Transcriber's note: A few typographical errors have been corrected: theyare listed at the end of the text. 

A

NEW SYSTEM;

OR, AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY:

WHEREIN AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO DIVEST TRADITION OF FABLE;AND TO REDUCE THE TRUTH TO ITS ORIGINAL PURITY, BY JACOB BRYANT, ESQ. 

_THE THIRD EDITION. _IN SIX VOLUMES. 

WITH A PORTRAIT ANDSOME ACCOUNT OF THE AUTHOR;

A VINDICATION OF THE APAMEAN MEDAL;

Observations and Inquiries relating to variousParts of Antient History;

A COMPLETE INDEX, AND FORTY-ONE PLATES, NEATLY ENGRAVED. 

VOL. I. 

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR J. WALKER; W. J. AND J. RICHARDSON; R. FAULDER AND SON; R. LEA;J. NUNN; CUTHELL AND MARTIN; H. D. SYMONDS; VERNOR, HOOD, AND SHARPE; E. JEFFERY; LACKINGTON, ALLEN, AND CO. ; J. BOOKER; BLACK, PARRY, ANDKINGSBURY; J. ASPERNE; J. MURRAY; AND J. HARRIS. 

1807. 

 * * * * *

SOME

ACCOUNT

OF THE

LIFE AND WRITINGS

OF

JACOB BRYANT, ESQ. 

 * * * * *

The earliest authentic account we can obtain of the birth of this learnedand celebrated writer, is from the Register Book of Eton College, in whichhe is entered "of Chatham, in the county of Kent, of the age of twelveyears, in 1730, "--consequently, born in 1718. 

Whence a difference has arisen between the dates in this entry, and theinscription on his monument, hereafter given, we are unable to explain. 

The two royal foundations of Eton, and King's College, Cambridge, justlyboast of this great scholar and ornament of his age. He received his firstrudiments at the village of Lullingstone, in Kent; and was admitted uponthe foundation, at Eton College, on the 3d of August, 1730, where he wasthree years captain of the school, previous to his removal to Cambridge. Hewas elected from Eton to King's College in 1736; took the degree ofBachelor of Arts in 1740; and proceeded Master in 1744. 

He attended the Duke of Marlborough, and his brother, Lord Charles Spencer, at Eton, as their private tutor, and proved a valuable acquisition to thatillustrious house; and, what may be reckoned, at least equally fortunate, his lot fell among those who knew how to appreciate his worth, and wereboth able and willing to reward it. The Duke made him his privatesecretary, in which capacity he accompanied his Grace during his campaignon the continent, where he had the command of the British forces; and, whenhe was made Master-General of the Ordnance, he appointed Mr. Bryant to theoffice of Secretary, then about 1400l. Per annum. 

His general habits, in his latter years, as is commonly the case withsevere students, were sedentary; and, during the last ten years of hislife, he had frequent pains in his chest, occasioned by so muchapplication, and leaning against his table to write; but, in his youngerdays, spent at Eton, he excelled in various athletic exercises; and, by hisskill in swimming, was the happy instrument in saving the life of thevenerable Dr. Barnard, afterwards Provost of Eton College. The doctorgratefully acknowledged this essential service, by embracing the firstopportunity which occurred, to present the nephew of his preserver with theliving of Wootton Courtney, near Minehead, in Somerset; a presentationbelonging to the Provost of Eton, in right of his office. 

Mr. Bryant was never married. He commonly rose at half past seven, shavedhimself without a glass, was seldom a quarter of an hour in dressing, atnine rung for his breakfast, which was abstemious, and generally visitedhis friends at Eton and Windsor, between breakfast and dinner, which wasformerly at two, but afterwards at four o'clock. He was particularly fondof dogs, and was known to have thirteen spaniels at one time: he once verynarrowly escaped drowning, through his over eagerness in putting them intothe water. 

Our author must be considered as highly distinguished, beyond the commonlot of mortality, with the temporal blessings of comforts, honour, and longlife. With respect to the first of these, he enjoyed health, peace, andcompetence; for, besides what he derived from his own family, the presentDuke of Marlborough, after his father's death, settled an annuity on Mr. Bryant of 600 l. Which he continued to receive from that noble family tillhis death. 

He was greatly honoured among his numerous, yet chosen friends andacquaintance; and his company courted by all the literary characters in hisneighbourhood. His more particular intimates, in his own district, wereDoctors Barford, Barnard, Glynn, and Heberden. The venerable Sir GeorgeBaker, he either saw or corresponded with every day; likewise with Dr. Hallam, the father of Eton school, who had given up the deanery of Bristol, because he chose to reside at Windsor. When he went into Kent, the friendshe usually visited were the Reverend Archdeacon Law, Mr. Longley, Recorderof Rochester, and Dr. Dampier, afterwards Bishop of that diocese. Besidesthe pecuniary expression of esteem mentioned above, the Duke of Marlboroughhad two rooms kept for him at Blenheim, with his name inscribed over thedoors; and he was the only person who was presented with the keys of thatchoice library. The humble retreat of the venerable sage was frequentlyvisited by his Majesty; and thus he partook in the highest honours recordedof the philosophers and sages of antiquity. Thus loved and honoured, heattained to eighty-nine years of age, and died, at Cypenham, near Windsor, Nov. 13, 1804, of a mortification in his leg, originating in the seeminglyslight circumstance of a rasure against a chair, in the act of reaching abook from a shelf. 

He had presented many of his most valuable books to the King in hislife-time, and his editions by Caxton to the Marquis of Blandford: theremainder of this choice collection he bequeathed to the library of King'sCollege, Cambridge, where he had received his education. 

He gave, by will, 2, 000 l. To the society for propagating the gospel, and1, 000 l. To the superannuated collegers of Eton school, to be disposed ofas the provost and fellows should think fit. Also, 500 l. To the parish ofFarnham Royal. The poor of Cypenham and Chalvey were constant partakers ofhis bounty, which was of so extensive a nature, that he commissioned theneighbouring clergy to look out proper objects for his beneficence. 

Mr. Bryant's literary attainments were of a nature peculiar to himself;and, in point of classical erudition he was, perhaps, without an equal inthe world. He had the very peculiar felicity of preserving his eminentsuperiority of talents to the end of a very long life; the whole of whichwas not only devoted to literature, but his studies were uniformly directedto the investigation of truth. The love of truth might, indeed, beconsidered as his grand characteristic, which he steadily pursued; and thisis equally true as to his motive, whether he was found on the wrong orright side of the question. A few minutes before he expired, he declared tohis nephew, and others in the room, that "all he had written was with aview to the promulgation of truth; and, that all he had contended for, hehimself believed. " By truth, we are to understand religious truth, his firmpersuasion of the truth of Christianity; to the investigation andestablishment of which he devoted his whole life. This was the centralpoint, around which all his labours turned; the ultimate object at whichthey aimed. 

Such are the particulars we have been able to collect of this profoundscholar and antiquary. But the life of a man of letters appears, and mustbe chiefly sought for in his works, of which we subjoin the followingcatalogue:

The first work Mr. Bryant published was in 1767, intituled, "Observationsand Inquiries relating to various Parts of antient History; containingDissertations on the Wind Euroclydon, (see vol. V. P. 325. ); and on theIsland Melite, (see vol. V. P. 357. ), together with an Account of Egypt inits most early State, (see vol. Vi. P. 1. ); and of the Shepherd Kings. "(See vol. Vi. P. 105. ) This publication is calculated not only to throwlight on the antient history of the kingdom of Egypt, but on the historyalso of the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Babylonians, Edomites, and other nations. The account of the Shepherd Kings contains a statement of the time of theircoming into Egypt; of the particular province they possessed, and, to whichthe Israelites afterwards succeeded. The treatise on the Euroclydon wasdesigned to vindicate the common reading of Acts, xxvii. 14. In oppositionto Bochart, Grotius, and Bentley, supported by the authority of theAlexandrine M. S. And the Vulgate, who thought EUROAQUILO more agreeable tothe truth. 

His grand work, called, "A New System, or, an Analysis of AntientMythology, " was the next; "wherein an attempt is made to divest Traditionof Fable, and to reduce Truth to its original Purity. " This was publishedin quarto, vol. I. And ii. In 1774, and vol. Iii. In 1776. 

In 1775 he published "A Vindication of the Apamean Medal, (see vol. V. P. 287. ) and of the Inscription ΝΩΕ; together with an Illustration of anotherCoin struck at the same Place in honour of the Emperor Severus. " Thisappeared in the fourth volume of the Archæologia, and also as a separatequarto pamphlet. 

"An address to Dr. Priestley, on the Doctrine of Philosophical Necessityillustrated, " 1780. A pamphlet, octavo. 

"Vindiciæ Flavianæ; or, a Vindication of the Testimony given by Josephusconcerning our Saviour Jesus Christ. " A pamphlet, octavo. 1780. 

"Observations on the Poems of Thomas Rowley; in which the authenticity ofthese Poems is ascertained. " Two duodecimo volumes, 1781. In thiscontroversy Mr. Bryant engaged deeply and earnestly, and was assisted in itby the learned Dr. Glynn of King's College, Cambridge. Our author in this, as in his other controversial writings, was influenced by a spirit of soberinquiry, and a regard for truth. The leading object he had in view, in hisObservations on the poems ascribed to Rowley, was to prove, by a variety ofinstances, that Chatterton could not be their author, as he appeared not tounderstand them himself. This plea appears specious, yet it is certain thelearned author failed egregiously in his proofs, and this publication addedlittle to the reputation he had already acquired. The best way ofaccounting for Mr. Bryant's risking his well-earned and high character inthe literary world in this controversy, and for the eagerness with which heengaged in it, is from the turn of his studies. "He had, " to borrow thewords of Mr. Mason, "been much engaged in antiquities, and consequently hadimbibed too much of the spirit of a protest antiquarian; now we know, froma thousand instances, that no set of men are more willingly duped thanthese, especially by any thing that comes to them under the fascinatingform of a new discovery. "

"Collections on the Zingara, or Gypsey Language. " Archæologia, vol. Vii. 

"Gemmarum antiquarum Delectus ex præstantioribus desumptus in DactylothecaDucis Marlburiensis, " Two vols, folio, 1783, &c. This is the first volumeof the Duke of Marlborough's splendid edition of his invaluable collectionof Gems, and was translated into French by Dr. Maty. The second volume wasdone in Latin by Dr. Cole, prebendary of Westminster; the French by Mr. Dutens. The Gems are exquisitely engraved by Bartolozzi. This work wasprivately printed, and no more copies taken than were intended for thecrowned heads of Europe, and a few of his Grace's private friends; afterwhich the coppers for the plates were broken, and the manuscript for theletter-press carefully reduced to ashes. 

"A Treatise on the Authenticity of the Scriptures, and the Truth of theChristian Religion. " Octavo, 1792. 

"Observations upon the Plagues inflicted upon the Egyptians; in which isshewn the Peculiarity of those Judgments, and their Correspondence with theRites and Idolatry of that People; with a prefatory discourse concerningthe Grecian colonies from Egypt. " Octavo, 1794. 

The treatise on the authenticity of the Scriptures was publishedanonymously, and the whole of the profits arising from its sale given tothe society for the Propagation of the Gospel. It contains a good generalview of the leading arguments for Divine Revelation. 

"Observations upon a Treatise, intituled, Description of the Plain of Troy, by Mons Le Chevalier, " Quarto, 1795. 

"A Dissertation concerning the War of Troy, and the Expedition of theGrecians, as described by Homer; shewing that no such Expedition was everundertaken, and that no such City in Phrygia ever existed. " Quarto, 1796. The appearance of this publication excited great surprise among thelearned, and made few proselytes to the doctrine it inculcates; and evenhis high authority failed in overturning opinions so long maintained andestablished among historians, and supported by such extensive and clearevidence. He is a wise man indeed who knows where to stop. Mr. Bryant hadwonderfully succeeded in his famous Mythology, in "divesting Tradition ofFable, and reducing Truth to its original Purity, " and this seduced him, ashis antiquarian pursuits had done before, in the case of Rowley, to proceedto unwarrantable lengths in the Dissertation on the War of Troy. It wasremarked on by Mr. Falconer, and answered in a very rude way by Mr. GilbertWakefield in a letter to Mr. Bryant. J. B. S. Morrit, Esq. Of Rokeby Park, near Greta-Bridge, undertook to vindicate Homer, in a style and withmanners more worthy of the subject and of a gentleman, and was replied toby Mr. Bryant. 

"The Sentiments of Philo Judæus concerning the ΛΟΓΟΣ, or Word of God;together with large Extracts from his Writings, compared with theScriptures, on many other essential Doctrines of the Christian Religion. "Octavo, 1797. 

"Dissertations on Balaam, Sampson, and Jonah, " also, "Observations onfamous controverted Passages in Josephus and Justin Martyr, " are extremelycurious, and such perhaps as only he could have written. 

 * * * * *

"The New System, or, an Analysis of Antient Mythology, " here presented tothe public, is a literary phenomenon, which will remain the admiration ofscholars, as long as a curiosity after antiquity shall continue to be aprevailing passion among mankind. Its author was master of the profoundesterudition, and did not come behind the most distinguished names of the lastcentury, for their attention to the minutest circumstance that might cast aray of light upon the remotest ages. Nothing in the antient Greek and Romanliterature, however recondite, or wherever dispersed, could escape hissagacity and patient investigation. But we are not to confine ouradmiration of the work before us to the deep erudition discoverable in it;this elaborate production is equally distinguished for its ingenuity andnovelty. Departing with a boldness of genius from the systems of hispredecessors in the same walks of literature, he delights by his ingenuity, while he astonishes by his courage, and surprises by his novelty. In thelast point of view, this work is indeed singularly striking; it departsfrom the commonly-received systems, to a degree that has not only neverbeen attempted, but not even thought of by any men of learning. 

The subject, here undertaken by Mr. Bryant was one of uncommon difficulty;one of the most abstruse and difficult which antiquity presents to us; theinformation to be obtained concerning it must be collected from a vastnumber of incidental passages, observations and assertions scatteredthrough antient authors, who being themselves but imperfectly acquaintedwith their subject, it is next to impossible to reconcile. This, however, our author has attempted; and though, in doing this, the exuberances offancy and imagination are conspicuous, and some may entertain doubts, concerning the solidity of some of his conjectures, yet, even such areforced to allow that many parts of the author's scheme are probable, anddeserving the highest attention. 

His method of proceeding by etymology was not a little hazardous; men ofthe greatest abilities have often failed in the use of it, while those ofweak judgment have, by their application of it, rendered it the source ofthe greatest absurdities, and almost led the unthinking to connect an ideaof ridicule with the term itself. But the judicious use which Mr. Bryantcould make of this science is apparent in every part of his work: hederives from it the greatest and only light which can be cast upon some ofhis inquiries, and that in a way that will draw the admiration of those whohave a proper acquaintance with the subject; that is, such as have aknowledge of the Oriental languages sufficient to enable them to trace themthrough the Greek, Latin, and other tongues, as they relate to the names ofthings, which in almost every country carry evidence of their being derivedfrom the East; from whence it is certain mankind themselves are derived. The sagacity and diligence with which our author has applied his helpsobtained from the scattered passages of antient authors and etymology, haveenabled him to clear up the history of the remotest ages, and to elucidateobjects hitherto surrounded with darkness and error. Upon the whole, itwill be allowed by all who are capable judges of the subject, that theplausibility of his hypothesis is frequently apparent, his scheme great, and his discoveries extraordinary. 

_Viro plusquàm octogenario, et_ Etonæ _Matris Filiorum omnium superstitumÆtate jam grandissimo, _ JACOBO BRYANT, S. 

 * * * * *

 Nomen honorati sacrum mihi cùm sit amici, Charta sit hæc animi fida ministra mei: Ne tamen incultis veniant commissa tabellis, Carminis ingenuâ dicta laventur ope. Quem videt, è longá sobolem admirata catervâ, Henrici[1] à superis lætiùs umbra plagis? Quem pueris ubicunque suis monstrare priorem Principe alumnorum mater Etona solet? Quem cupit eximiæ quisquis virtutis amator, Seriùs ætherei regna subire poli? Blande Senex, quem Musa fovet, seu seria tractas, Seu facili indulges quæ propiora joco; Promeritos liceat Vates tibi condat honores, Et recolat vitæ præmia justa tuæ: Præparet haud quovis lectas de flore corollas, Sed benè Nestoreis serta gerenda comis. Scriptorum ex omni serie numeroque tuorum, Utilitas primo est conspicienda loco: Gratia subsequitur; Sapientiaque atria pandit Ampla tibi, ingeniis solùm ineunda piis. Asperitate carens, mores ut ubique tueris! Si levis es, levitas ipsa docere solet. Quo studio errantes animos in aperta reducis! Quo sensu dubios, quâ gravitate mones! Si fontes aperire novos, et acumine docto Elicere in scriptis quæ latuere sacris, Seu Verum è fictis juvet extricare libellis, Historicâ et tenebris reddere lumen ope, Aspice conspicuo lætentur ut omnia cœlo, Et referent nitidum solque jubarque diem! Centauri, Lapithæque, et Tantalus, atque Prometheus, Et Nephele, veluti nube soluta suâ, -- Hi pereunt omnes; alterque laboribus ipse Conficis Alcides Hercule majus opus. Tendis in hostilem soli tibi fisus arenam? Excutis hæretici verba minuta Sophi[2]? Accipit æternam vis profligata repulsam, Fractaque sunt validâ tela minæque manu. Cui Melite non nota tua est? atque impare nisu Conjunctum à criticis Euro Aquilonis iter? Argo quis dubitat? quis Delta in divite nescit Quà sit Jösephi fratribus aucta domus? Monstra quot Ægypti perhibes! quæque Ira Jehovæ! Quâm proprié in falsos arma parata deos! Dum fœdis squalet Nilus cum fœtibus amnis, Et necis est auctor queîs modo numen erat. Immeritos Danaûm casus, Priamique dolemus Funera, nec vel adhuc ossa quieta, senis? Fata Melesigensæ querimur, mentitaque facta Hectoris incertas ad Simoëntis aquas? Eruis hæc veteris scabrâ è rubigine famæ, Dasque operis vati jusque decusque sui, Magna tuis affers monumentaque clara triumphis, Cum Trojâ æternum quòd tibi nomen erit! Ah! ne te extremâ cesset coluisse senectâ, (Aspicere heu! nimiæ quem vetuere moræ, ) Qui puer, atque infans prope, te sibi sensit amicum, Eque tuis sophiæ fontibus hausit aquas! Imagis, et, puræ quæcunque aptissima vitæ Præmia supplicibus det Deus ipse suis, Hæc pete rite seni venerando, Musa; quod Ille Nec spe, nec famâ, ditior esse potest. Innumeris longùm gratus societur amicis, Inter Etonenses duxque paterque viros: Felix intersit terris: superûmque beato Paulisper talem fas sit abesse choro. 

 * * * * *

INSCRIPTION

ON

MR. BRYANT'S MONUMENT, IN

CYPENHAM CHURCH. 

 * * * * *

M--S

JACOB BRYANT

Collegii Regalis apud Cantabrigienses Olim SociiQui in bonis quas ibi hauserat artibusexcolendis consenuit. Erant in eo plurimæ literænec eæ vulgares, Sed exquisitæ quædam et reconditæ, quas non minore Studio quam acuminead illustrandam S. S veritatem adhibuit:Id quod testantur scripta ejus gravissima, tam in Historiæ sacræ primordiis eruendisquam in Gentium Mythologiâ explicandâ versata. Libris erat adeo deditusUt iter vitæ secretumiis omnino deditum;Præmiis honoribusquequæ illi non magis ex Patroni nobilissimi gratiâquam suis meritis abunde præsto erant, usq; præposuerit. Vitam integerrimam et verê ChristianamNon sine tristi suorum desiderio, clausitNov. 13. 1804. Anno Ætatis suæ 89. 

 * * * * *

PREFACE. 

Ναφε, και μεμνασ' απιστειν· αρθρα ταυτα των φρενων. ----EPICHARMUS. 

It is my purpose, in the ensuing work, to give an account of the firstages, and of the great events which happened in the infancy of the world. In consequence of this I shall lay before the reader what the Gentilewriters have said upon this subject, collaterally with the accounts givenby Moses, as long as I find him engaged in the general history of mankind. By these means I shall be able to bring surprising proofs of those greatoccurrences, which the sacred penman has recorded. And when his historybecomes more limited, and is confined to a peculiar people, and a privatedispensation, I shall proceed to shew what was subsequent to his accountafter the migration of families, and the dispersion from the plains ofShinar. When mankind were multiplied upon the earth, each great family had, by [3]divine appointment, a particular place of destination, to which theyretired. In this manner the first nations were constituted, and kingdomsfounded. But great changes were soon effected, and colonies went abroadwithout any regard to their original place of allotment. New establishmentswere soon made, from whence ensued a mixture of people and languages. Theseare events of the highest consequence; of which we can receive nointelligence, but through the hands of the Gentile writers. 

It has been observed, by many of the learned, that some particular familybetook themselves very early to different parts of the world, in all whichthey introduced their rites and religion, together with the customs oftheir country. They represent them as very knowing and enterprising; andwith good reason. They were the first who ventured upon the seas, andundertook long voyages. They shewed their superiority and address in thenumberless expeditions which they made, and the difficulties which theysurmounted. Many have thought that they were colonies from Egypt, or fromPhenicia, having a regard only to the settlements which they made in thewest. But I shall shew hereafter, that colonies of the same people are tobe found in the most extreme parts of the east; where we may observe thesame rites and ceremonies, and the same traditional histories, as are to bemet with in their other settlements. The country called Phenicia could nothave sufficed for the effecting all that is attributed to these mightyadventurers. It is necessary for me to acquaint the Reader, that thewonderful people to whom I allude were the descendants of Chus, and calledCuthites and Cuseans. They stood their ground at the general migration offamilies; but were at last scattered over the face of the earth. They werethe first apostates from the truth, yet great in worldly wisdom. Theyintroduced, wherever they came, many useful arts, and were looked up to asa superior order of beings: hence they were styled Heroes, Dæmons, Heliadæ, Macarians. They were joined in their expeditions by other nations, especially by the collateral branches of their family, the Mizraim, Caphtorim, and the sons of Canaan. These were all of the line of Ham, whowas held by his posterity in the highest veneration. They called him Amon:and having in process of time raised him to a divinity, they worshipped himas the Sun; and from this worship they were styled Amonians. This is anappellation which will continually occur in the course of this work; and Iam authorised in the use of it from Plutarch, from whom we may infer, thatit was not uncommon among the sons of Ham. He specifies particularly, inrespect to the Egyptians, that when any two of that nation met, they usedit as a term of honour in their[4] salutations, and called one anotherAmonians. This therefore will be the title by which I shall choose todistinguish the people of whom I treat, when I speak of them collectively;for under this denomination are included all of this family, whether theywere Egyptians or Syrians, of Phenicia or of Canaan. They were a people whocarefully preserved memorials of their ancestors, and of those great eventswhich had preceded their dispersion. These were described in hieroglyphicsupon pillars and obelisks: and when they arrived at the knowledge ofletters, the same accounts were religiously maintained, both in theirsacred archives, and popular records. It is mentioned of Sanchoniathon, themost antient of Gentile writers, that he obtained all his knowledge fromsome writings of the Amonians. _It was the good fortune of Sanchoniathon_, says [5]Philo Biblius, _to light upon some antient_ _Amonian records, whichhad been preserved in the innermost part of a temple, and known to veryfew. Upon this discovery he applied himself with great diligence to makehimself master of the contents: and having, by divesting them of the fableand allegory with which they were obscured, obtained his purpose, hebrought the whole to a conclusion_. 

I should be glad to give the Reader a still farther insight into the systemwhich I am about to pursue. But such is the scope of my inquiries, and thepurport of my determinations, as may possibly create in him some prejudiceto my design; all which would be obviated were he to be carried, step bystep, to the general view, and be made partially acquainted, according asthe scene opened. What I have to exhibit is in great measure new; and Ishall be obliged to run counter to many received opinions, which length oftime, and general assent, have in a manner rendered sacred. What is trulyalarming, I shall be found to differ, not only from some few historians, asis the case in common controversy, but in some degree from all; and this inrespect to many of the most essential points, upon which historicalprecision has been thought to depend. My meaning is, that I must set asidemany supposed facts which have never been controverted; and dispute manyevents which have not only been admitted as true, but have been looked upto as certain æras from whence other events were to be determined. All ourknowledge of Gentile history must either come through the hands of theGrecians, or of the Romans, who copied from them. I shall therefore give afull account of the Helladian Greeks, as well as of the Iönim, or Ionians, in Asia: also of the Dorians, Leleges, and Pelasgi. What may appear verypresumptuous, I shall deduce from their own histories many truths, withwhich they were totally unacquainted, and give to them an original, whichthey certainly did not know. They have bequeathed to us noble materials, ofwhich it is time to make a serious use. It was their misfortune not to knowthe value of the data which they transmitted, nor the purport of their ownintelligence. 

It will be one part of my labour to treat of the Phenicians, whose historyhas been much mistaken: also of the Scythians, whose original has beenhitherto a secret. From such an elucidation many good consequences will, Ihope, ensue; as the Phenicians and Scythians have hitherto afforded theusual place of retreat for ignorance to shelter itself. It will thereforebe my endeavour to specify and distinguish the various people under thesedenominations, of whom writers have so generally, and indiscriminately, spoken. I shall say a great deal about the Ethiopians, as their history hasnever been completely given: also of the Indi, and Indo-Scythæ, who seem tohave been little regarded. There will be an account exhibited of theCimmerian, Hyperborean, and Amazonian nations, as well as of the people ofColchis; in which the religion, rites, and original of those nations willbe pointed out. I know of no writer who has written at large of theCyclopians. Yet their history is of great antiquity, and abounds withmatter of consequence. I shall, therefore, treat of them very fully, and atthe same time of the great works which they performed; and subjoin anaccount of the Lestrygons, Lamii, Sirens, as there is a closecorrespondence between them. 

As it will be my business to abridge history of every thing superfluous andforeign, I shall be obliged to set aside many antient law-givers, andprinces, who were supposed to have formed republics, and to have foundedkingdoms. I cannot acquiesce in the stale legends of Deucalion of Thessaly, of Inachus of Argos, and, Ægialeus of Sicyon; nor in the long line ofprinces who are derived from them. The supposed heroes of the first ages, in every country are equally fabulous. No such conquests were ever achievedas are ascribed to Osiris, Dionusus, and Sesostris. The histories ofHercules and Perseus are equally void of truth. I am convinced, and hope Ishall satisfactorily prove, that Cadmus never brought letters to Greece;and that no such person existed as the Grecians have described. What I havesaid about Sesostris and Osiris, will be repeated about Ninus, andSemiramis, two personages, as ideal as the former. There never were suchexpeditions undertaken, nor conquests made, as are attributed to theseprinces: nor were any such empires constituted, as are supposed to havebeen established by them. I make as little account of the histories ofSaturn, Janus, Pelops, Atlas, Dardanus, Minos of Crete, and Zoroaster ofBactria. Yet something mysterious, and of moment, is concealed under thesevarious characters: and the investigation of this latent truth will be theprincipal part of my inquiry. In respect to Greece, I can afford credenceto very few events, which were antecedent to the Olympiads. I cannot givethe least assent to the story of Phryxus, and the golden fleece. It seemsto me plain beyond doubt, that there were no such persons as the GrecianArgonauts: and that the expedition of Jason to Colchis was a fable. 

After having cleared my way, I shall proceed to the sources, from whencethe Grecians drew. I shall give an account of the Titans, and Titanic war, with the history of the Cuthites and antient Babylonians. This will beaccompanied with the Gentile history of the Deluge, the migration ofmankind from Shinar, and the dispersion from Babel. The whole will becrowned with an account of antient Egypt; wherein many circumstances ofhigh consequence in chronology will be stated. In the execution of thewhole there will be brought many surprising proofs in confirmation of theMosaic account: and it will be found, from repeated evidence, that everything, which the divine historian has transmitted, is most assuredly true. And though the nations, who preserved memorials of the Deluge, have notperhaps stated accurately the time of that event; yet it will be found thegrand epocha, to which they referred; the highest point to which they couldascend. This was esteemed the renewal of the world; the new birth ofmankind; and the ultimate of Gentile history. Some traces may perhaps bediscernable in their rites and mysteries of the antediluvian system: butthose very few, and hardly perceptible. It has been thought, that theChaldaic, and Egyptian accounts exceed not only the times of the Deluge, but the æra of the world: and Scaliger has accordingly carried thechronology of the latter beyond the term of his artificial[6] period. Butupon inquiry we shall find the chronology of this people very differentfrom the representations which have been given. This will be shewn by aplain and precise account, exhibited by the Egyptians themselves: yetoverlooked and contradicted by the persons, through whose hands we receiveit. Something of the same nature will be attempted in respect to Berosus;as well as to Abydenus, Polyhistor, and Appollodorus, who borrowed fromhim. Their histories contained matter of great moment: and will afford somewonderful discoveries. From their evidence, and from that which haspreceded, we shall find, that the Deluge was the grand epocha of everyantient kingdom. It is to be observed, that when colonies made anywhere asettlement, they ingrafted their antecedent history upon the subsequentevents of the place. And as in those days they could carry up the genealogyof their princes to the very source of all, it will be found, underwhatever title he may come, that the first king in every country was Noah. For as he was mentioned first in the genealogy of their princes, he was inaftertimes looked upon as a real monarch; and represented as a greattraveller, a mighty conqueror, and sovereign of the whole earth. Thiscircumstance will appear even in the annals of the Egyptians: and thoughtheir chronology has been supposed to have reached beyond that of anynation, yet it coincides very happily with the accounts given by Moses. 

In the prosecution of my system I shall not amuse the Reader with doubtfuland solitary extracts; but collect all that can be obtained upon thesubject, and shew the universal scope of writers. I shall endeavourparticularly to compare sacred history with profane, and prove the generalassent of mankind to the wonderful events recorded. My purpose is not tolay science in ruins; but instead of desolating to build up, and to rectifywhat time has impaired: to divest mythology of every foreign and unmeaningornament, and to display the truth in its native simplicity: to shew, thatall the rites and mysteries of the Gentiles were only so many memorials oftheir principal ancestors; and of the great occurrences to which they hadbeen witnesses. Among these memorials the chief were the ruin of mankind bya flood; and the renewal of the world in one family. They had symbolicalrepresentations, by which these occurrences were commemorated: and theantient hymns in their temples were to the same purpose. They all relatedto the history of the first ages, and to the same events which are recordedby Moses. 

Before I can arrive at this essential part of my inquiries, I must give anaccount of the rites and customs of antient Hellas; and of those peoplewhich I term Amonians. This I must do in order to shew, from whence theycame: and from what quarter their evidence is derived. A great deal will besaid of their religion and rites: also of their towers, temples, andPuratheia, where their worship was performed. The mistakes likewise of theGreeks in respect to antient terms, which they strangely perverted, will beexhibited in many instances: and much true history will be ascertained froma detection of this peculiar misapplication. It is a circumstance of greatconsequence, to which little attention has been paid. Great light howeverwill accrue from examining this abuse, and observing the particular mode oferror: and the only way of obtaining an insight must be by an etymologicalprocess, and by recurring to the primitive language of the people, concerning whom we are treating. As the Amonians betook themselves toregions widely separated; we shall find in every place where they settled, the same worship and ceremonies, and the same history of their ancestors. There will also appear a great similitude in the names of their cities andtemples: so that we may be assured, that the whole was the operation of oneand the same people. The learned Bochart saw this; and taking for granted, that the people were Phenicians, he attempted to interpret these names bythe Hebrew language; of which he supposed the Phenician to have been adialect. His design was certainly very ingenious, and carried on with awonderful display of learning. He failed however: and of the nature of hisfailure I shall be obliged to take notice. It appears to me, as far as myreading can afford me light, that most antient names, not only of places, but of persons, have a manifest analogy. There is likewise a greatcorrespondence to be observed in terms of science; and in the titles, whichwere of old bestowed upon magistrates and rulers. The same observation maybe extended even to plants, and minerals, as well as to animals; especiallyto those which were esteemed at all sacred. Their names seem to be composedof the same, or similar elements; and bear a manifest relation to thereligion in use among the Amonians, and to the Deity which they adored. This deity was the Sun: and most of the antient names will be found to bean assemblage of titles, bestowed upon that luminary. Hence there willappear a manifest correspondence between them, which circumstance is quiteforeign to the system of Bochart. His etymologies are destitute of thiscollateral evidence; and have not the least analogy to support them. 

In consequence of this I have ventured to give a list of some Amonianterms, which occur in the mythology of Greece, and in the histories ofother nations. Most antient names seem to have been composed out of theseelements: and into the same principles they may be again resolved by aneasy, and fair evolution. I subjoin to these a short interpretation; and atthe same time produce different examples of names and titles, which arethus compounded. From hence the Reader will see plainly my method ofanalysis, and the basis of my etymological inquiries. 

As my researches are upon subjects very remote, and the histories to whichI appeal, various; and as the truth is in great measure to be obtained bydeduction, I have been obliged to bring my authorities immediately underthe eye of the Reader. He may from thence be a witness of the propriety ofmy appeal; and see that my inferences are true. This however will render myquotations very numerous, and may afford some matter of discouragement, asthey are principally from the Greek authors. I have however in most placesof consequence endeavoured to remedy this inconvenience, either byexhibiting previously the substance of what is quoted, or giving asubsequent translation. Better days may perhaps come; when the Greeklanguage will be in greater repute, and its beauties more admired. As I amprincipally indebted to the Grecians for intelligence, I have in somerespects adhered to their orthography, and have rendered antient terms asthey were expressed by them. Indeed I do not see, why we should not renderall names of Grecian original, as they were exhibited by that people, instead of taking our mode of pronunciation from the Romans. I scarce knowany thing, which has been of greater detriment to antient history than thecapriciousness of writers in never expressing foreign terms as they wererendered by the natives. I shall be found, however, to have not acted upuniformly to my principles, as I have only in some instances copied theGrecian orthography. I have ventured to abide by it merely in someparticular terms, where I judged, that etymology would be concerned. For Iwas afraid, however just this method might appear, and warrantable, that itwould seem too novel to be universally put in practice. 

My purpose has been throughout to give a new turn to antient history, andto place it upon a surer foundation. The mythology of Greece is a vastassemblage of obscure traditions, which have been transmitted from theearliest times. They were described in hieroglyphics, and have been veiledin allegory: and the same history is often renewed under a differentsystem, and arrangement. A great part of this intelligence has been derivedto us from the Poets; by which means it has been rendered still moreextravagant, and strange. We find the whole, like a grotesque picture, blazoned high, and glaring with colours, and filled with groups offantastic imagery, such as we see upon an Indian screen; where the eye ispainfully amused; but whence little can be obtained, which is satisfactory, and of service. We must, however, make this distinction, that in theallegorical representations of Greece, there was always a covert meaning, though it may have escaped our discernment. In short, we must look uponantient mythology as being yet in a chaotic state, where the mind of manhas been wearied with roaming over the crude consistence without everfinding out one spot where it could repose in safety. Hence has arisen thedemand, που στωι, which has been repeated for ages. It is my hope, and mypresumption, that such a place of appulse may be found, where we may takeour stand, and from whence we may have a full view of the mighty expansebefore us; from whence also we may descry the original design, and order, of all those objects, which by length of time, and their own remoteness, have been rendered so confused and uncertain. 

 * * * * *

PREFACE

TO THE

THIRD VOLUME OF THE QUARTO EDITION, BEGINNING AT VOL. Iv. PAGE 1. IN THIS EDITION. 

Through the whole process of my inquiries, it has been my endeavour, fromsome plain and determinate principles, to open the way to many interestingtruths. And as I have shewn the certainty of an universal Deluge from theevidences of most nations, to which we can gain access, I come now to givean history of the persons who survived that event; and of the familieswhich were immediately descended from them. After having mentioned theirresidence in the region of Ararat, and their migration from it, I shallgive an account of the roving of the Cuthites, and of their coming to theplains of Shinar, from whence they were at last expelled. To this are addedobservations upon the histories of Chaldea and Egypt; also of Hellas, andIonia; and of every other country which was in any degree occupied by thesons of Chus. There have been men of learning who have denominated theirworks from the families, of which they treated; and have accordingly sentthem into the world under the title of Phaleg, Japhet, and Javan. I might, in like manner, have prefixed to mine the name either of Cuth, or Cuthim;for, upon the history of this people my system chiefly turns. It may beasked, if there were no other great families upon earth, besides that ofthe Cuthites, worthy of record: if no other people ever performed greatactions, and made themselves respectable to posterity. Such there possiblymay have been; and the field is open to any who may choose to make inquiry. My taking this particular path does not in the least abridge others fromprosecuting different views, wherever they may see an opening. 

As my researches are deep, and remote, I shall sometimes take the libertyof repeating what has preceded; that the truths which I maintain may morereadily be perceived. We are oftentimes, by the importunity of apersevering writer, teazed into an unsatisfactory compliance, and yield apainful assent; but, upon closing the book, our scruples return, and welapse at once into doubt and darkness. It has therefore been my rule tobring vouchers for every thing, which I maintain; and though I might uponthe renewal of my argument refer to another volume, and a distant page, yetI many times choose to repeat my evidence, and bring it again underimmediate inspection. And if I do not scruple labour and expense, I hopethe reader will not be disgusted by this seeming redundancy in myarrangement. What I have now to present to the public, contains matter ofgreat moment, and should I be found to be in the right, it will afford asure basis for the future history of the world. None can well judge eitherof the labour, or utility of the work, but those who have been conversantin the writings of chronologers, and other learned men, upon thesesubjects, and seen the difficulties with which they were embarrassed. Great, undoubtedly, must have been the learning and perspicuity of aPetavius, Perizonius, Scaliger, Grotius, and Le Clerc; also of an Usher, Pearson, Marsham, and Newton. Yet it may possibly be found at the close, that a feeble arm has effected what those prodigies in science haveoverlooked. 

