, which were named Aquæ Persianæ. SeeApuleii Florida. C. 16. P. 795, and p. 801. They were so named from Perez, the Sun, to whom they were sacred. 

[810] Ovid. Trist. L. 1. Eleg. 3. V. 48. See Natalis Comes. L. 7. C. 18. 

[811] Polyb. L. 5. P. 389. 

[812] Plin. Hist. Nat. L. 6. C. 16. See Q. Curtius, and Strabo. 

[813] Parrhasii in Hyrcania. Strabo. L. 11. P. 775. 

[814] Plin. Hist. Nat. L. 2. C. 98. 

[815] Of Parrhasians in Arcadia. Strabo. L. 8. P. 595. See Plin. Hist. Nat. L. 4. C. 6. 

 Ὑιος Δινυττα Δαμαρχος την δ' ανεθηκεν Εικον', απ' Αρκαδιας Παῤῥασιος γενεαν. Pausan. L. 6. P. 471. See also l. 8. P. 654. 

[816] Plato in Alcibiad. Vol. 2. P. 120. 

[817] Herodot. L. 7. C. 150. 

[818] Statii Theb. L. 1. V. 717. 

[819] Diodorus Sicul. L. 3. P. 185. 

[820] Πολλαις γενεαις προτερον των Τρωικων. Ibid. 

[821] Της Λιβυης εν τοις προς ἑσπεραν μερεσιν επι του περατος τηςοικουμενης. Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 186. 

She likewise was in possession of the νησοι ευδαιμονες, or Islands of theblessed, which lay opposite to her dominions in Africa. 

[822] Writers mention that she raised over the slain three large mounds ofearth, which were called ταφοι Αμαζωνων, the tombs of the Amazons. Thisshews that the Gorgons and Amazons were the same people, however separated, and represented in a state of warfare. 

[823] Iliad Β. V. 811. Μυρινα· ονομα κυριον Αμαζονος. Scholia ibid. 

[824] Diodorus Sicul. L. 4. P. 216, 217, 225, 227, &c. See also Justin. L. 44. C. 4. And Apollodorus. L. 2. P. 100. 

Hercules of Tyre was said to have been the Son of Athamas, the same asPalæmon. 

[825] Ludovicus Nonnius in Hispania. P. 196, 170. 

[826] Diodorus Sicul. L. 4. P. 227. 

Corunna the same as Kir-Ona. 

Many Amonian cities of similar analogy to Alesia. 

[827] Diodorus, above. 

[828] Χρυσα μηλα--προβατα. Schol. In Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 1396. εξΑγροιτου εν γ' Λιβυκων. 

[829] Τον Ἡρακλεα, συμμαχουντων αυτῳ των θεων, κρατησαι τῃ μαχῃ, και τουςπλειστους ανελοντα την χωραν ηξημερωσαι. Diodorus Sicul. L. 4. P. 229. Strabo. L. 5. P. 376. And l. 6. P. 430. 

[830] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1007. And l. 11. P. 771. Diodorus Sic. L. 2. P. 124. 

[831] Arrian. Hist. Indica. P. 321. 

[832] Herod. L. 4. C. 9. Aristid. Orat. V. 1. P. 85. 

[833] Ovid. Metam. L. 11. V. 218. 

[834] Poculo Herculem vectum ad Erytheiam. Macrob. Sat. L. 5. C. 21. Apollodorus. L. 2. P. 100. Schol. Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 1396. FromPherecydes Syrus; and from the Libyca of Agroitas. Λαβων χρυσουν δεπας παρ'Ἡλιου--δια του ωκεανου πλειν. 

[835] Strabo. L. 3. P. 237. He was supposed to have been the founder ofTartossus, where he was worshipped under the name of Archaleus. Etymolog. Mag. Γαδαρα. 

[836] Syncellus. P. 171. 

[837] Pomponius Mela. L. 3. C. 6. 

[838] Athenæus. L. 12. C. 512. 

[839] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1009. Πλασμα των Ἡρακλειαν ποιουντων. 

[840] Nat. Deorum. L. 3. C. 16. 

[841] Arrian speaks of this Indian Hercules, together with the othersmentioned by Cicero. Ει δε τῳ πιστα ταυτα, αλλος αν ουτος Ἡρακλεης ειη, ουχὁ Θηβαιος, η ὁ Τυριος ὁυτος, η ὁ Αιγυπτιος, η τις και κατα ανω χωρην ουποῤῥω της Ινδων γης ῳκισμενην μεγας βασιλευς. Hist. Ind. P. 319. Varromentions forty of this name, who were all reputed Deities. 

[842] See Ludovicus Nonnius, in Hispan. P. 196, 170. 

[843] See Audigier Origines des François. Part. 1. P. 225, 230. 

[844] Mela. L. 2. C. 5. L. 30. 

[845] Petronius. P. 179. Est locus Herculeis aris sacer. 

[846] He was worshipped by the Suraceni, a particular Indian nation, whostyled him Γηγενης, or the Man of the Earth. Arrian. Hist. Indic. P. 321. 

[847] Hercules apud Celtas. See Voss. De Idolat. L. 1. C. 35. L. 2. C. 15. 

[848] Eumenius in Orat. Pro Scholis instaurandis. See Lilius Gyraldus, Synt. 10. P. 330. 

[849] Suetonius in Augusto. C. 29. Livy. L. 40. C. 51. 

[850] Johan. Sambuci Emblemata. 

[851] He was the same as Osiris, the Sun. Τον εν πασι και δια παντων Ἡλιον. Macrob. Saturn. L. 1. C. 20. P. 207. See Porphyry apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. 3. P. 112. 

[852] See Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 10. P. 592. Pausanias expresses the nameΑιχμαγορας. L. 8. P. 624. 

[853] Lilius Gyrald p. 595. 

[854] In the following extracts we may see the character of this Deityamong different nations. Ἡρακλεα δε ὁντινα ες Ινδους αφικεσθαι λογοςκατεχει παρ' αυτοισιν Ινδοισιν Γηγενεα λεγεσθαι· τουτον τοι Ἡρακλεα μαλισταπρος Συρασηνων γεραιρεσθαι, Ινδικου εθνους. Arrian. Hist. Ind. P. 321. 

Αλλα τις αρχαιος εστι θεος Αιγυπτιοισι Ἡρακλεης· ὡς δε αυτοι λεγουσι ετεαεστι επτακισχιλια και μερια ες Αμασιν βασιλευσαντα. Herod. L. 2. C. 43. Αλλ' ισμεν Αιγυπτιους, ὁσον τινα αγουσιν Ἡρακλεα, και Τυριους, ὁτι πρωτονσεβουσι Θεων. Aristid. Orat. V. 1. P. 59. He had at Tyre a Temple, as oldas the city. Εφασαν γαρ ἁμα Τυρῳ οικιζομενῃ και το Ἱερον του θεουἱδρυνθηναι. Herod. L. 2. C. 44. 

Εστι γαρ εν Τυρῳ Ἱερον Ἡρακλεους παλαιοτατον, ὡν μνημῃ ανθρωπινῃδιασωσεται· ου του Αργειου Ἡρακλεους. κ. λ. Arrian. Expedit. Alex. P. 88. 

[855] Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 195. 196. And p. 200. 

[856] Διονυσου απογονους Οξυδρακας. Strabo. L. 15. P. 1008. The Tyrianslaid the same claim to him. Τον Διονυσον Τυριοι νομιζουσιν ἑαυτων ειναι. Achill. Tatius. L. 2. P. 67. So did likewise the Cretans, and the people ofNaxos. Some of the Libyans maintained, that he was educated in the grottoof the Nymphs upon the river Triton. Diodor. Sic. L. 3. P. 202. 203. Concerning Dionusus the benefactor, see Arrian. Hist. Ind. P. 321. 

Of his coming to India from the west. Philostratus. L. 2. P. 64. Επηλυτοναυτον Ασσυριον. 

[857] Of his travels, see Strabo. L. 15. P. 1008. 

[858] Τον δ' ουν Διονυσον, επελθοντα μετα στρατοπεδου πασαν την οικουμενην, διδαξαι την φυτειαν του αμπελου. Diodor. Sic. L. 3. P. 197. 

Και προ Αλεξανδρου, Διονυσου περι πολλος λογος κατεχει, ὡς και τουτουστρατευσαντος ες Ινδους. Arrian. Hist. Indic. P. 318. 

[859] Diodorus. L. 3. P. 204. 

[860] Ινδους και Τυῤῥηνους λεγουσιν, ὡς κατεστρεψατο (Διονυσος). Aristid. Orat. In Dionus. P. 54. 

[861] Cic. De Nat. Deor. L. 3. C. 23. Of the various places of his birth, see Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 200. 

[862] Linus, Orpheus, Panopides, Thymætes, and Dionysius Milesius, DiodorusSic. L. 3. P. 201. 