Many, who have finished their progress, and are determined in theirprinciples, will not perhaps so readily be brought over to my opinion. Butthey who are beginning their studies, and passing through a process ofGrecian literature, will find continual evidences arise; almost every stepwill afford fresh proofs in favour of my system. As the desolation of theworld by a deluge, and the renewal of it in one person, are points in thesedays particularly controverted; many, who are enemies to Revelation, uponseeing these truths ascertained, may be led to a more intimate acquaintancewith the Scriptures: and such an insight cannot but be productive of good. For our faith depends upon historical experience: and it is mere ignorance, that makes infidels. Hence it is possible, that some may be won over byhistorical evidence, whom a refined theological argument cannot reach. Anillness, which some time ago confined me to my bed, and afterwards to mychamber, afforded me, during its recess, an opportunity of making someversions from the poets whom I quote, when I was little able to do anything of more consequence. The translation from Dionysius was particularlydone at that season, and will give the reader some faint idea of theoriginal, and its beauties. 

I cannot conclude without acknowledging my obligations to a most worthy andlearned[7] friend for his zeal towards my work; and for his assistance bothin this, and my former publication. I am indebted to him not only for hisjudicious remarks, but for his goodness in transcribing for me many of mydissertations, without which my progress would have been greatly retarded. His care likewise, and attention, in many other articles, afford instancesof friendship which I shall ever gratefully remember. 

 * * * * *

RADICALS. 

Πειθους δ' εστι κελευθος, αληθειη γαρ οπηδει. ----PARMENIDES. 

The materials, of which I purpose to make use in the following inquiries, are comparatively few, and will be contained within a small compass. Theyare such as are to be found in the composition of most names, which occurin antient mythology: whether they relate to Deities then reverenced; or tothe places, where their worship was introduced. But they appear no where soplainly, as in the names of those places, which were situated in Babyloniaand Egypt. From these parts they were, in process of time, transferred tocountries far remote; beyond the Ganges eastward, and to the utmost boundsof the Mediterranean west; wherever the sons of Ham under their variousdenominations either settled or traded. For I have mentioned that thispeople were great adventurers; and began an extensive commerce in veryearly times. They got footing in many parts; where they founded cities, which were famous in their day. They likewise erected towers and temples:and upon headlands and promontories they raised pillars for sea-marks todirect them in their perilous expeditions. All these were denominated fromcircumstances, that had some reference to the religion, which this peopleprofessed; and to the ancestors, whence they sprung. The Deity, which theyoriginally worshipped, was the Sun. But they soon conferred his titles uponsome of their ancestors: whence arose a mixed worship. They particularlydeified the great Patriarch, who was the head of their line; and worshippedhim as the fountain of light: making the Sun only an emblem of hisinfluence and power. They called him Bal, and Baal: and there were othersof their ancestry joined with him, whom they styled the Baalim. Chus wasone of these: and this idolatry began among his sons. In respect then tothe names, which this people, in process of time, conferred either upon theDeities they worshipped, or upon the cities, which they founded; we shallfind them to be generally made up of some original terms for a basis, suchas Ham, Cham, and Chus: or else of the titles, with which those personageswere, in process of time, honoured. These were Thoth, Men or Menes, Ab, El, Aur, Ait, Ees or Ish, On, Bel, Cohen, Keren, Ad, Adon, Ob, Oph, Apha, Uch, Melech, Anac, Sar, Sama, Samaïm. We must likewise take notice of thosecommon names, by which places are distinguished, such as Kir, Caer, Kiriath, Carta, Air, Col, Cala, Beth, Ai, Ain, Caph, and Cephas. Lastly areto be inserted the particles Al and Pi; which were in use among the antientEgyptians. 

Of these terms I shall first treat; which I look upon as so many elements, whence most names in antient mythology have been compounded; and into whichthey may be easily resolved: and the history, with which they are attended, will, at all times, plainly point out, and warrant the etymology. 

HAM or CHAM. 

The first of the terms here specified is Ham; at different times, and indifferent places, expressed Cham, Chom, [8]Chamus. Many places were fromhim denominated Cham Ar, Cham Ur, Chomana, Comara, Camarina. Ham, by theEgyptians, was compounded Am-On, Αμων and Αμμων. He is to be found underthis name among many nations in the east; which was by the Greeks expressedAmanus, and [9]Omanus. Ham, and Cham are words, which imply heat, and theconsequences of heat; and from them many words in other languages, such as[10]Καυμα Caminus, Camera, were derived. Ham, as a Deity, was esteemed the[11]Sun: and his priests were styled Chamin, Chaminim, and Chamerim. Hisname is often found compounded with other terms, as in Cham El, Cham Ees, Cam Ait: and was in this manner conferred both on persons and places. Fromhence Camillus, Camilla, Camella Sacra, Comates, Camisium, [12]Camirus, Chemmis, with numberless other words, are derived. Chamma was the title ofthe hereditary [13]priestess of Diana: and the Puratheia, where the ritesof fire were carried on, were called Chamina, and Chaminim, whence came theCaminus of the Latines. They were sacred hearths, on which was preserved aperpetual fire in honour of Cham. The idols of the Sun called by the same[14]name: for it is said of the good king Josiah, that _they brake down thealtars of Baalim--in his presence; and the Chaminim_ (or images of Cham)_that were on high above them, he cut down_. They were also styledChamerim, as we learn from the prophet [15]Zephaniah. Ham was esteemed theZeus of Greece, and Jupiter of Latium. [16]Αμμους, ὁ Ζευς, Αριστοτελει. [17]Αμμουν γαρ Αιγυπτιοι καλεουσι τον Δια. Plutarch says, that, of all theEgyptian names which seemed to have any correspondence with the Zeus ofGreece, Amoun or Ammon was the most peculiar and adequate. He speaks ofmany people, who were of this opinion: [18]Ετι δε των πολλων νομιζοντωνιδιον παρ' Αιγυπτιοις ονομα του Διος ειναι τον Αμουν, ὁ παραγοντες ἡμειςΑμμωνα λεγομεν. From Egypt his name and worship were brought into Greece;as indeed were the names of almost all the Deities there worshipped. [19]Σχεδον δε και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες τηνἙλλαδα. _Almost all the names of the Gods in Greece were adventitious, having been brought thither from Egypt. _

CHUS. 

Chus was rendered by the Greeks Χυσος, Chusus; but, more commonly, Χρυσος:and the places denominated from him were changed to Χρυσε, Chruse; and toChrusopolis. His name was often compounded [20]Chus-Or, rendered by theGreeks Χρυσωρ, Chrusor, and Chrusaor; which, among the Poets, became afavourite epithet, continually bestowed upon Apollo. Hence there weretemples dedicated to him, called Chrusaoria. Chus, in the Babylonishdialect, seems to have been called Cuth; and many places, where hisposterity settled, were styled [21]Cutha, Cuthaia, Cutaia, Ceuta, Cotha, compounded [22]Cothon. He was sometimes expressed Casus, Cessus, Casius;and was still farther diversified. 

Chus was the father of all those nations, styled [23]Ethiopians, who weremore truly called Cuthites and Cuseans. They were more in number, and farmore widely extended, than has been imagined. The history of this familywill be the principal part of my inquiry. 

CANAAN. 

Canaan seems, by the Egyptians and Syrians, to have been pronounced Cnaan:which was by the Greeks rendered Cnas, and Cna. Thus we are told byStephanus Byzantinus, that the antient name of Phenicia was Cna. Χνα, ὁυτοςἡ Φοινικη εκαλειτο. το εθνικον Χναιος. The same is said by Philo Biblius, from Sanchoniathon. [24]Χνα του πρωτου μετονομασθεντος Φοινικος. And, inanother place, he says, that Isiris, the same as Osiris, was the brother toCna. [25]Ισιρις--αδελφος Χνα; the purport of which is conformable to theaccount in the Scriptures, that the Egyptians were of a collateral linewith the people of Canaan; or, that the father of the Mizräim and theCanaanites were brothers. 

MIZRAIM. 

This person is looked upon as the father of the Egyptians: on which accountone might expect to meet with many memorials concerning him: but hishistory is so veiled under allegory and titles, that no great light can beobtained. It is thought, by many learned men, that the term, Mizräim, isproperly a plural; and that a people are by it signified, rather than aperson. This people were the Egyptians: and the head of their family isimagined to have been, in the singular, Misor, or Metzor. It is certainthat Egypt, by Stephanus Byzantinus, is, amongst other names, styled Μυαρα, which, undoubtedly, is a mistake for Μυσαρα, the land of Musar, or Mysar. It is, by [26]Eusebius and Suidas, called Mestraia; by which is meant theland of Metzor, a different rendering of Mysor. Sanchoniathon alludes tothis person under the name of [27]Μισωρ, Misor; and joins him with Sydic:both which he makes the sons of the Shepherds Amunus and Magus. Amunus, Imake no doubt, is Amun, or Ham, the real father of Misor, from whom theMizräim are supposed to be descended. By Magus, probably, is meant Chus, the father of those worshippers of fire, the Magi: the father, also, of thegenuine Scythæ, who were styled Magog. The Canaanites, likewise, were hisoffspring: and, among these, none were more distinguished than those ofSaid, or Sidon; which, I imagine, is alluded to under the name of Sydic. Itmust be confessed, that the author derives it from Sydic, justice: and, tosay the truth, he has, out of antient terms, mixed so many feignedpersonages with those that are real, that it is not possible to arrive atthe truth. 

NIMROD. 

It is said of this person, by Moses, that he was the son of Cush. [28]_AndCush begat Nimrod: he began to be a mighty one in the earth: he was amighty hunter before the Lord: wherefore it is said, even as Nimrod, themighty hunter before the Lord. And the beginning of his kingdom was Babel. _His history is plainly alluded to under the character of Alorus, the firstking of [29]Chaldea; but more frequently under the title of Orion. Thispersonage is represented by Homer as of a gigantic make; and as beingcontinually in pursuit of wild [30]beasts. The Cuthite Colonies, which wentwestward, carried with them memorials of this their ancestor; and namedmany places from him: and in all such places there will be found somepeculiar circumstances, which will point out the great hunter, alluded toin their name. The Grecians generally styled him [31]Νεβρωδ, Nebrod: henceplaces called by his name are expressed Nebrod, Nebrodes, Nebrissa. InSicily was a mountain Nebrodes, called by Strabo in the plural [32]ταΝεβρωδε ορη. It was a famous place for hunting; and for that reason hadbeen dedicated to Nimrod. The poet Gratius takes notice of its beingstocked with wild beasts:

 [33]Cantatus Graiis Acragas, victæque fragosum Nebrodem liquere feræ. 

And Solinus speaks to the same purpose: [34]Nebrodem damæ et hinnulipervagantur. At the foot of the mountain were the warm baths of Himera. 

The term Νεβρος, Nebros, which was substituted by the Greeks for Nimrod, signifying a fawn, gave occasion to many allusions about a fawn, andfawn-skin, in the Dionusiaca, and other mysteries. There was a townNebrissa, near the mouth of the Bætis in Spain, called, by Pliny, Veneria;[35]Inter æstuaria Bætis oppidum Nebrissa, cognomine Veneria. This, Ishould think, was a mistake for Venaria; for there were places of thatname. Here were preserved the same rites and memorials, as are mentionedabove; wherein was no allusion to Venus, but to Nimrod and Bacchus. Theisland, and its rites, are mentioned by Silius Italicus. 

 [36]Ac Nebrissa Dionusæis conscia thyrsis, Quam Satyri coluere leves, redimitaque sacrâ Nebride. 

The Priests at the Bacchanalia, as well as the Votaries, were habited inthis manner. 

 [37]Inter matres impia Mænas Comes Ogygio venit Iaccho, Nebride sacrâ præcincta latus. 

Statius describes them in the same habit. 

 [38]Hic chelyn, hic flavam maculoso Nebrida tergo, Hic thyrsos, hic plectra ferit. 

The history of Nimrod was, in great measure, lost in the superior reverenceshewn to Chus, or Bacchus: yet, there is reason to think, that divinehonours were of old paid to him. The family of the Nebridæ at [39]Athens, and another of the same name at Cos, were, as we may infer from theirhistory, the posterity of people, who had been priests to Nimrod. He seemsto have been worshipped in Sicily under the names of Elorus, Belorus, andOrion. He was likewise styled [40]Belus: but as this was merely a title, and conferred upon other persons, it renders his history very difficult tobe distinguished. 

TITLES OF THE DEITY. 

Theuth, Thoth, Taut, Taautes, are the same title diversified; and belong tothe chief god of Egypt. Eusebius speaks of him as the same as Hermes. [41]Ὁν Αιγυπτιοι μεν εκαλεσαν Θωυθ, Αλεξανδρεις δε Θωθ, Ἑρμην δε Ἑλληνεςμετεφρασαν. From Theuth the Greeks formed ΘΕΟΣ; which, with that nation, was the most general name of the deity. Plato, in his treatise, namedPhilebus, mentions him by the name of [42]Θευθ. He was looked upon as agreat benefactor, and the first cultivator of the vine. 

 [43]Πρωτος Θωθ εδαη δρεπανην επι βοτρυν αγειρειν. 

He was also supposed to have found out letters: which invention is likewiseattributed to Hermes. [44]Απο Μισωρ Τααυτος, ὁς ἑυρε την των πρωτωνστοιχειων γραφην. ----Ἑλληνες δε Ἑρμην εκαλεσαν. Suidas calls him Theus; andsays, that he was the same as Arez, styled by the Arabians Theus Arez, andso worshipped at Petra. Θευσαρης τουτ' εστι Θεος Αρης, εν Πετρᾳ τηςΑραβιας. Instead of a statue, there was λιθος μελας, τετραγωνος, ατυπωτος, a black, square pillar of stone, without any figure, or representation. Itwas the same deity, which the Germans and Celtæ worshipped under the nameof Theut-Ait, or Theutates; whose sacrifices were very cruel, as we learnfrom Lucan. 

 [45]Et quibus immitis placatur sanguine diro Theutates. 

AB. 

Ab signifies a father, similar to אב of the Hebrews. It is often found incomposition, as in Ab-El, Ab-On, Ab-Or. 

AUR, OUR, OR. 

Aur, sometimes expressed Or, Ur, and Our, signifies both light and fire. Hence came the Orus of the Egyptians, a title given to the Sun. [46]Quodsolem vertimus, id in Hebræo est אור, Ur; quod lucem, et ignem, etiam etSolem denotat. It is often compounded with the term above, and renderedAbor, Aborus, Aborras: and it is otherwise diversified. This title wasoften given to Chus by his descendants; whom they styled Chusorus. FromAur, taken as an element, came Uro, Ardeo; as a Deity, oro, hora, ὡρα, Ἱερον, Ἱερευς. Zeus was styled Cham-Ur, rendered Κωμυρος by the Greeks; andunder this title was worshipped at Halicarnassus. He is so called byLycophron. [47]Ημος καταιθων θυσθλα Κωμυρῳ Λεων. Upon which the Scholiastobserves; (Κωμυρος) ὁ Ζευς εν Ἁλικαρνασῳ τιμᾳται. 

EL. 

El, Al, Ηλ, sometimes expressed Eli, was the name of the true God; but bythe Zabians was transferred to the Sun: whence the Greeks borrowed theirἩλιος, and Ηελιος. El, and Elion, were titles, by which the people ofCanaan distinguished their chief Deity. [48]Γινεται τις Ελιουν, καλουμενοςὑψιστος. This they sometimes still farther compounded, and made Abelion:hence inscriptions are to be found [49]DEO ABELLIONI. El according toDamascius was a title given to Cronus. [50]Φοινικες και Συροι τον ΚρονονΗλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. _The Phenicians and Syrians nameCronus Eel, and Beel, and Bolathes. _ The Canaanitish term Elion is acompound of Eli On, both titles of the Sun: hence the former is oftenjoined with Aur, and Orus. [51]Elorus, and Alorus, were names both ofpersons and places. It is sometimes combined with Cham: whence we haveCamillus, and Camulus: under which name the Deity of the Gentile world wasin many places worshipped. Camulus and Camillus were in a manner antiquatedamong the Romans; but their worship was kept up in other countries. We findin Gruter an inscription [52]DEO CAMULO: and another, CAMULO. SANCTO. FORTISSIMO. They were both the same Deity, a little diversified; who wasworshipped by the Hetrurians, and esteemed the same as Hermes. [53]TusciCamillum appellant Mercurium. And not only the Deity, but the minister andattendant had the same name: for the priests of old were almost universallydenominated from the God whom they served, or from his temple. The nameappears to have been once very general. [54]Rerum omnium sacrarumadministri Camilli dicebantur. But Plutarch seems to confine the term toone particular office and person. [55]Τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ του Διοςαμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ὡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι των ἙλληνωνΚαμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He supposes the name to have beengiven to Hermes, on account of the service and duty enjoined him. But thereis nothing of this nature to be inferred from the terms. The Hermes ofEgypt had nothing similar to his correspondent in Greece. Camillus was thename of the chief God, Cham-El, the same as Elion, ὁ ὑψιστος. He wassometimes expressed Casmillus; but still referred to Hermes. [56]Κασμιλλοςὁ Ἑρμης εστιν, ὡς ἱστορει Διονυσιοδωρος. The Deity El was particularlyinvoked by the eastern nations, when they made an attack in battle: at suchtime they used to cry out, El-El, and Al-Al. This Mahomet could not wellbring his proselytes to leave off: and therefore changed it to Allah; whichthe Turks at this day make use of, when they shout in joining battle. Itwas, however, an idolatrous invocation, originally made to the God of war;and not unknown to the Greeks. Plutarch speaks of it as no uncommonexclamation; but makes the Deity feminine. 

 [57]Κλυθ' ΑΛΑΛΑ, πολεμου θυγατερ. 

Hence we have in Hesychius the following interpretations; αλαλαζει, επινικιως ηχει. Αλαλαγμος, επινικιος ὑμνος. Ελελευ, επιφωνημα πολεμικον. Itis probably the same as הלל in Isaiah, [58]_How art thou fallen, Halal, thou son of Sehor. _

ON and EON. 

On, Eon, or Aon, was another title of the Sun among the Amonians: and so wefind it explained by Cyril upon Hosea: Ων δε εστιν ὁ Ἡλιος: and speaking ofthe Egyptians in the same comment, he says, Ων δε εστι παρ' αυτοις ὁ Ἡλιος. The Seventy likewise, where the word occurs in Scripture, interpret it theSun; and call the city of On, Heliopolis. [59]Και εδωκεν αυτῳ την Ασενεθθυγατερα Πετεφρη Ἱερεως Ἡλιουπολεως. Theophilus, from Manetho, speaks of itin the same manner: [60]Ων, ἡτις εστιν Ἡλιοπολις. And the Coptic Pentateuchrenders the city On by the city of the Sun. Hence it was, that Ham, who wasworshipped as the Sun, got the name of Amon, and Ammon; and was styledBaal-Hamon. It is said of Solomon, that he _had a vineyard at[61]Baal-Hamon;_ a name probably given to the place by his Egyptian wife, the daughter of Pharaoh. The term El was combined in the same manner; andmany places sacred to the Sun were styled El-on, as well as El-our. It wassometimes rendered Eleon; from whence came ἡλιος, and ἡλιον. The Syrians, Cretans, and Canaanites, went farther, and made a combination of the termsAb-El-Eon, Pater Summus Sol, or Pater Deus Sol; hence they formed Abellon, and Abelion before mentioned. Hesychius interprets Αβελιον, Ἡλιον· Αβελιον, Ἡλιακον. 

Vossius thinks, and with good reason, that the Apollo of Greece and Romewas the same as the Abelion of the East. [62]Fortasse Apollo ex CreticoΑβελιος· nam veteres Romani pro Apollo dixere Apello: ut pro homo, hemo;pro bonus, benus; ac similia. The Sun was also worshipped under the titleAbaddon; which, as we are informed by the Evangelist, was the same asApollo; or, as he terms him, Απολλυων: [63]Ονομα αυτῳ Ἑβραϊστι Αβαδδων, καιεν τῃ Ἑλληνικῃ Απολλυων. 

AIT. 

Another title of Ham, or the Sun, was Ait, and Aith: a term, of whichlittle notice has been taken; yet of great consequence in respect toetymology. It occurs continually in Egyptian names of places, as well as inthe composition of those, which belong to Deities, and men. It relates tofire, light, and heat; and to the consequences of heat. We may, in somedegree, learn its various and opposite significations when compounded, fromantient words in the Greek language, which were derived from it. Several ofthese are enumerated in Hesychius. Αιθαι, μελαιναι. Αιθειν, καιειν. Αιθαλοεν (a compound of Aith El), κεκαυμενον. Αιθινος, καπνος. Αιθον, λαμπρον. Αιθωνα (of the same etymology, from Aith-On) μελανα, πυρωδη. [64]Αιθος, καυμα. The Egyptians, when they consecrated any thing to theirDeity, or made it a symbol of any supposed attribute, called it by the nameof that attribute, or [65]emanation: and as there was scarce any thing, butwhat was held sacred by them, and in this manner appropriated; itnecessarily happened, that several objects had often the same reference, and were denominated alike. For, not only men took to themselves the sacredtitles, but birds, beasts, fishes, reptiles, together with trees, plants, stones, drugs, and minerals, were supposed to be under some particularinfluence; and from thence received their names. And if they were not quitealike, they were, however, made up of elements very similar. Ham, as theSun, was styled [66]Ait; and Egypt, the land of Ham, had, in consequence ofit, the name of Ait, rendered by the Greeks Αετια: Εκληθη (ἡ Αιγυπτος) καιΑερια, και Ποταμια, και Αιθισπια, και [67]ΑΕΤΙΑ. One of the most antientnames of the Nile was Ait, or Αετος. It was also a name given to the Eagle, as the bird particularly sacred to the Sun: and Homer alludes to theoriginal meaning of the word, when he terms the Eagle [68]Αιετος αιθων. Among the parts of the human body, it was appropriated to the [69]heart:for the heart in the body may be esteemed what the Sun is in his system, the source of heat and life, affording the same animating principle. Thisword having these two senses was the reason why the Egyptians made a heartover a vase of burning incense, an emblem of their country. [70]Αιγυπτον δεγραφοντες θυμιατηριον καιομενον ζωγραφουσι, και επανω ΚΑΡΔΙΑΝ. This termoccurs continually in composition. Athyr, one of the Egyptian months, wasformed of Ath-Ur. It was also one of the names of that place, where theshepherds resided in Egypt; and to which the Israelites succeeded. It stoodat the upper point of Delta, and was particularly sacred to אור Ur, orOrus: and thence called Athur-ai, or the place of Athur. At the departureof the shepherds it was ruined by King Amosis. [71]Κατεσκαψε δε την ΑθυριανΑμωσις. 

As Egypt was named Aith, and Ait; so other countries, in which coloniesfrom thence settled, were styled Ethia and Athia. The sons of Chus foundeda colony in Colchis; and we find a king of that country named Ait; or, asthe Greeks expressed it, Αιητης: and the land was also distinguished bythat characteristic. Hence Arete in the Orphic Argonautics, speaking ofMedea's returning to Colchis, expresses this place by the terms ηθεαΚολχων:

 [72]Οιχεθω πατρος τε δομον, και ες ηθεα Κολχων. 

It is sometimes compounded Ath-El, and Ath-Ain; from whence the Greeksformed [73]Αθηλα, and Αθηνα, titles, by which they distinguished theGoddess of wisdom. It was looked upon as a term of high honour, andendearment. Venus in Apollonius calls Juno, and Minerva, by way of respect, Ηθειαι:

 [74]Ηθειαι, τις δευρο νοος, χρειω τε, κομιζει;

Menelaus says to his brother Agamemnon, [75]Τιφθ' ὁυτως, Ηθειε, κορυσσεαι;And [76]Τιπτε μοι, Ηθειε κεφαλη, δευρ' ειληλουθας, are the words ofAchilles to the shade of his lost Patroclus. Ηθειος, in the originalacceptation, as a title, signified Solaris, Divinus, Splendidus: but, in asecondary sense, it denoted any thing holy, good, and praiseworthy. [77]Αλλα μιν Ηθειον καλεω και νοσφιν εοντα, says Eumæus, of his long absentand much honoured master. _I will call him good and noble, whether he bedead or alive. _ From this antient term were derived the ηθος and ηθικα ofthe Greeks. 

I have mentioned that it is often compounded, as in Athyr: and that it wasa name conferred on places where the Amonians settled. Some of this familycame, in early times, to Rhodes and Lemnos: of which migrations I shallhereafter treat. Hence, one of the most antient names of [78]Rhodes wasAithraia, or the Island of Athyr; so called from the worship of the Sun:and Lemnos was denominated Aithalia, for the same reason, from Aith-El. Itwas particularly devoted to the God of fire; and is hence styled Vulcaniaby the Poet:

 [79]Sumnmis Vulcania surgit Lemnos aquis. 

Ethiopia itself was named both [80]Aitheria, and Aeria, from Aur, andAthyr: and Lesbos, which had received a colony of Cuthites, wasreciprocally styled [81]Æthiope. The people of Canaan and Syria paid agreat reverence to the memory of Ham: hence, we read of many places inthose parts named Hamath, Amathus, Amathusia. One of the sons of Canaanseems to have been thus called: for it is said, that Canaan was the fatherof the [82]Hamathite. A city of this name stood to the east of mountLibanus; whose natives were the Hamathites alluded to here. There wasanother Hamath, in Cyprus, by the Greeks expressed Αμαθους, of the sameoriginal as the former. We read of Eth-Baal, a king of [83]Sidon, who wasthe father of Jezebel; and of [84]Athaliah, who was her daughter. For Athwas an oriental term, which came from Babylonia and Chaldea to Egypt; andfrom thence to Syria and Canaan. Ovid, though his whole poem be a fable, yet copies the modes of those countries of which he treats. On thisaccount, speaking of an Ethiopian, he introduces him by the name ofEth-Amon, but softened by him to Ethemon. 

 [85]Instabant parte sinistrâ Chaonius Molpeus, dextrâ Nabathæus Ethemon. 

Ath was sometimes joined to the antient title Herm; which the Grecians, with a termination, made Ἑρμης. From Ath-Herm came Θερμαι, Θερμος, Θερμαινω. These terms were sometimes reversed, and rendered Herm-athena. 

AD. 

Ad is a title which occurs very often in composition, as in Ad-Or, Ad-On;from whence was formed Adorus, Adon, and Adonis. It is sometimes foundcompounded with itself; and was thus made use of for a supreme title, withwhich both Deities and kings were honoured. We read of Hadad, king of[86]Edom: and there was another of the same name at Damascus, whose son andsuccessor was styled [87]Benhadad. According to Nicolaus Damascenus, thekings of Syria, for nine generations, had the name of [88]Adad. There-was aprince Hadadezer, son of Rehob, king of [89]Zobah: and Hadoram, son of theking of [90]Hamath. The God Rimmon was styled Adad: and mention is made bythe Prophet of the mourning of Adad Rimmon in the valley of [91]Megiddo. The feminine of it was Ada; of which title mention is made by Plutarch inspeaking of a [92]queen of Caria. It was a sacred title, and appropriatedby the Babylonians to their chief [93]Goddess. Among all the easternnations Ad was a peculiar title, and was originally conferred upon the Sun:and, if we may credit Macrobius, it signified _One_, and was so interpretedby the Assyrians: [94]Deo, quem summum maximumque venerantur, Adad nomendederunt. Ejus nominis interpretatio significat unus. Hunc ergo utpotissimum adorant Deum. --Simulacrum Adad insigne cernitur radiisinclinatis. I suspect that Macrobius, in his representation, has mistakenthe cardinal number for the ordinal; and that what he renders _one_ shouldbe _first_, or _chief_. We find that it was a sacred title; and, whensingle, it was conferred upon a Babylonish Deity: but, when repeated, itmust denote greater excellence: for the Amonians generally formed theirsuperlative by doubling the positive: thus Rab was great; Rabrab signifiedvery great. It is, indeed, plain from the account, that it must have been asuperlative; for he says it was designed to represent what was esteemedsummum maximumque, the most eminent and great. I should, therefore, thinkthat Adad, in its primitive sense, signified πρωτος, and πρωτευων: and, ina secondary meaning, it denoted a chief, or prince. We may by these meansrectify a mistake in Philo, who makes Sanchoniathon say, that Adodus ofPhenicia was king of the country. He renders the name, Adodus: but we know, for certain, that it was expressed Adad, or Adadus, in Edom, Syria, andCanaan. He, moreover, makes him βασιλευς Θεων, King of the Gods: but, it isplain, that the word Adad is a compound: and, as the two terms of which itis made up are precisely the same, there should be a reciprocal resemblancein the translation. If Ad be a chief, or king; Adad should be superlativelyso, and signify a king of kings. I should therefore suspect, that, in theoriginal of Sanchoniathon, not βασιλευς Θεων, but βασιλευς βασιλεων was thetrue reading. In short, Ad, and Ada, signified _first_, πρωτος; and, in amore lax sense, a prince or ruler: Adad, therefore, which is a reiterationof this title, means πρωτος των πρωτων, or πρωτευοντων; and answers to themost High, or most Eminent. 

Ham was often styled Ad-Ham, or Adam contracted; which has been the causeof much mistake. There were many places [95]named Adam, Adama, Adamah, Adamas, Adamana; which had no reference to the protoplast, but were, by theAmonians, denominated from the head of their family. 

EES and IS. 

Ees, rendered As and Is, like אש of the Hebrews, related to light and fire;and was one of the titles of the Sun. It is sometimes compounded Ad-Ees, and Ad-Is; whence came the Hades of the Greeks, and Atis and Attis of theAsiatics; which were names of the same Deity, the Sun. Many places werehence denominated: particularly a city in Africa, mentioned by[96]Polybius. There was a river [97]Adesa, which passed by the city Chomain Asia minor. It was, moreover, the name of one of the chief and mostantient cities in Syria, said to have been built by Nimrod. It was, undoubtedly, the work of some of his brotherhood, the sons of Chus, whointroduced there the rites of fire, and the worship of the Sun; whence itwas styled Adesa, rendered by the Greeks Edessa. One of the names of fire, among those in the East, who worship it, is [98]Atesh at this day. The term_As_, like Adad, before mentioned, is sometimes compounded with itself, andrendered Asas, and Azaz; by the Greeks expressed Αζαζος and [99]Αζιζος. Inthe very place spoken of above, the Deity was worshipped under the name ofAzizus. The Emperor Julian acquaints us, in his hymn to the [100]Sun, thatthe people of Edessa possessed a region, which, from time immemorial, hadbeen sacred to that luminary: that there were two subordinate Deities, Monimus and Azizus, who were esteemed coadjutors, and assessors to thechief God. He supposes them to have been the same as Mars and Mercury: butherein this zealous emperor failed; and did not understand the theologywhich he was recommending. Monimus and Azizus were both names of the sameGod, the Deity of Edessa, and [101]Syria. The former is, undoubtedly, atranslation of Adad, which signifies μονας, or [102]unitas: though, as Ihave before shewn, more properly primus. Azizus is a reduplication of alike term, being compounded with itself; and was of the same purport asAdes, or Ad Ees, from whence the place was named. It was a title notunknown in Greece: for Ceres was, of old, called Azazia; by the Ionians, Azesia. Hesychius observes, Αζησια, ἡ Δημητηρ. Proserpine, also, had thisname. In the same author we learn that αζα, aza, signified ασβολος, orsun-burnt: which shews plainly to what the primitive word [103]related. This word is often found combined with Or; as in Asorus, and Esorus, underwhich titles the Deity was worshipped in [104]Syria, [105]Sicily, andCarthage: of the last city he was supposed to have been the founder. It isoften compounded with El and Il; and many places were from thencedenominated Alesia, Elysa, Eleusa, Halesus, Elysus, Eleusis, by apocopeLas, Lasa, Læsa, Lasaia; also, Lissa, Lissus, Lissia. Sometimes we meetwith these terms reversed; and, instead of El Ees, they are rendered EesEl: hence we have places named Azilis, Azila, Asyla, contracted Zelis, Zela, Zeleia, Zelitis; also Sele, Sela, Sala, Salis, Sillas, Silis, Soli. All these places were founded or denominated by people of the Amonianworship: and we may always, upon inquiry, perceive something very peculiarin their history and situation. They were particularly devoted to theworship of the Sun; and they were generally situated near hot springs, orelse upon foul and fetid lakes, and pools of bitumen. It is, also, notuncommon to find near them mines of salt and nitre; and caverns sendingforth pestilential exhalations. The Elysian plain, near the Catacombs inEgypt, stood upon the foul Charonian canal; which was so noisome, thatevery fetid ditch and cavern was from it called Charonian. Asia Propercomprehended little more than Phrygia, and a part of Lydia; and was boundedby the river Halys. It was of a most inflammable soil; and there were manyfiery eruptions about Caroura, and in Hyrcania, which latter was styled bythe Greeks κεκαυμενη. Hence, doubtless, the region had the name of[106]Asia, or the land of fire. One of its most antient cities, and mostreverenced, was Hierapolis, famous for its hot [107]fountains. Here wasalso a sacred cavern, styled by [108]Strabo Plutonium, and Charonium; whichsent up pestilential effluvia. Photius, in the life of Isidorus, acquaintsus, that it was the temple of Apollo at Hierapolis, within whose precinctsthese deadly vapours arose. [109]Εν Ἱεραπολει της Φρυγιας Ἱερον ηνΑπολλωνος, ὑπο δε τον ναον καταβασιον ὑπεκειτο, θανασιμους αναπνοαςπαρεχομενον. He speaks of this cavity as being immediately under theedifice. Four caverns of this sort, and styled Charonian, are mentioned by[110]Strabo in this part of the world. Pliny, speaking of some Charonianhollows in Italy, says, that the exhalations were insupportable. [111]Spiracula vocant, alii _Charoneas_ scrobes, mortiferum spiritumexhalantes. It may appear wonderful; but the Amonians were determined inthe situation both of their cities and temples by these strange phænomena. They esteemed no places so sacred as those where there were fieryeruptions, uncommon steams, and sulphureous exhalations. In Armenia, near[112]Comana, and Camisena, was the temple of [113]Anait, or fountain of theSun. It was a Persic and Babylonish Deity, as well as an Armenian, whichwas honoured with Puratheia, where the rites of fire were particularly keptup. The city itself was named Zela; and close behind it was a large nitrouslake. In short, from the Amonian terms, Al-As, came the Grecian ἁλος, ἁλας, ἁλς; as, from the same terms reversed (As-El), were formed the Latine Sal, Sol, and Salum. Wherever the Amonians found places with these natural orpræternatural properties, they held them sacred, and founded their templesnear them. [114]Selenousia, in Ionia, was upon a salt lake, sacred toArtemis. In Epirus was a city called Alesa, Elissa, and Lesa: and hard bywere the Alesian plains; similar to the Elysian in Egypt: in these wasproduced a great quantity of fossil [115]salt. There was an Alesia inArcadia, and a mountain Alesium with a temple upon it. Here an antientpersonage, Æputus, was said to have been suffocated with salt water: inwhich history there is an allusion to the etymology of the name. It is truethat Pausanias supposes it to have been called Alesia, from Rhea havingwandered thither; [116]δια την αλην, ὡς φασι, καλουμενον την Ῥεας: but itwas not αλη, but ἁλας, and ἁλος, sal; and the Deity, to whom that body wassacred, from whence the place was named. And this is certain from anothertradition, which there prevailed: for it is said that in antient timesthere was an eruption of sea water in the temple: [117]Θαλασσης δεαναφαινεσθαι κυμα εν τῳ Ἱερῳ τουτῳ λογος εστιν αρχαιος. Nor was thisappellation confined to one particular sort of fountain, or water: but allwaters, that had any uncommon property, were in like manner sacred toElees, or Eesel. It was an antient title of Mithras and Osiris in the east, the same as [118]Sol, the Sun. From hence the priests of the Sun werecalled Soli and Solimi in Cilicia, Selli in Epirus, Salii at Rome, alloriginally priests of fire. As such they are described by Virgil:

 Tum Salii ad cantus incensa altaria circum. 

In like manner the Silaceni of the Babylonians were worshippers of the sameDeity, and given to the rites of fire, which accompanied the worship of theSun. 

The chief city of Silacena was Sile or Sele, where were eruptions of fire. Sele is the place or city of the Sun. Whenever therefore Sal, or Sel, orthe same reversed, occur in the composition of any place's name, we may bepretty certain that the place is remarkable either for its rites orsituation, and attended with some of the circumstances[119]above-mentioned. Many instances may be produced of those denominatedfrom the quality of their waters. In the river [120]Silarus of Italy everything became petrified. The river [121]Silias in India would suffer nothingto swim. The waters of the [122]Salassi in the Alps were of great use inrefining gold. The fountain at [123]Selinus in Sicily was of a bittersaline taste. Of the salt lake near [124]Selinousia in Ionia I have spoken. The fountain Siloë at Jerusalem was in some degree [125]salt. Ovid mentionsSulmo, where he was born, as noted for its [126]cool waters: for coldstreams were equally sacred to the Sun as those, which were of a contrarynature. The fine waters at Ænon, where John baptized, were called[127]Salim. The river Ales near Colophon ran through the grove of Apollo, and was esteemed the coldest stream in Ionia. [128]Αλης ποταμος ψυχροτατοςτων εν Ιωνιᾳ. In the country of the Alazonians was a bitter fountain, whichran into the [129]Hypanis. These terms were sometimes combined with thename of Ham; and expressed Hameles, and Hamelas; contracted to Meles andMelas. A river of this name watered the region of Pamphylia, and was notedfor a most cold and pure [130]water. The Meles near Smyrna was equallyadmired. [131]Σμυρναιος δε ποταμος Μελης· ὑδωρ εστι καλλιστον, και σπηλαιονεπι ταις πηγαις. The Melas in Cappadocia was of a contrary quality. It ranthrough a hot, inflammable country, and formed many fiery pools. [132]Καιταυτα δ' εστι τα ἑλη πανταχου πυριληπτα. In Pontus was Amasus, Amasia, Amasene, where the region abounded with hot waters: [133]Ὑπερκειται δε τηςτων Αμασεων τα τε θερμα ὑδατα των Φαζημονειτων, ὑγιεινα σφοδρα. 

It is wonderful, how far the Amonian religion and customs were carried inthe first ages. The antient Germans, and Scandinavians, were led by thesame principles; and founded their temples in situations of the samenature, as those were, which have been above described. Above all othersthey chose those places, where were any nitrous, or saline waters. [134]Maxime autem lucos (or lacus) sale gignendo fæcundos Cœlo propinquare, precesque mortalium nusquam propius audiri firmiter erant persuasi; proutexemplo Hermundurorum docet testis omni exceptione major [135]Tacitus. 

SAN, SON, ZAN, ZAAN. 

The most common name for the Sun was San, and Son; expressed also Zan, Zon, and Zaan. Zeus of Crete, who was supposed to have been buried in thatIsland, is said to have had the following inscription on his tomb:

 [136]Ὡδε μεγας κειται Ζαν, ὁν Δια κικλησκουσι. 

The Ionians expressed it Ζην, and Ζηνα. Hesychius tells us, that the Sunwas called Σαως by the Babylonians. It is to be observed that the Greciansin foreign words continually omitted the Nu final, and substituted a Sigma. The true Babylonish name for the Sun was undoubtedly Σαων, oftentimesexpressed Σωαν, Soan. It was the same as Zauan of the Sidonians; underwhich name they worshipped Adonis, or the Sun. Hesychius says, Ζαυανας, θεος τις εν Σιδωνι. Who the Deity was, I think may be plainly seen. It ismentioned by the same writer, that the Indian Hercules, by which is alwaysmeant the chief Deity, was styled Dorsanes: Δορσανης ὁ Ἡρακλης παρ' Ινδοις. The name Dorsanes is an abridgment of Ador-San, or Ador-Sanes, that isAdor-Sol, _the lord of light_. It was a title conferred upon Ham; and alsoupon others of his family; whom I have before mentioned to have beencollectively called the Baalim. Analogous to this they were likewise calledthe Zaanim, and Zaananim: and a temple was erected to them by the antientCanaanites, which was from them named [137]Beth-Zaananim. There was also aplace called Sanim in the same country, rendered Sonam[138], Σωναμ, byEusebius; which was undoubtedly named in honour of the same persons: fortheir posterity looked up to them, as the Heliadæ, or descendants of theSun, and denominated them from that luminary. According to Hesychius it wasa title, of old not unknown in Greece; where princes and rulers were styledZanides, Ζανιδες, Ἡγεμονες. In [139]Diodorus Siculus mention is made of anantient king of Armenia, called Barsanes; which signifies the offspring ofthe Sun. We find temples erected to the Deity of the same purport; andstyled in the singular Beth-San: by which is meant the temple of the Sun. Two places occur in Scripture of this name: the one in the tribe ofManasseh: the other in the land of the Philistines. The latter seems tohave been a city; and also a temple, where the body of Saul was exposedafter his defeat upon mount Gilboa. For it is said, that the Philistines[140]_cut off his head, and stripped off his armour--and they put hisarmour in the house of Ashtoreth, and they fastened his body to the wall ofBethsan_. They seem to have sometimes used this term with a reduplication:for we read of a city in Canaan called [141]Sansanah; by which is signifieda place sacred to the most illustrious Orb of day. Some antient statuesnear mount Cronius in Elis were by the natives called Zanes, as we are toldby Pausanias: [142]Καλουνται δε ὑπο των επιχωριων Ζανες. They were supposedto have been the statues of Zeus: but Zan was more properly the Sun; andthey were the statues of persons, who were denominated from him. One ofthese persons, styled Zanes, and Zanim, was Chus: whose posterity sent outlarge colonies to various parts of the earth. Some of them settled upon thecoast of Ausonia, called in later times Italy; where they worshipped theirgreat ancestor under the name of San-Chus. Silius Italicus speaking of themarch of some Sabine troops, says, [143]Pars Sancum voce canebant Auctorem gentis. 

Lactantius takes notice of this Deity. [144]Ægyptii Isidem, Mauri Jubam, Macedones Cabirum--Sabini _Sancum_ colunt. He was not unknown at Rome, where they styled him Zeus Pistius, as we learn from Dionysius ofHalicarnassus: [145]Εν Ἱερῳ Διος Πιστιου, ὁν Ῥωμαιοι Σαγκον καλουσι. Thereare in Gruter inscriptions, wherein he has the title of Semon prefixed, andis also styled Sanctus. 

[146]SANCTO. SANCO. SEMONI. DEO. FIDIO. SACRUM. 

Semon (Sem-On) signifies Cœlestis Sol. 

Some of the antients thought that the soul of man was a divine emanation; aportion of light from the Sun. Hence, probably, it was called Zoan fromthat luminary; for so we find it named in Macrobius. [147]Veteres nullumanimal sacrum in finibus suis esse patiebantur; sed abigebant ad finesDeorum, quibus sacrum esset: animas vero sacratorum hominum, quos GræciΖΩΑΝΑΣ vocant Diis debitas æstimabant. 

DI, DIO, DIS, DUS. 

Another common name for the Deity was Dis, Dus, and the like; analogous toDeus, and Theos of other nations. The Sun was called Arez in the east, andcompounded Dis-arez, and Dus-arez; which signifies Deus Sol. The name ismentioned by Tertullian[148]. Unicuique etiam provinciæ et civitati suusDeus est, ut Syriæ Astarte, Arabiæ Dysares. Hesychius supposes the Deity tohave been the same as Dionusus. Δουσαρην τον Διονυσον Ναβαταιοι (καλουσιν), ὡς Ισιδωρος. There was a high mountain, or promontory, in [149]Arabia, denominated from this Deity: analogous to which there was one in Thrace, which had its name [150]from Dusorus, or the God of light, Orus. I tooknotice, that Hercules, or the chief Deity among the Indians, was calledDorsanes: he had also the name of Sandis, and Sandes; which signifies SolDeus. [151]Βηλον μεν τον Δια τυχον, Σανδην τε τον Ἡρακλεα, και Αναϊτιδα τηνΑφροδιτην, και αλλως αλλους εκαλουν. Agathias of the people in the east. Probably the Deity Bendis, whose rites were so celebrated in Phrygia andThrace, was a compound of Ben-Dis, the offspring of God. The natives ofthis country represented Bendis as a female; and supposed her to be thesame as [152]Selene, or the moon. The same Deity was often masculine andfeminine: what was Dea Luna in one country, was Deus Lunus in another. 

KUR, ΚYΡΟΣ, CURA. 

The Sun was likewise named Kur, Cur, Κυρος. [153]Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσαςτον Ἡλιον. Many places were sacred to this Deity, and called Cura, Curia, Curopolis, Curene, Cureschata, Curesta, Curestica regio. Many rivers inPersis, Media, Iberia, were denominated in the same manner. The term issometimes expressed Corus: hence Corusia in Scythia. Of this term I shallsay more hereafter. 

COHEN, or CAHEN. 

Cohen, which seems, among the Egyptians and other Amonians, to have beenpronounced Cahen, and Chan, signified a Priest; also a Lord or Prince. Inearly times the office of a Prince and of a Priest were comprehended underone character. 

 [154]Rex Anius, Rex idem hominum, Phœbique Sacerdos. 

This continued a great while in some parts of the [155]world; especially inAsia Minor, where, even in the time of the Romans, the chief priest was theprince of the [156]province. The term was sometimes used with a greaterlatitude; and denoted any thing noble and divine. Hence we find it prefixedto the names both of Deities and men; and of places denominated from them. It is often compounded with Athoth, as Canethoth; and we meet withCan-Osiris, Can-ophis, Can-ebron, and the like. It was sometimes expressedKun, and among the Athenians was the title of the antient priests ofApollo; whose posterity were styled Κυννιδαι, Cunnidæ, according toHesychius. Κυννιδαι, γενος εν Αθηνῃσιν, εξ ὁυ Ἱερευς του Κυννιου Απολλωνος. We find from hence, that Apollo was styled Κυννιος, Cunnius. Κυννιος, Απολλωνος επιθετον. Hence came κυνειν, προσκυνειν, προσκυνησις, well knownterms of adoration. It was also expressed Con, as we may infer from thetitle of the Egyptian Hercules. [157] Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιωνδιαλεκτον ΚΩΝΑ λεγεσθαι. It seems also to have been a title of the trueGod, who by [158]Moses is styled Konah, קנה. 

We find this term oftentimes subjoined. The Chaldeans, who wereparticularly possessed of the land of Ur, and were worshippers of fire, hadthe name of Urchani. Strabo limits this title to one branch of theChaldeans, who were literati, and observers of the heavens; and even ofthese to one sect only. Εστι δε και των Χαλδαιων των Αστρονομικων γενηπλειω· και γαρ [159]Ορχηνοι τινες προσαγορευονται. But [160]Ptolemy speaksof them more truly as a nation; as does Pliny likewise. He mentions theirstopping the course of the Euphrates, and diverting the stream into thechannel of the Tigris. [161]Euphratem præclusere Orcheni, &c. Nec nisiPasitigri defertur in mare. There seem to have been particular collegesappropriated to the astronomers and priests in Chaldea, which were calledConah; as we may infer from [162]Ezra. He applies it to societies of hisown priests and people; but it was a term borrowed from Chaldea. 

The title of Urchan among the Gentile nations was appropriated to the Godof fire, and his [163]priests; but was assumed by other persons. Some ofthe priests and princes among the Jews, after the return from captivity, took the name of Hyrcanus. Orchan, and Orchanes among the Persic and Tartarnations is very common at this [164]day; among whom the word Chan is evercurrent for a prince or king. Hence we read of Mangu Chan, Cublai Chan, Cingis Chan. Among some of these nations it is expressed Kon, Kong, andKing. Monsieur de Lisle, speaking of the Chinese, says, [165]Les noms deKing Che, ou Kong-Sse, signifient Cour de Prince en Chine. Can, ou Chan enlangue Tartare signifie Roi, ou Empereur. 

PETAH. 

Of this Amonian term of honour I have taken notice in a treatise before. Ihave shewn, that it was to be found in many Egyptian [166]names, such asPetiphra, Petiphera, Petisonius, Petosiris, Petarbemis, Petubastus theTanite, and Petesuccus, builder of the Labyrinth. Petes, called Peteos inHomer, the father of Mnestheus, the Athenian, is of the same original:[167]Τον γαρ Πετην, τον πατερα Μενεσθεως, του στρατευσαντος εις Τροιαν. φανερως Αιγυπτιον ὑπαρξαντα κτλ. All the great officers of the Babyloniansand Persians took their names from some sacred title of the Sun. Herodotusmentions [168]Petazithes Magus, and [169]Patiramphes: the latter wascharioteer to Xerxes in his expedition to Greece: but he was denominatedfrom another office; for he was brother to Smerdis, and a Magus; which wasa priest of the Sun. The term is sometimes subjoined, as in Atropatia, aprovince in [170]Media; which was so named, as we learn from Strabo, [171]απο του Ατροπατου ἡγεμονος. In the accounts of the Amazons likewisethis word occurs. They are said to have been called Aorpata, or, accordingto the common reading in Herodotus, Oiorpata; which writer places them uponthe Cimmerian Bosporus. [172]Τας δε Αμαζονας καλεουσι Σκυθαι Οιορπατα·δυναται δε το ουνομα τουτο κατ' Ἑλλαδα γλωσσαν ανδροκτονοι Οιορ γαρκαλεουσι τον ανδρα, το δε πατα κτεινειν. This etymology is founded upon anotion that the Amazons were a community of women, who killed every man, with whom they had any commerce, and yet subsisted as a people for ages. Ishall hereafter speak of the nations under this title; for there were morethan one: but all of one family; all colonies from Egypt. The title abovewas given them from their worship: for Oiorpata, or, as some MSS. Have it, Aor-pata, is the same as [173]Petah Or, the priest of Orus; or, in a morelax sense, the votaries of that God. They were Ανδροκτονοι; for theysacrificed all strangers, whom fortune brought upon their coast: so thatthe whole Euxine sea, upon which they lived, was rendered infamous fromtheir cruelty: but they did not take their name from this circumstance. 

One of the Egyptian Deities was named Neith, and Neit; and analogous to theabove her priests were styled [174]Pataneit. They were also named Sonchin, which signifies a priest of the Sun: for Son, San, Zan, are of the samesignification; and Son-Chin is Ζανος ἱερευς. Proclus says, that it was thetitle of the priests; and particularly of him, who presided in the collegeof Neith at Saïs. 

BEL and BAAL. 

Bel, Bal, or Baal, is a Babylonish title, appropriated to the Sun; and madeuse of by the Amonians in other countries; particularly in Syria andCanaan. It signified Κυριος, or Lord, and is often compounded with otherterms; as in Bel-Adon, Belorus, Bal-hamon, Belochus, Bel-on; (from whichlast came Bellona of the Romans) and also Baal-shamaim, the great Lord ofthe Heavens. This was a title given by the Syrians to the Sun: [175]ΤονἩλιον Βεελσαμην καλουσιν, ὁ εστι παρα Φοινιξι Κυριος Ουρανου, Ζευς δε παρ'Ἑλλησι. We may, from hence, decypher the name of the Sun, as mentionedbefore by Damascius, who styles that Deity Bolathes: [176]Φοινικες καιΣυροι τον Κρονον Ηλ, και Βηλ, και Βολαθην επονομαζουσι. What he termsBolathes is a compound of Bal-Ath, or Bal-Athis; the same as Atis, andAtish of Lydia, Persis, and other countries. Philo Biblius interprets itZeus: Damascius supposed it to mean Cronus; as did likewise Theophilus:[177]Ενιοι μεν σεβονται τον Κρονον, και τουτον αυτον ονομαζουσι Βηλ, καιΒαλ, μαλιστα ὁι οικουντες τα ανατολικα κλιματα. This diversity amounts tolittle: for I shall hereafter shew, that all the Grecian names of Deities, however appropriated, were originally titles of one God, and related to theSun. 

KEREN. 

Keren signifies, in its original sense, _a horn_: but was always esteemedan emblem of power; and made use of as a title of sovereignty andpuissance. Hence, it is common with the sacred writers to say [178]_My hornshalt thou exalt--[179]his horn shall be exalted with honour--[180]the hornof Moab is cut off:_ and the Evangelist[181] speaks of Christ as _a horn ofsalvation_ to the world. The Greeks often changed the nu final into sigma:hence, from keren they formed κερας, κερατος: and from thence they deducedthe words κρατος, κρατερος: also κοιρανος, κρεων, and καρηνον; all relatingto strength and eminence. Gerenius, Γερηνιος, applied to Nestor, is anAmonian term, and signifies a princely and venerable person. The EgyptianCrane, for its great services, was held in high honour, being sacred to theGod of light, Abis (אב אש) or, as the Greeks expressed it, Ibis; fromwhence the name was given. It was also called Keren and Kerenus: by theGreeks Γερανος, the noble bird, being most honoured of any. It was a titleof the Sun himself: for Apollo was named Craneüs, and [182]Carneüs; whichwas no other than Cereneüs, the supreme Deity, the Lord of light: and hisfestival styled Carnea, Καρνεια, was an abbreviation of Κερενεια, Cerenea. The priest of Cybele in Phrygia was styled Carnas; which was a title of theDeity, whom he served; and of the same purport as Carneus above. 

OPH. 

Oph signifies a serpent, and was pronounced at times and expressed, Ope, [183]Oupis, Opis, Ops; and, by Cicero, [184]Upis. It was an emblem of theSun; and also of time and eternity. It was worshipped as a Deity, andesteemed the same as Osiris; by others the same as Vulcan. VulcanusÆgyptiis Opas dictus est, eodem Cicerone [185]teste. A serpent was also, inthe Egyptian language, styled Ob, or Aub: though it may possibly be only avariation of the term above. We are told by Orus Apollo, that the basilisk, or royal serpent, was named Oubaios: [186]Ουβαιος, ὁ εστιν ἙλληνιστιΒασιλισκος. It should have been rendered Ουβος, Oubus; for Ουβαιος is apossessive, and not a proper name. The Deity, so denominated, was esteemedprophetic; and his temples were applied to as oracular. This idolatry isalluded to by Moses, [187] who, in the name of God, forbids the Israelitesever to inquire of those dæmons, Ob and Ideone: which shews that it was ofgreat antiquity. The symbolical worship of the serpent was, in the firstages, very extensive; and was introduced into all the mysteries, wherevercelebrated: [188]Παρα παντι των νομιζομενων παρ' ὑμιν Θεων ΟΦΙΣ συμβολονμεγα και μυστηριον αναγραφεται. It is remarkable, that wherever theAmonians founded any places of worship, and introduced their rites, therewas generally some story of a serpent. There was a legend about a serpentat Colchis, at Thebes, and at Delphi; likewise in other places. The Greekscalled Apollo himself Python, which is the same as Opis, Oupis, and Oub. The woman at Endor, who had a familiar spirit, is called [189]אוב, Oub, orOb; and it is interpreted Pythonissa. The place where she resided, seems tohave been named from the worship there instituted: for Endor is compoundedof En-Ador, and signifies Fons Pythonis, the fountain of light, the oracleof the God Ador. This oracle was, probably, founded by the Canaanites; andhad never been totally suppressed. In antient times they had no images intheir temples, but, in lieu of them, used conical stones or pillars, calledΒαιτυλια; under which representation this Deity was often worshipped. Hispillar was also called [190]Abaddir, which should be expressed Abadir, being a compound of Ab, אוב, and Adir; and means the serpent Deity, Addir, the same as Adorus. It was also compounded with On, a title of the sameDeity: and Kircher says that Obion is still, among the people of Egypt, thename of a serpent. אוב, Ob Mosi, Python, vox ab Ægyptiis sumpta; quibusObion hodieque serpentem sonat. Ita [191]Kircher. The same also occurs inthe Coptic lexicon. The worship of the serpent was very antient among theGreeks, and is said to have been introduced by Cecrops. [192]PhilochorusSaturno, et Opi, primam in Atticâ statuisse aram Cecropem dicit. But thoughsome represent Opis as a distinct Deity; yet [193]others introduce the termrather as a title, and refer it to more Deities than one: Callimachus, whoexpresses it Oupis, confers it upon Diana, and plays upon the sacred term:

 [194]Ουπι, ανασσ' ευωπι. 

It is often compounded with Chan; and expressed Canopus, Canophis, Canuphis, Cnuphis, Cneph: it is also otherwise combined; as in Ophon, Ophion, Oropus, Orobus, Inopus, Asopus, Elopus, Ophitis, Onuphis, Ophel. From Caneph the Grecians formed Cyniphius, which they used for an epithetto Ammon:

 [195]Non hic Cyniphius canetur Ammon, Mitratum caput elevans arenis. 

On the subject of serpent worship I shall speak more at large in aparticular treatise. 

AIN. 

Ain, An, En, for so it is at times expressed, signifies a fountain, and wasprefixed to the names of many places which were situated near fountains, and were denominated from them. In Canaan, near the fords of Jordan, weresome celebrated waters; which, from their name, appear to have been, ofold, sacred to the Sun. The name of the place was [196]Ænon, or thefountain of the Sun; the same to which people resorted to be baptized byJohn: not from an opinion that there was any sanctity in the waters; forthat notion had been for ages obliterated; and the name was given by theCanaanite: but [197]_John baptized in Ænon, near to Salim, because therewas much water there: and they came, and were baptized_. Many places werestyled An-ait, An-abor, Anabouria, Anathon, Anopus, Anorus. Some of thesewere so called from their situation; others from the worship thereestablished. The Egyptians had many subordinate Deities, which theyesteemed so many emanations, αποῤῥοιαι from their chief God; as we learnfrom Iamblichus, Psellus, and Porphyry. These derivatives they called[198]fountains, and supposed them to be derived from the Sun; whom theylooked upon as the source of all things. Hence they formed Ath-El andAth-Ain, the [199]Athela and Athena of the Greeks. These were two titlesappropriated to the same personage, Divine Wisdom; who was supposed tospring from the head of her father. Wherever the Amonian religion waspropagated, names of this sort will occur; being originally given from themode of worship established[200]. Hence so many places styled Anthedon, Anthemus, Ain-shemesh, and the like. The nymph Œnone was, in reality, afountain, Ain-On, in Phrygia; and sacred to the same Deity: and, agreeablyto this, she is said to have been the daughter of the river [201]Cebrenus. The island Ægina was named [202]Œnone, and Œnopia, probably from itsworship. As Divine Wisdom was sometimes expressed Ath-Ain, or Αθηνα; so, atother times, the terms were reversed, and a Deity constituted calledAn-Ait. Temples to this goddess occur at Ecbatana in Media: also inMesopotamia, Persis, Armenia, and Cappadocia; where the rites of fire wereparticularly observed. She was not unknown among the antient Canaanites;for a temple called Beth-Anath is mentioned in the book of [203]Joshua. Ofthese temples, and the Puratheia there established, accounts may be seen inmany parts of Strabo. 

I have mentioned, that all springs and baths were sacred to the Sun: onwhich account they were called Bal-ain; the fountains of the great Lord ofHeaven; from whence the Greeks formed Βαλανεια: and the Romans Balnea. Thesouthern seas abounded formerly with large whales: and it is well known, that they have apertures near their nostrils, through which they spoutwater in a large stream, and to a great height. Hence they too had the nameof Bal-Ain, or Balænæ. For every thing uncommon was by the Amoniansconsecrated to the Deity, and denominated from his titles. This is veryapparent in all the animals of Egypt. 

The term Ουρανος, Ouranus, related properly to the orb of the Sun; but wasin aftertimes made to comprehend the whole expanse of the heavens. It iscompounded of Ourain, the fountain of Orus; and shews to what it alludes, by its etymology. Many places were named Ees-ain, the reverse of Ain-ees, or Hanes: and others farther compounded Am-ees-ain, and Cam-ees-ain, rendered Amisene, and Camisene: the natural histories of which places willgenerally authenticate the etymology. The Amonians settled upon the Tiber:and the antient town Janiculum was originally named [204]Camese; and theregion about it Camesene: undoubtedly from the fountain Camesene, calledafterward Anna Perenna, whose waters ran into the sacred pool[205]Numicius: and whose priests were the Camœnæ. 

I am sensible, that some very learned men do not quite approve of termsbeing thus reversed, as I have exhibited them in Ath-ain, Bal-ain, Our-ain, Cam-ain, and in other examples: and it is esteemed a deviation from thecommon usage in the Hebrew language; where the governing word, as it istermed, always comes first. Of this there are many instances; such asAin-Shemesh, Ain-Gaddi, Ain-Mishpat, Ain-Rogel, &c. Also Beth-El, Beth-Dagon, Beth-Aven, Beth-Oron. But, with submission, this does notaffect the etymologies, which I have laid before the reader: for I do notdeduce them from the Hebrew. And though there may have been of old a greatsimilitude between that language, and those of Egypt, Cutha, and Canaan:yet they were all different tongues. There was once but one language amongthe sons of men[206]. Upon the dispersion of mankind, this was branched outinto dialects; and those again were subdivided: all which varied every age, not only in respect to one another; but each language differed from itselfmore and more continually. It is therefore impossible to reduce the wholeof these to the mode, and standard of any one. Besides, the terms, of whichI suppose these names to be formed, are not properly in regimine; but areused adjectively, as is common almost in every language. We meet in theGrecian writings with [207]Ἑλληνα στρατον, Ἑλλαδα διαλεκτον, εσβεσεν Ἑλλαδαφωνην. Also νασον Σικελαν, γυναικα μαζον, Περσην στρατον, ναυτην δρομον, Σκυθην οιμον. Why may we not suppose, that the same usage prevailed inCutha, and in Egypt? And this practice was not entirely foreign to theHebrews. We read indeed of Beer-sheba, Beer-lahoiroi, &c. But we also readof [208] Baalath-Beer, exactly similar to the instances which I haveproduced. We meet in the sacred writings with Beth-El, and Beth-Dagon: butwe sometimes find the governing word postponed, as in Elizabeth, or templeof Eliza. It was a Canaanitish[209] name, the same as Elisa, Eleusa, Elasaof Greece and other countries. It was a compound of El-Ees, and related tothe God of light, as I have before shewn. It was made a feminine inaftertimes: and was a name assumed by women of the country styled Phenicia, as well as by those of Carthage. Hence Dido has this as a secondaryappellation; and mention is made by the Poet of Dii morientis [210]Elizæ, though it was properly the name of a Deity. It may be said, that thesenames are foreign to the Hebrews, though sometimes adopted by them: and Ireadily grant it; for it is the whole, that I contend for. All, that I wantto have allowed, is, that different nations in their several tongues haddifferent modes of collocation and expression: because I think it asunreasonable to determine the usage of the Egyptians and antient Chaldeansby the method of the Hebrews, as it would be to reduce the Hebrew to themode and standard of Egypt. What in Joshua, c. 19. V. 8. Is Baaleth, is, 1Kings, c. 16. V. 31. Eth-baal: so that even in the sacred writings we findterms of this sort transposed. But in respect to foreign names, especiallyof places, there are numberless instances similar to those, which I haveproduced. They occur in all histories of countries both antient and modern. We read of Pharbeth, and Phainobeth in Egypt: of Themiskir, and[211]Tigranocerta, which signifies Tigranes' city, in Cappadocia, andArmenia. Among the eastern nations at this day the names of the principalplaces are of this manner of construction; such as Pharsabad, Jehenabad, Amenabad: such also Indostan, Pharsistan, Mogulistan, with many others. Hence I hope, if I meet with a temple or city, called Hanes, or Urania, Imay venture to derive it from An-Eees, or Ur-Ain, however the terms may bedisposed. And I may proceed farther to suppose that it was denominated thefountain of light; as I am able to support my etymology by the history ofthe place. Or if I should meet with a country called Azania, I may in likemanner derive it from Az-An, a fountain sacred to the Sun; from whence thecountry was named. And I may suppose this fountain to have been sacred tothe God of light, on account of some real, or imputed, quality in itswaters: especially if I have any history to support my etymology. As therewas a region named Azania in Arcadia, the reader may judge of myinterpretation by the account given of the excellence of its waters. [212]Αζανια, μερος της Αρκαδιας--εστι κρηνη της Αζανιας, ἡ τους γευσαμενουςτου ὑδατος ποιει μηδε την οσμην του οινου ανεχεσθαι. Hanes in [213]Egyptwas the reverse of Azan; formed however of the same terms, and of the samepurport precisely. 

In respect to this city it may be objected, that if it had signified, whatI suppose, we should have found it in the sacred text, instead of חנס, expressed עין אש. If this were true, we must be obliged to suppose, whenever the sacred writers found a foreign name, composed of terms notunlike some in their own language, that they formed them according to theirown mode of expression, and reduced them to the Hebrew orthography. Inshort, if the etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name could be possiblyobtained in their own language, that they had always an eye to suchetymology; and rendered the word precisely according to the Hebrew mannerof writing and pronunciation. But this cannot be allowed. We cannot supposethe sacred writers to have been so unnecessarily scrupulous. As far as Ican judge, they appear to have acted in a manner quite the reverse. Theyseem to have laid down an excellent rule, which would have been attendedwith great utility, had it been universally followed: this was, ofexhibiting every name, as it was expressed at the time when they wrote, andby the people, to whom they addressed themselves. If this people, throughlength of time, did not keep up to the original etymology in theirpronunciation, it was unnecessary for the sacred Penmen to maintain it intheir writings. They wrote to be understood: but would have defeated theirown purpose, if they had called things by names, which no longer existed. If length of time had introduced any variations, those changes wereattended to: what was called Shechem by Moses, is termed [214]Σιχαρ orΣυχαρ by the [215]Apostle. 

APHA, APHTHA, PTHA, PTHAS. 

Fire, and likewise the God of fire, was by the Amonians styled Apthas, andAptha; contracted, and by different authors expressed, Apha, Pthas, andPtha. He is by Suidas supposed to have been the Vulcan of Memphis. Φθας, ὁΗφαιστος παρα [216]Μεμφιταις. And Cicero makes him the same Deity of theRomans. [217]Secundus, (Vulcanus) Nilo natus, Phas, ut Ægyptii appellant, quem custodem esse Ægypti volunt. The author of the Clementines describeshim much to the same purpose. [218]Αιγυπτιοι δε ὁμοιως--το πυρ ιδιᾳδιαλεκτῳ Φθα εκαλεσαν, ὁ ἑρμηνευεται Ἡφαιστος. [219]Huetius takes notice ofthe different ways in which this name is expressed: Vulcano Pthas, etApthas nomen fuisse scribit Suidas. Narrat Eusebius Ptha Ægyptiorum eundemesse ac Vulcanum Græcorum; Patrem illi fuisse Cnef, rerum opificem. Howeverthe Greeks and Romans may have appropriated the term, it was, properly, atitle of [220]Amon: and Iamblichus acknowledges as much in a [221]chapterwherein he particularly treats of him. But, at the same time, it related tofire: and every place, in the composition of whose name it is found, willhave a reference to that element, or to its worship. 

There was a place called Aphytis in Thrace, where the Amonians settled veryearly; and where was an oracular temple of Amon. [222]Αφυτη, η Αφυτις, πολις προς τῃ Παλληνῃ Θρᾳκης, απο Αφυος τινος εγχωριου. Εσχε δε ἡ πολιςμαντειον του Αμμωνος. _Aphyte, or Aphytis, is a city hard by Pallene, inThrace; so called from one Aphys, a native of those parts. This city hadonce an oracular temple of Ammon_. 

It stood in the very country called Phlegra, where the worship of fire onceparticularly prevailed. There was a city Aphace; also a temple of that namein Mount Libanus, sacred to Venus Aphacitis, and denominated from fire. Here, too, was an oracle: for most temples of old were supposed to beoracular. It is described by Zosimus, who says, [223]that near the templewas a large lake, made by art, in shape like a star. About the building, and in the neighbouring ground, there at times appeared a fire of aglobular figure, which burned like a lamp. It generally shewed itself attimes when a celebrity was held: and, he adds, that even in his time it wasfrequently seen. 

All the Deities of Greece were αποσπασματα, or derivatives, formed from thetitles of Amon, and Orus, the Sun. Many of them betray this in theirsecondary appellations: for, we read not only of Vulcan, but of Diana beingcalled [224]Apha, and Aphæa; and in Crete Dictynna had the same name:Hesychius observes, Αφαια, ἡ Δικτυννα. Castor and Pollux were styled[225]Αφετηριοι: and Mars [226]Aphæus was worshipped in Arcadia. Apollo waslikewise called [227]Αφητωρ: but it was properly the place of worship;though Hesychius otherwise explains it. Aphetor was what the antientDorians expressed Apha-Tor, a [228]fire tower, or Prutaneum; the same whichthe Latines called of old Pur-tor, of the like signification. This, inaftertimes, was rendered Prætorium: and the chief persons, who officiated, Prætores. They were originally priests of fire; and, for that reason, werecalled [229]Aphetæ: and every Prætor had a brazier of live coals carriedbefore him, as a badge of his office. 

AST, ASTA, ESTA, HESTIA. 

Ast, Asta, Esta, signified fire; and also the Deity of that element. TheGreeks expressed it Ἑστια, and the Romans, Vesta. Plutarch, speaking of thesacred water of Numicius being discovered by the priestesses of this Deity, calls them the virgins of [230]Hestia. Esta and Asta signified also asacred hearth. In early times every district was divided according to thenumber of the sacred hearths; each of which constituted a community, orparish. They were, in different parts, styled Puratheia, Empureia, Prutaneia, and Prætoria: also [231]Phratriai, and Apaturia: but the mostcommon name was Asta. 

These were all places of general rendezvous for people of the samecommunity. Here were kept up perpetual fires: and places of this sort weremade use of for courts of judicature, where the laws of the country, θεμισται, were explained, and enforced. Hence Homer speaking of a personnot worthy of the rights of society, calls him [232]Αφρητωρ, αθεμιστος, ανεστιος. 

The names of these buildings were given to them from the rites therepractised; all which related to fire. The term Asta was in aftertimes bythe Greeks expressed, Αστυ, Astu; and appropriated to a city. The name ofAthens was at first [233]Astu; and then Athenæ of the same purport: forAthenæ is a compound of Ath-En, Ignis fons; in which name there is areference both to the guardian Goddess of the city; and also to theperpetual fire preserved within its precincts. The God of fire, Hephaistus, was an Egyptian compound of Apha-Astus, rendered by the Ionian GreeksHephæstus. 

The [234]Camœnæ of Latium, who were supposed to have shewn the sacredfountain to the Vestals, were probably the original priestesses, whosebusiness it was to fetch water for lustrations from that stream. ForCam-Ain is the fountain of the Sun: and the Camœnæ were named from theirattendance upon that Deity. The Hymns in the temples of this God were sungby these women: hence the Camœnæ were made presidents of music. 

Many regions, where the rites of fire were kept up, will be found to havebeen named Asta, Hestia, Hestiæa, Hephæstia; or to have had cities so[235]called. This will appear from the histories of Thessaly, Lycia, Egypt, Lemnos; as well as from other countries. 

From Asta and Esta come the terms Æstas, Æstus, Æstuo, Αστυ, Ἑστια, Ἑστιαζειν. 

SHEM, SHAMEN, SHEMESH. 

Shem, and Shamesh, are terms, which relate to the heavens, and to the Sun, similar to שמש שמיס שום, of the Hebrews. Many places of reputed sanctity, such as Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samorna, were denominated from it. PhiloBiblius informs us, that the Syrians, and Canaanites, lifted up their handsto Baal-Samen, the Lord of Heaven; under which title they honoured the Sun:[236]Τας χειρας ορεγειν εις ουρανους προς τον Ἡλιον· τουτον γαρ, φησι, θεονενομιζον μονον ΟΥΡΑΝΟΥ ΚYΡΙΟΝ ΒΑΑΛ-ΣΑΜΗΝ καλουντες. Ephesus was a place ofgreat sanctity: and its original name was [237]Samorna; which seems to be acompound of Sam-Oran, Cœlestis Sol, fons Lucis. We read of Samicon in Elis, [238]χωριον Σαμικον, with a sacred cavern: and of a town called [239]Samia, which lay above it. The word Σεμνος was a contraction of Semanos, fromSema-on; and properly signified divine and celestial. Hence σεμναι θεαι, σεμνη κορα. Antient Syria was particularly devoted to the worship of theSun, and of the Heavens; and it was by the natives called Shems and Shams:which undoubtedly means the land of Shemesh, from the worship therefollowed. It retains the name at this [240]day. In Canaan was a town andtemple, called Beth-Shemesh. What some expressed Shem and Sham, the Lubimseem to have pronounced Zam: hence the capital of Numidia was named Zama, and Zamana, from Shamen, Cœlestis. This we may learn from an inscription in[241]Reineccius. 

JULIO. PROCULO. PRÆF. URB. PATRONO. COL. BYZACENÆ. ET. PATRONO. COLON. ÆLIÆ. [242]ZAMANÆ. REGIÆ. 

Ham being the Apollo of the east, was worshipped as the Sun; and was alsocalled Sham and Shem. This has been the cause of much perplexity, andmistake: for by these means many of his posterity have been referred to awrong line, and reputed the sons of Shem; the title of one brother notbeing distinguished from the real name of the other. Hence the Chaldeanshave by some been adjudged to the line of [243]Shem: and Amalek, togetherwith the people of that name, have been placed to the same account. Hisgenealogy is accordingly represented by Ebn Patric. He makes him the son ofAad, and great grandson of Shem. [244]Fuitque Aad filius Arami, filiusShemi, filius Noæ. The author of the Chronicon Paschale speaks of[245]Chus, as of the line of Shem: and Theophilus in his treatise toAutolycus does the same by [246]Mizraïm. Others go farther, and add Canaanto the [247]number. Now these are confessedly the immediate sons of[248]Ham: so that we may understand, who was properly alluded to in thesepassages under the name of Shem. 

MACAR. 

This was a sacred title given by the Amonians to their Gods; which oftenoccurs in the Orphic hymns, when any Deity is invoked. 

 [249]Κλυθι, Μακαρ Παιαν, τιτυοκτονε, Φοιβε Λυκωρευ. 

 [250]Κλυθι, Μακαρ, πανδερκες εχων αιωνιον ομμα. 

Many people assumed to themselves this title; and were styled [251]Μακαρες, or Macarians: and various colonies were supposed to have been led by animaginary personage, Macar, or [252]Macareus. In consequence of this, wefind that the most antient name of many cities and islands was Macra, Macris, and [253]Macaria. The Grecians supposed the term Macar to signifyhappy; whence Μακαρες θεοι was interpreted ευδαιμονες: but whether this wasthe original purport of the word may be difficult to determine. It iscertain that it was a favourite term; and many places of sanctity weredenominated from it. Macar, as a person, was by some esteemed the offspringof [254]Lycaon; by others, the son of [255]Æolus. Diodorus Siculus callshim [256]Macareus, and speaks of him as the son of Jupiter. This term isoften found compounded Macar-On: from whence people were denominatedΜακαρωνες, and [257]Μακρωνες; and places were called Μακρων. This, probably, was the original of the name given to islands which were styledΜακαρων νησοι. They were to be found in the Pontus Euxinus, as well as inthe Atlantic. The Acropolis of Thebes in Bœotia was, in like manner, called[258]Μακαρων νησος. It was certainly an Amonian sacred term. The inlandcity, Oäsis, stood in an Egyptian province, which had the [259]same name:so that the meaning must not be sought for in Greece. This term wassometimes expressed as a feminine, Macris, and Macra: and by the Grecianswas interpreted _longa_; as if it related to extent. It was certainly anantient word, and related to their theology; but was grown so obsolete thatthe original purport could not be retrieved. I think we may be assured thatit had no relation to length. Eubœa was, of old, called Macris; and may belooked upon as comparatively long: but Icarus, Rhodes, and Chios, werelikewise called so; and they did not project in length more than theislands in their [260]neighbourhood. They were, therefore, not denominatedfrom their figure. There was a cavern in the Acropolis of Athens, which wascalled Macrai, according to Euripides. 