[863] It was a common subject for Elegy. Plutarch. Isis et Osir. 

Ποιησομεθα δε την αρχην απο Διονυσου, διο και παλαιον ειναι σφοδρα τουτον, και μεγισταις ευεργεσιαις κατατεθεισθαι τῳ γενει των ανθρωπων. DiodorusSicul. L. 4. P. 210. 

Λινον φασι τοις Πελασγικοις γραμμασι συνταξαμενον τας του πρωτου Διονυσουπραξεις. Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 201. 

[864] L. 4. P. 210. 

Τον Οσιριν Διονυσον ειναι λεγουσιν. Herodot. L. 2. C. 42. C. 145. 

[865] The Indians gave the same account of Dionusus, as the Egyptians didof Osiris. Πολιας τε οικησαι (Διονυσον) και νομους θεσθαι τῃσι πολεσιν, οινου τε δοτηρα Ινδοις γενεσθαι·--και σπειρειν διδαξαι την γην, διδοντααυτον σπερματα·--βοας τε ὑπ' αροτρῳ ζευξαι Διονυσον πρωτον·--και θεουςσεβειν ὁτι εδιδαξε Διονυσος--κτλ. Arrian. Hist. Indic. P. 321. 

[866] Pausan. L. 3. P. 272. As his rites came originally from Chaldea, andthe land of Ur, he is in consequence of it often styled Πυριγενης, αμδΠυρισπορος· Strabo. L. 13. P. 932. Ελθε, μακαρ Διονυσε, ΠYΡΙΣΠΟΡΕ, ταυρομετωπε. Orphic. Hymn. 44. V. 1. 

[867] There was a cavern, where they supposed him to be buried, at Delphi, παρα χρυσεῳ Απολλωνι. Cyril contra Jul. P. 342. 

[868] Κρονος περιεων την οικουμενην. Sanchoniath. Apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. P. 38. 

[869] Τον μεν ουν Κρονον οντα πρεσβυτατον βασιλεα γενεσθαι· και τους καθ'ἑαυτον ανθρωπους εξ αγριου διαιτης εις βιον ἡμερον μεταστησαι, και διατουτο αποδοχης μεγαλης τυχοντα πολλους επελθειν της οικουμενης τοπους·εισηγησασθαι δε πασι την τε δικαιοσυνην και την ἁπλοτητα της ψυχης. Diodorus Sicul. L. 5. P. 334. 

[870] Ουρανον--τους ανθρωπους σποραδην οικουντας συναγαγειν εις πολεωςπεριβολον, και της μεν ανομιας και θηριωδους βιου παυσαι--κατακτησασθαι δεαυτον της οικουμενης την πλειστην. Ibid. L. 3. P. 1*9. 

[871] Απολλωνα μετα Θεμιδος, ωφελησαι βουλομενον το γενος ἡμων· ειτα τηνωφελειαν ειπων, ὁτι εις ἡμεροτητα προυκαλειτο. Strabo. L. 9. P. 646. 

[872] Καθ' ὁν χρονον Απολλωνα την γην επιοντα ἡμερουν τους ανθρωπους απο τετων ανημερων καρπων και βιων. Ibid. 

[873] Diodorus Sicul. L. 3. P. 195. 

The wanderings of Isis and Iona relate to the same history: as do likewisethose of Cadmus. 

[874] Eusebii Chron. P. 7. L. 37. 

[875] Θουλις. Ὁυτος εβασιλευσε πασης Αιγυπτου, και ἑως ωκεανου· και μιαντων εν αυτῳ νησων εκαλεσεν απο του ιδιου ονοματος Θουλην. Suidas. 

[876] Μετα Οσιριν εβασιλευσεν Ορος· και μετα τον Ορον εβασιλευσε Θουλις, ὁστις παρελαβε μετα δυναμεως τινος πασαν την γην ἑως του ωκεανου. Chron. Pasch. P. 46. 

He is mentioned by Cedrenus. Θουλης, ὁς και ἑως του ωκεανου πυσαν την γηνπαρειληφεν. P. 20. 

[877] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 49. 

[878] See Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 277. And Herodot. L. 2. C. 102. 

Syncellus. P. 59, 60

[879] Diodorus Sic. Above. He was near losing his whole army. 

[880] Την δε χωραν ὁπλοις κατεστρεψατο τοις ἑαυτου Βασιλευς Βασιλεων, καιΔεσποτης Δεσποτων Σεσοωσις. Diodor. Sicul. Ibid. 

[881] He passed through all Ethiopia to the Cinnamon country. Strabo. L. 17. P. 1138. This must be Indica Ethiopia, and the island Seran-Dive. Hencecame Cinnamon: here were στηλαι και επιγραφαι. 

Venit ad occasum, mundique extrema Sesostris. Lucan. L. 10. V. 276

[882] Σεσωστρις ετη μη, ὁς ἁπασαν εχειρωσατο την Ασιαν εν ενιαυτοις εννεα. Syncellus. P. 59. 

Some make him advance farther, and conquer all Europe: ὁμοιως ὑπεταξε καιτην Ασιαν πασαν, και ΤΗΝ ΕΥΡΟΠΗΝ, και την Σκυθιαν, και την Μυσιαν. Chron. Pasch. P. 47. Herodotus thinks he did not proceed farther than Thrace. L. 2. C. 103. 

[883] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 49. 

[884] Of all the great actions of Sesostris, see Marsham. Can. Chron. Sec. 14. P. 354. 

[885] Περι δε τουτων το μεν αληθες εκθεσθαι μετ' ακριβειας ου ῥαδιον. Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 52. 

[886] Sir John Marsham's Can. Chron. Sec. 14. P. 354. 

Sir Isaac Newton's Chronology, p. 217. 

[887] 1 Kings. C. 14. V. 25, 26. _And it came to pass, that in the fifthyear of king Rehoboam Shishak king of Egypt came up against Jerusalem(because they had transgressed against the Lord); with twelve hundredchariots, and threescore thousand horsemen; and the people were withoutnumber, that came with him out of Egypt; the Lubims, the Sukkiims, and theEthiopians. _ 2 Chron. C. 12. V. 2, 3. 

[888] Παραλαβῳν δε Σουσακος αμαχητι την πολιν. Joseph. Antiq. L. 8. C. 10. 

[889] Sethosis of Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. P. 447. 

[890] Euseb. Chron. P. 7. L. 43. Θουλης· μετα δε τουτον Σεσωστρις. 

[891] Σεσογχωσις, Αιγυπτου πασης βασιλευς μετα Ωρον της Ισιδος και Οσιριδοςπαιδα, την μεν Ασιαν ὁρμησας πασαν κατεστρεψατο, ὁμοιως δε τα πλειστα τηςΕυρωπης. Θεοπομπος δε εν τριτῳ Σεσωστριν αυτον καλει. Schol. In Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 272. 

[892] Δικαιαρχος εν πρωτῳ, μετα τον Ισιδος και Οσιριδος Ωρον, βασιλεαγεγονεναι Σεσογχωσιν λεγει· ὡστε γενεσθαι απο της Σεσογχωσιδος βασιλειαςμεχρι της Νειλου ετη δισχιλια. Schol. In Apollon. Argonaut. Ibid. 

[893] Cedrenus. V. 1. P. 20. Osiris, Orus, Thoules, Sesostris. 

[894] Succeeded by Φαραω. Chron. Pasch. P. 48. 

[895] Joannes Antiochenus has borrowed the same history, and calls thisking Sostris. Εβασιλευσεν Αιγυπτιων πρωτος εκ της φυλης του Χαμ Σωστρις. P. 23. He adds, that Sostris, or Sesostris, lived in the time of Hermes, Ἑρμηςὁ τρισμεγιστος Αιγυπτιος. He was succeeded by Pharaoh, πρωτος, the first ofthe name. Ibid. Herodotus calls him Pheron, and Pherona. L. 2. C. 111. 

[896] Πολυ ὑπερτεινει τοις χρονοις την Μινω βασιλειαν ἡ Σεσωστριος. Politic. L. 7. C. 10. 

[897] Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 272. Ενθεν δη τινα φασι--Σεσογχωσις, Αιγυπτου πασης βασιλευς--Θεοπομπος δε εν τριτῳ Σεσωστριν αυτον καλει. Schol. Ibid. 

Περι δε των χρονων, καθ' ὁυς εγενετο Σεσογχωσις, ὁ μεν Απολλωνιος τουτομονον φησι, πολυς γαρ αδην απενηνοθεν αιων. Schol. Ibid. 

Lycophron speaks of Apollo Ζωστηριος, and a promontory Ζωστηριον, εν ᾡἱερον Ζοστηριου Απολλωνος. Schol. Ad v. 1278. 