 [261]Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ἁς Μακρας κικλησκομεν. 

The same author shews, manifestly, that it was a proper name; and that theplace itself was styled Macrai. This was a contraction for Macar-Ai, or theplace of Macar:

 [262]Μακραι δε χωρος εστ' εκει κεκλημενος. 

All these places were, for a religious reason, so denominated from Macar, atitle of the Deity. 

MELECH. 

Melech, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Malech, and Moloch, betokens aking; as does Malecha a queen. It was a title, of old, given to manyDeities in Greece; but, in after times, grew obsolete and misunderstood:whence it was often changed to μειλιχος, and μειλιχιος, which signified thegentle, sweet, and benign Deity. Pausanias tells us that Jupiter was styledΜειλιχιος, both in [263]Attica and at [264]Argos: and, in another part ofhis work, he speaks of this Deity under the same title, in company withArtemis at Sicyon. [265]Εστι δε Ζευς Μειλιχιος, και Αρτεμις ονομαζομενηΠατρῳα. He mentions that they were both of great antiquity, placed in thetemple before the introduction of images: for, the one was represented by apyramid, and the other by a bare pillar: Πυραμιδι δε ὁ Μειλιχιος, ἡδε κιονιεστιν εικασμενη. He also speaks of some unknown Gods at Myonia in Locris, called Θεοι Μειλιχιοι; and of an altar, with an inscription of the samepurport, [266]βωμος Θεων Μειλιχιων. 

Rivers often had the name of Melech. There was one in Babylonia, generallyexpressed Nahar Malcha, or the royal stream: these too were often by theGrecians changed to Μειλιχοι. The foregoing writer gives an instance in a[267]river of Achaia. Malaga in Spain was properly Malacha, the royal city. I take the name of Amalek to have been Ham [268]Melech abbreviated: a titletaken by the Amalekites from the head of their family. In like manner Iimagine [269]Malchom, the God of the Sidonians, to have been a contractionof Malech-Chom, βασιλευς Ἡλιος: a title given to the Sun; but conferredalso upon the chief of the Amonian [270]family. 

ANAC. 

Anac was a title of high antiquity, and seems to have been originallyappropriated to persons of great strength, and stature. Such people in theplural were styled Anakim; and one family of them were to be found at[271]Kirjath-Arba. Some of them were likewise among the Caphtorim, whosettled in Palestina. Pausanias represents Asterion, whose tomb is said tohave been discovered in Lydia, as a son of Anac, and of an enormous size. [272]Ειναι δε Αστεριον μεν Ανακτος· Ανακτα δε Γης παιδα--οστα εφανη τοσχημα περιεχοντα ες πιστιν, ὡς εστιν ανθρωπου· επει δια μεγεθος ουκ εστινὁπως αν εδοξεν. We may from hence perceive that the history of the Anakimwas not totally obliterated among the Grecians. Some of their Deities werestyled ανακτε, others ανακτορες, and their temples ανακτορια. MichaelPsellus speaking of heresies, mentions, that some people were so debased, as to worship Satanaki: [273]Αυτον δε μονον επιγειον Σατανακιενστερνιζονται. Satanaki seems to be Satan Anac, διαβολος βασιλευς. 

Necho, Nacho, Necus, Negus, which in the Egyptian and Ethiopic languagessignified a king, probably was an abbreviation of Anaco, and Anachus. Itwas sometimes expressed Nachi, and Nacchi. The buildings represented atPersepolis are said to be the work of Nacki Rustan; which signifies thelord, or prince Rustan. 

ZAR, and SAR. 

Sar is a rock, and made use of to signify a promontory. As temples wereparticularly erected upon such places, these eminences were oftendenominated Sar-On, from the Deity, to whom the temples were sacred. Theterm Sar was oftentimes used as a mark of high honour. The Psalmistrepeatedly addresses God as his Rock, [274]the Rock of his refuge; the Rockof his salvation. It is also used without a metaphor, for a title ofrespect: but it seems then to have been differently expressed. The sacredwriters call that lordly people the Sidonians, as well as those of Tyre, [275]Sarim. The name of Sarah was given to the wife of Abraham by way ofeminence; and signifies a [276]lady, or princess. It is continually to befound in the composition of names, which relate to places, or persons, esteemed sacred by the Amonians. We read of Serapis, Serapion, Serapammon:also of Sarchon, and Sardon; which is a contraction for Sar-Adon. In Tobitmention is made of [277]Sarchedonus; the same name as the former, but withthe eastern aspirate. The Sarim in Esther are taken notice of as persons ofhigh [278]honour: the same dignity seems to have been known among thePhilistim, by whom it was rendered [279]Sarna, or Sarana: hence came the[280]Tyrian word Sarranus for any thing noble and splendid. In the prophetJeremiah are enumerated the titles of the chief princes, who attendedNebuchadnezzar in his expedition against Judea. Among others he mentionsthe [281]Sarsechim. This is a plural, compounded of Sar, and Sech, renderedalso Shec, a prince or governor. Sar-Sechim signifies the chief of theprinces and rulers. Rabshekah is nearly of the same purport: it signifiesthe great prince; as by Rabsares is meant the chief [282]Eunuch; by Rabmag, the chief of the Magi. Many places in Syria and Canaan have the term Sar incomposition; such as Sarabetha, Sariphæa, Sareptha. Sardis, the capital ofCrœsus, was the city of Sar-Ades, the same as Atis, the Deity of thecountry. 

High [283]groves, or rather hills with woods of antient oaks, were namedSaron; because they were sacred to the Deity so called. Pliny takes noticeof the Saronian bay near Corinth, and of the oaks which grew near it. [284]Portus Cœnitis, Sinus Saronicus olim querno nemore redimitus; undenomen. Both the oaks and the place were denominated from the Deity Sar-On, and Chan-Ait, by the Greeks rendered Σαρων, and Κοινειτις, which are titlesof nearly the same purport. Saron was undoubtedly an antient God in Greece. [285]Lilius Gyraldus styles him Deus Marinus; but he was, properly, theSun. Diana, the sister of Apollo, is named [286]Saronia: and there wereSaronia sacra, together with a festival at [287]Trœzen; in which place Oruswas supposed to have been born. [288]Ωρον γενεσθαι σφισιν εν γῃ πρωτον. Orus was the same as Sar-On, the Lord of light. [289]Rocks were calledSaronides, from having temples and towers sacred to this Deity: just asgroves of oaks were, of which I took notice above. This interpretation isgiven by [290]Hesychius; and by the Scholiast, upon the following verse ofCallimachus:

 [291]Η πολλας ὑπενερθε Σαρωνιδας ὑγρος Ιαων Ηειρεν. 

As oaks were styled Saronides, so likewise were the antient Druids, by whomthe oak was held so sacred. Hence Diodorus Siculus, speaking of the priestsof Gaul, styles them [292]Φιλοσοφοι, θεολογοι--περιττως τιμωμενοι, ὁυςΣΑΡΩΝΙΔΑΣ ονομαζουσι. This is one proof, out of many, how far the Amonianreligion was extended; and how little we know of Druidical worship, eitherin respect to its essence or its origin. 

UCH. 

Uch, Υκ, expressed also Ach, Och, Οχα, was a term of honour among theBabylonians, and the rest of the progeny of Chus; and occurs continually inthe names of men and places which have any connection with their history. Ihave shewn, in a former [293]treatise, that the shepherds who ruled inEgypt were of that race, and that they came from Babylonia and Chaldea. Eusebius informs us, that their national title was [294]Υκουσος; or, as itwas undoubtedly expressed by the people themselves, Υκκουσος, Uc-Cusus. Itis a term taken notice of by Apion and Manethon, and they speak of it as aword in the sacred language of the country, which signified a king: [295]Υκκαθ' ἱεραν γλωσσαν βασιλεα σημαινει. I wonder that this word has beenpassed over with so little notice; as it is of great antiquity; and, at thesame time, of much importance in respect to etymology. Uc-Cusus signifiedthe royal, or noble, Cusean: and, as it was a word in the sacred languageof Egypt, we may from hence learn what that language was; and be assuredthat it was the primitive language of Chus, the same as the antientChaldaïc. It was introduced among the Mizraïm by the Auritæ, or Cuthites, together with their rites and religion: hence it obtained the name of thesacred language. Diodorus Siculus affords [296]evidence to the samepurpose: and it is farther proved by Heliodorus; who says that the sacredcharacters of Egypt and those of the Cuthites in Ethiopia were the[297]same. This term occurs very often among the titles of which theBabylonish names arc composed; such as Ochus and Belochus. Among theEgyptians it is to be found in Acherez and Achencherez; which are the namesof two very antient princes. Acherez is a compound of Ach-Ares, Magnus Sol;equivalent to Achorus, another name of the same Deity, assumed in likemanner by their kings. The latter was sometimes expressed [298]Achor, Achoris. Ochuras, Uchoreus; which are all the same name, diversified indifferent ages and by different writers. As priests took the titles of theDeities whom they served, Lucan has, very properly, introduced a priest ofEgypt under the name of Achoreus:

 [299]quos inter Achoreus, Jam placidus senio, fractisque modestior annis. 

The name of Osiris seems to have been Uc-Sehor, and Uc-Sehoris. Accordingto Hellanicus, if a person had in Egypt made inquiry about the term Osiris, he would not have been understood: for the true name was [300]Usiris. PhiloBiblius, from Sanchoniathon, calls the same Deity [301]Isiris; and adds, that he was the brother of Cna, or Canaan; and the inventor of threeletters. Ισιρις, των τριων γραμματων ἑυρετης, αδελφος Χνα του Φοινικος. Itake Isiris and Usiris, as well as Osiris, to be all Uc-Sehoris softened, and accommodated to the ears of Greece. 

The Sun was styled El-Uc, which the Grecians changed to Λυκος, Lucos; as welearn from [302]Macrobius. He was also styled El-Uc-Or, which was changedto Λυκωρευς; and El-Uc-Aon, rendered Lycaon[303], Λυκαων. As this personagewas the same as El-Uc, Λυκος, it was fabled of him that he was turned intoa wolf. The cause of this absurd notion arose from hence: every sacredanimal in Egypt was distinguished by some title of the Deity. But theGreeks never considered whether the term was to be taken in its primary, orin its secondary acceptation; whence they referred the history to ananimal, when it related to the God from whom the animal was denominated. Λυκος, Lucos, was, as I have shewn, the name of the Sun: hence, whereverthis term occurs in composition, there will be commonly found somereference to that Deity, or to his substitute Apollo. We read of[304]Λυκιου Απολλωνος ἱερον: of [305]Lycorus, a supposed son of Apollo: of[306]Lycomedes, another son: of [307]Lycosura, the first city which the Sunbeheld. The people of Delphi were, of old, called [308]Lycorians: and thesummit of Parnassus, [309]Lycorea. Near it was a [310]town of the samename; and both were sacred to the God of light. From Lucos, in this sense, came lux, luceo, lucidus, and Jupiter Lucetius, of the Latines; and λυχνος, λυχνια, λυχνευω, of the Greeks; also Λυκαβας, and αμφιλυκος, thoughdifferently expressed. Hence it was that so many places sacred to Apollowere styled Leuce, Leuca, Λυκια, Leucas, Leucate. 

 Mox et Leucatæ nimbosa cacumina montis, Et formidatus nautis aperitur [311]Apollo. 

Hence also inscriptions [312]DEO LEUCANIÆ: which term seems to denote, Sol-Fons, the fountain of day. The name Lycophron, Λυκοφρων, which somewould derive from Λυκος, a wolf, signifies a person of an enlightened mind. Groves were held very sacred: hence lucus, which some would absurdly derivea non lucendo, was so named from the Deity there worshipped: as was Ἁιμος, a word of the same purport among the Greeks. 

This people, who received their theology from Egypt and Syria, oftensuppressed the leading vowel; and thought to atone for it by giving a newtermination: though to say the truth, this mode of abbreviation is often tobe observed in the original language, from whence these terms are derived. Κυρος, the name of Cyrus, seems to have suffered an abridgment of thisnature. It was probably a compound of Uch-Ur, the same as Achor, andAchorus of Egypt, the great luminary, the Sun. In antient times all kings, priests, and people of consequence took to themselves some sacred title. But as Aneith was abbreviated to Neith, Acherez to Cherez; so Achorus wasrendered Chorus, Curus. Thus far is manifest, that Curus signified the Sun. [313]Ὁ μεν ουν Κυρος απο Κυρου του παλαιου ονομα εσχεν· εκεινῳ δε απο τουἩλιου γενεσθαι φασι· Κυρον γαρ καλειν Περσας τον Ἡλιον. Ctesias likewiseinforms us that the name of Cyrus had this signification. [314]Και τιθεταιτο ονομα αυτου απο του Ἡλιου: _He was denominated Cyrus from the Sun, whichwas so called_. It was the same as Orus: and according to Strabo it issometimes so expressed; as we may infer from a river of this name, of whichhe says, [315]Εκαλειτο δε προτερον Κορος. We find it sometimes renderedΚυρις, Curis: but still with a reference to the Sun, the Adonis of theeast. Hesychius explains Κυρις, ὁ Αδωνις. In Phocis was [316]Κυῤῥα, Currha, where Apollo Κυῤῥαιος was honoured; which names were more commonlyexpressed Κιῤῥα and Κιῤῥαιος. The people of Cyrene are said by Palæphatusto have been originally Ethiopians or Cuthites. They, as well as theEgyptians, worshipped the Sun under the title of Achur, and Achor: and likethem esteemed him the [317]Θεος απομυιος. From the God Achur we may inferthat their country was at first called Acurana; which is a compound ofAchur-Ain, and betokens the great fountain of light. Acurana wasabbreviated to Curane and Curene; but was always supposed to relate to theSun, and Heaven. Hence the Greeks, who out of every obsolete term formedpersonages, supposed Cyrene to have been the daughter of the supreme Deity. [318]Κυρηνη, πολις Λιβυης, απο Κυρηνης της Ὑψεως. _The city Cyrene in Libyawas denominated from Cyrene, the daughter of the most High_. There was afountain here of great sanctity, which was in like manner denominated fromthe Sun. It was called [319]Κυρη πηγη, which terms are equivalent toKur-Ain, and Achurain of the Amonians, and signify the fountain of the Sun. Pliny proves, that this was the purport of the terms, when he describesthis part of the world. [320]Cyrenaïca, eadem Tripolitana regio, illustratur Hammonis oraculo--et _Fonte Solis. _ The like account is to befound in Pomponius Mela[321]. Ammonis oraculum, fidei inclytæ; et fons, quem Solis [322]appellant. As Achor was a term, which related to the Sun;we find it often compounded with Ων, On, another name of that Deity; fromwhence was formed Acharon. This was the true name of the city in Palestine, called in Scripture, according to our version, [323]Ekron. It wasdenominated from Achor, the God of flies, worshipped also under the name ofBaal-zebub with the same attribute. The Caphtorim brought the worship ofthis God from Egypt; where was a river called Acharon; so denominated fromthe Deity of the country. This river, and the rites practised in itsvicinity, are mentioned in a beautiful fragment from some Sibylline poetry, but when, or by whom composed, is uncertain. The verses are taken notice ofby Clemens Alexandrinus, and what is remarkable, are certainly quoted longbefore the completion of what is portended. However the purport may perhapsbe looked upon rather as a menace, than a prophecy. 

 [324]Ισι, θεα, τριταλαινα, μενεις επι χευμασι Νειλου, Μουνη, μαινας, αοιδος, επι ψαμαθοις Αχεροντος. 

The Deity was likewise called Achad, and Achon: and many cities andcountries were hence [325]denominated. Acon in Palestine is said to havebeen so named in honour of Hercules, the chief Deity in those [326]parts. 

I have mentioned, that Ham, styled also Cham, was looked up to as the Sun, and worshipped by his posterity. Hence both his images and priests werestyled Chamin: and many princes assumed this title, just as they did thatof Orus, and Arez. His posterity esteemed themselves of the Solar race, byway of eminence: and the great founder of the Persic Monarchy was styledAchamin, rendered by the Greeks Αχαιμενης, Achæmenes: and all of his familyafterwards had the title of Αχαιμενιοι, and Αχαιμενιδαι, from the samepretensions. They all of them universally esteemed themselves the childrenof the Sun; though they were likewise so called from their worship. HenceLutatius Placidus in his Scholia upon Statius interprets the wordAchæmenidæ by [327]Solis Cultores. This may serve to authenticate myetymology, and shew, that the term is derived from Cham, the Sun: but thepurport of it was generally more limited, and the title confined to theroyal race of the Persians, who were looked upon as the offspring of theSun. The Cuthites of Ethiopia Africana had the same high opinion ofthemselves: hence Calasiris in Heliodorus invokes the Sun as his greatancestor. [328]Επικεκλησθω μαρτυς ὁ Γεναρχης ἡμων Ἡλιος· and Chariclea inanother place makes use of a like invocation: [329]Ἡλιε, Γεναρχα προγονωνἡμων. _O, Sun, the great source of my ancestry_. The Amonians, who settledat Rhodes, styled themselves Ἡλιαδαι, _the Solar [330]race_. Those whosettled upon the Padus did the [331]same. Hyde mentions a people inDiarbeker, called [332]Chamsi; and says, that the meaning of the word isSolares; and the same in purport as Shemsi and Shamsi of the Arabians. 

The term Υκ, of which I have been treating, was obsolete, and scarce knownin the times when Greece most flourished: yet some traces of it may befound, though strangely perverted from its original meaning. For thewriters of this nation, not knowing the purport of the words, which theyfound in their antient hymns, changed them to something similar in sound;and thus retained them with a degree of religious, but blind reverence. Ihave shewn, that of El-Uc they formed Λυκος, Lucus, which was acknowledgedto be the name of the Sun: of El-Uc-Aon, Lycaon: of El-Uc-Or, Lycorus, andLycoreus:

 [333]Η κιθαριν, η τοξα Λυκωρεος εντεα Φοιβου. 

So from Uc-Ait, another title of the God, they formed Hecatus, and afeminine, Hecate. Hence Nicander speaks of Apollo by this title:

 [334]Εζομενος τριποδεσσι παρα Κλαριοις Ἑκατοιο. 

And Herophile the Sibyl of the same Deity:

 [335]Μοιραν εχουσ' Ἑκατῳ της τοτ' Ανακτοριης. 

The only person who seems knowingly to have retained this word, and to haveused it out of composition, is [336]Homer. He had been in Egypt; and was anadmirer of the theology of that nation. He adhered to antient [337]termswith a degree of enthusiasm; and introduced them at all hazards, though hemany times did not know their meaning. This word, among others, he haspreserved; and he makes use of it adverbially in its proper sense, when hedescribes any body superlatively great, and excellent. Thus he speaks ofCalchas as far superior to every body else in prophetic knowledge, andstyles him οχ' αριστος:

 [338]Καλχας Θεστοριδης οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος, Ὁς ῃδη τα τ' εοντα, τα τ' εσσομενα, προ τ' εοντα. 

So on the Trojan side Helenus is spoken of in the same light:

 [339]Πριαμιδης Ἑλενος οιωνοπολων οχ' αριστος. 

So [340]Φωκηων οχ' αριστον, [341]Αιτωλων οχ' αριστος, and[342]Τυχιος--Σκυτοτομων οχ' αριστος. 

In these and in all other instances of this term occurring in Homer, it isobservable, that it is always in the same acceptation, and uniformlyprecedes the same word, αριστος. It is indeed to be found in the poetryascribed to [343]Orpheus: but as those verses are manifestly imitations ofHomer, we must not look upon it as a current term of the times, when thatpoetry was composed: nor was it ever, I believe, in common use, not even inthe age of Homer. It was an Amonian term, joined inseparably with anotherborrowed from the same people. For αριστος was from Egypt, and Chaldea. Indeed, most of the irregular degrees of comparison are from that quarter;being derived from the Sun, the great Deity of the Pagan world, and fromhis titles and properties. Both αρειων and αριστος were from αρης, the Arezof the east. From Bel, and Baaltis, came βελτιων, and βελτιστος: αμεινων isan inflection from Amon. From the God Aloeus came λωιος, λωιτερος, andλωιστος: from κερεν changed to κερας, κερατος, were formed κρεσσων, κρεισσων, κρατερος, and κρατιστος. 

PHI. 

Phi signifies a mouth; also language, and speech. It is used by theAmonians particularly for the voice and oracle of any God; and subjoined tothe name of that Deity. The chief oracle in the first ages was that of Ham, who was worshipped as the Sun, and styled El, and Or. Hence these oraclesare in consequence called Amphi, Omphi, Alphi, Elphi, Urphi, Orphi. It ismade to signify, in the book of [344]Genesis, the voice, or command ofPharaoh. From Phi, in this acceptation, came φημι, φημη, φημυς, φασκω, φατις, fama, fari, --ita farier infit. I imagine that the term Pharaohitself is compounded of Phi-Ourah, Vox Ori, sive Dei. It was no unusualthing among the antients to call the words of their prince the voice ofGod. Josephus informs us, that it signified a king: [345]Ὁ Φαραων παρ'Αιγυπτιοις βασιλεα σημαινει: and Ouro in the Copto-Arabic Onomasticon issaid to signify the same: but I should think, that this was only asecondary acceptation of the original term. 

Phi is also used for any opening or cavity: whence we find the head of afountain often denominated from it; at least the place, whence the fountainissued forth, or where it lost itself. And as all streams were sacred, andall cavities in the earth looked upon with a religious horror, the Amonianscalled them Phi-El, Phi-Ainon, Phi-Anes; rendered by the Greeks Phiale, Phænon, Phanes, Phaneas, Paneas. The chief fountain of the river Jordanlost itself underground, and rose again at some miles distance. It sunk atPhiale, and rose again at [346]Paneas. Pliny speaks of a place of this sortat [347]Memphis, called Phiala; and, as he imagines, from its figure: butit was undoubtedly a covert aquæduct, by which some branch of the river wascarried. The Nile itself is said to be lost underground, near itsfountains; and that place also was called Phiala. [348]Phialam appellarifontem ejus, mergique in cuniculos ipsum amnem. There was also a fountainof this name at [349]Constantinople. Sometimes it occurs without theaspirate, as in Pella, a city of Palestine, named, undoubtedly, from itsfountains: for Pliny calls it Pellam aquis [350]divitem. 

Mines were held sacred; and, like fountains, were denominated from Ænon, and Hanes, those titles of the Sun. In Arabia, near Petra, was a mine, worked by condemned persons, which was named [351]Phinon, and Phænon. Epiphanius mentions [352]Φανησια μεταλλα, or the mines of Hanes; to whichMeletius, a bishop of the Thebaïs, was condemned. 

AI. 

Ai, and Aia, signifies a district or province; and, as most provinces inEgypt were insular, it is often taken for an island. In other parts it wasof much the same purport as αια of the Greeks, and betokened any[353]region or country. It was from hence that so many places have beenrepresented by the Greeks as plurals, and are found to terminate in _ai_;such as Athenai, Thebai, Pherai, Patrai, Amyclai, Therapnai, Clazomenai, Celænai. There are others in _eia_; as Chæroneia, Coroneia, Eleia. Inothers it was rendered short; as in Oropia, Ellopia, Ortygia, Olympia, Æthiopia, Scythia, Cænia, Icaria. It is likewise found expressed by asingle letter, and still subjoined to the proper name: hence we meet withÆtna, Arbela, Larissa, Roma, Himera, Hemera, Nusa, Nyssa, Patara, Arena, [354]Cabasa, and the like. We may from hence prove, and from innumerableother instances, that among the people of the east, as well as among othernations, the word in regimine was often final. Thus the land of Ion wastermed Ionia; that of Babylon, Babylonia; from Assur came Assyria; fromInd, India; from Lud, Ludia; in all which the region is specified by thetermination. To say Lydia tellus, Assyria tellus, is in reality[355]redundant. In the name of Egypt this term preceded, that country beingstyled Ai-Gupt, Αιγυπτος, the land of the Gupti, called afterwards Cupti, and Copti. 

COMMON NAMES RELATING TO PLACES. 

As to the common names, which are found combined with additional terms, inorder to denote the nature and situation of places; they are, for the mostpart, similar to those in the antient Chaldaic, and admit of littlevariation. 

Air is a city; often expressed Ar, and Ara. Hence Arachosia, Arachotus, Aracynthus, Arambis, Aramatha (Ar-Ham-aith), Archile, Arzilla, Arthedon:all which were cities, or else regions denominated from them. 

Kir, Caer, Kiriath, are words of the like purport. We read in theScriptures of Kiriath Sepher, Kiriath Arba, Kiriath Jearim. It was in someparts pronounced Kirtha, and Cartha. Melicartus, the Hercules of thePhenicians and Cretans, was, properly, Melech-Carta, the Deity of theplace. The city of Tigranes, in Armenia, was called Tigranocerta. One nameof Carthage was Καρχηδων, from Car-Chadon, the same as Adon. It was alsocalled Carthada, from Cartha-Ada, the city of the queen or Goddess, who wasby the Romans supposed to be Juno, but was, properly, the Amonian Elisa. Caer, among many antient nations, signified a city, or fortress; as we maylearn from the places called Carteia, Carnaim, Caronium, Caroura, Carambis. Among the Britons were, of old, places exactly analogous; such asCaerlisle, Caerdiff, Caerphilly, Caernarvon, and Caeruriah in Cornwall. 

Kir and Caer are the same term, differently expressed. In Scripture we meetwith Kir Haresh, and Kir-Hareseth. Isaiah. C. 16. V. 7. And v. 11. And KirMoab, c. 15. V. 1. And Kir Heres, of the same purport as Kir Haresh, ismentioned by Jeremiah, c. 48. V. 31. Upon the Euphrates was Cercusium andCarchemish. In Cyprus was Kironia, rendered Κερωνια by [356]Ptolemy; whosetrue name was Kir-On, the city of the Sun; where was a temple to Our-Ain, styled Urania. Kir-On was often rendered Cironis, Coronis; and the DeityCoronus and [357]Cronus. By these means the place was substituted for theDeity, and made an object of worship. Of this abuse I shall often speak. Artemis was, properly, a city, Ar-Themis, the same as Thamuz of Egypt. Whatwas called Artemis, and Artemisium, was in some places reversed, andexpressed by Kir subjoined: hence Themiscir, and Themiscura in Pontus. 

Col, Cal, Calah, Calach, signify properly an eminence, like the Collis ofthe Romans; but are often used for a fortress so situated. We sometimesmeet with a place styled absolute Calah: but the term is generally used incomposition, as Cala Nechus, Cala-Anac, Cala-Chan, Cala-On, Cala-Es, Cala-Ait, Cala-Ur, Cala-Ope, Cala-Ham, Cala-Amon, Cala-Adon: whence camethe names of people and places styled [358]Callinicus, Calachene, [359]Colonæ, Cales, Calathe, Calistæ, Calathusa, Calauria, Coloriua, Caliope, Calama, Calamos, [360]Calamon, Calymna, Calydnus, Calycadnus; allwhich were places in Phrygia, Bithynia, Assyria, Libya, denominated fromtheir situation and worship. 

Comah is used for a wall; but seems to be sometimes taken for those sacredinclosures wherein they had their Puratheia; and particularly for thesacred mount which stood in those inclosures. From Comah came the Greekχωμα, a round hill or mound of earth; called also Taph and ταφος; andthence often mistaken for a tomb: but it was originally a high altar. 

By Gib is meant a hill. Gibeon was the hill of the Sun; said to be famousfor its springs. Gibethon is a compound of Gib-Ethon, or Ath-On, titles ofthe same Deity. Nadab, the son of Jeroboam, was slain by Baasha, atGibethon, of the [361]Philistines. 

Har and Hor signify a mountain; ορος of the Greeks. 

Tin seems to have signified a sacred place, for sacrifice; a kind of highaltar. The Greeks generally expressed it, in composition, Τις· hence weread of Opheltis, Altis, Baaltis, Abantis, Absyrtis. It was in use amongthe antient Hetrurians and other nations: hence came the terms Aventinus, Palatinus, [362]Numantinus, &c. It seems to be the same as Tan in the east, which occurs continually in composition, as in Indos-tan, Mogolis-tan, Pharsis-tan, Chusis-tan. 

Tor is a hill or tower. Many places in Greece had it in their composition;such as Torone, Torete, Toreate: also in Hetrurïa, Torchonium. Turzon, inAfrica, was a tower of the [363]Sun. It was sometimes expressed Tar; henceTarcunia, Taracena, Tarracon in Spain, Tarne (Tar-ain) which gave name to afountain in Lydia; Taron (Tar-On) in Mauritania. Towers of old were eitherPrutaneia, or light-houses, and were styled Tor-Is: whence came the Turrisof the Romans. Sometimes these terms were reversed, and the tower wascalled Astur. Such a one was near some hot streams, at no great distancefrom Cicero's Villa. It is thus described by Plutarch: Αστυρα--χωριονπαραλιον Κικερωνος. The river, too, was called Astura. There was also aplace of this name opposite to the island Lesbos, undoubtedly denominatedfrom the like circumstances in its situation; as may be learned fromPausanias, who had seen it. Ὑδωρ δε απο πηγων ανερχομενον μελαν ιδων οιδαεν Αστυροις· ταδε Αστυρα απαντικρυ εστι Λεσβου· λουτρα εστι θερμα εν τῳΑταρνει καλουμενῳ. 

Caph, Cap, and Cephas, signify a rock; and also any promontory or headland. As temples used to be built upon eminences of this sort; we find this wordoften compounded with the titles of the Deity there worshipped, as Caph-El, Caph-El-On, Caph-Aur, Caph-Arez, Caph-Is, Caph-Is-Ain, Caph-Ait; whencecame Cephale, Cephalonia, Caphareus, Capisa, Cephisus, Capissene, Cephene, Caphyatæ, Capatiani. In Iberia was a wonderful edifice upon the riverBœtis, mentioned by Strabo, and called Turris Capionis. It was a Pharos, dedicated, as all such buildings were, to the Sun: hence it was namedCap-Eon, Petra Solis. It seems to have been a marvellous structure. Placesof this sort, which had towers upon them, were called Caphtor. Such an onewas in Egypt, or in its [364]vicinity; whence the Caphtorim had their name. It was probably near [365]Pelusium, which they quitted very early for theland of Canaan. 

Diu sometimes, but sparingly, occurs for an island; and is generally by theGreeks changed to Dia, Δια. The purport of it may be proved from its beinguniformly adapted to the same object. The Scholiast upon Theocritus takesnotice that the island Naxos was called Dia: [366]Διαν την νυν καλουμενηνΝαξον; and he adds, πολλαι δε και ἑτεραι εισι νησοι Διαι καλουμεναι, ἡτεπρο της Κρητης--και ἡ περι Μηλον, και ἡ περι Αμοργον, και ἡ της Κεωχεῤῥονησος, και ἡ Πελοποννησου. All these were islands, or peninsularegions. 

BETH. 

Beth is a house or temple; as in [367]Beth-El, Beth-Dagon, Beth-Shemesh, Beth-Oron, or Beth-Or-On, &c. &c. It is sometimes subjoined, as inPhar-beth, and Elisa-beth; the latter of which is the house of [368]Elisa, the same as Elusa of Idume, and Eleusa of Egypt. Beth was in differentcountries expressed Bat, Bad, Abad. Hence we meet at this day withPharsabad, Astrabad, Amenabad, Moustafabad, Iahenabad in Persia, India, andother parts of the east. Balbec in Syria is supposed to be the same asBalbeth, the temple of Bal, or the Sun. _There are_, says [369]Dr. Pocock, _many cities in Syria, that retain their antient names. Of this Balbeck, orrather Balbeit, is an instance; which signifies the house or temple ofBaal_. Gulielmus Tyrius, so called from being bishop of Tyre, who wrote ofthe Holy war, alludes to Baalbec, under the name of [370]Balbeth. He livedin the eleventh century, and died anno 1127. According to Iablonsky, Becand Beth are of the same meaning. Atarbec in Egypt is the temple of Atar orAthar; called Atarbechis by [371]Herodotus. The same is Athyr-bet, andstyled Athribites (Αθρειβιτης) by [372]Strabo. The inner recess of a templeis by Phavorinus and Hesychius called Βαιτης, Βετης, Βετις, similar to ביתאש among the Chaldeans. It was the crypta or sacred place, where of old theeverlasting fire was preserved. Hesychius observes, Βετης, το αποκρυφονμερος του Ἱερου. Bet-Is signifies the place of fire. 

It is said of Horapollo by Suidas, that he was a native of Phainubuth inEgypt, belonging to the nome of Panopolis: Ὡραπολλων Φαινυβυθεως κωμης τουΠανοπολιτου Νομου. Phainubuth is only Phainabeth varied, and signifies theplace sacred to Phanes; which was one of the most antient titles of theDeity in Egypt. So Pharbeth was an abbreviation of Pharabeth, or the houseof Pharaoh. 

GAU, expressed CAU, CA, and CO. 

Gau likewise is a term which signifies a house; as we learn from Plutarch. The great and decisive battle between Alexander and Darius is generallysaid to have been fought at Arbela. But we are assured by this writer, thatit was decided at Gaugamela[373]. He says, that Gau signified in thelanguage of the country a house: and that the purport of the word Gaugamelawas the house of a camel. This name, it seems, was given to the town onaccount of a tribute exacted for the maintenance of a camel, which hadsaved the life of some king, when he fled from battle: and the reason whythe victory of Alexander was adjudged to Arbela, arose from its being morefamous than the other place: for Gaugamela was not of sufficient repute:therefore the honour of this victory was given to Arbela, though it wasaccording to some five hundred, according to others six hundred stadia[374]from the field of battle. I have not now time, nor is it to my purpose, toenter into a thorough discussion of this point: I will only mention it asmy opinion, that Arbela and Gaugamela were the same place. The king alludedto is said by [375]Strabo to have been Darius the son of Hystaspes. But isit credible, that so great a prince, who had horses of the famous breed ofNysa, as well as those of Persis and Arabia, the most fleet of their kind, should be so circumstanced in battle, as to be forced to mount a camel, that could scarce move six miles in an hour: and this at a time when thegreatest dispatch was necessary? This author gives a different reason forthe place being thus denominated. He says, that it was allotted for themaintenance of a camel, which used to bring the king's provisions fromScythia, but was tired and failed upon the road. I know not which of thetwo circumstances in this short detail is most exceptionable; a king ofPersia's provisions being brought to Babylon, or Sushan from Scythia; or atired camel having such a pension. The truth is this: the Greciansmisinterpreted the name, and then forged these legendary stories to supporttheir [376]mistake. Had they understood the term, they would have beenconsistent in their history. Gau, and, as it was at times expressed, Cau, certainly signifies a house, or temple: also a cave, or hollow; near whichthe temple of the Deity was founded. For the Amonians erected most of theirsacred edifices near caverns, and deep openings of the earth. Gaugamela wasnot the house of a camel, as Plutarch and Strabo would persuade us, notwithstanding the stories alleged in support of the notion: but it wasthe house and temple of Cam-El, the Deity of the country. Arbela was aplace sacred to Bel, called Arbel, אור בל of the Chaldeans. It was the sameas Beth Arbel of [377]Hosea: and Gaugamela is of the same purport, relatingto the same God under different titles. The Grecians were grossly ignorantin respect to foreign events, as Strabo repeatedly confesses: and otherwriters do not scruple to own it. Lysimachus had been an attendant uponAlexander during the whole series of his conquests in Asia: there had beennothing of moment transacted, in the success of which he had not partaken. Yet even in his days, when he was king of Thrace, the accounts of thosegreat actions had been so misrepresented, that when a history of them wasread in his presence, they seemed quite new to him. It is all very fine, says the prince; but where was I when all this happened? There was a seriesof events exhibited, with which the person most interested was leastacquainted. We may then well imagine, that there existed in the time ofPlutarch many mistakes, both in respect to the geography of countries veryremote, and to the [378]language of nations, with whom the Romans werelittle acquainted. The great battle, of which we have been speaking, wasconfessedly fought at Gaugamela. Ptolemy Ceraunus, who was present, averredit: as did Aristobulus: and it has been recorded by Plutarch and others. Itis also adjudged to Arbela by persons of equal credit: and it mustcertainly have been really there transacted: for notwithstanding thepalliating excuse of Plutarch, it is utterly incredible in respect to sogreat a victory, that the scene of action should be determined by thisplace, if it were sixty, or, as some say, seventy miles out of the way. Butin reality it was at no such distance. Diodorus Siculus says, thatAlexander immediately after the victory attacked Arbela, and took it: andfound in it many evidences of its being a place of consequence. [379]Θαψαςτους τετελευτηκοτας επεβαλε τοις Αρβηλοις, και πολλην μεν ἑυρεν αφθονιαντης τροφης, ουκ ολιγον δε κοσμον, και γαζαν βαρβαρικην, αργυριου δε ταλανταδισχιλια. The battle was fought so near the city, that Alexander was afraidof some contagion from the dead bodies of the enemy, which lay close by itin great abundance. 