[898] Schol. Apollon. L. 4. V. 272. Syncellus joins him with Serapis. P. 91. 

[899] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 144. 

Ουπω τειρεα παντα κ. τ. λ. Apollon. Argonaut. L. 4. V. 261. See the whole, and Schol. Ibid. 

[900] Canon. Chronic. Sec. 10. P. 238, 239. 

[901] Quis igitur Sesonchosis ille, qui, Menen antevertens annis amplius5000, inter Semideos locum habere videatur? Marsham. Canon Chronic. Sec. 10. P. 238. 

Sesostris in XII. Africani Dynastiâ (quæ Eusobiani Canonis epochamantevertit) ex Scaligeri calculis regnavit anno Per. Jul. 1392: quoratiocinio Sesostris factus est annos 2355 ipso Sesostre senior. Nam ex S. Literis (suo loco) apparebit, Sesostrim expeditionem suscepisse in Asiam, et Hierosolyma cepisse Anno Per. Jul. 3747. Ibid. P. 239. 

[902] Antiq. L. 8. C. 10. P. 449. And 450. 

[903] He came merely as a confederate to Jeroboam, in favour of the kingdomof Israel; and his intention was to ruin Judah: but his cruel purpose wasaverted by the voluntary submission both of the king and people; and by thetreasures they gave up to him, which were the purchase of their security. 

[904] Hercules is said to have commanded the armies of Osiris. Diodorus. Sicul. L. 1. P. 15. 

[905] L. 2. C. 106. Concerning the interpretation of these emblems, seeJoan Pierii Hieroglyph. L. 34. C. 20. 

[906] Pausan. L. 1. P. 101. The Statue remains to this day. In like mannerit was reported that Dionusus raised Pillars. Strabo. L. 3. P. 260. 

Ενθα τε και Στηλαι Θηβαιγενεος Διονυσου. Dionys. Perieg. V. 623. 

Hercules erected the like. All which was done by people styled Dionysiansand Herculeans. 

[907] Joshua. C. 12. V. 24. Adonibezek had threescore and ten vassalprinces at his feet; if the headman of every village may be so called. Judges. C. 1. V. 7. 

[908] Benhadad of Damascus was attended with thirty-two kings, when heinvaded Samaria. 1 Kings. C. 20. V. 1. 

[909] The people plowed, and sowed, and had fruits, and pastures, withintheir walls. 

[910] 2 Kings. C. 17. V. 6. And c. 18. V. 11. And v. 34. Isaiah. C. 10. V. 9. C. 37. V. 13. 

[911] Diodorus Sicul. L. 2. P. 90. 

[912] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 91. 

[913] Ibid. P. 92. 

[914] Ἁυτη μεν απεδεξατο χωματα ανα το πεδιον εοντα αξιοθεητα. Herod. L. 1. C. 184. 

Such χωματα were raised by the Amonians in all places where they settled, called ταφοι. 

Four such were in Troas. Εισι μεν ουν λοφοι τετταρες, Ολυμπιοι καλουμενοι. Strabo. L. 10. P. 720. There were such also of the Amazons in Mauritania. 

[915] She carried back but twenty men, according to Strabo. L. 15. P. 1051. 

[916] Chron. Paschale. P. 36. Semiramis was, we find, Rhea: and Rhea wasthe same as Cybele, the mother of the Gods: την Ῥεαν, Κιβελην, και Κυβην, και Δινδυμηνην. Strabo. L. 10. P. 721. 

[917] Cononis narrationes apud Phot. P. 427. 

[918] Herodot. L. 1. C. 184. Five ages (γενεαι) before Nitocris the motherof Labynitus, whom Cyrus conquered. 

It may be worth while to observe the different opinions of authors aboutthe time, when Semiramis is supposed to have lived. 

 Years. According to Syncellus she lived before Christ 2177Petavius makes the term 2060Helvicus 2248Eusebius 1984Mr. Jackson 1964Abp. Usher 1215Philo Biblius from Sanchoniathon (apud Euseb. Præp. Evang. 1200l. 1. P. 31. ) aboutHerodotus about 713

What credit can be given to the history of a person, the time of whose lifecannot be ascertained within 1535 years? for so great is the difference ofthe extremes in the numbers before given. 

See Dionys. Perieg. Schol. In v. 1006. 

[919] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 90. 

[920] Herodotus. L. 1. C. 98. 

[921] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 92. 

[922] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1007. 

[923] Arrian. Hist. Ind. P. 318. 

[924] Josephus cont. Ap. L. 1. C. 19. P. 451. 

[925] Steph. Byzant. Βαβυλων. 

[926] Suidas: Σεμιραμις. 

[927] Pliny. L. 7. P. 417. 

[928] Semiramis teneros mares castravit omnium prima. Marcellinus. L. 14. C. 6. 

[929] Σεμιραμις λαγνος γυνη, και μιαιφονος. Athenag. Legatio. P. 307. 

[930] Claudian. In Eutrop. L. 1. V. 339. 

[931] This is the reason that we find these kingdoms so often confounded, and the Babylonians continually spoken of as Assyrians, and sometimes asPersians. Βαβυλων Περσικη πολις. Steph. Byz. 

[932] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1071. 

[933] These mounds were high altars, upon which they sacrificed to the Sun. By Ctesias they are supposed to have been the tombs of her lovers, whom sheburied alive. Syncellus. P. 64. 

[934] They built Babylon itself; which by Eupolemus was said to have beenthe work of Belus, and the Giants. Euseb. Præp. L. 9. C. 17. P. 418. Quint. Curt. L. 5. C. 1. Abydenus apud Euseb. Præp. L. 9. C. 15. Syncellus. P. 44. 

[935] Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 364. 

[936] He ordered it to be inscribed upon his tomb, ὁτι και Μαγικων γενοιτοδιδασκαλος. Porph. De Abstin. L. 4. P. 399. 

[937] By Zoroaster was denoted both the Deity, and also his priest. It wasa name conferred upon many personages. 

[938] Zerdûsht, seu, ut semel cum vocali damna scriptum vidi, Zordush't, idem est, qui Græcis sonat Ζωροαστρης. Hyde Relig. Vet. Persar. C. 24. P. 312. 

[939] L. 30. C. 1. P. 523. 

[940] Arnobius. L. 1. P. 31. 

[941] Clemens. L. 1. P. 399. 

[942] Ibid. L. 5. P. 711. Ταδε συνεγραφεν Ζοροαστρης ὁ Αρμενιου το γενοςΠαμφυλος. κλ. Εν αδῃ γενομενος εδαην παρα Θεων. 

[943] Clemens. L. 1. P. 357. Apuleius Florid. C. 15. P. 795, mentions aZoroaster after the reign of Cambyses. 

[944] Justin. L. 1. C. 1. 

[945] Syncellus. P. 167. 

[946] P. 315. It is also taken notice of by Huetius. Sinam recentioresPersæ apud Indos degentes faciunt (Zoroastrem). D. E. Prop. 4. P. 89. 

[947] Sed haud mirum est, si Europæi hoc modo dissentiant de homineperegrino, cum illius populares orientales etiam de ejus prosapiâ dubitent. At de ejus tempore concordant omnes, unum tantum constituentes Zoroastrem, eumque in eodem seculo ponentes. P. 315. 

[948] Plures autem fuere Zoroastres ut satis constat. Gronovius inMarcellinum. L. 23. P. 288. Arnobius and Clemens mention more than one. Stanley reckons up six. See Chaldaic Philosophy. 

[949] P. 312. 

[950] Zoroaster may have been called Zerdusht, and Zertoost: but he was notZerdusht the son of Gustasp, who is supposed to have lived during thePersian Monarchy. Said Ebn. Batrick styles him Zorodasht, but places him inthe time of Nahor, the father of Terah, before the days of Abraham. Vol. 1. P. 63. 

[951] Diogenes Laert. Proœm. P. 3. 

[952] Προ των Τρωικων ετεσι φ' Ζωροαστρης. 

[953] Laertius Proœm. P. 3. 

[954] Pliny. L. 30. C. 1. 

[955] Ζωροαστρις ὁ Μαγος, ὁν πεντακισχιλιοις ετεσιν των Τρωικων γεγονεναιπρεσβυτερον ἱστορουσιν. Isis et Osir. P. 369. 

[956] Zoroastrem hunc sex millibus annorum ante Platonis mortem. Pliny. L. 30. C. 1. 

[957] P. 16. And p. 47. 

[958] Euseb. Chron. P. 32. Syncellus. P. 167. 

[959] Pliny. L. 30. C. 1. P. 524. 

[960] Ουκ ειναι μαθειν ποτερον Δαρειου πατηρ, ειτε και αλλος κ λ. He owns, that he could not find out, when Zoroaster lived. Ὁπηνικα μεν (ὁΖωροαστρης) ηχμασε την αρχην, και τους νομους εθετο, ουκ ενεστι σαφωςδιαγνωναι. L. 2. P. 62. 