I have mentioned, that Gaugamela was the temple of Cham-El, or Cham-Il. This was a title of the Deity brought from Chaldea to Egypt; and fromthence to Greece, Hetruria, and other regions. The Greeks, out of differenttitles, and combinations, formed various Deities; and then inventeddifferent degrees of relation, which they supposed to have subsistedbetween them. According to Acusilaus Cham-Il was the Son of Vulcan, andCabeira. [380]Ακουσιλαος δε ὁ Αργειος εκ Καβειρης και Ἡφαιστου Καμιλονλεγει. He was, by others, rendered Camillus, whose attendants were theCamilli; and he was esteemed the same as Hermes of Egypt. [381]StatiusTullianus de vocabulis rerum libro primo ait dixisse Callimachum, TuscosCamillum appellare Mercurium, &c. Romani quoque pueros et puellas nobileset investes Camillos et Camillas appellant, Flaminicarum et Flaminumpræministros. Servius speaks to the same purpose. [382]Mercurius Hetruscâlinguâ Camillus dicitur. The reason of the attendants being also calledCamilli was in consequence of a custom among the antients of conferringgenerally upon the priests the title of the Deity whom they served. TheCamilli were commonly young persons of good family, as we learn fromPlutarch, and were to be found in the temples of Jupiter, or Zeus: for Zeusand Hermes were originally the same: [383]Και τον ὑπηρετουντα τῳ Ἱερῳ τουΔιος αμφιθαλη παιδα λεγεσθαι Καμιλλον, ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην· ὁυτως ενιοι τωνἙλληνων Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας προσηγορευον. He mentionsἙρμην--Καμιλλον απο της διακονιας, and supposes that Camillus had the nameof Hermes from the similarity of his office, which was waiting upon theGods. But the Chaldeans and Egyptians, from whom these titles wereborrowed, esteemed Hermes as the chief Deity, the same as Zeus, Bel, andAdon. They knew nothing of Mercurius pedissequus, nor Hermes the lacky. They styled their chief God Cam-Il, or Camillus, and his priests had thesame title. He did not borrow it from them; but they received it from him. The name is sometimes expressed Camulus: and the Amonians, who travelledwestward, brought his rites and worship into the western parts of Europe:hence there are inscriptions to be found inscribed [384]Camulo SanctoFortissimo. He was sometimes taken for Mars: as we may learn from aninscription in Gruter:

[385] MARTI CAMULOOb Salutem Tiberi Claud. Cæs. Cives Remiposuerunt. 

Such is the history of this Deity; whose worship was better known in themore early ages; and whose temple was styled Gau-Camel, by the Greeksrendered Gaugamela. I make no doubt but that Arbela was the same place: forplaces had as many names as the Deity worshipped had titles. Arbela wasprobably the city, and Gaugamela the [386]temple; both sacred to the sameDeity, under different names. 

It is remarkable that Syncellus, speaking of Venephres, King of Egypt, says, that he built the pyramids of [387]Co-Chone; which are the principalpyramids of that country. Eusebius before him had taken notice of the samehistory: [388]Ουενεφρης, εφ' ὁυ ὁ λιμος κατεσχε την χωραν, ὁς και ταςΠυραμιδας περι Κοχωνην ηγειρεν. _Venephres was a prince, in whose timehappened a famine in the land of Egypt. He was the same, who built thePyramids about Cochone_. Now Co-Chone, analogous to Beth-El, Beth-Shan, Beth-Dagon, signifies the temple of the Deity; the house of the great king, or ruler: for such is the purport of Con, and Conah. Hercules, the chiefDeity of Tyre, and who was also highly reverenced in Egypt, was Styled Con. [389]Τον Ἡρακλην φησι κατα την Αιγυπτιων διαλεκτον Κωνα λεγεσθαι. Fromhence we find, that it was a sacred Egyptian title. According to somereadings the place is expressed Cocome; which is of the same purport. Co-Chome, the same as Cau-Come, signifies the house of Chom, or the Sun;and seems to betray the purpose for which the chief pyramid was erected:for it was undoubtedly nothing else but a monument to the Deity, whose nameit bore. According to [390] Herodotus the great pyramid was built byCheops; whom others called Chaops. But Chaops is a similar compound; beingmade up of the terms Cha-Ops, and signifies οικος Πυθωνος, domus OpisSerpentis. It was the name of the pyramid, which was erected to the Sun, the Ophite Deity of Egypt, worshipped under the symbol of a serpent. Analogous to Cau-Come in Egypt was a place in Ethiopia, called [391]Cuscha:doubtless so named from Chus, the great ancestor from whom the Ethiopianswere descended. 

The Sun was styled by the Amonians, among other titles, Zan; as I havebefore shewn: and he was worshipped under this denomination all over Syriaand Mesopotamia; especially at Emesa, Edessa, and Heliopolis. One regionwas named Gauzanitis, from a city Gauzan, the Gosan of the [392]Scriptures. Strabo calls it [393]Χαζηνη, Cha-Zene, and places it near Adiabene. Gauzan, or Go-zan, is literally the house of the Sun. I once thought that the landof Goshen, in Egypt, was of the same purport as Cushan; and have somentioned it in a former [394]treatise. So far is true: the land of Goshenwas the land of Cushan, and possessed by the sons of Chus: but the twoterms are not of the same meaning. Goshen, or Goshan, like Gauzan inMesopotamia, signifies the temple of the Sun: hence it was as a city, rendered by the Greeks Heliopolis. Artapanus, as we learn from Eusebius, expresses it Caisan, Καισαν. Go-Shan, Gau Zan, Caisan, Cazena, all denote aplace sacred to the Sun; and are such variations in rendering the sameterm, as must be expected in an interval of fifteen hundred years, and fromdifferent transcribers. This luminary was also called Abor, the parent oflight; and his temple Cha-Abor, and Cho-Abor, contracted Chabor and Chobar. Of this name both a city and river were to be found in Gauzanitis; as wellas in Susiana, and other parts: for rivers often took their names from sometemple, or city, by which they ran. The temple at Dodona was, of old, called Cha-On, or house of the Sun; as we may infer from the country havingthe name of Chaonia; for Chaonia is the land of Chaon. The priests andinhabitants were called [395]Chaones, from their place of worship: and theformer had also the name[396] of Selli, which signifies the priests of theSun. In Arcadia, near the eruption of the river Erasinus, was a mountain, clothed with beautiful trees, and sacred to Dionusus. This, also, wascalled [397]Chaon, _the place of the Sun_; and was, undoubtedly, so namedfrom the antient worship; for Dionusus was, of old, esteemed the same asOsiris, the Sun. There was also a place called [398]Chaon in Media andSyria; Chaonitis in Mesopotamia: and in all these places the same worshipprevailed. So Caballis, the city of the Solymi, was named from Ca-bal, theplace of the god Bal, or Baal. It is mentioned by Strabo. In like mannerCaballion, in Gallia Narbonensis, is a compound of Ca-Abelion, a well knownDeity, whose name is made up of titles of the Sun. The priests of thisplace were styled [399]Salies; the region was called Χαουαρα; undoubtedlyfrom Cha-Our (אור), some temple of Ur, erected by the Amonians, who heresettled. Canoubis in Egypt was a compound of Ca-Noubis; Cabasa, in the samecountry, Ca-Basa; called by many Besa, the Beseth of the Scriptures, aGoddess well known in Egypt. She had a temple in Canaan, called [400]BethBesa. Cuamon, near Esdraelon, is a compound of Cu-Amon, the place or houseof Amon: [401]ἑως του Κυαμωνος. There was a temple in Attica calledCuamites; and a personage denominated from it. The history of the place, and the rites, in time grew obsolete; and Pausanias supposes that the namewas given from Κυαμος, Cuamos, a bean. [402]Σαφες δε ουδεν εχω λεγειν, ειτεπρωτος Κυαμους εσπειρεν ὁυτος. _I have not authority for the supposition, but it seems probable that this temple was erected to the memory of someperson who first sowed beans_. And here it is proper to take notice of acircumstance of which I must continually put the reader in mind, as it isof great consequence towards decyphering the mythology of antient times. The Grecians often mistook the place of worship for the Deity worshipped:so that the names of many Gods are, in reality, the names of temples wherethey were adored. Artemis was Ar-Temis, the city of Themis, or Thamis; theThamuz of Sidon and Egypt. This the Greeks expressed Αρτεμις; and made itthe name of a Goddess. Kir-On was the city and temple of the Sun, in Cyprusand other places. They changed this to Kironus, which they contractedCronus; and out of it made a particular God. From Cha-Opis they formed aking Cheops; from Cayster, the same as Ca Aster, they fancied a hero, Caystrius; from Cu-Bela, Cybele; from Cu-Baba, Cybebe. Cerberus, the dog ofhell, was denominated from Kir-Abor; as I shall hereafter [403]shew. 

I have mentioned Caucon, or Caucone, in Egypt: there was a place of thesame name in Greece. It was, originally, sacred to the Sun; and the priestsand inhabitants were called Cancones. Instead of Con, which signifies thegreat Lord, the Greeks substituted a hero [404]Caucon, who was supposed tohave first introduced those Orgies practised by the Messenians. It was, properly, a temple of the Sun; and there was another of the same name inBithynia, and from thence the country was called Cauconia. I shallhereafter treat at large of Cuthite colonies, which went abroad and settledin different parts. One of the first operations when they came on shore wasto build temples, and to found cities, in memory of their principalancestors, who, in process of time, were worshipped as Deities. A colony ofthis people settled at Colchis, which they called Cutaia[405], from thehead of their family, styled both Chus and Cuth. We may infer, that theybuilt a temple which was called Ca-Cuta; and from which the region was alsodenominated: for it is certain that it has that name at this [406]day. Cocutus, which we render Cocytus, was undoubtedly a temple in Egypt. Itgave name to a stream, on which it stood; and which was also called theCharonian branch of the Nile, and the river Acheron. It was a foul canal, near the place of Sepulture, opposite to Memphis, and not far from Cochone. Cocutus was the temple of Cutus, or Cuth; for he was so called by many ofhis posterity. A temple of the same was to be found in Epirus, upon a riverCocutus. Here was also a river Acheron, and a lake Acherusia: for a colonyfrom Egypt settled here; and the stream was of as foul a nature as thatnear Memphis. [407]Ῥει δε και Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον. 

Juno is by Varro styled Covella. [408]Dies quinque te kalo, Juno Covella;Juno Covella, dies septem te kalo. Here, as in many instances, the place ofworship is taken for the person, to whom the worship is directed. Covellais only a variation for Cou-El, or Co-El, the house or region of the Deity, and signifies heavenly. It is accordingly by Varro interpreted Urania, Ουρανια: whence Juno Covella must be rendered Cœlestis. From thesubstantive, Cou-El, the Romans formed Coel, heaven; in aftertimesexpressed Coelus, and Cœlum. I say, in aftertimes: for they originallycalled it Co-el, and Co-il, and then contracted it to Cœl. Hence Ausoniusin his Grammaticomastix mentions a passage to this purpose. 

Unde Rudinus ait Divôm domus altisonum Cœl: or as Ennius, to whom healludes, has rendered it, according to the present MSS. Altisonum[409]Coil. He sometimes subjoins the Latine termination:

 Coilum prospexit stellis fulgentibus aptum. Olim de Coilo laivum dedit inclytus signum. Saturnus, quem Coilus genuit. Unus erit, quem tu tollas in Coirila Coili Templa. 

Cœlus in aftertimes was made a Deity: hence there are inscriptionsdedicated [410]Cœlo Æterno. The antient Deity Celeus, mentioned by[411]Athenagoras, and said to have been worshipped at Athens, was the sameas the above. 

Many places and regions, held sacred, and called Coel by the Amonians, wereby the Greeks rendered κοιλα, cava. Hence we read of Κοιλη Λακεδαιμων, Κοιλε Ηλις, and the like. Syria was by them styled Κοιλη, the hollow: butthe true name was Coëla, the heavenly or sacred. It was so denominated fromthe Cuthites, who settled there, on account of the religion established. Hence it was also named Shem, and Shama; which are terms of like purport, and signify divine, or heavenly. It is a name, which it retains at thisday; as we are informed by [412]Abulfeda, and others. Elis Coela was themost sacred part of Greece; especially the regions of Olympia, Cauconia, and Azania. It was denominated Elis from Ηλ, Eel, the Sun: and what theGreeks rendered Κοιλη of old meant [413]heavenly. Hence Homer styleth itpeculiarly [414]Ηλιδα διαν, _Elis the sacred_. As Coele Syria was styledSham, and Sama; so we find places, which have a reference to this term, inElis. A town of great antiquity was named [415]Samicon, which signifiesCœli Dominus. Here was also a temple of Poseidon Samius, surrounded with agrove of olives; and there were festivals observed, which were calledSamia. There was likewise of old a city named Sama, or Samos: which Straboimagines, might have been so named from its high situation: _for highplaces were called [416]Samia_. It certainly signifies in some degree high;but the true meaning of Sama was heavenly, similar to Sam, Sham, Shamem, ofthe eastern nations. Hence Same, Samos, Samothrace, Samacon, weredenominated on account of their sanctity. Strabo supposes, that the citySamos in Elis was situated in the Samian plain: it therefore could not wellhave this name from its high situation. It is moreover inconsistent tosuppose regions called κοιλα, or cava, to have been denominated from Sama, high. In short both terms have been mistaken: and Coilus in the originalacceptation certainly signified heavenly: whence we read in Hesychius, asalso in Suidas, Κοιολης, ὁ Ἱερευς. By which we learn, that by Coioles wasmeant a sacred or heavenly person; in other words, a priest of Cœlus. InCoioles there is but a small variation from the original term; which was acompound from Coi-El, or Co-El, the Cœlus of the Romans. 

Concerning the term Cœl in Ennius, [417]Janus Gulielmus takes notice, thatthis poet copied the Dorians in using abbreviations, and writing Cœl forCœlus and Cœlum. But herein this learned person is mistaken. The Dorianswere not so much to be blamed for their abbreviating, as the other Greekswere for their unnecessary terminations, and inflexions. The more simplethe terms, the more antient and genuine we may for the most part esteemthem: and in the language of the Dorians we may perceive more termsrelative to the true mythology of the country, and those rendered moresimilar to the antient mode of expression, than are elsewhere to be found. We must, therefore, in all etymological inquiries, have recourse to theDoric manner of pronunciation, to obtain the truth. They came into Greece, or Hellotia, under the name of Adorians; and from their simplicity ofmanners, and from the little intercourse maintained with foreigners, theypreserved much of their antient tongue. For this there may be anotheradditional reason obtained from Herodotus; who tells us, that they weremore immediately descended from the people of the [418]east. The antienthymns, sung in the Prutaneia all over Greece, were [419]Doric: so sacredwas their dialect esteemed. Hence they cannot but afford great help ininquiries of this nature. What was by others styled Αθηνη, they expressedΑθανα: Cheops they rendered Chaops: Zeen, Zan: Χαζηνη, Χαζανα: Μην, Μαν:Menes, Manes: Orchenoi, Orchanoi: Neith, Naith: Ιηνισος, Ιανισος:Hephæstus, Hephastus: Caiete, Caiate: Demeter, Damater: all which will befound of great consequence in respect to etymology. And if they did notalways admit of the terminations used by their neighbours: they by thesemeans preserved many words in their primitive state: at least they werenearer to the originals. They seem to have retained the very term, of whichI have been treating. It was by them styled Χαι, Cai; and signified ahouse, or cave: for the first houses in the infancy of the world aresupposed to have been caves or grottos[420]. They expressed it Cai, Caia, Caias, similar to the cava, cavus, and cavea of the Romans. When theseplaces were of a great depth, or extent, they were looked upon with a kindof religious horror. A cavern of this sort was at Lacedæmon, with abuilding over it; of which in aftertimes they made use to confinemalefactors. It was called Καιαδης, or as the Spartans expressed it, Καιαδας, the house of death. [421]Καιαδας δεσμωτηριον--το παραΛακεδαιμονιοις. Cai signified a cavern: Adas, which is subjoined, was theDeity, to whom it was sacred, esteemed the God of the infernal regions. Hewas by the Ionians, &c. Expressed Ades, and Hades; and by other nationsAit, and Atis. Hence these caverns were also styled Καιετες, and Καιετοι. The author above quoted gives us the terms variously exhibited:[422]Καιετοι. --Ὁι απο των σεισμων ῥωχμοι Καιετοι λεγονται. Και Καιαδας τοδεσμωτηριον εντευθεν, το παρα Λακεδαιμονιοις, σπηλαιον. Hesychius rendersit in the plural, and as a neuter: καιατα, ορυγματα. Whether it becompounded Cai-Ait, Cai-Atis, or Cai-Ades, the purport is the same. The denof Cacus was properly a sacred cave, where Chus was worshipped, and therites of fire were [423]practised. Cacus is the same name as Cuscha inEthiopia, only reversed. The history of it was obsolete in the days ofVirgil; yet some traces of it still remained. 

Strabo says that many people called these caves Κωοι. [424]Ενιοι κωουςμαλλον τα τοιαυτα κοιλωματα λεγεσθαι φασιν. Hence he very truly explains apassage in Homer. The poet, speaking of Theseus, Dryas, Polyphemus, andother heroes of the Mythic age, mentions their encountering with themountaineers of Thessaly, whom he styles φηρες ορεσχωοι:

 [425]Καρτιστοι δη κεινοι επιχθονιων τραφεν ανδρων, Καρτιστοι μεν εσαν, και καρτιστοις εμαχοντο Φηρσιν ορεσχωοισι----

Ορεσχωος signified a person, who lived in a mountain habitation; whoseretreat was a house in a mountain. Co, and Coa, was the name of such house. Strabo says that this term is alluded to by Homer, when he styles Lacedæmon[426]Λακεδαιμονα κητωεσσαν, _for it was by many thought to have been socalled on account of their caverns. _ From hence we may fairly conclude, that κητωεσσα was a mistake, or at least a variation, for [427]καιεταεσσα, from Cai-Atis; and that Co, [428]Coa, Caia, were of the same purport. 

But this term does not relate merely to a cavern; but to temples foundednear such places: oftentimes the cave itself was a temple. Caieta, inItaly, near Cuma, called by Diodorus Καιητη, was so denominated on thisaccount. It was a cave in the rock, abounding with variety of subterranes, cut out into various apartments. These were, of old, inhabited by Amonianpriests; for they settled in these parts very early. It seems to have beena wonderful work. [429]Ανεωγετ' εντευθεν σπηλαια ὑπερμεγεθη, κατοικιαςμεγαλας, και πολυτελεις δεδεγμενα. _In these parts were large openings inthe earth, exhibiting caverns of a great extent; which afforded very ampleand superb apartments. _ Diodorus informs us, that, what was in his timecalled Caiete, had been sometimes styled [430]Aiete: by which we may see, that it was a compound; and consisted of two or more terms; but these termswere not precisely applicable to the same object. Ai-Ete, or Ai-Ata, wasthe region of Ait, the Deity to whom it was sacred. Colchis had the samename; whence its king was called Aietes: and Egypt had the same, expressedby the Greeks [431]Αετια, Aetia. Aiete was the district: Caiete was thecave and temple in that district; where the Deity was worshipped. 

In Bœotia was a cavern, into which the river Cephisus descended, and waslost. It afterwards emerged from this gulf, and passed freely to the sea. The place of eruption was called An-choa, which signifies Fontis apertura. The later Greeks expressed it Anchoe[432]. Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοη· εστιδε λιμην ὁμωνυμος. The etymology, I flatter myself, is plain, andauthenticated by the history of the place. 

From Cho, and Choa, was probably derived the word Χοϊκος, used by theapostle. [433]Ὁ πρωτος ανθρωπος εκ γης Χοϊκος· ὁ δευτερος ανθρωπος ὁ Κυριοςεξ ουρανου. Ὁιος ὁ Χοϊκος, και τοιαυτοι ὁι Χοϊκοι. Hesychius observes, Χοϊκος, πηλινος, γηινος. From hence we may perceive, that by Cho wasoriginally meant a house or temple in the earth. It was, as I have shewn, often expressed Gau, and Go; and made to signify any house. Some nationsused it in a still more extended sense; and by it denoted a town orvillage, and any habitation at large. It is found in this acceptation amongthe antient Celtæ, and Germans, as we learn from Cluverius. [434]Apud ipsosGermanos ejusmodi pagorum vernaculum vocabulum fuit Gaw; et variantibusdialectis, găw, gew, gỏw, gow, hinc--Brisgaw, Wormesgaw, Zurichgow, Turgow, Nordgaw, Andegaw, Rhingaw, Hennegow, Westergow, Oostergow. The antient termΠυργος, Purgos, was properly Pur-Go; and signified a light-house, or templeof fire, from the Chaldaic Pur. 

PARTICLES. 

Together with the words above mentioned are to be found in composition theparticles Al and Pi. Al, or El, for it is differently expressed in ourcharacters, is still an Arabian prefix; but not absolutely confined to thatcountry, though more frequently there to be found. The Sun, אור, was calledUchor by the people of Egypt and Cyrene, which the Greeks expressed Αχωρ, Achor. He was worshipped with the same title in Arabia, and called AlAchor. [435]Georgius Monachus, describing the idolatry which prevailed inthat country before the introduction of the present religion, mentions theidol Alachar. Many nations have both expletives and demonstrativesanalogous to the particle above. The pronoun Ille of the Romans is somewhatsimilar; as are the terms Le and La of the French; as well as Il and El inother languages. It is in composition so like to Ηλ, the name of Ἡλιος, theSun, that it is not always easy to distinguish one from the other. 

The article Pi was in use among the antient Egyptians and Cuthites, as wellas other nations in the east. The natives of India were at all timesworshippers of the Sun; and used to call themselves by some of his titles. Porus, with whom Alexander engaged upon the Indus, was named from the chiefobject of his worship, אור, Pi-Or, and P'Or; rendered by the Greeks Πωρος, Porus. Pacorus the Parthian was of the same etymology, being a compound ofP'Achorus, the Achor of Egypt: as was also the [436]city Pacoria inMesopotamia, mentioned by Ptolemy. Even the Grecian πυρ was of Egyptian orChaldaïc original, and of the same composition (P'Ur) as the words above;for [437]Plato informs us that πυρ, ὑδωρ, κυνες, were esteemed terms offoreign importation. After the race of the Egyptian kings was extinct, andthat country came under the dominion of the Grecians, the natives stillcontinued to make use of this prefix; as did other [438]nations which wereincorporated with them. They adapted it not only to words in their ownlanguage, but to those of other countries of which they treated. Hencethere is often to be found in their writings, [439]Πιζευς, Πιμαρτυρ, Πιμαθητης, πισωμα, πιλαος, Pidux, Picurator, Pitribunus; also names ofpersons occur with this prefix; such as Piterus, Piturio, Pionius themartyr; also Pior, Piammon, Piambo; who are all mentioned by ecclesiastical[440]writers as natives of that country. This article is sometimesexpressed Pa; as in the name of Pachomius, an abbot in Egypt, mentioned by[441]Gennadius. A priest named Paapis is to be found in the Excerpta fromAntonius [442]Diogenes in Photius. There were particular rites, styledPamylia Sacra, from [443]Pamyles, an antient Egyptian Deity. We may inferfrom Hesychius that they were very obscene: Πααμυλης, Αιγυπτιος ΘεοςΠριαπωδης. Hades, and Pi-Ades, was a common title of the Sun: and thelatter, in early times, was current in Greece; where I hope to give ampletestimony of the Amonians settling. He was termed Melech Pi-Adon, and AnacPi-Adon: but the Greeks out of Pi-Adon formed Παιδων: for it isinconceivable how very ignorant they were in respect to their antienttheology. Hence we read of παιδων Λητους, παιδων Ζηνος, παιδων Απολλωνος;and legends of παιδων αθανατων; and of παιδων; who were mere foundlings;whose fathers could never be ascertained, though divine honours were paidto the children. This often puzzled the mythologists, who could not accountfor this spurious race. Plutarch makes it one of his inquiries to sift out, [444]Τις ὁ Παιδων ταφος παρα Χαλκιδευσι; Pausanias mentions, [445]Αμφιλυκουπαιδων βωμος: and, in another place, [446]Βωμοι δε Θεον τε ονομαζομενωναγνωστων, και Ἡρωων, και ΠΑΙΔΩΝ του Θησεος, και Φαληρου. From this mistakearose so many boy-deities; among whom were even Jupiter and Dionusus:[447]Αυτον τον Δια, και τον Διονυσον Παιδας, και νεους, ἡ θεολογια καλει. _According to the theology of the Greeks, even Jupiter and Dionusus arestyled boys, and young persons. _ One of the most remarkable passages tothis purpose is to be found in the antiquary above quoted; who takes noticeof a certain mysterious rite performed by the natives of Amphissa, inPhocis. The particular Gods, to whom it was performed, were styled Ανακτεςπαιδες. [448]Αγουσι δε και τελετην ὁι Αμφισσεις των Ανακτων καλουμενωνΠαιδων. Ὁιτινες δε Θεων εισιν ὁι Ανακτες Παιδες, ου κατα τ' αυτα εστινειρημενον. _The people of Amphissa perform a ceremony in honour of personsstyled Anactes Paides, or Royal Boys: but who these Anactes Paides were, ismatter of great uncertainty_. In short, the author could not tell; norcould the priests afford him any satisfactory information. There are manyinstances in Pausanias of this nature; where divine honours are paid to theunknown children of fathers equally unknown. 

Herodotus tells us, that, when he discoursed with the priests of Thebesabout the kings who had reigned in Egypt, they described them to him underthree denominations, of Gods, of heroes, and of men. The last succeeded tothose above, and were mere mortals. The manner of succession is mentionedin the following words: [449]Πιρωμιν εκ Πιρωμιος γεγονεναι--και ουτε εςθεον, ουτε ες Ἡρωα αναδησαν αυτους (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). There are many strangeand contradictory opinions about this [450]passage; which, if I do notdeceive myself, is very plain; and the purport of it this: _After thefabulous accounts, there had been an uninterrupted succession of Piromisafter Piromis: and the Egyptians referred none of these to the dynasties ofeither the Gods or Heroes, who were supposed to have first possessed thecountry_. From hence I think it is manifest that Pi-romis signifies _aman_. Herodotus, indeed, says, that the meaning of it was καλος καγαθος, _aperson of a fair and honourable character_: and so it might be taken byimplication; as we say of a native of our own country, that he is a trueand staunch [451]Englishman: but the precise meaning is plain from thecontext; and Piromis certainly meant _a man_. It has this signification inthe Coptic: and, in the [452]Prodromus Copticus of Kircher, Πιρωμι, Piromi, is _a man_; and seems to imply a native. Pirem Racot is an Alexandrine; or, more properly, a native of Racotis, called Raschid, and Rosetta. Pirem Romiare [453]Romans. 

By means of this prefix we may be led to understand what is meant by Paraiain the account given by Philo from Sanchoniathon: who says, that Cronus hadthree sons in the region of Paraia: [454]Εγεννηθησαν δε και εν Παραιᾳ Κρονῳτρεις παιδες. Paraia is a variation of P'Ur-aia; and means literally theland of Ur in Chaldea; the region from whence antient writers began thehistory of mankind. A crocodile by the Egyptians was among other namescalled [455]Σουχος: and the name is retained in the Coptic, where it isexpressed [456]Pi-Souchi. 

This prefix is sometimes expressed with an aspirate, Phi: and as that wordsignifies a mouth, and in a more extensive signification, speech andlanguage, it sometimes may cause a little uncertainty about the meaning. However, in most places it is sufficiently plain. Phaethon, a much mistakenpersonage, was an antient title of the Sun, a compound of Phi-Ath-On. Bacchus was called Phi-Anac by the Mysians, rendered by the poets[457]Phanac and Phanaces. Hanes was a title of the same Deity, equallyreverenced of old, and compounded Ph' Hanes. It signified the fountain oflight: and from it was derived Phanes of Egypt: also φαινω, φανεις, φανερος: and from Ph'ain On, Fanum. In short, these particles occurcontinually in words, which relate to religious rites, and the antientadoration of fire. They are generally joined to Ur, by which that elementis denoted. From P'Ur Tor came Prætor and Prætorium, among the Romans: fromP'Ur-Aith, Purathi and Puratheia among the Asiatics. From P'Ur-tan, πρυτανεις, and πρυτανεια among the Greeks of Hellas: in which Prutaneiathere were of old sacred hearths, and a perpetual fire. The antient name ofLatian Jupiter was P'ur, by length of time changed to Puer. He was theDeity of fire; and his ministers were styled Pueri: and because many ofthem were handsome youths selected for that office, Puer came at length tosignify any young person. Some of the Romans would explain this title away, as if it referred to Jupiter's childhood: but the history of the place willshew that it had no such relation. It was a proper name, and retainedparticularly among the people of Præneste. They had undoubtedly beenaddicted to the rites of fire; for their city was said to have been builtby Cæculus, the son of Vulcan, who was found in the midst of fire:

 [458] Vulcano genitum pecora inter agrestia Regem, Inventumque focis. 

They called their chief God Pur: and dealt particularly in divination bylots, termed of old _Purim_. Cicero takes notice of this custom ofdivination at Præneste; and describes the manner, as well as the place: butgives into the common mistake, that the Purim related to Jupiter'schildhood. He says, that the place, where the process was carried on, was asacred inclosure, [459]is est hodie locus septus, religiose propter Jovis_Pueri_, qui lactens cum Junone in gremio _Fortunæ_ mammam appetens, castissime colitur a Matribus. This manner of divination was of Chaldaïcoriginal, and brought from Babylonia to Præneste. It is mentioned inEsther, c. 3. V. 7. They cast Pur before Haman, that he might know thesuccess of his purposes against the Jews. _Wherefore they call these daysPurim after the name of Pur_[460]. C. 9. V. 26. The same lots of divinationbeing used at Præneste was the occasion of the God being called JupiterPur. This in aftertimes was changed to Puer: whence we find inscriptions, which mention him under that name; and at the same time take notice of thecustom, which prevailed in his temple. Inscriptions Jovi Puero, and FortunæPrimigeniæ Jovis [461]Pueri are to be found in Gruter. One is veryparticular. 

[462]Fortunæ Primigeniæ Jovis Pueri D. D. Ex _SORTE_ compos factusNothus RuficanæL. P. Plotilla. 

That this word Puer was originally Pur may be proved from a well knownpassage in Lucretius:

 [463]Puri sæpe lacum propter ac dolia curva Somno devincti credunt se attollere vestem. 

Many instances, were it necessary, might be brought to this purpose. It wasa name originally given to the priests of the Deity who were named from theChaldaic אור, Ur: and by the antient Latines were called P'uri. At Prænestethe name was particularly kept up on account of this divination by[464]lots. These by the Amonians were styled Purim, being attended withceremonies by fire; and supposed to be effected through the influence ofthe Deity. Præneste seems to be a compound of Puren Esta, the lots of Esta, the Deity of fire. 

These are terms, which seem continually to occur in the antient Amonianhistory: out of these most names are compounded; and into these they areeasily resolvable. There are some few more, which might perhaps be veryproperly introduced: but I am unwilling to trespass too far, especially asthey may be easily taken notice of in the course of this work. I could wishthat my learned readers would afford me so far credit, as to defer passinga general sentence, till they have perused the whole: for much light willaccrue; and fresh evidence be accumulated in the course of our procedure. Ahistory of the rites and religion, in which these terms are contained, willbe given; also of the times, when they were introduced; and of the people, by whom they were diffused so widely. Many positions, which may appeardoubtful, when they are first premised, will, I hope, be abundantly proved, before we come to the close. In respect to the etymologies, which I havealready offered and considered, I have all along annexed the histories ofthe persons and places spoken of, in order to ascertain my opinionconcerning them. But the chief proof, as I have before said, will resultfrom the whole; from an uniform series of evidence, supported by a fair anduninterrupted analogy. 

 * * * * *

OF

ETYMOLOGY, AS IT HAS BEEN TOO GENERALLY HANDLED. 

 Αλλα θεοι των μεν μανιην απετρεψατε γλωσσης, Εκ δ' ὁσιων στοματων καθαρην οχετευσατε πηγην. Και σε, πολυμνηστη, λευκωλενε παρθενε, μουσα, Αντομαι, ὡν θεμις εστιν εφημεριοισιν ακουειν. Πεμπε παρ' ευσεβιης ελαουσ' ευηνιον ἁρμα. ----EMPEDOCLES. 

It may appear invidious to call to account men of learning, who have gonebefore me in inquiries of this nature, and to point out defects in theirwritings: but it is a task which I must, in some degree, take in hand, asthe best writers have, in my opinion, failed fundamentally in theseresearches. Many, in the wantonness of their fancy, have yielded to themost idle surmises; and this to a degree of licentiousness, for which nolearning nor ingenuity can atone. It is therefore so far from beinginjurious, that it appears absolutely necessary to point out the path theytook, and the nature of their failure; and this, that their authority maynot give a sanction to their mistakes; but, on the contrary, if my methodshould appear more plausible, or more certain, that the superiority may beseen upon comparing; and be proved from the contrast. 

The Grecians were so prepossessed with a notion of their own excellence andantiquity, that they supposed every antient tradition to have proceededfrom themselves. Hence their mythology is founded upon the grossestmistakes: as all extraneous history, and every foreign term, is supposed bythem to have been of Grecian original. Many of their learned writers hadbeen abroad; and knew how idle the pretensions of their countrymen were. Plato in particular saw the fallacy of their claim, he confesses it morethan once: yet in this article nobody was more infatuated. His Cratylus ismade up of a most absurd system of etymology. [465]Herodotus expresslysays, that the Gods of Greece came in great measure from Egypt. YetSocrates is by Plato in this treatise made to derive Artemis from τοαρτεμες, integritas: Poseidon from ποσι δεσμον, fetters to the feet: Hestiafrom ουσια, substance and essence: Demeter, from διδουσα ὡς μητηρ, distributing as a mother: Pallas from παλλειν, to vibrate, or dance: Ares, Mars, from αῤῥεν, masculum, et virile: and the word Theos, God, undoubtedlythe Theuth of Egypt, from θεειν, to run[466]. Innumerable derivations ofthis nature are to be found in Aristotle, Plato, [467]Heraclides Ponticus, and other Greek writers. There is a maxim laid down by the scholiast uponDionysius; which I shall have occasion often to mention. [468]Ει βαρβαροντο ονομα, ου χρη ζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου. _If the term beforeign, it is idle to have recourse to Greece for a solution_. It is aplain and golden rule, posterior in time to the writers above, which, however, common sense might have led them to have anticipated, andfollowed: but it was not in their nature. The person who gave the advicewas a Greek, and could not for his life abide by it. It is true, thatSocrates is made to say something very like the above. [469]Εννοω γαρ, ὁτιπολλα ὁι Ἑλληνες ονοματα, αλλως τε και ὁι ὑπο τοις Βαρβαροις οικουντες, παρα των Βαρβαρων ειληφασι--ει τις ζητοι ταυτα κατα την Ἑλληνικην φωνην, ὡςεοικοτως κειται, αλλα μη κατ' εκεινην, εξ ἡς το ονομα τυγχανει ον, οισθαὁτι αποροι αν. _I am very sensible that the Grecians in general, andespecially those who are subjects to foreigners, have received into theirlanguage many exotic terms: if any person should be led to seek for theiranalogy or meaning in the Greek tongue, and not in the language from whencethey proceeded, he would be grievously puzzled_. Who would think, whenPlato attributed to Socrates this knowledge, that he would make himcontinually act in contradiction to it? Or that other [470]writers, whenthis plain truth was acknowledged, should deviate so shamefully? that weshould in after times be told, that Tarsus, the antient city in Cilicia, was denominated from ταρτος, a foot: that the river Nile signified νε ιλυς:and that Gader in Spain was Γης δειρα. 

The antients, in all their etymologies, were guided solely by the ear: inthis they have been implicitly copied by the moderns. Inquire of Heinsius, whence Thebes, that antient city in upper Egypt, was named; and he willtell you from תבא, Teba, [471]stetit: or ask the good bishop Cumberland whyNineve was so called? and he will answer, from Schindler, that it was acompound of [472]Nin-Nau, נין נוה, _a son inhabited_. But is it credible, or indeed possible, for these cities to have been named from terms sovague, casual, and indeterminate; which seem to have so little relation tothe places to which they are appropriated, or to any places at all? Thehistory of the Chaldeans is of great consequence; and one would be glad toknow their original. They are properly called Chasdim; and are, veryjustly, thought to have been the first constituted nation upon earth. It issaid of the patriarch Abraham, that he came from the city Ur of theChasdim. Whence had they their name? The learned Hyde will [473]answer, that it was from Chesed, their ancestor. Who was Chesed? He was the fourthson of Nahor, who lived in Aram, the upper region of Mesopotamia. Is itsaid in history that he was the father of this people? There is no mentionmade of it. Is it said that he was ever in Chaldea? No. Is there the leastreason to think that he had any acquaintance with that country? We have nogrounds to suppose it. Is there any reason to think that this people, mentioned repeatedly as prior to him by ages, were in reality constitutedafter him? None. What, then, has induced writers to suppose that he was thefather of this people? Because Chesed and Chasdim have a remote similitudein sound. And is this the whole? Absolutely all that is or can be allegedfor this notion. And as the Chasdim are mentioned some ages before thebirth of Chesed, some would have the passage to be introducedproleptically; others suppose it an interpolation, and would strike it outof the sacred text: so far does whim get the better of judgment, that eventhe written word is not safe. The whole history of Chesed is this: Aboutfifty years after the patriarch Abraham had left his brother Nahor at Haranin Aramea, he received intelligence that Nahor had in that interval beenblessed with children. [474]_It was told Abraham, behold Milcah, she alsohath borne children to thy brother Nahor; Huz, Buz, Kemuel, and Chesed:_ ofthese Chesed was the fourth. There occurs not a word more concerning him. 