[961] Pliny. L. 30. C. 1. 

[962] Huetii Demons. Evan. Prop. 4. P. 88. 89. 

[963] See Huetius ibid. 

[964] Αστρονομιαν πρωτοι Βαβυλωνιοι εφευρον δια Ζωροαστρου, μεθ' ὁνΟστανης·--αφ' ὡν Αιγυπτιοι και Ἑλληνες εδεξαντο. Anon. Apud Suidam. Αστρον. 

[965] Primus dicitur magicas artes invenisse. Justin. L. 1. C. 1. 

[966] Diog. Laertius Proœm. P. 6. 

[967] Την Μαγειαν την Ζωροαστρου του Ωρομαζου. Plato in Alcibiade l. 1. P. 122. 

Agathias calls him the son of Oromasdes. L. 2. P. 62. 

[968] Pliny. L. 7. C. 16. Risit eodem, quo natus est, die. See Lord'saccount of the modern Persees in India. C. 3. It is by them said, that helaughed as soon as he came into the world. 

[969] Hermippus apud Plinium. L. 30. C. 1. 

[970] Dio. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. 38. Fol. 448. Euseb. Præp. L. 1. P. 42. See also Agathias just mentioned. 

[971] Θυειν ευκταια και χαριστηρια. Plutarch Is. Et Osir. P. 369. 

[972] Primus dicitur artes magicas invenisse, et mundi principia, siderumque motus diligentissime spectâsse. Justin. L. 1. C. 1. 

[973] Ζαραδης· διττη γαρ επ' αυτῳ επωνυμια. Agath. L. 2. P. 62. 

[974] Ζαρητις, Αρτεμις, Περσαι. Hesych. 

Zar-Ades signifies the Lord of light: Zar-Atis and Atish, the Lord of fire. 

[975] L. 1. C. 5. P. 16. Of the title Zar-Ovanus, I shall treat hereafter. 

[976] Plutarch. Is. Et Osiris. P. 369. 

[977] See Agathias. L. 2. P. 62. 

[978] Plutarch says, that Zoroaster lived five thousand years before theTrojan war. Plutarch above. 

[979] Ὁυτος (ὁ Θεος) εστιν ὁ πρωτος, αφθαρτος, αϊδιος, αγεννητος, αμερης, ανομοιοτατος, ἡνιοχος παντος καλου, αδωροδοκητος, αγαθων αγαθωτατος, φρονιμων φρονιμωτατος. Εστι δε και πατηρ ευνομιας, και δικαιοσυνης, αυτοδιδακτος, φυσικος, και τελειος, και σοφος, και ἱερου φυσικου μονοςἑυρετης. Euseb. P. E. L. 1. P. 42. 

[980] Clemens. L. 5. P. 711. 

[981] Εν ᾁδη γενομενος εδαην παρα Θεων. Ibid. 

[982] Dion. Chrysostom. Oratio Borysthenica. P. 448. 

[983] Hyde. P. 312. 

[984] Abulfeda. Vol. 3. P. 58. See Hyde. P. 312. 

[985] Hesych. Μαγον. 

[986] Suidas. Μαγοι. 

[987] Oratio Borysthen. P. 449. 

Μαγοι, ὁι περι το θειον σοφοι. Porph. De Abst. L. 4. P. 398. 

Apuleius styles Magia--Diis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac venerandipergnaram, piam scilicet et diviniscientem, jam inde a Zoroastre Oromazi, nobili Cælitum antistite. Apol. 1. P. 447. So it should be read. SeeApuleii Florida. C. 15. P. 793. L. 3. 

Τους δε Μαγους περι τε θεραπειας θεων διατριβειν κλ. Cleitarchus apudLaertium. Proœm. P. 5. 

[988] Diodorus Sic. L. 2. P. 94. 

[989] Marcellinus. L. 23. P. 288. 

[990] Ibidem. It should be Regis prudentissimi; for Hystaspes was no king. 

[991] Rerum Franc. L. 1. He adds, Ab hoc etiam ignem adorare consueti, ipsum divinitus igne consumptum, ut Deum colunt. 

[992] Αστρον ζωον. Clemens Recognit. L. 4. C. 28. P. 546. Greg. Turonensissupra. Some have interpreted the name αστροθυτης. 

[993] Προσαγορευουσι και Συριον. Pr. Evan. L. 1. P. 27. Some would changeit to Σειριον: but they are both of the same purport; and indeed the sameterm differently expressed. Persæ Συρη Deum vocant. Lilius Gyrald. Synt. 1. P. 5. 

[994] Joshua. C. 15. V. 58. 

[995] 1 Maccab. C. 4. V. 61. Called Beth-Zur. 2 Chron. C. 11. V. 7. Therewas an antient city Sour, in Syria, near Sidon. Judith. C. 2. V. 28. Itretains its name at this day. 

[996] Βηθσουρ. Antiq. L. 8. C. 10. 

The Sun was termed Sehor, by the sons of Ham, rendered Sour, Surius, Σειριος by other nations. 

Σειριος, ὁ Ἡλιος. Hesych. Σειριος ονομα αστερος, η ὁ Ἡλιος. Phavorinus. 

[997] Βεδσουρ--εστι νυν κωμη Βεθσορων. In Onomastico. 

[998] Bethsur est hodie Bethsoron. In locis Hebræis. 

[999] Lilius Gyraldus Syntag. 13. P. 402. 

[1000] Jovi. O. M. Et Deæ Suriæ: Gruter. P. 5. N. 1. 

D. M. SYRIÆ sacrum. Patinus. P. 183. 

[1001] Apud Brigantas in Northumbriâ. Camden's Britannia. P. 1071. 

[1002] See Radicals. P. 42. Of Zon. 

[1003] Chron. Paschale. P. 43. Servius upon Virg. Æneid. L. 6. V. 14. 

[1004] Lycophron. V. 1301. 

[1005] Zor and Taur, among the Amonians, had sometimes the same meaning. 

[1006] See the engraving of the Mneuis, called by Herodotus the bull ofMycerinus. Herod. L. 2. C. 130. Editio Wesseling. Et Gronov. 

[1007] See the Plates annexed, which are copied from Kæmpfer's AmœnitatesExoticæ. P. 312. Le Bruyn. Plate 158. Hyde. Relig. Vet. Pers. Tab. 6. Seealso plate 2. And plate 4. 5. Vol. 1. Of this work. They were alloriginally taken from the noble ruins at Istachar, and Naki Rustan inPersia. 

[1008] Huetii Prop. 4. P. 92. 

Lord, in his account of the Persees, says, that Zertoost (so he expressesthe name) was conveyed by an Angel, and saw the Deity in a vision, whoappeared like a bright light, or flame. Account of the Persees. C. 3. 

[1009] See Stanley's Chaldaic Philos. P. 7. And p. 11. They were byDamascius styled Ζωνοι and Αζωνοι: both terms of the same purport, thoughdistinguished by persons who did not know their purport. 

[1010] See Plates annexed. 

[1011] Martianus Capella. L. 1. C. 17. Ex cunctis igitur Cœli regionibusadvocatis Diis, cæteri, quos Azonos vocant, ipso commonente Cyllenio, convocantur. Psellus styles them Αζωνοι, and Ζωναιοι. See Scholia upon theChaldaic Oracles. 

[1012] Arnobius. L. 1. P. 31. 

[1013] The Sun was styled both Zon, and Azon; Zan and Azan: so Dercetis wascalled Atargatis: Neith of Egypt, Aneith. The same was to be observed inplaces. Zelis was called Azilis: Saba, Azaba: Stura, Astura: Puglia, Apuglia: Busus, Ebusus: Damasec, Adamasec. Azon was therefore the same asZon; and Azon Nakis may be interpreted Sol Rex, vel Dominus. 

[1014] Antholog. L. 3. P. 269. 

[1015] See Huetius. Demons. Evang. Prop. 4. P. 129. 

[1016] In Theolog. Platonis. L. 1. C. 4. 

[1017]

 Ουδε τι φαρμακον Θρησσαις εν σανισι, Τας Ορφειη κατεγραψε γηρυς. Alcestis. V. 968. 

[1018] Plato de Repub. L. 2. P. 364. 

[1019] Lactant. De F. R. L. 1. P. 105. 

[1020] Scholia in Alcestin. V. 968. 

Concerning Orpheus, see Diodorus. L. 1. P. 86. Aristoph. Ranæ. V. 1064. Euseb. P. E. Lib. 10. P. 469. 

[1021] L. 22. See Natalis comes. L. 7. P. 401. 

[1022] L. 9. P. 768. 

[1023] V. 41. 

[1024] Ibid. V. 99. 

[1025] L. 6. P. 505. 