It is moreover to be observed, that these etymologists differ greatly fromone another in their conceptions; so that an unexperienced reader knows notwhom to follow. Some deduce all from the Hebrew; others call in to theirassistance the Arabic and the Coptic, or whatever tongue or dialect makesmost for their purpose. The author of the Universal History, speaking ofthe Moabitish Idol Chemosh, tells us, [475]_that many make it come from theverb משש, mashash, to feel: but Dr. Hyde derives it from the Arabic, Khamûsh, which signifies gnats, (though in the particular dialect of thetribe Hodail) supposing it to have been an astronomical talisman in thefigure of a gnat:--and Le Clerc, who takes this idol for the Sun, fromComosha, a root, in the same tongue, signifying to be swift. _ There is thesame variety of sentiment about Silenus, the companion of Bacchus. [476]Bochart derives his name from Silan, שילן, and supposes him to havebeen the same as Shiloh, the Messias. Sandford makes him to be Balaam, thefalse prophet. [477]Huetius maintains that he was assuredly Moses. It isnot uncommon to find even in the same writer great uncertainty: we havesometimes two, sometimes three, etymologies presented together of the sameword: two out of the three must be groundless, and the third not a whitbetter: otherwise, the author would have given it the preference, and setthe other two aside. An example to this purpose we have in the etymology ofRamesses, as it is explained in the [478]Hebrew Onomasticum. Ramesses, tonitruum vel exprobratio tineæ; aut malum delens sive dissolvens; velcontractionem dissolvens, aut confractus a tineâ--civitas in extremisfinibus Ægypti. A similar interpretation is given of Berodach, a king ofBabylon. Berodach: creans contritionem, vel electio interitus, aut filiusinteritus, vel vaporis tui; sive frumentum; vel puritas nubis, vel vaporistui. Rex Babyloniæ. 

It must be acknowledged of Bochart, that the system upon which he hasproceeded is the most plausible of any; and he has shewn infinite ingenuityand learning. He every where tries to support his etymologies by somehistory of the place concerning which he treats. But the misfortune is, that the names of places which seem to be original, and of high antiquity, are too often deduced by him from circumstances of later date; from eventsin after ages. The histories to which he appeals were probably not knownwhen the country, or island, received its name. He likewise allows himselfa great latitude in forming his derivations: for, to make his terms accord, he has recourse, not only to the Phenician language, which he supposes tohave been a dialect of the Hebrew; but to the Arabian, Chaldaic, andSyriac, according as his occasions require. It happens to him often to makeuse of a verb for a radix, which has many variations and differentsignifications: but, at this rate, we may form a similitude between termsthe most dissimilar. For, take a word in any language, which admits of manyinflexions and variations, and, after we have made it undergo all itsevolutions, it will be hard if it does not in some degree approximate. But, to say the truth, he many times does not seem to arrive even at this: for, after he has analysed the premises with great labour, we often find thesupposed resemblance too vague and remote to be admitted; and the whole iseffected with a great strain and force upon history before he bringsmatters to a seeming coincidence. The Cyclops are by the best writersplaced in Sicily, near Mount [479]Ætna, in the country of the Leontini, called of old Xuthia; but Bochart removes them to the south-west point ofthe island. This he supposes to have been called Lelub, Λιλυβαιον, frombeing opposite to Libya; and, as the promontory was so named, it is, hethinks, probable that the sea below was styled Chec Lelub, or Sinus Lebub:and, as the Cyclops lived hereabouts, they were from hence denominatedChec-lelub, and Chec-lub, out of which the Greeks formed [480]Κυκλωπες. Hederives the Siculi first from [481]seclul, perfection; and afterwards fromאשכול, Escol, pronounced, according to the Syriac, Sigol, a bunch ofgrapes. He deduces the Sicani from שכן, Sacan[482], near, because they werenear their next neighbours; in other words, on account of their being nextto the Pœni. Sicani, qui Siculorum Pœnis proximi. But, according to thebest accounts, the Sicani were the most antient people of any in theseparts. They settled in Sicily before the foundation of Carthage; and couldnot have been named from any such vicinity. In short, Bochart, in most ofhis derivations, refers to circumstances too general; which might beadapted to one place as well as to another. He looks upon the names ofplaces, and of people, rather as by-names, and chance appellations, thanoriginal marks of distinction; and supposes them to have been founded uponsome subsequent history. Whereas they were, most of them, original terms ofhigh antiquity, imported and assumed by the people themselves, and notimposed by others. 

How very casual and indeterminate the references were by which this learnedman was induced to form his etymologies, let the reader judge from thesamples below. These were taken, for the most part, from his accounts ofthe Grecian islands; not industriously picked out; but as they casuallypresented themselves upon turning over the book. He derives [483]Delos fromדהל, Dahal timor. [484]Cynthus, from חנט, Chanat, in lucem edere. [485]Naxos, from nicsa, sacrificium; or else from nicsa, opes. [486]Gyarus, from acbar, softened to acuar, a mouse; for the island was once infestedwith mice. [487]Pontus, in Asia Minor, from בטנא, botno, a pistachio nut. [488]Icaria, from icar, pastures: but he adds, tamen alia etymologiaoccurrit, quam huic præfero אי כורי, Icaure, sive insula piscium. [489]Chalcis, in Eubea, from Chelca, divisio. [490]Seriphus, from resiph, and resipho, lapidibus stratum. [491]Patmos, from בטמוס, batmos, terebinthus; for trees of this sort, he says, grew in the Cyclades. ButPatmos was not one of the Cyclades: it was an Asiatic island, at aconsiderable distance. [492]Tenedos is deduced from Tin Edom, red earth:for there were potters in the island, and the earth was probably red. [493]Cythnus, from katnuth, parvitas; or else from גובנא, gubna, or guphno, cheese; because the next island was famous for that commodity: Ut ut enimCythnius caseus proprie non dicatur, qui e Cythno non est, tamen receptâκαταχρησει Cythnius dici potuit caseus a vicinâ Ceo. He supposes Egypt tohave been denominated from [494]Mazor, an artificial fortress; and thereason he gives, is, because it was naturally secure. Whatever may havebeen the purport of the term, Mizraim was a very antient and original name, and could have no reference to these after-considerations. The author ofthe Onomasticum, therefore, differs from him, and has tried to mend thematter. He allows that the people, and country, were denominated fromMazor, but in a different acceptation: from Mazor, which signified, thedouble pressure of a mother on each side[495], pressionem matris geminam, i. E. Ab utrâque parte. Upon which the learned Michaelis observes--[496]quoetymo vix aliud veri dissimilius fingi potest. 

In the theology of the Greeks are many antient terms, which learned menhave tried to analyse, and define. But they seem to have failed here too byproceeding upon those fallacious principles, of which I have abovecomplained. In short, they seldom go deep enough in their inquiries; norconsider the true character of the personage, which they would decypher. Itis said of the God Vulcan, that he was the same as Tubalcain, mentionedGenesis. C. 4. V. 22: and it is a notion followed by many writers: andamong others by Gale. [497]_First as to the name_ (says this learned man)_Vossius_, de Idolat. L. 1. C. 36, _shews us, that Vulcanus is the same asTubalcainus, only by a wonted, and easy mutation of B into V, and castingaway a syllable_. And he afterwards affects to prove from Diodorus Siculus, that the art and office of Vulcan exactly corresponded to the character ofTubalcain, [498]_who was an instructor of every artificer in brass andiron_. Upon the same principles Philo Biblius speaking of Chrusor, a personof great antiquity, who first built a ship, and navigated the seas; whoalso first taught husbandry, and hunting, supposes him to have been Vulcan;because it is farther said of him, [499]that he first manufactured iron. From this partial resemblance to Vulcan or Hephastus, Bochart is induced toderive his name from כרש אור, Chores Ur, an artificer in [500]fire. Theselearned men do not consider, that though the name, to which they refer, beantient, and oriental, yet the character, and attributes, are comparativelymodern, having been introduced from another quarter. Vulcan the blacksmith, who was the master of the Cyclops, and forged iron in Mount Ætna, was acharacter familiar to the Greeks, and Romans. But this Deity among theEgyptians, and Babylonians, had nothing similar to this description. Theyesteemed Vulcan as the chief of the Gods the same as the Sun: and his nameis a sacred title, compounded of Baal-Cahen, Belus sanctus, vel Princeps;equivalent to Orus, or Osiris. If the name were of a different original, yet it would be idle to seek for an etymology founded on later conceptions, and deduced from properties not originally inherent in the personage. According to [501]Hermapion he was looked upon as the source of alldivinity, and in consequence of it the inscription upon the portal of thetemple at Heliopolis was Ἡφαιστῳ τῳ Θεων Πατρι. _To Vulcan the Father ofthe Gods_. In short, they who first appropriated the name of Vulcan totheir Deity, had no notion of his being an artificer in brass or iron: oran artificer in any degree. Hence we must be cautious in forming ideas ofthe antient theology of nations from the current notions of the Greeks, andRomans; and more especially from the descriptions of their poets. Polytheism, originally vile, and unwarrantable, was rendered ten times morebase by coming through their hands. To instance in one particular: amongall the dæmon herd what one is there of a form, and character, so odious, and contemptible as Priapus? an obscure ill-formed Deity, who was ridiculedand dishonoured by his very votaries. His hideous figure was made use ofonly as a bugbear to frighten children; and to drive the birds from fruittrees; with whose filth he was generally besmeared. Yet this contemptibleGod, this scarecrow in a garden, was held in high repute at Lampsacus, andesteemed the same as [502]Dionusus. He was likewise by the Egyptiansreverenced as the principal God; no other than the Chaldaic [503]Aur, thesame as Orus and Apis: whose rites were particularly solemn. It was fromhence that he had his name: for Priapus of Greece is only a compound ofPeor-Apis among the Egyptians. He was sometimes styled Peor singly; alsoBaal Peor; the same with whose rites the Israelites are so often[504]upbraided. His temples likewise are mentioned, which are styled BethPeor. In short, this wretched divinity of the Romans was looked upon byothers as the soul of the world: the first principle, which brought allthings into light, and being. [505]Πριηπος ὁ κοσμος, η ὁ προεστως αυτουΛογος. The author of the Orphic hymns styles him [506]Πρωτογονον--γενεσινμακαρων, θνητων τ' ανθρωπων. _The first born of the world, from whom allthe immortals, and mortals were descended_. This is a character, which willhereafter be found to agree well with Dionusus. Phurnutus supposes Priapusto have been the same as Pan, the shepherd God: who was equally degraded, and misrepresented on one hand, and as highly reverenced on the other. [507]Ισως δ' αν ὁυτος και ὁ Πριηπος ειη, καθ' ὁν προεισιν εις φως τα παντα·των αρχαιων δ' εισι Δαιμονων. _Probably Pan is no other than the GodPriapus, by whose means all things were brought into light. They are bothDeities of high [508]antiquity_. Yet the one was degraded to a filthymonster; and of the other they made a scarecrow. 

 * * * * *

DISSERTATION

UPON THE

HELLADIAN

AND OTHER

GRECIAN WRITERS. 

Ενθα πυλαι νυκτος τε, και ηματος, εισι κελευθων. ----PARMENIDES. 

It may be proper to take some previous notice of those writers, to whoseassistance we must particularly have recourse; and whose evidence may bemost depended upon, in disquisitions of this nature. All knowledge ofGentile antiquity must be derived to us through the hands of the Grecians:and there is not of them a single writer, to whom we may not be indebtedfor some advantage. The Helladians, however, from whom we might expect mostlight, are to be admitted with the greatest caution. They were a bigottedpeople, highly prejudiced in their own favour; and so devoted to idletradition, that no arguments could wean them from their folly. Hence thesurest resources are from Greeks of other countries. Among the Poets, Lycophron, Callimachus, and Apollonius Rhodius are principally to beesteemed. The last of these was a native of Egypt; and the other two livedthere, and have continual allusions to the antiquities of that country. Homer likewise abounds with a deal of mysterious lore, borrowed from theantient Amonian theology; with which his commentators have been oftenembarrassed. To these may be added such Greek writers of later date, whowere either not born in Hellas, or were not so deeply tinctured with thevanity of that country. Much light may be also obtained from those learnedmen, by whom the Scholia were written, which are annexed to the works ofthe Poets above-mentioned. Nonnus too, who wrote the Dionysiaca, is not tobe neglected. He was a native of Panopolis in Egypt, [509]Εκ της Πανος τηςΑιγυπτου γεγενημενος; and had opportunity of collecting many antienttraditions, and fragments of mysterious history, which never were known inGreece. To these may be added Porphyry, Proclus, and Jamblichus, whoprofessedly treat of Egyptian learning. The Isis and Osiris of Plutarch maybe admitted with proper circumspection. It may be said, that the whole isstill an enigma: and I must confess that it is: but we receive it morecopiously exemplified; and more clearly defined; and it must necessarily bemore genuine, by being nearer the fountain head: so that by comparing, andadjusting the various parts, we are more likely to arrive at a solution ofthe hidden purport. But the great resource of all is to be found among thelater antiquaries and historians. Many of these are writers of high rank;particularly Diodorus, Strabo, and Pausanias, on the Gentile part: and ofthe fathers, Theophilus, Tatianus Athenagoras, Clemens, Origenes, Eusebius, Theodoretus, Syncellus; and the compiler of the Fasti Siculi, otherwisecalled Chronicon Paschale. Most of these were either of Egypt or Asia. Theyhad a real taste for antiquity; and lived at a time when some insight couldbe obtained: for till the Roman Empire was fully established, and everyprovince in a state of tranquillity, little light could be procured fromthose countries, whence the mythology of Greece was derived. The nativeHelladians were very limited in their knowledge. They had taken in thegross whatever was handed down by tradition; and assumed to themselvesevery history, which was imported. They moreover held every nation buttheir own as barbarous; so that their insuperable vanity rendered itimpossible for them to make any great advances in historical knowledge. Butthe writers whom I just now mentioned, either had not these prejudices; orlived at a time when they were greatly subsided. They condescended to quoteinnumerable authors, and some of great antiquity; to whom the pride ofGreece would never have appealed. I had once much talk upon this subjectwith a learned friend, since lost to the world, who could ill brook thatHerodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon, should be discarded for Clemens, Origen, or Eusebius; and that Lysias and Demosthenes should give way to Libaniusand Aristides. The name of Tzetzes, or Eustathius, he could not bear. Toall which I repeatedly made answer; that it was by no means my intention toset aside any of the writers, he mentioned: whose merits, as far as theyextended, I held in great veneration. On the contrary, I should haverecourse to their assistance, as far as it would carry me: But I must atthe same time take upon me to weigh those merits; and see wherein theyconsisted; and to what degree they were to be trusted. The Helladians weremuch to be admired for the smoothness of their periods, and a happycollocation of their terms. They shewed a great propriety of diction; and abeautiful arrangement of their ideas: and the whole was attended with arhythm, and harmony, no where else to be found. But they were at the sametime under violent prejudices: and the subject matter of which theytreated, was in general so brief, and limited, that very little could beobtained from it towards the history of other countries, or a knowledge ofantient times. Even in respect to their own affairs, whatever light hadbeen derived to them, was so perverted, and came through so dim a medium, that it is difficult to make use of it to any determinate and salutarypurpose. Yet the beauty of their composition has been attended withwonderful [510]influence. Many have been so far captivated by this magic, as to give an implicit credence to all that has been transmitted; and tosacrifice their judgment to the pleasures of the fancy. 

It may be said, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, are, in greatmeasure, dry and artless, without any grace and ornament to recommend them. They were likewise posterior to the Helladians; consequently fartherremoved from the times of which they treat. To the first objection Ianswer, that the most dry and artless historians are, in general, the mostauthentic. They who colour and embellish, have the least regard for thetruth. In respect to priority, it is a specious claim; but attended with novalidity. When a gradual darkness has been overspreading the world, itrequires as much time to emerge from the cloud, as there passed when wewere sinking into it: so that they who come later may enjoy a greaterportion of light, than those who preceded them by ages. Besides, it is tobe considered, that the writers, to whom I chiefly appeal, lived in partsof the world which gave them great advantages. The whole theology of Greecewas derived from the east. We cannot therefore but in reason suppose, thatClemens of Alexandria, Eusebius of Cæsarea, Tatianus of Assyria, Lucianusof Samosata, Cyril of Jerusalem, Porphyry of Syria, Proclus of Lycia, Philoof Biblus, Strabo of Amasa, Pausanias of Cappadocia, Eratosthenes ofCyrene, must know more upon this subject than any native Helladian. Thelike may be said of Diodorus, Josephus, Cedrenus, Syncellus, Zonaras, Eustathius: and numberless more. These had the archives of antient[511]temples, to which they could apply: and had traditions more genuinethan ever reached Greece. And though they were posterior themselves, theyappeal to authors far prior to any Helladians: and their works are crowdedwith extracts from the most curious and the most antient [512]histories. Such were the writings of Sanchoniathon, Berosus, Nicholaus Damascenus, Mocus, Mnaseas, Hieronymus Ægyptius, Apion, Manethon: from whom Abydenus, Apollodorus, Asclepiades, Artapanus, Philastrius, borrowed largely. We arebeholden to Clemens[513], and Eusebius, for many evidences from writers, long since lost; even Eustathius and Tzetzes have resources, which are nowno more. 

It must be after all confessed, that those, who preceded, had manyopportunities of information, had they been willing to have been informed. It is said, both of Pythagoras and Solon, that they resided for some timein Egypt: where the former was instructed by a Son-chen, or priest of theSun. But I could never hear of any great good that was the consequence ofhis travels. Thus much is certain; that whatever knowledge he may havepicked up in other parts, he got nothing from the Grecians. They, whopretended most to wisdom, were the most destitute of the blessing. [514]Αλλα παρ αλλοις συλλεξαμενος, μονον παρα των σοφων Ἑλληνων εχεινουδεν, πενιᾳ σοφιας και αποριᾳ συνοικουντων. And as their theology wasbefore very obscure, he drew over it a mysterious veil to make it tenfolddarker. The chief of the intelligence transmitted by Solon from Egyptcontained a satire upon his own country. He was told by an antient[515]priest, that the Grecians were children in science: that they wereutterly ignorant of the mythology of other nations; and did not understandtheir own. Eudoxus likewise and Plato were in Egypt; and are said to haveresided there some time: yet very few things of moment have beentransmitted by them. Plato had great opportunities of rectifying thehistory and mythology of Greece: but after all his advantages he is accusedof trifling shamefully, and addicting himself to fable. [516]Πλατων δε, ὁδοκων των Ἑλληνων σοφωτατος γεγενησθαι, εις ποσην φλυαριαν εχωρησεν. Yetall the rites of the Helladians, as well as their Gods and Heroes, wereimported from the [517]east: and chiefly from [518]Egypt, though they wereunwilling to allow it. Length of time had greatly impaired their truehistory; and their prejudices would not suffer them to retrieve it. Ishould therefore think it by no means improper to premise a short accountof this wonderful people, in order to shew whence this obscurity arose;which at last prevailed so far, that they, in great measure, lost sight oftheir origin, and were involved in mystery and fable. 

The first inhabitants of the country, called afterwards Hellas, were thesons of Javan; who seem to have degenerated very early, and to have becometruly barbarous. Hence the best historians of Greece confess, that theirancestors were not the first inhabitants; but that it was before theirarrival in the possession of a people, whom they style [519]Βαρβαροι, orBarbarians. The Helladians were colonies of another family: and introducedthemselves somewhat later. They were of the race which I term Amonian; andcame from Egypt and Syria: but originally from Babylonia. They came undervarious titles, all taken from the religion, which they professed. Of thesetitles I shall have occasion to treat at large; and of the imaginaryleaders, by whom they were supposed to have been conducted. 

As soon as the Amonians were settled, and incorporated with the natives, along interval of darkness ensued. The very union produced a new language:at least the antient Amonian became by degrees so modified, and changed, that the terms of science, and worship, were no longer understood. Hencethe titles of their Gods were misapplied: and the whole of their theologygrew more and more corrupted; so that very few traces of the original wereto be discovered. In short, almost every term was misconstrued, and abused. This[520] æra of darkness was of long duration: at last the Asiatic Greeksbegan to bestir themselves. They had a greater correspondence than theHelladians: and they were led to exert their talents from examples inSyria, Egypt, and other countries. The specimens, which they exhibited oftheir genius were amazing: and have been justly esteemed a standard forelegance and nature. The Athenians were greatly affected with theseexamples. They awoke, as it were, out of a long and deep sleep; and, as ifthey had been in the training of science for ages, their first effortsbordered upon perfection. In the space of a century, out of one littleconfined district, were produced a group of worthies, who at all times havebeen the wonder of the world: so that we may apply to the nation in generalwhat was spoken of the school of a philosopher: cujus ex ludo, tanquam exEquo Trojano, meri Principes exierunt. But this happy display of parts didnot remedy the evil of which I have complained. They did not retrieve anylost annals, nor were any efforts made to dispel the cloud in which theywere involved. There had been, as I have represented, a long interval;during which there must have happened great occurrences: but few of themhad been transmitted to posterity; and those handed down by tradition, andmixed with inconsistency and fable. It is said that letters were broughtinto Greece very early, by [521]Cadmus. Let us for a while grant it; andinquire what was the progress. They had the use of them so far as to put aninscription on the pediment of a temple, or upon a pillar; or to scrawl aman's name upon a tile or an oyster-shell, when they wanted to banish orpoison him. Such scanty knowledge, and so base materials, go but a littleway towards science. What history was there of Corinth, or of Sparta? Whatannals were there of Argos, or Messena; of Elis, or the cities of Achaia?None: not even of [522]Athens. There are not the least grounds to surmisethat any single record existed. The names of the Olympic victors fromCorœbus, and of the priestesses of Argos, were the principal memorials towhich they pretended: but how little knowledge could be obtained fromhence! The laws of Draco, in the thirty-ninth Olympiad, were certainly themost antient writing to which we can securely appeal. When the Greciansbegan afterwards to bestir themselves, and to look back upon what hadpassed, they collected whatever accounts could be [523]obtained. They triedalso to separate and arrange them, to the best of their abilities, and tomake the various parts of their history correspond. They had still somegood materials to proceed upon, had they thoroughly understood them; butherein was a great failure. Among the various traditions handed down, theydid not consider which really related to their country, and which had beenintroduced from other[524] parts. Indeed they did not chuse to distinguish, but adopted all for their own; taking the merit of every antienttransaction to themselves. No people had a greater love for science, nordisplayed a more refined taste in composition. Their study was ever toplease, and to raise admiration. Hence they always aimed at the marvellous, which they dressed up in a most winning manner: at the same time theybetrayed a seeming veneration for antiquity. But their judgment wasperverted, and this veneration attended with little regard for the truth. [525]They had a high opinion of themselves, and of their country ingeneral: and, being persuaded that they sprang from the ground on whichthey stood, and that the Arcadians were older than the moon, they restedsatisfied with this, and looked no farther. In short, they had no love forany thing genuine, no desire to be instructed. Their history could not bereformed but by an acknowledgment which their pride would not suffer themto make. They therefore devoted themselves to an idle mythology: and therewas nothing so contradictory and absurd but was greedily admitted, ifsanctified by tradition. Even when the truth glared in their very faces, they turned from the light, and would not be undeceived. Those who, likeEuemerus and Ephorus, had the courage to dissent from their legends, weredeemed atheists and apostates, and treated accordingly. Plutarch more thanonce insists that it is expedient to veil the truth, and to dress it up in[526]allegory. They went so far as to deem inquiry a [527]crime, and thusprecluded the only means by which the truth could be obtained. 

Nor did these prejudices appear only in respect to their own rites andtheology, and the history of their own nation: the accounts which they gaveof other countries were always tinctured with this predominant vanity. Anidle zeal made them attribute to their forefathers the merit of many greatperformances to which they were utterly strangers: and supposed them tohave founded cities in various parts of the world where the name of Greececould not have been known; cities which were in being before Greece was astate. Wherever they got footing, or even a transient acquaintance, they intheir descriptions accommodated every thing to their own preconceptions;and expressed all terms according to their own mode of writing andpronunciation, that appearances might be in their favour. To this wereadded a thousand silly stories to support their pretended claim. They wouldpersuade us that Jason of Greece founded the empire of the Medes; asPerseus, of the same country, did that of the Persians. Armenus, acompanion of Jason, was the reputed father of the Armenians. They gave outthat Tarsus, one of the most antient cities in the world, was built bypeople from [528]Argos; and that Pelusium of Egypt had a name of Grecian[529]original. They, too, built Sais, in the same [530]country: and thecity of the Sun, styled Heliopolis, owed its origin to an [531]Athenian. They were so weak as to think that the city Canobus had its name from apilot of Menelaus, and that even Memphis was built by Epaphos of[532]Argos. There surely was never any nation so incurious and indifferentabout truth. Hence have arisen those contradictions and inconsistences withwhich their history is [533]embarrassed. 

It may appear ungracious, and I am sure it is far from a pleasing task topoint out blemishes in a people of so refined a turn as the Grecians, whoseingenuity and elegance have been admired for ages. Nor would I engage in adisplay of this kind, were it not necessary to shew their prejudices andmistakes, in order to remedy their failures. On our part we have been toomuch accustomed to take in the gross with little or no examination, whatever they have been pleased to transmit: and there is no method ofdiscovering the truth but by shewing wherein they failed, and pointing outthe mode of error, the line of deviation. By unravelling the clue, we maybe at last led to see things in their original state, and to reduce theirmythology to order. That my censures are not groundless, nor carried to anundue degree of severity, may be proved from the like accusations from someof their best writers; who accuse them both of ignorance and forgery. [534]Hecatæus, of Miletus, acknowledges, _that the traditions of the Greekswere as ridiculous as they were numerous_: [535]and Philo confesses _thathe could obtain little intelligence from that quarter: that the Grecianshad brought a mist upon learning, so that it was impossible to discover thetruth: he therefore applied to people of other countries for information, from whom only it could be obtained_. Plato[536] owned _that the mostgenuine helps to philosophy were borrowed from those who by the Greeks werestyled barbarous_: and [537]Jamblichus gives the true reason for thepreference. _The Helladians_, says this writer, _are ever wavering andunsettled in their principles, and are carried about by the least impulse. They want steadiness; and if they obtain any salutary knowledge, theycannot retain it; nay, they quit it with a kind of eagerness; and, whateverthey do admit, they new mould and fashion, according to some novel anduncertain mode of reasoning. But people of other countries are moredeterminate in their principles, and abide more uniformly by the very termswhich they have traditionally received. _ They are represented in the samelight by Theophilus: [538]he says, _that they wrote merely for emptypraise, and were so blinded with vanity, that they neither discovered thetruth theirselves, nor encouraged others to pursue it_. Hence Tatianussays, with great truth, [539]_that the writers of other countries werestrangers to that vanity with which the Grecians were infected: that theywere more simple and uniform, and did not encourage themselves in anaffected variety of notions_. 

In respect to foreign history, and geographical knowledge, the Greeks, ingeneral, were very ignorant: and the writers, who, in the time of the RomanEmpire, began to make more accurate inquiries, met with insuperabledifficulties from the mistakes of those who had preceded. I know no censuremore severe and just than that which Strabo has passed upon the historiansand geographers of Greece, and of its writers in general. In speaking ofthe Asiatic nations, he assures us, that there never had been any accounttransmitted of them upon which we can depend. [540]_Some of these nations_, says this judicious writer, _the Grecians have called Sacæ, and othersMassagetæ, without having the least light to determine them. And thoughthey have pretended to give a history of Cyrus, and his particular warswith those who were called Massagetæ, yet nothing precise and satisfactorycould ever be obtained; not even in respect to the war. There is the sameuncertainty in respect to the antient history of the Persians, as well asto that of the Medes and Syrians. We can meet with little that can bedeemed authentic, on account of the weakness of those who wrote, and theiruniform love of fable. For, finding that writers, who professedly dealt infiction without any pretensions to the truth, were regarded, they thoughtthat they should make their writings equally acceptable, if in the systemof their history they were to introduce circumstances, which they hadneither seen nor heard, nor received upon the authority of another person;proceeding merely upon this principle, that they should be most likely toplease people's fancy by having recourse to what was marvellous and new. Onthis account we may more safely trust to Hesiod and Homer, when theypresent us with a list of Demigods and Heroes, and even to the tragicpoets, than to Ctesias, Herodotus, and Hellanicus, and writers of thatclass. Even the generality of historians, who wrote about Alexander, arenot safely to be trusted: for they speak with great confidence, relyingupon the glory of the monarch, whom they celebrate; and to the remotenessof the countries, in which he was engaged; even at the extremities of Asia;at a great distance from us and our concerns. This renders them verysecure. For what is referred to a distance is difficult to be confuted_. Inanother place, speaking of India, he says, that it was very difficult toarrive at the truth: _for the [541]writers, who must necessarily beappealed to, were in continual opposition, and contradicted one another. And how_, says Strabo, _could it be otherwise? for if they erred soshamefully when they had ocular proof, how could they speak with certainty, where they were led by hearsay?_ In another place[542] he excuses themistakes of the antient poets, saying, that we must not wonder if theysometimes deviated from the truth, when people in ages more enlightenedwere so ignorant, and so devoted to every thing marvellous and incredible. He had above given the poets even the preference to other writers: butherein his zeal transported him too far. The first writers were the poets;and the mischief began from them. They first infected tradition; and mixedit with allegory and fable. Of this Athenagoras accuses them very justly;and says, [543]_that the greatest abuses of true knowledge came from them. I insist_, says this learned father, _that we owe to Orpheus, Homer, andHesiod, the fictitious names and genealogies of the Pagan Dæmons, whom theyare pleased to style Gods: and I can produce Herodotus for a witness towhat I assert. He informs us, that Homer and Hesiod were about four hundredyears prior to himself; and not more. These, says he, were the persons whofirst framed the theogony of the Greeks; and gave appellations to theirDeities; and distinguished them according to their several ranks anddepartments. They at the same time described them under differentappearances: for till their time there was not in Greece any representationof the Gods, either in sculpture or painting; not any specimen of thestatuary's art exhibited: no such substitutes were in those times thoughtof. _

The antient history and mythology of Greece was partly transmitted by thecommon traditions of the natives: and partly preserved in those originalDoric hymns, which were universally sung in their Prutaneia and temples. These were in the antient Amonian language; and said to have beenintroduced by [544]Pagasus, Agyieus, and Olen. This last some represent asa Lycian, others as an Hyperborean: and by many he was esteemed anEgyptian. They were chanted by the Purcones, or priests of the Sun: and bythe female, Hierophants: of whom the chief upon record were [545]Phaënnis, [546]Phæmonoë, and Bæo. The last of these mentions Olen, as the inventor ofverse, and the most antient priest of Phœbus. 

 [547]Ωλην δ' ὁς γενετο πρωτος Φοιβοιο προφητες, Πρωτος δ' αρχαιων επεων τεχνωσατ' αοιδαν. 

These hymns grew, by length of time, obsolete; and scarce intelligible. They were, however, translated, or rather imitated, by Pamphos, Rhianus, Phemius, Homer, Bion Proconnesius, Onomacritus, and others. Many of thesacred terms could not be understood, nor interpreted; they were however[548]retained with great reverence: and many which they did attempt todecipher, were misconstrued and misapplied. Upon this basis was thetheology of Greece founded: from hence were the names of Gods taken: andvarious departments attributed to the several Deities. Every poet hadsomething different in his theogony: and every variety, howeverinconsistent, was admitted by the Greeks without the least hesitation:[549]Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες νεοτροποι--Ἑλλησιν αταλαιπωρος της αληθειας ζητησις. _The Grecians_, says Jamblichus, _are naturally led by novelty: Theinvestigation of truth is too fatiguing for a Grecian_. From these antienthymns and misconstrued terms [550]Pherecydes of Syrus planned his historyof the Gods: which, there is reason to think, was the source of much error. 

Such were the principles which gave birth to the mythology of the Grecians;from whence their antient history was in great measure derived. As theirtraditions were obsolete, and filled with extraneous matter, it rendered itimpossible for them to arrange properly the principal events of theircountry. They did not separate and distinguish; but often took tothemselves the merit of transactions, which were of a prior date, and ofanother clime. These they adopted, and made their own. Hence, when theycame to digest their history, it was all confused: and they wereembarrassed with numberless contradictions, and absurdities, which it wasimpossible to [551]remedy. For their vanity, as I have shewn, would notsuffer them to rectify their mistakes by the authority of more antient andmore learned nations. It is well observed by Tatianus [552]Assyrius, _thatwhere the history of times past has not been duly adjusted, it isimpossible to arrive at the truth: and there has been no greater cause oferror in writing, than the endeavouring to adopt what is groundless andinconsistent. _ Sir Isaac Newton somewhere lays it down for a rule, never toadmit for history what is antecedent to letters. For traditionary truthscannot be long preserved without some change in themselves, and someaddition of foreign circumstances. This accretion will be in every ageenlarged; till there will at last remain some few outlines only of theoriginal occurrence. It has been maintained by many, that the Grecians hadletters very early: but it will appear upon inquiry to have been agroundless notion. Those of the antients, who considered the matter morecarefully, have made no scruple to set aside their [553]pretensions. Josephus in particular takes notice of their early claim; but cannot allowit: [554]_They_, says this learned historian, _who would carry theintroduction of letters among the Greeks the highest, very gravely tell us, that they were brought over by the Phenicians, and Cadmus. Yet, after all, they cannot produce a single specimen either from their sacred writings, orfrom their popular records, which savours of that antiquity_. Theophilustakes notice of these difficulties; and shews that all the obscurity, withwhich the history of Hellas is clouded, arose from this deficiency ofletters. He complains, _that the [555]Hellenes had lost sight of the truth;and could not recollect any genuine history. The reason of this is obvious:for they came late to the knowledge of letters in comparison of othernations. This they confess, by attributing the invention of them to peopleprior to themselves; either to the Chaldeans, or the Egyptians: or else tothe Phenicians. Another cause of failure, which relates to their theology, and still greatly prevails, is owing to their not making a properdisquisition about the true object of worship: but amusing themselves withidle, and unprofitable speculations_. 

Notwithstanding this deficiency, they pretended to give a list of Argiveprinces, of which twenty preceded the war of [556]Troy. But what is moreextraordinary, they boasted of a series of twenty-six Kings at Sicyon, comprehending a space of one thousand years, all which kings were beforethe time of [557]Theseus and the Argonauts. Among those, who have given thelist of the Argive kings, is [558]Tatianus Assyrius, who advises everyperson of sense, when he meets with these high pretensions, to considerattentively, _that there was not a single voucher, not even a tradition ofany record, to authenticate these histories: for even Cadmus was many agesafter_. It is certain, that the Helladians had no tendency to learning, till they were awakened by the Asiatic Greeks: and it was even then sometime before letters were in general use; or any histories, or even recordsattempted. For if letters had been current, and the materials for writingobvious, and in common use, how comes it that we have not one specimenolder than the reign of Cyrus? And how is it possible, if the Grecians hadany records, that they should be so ignorant about some of their mostfamous men? Of Homer how little is known! and of what is transmitted, howlittle, upon which we may depend! Seven places in Greece contend for hisbirth: while many doubt whether he was of Grecian original. It is said ofPythagoras, [559]that according to Hippobotrus he was of Samos: butAristoxenus, who wrote his life, as well as Aristarchus, and Theopompus, makes him a Tyrrhenian. According to Neanthes he was of Syria, or else anative of Tyre. In like manner Thales was said by Herodotus, Leander, andDuris, to have been a Phenician: but he was by others referred to Miletusin Ionia. It is reported of Pythagoras, that he visited Egypt in the timeof Cambyses. From thence he betook himself to Croton in Italy: where he issupposed to have resided till the last year of the seventieth Olympiad:consequently he could not be above thirty or forty years prior to the birthof Æschylus and Pindar. What credit can we give to people for historiesmany ages backward; who were so ignorant in matters of importance, whichhappened in the days of their fathers? The like difficulties occur aboutPherecydes Syrius; whom Suidas styles Babylonius: neither the time, when helived, nor the place of his birth, have been ever satisfactorily proved. Till Eudoxus had been in Egypt the Grecians did not know the space of whichthe true year consisted. [560]Αλλ' ηγνοειτο τεως ὁ ενιαυτος παρα τοιςἙλλησιν, ὡς και αλλα πλειω. 

Another reason may be given for the obscurity in the Grecian history, evenwhen letters had been introduced among them. They had a childish antipathyto every foreign language: and were equally prejudiced in favour of theirown. This has passed unnoticed; yet was attended with the most fatalconsequences. They were misled by the too great delicacy of their ear; andcould not bear any term which appeared to them barbarous and uncouth. Onthis account they either rejected foreign [561]appellations; or so modelledand changed them, that they became, in sound and meaning, essentiallydifferent. And as they were attached to their own country, and its customs, they presumed that every thing was to be looked for among themselves. Theydid not consider, that the titles of their Gods, the names of cities, andtheir terms of worship, were imported: that their ancient hymns were grownobsolete: and that time had wrought a great change. They explained everything by the language in use, without the least retrospect or allowance:and all names and titles from other countries were liable to the same rule. If the name were dissonant, and disagreeable to their ear, it was rejectedas barbarous: but if it were at all similar in sound to any word in theirlanguage, they changed it to that word; though the name were of Syriacoriginal; or introduced from Egypt, or Babylonia. The purport of the termwas by these means changed: and the history, which depended upon it, eitherperverted or effaced. When the title Melech, which signified a King, wasrendered Μειλιχος and Μειλιχιος, _sweet and gentle_, it referred to an ideaquite different from the original. But this gave them no concern: theystill blindly pursued their purpose. Some legend was immediately inventedin consequence of this misprision, some story about bees and honey, and themistake was rendered in some degree plausible. This is a circumstance ofmuch consequence; and deserves our attention greatly. I shall have occasionto speak of it repeatedly; and to lay before the reader some entiretreatises upon the subject. For this failure is of such a nature, as, whendetected. And fairly explained, will lead us to the solution of many darkand enigmatical histories, with which the mythology of Greece abounds. Theonly author, who seems to have taken any notice of this unhappy turn in theGrecians, is Philo Biblius. [562]He speaks of it as a circumstance of verybad consequence, and says, that it was the chief cause of error andobscurity: hence, when he met in Sanchoniathon with antient names, he didnot indulge himself in whimsical solutions; but gave the true meaning, which was the result of some event or quality whence the name was imposed. This being a secret to the Greeks, they always took things in a wrongacceptation; being misled by a twofold sense of the terms which occurred tothem: one was the genuine and original meaning, which was retained in thelanguage whence they were taken: the other was a forced sense, which theGreeks unnaturally deduced from their own language, though there was norelation between them. The same term in different languages conveyeddifferent and opposite ideas: and as they attended only to the meaning intheir own tongue, they were constantly [563]mistaken. 