[1026] Apollon. Rhod. L. 1. V. 23. 

[1027] Scholia. Ibid. 

[1028] Natalis Comes. L. 7. P. 400. 

[1029] De Repub. L. 2. P. 364. Musæus is likewise, by the Scholiast uponAristophanes, styled ὑιος Σεληνης. Ranæ. V. 106. Schol. 

[1030] Lucian. Astrologus. 

[1031] See Lilius Gyraldus de Poetarum Hist. Dialog. 2. P. 73. Ορφευς, φορμικτας αοιδαν πατηρ. Pindar. Pyth. Ode. 4. P. 253. 

[1032] Clementis Cohort. P. 12. Diog. Laert. Proœm. P. 3. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 49. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 87. L. 3. P. 300. Apollodorus. L. 1. P. 7. 

[1033] Linus was the son of Apollo and Calliope. See Suidas, Λινος. 

[1034] There were, in like manner, different places where he was supposedto have been buried. 

[1035] Proœm. P. 5. Antholog. L. 3. P. 270. In like manner Zoroaster wassaid to have been slain by lightning. 

[1036] Suidas, Ορφευς. 

[1037] Tzetzes makes him live one hundred years before the war of Troy. Hist. 399. Chil. 12. 

[1038] Ορφευς. 

[1039] Vossius de Arte Poet. C. 13. P. 78. 

[1040] Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 1. C. 38. See also Ælian. Var. Hist. L. 8. C. 6. 

[1041] C. 24. P. 84. 

[1042] Through the whole of this I am obliged to dissent from a person ofgreat erudition, the late celebrated Professor I. M. Gesner, of Gottingen:to whom, however, I am greatly indebted, and particularly for his curiousedition of the Orphic poems, published at Leipsick, 1764. 

[1043] All the Orphic rites were confessedly from Egypt. Diodorus above. See Lucian's Astrologus. 

[1044] Suidas. 

[1045] Maximus Tyrius. C. 37. P. 441. 

[1046] Scholia upon the Hecuba of Euripides. V. 1267. See also theAlcestis. V. 968. 

[1047] Plato de Repub. L. 10. P. 620. 

[1048] Diodorus. L. 4. P. 282. The history of Aristæus is nearly a parodyof the histories of Orpheus and Cadmus. 

[1049] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 10. V. 81. The like mentioned of the Cadmians. See Æschylus. Ἑπτ' επι Θηβαις. Proœm. Ælian. Var. Hist. L. 13. C. 5. 

[1050] Hecatæus apud Steph. Byzant. Λημνος. The first inhabitants are saidto have been Thracians, styled Σιντιες και Σαπαιοι; the chief citiesMyrina, and Hephaistia. 

[1051] Philostrati Heroica. P. 677. εν κοιλῃ τη γῃ χρησμωδει. 

[1052] Steph Byz. Χαλδαιος. 

[1053] Pocock's Travels. Vol. 2. P. 159. 

[1054] Pausan. L. 6. P. 505. 

[1055] See Huetii Demonst. Evang. Pr. 4. P. 129. 

[1056]

 Στικτους δ' ἡμαξαντο βραχιονας, αμφι μελαινη Δευομεναι σποδιη θρηικιον πλοκαμον. Antholog. L. 3. P. 270. 

[1057] Servius in Virgil. Eclog. 8. See Salmasius upon Solinus. P. 425. 

[1058] Περι την πεντηκοστην Ολυμπιαδα. Tatianus. Assyr. P. 275. These werethe Orphic hymns, which were sung by the Lycomedæ at Athens. 

[1059] Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 322. 

[1060]

 Αιγυπτιου Διονυσου Μυστιδος εννυχιας τελετας εδιδαξετο τεχνης. Nonnus. Dionus. L. 4. P. 128. 

There will be found in some circumstances a great resemblance betweenCadmus and Orpheus. 

[1061] Ὁι δε Φοινικες ὁυτοι ὁι συν Καδμῳ απικομενοι--εισηγαγον διδασκαλιαες τους Ἑλληνας, και δη και γραμματα, ουκ εοντα πριν Ἑλλησιν. Herod. L. 5. C. 58. 

Literas--in Greciam intulisse e Phœnice Cadmum, sedecim numero. Pliny. L. 7. C. 56. 

[1062] Plutarch. De genio Socratis. Vol. 1. P. 578. 

[1063] Plutarch. Above. 

[1064]

 Ὁ μεν δη ἑις των τριποδων επιγραμμα εχει, Αμφιτρυων μ' ανεθηκεν εων απο Τηλεβοαων. Ταυτα ἡλικιην αν ειη κατα Λαϊον τον Λαβδακου. Herod. L. 5. C. 59. 

[1065] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 628. 

[1066] He is said to have introduced Διονυσιακην, τελετουργιαν, φαλληφοριαν

[1067] Diodorus Sicul. L. 1. P. 20. 

[1068] Cadmum Pherecydes. L. Iv. Historiarum ex Agenore et Argiope, Nilifluvii filiâ natum esse tradidit. Natalis Comes. L. 8. C. 23. P. 481. Thereare various genealogies of this personage. Λιβυης της Επαφου καιΠοσειδωνος, Αγηνωρ και Βηλος. Αγηνωρος και Αντιοπης της Βηλου Καδμος. Scholia Euripid. Phœniss. V. 5. 

Φερεκυδης δε εν δ ὁυτω φησιν. Αγηνωρ δε ὁ Ποσειδωνος γαμει Δαμνω την Βηλου·των δε γινονται Φοινιξ και Ισαια, ἡν ισχει Αιγυπτος, και Μελια, ἡν ισχειΔαναος. επειτα ενισχει Αγηνωρ Αργιοπην την Νειλου του ποταμου· του δεγινεται Καδμος. Apollon. Scholia. L. 3. V. 1185. 

[1069] Dionusiac. L. 4. P. 126. 

[1070] V. 1206. The Poet calls the Thebans of Bœotia, Ωγυγου σπαρτος λεως. 

[1071] Nonnus, l. 4. P. 126. 

[1072] Euseb. Chron. P. 27. And Syncellus. P. 152. 

[1073] See Pausan. L. 9. P. 734. 

[1074] Φοινιξ και Καδμος, απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων εξελθοντες εις την Συριανκτλ. Euseb. Chron. P. 27. 

[1075] Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 329. 

[1076] Καδμος--προσεσχε την Θηραν. Herod. L. 4. C. 147. 

[1077] Conon apud Photium. P. 443. And Scholia Dionysii. V. 517. Ειχε δεἱερον Ἡρακλεους ἡ Θασος, ὑπο των αυτων Φοινικων ἱδρυθεν, ὁι πλευσαντες καταζητησιν της Ευρωπης την Θασον εκτισαν. 

[1078] Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 323. 

[1079] Nonnus. L. 3. P. 86. Priene in Ionia called Cadmia. Strabo. L. 14. P. 943. 

[1080] Lycophron. V. 219. 

[1081] Steph. Byzant. 

[1082] Nonnus. P. 86. 

[1083] Auri metalla et conflaturam Cadmus Phœnix (invenit) ad Pangæummontem. Plin. L. 7. C. 56. Καδμος, και Τηλεφασσα εν Θρακῃ κατωκησαν. Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 130. 

[1084] Plin. L. 34. C. 10. Hygin. F. 274. 

[1085] Strabo. L. 14. P. 998. 

[1086] Ibid. L. 10. P. 685. 

[1087] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 245. 

[1088] Herodotus. L. 5. C. 61. 

[1089] Cedrenus. P. 23. 

[1090] Apollodorus. L. 3. P. 143. Pausan. L. 9. P. 719. 

[1091] Stephanus Byzantin. 

[1092] Thucydid. L. 1. C. 5, 6. 

[1093]

 Παρα Τριτωνιδι λιμνῃ Ἁρμονιη παρελεκτο ῥοδωπιδι Καδμος αλητης. Nonnus. L. 13. P. 372. 

Diodorus says that he married her in Samothracia. L. 5. P. 323. 

[1094] Nonnus. L. 13. P. 372. 

[1095] Nonnus. L. 13. P. 370. 

[1096] Stephanus Byzant. The Carthaginians are by Silius Italicus styledCadmeans. 

 Sacri cum perfida pacti Gens Cadmea super regno certamina movit. L. 1. V. 5. 

[1097] L. 1. C. 9, 10. P. 26. L. 2. C. 4. P. 87. 

[1098] Moses Choren. L. 1. C. 9. P. 26. There was a city Cadmea in Cilicia. Καδμεια εκτισθη και Σιδη εν Κιλικια. Eusebii Chron. P. 30. L. 23. 

[1099] Stephanus Byzant. Some think that this is a mistake for Καλχηδων, Chalcedon. But Chalcedon was not in Armenia, nor in its vicinity. 

[1100] Cadmus was coeval with Dardanus. He was in Samothrace before thefoundation of Troy. Diodorus Sicul. L. 5. P. 323. Yet he is said to becontemporary with the Argonauts: Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. L. 1. P. 382. And posterior to Tiresias, who was in the time of Epigonoi. Yet Tiresias issaid to have prophesied of Cadmus, and his offspring. 

 πολλα δε Καδμῳ Χρησει, και μεγαλοις ὑστερα Λαβδακιδαις Callimachi Lavacra Palladis. V. 125. 

The son of Cadmus is supposed to have lived at the time of the Trojan war:Lycophron. V. 217. And Scholia. His daughter Semele is said to have beensixteen hundred years before Herodotus, by that writer's own account. L. 2c. 145. She was at this rate prior to the foundation of Argos; and manycenturies before her father; near a thousand years before her brother. 

[1101] See Excerpta ex Diodori. L. Xl. Apud Photium. P. 1152. Concerningthe different nations in Egypt, and of their migrations from that country. 

[1102] Diana says to her father Jupiter, Δος μοι παρθενιην αιωνιον, Αππα, φυλαξαι, Και πολυωνυμιην. Callim. H. In Dianam. V. 6. 

 Παντας επ' ανθρωπους επειη πολυωνυμος εστιν. Homer. Η. In Apoll. V. 82. 

 Πολλη μεν ανθρωποισι κ' ουκ ανωνυμος Θεα κεκλημαι Κυπρις. Eurip. Hippolytus. V. 1. 

The Egyptian Deities had many titles. 

ISIDI. MYRIONYMÆ. Gruter. Lxxxiii. N. 11. 

[1103] Lycophron. V. 219. 

[1104] Scholia. Ibid. 

[1105] Lycophron. Schol. V. 162. 

[1106] Vetus Auctor apud Phavorinum. 

[1107] Nonnus. L. 41. P. 1070. Harmonia, by the Scholiast upon Apollonius, is styled Νυμφη Ναϊς l. 2. V. 992. The marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia issaid to be only a parody of the marriage of Peleus and Thetis. Diodorus. L. 5. P. 323. 

[1108] Nonnus. L. 41. P. 1068. 

[1109] Oraculum Apollinis Sminthei apud Lactantium, D. I. L. 1. C. 8. P. 32. She is styled the mother of the Amazons. Steph. Byzant. Ακμονια. 

[1110] Nonnus. L. 12. P. 328. 

[1111] Ibid. 

[1112] Nonnus. L. 12. P. 328. 

[1113] Plutarch. Sympos. L. 9. Quæst. 13. P. 738. 

[1114] Philo apud Euseb. P. E. L. 1. P. 31. 

[1115] Judges. C. 3 v. 3. Hermon was particularly worshipped about Libanus, and Antilibanus, where was the country of the Cadmonites, and SyrianHivites. 

[1116] Lucian de Syriâ Deâ. P. 6. 

[1117] Apud Proclum in Timæum. P. 121. See Orpheus. Fragm. P. 403. 

[1118] Pyth. Ode 4. P. 237. 

[1119] Herodotus. L. 1. C. 173. 

[1120] Og, Ogus, Ogenus, Ogugus, Ωγυγης, Ωγενιδαι, all relate to the ocean. 

[1121] Ανωτερω δε του Ισμενιου την κρηνην ιδοις αν, ἡντινα Αρεως φασινἱεραν ειναι, και δρακοντα ὑπο του Αρεως επιτεταχθαι φυλακα τῃ πηγῃ· προςταυτη τῃ κρηνῃ ταφος εστι Καανθου· Μελιας δε αδελφον, και Ωκεανου παιδαειναι Καανθον λεγουσιν σταληναι δε ὑπο του πατρος ζητησαντα ἡρπασμενην τηναδελφην κτλ. Pausan. L. 9. P. 730. 

[1122] Dicitur Europa fuisse Agenoris Phœnicum Regis, et Meliæ Nymphæ, filia. Natalis Comes. L. 8. P. 481. 

[1123] So Phlegyas was said to have fired the temple of Apollo at Delphi. Euseb. Chron. P. 27. Apud Delphos templum Apollinis incendit Phlegyas. Lutatius Placidus upon Statius. Thebaid. L. 1. V. 703. But Phlegyas was theDeity of fire, prior to Apollo and his temple. Apollo is said to havemarried Coronis the daughter of Phlegyas. Hyginus. F. 161. And by her hehad a son Delphus, from whom Delphi had its name. Ibid. See Pausan. L. 10. P. 811. The mythologists have made Apollo slay Caanthus: but Caanthus, Cunthus, Cunæthus, were all titles of the same Deity called Chan-Thoth inEgypt. 

[1124] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 331. 

[1125] Solinus. L. 17. 

[1126] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 245. 

[1127] Palæphatus. P. 22. 

[1128] Dionysiaca. L. 1. P. 42. L. 1. P. 38. 

[1129] Strabo. L. 12. P. 867. 

[1130] See Radicals. P. 95. 

[1131] Places sacred to the Sun had the name of Achad, and Achor. Nisibiswas so called. _In Achor, quæ est Nisibis_. Ephraimus Syrus. _Et in Achad, quæ nunc dicitur Nisibis_. Hieron. See Geograph. Hebræor. Extera. P. 227. Of the learned Michaelis. 

The Deity, called Achor, and Achad, seems to be alluded to by Isaiah. C. 65. V. 10. And c. 66. V. 17. Achad well known in Syria: Selden de DiisSyris. C. 6. P. 105. 

[1132] Hoffman--Academia. Hornius. Hist. Philos. L. 7. 

[1133] Και σφι Ἱρα εστι εν Αθηνῃσι ἱδρυμενα, των ουδεν μετα τοισι λοιποισιΑθηναιοισι, αλλα τε κεχωρισμενα των αλλων Ἱρων· και δη και Αχαιϊης ΔημητροςἹρον τε και οργια. Herod. L. 5. C. 61. 

[1134] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 71. 

[1135] Diog. Laertius. L. 3. § 6. Hornius says, Academia a Cadmo nomenaccepit, non ab Ecademo. L. 7. C. 3. But Ecademus, and Cadmus, wereundoubtedly the same person. Harpocration thinks that it took its name fromthe person, who first consecrated it. Απο του Καθιερωσαντος Ακαδημου. 

Ἡ μεν Ακαδημια απο Ἡρωος τινος Ακαδημου κτισαντος τον τοπον. Ulpian uponDemosthen. Contra Timocratem. 

[1136] Eupolis Comicus: εν Αστροτευτοις apud Laërtium in Vitâ Platonis. L. 3. §. 7. 

[1137] Ην γαρ γυμνασιον απο Ακαδημου--περι αυτον δε ησαν ἁι οντως ἱεραιΕλαιαι της Θεου, ἁι καλουνται Μοριαι. Schol. Upon Aristoph. Νεφελαι. V. 1001. 

[1138] Ælian. Var. Hist. L. 3. C. 35. 

[1139] Το δε χωριον ὁ Κεραμικος το μεν ονομα εχει απο Ἡρωος Κεραμου·Διονυσου τε ειναι και Αριαδνης. Pausan. L. 1. P. 8. 

[1140] Gruter. Inscrip. P. 57. N. 13. 

[1141] Pausan. L. 9. P. 779. 

[1142] Athenæus. L. 11. P. 480. 

[1143] Pliny. L. 5. C. 29. 

[1144] Plutarch. Sympos. L. Ix. C. 3. P. 738. Alpha likewise signified aleader: but I imagine, that this was a secondary sense of the word. AsAlpha was a leading letter in the alphabet, it was conferred as a titleupon any person who took the lead, and stood foremost upon any emergency. 

[1145] Pausan. L. 9. P. 733. 

[1146] Scholia in Aristoph. Βατραχ. V. 1256. 

[1147] Herodot. L. 3. C. 28. 

[1148]

 Αιγυπτιου Διονυσου Ευια φοιτητηρος Οσιριδος Οργια φαινων. L. 4. P. 126. 

[1149]

 Πατριδος αστυ πολισσον *** ** βαρυγουνον ἑον ποδ* **. Nonnus l. 4. P. 130*. 

[1150] L. 4. P. 128. 

[1151] Vossius de Idol. Vol. 3. Comment. In Rabbi M. Maimonidem deSacrificiis. P. 76. 

[1152] Justin Martyr. 1. Apolog. P. 60. 

See Radicals. P. 59. 

[1153] Europa was the same as Rhea, and Astarte. Lucian. Dea Syria. 

[1154] Hence Nonnus alluding to the Tauric oracle, which Cadmus followed, calls it Assyrian: by this is meant Babylonian; for Babylonia was inaftertimes esteemed a portion of Assyria. 