It may appear strange to make use of the mistakes of any people for afoundation to build upon: yet through these failures my system will be insome degree supported: at least from a detection of these errors, I hope toobtain much light. For, as the Grecian writers have preserved a kind ofuniformity in their mistakes, and there appears plainly a rule and methodof deviation, it will be very possible, when this method is well known, todecypher what is covertly alluded to; and by these means arrive at thetruth. If the openings in the wood or labyrinth are only as chanceallotted, we may be for ever bewildered: but if they are made with design, and some method be discernible, this circumstance, if attended to, willserve for a clue, and lead us through the maze. If we once know that whatthe Greeks, in their mythology, styled a wolf, was the Sun; that by a dogwas meant a prince, or Deity; that by bees was signified an order ofpriests; these terms, however misapplied, can no more mislead us inwriting, than their resemblances in sculpture would a native of Egypt, ifthey were used for emblems on stone. 

Thus much I have been obliged to premise: as our knowledge must comethrough the hands of the [564]Grecians. I am sensible, that many learnedmen have had recourse to other means for information: but I have never seenany specimens which have afforded much light. Those, to which I have beenwitness, have rather dazzled than illustrated; and bewildered instead ofconducting to the truth. Among the Greeks is contained a great treasure ofknowledge. It is a rich mine; which as yet has not been worked far beneaththe surface. The ore lies deep, and cannot be obtained without muchindustry and labour. The Helladians had the best opportunities to haveafforded us information about the antiquities of their country: of theirnegligence, and of their mistakes I have spoken; yet with a proper cluethey may still be read to great advantage. To say the truth, there isscarce an author of them all, from whom some good may not be derived. 

What has been wanting in the natives of Greece, has been greatly suppliedby writers of that nation from other countries, who lived in after-times. Of these the principal have been mentioned; and many others might be added, who were men of integrity and learning. They were fond of knowledge, andobtained a deep insight into antiquity: and, what is of the greatestconsequence, they were attached to the truth. They may sometimes have beenmistaken in their judgment: they may also have been deceived: but stilltruth was the scope at which they aimed. They have accordingly transmittedto us many valuable remains, which, but for them, had been buried inoblivion. There are likewise many pagan authors, to whom we are greatlyindebted; but especially to Strabo and Pausanias; who in their differentdepartments have afforded wonderful light. Nor must we omit Josephus ofJudea; whose treatise against Apion must be esteemed of inestimable value:indeed, all his writings are of consequence, if read with a properallowance. 

I have mentioned, that it is my purpose to give a history of the firstages; and to shew the origin of many nations, whose descent has beenmistaken; or else totally unknown. I shall speak particularly of one greatfamily, which diffused itself over many parts of the earth; from whom therites and mysteries, and almost the whole science of the Gentile world, were borrowed. But as I venture in an unbeaten track, and in a waste, whichhas been little frequented; I shall first take upon me to treat of thingsnear at hand, before I advance to remoter discoveries. I shall thereforespeak of those rites and customs, and of the nations, where they prevailed;as I shall by these means be led insensibly to the discovery of the people, from whom they were derived. By a similarity of customs, as well as by thesame religious terms, observable in different countries, it will be easy toshew a relation, which subsisted between such people, however widelydispersed. They will be found to have been colonies of the same family; andto have come ultimately from the same place. As my course will be in greatmeasure an uphill labour, I shall proceed in the manner which I havementioned; continually enlarging my prospect, till I arrive at the point Iaim at. 

It may be proper to mention to the reader that the following treatises werenot written in the order in which they now stand; but just as thesubject-matter presented itself before me. As many, which were firstcomposed, will occur last, I have been forced to anticipate some of thearguments, as well as quotations, which they contained, according as Ifound it expedient. Hence there will be some few instances of repetition, which however I hope will not give any great disgust: as what is repeated, was so interwoven in the argument, that I could not well disengage it fromthe text, where it occurs a second time. 

There will also be found some instances, where I differ from myself, and gocontrary to positions in a former treatise. These are very few, and of nogreat moment; being such as would probably escape the reader's notice. ButI think it more ingenuous, and indeed my strict duty, to own my mistakes, and point them out, rather than to pass them over in silence, or idly todefend them. 

 * * * * *

SOME NECESSARY

RULES AND OBSERVATIONS

IN RESPECT TO

ETYMOLOGICAL INQUIRIES;

AND FOR

THE BETTER UNDERSTANDING THE MYTHOLOGYOF GREECE. 

We must never deduce the etymology of an Egyptian or oriental term from theGreek language. Eustathius well observes, Ει βαρβαρον το ονομα ου χρηζητειν Ἑλληνικην ετυμολογιαν αυτου. 

We should recur to the Doric manner of expression, as being nearest to theoriginal. 

The Greeks adopted all foreign history: and supposed it to have been oftheir own country. 

They mistook temples for Deities, and places for persons. 

They changed every foreign term to something similar in their own language;to something similar in sound, however remote in meaning; being led solelyby the ear. 

They constantly mistook titles for names; and from these titles multipliedtheir Deities and Heroes. 

All terms of relation between the Deities to be disregarded. 

As the Grecians were mistaken, it is worth our while to observe the mode oferror and uniformity of mistake. By attending to this, we may bring thingsback to their primitive state, and descry in antient terms the originalmeaning. 

We must have regard to the oblique cases, especially in nounsimparasyllabic, when we have an antient term transmitted to us either fromthe Greeks or Romans. The nominative, in both languages, is often abridged;so that, from the genitive of the word, or from the possessive, theoriginal term is to be deduced. This will be found to obtain even in commonnames. From veteris we have veter for the true term; from sanguinis we havesanguen: and that this is right we may prove from Ennius, who says:

 [565]O! pater, O! genitor, O! sanguen diis oriundum. 

 [566]Cum veter occubuit Priamus sub marte Pelasgo. 

So mentis, and not mens, was the true nominative to mentis, menti, mentem;as we may learn from the same author:

 [567]Istic est de sole sumptus ignis, isque mentis est. 

In like manner Plebes was the nominative to Plebi and Plebem. 

 Deficit alma Ceres, nec plebes pane potitur. Lucilius. 

All the common departments of the Deities are to be set aside, asinconsistent and idle. Pollux will be found a judge; Ceres, a law-giver;Bacchus, the God of the year; Neptune, a physician; and Æsculapius, the Godof thunder: and this not merely from the poets; but from the bestmythologists of the Grecians, from those who wrote professedly upon thesubject. 

I have observed before, that the Grecians in foreign words often changedthe Nu final to Sigma. For Keren, they wrote Κερας; for Cohen, Κωης; forAthon, Αθως; for Boun, Βους; for Sain, Σαϊς. 

People, of old, were styled the children of the God whom they worshipped:hence they were, at last, thought to have been his real offspring; and hewas looked up to as the true parent. On the contrary, Priests wererepresented as foster-fathers to the Deity before whom they ministered; andPriestesses were styled τιθηναι, or nurses. 

Colonies always went out under the patronage and title of some Deity. Thisconducting-God was in after-times supposed to have been the real leader. 

Sometimes the whole merit of a transaction was imputed to this Deitysolely; who was represented under the character of Perseus, Dionusus, orHercules. Hence, instead of one person, we must put a people; and thehistory will be found consonant to the truth. 

As the Grecians made themselves principals in many great occurrences whichwere of another country, we must look abroad for the original, both oftheir rites and mythology; and apply to the nations from whence they werederived. Their original history was foreign, and ingrafted upon the historyof the country where they settled. This is of great consequence, andrepeatedly to be considered. 

One great mistake frequently prevails among people who deal in theseresearches, which must be carefully avoided. We should never make use of alanguage which is modern, or comparatively modern, to deduce the etymologyof antient and primitive terms. Pezron applies to the modern Teutonic, which he styles the Celtic, and says, was the language of Jupiter. But whowas Jupiter, and what has the modern Celtic to do with the history of Egyptor Chaldea? There was an interval of two thousand years between the timesof which he treats and any history of the Celtæ: and there is still aninterval, not very much inferior to the former, before we arrive at the æraof the language to which he applies. 

It has been the custom of those writers, who have been versed in theOriental languages, to deduce their etymologies from roots; which are oftensome portion of a verb. But the names of places and of persons aregenerally an assemblage of qualities and titles; such as I have exhibitedin the treatise above; and I believe were never formed by such evolutions. The terms were obvious, and in common use; taken from some well-knowncharacteristics. Those who imposed such names never thought of a root; and, probably, did not know the purport of the term. Whoever, therefore, inetymology, has recourse to this method of investigation, seems to me to actlike a person who should seek at the fountain-head for a city which stoodat the mouth of a river. 

 * * * * *

A

SHORT ACCOUNT

OF THE

HELLADIANS, AND THEIR ORIGIN;

_In order to obviate some Objections. _

As I have mentioned that the Helladians came from Egypt, and the east; itmay be proper to obviate an objection which may be made, to the account Igive; as if it were contradictory to the tenor of the scriptures, as theyare in general understood. Greece, and the islands of Greece, arecontinually supposed, from the account given by Moses[568], to have beenpeopled by the sons of Japhet; and there is scarce any body, either antientor modern, who has touched upon this subject, but has imagined Javan tohave been the same as Ion, the son of Xuth, from whom the Ionians weredescended. This latter point I shall not controvert at present. In respectto the former, the account given in the scriptures is undoubtedly mosttrue. The sons of Japhet did people the isles of the Gentiles; by which ismeant the regions of Greece and Europe, separated in great measure from theAsiatic continent by the intervention of the sea. They certainly were thefirst inhabitants of those countries. But the Helladians, though by familyIonians, were not of this race. They came afterwards; and all their bestwriters agree, that when their ancestors made their way into theseprovinces, they were possessed by a prior people. Who these were is nowhere uniformly said: only they agree to term them in general Βαρβαροι, ora rude, uncivilized people. As my system depends greatly upon this point;to take away every prejudice to my opinion, I will in some degreeanticipate, what I shall hereafter more fully prove. I accordingly submitto the reader the following evidences; which are comparatively few, if weconsider what might be brought to this purpose. These are to shew, that theHelladians were of a different race from the sons of Japhet: and that thecountry, when they came to it, was in the possession of another people:which people they distinguished from themselves by the title of Βαρβαροι. 

Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ τωνἙλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικιαΒαρβαρων ὑπηρξατο το παλαιον. Strabo. L. 7. P. 321. 

Εισι δε ἡμων αρχαιοτεροι Βαρβαροι. Plato in Cratylo. Vol. 1. P. 425. 

Παλαι της νυν καλουμενης Ἑλλαδος Βαρβαροι τα πολλα ῳκησαν. Pausanias. L. 1. P. 100. 

Αρκαδιαν Βαρβαροι ῳκησαν. Scholia Apollonii Rhod. L. 3. V. 461. 

Diodorus mentions, Αθηναιους--αποικους Σαϊτων των εξ Αιγυπτου. L. 1. P. 24. 

Again--Γενομεναι δε και των ἡγεμονων τινας Αιγυπτιους παρα τοις Αθηναιοις. Ibidem. 

Africanus having spoken of the Egyptian rites, says, Ὁτι τε Αθηναιους τωναυτων Αιγυπτιοις απολαυειν εικος ην, αποικους εκεινων απονοουμενους, ὡςφασιν αλλοι τε, και εν τῳ Τρικαρηνῳ Θεοπομπος. Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. L. X. C. X. P. 491. 

Concerning persons from Egypt. 

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος ων, δυο γλωσσας ηπιστατο. Cedrenus p. 82. 

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκισε τας Αθηνας. Scholia Aristoph. Pluti. 

 Ὡσδε απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτιας, Μετα τον κατα Ωγυγον κατακλυσμον εκεινον, Ὁ Κεκροψ παρεγεγονεν Αθηναις της Ἑλλαδος. J. Tzetzes. Chil. V. Hist. 18. 

Κεκροψ, Αιγυπτιος το γενος, ῳκησε τας Αθηνας. Suidas. 

Pausanias mentions Λελεγα αφικομενον εξ Αιγυπτου. L. 1. P. 95. 

Erectheus from Egypt. Και τον Ερεχθεα λεγουσι το γενος Αιγυπτιον οντα. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 25. 

Triptolemus from thence, who had been the companion of Osiris. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 17. He gave the Athenians laws. Porphyry mentions Των Αθηνῃσινομοθετων Τριπτολεμον. Abstinent. L. 4. P. 431. 

It is said, that Danaus was a native of the city Chemmis; from whence hemade his expedition to Greece. Δαναος Χεμμιτης. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 91. 

Navem primus ex Ægypto Danaus advexit. Pliny. L. 7. C. 56. He brought acolony with him. Λεγουσι δε τους περι Δαναον ὁρμηθεντας ὁμοιως εκειθεν, scil. εξ Αιγυπτου. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 24. 

All the heads of the Dorian race from Egypt. Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι τωνΔωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες. Herodotus. L. 6. C. 53. 

The Lacedæmonians esteemed themselves of the same family as the Caphtorimof Palestine: hence they surmised, that they were related to the Jews, 1Maccabees, c. 12. V. 20, 21. Josephus: A. J. L. 12. C. 4. P. 606. Perseuswas supposed to have been a foreigner. Ὡς δε ὁ Περσεων λογος λεγεται, αυτοςὁ Περσευς εων Ασσυριος εγενετο Ἑλλην. Herodotus. L. 6. C. 54. 

It is said of Cadmus, that he came originally from Egypt, in company withPhœnix. Καδμος και Φοινιξ απο Θηβων των Αιγυπτιων. Euseb. Chron. P. 15. 

Eusebius in another place mentions the arrival of Cadmus with a company ofSaïtæ. They founded Athens, the principal city of Greece: also Thebes inBœotia. They were of Egypt; but he says, that they came last from Sidon. Itis in a passage, where he speaks of a former race in Attica before those ofEgypt called Saïtæ: Πλην των μετοικησαντων ὑστερον εκει Σαϊτων, καικατοικησαντων την της Ἑλλαδος μητροπολιν Αθηνας, και τας Θηβας. Σιδωνιωνγαρ ὁυτοι αποικοι εκ Καδμου του Αγηνορος. Chron. P. 14. The antientAthenians worshipped Isis: and were in their looks, and in their mannersparticularly like the Egyptians. Και ταις ιδεαις, και τοις ηθεσινὁμοιοτατους ειναι τοις Αιγυπτιοις. The whole of their polity was plainlyborrowed from that country. Diod. Sic. L. 1: p. 24, 25, 26. 

It is said by Sanchoniathon, that Cronus, in his travels over the earth incompany with his daughter Athena, came to Attica; which he bestowed uponher. Euseb. P. E. Lib. 1. C. 10. P. 38. 

This is not unlike the account given by the Scholiast upon Lycophronconcerning Cecrops: from whence the legend may receive some light. Ελθωναρ' (ὁ Κεκροψ) απο Σαεως πολεως Αιγυπτου τας Αθηνας συνῳκισε. Σαϊς δε κατ'Αιγυπτιους ἡ Αθηνα λεγεται, ὡς φησιν Χαραξ. Lycoph. V. 111. Schol. 

Hence it is, that almost the whole of the mythology of Greece is borrowedfrom Egypt. Καθολου δε, φησι, τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιασεσθαι τους επιφανεστατουςΑιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. Diodorus. L. 1. P. 20. All their rites andceremonies were from the same quarter. 

Πανηγυριας δε αρα, και πομπας, και προσαγωγας πρωτοι ανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοιεισιν, ὁι ποιησαμενοι, και παρα τουτων Ἑλληνες μεμαθηκασι. Herod. L. 3. C. 58. 

Επειτα χρονου πολλου διελθοντος, επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτουαπικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων. Herod. L. 2. C. 52. See also l. 2. C. 4. 

Και παντα τα ουνοματα των Θεων εξ Αιγυπτου εληλυθε ες την Ἑλλαδα. Herod. L. 2. C. 50. Hence it is said that the Corybantes, with their mother Comba, came and settled at Athens: Κομβης ἑπτατοκου μετα μητερος. Nonni Dionys. L. 13. And that the priests at Athens, styled Eumolpidæ, were from Egypt. Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 25. One of the Egyptians, who brought theserites to Greece, is mentioned under the name of Melampus: as the Egyptiansare, in general, under the character of Melampodes. Ἑλλησι γαρ δη Μελαμπουςεστιν, ὁ εξηγησαμενος του Διονυσου ονομα, και την Θυσιαν, και την πομπηντου φαλλου. Herod. L. 2. C. 49. He is likewise said to have firstintroduced physic: by which this only is meant, that physic too came fromEgypt. 

To the same purpose may be consulted Lucian de Suriâ Deâ. Πρωτοι μηνανθρωπων Αιγυπτιοι κτλ. Eusebius. P. Evan. Lib. 10. C. 4. P. 469. And c. 5. P. 473. Clemens Alexand. L. 1. P. 361, 381. Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 20. P. 62, 63. And p. 86, 87. Tatianus Assyrius. P. 243, 274. Thucydides. L. 1. C. 2, 3. 

 * * * * *

A

NEW SYSTEM

OR AN

ANALYSIS

OF

ANTIENT MYTHOLOGY. 

 * * * * *

OF

ANTIENT WORSHIP, AND OF

ETYMOLOGICAL TRUTHS

THENCE DEDUCIBLE:

EXEMPLIFIED IN THE NAMES OF CITIES, LAKES, AND RIVERS. 

 Εστι που και ποταμοις τιμη, η κατ' ωφελειαν, ὡσπερ Αιγυπτιοις προς τον Νειλον, η κατα καλλος, ὡς Θετταλοις προς Πηνειον, η κατα μεγεθος, ὡς Σκυθαις προς τον Ιστρον, η κατα μυθον, ὡς Αιτωλοις προς τον Αχελωον. ----MAX. TYRIUS. Dissert. Viii. P. 81. 

As the divine honours paid to the Sun, and the adoration of fire, were atone time almost universal, there will be found in most places a similitudein the terms of worship. And though this mode of idolatry took its rise inone particular part of the world, yet, as it was propagated to others farremote, the stream, however widely diffused, will still savour of thefountain. Moreover, as people were determined in the choice of their holyplaces by those preternatural phænomena, of which I have before takennotice; if there be any truth in my system, there will be uniformly foundsome analogy between the name of the temple, and its rites and situation:so that the etymology may be ascertained by the history of the place. Thelike will appear in respect to rivers and mountains; especially to thosewhich were esteemed at all sacred, and which were denominated from the Sunand fire. I therefore flatter myself that the etymologies which I shall laybefore the reader will not stand single and unsupported; but there will bean apparent analogy throughout the whole. The allusion will not be casualand remote, nor be obtained by undue inflexions and distortions: but, however complicated the name may appear, it will resolve itself easily intothe original terms; and, when resolved, the truth of the etymology will beascertained by the concomitant history. If it be a Deity, or otherpersonage, the truth will appear from his office and department; or withthe attributes imputed to him. To begin, then, with antient Latium. If Ishould have occasion to speak of the Goddess Feronia, and of the citydenominated from her, I should deduce the from Fer-On, ignis Dei Solis; andsuppose the place to have been addicted to the worship of the Sun, and therites of fire. I accordingly find, from Strabo and Pliny, that rites ofthis sort were practised here: and one custom, which remained even to thetime of Augustus, consisted in a ceremony of the priests, who used to walkbarefoot over burning coals: [569]Γυμνοις γαρ ποσι διεξιασιν ανθρακιαν, καισποδιαν μεγαλην. _The priests, with their feet naked, walked over a largequantity of live coals and cinders_. The town stood at the bottom of MountSoracte, sacred to Apollo; and the priests were styled Hirpi. Aruns, inVirgil, in his address to Apollo, takes notice of this custom:

 [570]Summe Deûm, magni custos Soractis, Apollo, Quem primi colimus; cui pineus ardor acervo Pascitur, et medium freti pietate per ignem Cultores multâ premimus vestigia prunâ; Da, Pater. 

The temple is said to have been founded on account of a pestilential[571]vapour, which arose from a cavern; and to which some shepherds wereconducted by (Λυκος) a wolf. Were I to attempt the decyphering of Ferentum, I should proceed in a manner analogous to that above. I should suppose itto have been named _Fer-En, ignis, vel Solis fons_, from something peculiareither in its rites or situation. I accordingly find, that there was asacred fountain, whose waters were styled Aquæ Ferentinæ, --cui numen etiam, et divinus cultus tributus [572]fuit. Here was a grove, equally sacred, mentioned by [573] Livy, and others; where the antient Latines used to holdtheir chief assemblies. As this grand meeting used to be in a placedenominated from fire, it was the cause of those councils being calledFeriæ Latinæ. The fountain, which ran through the grove, arose at the footof mount [574]Albanus, and afterwards formed many [575]pools. 

The antient Cuthites, and the Persians after them, had a great venerationfor fountains and streams; which also prevailed among other nations, so asto have been at one time almost universal. Of this regard among thePersians Herodotus takes notice: [576]Σεβονται ποταμους των παντων μαλιστα:_Of all things in nature they reverence rivers most_. But if these riverswere attended with any nitrous or saline quality, or with any fieryeruption, they were adjudged to be still more sacred, and everdistinguished with some title of the Deity. The natives of Egypt had thelike veneration. _Other nations_, says [577]Athanasius, _reverenced riversand fountains; but, above all people in the world, the Egyptians held themin the highest honour, and esteemed them as divine. _ Julius Firmicus givesthe same account of them. [578]Ægyptii aquæ beneficium percipientes aquamcolunt, aquis supplicant. From hence the custom passed westward to Greece, Italy, and the extremities of Europe. In proof of which the followinginscription is to be found in Gruter:

[579]Vascaniæ in HispaniâFONTI DIVINO. 

How much it prevailed among the Romans we learn from Seneca. [580]Magnorumfluviorum capita veneramur--coluntur aquarum calentium fontes; et quædamstagna, quæ vel opacitas, vel immensa altitudo sacravit. It mattered notwhat the nature of the water might be, if it had a peculiar quality. AtThebes, in Ammonia, was a fountain, which was said to have been cold byday, and warm at night. Ἡ κρηνη [581]καλειται του ἡλιου. _It was named thefountain of the Sun. _ In Campania was a fountain Virena; which I shouldjudge to be a compound of Vir-En, and to signify ignis fons, from beingdedicated to the Deity of fire, on account of some particular quality. Iaccordingly find in [582]Vitruvius, that it was a medicinal spring, and ofa strong vitriolic nature. The Corinthians had in their Acropolis a[583]Pirene, of the same purport as Virena, just mentioned. It was abeautiful fountain sacred to Apollo, whose [584]image was at the head ofthe water within a sacred inclosure. 

We read of a Pyrene, which was a fountain of another nature; yet of thesame etymology, however differently expressed. It was a mountain, and gavename to the vast ridge called Saltus Pyrenæi. It is undoubtedly a compoundof [585]Pur-ain, and signifies a fountain of fire. I should imagine, without knowing the history of the country, that this mountain once flamed;and that the name was given from this circumstance. Agreeably to this, Ifind, from Aristotle de Mirabilibus, that here was formerly an eruption offire. The same is mentioned by Posidonius in Strabo; and also by Diodorus, who adds, [586]Τα μεν ορη δια το συμβεβηκος κληθηναι Πυρηναια. _That themountains from hence had the name of Pyrenæi. _ Mount Ætna is derived verytruly by Bochart from Aituna, fornax; as being a reservoir of moltenmatter. There was another very antient name, Inessus; by which the nativescalled the hill, as well as the city, which was towards the bottom of it. The name is a compound of Ain-Es, like Hanes in Egypt; and signifies afountain of fire. It is called Ennesia by Diodorus, who says that this namewas afterwards changed to Ætna. He speaks of the city; but the name wasundoubtedly borrowed from the mountain, to which it was primarilyapplicable, and upon which it was originally conferred: [587]Και την νυνουσαν Αιτνην εκτησαντο, προ τουτου καλουμενην Εννησιαν. Strabo expressesthe name Innesa, and informs us, more precisely, that the upper part of themountain was so called, Οι δε [588]Αιτναιοι παραχωρησαντες την Ιννησανκαλουμενην, της Αιτνης ορεινην, ᾡκησαν. _Upon this, the people, withdrawingthemselves, went and occupied the upper part of Mount Ætna, which wascalled Innesa. _ The city Hanes, in Egypt, was of the same etymology; beingdenominated from the Sun, who was styled Hanes. Ain-Es, fons ignis sivelucis. It was the same as the Arab Heliopolis, called now Mataiea. Stephanas Byzantinus calls the city Inys: for that is manifestly the namehe gives it, if we take away the Greek termination, [589]Ινυσσος, πολιςΑιγυπτου: but Herodotus, [590]from whom he borrows, renders it Iënis. Itwould have been more truly rendered Doricè Iänis; for that was nearer tothe real name. The historian, however, points it out plainly, by saying, that it was three days journey from Mount [591]Casius; and that the wholeway was through the Arabian desert. This is a situation which agrees withno other city in all Egypt, except that which was the Onium of the laterJews. With this it accords precisely. There seem to have been two citiesnamed On, from the worship of the Sun. One was called Zan, Zon, and Zoan, in the land of Go-zan, the [592]Goshen of the scriptures. The other was thecity On in Arabia; called also Hanes. They were within eight or nine milesof each other, and are both mentioned together by the prophet [593]Isaiah. _For his princes were at Zoan, and his ambassadors came to Hanes_. The nameof each of these cities, on account of the similarity of worship, has bythe Greeks been translated [594]Heliopolis; which has caused greatconfusion in the history of Egypt. The latter of the two was the Iänis, orΙανισος, of the Greeks; so called from Hanes, the great fountain of light, the Sun; who was worshipped under that title by the Egyptians and Arabians. It lies now quite in ruins, close to the village Matarea, which has risenfrom it. The situation is so pointed out, that we cannot be mistaken: andwe find, moreover, which is a circumstance very remarkable, that it is atthis day called by the Arabians Ain El Sham, the fountain of the Sun; aname precisely of the same purport as Hanes. Of this we are informed by thelearned geographer, D'Anville, and others; though the name, by differenttravellers, is expressed with some variation. [595]Cette ville presqueensévelie sous des ruines, et voisine, dit Abulfeda, d'un petit lieu nomméMatarea, conserve dans les géographies Arabes le nom d'Ainsiems ou dufontain du Soleil. A like account is given by Egmont and [596]Hayman;though they express the name Ain El Cham; a variation of littleconsequence. The reason why the antient name has been laid aside, by thosewho reside there, is undoubtedly this. Bochart tells us, that, since thereligion of Mahomet has taken place, the Arabs look upon Hanes as thedevil: [597]proinde ab ipsis ipse Dæmon הנאס vocatur. Hence they haveabolished Hanes: but the name Ain El Cham, of the same purport, they havesuffered to remain. 

I have before taken notice of an objection liable to be made from asupposition, that if Hanes signified _the fountain of light_, as I havepresumed, it would have been differently expressed in the Hebrew. This is astrange fallacy; but yet very predominant. Without doubt those learned men, who have preceded in these researches, would have bid fair for noblediscoveries, had they not been too limited, and biassed, in their notions. But as far as I am able to judge, most of those, who have engaged ininquiries of this nature, have ruined the purport of their labours throughsome prevailing prejudice. They have not considered, that every othernation, to which we can possibly gain access, or from whom we have anyhistory derived, appears to have expressed foreign terms differently fromthe natives, in whose language they were found. And without a miracle theHebrews must have done the same. We pronounce all French names differentlyfrom the people of that country: and they do the same in respect to us. What we call London, they express Londres: England they style Angleterre. What some call Bazil, they pronounce Bal: Munchen, Munich: Mentz, Mayence:Ravenspurg, Ratisbon. The like variation was observable of old. Carthago ofthe Romans was Carchedon among the Greeks. Hannibal was rendered Annibas:Asdrubal, Asdroubas: and probably neither was consonant to the Punic modeof expression. If then a prophet were to rise from the dead, and preach toany nation, he would make use of terms adapted to their idiom and usage;without any retrospect to the original of the terms, whether they weredomestic, or foreign. The sacred writers undoubtedly observed this ruletowards the people, for whom they wrote; and varied in their expressing offoreign terms; as the usage of the people varied. For the Jewish nation attimes differed from its neighbours, and from itself. We may be morallycertain, that the place, rendered by them Ekron, was by the natives calledAchoron; the Accaron, Ακκαρων, of Josephus, and the Seventy. What theytermed Philistim, was Pelestin: Eleazar, in their own language, theychanged to Lazar, and Lazarus: and of the Greek συνεδριον they formedSanhedrim. Hence we may be certified, that the Jews, and their ancestors, as well as all nations upon earth, were liable to express foreign termswith a variation, being led by a natural peculiarity in their mode ofspeech. They therefore are surely to be blamed, who would deduce theorthography of all antient words from the Hebrew; and bring everyextraneous term to that test. It requires no great insight into thatlanguage to see the impropriety of such procedure. Yet no prejudice hasbeen more [598]common. The learned Michaelis has taken notice of this[599]fatal attachment, and speaks of it as a strange illusion. He says, that _it is the reigning influenza, to which all are liable, who make theHebrew their principal study_. The only way to obtain the latent purport ofantient terms is by a fair analysis. This must be discovered by an apparentanalogy; and supported by the history of the place, or person, to whom theterms relate. If such helps can be obtained, we may determine very trulythe etymology of an Egyptian or Syriac name; however it may appearrepugnant to the orthography of the Hebrews. The term Hanes is not souncommon as may be imagined. Zeus was worshipped under this title inGreece, and styled Ζευς Αινησιος. The Scholiast upon Apollonius Rhodiusmentions his temple, and terms it [600]Διος Αινησιου ἱερον ου μνημονευεικαι Λεων εν περιπλῳ, και Δημοσθενης εν λιμεσι. It is also taken notice ofby Strabo, who speaks of a mountain Hanes, where the temple stood. [601]Μεγιστον δε ορος εν αυτῃ Αινος (lege Αινης) εν ᾡ το του Διος Αινησιουἱερον. The mountain of Zeus Ainesius must have been Aines, and not Ainos;though it occurs so in our present copies of Strabo. The Scholiast abovequotes a verse from Hesiod, where the Poet styles the Deity Αινηιος. 

 Ενθ' ὁιγ' ευχεσθην Αινηιῳ ὑψιμεδοντι. 

Aineïus, and Ainesius are both alike from Hanes, the Deity of Egypt, whoserites may be traced in various parts. There were places named Aineas, andAinesia in Thrace; which are of the same original. This title occurssometimes with the prefix Ph'anes: and the Deity so called was by the earlytheologists thought to have been of the highest antiquity. They esteemedhim the same as [602]Ouranus, and Dionusus: and went so far as to give hima creative [603]power, and to deduce all things from him. The Grecians fromPhanes formed Φαναιος, which they gave as a title both to [604]Zeus, andApollo. In this there was nothing extraordinary, for they were both thesame God. In the north of Italy was a district called Ager [605]Pisanus. The etymology of this name is the same as that of Hanes, and Phanes; onlythe terms are reversed. It signifies ignis fons: and in confirmation ofthis etymology I have found the place to have been famous for its hotstreams, which are mentioned by Pliny under the name of Aquæ Pisanæ. Cumain Campania was certainly denominated from Chum, heat, on account of itssoil, and situation. Its medicinal [606]waters are well known; which werecalled Aquæ Cumanæ. The term Cumana is not formed merely by a Latineinflection; but consists of the terms Cumain, and signifies a hot fountain;or a fountain of Chum, or Cham, the Sun. The country about it was calledPhlegra; and its waters are mentioned by Lucretius. 

 [607]Qualis apud Cumas locus est, montemque Vesevum, Oppleti calidis ubi fumant fontibus auctus. 

Here was a cavern, which of old was a place of prophecy. It was the seat ofthe Sibylla Cumana, who was supposed to have come from [608]Babylonia. AsCuma was properly Cuman; so Baiæ was Baian; and Alba near mountAlbanus[609], Alban: for the Romans often dropped the n final. Pisa, socelebrated in Elis, was originally Pisan, of the same purport as the AquæPisanæ above. It was so called from a sacred fountain, to which only thename can be primarily applicable: and we are assured by Strabo [610]Τηνκρηνην Πισαν ειρησθαι, that the fountain had certainly the name of Pisan. Ihave mentioned that Mount Pyrene was so called from being a fountain offire: such mountains often have hot streams in their vicinity, which aregenerally of great utility. Such we find to have been in Aquitania at thefoot of this mountain, which were called Thermæ Onesæ; and are mentioned byStrabo, as [611]Θερμα καλλιστα ποτιμωτατου ὑδατος. What in one part of theworld was termed Cumana, was in another rendered Comana. There was a grandcity of this name in Cappadocia, where stood one of the noblest Puratheiain Asia. The Deity worshipped was represented as a feminine, and styledAnait, and Anaïs; which latter is the same as Hanes. She was well knownalso in Persis, Mesopotamia, and at Egbatana in Media. Both An-ait, andAn-ais, signifies a fountain of fire. Generally near her temples, there wasan eruption of that element; particularly at Egbatana, and Arbela. Of thelatter Strabo gives an account, and of the fiery matter which was near it. [612]Περι Αρβηλα δε εστι και Δημητριας πολις· ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και ταπυρα (or πυρεια) και το της Αναιας ἱερον. 

I should take the town of Egnatia in Italy to have been of the same purportas Hanes above mentioned: for Hanes was sometimes expressed with aguttural, Hagnes; from whence came the ignis of the Romans. In Arcadia nearmount Lyceus was a sacred fountain; into which one of the nymphs, whichnursed Jupiter, was supposed to have been changed. It was called Hagnon, the same as Ain-On, the fount of the Sun. From Ain of the Amonians, expressed Agn, came the ἁγνος of the Greeks, which signified any thing pureand clean; purus sive castus. Hence was derived ἁγνειον, πηγαιον· ἁγναιον, καθαρον· ἁγνη, καθαρα: as we may learn from Hesychius. Pausanias styles thefountain [613]Hagno: but it was originally Hagnon, the fountain of the Sun:hence we learn in another place of Hesychius, ἁγνοπολεισθαι, το ὑπο ἡλιουθερεσθαι. The town Egnatia, which I mentioned above, stood in campisSalentinii, and at this day is called Anazo, and Anazzo. It was so namedfrom the rites of fire: and that those customs were here practised, we maylearn from some remains of them among the natives in the times of Horaceand Pliny. The former calls the place by contraction [614]Gnatia:

 Dein Gnatia Nymphis Iratis extructa dedit risumque, jocumque; Dum flammis sine thura liquescere limine sacro Persuadere cupit. 

Horace speaks as if they had no fire: but according to Pliny they boastedof having a sacred and spontaneous appearance of it in their temple. [615]Reperitur apud auctores in Salentino oppido Egnatiâ, imposito ligno insaxum quoddam ibi sacram protinus flammam existere. From hence, undoubtedly, came also the name of Salentum, which is a compound of Sal-En, Solis fons; and arose from this sacred fire to which the Salentinipretended. They were Amonians, who settled here, and who came last fromCrete [616]Τους δε Σαλεντινους Κρητων αποικους φασι. Innumerable instancesof this sort might be brought from Sicily: for this island abounded withplaces, which were of Amonian original. Thucydides and other Greek writers, call them Phenicians[617]: Ωκουν δε και Φοινικες περι πασαν μεν Σικελιαν. But they were a different people from those, which he supposes. Besides, the term Phenician was not a name, but a title: which was assumed by peopleof different parts; as I shall shew. The district, upon which the Greciansconferred it, could not have supplied people sufficient to occupy the manyregions, which the Phenicians were supposed to have possessed. It was anappellation, by which no part of Canaan was called by the antient and trueinhabitants: nor was it ever admitted, and in use, till the Grecians gotpossession of the coast. It was even then limited to a small tract; to thecoast of Tyre and Sidon. 

If so many instances may be obtained from the west, many more will befound, as we proceed towards the east; from whence these terms wereoriginally derived. Almost all the places in Greece were of orientaletymology; or at least from Egypt. I should suppose that the name ofMethane in the Peloponnesus had some relation to a fountain, beingcompounded of Meth-an, the fountain of the Egyptian Deity, Meth, whom theGreeks called Μητις, Meetis. 

 [618]Και Μητις πρωτος γενετωρ, και Ερως πολυτερπης. 

We learn from [619]Pausanias, that there was in this place a temple and astatue of Isis, and a statue also of Hermes in the forum; and that it wassituated near some hot springs. We may from hence form a judgment, why thisname was given, and from what country it was imported. We find this termsometimes compounded Meth-On, of which name there was a town in[620]Messenia. Instances to our purpose from Greece will accrue continuallyin the course of our work. 