Ασσυριην δ' αποειπε τεης ἡγητορα πομπης. L. 4. P. 128. 

[1155] Eusebius. P. E. L. 1. C. 10. P. 40. 

[1156] Appian de Bello Syriac. P. 125. 

Stephanus. Oropus. 

[1157] Pliny. L. 5. C. 25. 

[1158] Isidorus Characenus, apud Georgr. Vet. V. 2. 

[1159] Clemens Alexand. L. 5. P. 680. 

[1160] See D'Anville's Map of Syria. 

[1161] Bochart Geog. Sacra. L. 4. P. 305. 

[1162] Judges. C. 3. V. 1, 3. 

[1163] Genesis. C. 10. V. 17. 

[1164] Joshua. C. 9. V. 3. And 7. 

[1165] Joshua. C. 15. V. 9. And c. 18. V. 25, 26. 

[1166] Eusebii. Chron. P. 27. 

[1167] Cadmus is called Καδμων. Steph. Byzant. Ιλλυρια. Berkelius hasaltered it to Καδμος, though he confesses, that it is contrary to theevidence of every Edition and MSS. 

[1168] Concerning Hivite Colonies, see backward. Vol. 2. P. 207. 

[1169] Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 327. 329. 

[1170] Ibid. 

[1171] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 83. 

There was Oropia as well as Elopia in Eubœa. Steph. Byzant. Oropus inMacedonia. Ibid. Also in Syria: Orobii Transpadani. Europus near MountHæmus. Ptolemy. Europa in Epirus. Ibid. 

[1172] Strabo. L. 9. P. 619. 

[1173] Suidas. Epaminondas. 

[1174] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 863. 

[1175] Both Menelaus and Agamemnon were antient titles of the chief Deity. The latter is supposed to have been the same as Zeus, Æther, and Cœlus. Heseems to have been worshipped under the symbol of a serpent with threeheads. Hence Homer has given to his hero of this name a serpent for adevice, both upon his breastplate, and upon his baldrick. 

 Της δ' εξ αργυρεος τελαμων ην, αυταρ επ' αυτῳ Κυανεος ελελικτο δρακων· κεφαλαι δε ὁι ησαν Τρεις αμφιστεφεες, ἑνος αυχενος εκπεφυυιαι. Iliad. Λ. V. 38. 

[1176] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 40. Strabo. L. 7. P. 499. 

Aornon, and an oracular temple in Thesprotia. Pausanias. L. 9. P. 768. 

[1177] Και εν Αιγυπτῳ Ακανθος, Μεμφιδος απεχουσα σταδιους τριακοσιουςεικοσι·--εστι δε ἡ Αθαμανιας. Steph. Byzant. 

[1178] Ειτα μετα τουτον εισιν ΟΡΕΙΤΑΙ λεγομενοι. Dicæarchus. Geog. Vet. Vol. 2. P. 3. V. 45. 

[1179] L. 2. C. 57, 58. 

[1180] Κατα Βουθρωτον Φοινικη. Strabo. L. 7. P. 499. It was a place ofgreat note. Polybius. L. 1. P. 94, 95. 

[1181] Cæsar de Bello Civili. L. 3. C. 6. 

[1182] Lucan. L. 5. V. 458. 

[1183] Κομαρας. Strabo. L. 7. P. 500. The same observable in India-PetraAornon near Comar. Arrian. Exped. P. 191. And Indic. P. 319. 

[1184] Steph. Byzant. 

[1185] Τεκμων πολις Θεσπρωτων. Steph. Byzant. See T. Livius. L. 45. C. 26. 

[1186] 2 Samuel. C. 23. V. 8. In our version rendered the Tachmonite, chiefamong the captains. 

[1187] Victoria ad Comum parta. T. Livius. L. 33. C. 36. 

[1188] Gurtler. L. 2. P. 597. 

[1189] Also a city Conope, by Stephanus placed in Acarnania. 

[1190] Antoninus Liberalis. C. 12. P. 70. A city Conopium was also to befound upon the Palus Mæotis. Steph. Byzant. 

[1191] Plin. L. 3. C. 16. The Cadmians of Liguria came last from Attica andBœotia: hence we find a river Eridanus in these parts, as well as in theformer country. Ποταμοι δε Αθηναιοις ῥεουσιν Ἑιλισσος τε, και Ηριδανῳ τῳΚελτικῳ κατα αυτα ονομα εχων. κ. λ. Pausan. L. 1. P. 45. 

[1192] Vol. 1. P. 376. 

[1193] Lucan. L. 3. V. 187. The same is mentioned by the poet Dionysius. 

 Κεινον δ αυ περι κολπον ιδοις περικυδεα τυμβον, Τυμβον, ὁν Ἁρμονιης, Καδμοιο τε φημις ενισπει, Κειθε γαρ εις Οφιων σκολιον γενος ηλλαξαντο. V. 390. 

[1194] Geog. Vet. Vol. 1. P. 9. Here were Πετραι Πλαγται. 

[1195] Nonni Dionys. L. 44. P. 1144. 

[1196] Nonnus. L. 25. P. 646. 

[1197] Λαινεην ποιησε κορυσσομενην Αριαδνην. Nonnus. L. 44. P. 1242. 

[1198] Pausan. L. 9. P. 743. 

[1199] See Goltius, Vaillant, and Suidas, Ἡρακλης. 

[1200] ---- λιθοις χωριον περιεχομενον λογασιν Οφεως καλουσιν ὁι Θηβαιοικεφαλην. Pausan. L. 9. P. 747. 

[1201] Pausan. L. 7. P. 579. 

[1202] Τιμας θεων αντι αγαλματων ειχον αργοι λιθοι. Ibid. 

[1203] Καδμος Φοινιξ λιθοτομιαν εξευρε, και μεταλλα χρυσου τα περι τοΠαγκαιον επενοησεν ορος. Clemens. Strom. L. 1. P. 363. See Natalis Comes ofCadmus. 

[1204] Nonnus. Dionys. L. 4. P. 128. 

[1205] Clemens. Alex. L. 6. P. 753. 

[1206] Styled παιδες Ἡλιου by Diodorus. L. 5. P. 327. 

[1207] Diodorus. L. 5. P. 328. 

[1208] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 109. 

[1209] Η τον Θοραιον, Πτωον, Ωριτην, θεον. Lycophron. V. 352. 

[1210] Scholiast. Ibid. 

[1211] Strabo. L. 10. P. 683. 

[1212] Quæstiones Græcæ. P. 296. 

[1213] Strabo. L. 10. P. 685. 

[1214] Harpocration. 

[1215] Strabo. L. 10. P. 683. Polybius. L. 11. P. 627. 

[1216] Εν τῃ Ωριᾳ καλουμενῃ της Ἱστιαιωτιδος. Strabo. L. 10. P. 683. 

Oria is literally the land of Ur. 

[1217] Strabo. L. 10. P. 683. He mentions a domestic quarrel among some ofthis family, and adds, τους Ωριτας--πολεμουμενους ὑπο των Ελλοπιεων, _thatthe Oritæ were attacked by the Ellopians_. 

[1218] Antoninus Liberalis. C. 25. P. 130. 

[1219] Ἡ Ὑρια δε της Ταναγρικης νυν εστι, προτερον δε της Θηβαϊδος, ὁπου ὁὙριος μεμυθευται, και ἡ του Ωριωνος γενεσις. Strabo. L. 9. P. 620. He iscalled Ὑριευς by Euphorion. See Homer. Σ. Scholia. V. 486. 

[1220] Εστι και Ωριωνος μνημα εν Ταναγρα. Pausan. L. 9. P. 749. 

[1221] Εστι δ' ἡ μεν Ὑρια προς τον Ευριπον. Steph. Byzant. 

[1222] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 181. 

[1223] Europus is the same as Oropus, and signifies Orus Pytho. Ops, Opis, Opus, Opas, all signify a serpent. Zeus was the same as Orus and Osiris;hence styled Europus, and Europas; which Homer has converted to Ευρυοπας, and accordingly styles Jupiter Ευρυοπα Ζευς. 

[1224] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 245. ειναι δε αυτους Ὑραιου παιδας. 

[1225] L. 2. C. 4. P. 87. 

[1226] Nonnus. L. 4. P. 136. 

[1227] Ο γαρ δη χρονος εκεινος ηνεγκεν ανθρωπους χειρων μεν εργοις, καιποδω ταχεσι, και σωματων ῥωμαις, ὡς εοικεν, ὑπερφυους, και ακαματους. Plutarch. In Theseo. P. 3. 

[1228] Εστι δε και φυλον τι των Χαλδαιων, και χωρα της Βαβυλωνιας ὑπ'εκεινων οικουμενη, πλησιαζουσα και τοις Αραψι, και τη κατα Περσας λεγομενηθαλαττῃ. Εστι δε και των Χαλδαιων των Αστρονομικων γενη πλειω· και γαρΟρχηνοι τινες προσαγορευονται. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1074. 

[1229] Lucian de Astrolog. P. 987. 

[1230] Χους, εξ ὁυ Αιθιοπες. Euseb. Chron. P. 11. 

[1231] Πολον μεν γαρ, και γνωμονα, και τα δυωδεκα μερεα της ἡμερης παραΒαβυλωνιων εμαθον Ἑλληνες. L. 2. C. 109. 

[1232] L. 1. P. 32. 

[1233] Nonnus. L. 1. P. 38. 

[1234] Romæ Inscriptio Vetus. 

 ΤΟΙΣ ΝΟΜΙΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ. Gruter. Xcii. N. 4. 

[1235]

 Omne benignum Virus odoriferis Arabum quod doctus in arvis Aut Amphrysiaco Pastor de gramine carpsi. Statii Sylv. L. 1. Soteria. V. 104. 

[1236] Ρεα, ἡνικα Ποσειδωνα ετεκε, τον μεν ες ποιμνην καταθεσθαι, διαιτηνενταυθα ἑξοντα μετα των αρνων. Pausan. L. 8. P. 6l3. 

[1237] Scholia in Lycophron. V. 879. 

[1238] Pausanias. L. 4. P. 337. So also says Eustathius. Ὁι δε φασι τονεκει Δια Αμμωνα κληθηναι απο τινος ὁμωνυμου Ποιμενος, προκαταρξαντος τηςτου Ἱερου ἱδρυσεως. Schol. In Dionys. V. 211. 

[1239] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 2. V. 515. 

The same Poet of the nymph Cyrene. 

 Ενθα δ' Αρισταιον Φοιβῳ τεκεν, ὁν καλεουσιν Αγρεα, και Νομιον πολυληϊοι Ἁιμονιηεις l. 2. V. 568. 

[1240] Syncellus. P. 156. 

[1241] Homer. Odyss. L. 1. Pastor Polyphemus of Virgil. 

[1242] Macrobii Saturn. L. 1. C. 21. P. 210. 

[1243] Hyginus. Fab. 68. Euri, and Eueris Filius. He is by Theocritusstyled Μαντις Ευηρειδης. Idyl. 24. V. 70. 

[1244] Nonni Dionys. L. 40. P. 1038. 

[1245] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 128. 

[1246] Cleanthes περι Θρομαχιας, quoted by Plutarch de Flum. Φασις. 

[1247] Plutarch de Flum. Ισμηνος. 

[1248] Herodotus. L. 5. C. 61. 

[1249] Plut. De Fluv. Inachus. 

[1250] Virgil. Æneid. L. 7. V. 678. 

[1251] T. Livius. L. 1. C. 7. 

[1252] Virgil. L. 8. V. 198. 

[1253] Ἡ Ποιμανδρις εστιν ἡ αυτη τῃ Ταναγρικῃ. Strabo. L. 9. P. 619. 

[1254] Ποιμανδρια πολις Βοιωτιας, ἡ και Ταναγρα καλουμενη. Schol. Lycoph. V. 326. Ποιμανδρια is by some interpreted mulctrale: but that was not theoriginal purport of the word. 

[1255] Hermes Trismegistus, sive Ποιμανδρης. 

[1256] Syncellus. P. 126. Eusebius. Chron. P. 24. 

[1257] By which are meant the Syrians, Arabians, and Armenians. Το μεν γαρτων Αρμενιων εθνος, και το των Συρων, και των Αραβων πολλην ὁμοφυλιανεμφαινει κατα τε την διαλεκτον, και τους βιους, και τους των σωματωνχαρακτηρας κτλ. --εικαζειν δε δει και τας των εθνων τουτων κατονομασιαςεμφερεις αλληλαις ειναι. Strabo. L. 1. P. 70. 

[1258] Zonaras. L. 1. P. 21. 

[1259] Tacitus. Hist. L. 5. C. 2. 

[1260] It should perhaps be proximas urbes. The same history is alluded toby Eusebius. Επι Απιδος του Φορωνεως μοιρα του Αιγυπτιων στρατου εξεπεσενΑιγυπτου, ὁι εν Παλαιστινη καλουμενη Συριᾳ ου ποῤῥω Αραβιας ωκησαι. Euseb. Chron. P. 26. 

[1261] Lucian de Deâ Syriâ. 

[1262] They were in each country styled the mourning for Thamas, andThamuz. 

[1263] Εχουσι δε και αλλο Φοινικες Ἱρον, ουκ Ασσυριον, αλλα Αιγυπτιον, τοεξ Ἡλιουπολιος ες την Φοινικην απικετο. κλ. Lucian de Deâ Syriâ. 

[1264] In Bœtica they were called Oritani. Strabo. L. 8. P. 204. 

There were Oritæ in Epirus. Dicæarchus status Græciæ. Μετα τουτον εισινΟρειται. P. 4. V. 45. 

Oritæ in Persis. Arrian. L. 4. C. 26. Also in Gedrosia. See Auctor PeripliMaris Erythræi. 

Προς τον δυσιν του Ινδου ποταμου Οριται. Schol. Dionys. V. 1095. Ωριταιεθνος Ινδικον. Steph. Byzant. There were Oritæ in Persis, hard by the Cuthaof Josephus. Ant. L. 9. C. 4. And c. 15. 

[1265] Clemens. Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 382. 

[1266] Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 24. 

[1267] Ex Diodori. L. Xl. Apud Photium. P. 1152. 

[1268] A similar account is given by the same author. L. 1. P. 24. 

[1269] Zonaras. V. 1. P. 22. Also Syncellus. P. 102. 

[1270] He is very full upon this head. Contra Apion. L. 1. P. 443. And 444. 

[1271] Plato. Critias. Vol. 3. P. 110. 

[1272] Legatio. P. 279. 

[1273] Και απο των ονοματων δε ενιων το βαρβαρον εμφαινεται. Κεκροψ, καιΚοδρος, και Αικλος (read Αρκλος) και Κοθος. κ. λ. L. 7. P. 495. 

 * * * * *

Corrections made to printed original. 

(Cahen, near ref. 93) ανθερεωνες: 'ανθεριωνες' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 99) instances: 'intances' in original

(Chus, near ref. 110) πολυχρυσος: 'πολοχρυσος' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 145) represented: 'respresented' in original

(Canaan, near ref. 193) Aristotle: 'Asistotle' in original

(Temple Science, near ref. 210) γεωγραφικον: 'γεογραφικον' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 228) περιαυγους: 'εριαυγους' in original

(Tar, near ref. 226) τοι γε: no space in original

(Tit, near ref. 316) worshipped a serpent: 'woshipped a sepent' in original

(Cuclopes, near ref. 607) Ακμονιδαν: 'Λκμονιδαν' in original

(Temple Rites, near ref. 647) κατασχισθεντα: 'κατασχιθεντα' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 660) την (ανθρωπον): 'τηη' in original

(Hippa, near ref. 694) χρεμετισμος: 'χρεματισμος' in original

(Damater, near ref. 763) επεκερτομει: 'επεκερατομει' in original

(Campe, near ref. 773) taken: duplicated over page end in original

(Myrina, near ref. 823) αιπεια: 'αιπυια' in original

(Ninus, near ref. 912) period (after 'all to be crucified'): comma inoriginal

(ibid. , near ref. 916) title: 'titled' in original

(Zoroaster, near ref. 1005) analogous: 'analagous' in original

(Cadmus, near ref. 1142) country: 'county' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 1237) μαθηματικος: 'μαθεματεκος' in original

(ibid. , near ref. 1264) Phenicia, : repeated word (on 2 lines) in original

(Note 1. ) soliti suos: 'solitei sos' in original

(Note 50. ) θαπτεσθαι: 'θαππεσθαι' in original

(Note 226. ) corde: 'codre' in original

(Note 229. ) εϋκλωστοιο: dialytika on ε in original

(Note 401. ) κᾳ 'γω: no space in original

(Note 534. ) Theologico: 'Tehologico' in original

(Note 538. ) δυναστευσαι: 'δυναστυσαι' in original

(Note 552. ) ερημ': apostrophe printed as comma in original

(Note 752. ) της (Αλοπης): 'τκς' in original

(Note 781. ) sollerti: 'solerti' in original

(Note 803. ) κατασχεσιν: 'κατασχσειν' in original

(Note 854. ) (Αργειου) Ἡρακλεους: 'Ἡηρακλεους' in original

(Note 1136. ) l. 3. §. 7. : 'l. §. C. 7. ' in original, cf. Previous note

(Note 1175. ) κεφαλαι: 'κεφελαι' in original

(Note 1177. ) εικοσι: only 'ικοσι' legible in scan (at start of line)