One reason for holding waters so sacred arose from a notion, that they weregifted with supernatural powers. Jamblichus takes notice of many ways, bywhich the gift of divination was to be obtained. [621]_Some_, says he, _procure a prophetic spirit by drinking the sacred water, as is thepractice of Apollo's priest at Colophon. Some by sitting over the mouth ofthe cavern, as the women do, who give out oracles at Delphi. Others areinspired by the vapour, which arises from the waters; as is the case ofthose who are priestesses at Branchidæ_. He adds, [622] _in respect to theoracle at Colophon, that the prophetic spirit was supposed to proceed fromthe water. The fountain, from whence it flowed, was in an apartment underground; and the priest went thither to partake of the emanation_. From thishistory of the place we may learn the purport of the name, by which thisoracular place was called. Colophon is Col-Oph On, tumulus Dei SolisPythonis, and corresponds with the character given. The river, into whichthis fountain ran, was sacred, and named Halesus; it was also called[623]Anelon: An-El-On, Fons Dei Solis. Halesus is composed of well-knowntitles of the same God. 

Delos was famed for its oracle; and for a fountain sacred to the propheticDeity. It was called [624]Inopus. This is a plain compound of Ain-Opus, Fons Pythonis. Places named Asopus, Elopus, and like, are of the sameanalogy. The God of light, Orus, was often styled Az-El; whence we meetwith many places named Azelis, Azilis, Azila, and by apocope, Zelis, Zela, and Zeleia. In Lycia was the city Phaselis, situated upon the mountain[625]Chimæra; which mountain had the same name, and was sacred to the Godof fire. Phaselis is a compound of Phi, which, in the Amonian language, isa mouth or opening; and of Azel above mentioned. Ph'Aselis signifies OsVulcani, sive apertura ignis; in other words a chasm of fire. The reasonwhy this name was imposed may be seen in the history of the place[626]. Flagrat in Phaselitide Mons Chimæra, et quidem immortali diebus, etnoctibus flammâ. Chimæra is a compound of Cham-Ur, the name of the Deity, whose altar stood towards the top of the [627]mountain. At no greatdistance stood Mount Argaius, which was a part of the great ridge, calledTaurus. This Argaius may be either derived from Har, a mountain; or fromAur, fire. We may suppose Argaius to signify Mons cavus: or rather _igniscavitas_, sive _Vulcani domus_, a name given from its being hollow, and atthe same time a reservoir of fiery matter. The history of the mountain maybe seen in Strabo; who says, that it was immensely high, and ever coveredwith snow; it stood in the vicinity of Comana, Castabala, Cæsarea, andTyana: and all the country about it abounded with fiery [628]eruptions. Butthe most satisfactory idea of this mountain may be obtained from coins, which were struck in its vicinity; and particularly [629]describe it, bothas an hollow and an inflamed mountain. 

In Thrace was a region called Pæonia, which seems to have had its name fromP'Eon, the God of light[630]. The natives of these parts were styled bothPeonians and Pierians; which names equally relate to the Sun. Agreeably tothis Maximus Tyrius tells us, that they particularly worshipped thatluminary: and adds, that they had no image; but instead of it used tosuspend upon an high pole a disk of metal, probably of fine gold, as theywere rich in that mineral: and before this they performed their[631]adoration. 

There is an apparent analogy between the names of places farther east;whose inhabitants were all worshippers of the Sun. Hence most names are anassemblage of his titles. Such is Cyrestia, Chalybon, Comana, Ancura, Cocalia, Cabyra, Arbela, Amida, Emesa, Edessa, and the like. Emesa is acompound of Ham-Es: the natives are said by Festus Avienus to have beendevoted to the Sun:

 [632]Denique flammicomo devoti pectora Soli Vitam agitant. 

Similar to Emesa was Edessa, or more properly Adesa, so named from Hades, the God of light. The emperor Julian styles the region--Ἱερον εξ αιωνος τῳἩλιῳ [633]Χωριον. This city was also, from its worship, styled [634]Ur, Urhoe, and Urchoë; which last was probably the name of the [635]temple. 

There were many places called Arsene, Arsine, Arsinoë, Arsiana. These wereall the same name, only varied in different countries; and they wereconsequently of the same purport. Arsinoë is a compound of arez-ain, Solisfons: and most places so denominated will be found famed for some fountain. One of this name was in Syria; [636]Αρσινοη πολις εν Συριᾳ, επι βουνῳκειμενη. απο δε του βουνου κρηνας ερευγεται πλειονας--αφ' ὡν ἡ πολιςωνομασται. _Arsinoë is a city in Syria, situated upon a rising ground, outof which issue many streams: from hence the city had its name_. Arsine andArsiana in Babylonia had [637]fountains of bitumen. Arsene in Armenia was anitrous lake: [638]Αρσηνη λιμην--νιτριτις. Near Arsinoë, upon the Red Sea, were hot streams of bitter [639]waters; and Arsinoë near [640]Ephesus hadwaters equally bitter. 

There were many people called Hyrcani; and cities and regions, Hyrcania: inthe history of which there will be uniformly found some reference to fire. The name is a compound of Ur-chane, the God of that element. He wasworshipped particularly at Ur, in Chaldea: and one tribe of that nationwere called Urchani. Strabo mentions them as only one branch of the[641]literati; but [642]Pliny speaks of them as a people, a tribe of theChaldeans. Here was the source of fire worship: and all the country wasreplete with bitumen and fire. There was a region [643]Hyrcania, inhabitedby the Medes; which seems to have been of the same inflammable nature. Thepeople were called Hyrcani, and Astabeni: which latter signifies the sonsof fire. Celiarius mentions a city Hyrcania in [644]Lydia. There werecertainly people styled Hyrcani; and a large plain called Campus Hyrcanus[645] in the same part of the world. It seems to have been a part of thatparched and burning region called κατακεκαυμενη, so named from the fireswith which it abounded. It was near Hierapolis, Caroura, and FossaCharonea; all famed for fire. 

It may seem extraordinary, yet I cannot help thinking, that the Hercynianforest in Germany was no other than the Hurcanian, and that it wasdenominated from the God Urcan, who was worshipped here as well as in theeast. It is mentioned by Eratosthenes and Ptolemy, under the name of δρυμοςΟρκυνιος, or the forest of [646]Orcun; which is, undoubtedly, the same nameas that above. I have taken notice, that the name of the mountain Pyrenesignified a fountain of fire, and that the mountain had once flamed. Therewas a Pyrene among the Alpes [647]Tridentini, and at the foot of it a cityof the same [648]name; which one would infer to have been so denominatedfrom the like circumstance. I mention this, because here was the regioHercynia, where the Hercynian forest[649] commenced, and from which itreceived its name. Beatus Rhenanus, in his account of these parts, says, that there was a tradition of this mountain Pyrene once[650] burning: and, conformably to this notion, it is still distinguished by the name of thegreat [651]Brenner. The country, therefore, and the forest may have beencalled Orcunian upon this account. For as the worship of the Sun, the Deityof fire, prevailed greatly at places of this nature, I make no doubt butHercynia, which Ptolemy expresses Ορκυνια was so named from Or-cun, the Godof that element. 

We must not be surprised to find Amonian names among the Alpes; for some ofthat family were the first who passed them. The merit of great performanceswas by the Greeks generally attributed to a single person. This passagetherefore through the mountains is said by some to have been the work ofHercules: by others of Cottus, and [652]Cottius. From hence this particularbranch of the mountains had the name of Alpes Cottiae; and the country wascalled Regio Cottiana: wherein were about twelve capital [653]cities. Someof that antient and sacred nation, the Hyperboreans, are said by Posidoniusto have taken up their residence in these parts. [654]ΤουςὙπερβορεους--οικειν περι τας Αλπεις της Ιταλιας. Here inhabited theTaurini: and one of the chief cities was Comus. Strabo styles the countrythe land of [655]Ideonus, and Cottius. These names will be found hereafterto be very remarkable. Indeed many of the Alpine appellations were Amonian;as were also their rites: and the like is to be observed in many parts ofGaul, Britain, and Germany. Among other evidences the worship of Isis, andof her sacred ship, is to be noted; which prevailed among the Suevi. [656]Pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat: unde causa et origo peregrinosacro, parum comperi; nisi quod signum ipsum in modum Liburnæ figuratumdocet advectam religionem. The ship of Isis was also reverenced at Rome:and is marked in the [657]calendar for the month of March. From whence themystery was derived, we may learn from [658]Fulgentius. Navigium IsidisÆgyptus colit. Hence we find, that the whole of it came from Egypt. Thelike is shewn by [659]Lactantius. To this purpose I could bring innumerableproofs, were I not limited in my progress. I may perhaps hereafterintroduce something upon this head, if I should at any time touch upon theantiquities of Britain and Ireland; which seem to have been but imperfectlyknown. Both of these countries, but especially the latter, abound withsacred terms, which have been greatly overlooked. I will therefore say somuch in furtherance of the British Antiquarian, as to inform him, thatnames of places, especially of hills, promontories, and rivers, are of longduration; and suffer little change. The same may be said of every thing, which was esteemed at all sacred, such as temples, towers, and high moundsof earth; which in early times were used for altars. More particularly allmineral and medicinal waters will be found in a great degree to retaintheir antient names: and among these there may be observed a resemblance inmost parts of the world. For when names have been once determinatelyaffixed, they are not easily effaced. The Grecians, who under Alexandersettled in Syria, and Mesopotamia, changed many names of places, and gaveto others inflections, and terminations after the mode of their owncountry. But Marcellinus, who was in those parts under the Emperor Julian, assures us, that these changes and variations were all cancelled: and thatin his time the antient names prevailed. Every body, I presume, isacquainted with the history of Palmyra, and of Zenobia the queen; whohaving been conquered by the emperor Aurelian, was afterwards led intriumph. How much that city was beautified by this princess, and by thoseof her family, may be known by the stately ruins which are still extant. Yet I have been assured by my late excellent and learned friend Mr. Wood, that if you were to mention Palmyra to an Arab upon the spot, he would notknow to what you alluded: nor would you find him at all more acquaintedwith the history of Odænatus, and Zenobia. Instead of Palmyra he would talkof Tedmor; and in lieu of Zenobia he would tell you, that it was built bySalmah Ebn Doud, that is by Solomon the son of David. This is exactlyconformable to the account in the scriptures: for it is said in the Book ofChronicles, [660]_He also_ (Solomon) _built Tadmor in the wilderness_. TheGrecian name Palmyra, probably of two thousand years standing, is novel toa native Arab. 

As it appeared to me necessary to give some account of the rites, andworship, in the first ages, at least in respect to that great family, withwhich I shall be principally concerned, I took this opportunity at the sametime to introduce these etymological inquiries. This I have done to theintent that the reader may at first setting out see the true nature of mysystem; and my method of investigation. He will hereby be able to judgebeforehand of the scope which I pursue; and of the terms on which I foundmy analysis. If it should appear that the grounds, on which I proceed, aregood, and my method clear, and warrantable, the subsequent histories willin consequence of it receive great illustration. But should it be mymisfortune to have my system thought precarious, or contrary to the truth, let it be placed to no account, but be totally set aside: as the historywill speak for itself; and may without these helps be authenticated. 

[Illustration: Pl. I. _Mons Argæus Ex Numism Tyanorum et Cæsariensium_]

 * * * * *

OF

WORSHIP PAID AT CAVERNS;

AND OF

THE ADORATION OF FIRE

IN THE

FIRST AGES. 

As soon as religion began to lose its purity, it degenerated very fast;and, instead of a reverential awe and pleasing sense of duty, theresucceeded a fearful gloom and unnatural horror, which were continuallyaugmented as superstition increased. Men repaired in the first ages eitherto the lonely summits of mountains, or else to caverns in the rocks, andhollows in the bosom of the earth; which they thought were the residence oftheir Gods. At the entrance of these they raised their altars and performedtheir vows. Porphyry takes notice how much this mode of worship prevailedamong the first nations upon the earth: [661]Σπηλαια τοινυν και αντρα τωνπαλαιοτατων, πριν και ναους επινοησαι, θεοις αφοσιουντων και εν Κρητῃ μενΚουρητων Διι, εν Αρκαδιᾳ δε Σεληνῃ, και Πανι εν Λυκειῳ και εν Ναξῳ Διονυσῳ. When in process of time they began to erect temples, they were stilldetermined in their situation by the vicinity of these objects, which theycomprehended within the limits of the sacred inclosure. These melancholyrecesses were esteemed the places of the highest sanctity: and so greatlydid this notion prevail, that, in aftertimes, when this practice hadceased, still the innermost part of the temple was denominated the_cavern_. Hence the Scholiast upon Lycophron interprets the words παρ'αντρα in the poet, [662]Τους εσωτατους τοπους του ναου. _The cavern is theinnermost place of the temple_. Pausanias, speaking of a cavern in Phocis, says, that it was particularly sacred to Aphrodite. [663]Αφροδιτη δ' εχειεν σπηλαιῳ τιμας. _In this cavern divine honours were paid to Aphrodite. _Parnassus was rendered holy for nothing more than for these unpromisingcircumstances. Ἱεροπρεπης ὁ Παρνασσος, εχων αντρα τε και αλλα χωριατιμωμενα τε, και, ἁγιστευομενα. [664] _The mountain of Parnassus is a placeof great reverence; having many caverns, and other detached spots, highlyhonoured and sanctified_. At Tænarus was a temple with a fearful aperture, through which it was fabled that Hercules dragged to light the dog of hell. The cave itself seems to have been the temple; for it is said, [665]Επι τῃακρᾳ Ναος εικασμενος σπηλαιῳ. _Upon the top of the promontory stands atemple, in appearance like a cavern_. The situation of Delphi seems to havebeen determined on account of a mighty chasm in the hill, [666]οντοςχασματος εν τῳ τοπῳ: and Apollo is said to have chosen it for an oracularshrine, on account of the effluvia which from thence proceeded. 

 [667]Ut vidit Pæan vastos telluris hiatus Divinam spirare fidem, ventosque loquaces Exhalare solum, sacris se condidit antris, Incubuitque adyto: vates ibi factus Apollo. 

Here also was the temple of the [668]Muses, which stood close upon areeking stream. But, what rendered Delphi more remarkable, and morereverenced, was the Corycian cave, which lay between that hill andParnassus. It went under ground a great way: and Pausanias, who made it hisparticular business to visit places of this nature, says, _that it was themost extraordinary of any which he ever beheld_. [669]Αντρον Κωρυκιονσπηλαιων, ὡν ειδον, θεας αξιον μαλιστα. There were many caves styledCorycian: one in Cilicia, mentioned by Stephanus Byzantinus fromParthenius, who speaks of a city of the same name: Παρ' ᾑ το Κωρυκιοναντρον Νυμφων, αξιαγαστον θεαμα. _Near which city was the Corycian cavern, sacred to the nymphs, which afforded a sight the most astonishing_. Therewas a place of this sort at [670]Samacon, in Elis; and, like the above, consecrated to the nymphs. There were likewise medicinal waters, from whichpeople troubled with cutaneous and scrofulous disorders found greatbenefit. I have mentioned the temple at Hierapolis in [671]Phrygia; and thechasm within its precincts, out of which there issued a pestilentialvapour. There was a city of the same name in [672]Syria, where stood atemple of the highest antiquity; and in this temple was a fissure, throughwhich, according to the tradition of the natives, the waters at the delugeretired. Innumerable instances might be produced to this purpose fromPausanias, Strabo, Pliny, and other writers. 

It has been observed, that the Greek term κοιλος, hollow, was oftensubstituted for Coëlus, heaven: and, I think, it will appear to have beenthus used from the subsequent history, wherein the worship of theAtlantians is described. The mythologists gave out, that Atlas supportedheaven: one reason for this notion was, that upon mount Atlas stood atemple to Coëlus. It is mentioned by Maximus Tyrius in one of hisdissertations, and is here, as in many other instances, changed to κοιλος, hollow. The temple was undoubtedly a cavern: but the name is to beunderstood in its original acceptation, as Coël, the house of God; to whichthe natives paid their adoration. This mode of worship among the Atlantianbetrays a great antiquity; as the temple seems to have been merely a vasthollow in the side of the mountain; and to have had in it neither image, nor pillar, nor stone, nor any material object of adoration: [673]Εστι δεΑτλας ορος κοιλον, επιεικως ὑψηλον. --Τουτο Λιβυων και ἱερον, και θεος, καιὁρκος, και αγαλμα. _This Atlas (of which I have been speaking) is amountain with a cavity, and of a tolerable height, which the natives esteemboth as a temple and a Deity: and it is the great object by which theyswear; and to which they pay their devotions_. The cave in the mountain wascertainly named Co-el, the house of God; equivalent to Cœlus of the Romans. To this the people made their offerings: and this was the heaven whichAtlas was supposed to support. It seems to have been no uncommon term amongthe Africans. There was a city in Libya named Coël, which the Romansrendered Coëlu. They would have expressed it Coelus, or Cœlus; but the namewas copied in the time of the Punic wars, before the s final was admittedinto their writings. Vaillant has given several specimens of coins struckin this city to the honour of some of the Roman [674]emperors, butespecially of Verus, Commodus, and Antoninus Pius. 

[Illustration: Pl. II. _Temple of Mithras near Naki Rustan in Persia. Alsotemples in the rock near the Plain of the Magi. _ From Le Bruyn. ]

Among the Persians most of the temples were caverns in rocks, either formedby nature, or artificially produced. They had likewise Puratheia, or opentemples, for the celebration of the rites of fire. I shall hereafter shew, that the religion, of which I have been treating, was derived from the sonsof Chus: and in the antient province of Chusistan, called afterwardsPersis, there are to be seen at this day many curious monuments ofantiquity, which have a reference to that worship. The learned Hydesupposes them to have been either [675]palaces, or tombs. The chiefbuilding, which he has taken for a palace, is manifestly a Puratheion; oneof those open edifices called by the Greeks Ὑπαιθρα. It is very like thetemple at Lucorein in upper Egypt, and seems to be still entire. At aglance we may perceive, that it was never intended for an habitation. At adistance are some sacred grottos, hewn out of the rock; the same which heimagines to have been tombs. Many of the antients, as well as of themoderns, have been of the same opinion. In the front of these grottos arerepresentations of various characters: and among others is figured, morethan once, a princely personage, who is approaching the altar where thesacred fire is [676]burning. Above all is the Sun, and the figure of aDeity in a cloud, with sometimes a sacred bandage, at other times a serpententwined round his middle, similar to the Cnuphis of Egypt. Hyde supposesthe figure above to be the soul of the king, who stands before the altar:but it is certainly an emblem of the Deity, of which we have a secondexample in Le [677]Bruyn, copied from another part of these edifices. Hydetakes notice, that there were several repetitions of this history, andparticularly of persons, solem et ignem in pariete delineatos intuentes:yet he forms his judgment from one specimen only. These curious samples ofantient architecture are described by [678]Kæmpfer, [679]Mandesloe, [680]Chardin, and [681]Le Bruyn. They are likewise taken notice of by[682]Thevenot, and Herbert. In respect to the grottos I am persuaded, thatthey were temples, and not tombs. Nothing was more common among thePersians than to have their temples formed out of rocks. Mithras e[683]Petrâ was in a manner a proverb. Porphyry assures us, that the Deityhad always a rock or cavern for his temple: that people, in all places, where the name of Mithras was known, paid their worship at a [684]cavern. Justin Martyr speaks to the same [685]purpose: and Lutatius Placidusmentions that this mode of worship began among the Persians, [686]Persæ inspelæis coli solem primi invenisse dicuntur. There is therefore no reasonto think that these grottos were tombs; or that the Persians ever made useof such places for the sepulture of their kings. The tombs of [687]Cyrus, [688]Nitocris, and other oriental princes, were within the precincts oftheir cities: from whence, as well as from the devices upon theentablatures of these grottos, we may be assured that they were designedfor temples. Le Bruyn indeed supposes them to have been places of burial;which is very natural for a person to imagine, who was not acquainted withthe antient worship of the people. Thevenot also says, that he [689]wentinto the caverns, and saw several stone coffins. But this merelyconjectural: for the things, to which he alludes, were not in the shape ofcoffins, and had undoubtedly been placed there as cisterns for water, whichthe Persians used in their nocturnal lustrations. This we may, in greatmeasure, learn from his own words: for he says, that these reservoirs weresquare, and had a near resemblance to the basons of a fountain. The hills, where these grottos have been formed, are probably the same, which were ofold famous for the strange echoes, and noises heard upon them. Thecircumstance is mentioned by Clemens Alexandrinus[690], who quotes it fromthe writers, who treated of the Persic history. It seems that there weresome sacred hills in Persis, where, as people passed by, there were heardshouts, as of a multitude of people: also hymns and exultations, and otheruncommon noises. These sounds undoubtedly proceeded from the priests attheir midnight worship: whose voices at that season were reverberated bythe mountains, and were accompanied with a reverential awe in those whoheard them. The country below was called Χωρα των Μαγων, the region of theMagi. 

The principal building also, which is thought to have been a palace, was atemple; but of a different sort. The travellers above say, that it iscalled Istachar: and Hyde repeats it, and tells us, that it signifies erupe sumptum, seu rupe constans saxeum palatium: and that it is derivedfrom the Arabic word sachr, rupes, in the eighth [691]conjugation. I amsorry, that I am obliged to controvert this learned man's opinion, and toencounter him upon his own ground, about a point of oriental etymology. Iam entirely a stranger to the Persic, and Arabic languages; yet I cannotacquiesce in his opinion. I do not think that the words e rupe sumptum, velrupe constans saxeum palatium, are at any rate materials, out of which aproper name could be constructed. The place to be sure, whether a palace, or a temple, is built of stone taken from the quarry, or rock: but whattemple or palace is not? Can we believe that they would give as a propername to one place, what was in a manner common to all; and choose for acharacteristic what was so general and indeterminate? It is not to besupposed. Every symbol, and representation relates to the worship of thecountry: and all history shews that such places were sacred, and set apartfor the adoration of fire, and the Deity of that element, called Ista, andEsta. [692] Ista-char, or Esta-char is the place or temple of Ista or Esta;who was the Hestia, Ἑστια, of the Greeks, and Vesta of the Romans. That theterm originally related to fire we have the authority of Petavius. [693]Hebraïcâ linguâ אש ignem significat, Aramæâ אשתא quâ voce ignem aNoëmo vocatum Berosus prodidit: atque inde fortassis Græci Ἑστιας originemdeduxerunt. Herbert, therefore, with great propriety, supposes the buildingto have been the temple of [694]Anaia, or Anaïs; who was the same as Hanes, as well as Hestia. Procopius, speaking of the sacred fire of the Persians, says expressly, that it was the very same which in aftertimes the Romansworshipped, and called the fire of Hestia, or Vesta. [695]Τουτο εστι τοπυρ, ὁπερ Ἑστιαν εκαλουντο, και εσεβοντο εν τοις ὑστεροις χρονοις Ρωμαιοι. This is farther proved from a well known verse in Ovid. 

 [696]Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam. 

Hyde renders the term after Kæmpfer, Ista: but it was more commonlyexpressed Esta, and Asta. The Deity was also styled Astachan, which as amasculine signified Sol Dominus, sive Vulcanus Rex. This we may infer froma province in Parthia, remarkable for eruptions of fire, which was called[697]Asta-cana, rendered by the Romans Astacene, the region of the God offire. The island Delos was famous for the worship of the sun: and we learnfrom Callimachus, that there were traditions of subterraneous firesbursting forth in many parts of it. 

 [698]Φυκος ἁπαν κατεφλεξας, επει περικαιεο πυρι. 

Upon this account it was called [699]Pirpile; and by the same poet Histia, and Hestia, similar to the name above. [700]Ιστιη, ω νησων ευεστιη. Theantient Scythæ were worshippers of fire: and Herodotus describes them asdevoted to Histia[701]. Ἱλασκοντας Ἱστιην μεν μαλιστα. From hence, I think, we may know for certain the purport of the term Istachar, which was a namegiven to the grand Pureion in Chusistan from the Deity there worshipped. Itstands near the bottom of the hills with the caverns in a widely-extendedplain: which I make no doubt is the celebrated plain of the magi mentionedabove by Clemens. We may from these data venture to correct a mistake inMaximus Tyrius, who in speaking of fire-worship among the Persians, says, that it was attended with acclamations, in which they invited the Deity totake his repast[702]. Πυρ, δεσποτα, εσθιε. What he renders εσθιε, wasundoubtedly Ἑστιε, Hestie, the name of the God of fire. The address was, ΩΠυρ, δεσποτα, Ἑστιε: O mighty Lord of fire, Hestius: which is changed to OFire, come, and feed. 

The island Cyprus was of old called [703]Cerastis, and Cerastia; and had acity of the same name. This city was more known by the name of Amathus: andmention is made of cruel rites practised in its [704]temple. As long as theformer name prevailed, the inhabitants were styled Cerastæ. They were moreparticularly the priests who were so denominated; and who were at lastextirpated for their cruelty. The poets imagining that the term Cerastærelated to a horn, fabled that they were turned into bulls. 

 [705] Atque illos gemino quondam quibus aspera cornu Frons erat, unde etiam nomen traxere Cerastæ. 

There was a city of the same name in Eubœa, expressed Carystus, where thestone [706]Asbestus was found. Of this they made a kind of cloth, which wassupposed to be proof against fire, and to be cleansed by that element. Thepurport of the name is plain; and the natural history of the place affordsus a reason why it was imposed. For this we are obliged to Solinus, whocalls the city with the Grecian termination, Carystos; and says, that itwas noted for its hot streams: [707]Carystos aquas calentes habet, quasΕλλοπιας vocant. We may therefore be assured, that it was called Car-ystusfrom the Deity of fire, to whom all hot fountains were sacred. Ellopia is acompound of El Ope, Sol Python, another name of the same Deity. Carystus, Cerastis, Cerasta, are all of the same purport: they betoken a place, ortemple of Astus, or Asta, the God of fire. Cerasta in the feminine isexpressly the same, only reversed, as Astachar in Chusistan. Some placeshad the same term in the composition of their names, which was joined withKur; and they were named in honour of the Sun, styled Κυρος, Curos. He wasworshipped all over Syria; and one large province was hence named Curesta, and Curestica, from Κυρ Ἑστος, Sol Hestius. 

In Cappadocia were many Puratheia; and the people followed the same mannerof worship, as was practised in Persis. The rites which prevailed, may beinferred from the names of places, as well as from the history of thecountry. One city seems to have been denominated from its tutelary Deity, and called Castabala. This is a plain compound of Ca-Asta-Bala, the placeor temple of Asta Bala; the same Deity, as by the Syrians was calledBaaltis. Asta Bala was the Goddess of fire: and the same customs prevailedhere as at Feronia in Latium. The female attendants in the temple used towalk with their feet bare over burning [708]coals. 

Such is the nature of the temple named Istachar; and of the caverns in themountains of Chusistan. They were sacred to Mithras, and were made use offor his rites. Some make a distinction between Mithras, Mithres, andMithra: but they were all the same Deity, the [709]Sun, esteemed the chiefGod of the Persians. In these gloomy recesses people who were to beinitiated, were confined for a long season in the dark, and totallysecluded from all company. During this appointed term they underwent, assome say, eighty kinds of trials, or tortures, by way of expiation. [710]Mithra apud Persas Sol esse existimatur: nemo vero ejus sacrisinitiari potest, nisi per aliquot suppliciarum gradus transierit. Sunttormentorum ij lxxx gradus, partim intensiores. --Ita demum, exhaustisomnibus tormentis, sacris imbuuntur. Many [711]died in the trial: and thosewho survived were often so crazed and shaken in their intellects, that theynever returned to their former state of mind. 

Some traces of this kind of penance may be still perceived in the east, where the followers of Mahomet have been found to adopt it. In the historygiven by Hanway of the Persian monarch, Mir Maghmud, we have an account ofa process similar to that above, which this prince thought proper toundergo. He was of a sour and cruel disposition, and had been greatlydejected in his spirits; on which account he wanted to obtain some lightand assistance from heaven. [712]_With this intent Maghmud undertook toperform the spiritual exercises which the Indian Mahommedans, who are moreaddicted to them than those of other countries, have introduced intoKandahar. This superstitious practice is observed by shutting themselves upfourteen or fifteen days in a place where no light enters. The onlynourishment they take is a little bread and water at sun-set. During thisretreat they employ their time in repeating incessantly, with a strongguttural voice, the word_ Hou, _by which they denote one of the attributesof the Deity. These continual cries, and the agitations of the body withwhich they were attended, naturally unhinge the whole frame. When byfasting and darkness the brain is distempered, they fancy they see spectresand hear voices. Thus they take pains to confirm the distemper which putsthem upon such trials_. 

_Such was the painful exercise which Maghmud undertook in January thisyear; and for this purpose he chose a subterraneous vault. In the beginningof the next month, when he came forth, he was so pale, disfigured, andemaciated, that they hardly knew him. But this was not the worst effect ofhis devotion. Solitude, often dangerous to a melancholy turn of thought, had, under the circumstances of his inquietude, and the strangeness of hispenance, impaired his reason. He became restless and suspicious, oftenstarting_. --In one of these fits he determined to put to death the wholefamily of his predecessor, Sha Hussein; among whom were several brothers, three uncles, and seven nephews, besides that prince's children. All these, in number above an hundred, the tyrant cut to pieces with his own hand inthe palace yard, where they were assembled for that bloody purpose. Twosmall children only escaped by the intervention of their father, who waswounded in endeavouring to screen them. 

[Illustration: Pl. III. Petra, Mithra or Temple of Mithras from Thevenot. Part 2. ]

The reverence paid to caves and grottos arose from a notion that they werea representation of the [713]world; and that the chief Deity whom thePersians worshipped proceeded from a cave. Such was the tradition whichthey had received, and which contained in it matter of importance. Porphyryattributes the original of the custom to Zoroaster, whoever Zoroaster mayhave been; and says, that he first consecrated a natural cavern in Persisto Mithras, the creator and father of all things. He was followed in thispractice by others, who dedicated to the Deity places of this [714]nature;either such as were originally hollowed by nature, or made so by the art ofman. Those, of which we have specimens exhibited by the writers above, wereprobably enriched and ornamented by the Achaimenidæ of Persis, whosucceeded to the throne of Cyrus. They are modern, if compared with thefirst introduction of the worship; yet of high antiquity in respect to us. They are noble relics of Persic architecture, and afford us matter of greatcuriosity. 

 * * * * *

OF THE

OMPHI, AND OF

THE WORSHIP UPON HIGH PLACES. 

The term Omphi is of great antiquity, and denotes an oracular influence, bywhich people obtained an insight into the secrets of futurity. I have takennotice with what reverence men in the first ages repaired to rocks andcaverns, as to places of particular sanctity. Here they thought that theDeity would most likely disclose himself either by a voice, or a dream, orsome other præternatural token. Many, for the same purpose, worshipped uponhills, and on the tops of high mountains; imagining that they herebyobtained a nearer communication with heaven. Hence we read, as far back asthe days of Moses, concerning the high places in [715]Canaan. And, underthe kings of Israel and Judah, that the people _made their offerings inhigh places_. We are particularly told of Pekah, the son of Remaliah, that_he walked in the way of the [716] kings of Israel; yea, and made his sonsto pass through the fire, according to the abominations of the heathen--andhe sacrificed and burnt incense in the high places, and on the hills, andunder every green tree_. And many times when a reformation was introducedunder some of the wiser and better princes, it is still lamented by thesacred writer, that [717] _the high places were not taken away: the peoplestill offered, and burnt incense on the high places_. It is observable, when the king of Moab wanted to obtain an answer from God, that he tookBalaam the prophet, and brought him to the [718]high places of Baal. And, finding that he could not obtain his purpose there, he carried him into thefield of Zophim unto the top of Pisgah; and from thence he again removedhim to the top of Peor. In all these places _he erected seven altars, andoffered a bullock and a ram on every[719] altar_. It is said of Orpheus, that he went with some of his disciples to meet Theiodamas, the son ofPriam, and to partake in a sacrifice which he every year offered upon thesummit of a high[720] mountain. We are told by Strabo, that the Persiansalways performed their worship upon hills[721]. Περσαι τοινυν αγαλματα καιβωμους ουχ ἱδρυονται· Θυουσι δε εν ὑψηλῳ τοπῳ, τον ουρανον ηγουμενοι Δια. 

The people of Cappadocia and Pontus observed the like method of worship:and, of all sacrifices, wherever exhibited upon high places, none, perhaps, ever equalled in magnificence that which was offered by Mithridates uponhis war with the Romans. He followed the Persic modes of worship, as wellas the mixed rites of the Chaldeans and Syrians. Hence he chose one of thehighest mountains in his dominions: upon the top of which he reared animmense pile, equal in size to the summit on which it stood: and there hesacrificed to the God of armies--[722]Εθυε τῳ Στρατιῳ Διι πατριον θυσιαν, επι ορους ὑψηλου κορυφην μειζονα αλλην επιτιθεις. The pile was raised byhis vassal princes: and the offerings, besides those customary, were wine, honey, oil, and every species of aromatics. The fire is said to have beenperceived at the distance of near a thousand stadia. The Roman poet makeshis hero choose a like situation for a temple which he erected to Venus;and for the grove which he dedicated to the manes of his father. 

 [723]Tum vicina astris Ericino in vertice sedes Fundatur Veneri Idaliæ: tumuloque Sacerdos, Et lucus, late sacer, additur Anchiseo. 

In Japan most of their temples at this day are constructed upon eminences;and often upon the ascent of high mountains. They are all, [724]saysKæmpfer, most sweetly seated: A curious view of the adjacent country, aspring and rivulet of clear water, and the neighbourhood of a grove withpleasant walks, being the necessary qualifications of those spots of groundwhere these holy structures are to be built: for they say that the Gods areextremely delighted with such high and pleasant places. 

This practice in early times was almost universal; and every [725]mountainwas esteemed holy. The people, who prosecuted this method of worship, enjoyed a soothing infatuation, which flattered the gloom of superstition. The eminences to which they retired were lonely, and silent; and seemed tobe happily circumstanced for contemplation and prayer. They, who frequentedthem, were raised above the lower world; and fancied that they were broughtinto the vicinity of the powers of the air, and of the Deity who resided inthe higher regions. But the chief excellence for which they werefrequented, was the Omphi, expressed ομφη by the Greeks, and interpreted[726]Θεια κληδων, vox divina, being esteemed a particular revelation fromheaven. In short, they were looked upon as the peculiar places where Goddelivered his oracles. Hermæus in Plutarch expresses this term ομφις, omphis; and says, that it was the name of an Egyptian Deity: and heinterprets it, I know not for what reason, [727]ευεργετης. The word trulyrendered was Omphi or Amphi, the oracle of Ham; who, according to theEgyptian theology, was the same as the Sun, or Osiris. He was likewiserevered as the chief Deity by the Chaldeans; and by most nations in theeast. He was styled both Ham, and Cham: and his oracles both Omphi andOmpi. In consequence of this, the mountains where they were supposed to bedelivered, came to be denominated Har-al-Ompi; which al-ompi by the Greekswas changed to Ολυμπος, Olympus; and the mountain was called ορος Ολυμπου. There were many of this name. The Scholiast upon Apollonius reckons up[728]six: but there were certainly more, besides a variety of places styledupon the same account [729]Olympian. They were all looked upon to beprophetic; and supposed to be the residence of the chief Deity, underwhatever denomination he was specified, which was generally the God oflight. For these oracles no place was of more repute than the hill atDelphi, called Omphi-El, or the oracle of the Sun. But the Greeks, whochanged Al-omphi to Olympus, perverted these terms in a manner still morestrange: for finding them somewhat similar in sound to a word in their ownlanguage, their caprice immediately led them to think of ομφαλος, a navel, which they substituted for the original word. This they did uniformly inall parts of the world; and always invented some story to countenance theirmistake. Hence, whenever we meet with an idle account of a navel, we may bepretty sure that there is some allusion to an oracle. In respect to Delphi, they presumed that it was the umbilicus, or centre of the whole earth. Thepoets gave into this notion without any difficulty; Sophocles calls it[730]μεσομφαλα Γης μαντεια: and Euripides avers that it was the precisecentre of the earth:

 [731]Οντως μεσον ομφαλον γας Φοιβου κατεχει δομος. 

Livy, the historian, does not scruple to accede to this notion, and to callit [732]umbilicum orbis terrarum. Strabo speaks of it in this light, butwith some hesitation. [733]Της Ἑλλαδος εν μεσῳ ΠΩΣ εστι τηςσυμπασης--ΕΝΟΜΙΣΘΗ δη και οικουμενης· και εκαλεσαν της γης ΟΜΦΑΛΟΝ. Varrovery sensibly refutes this idle notion in some [734]strictures upon apassage in the poet Manilius to the purpose above. 

 O, sancte Apollo, Qui umbilicum certum terrarum obtines. 

Upon which he makes this remark: Umbilicum dictum aiunt ab umbilico nostro, quod is medius locus sit terrarum, ut umbilicus in nobis: quod utrumque estfalsum. Neque hic locus terrarum est medius; neque noster umbilicus esthominis medius. Epimenides long before had said the same:

 [735]Ουτε γαρ ην γαιης μεσος ομφαλος, ουδε θαλασσης. 

But supposing that this name and character had some relation to Delphi, howare we to account for other places being called after this manner? Theycould not all be umbilical: the earth cannot be supposed to have differentcentres: nor could the places thus named be always so situated, as to becentral in respect to the nation, or the province in which they wereincluded. Writers try to make it out this way: yet they do not seemsatisfied with the process. The contradictory accounts shew the absurdityof the notion. It was a term borrowed from Egypt, which was itself anOmphalian region. Horus Apollo not knowing the meaning of this has madeEgypt the centre of the earth: [736]Αιγυπτων γη μεση της οικουμενης. Pausanias mentions an Omphalus in the Peloponnesus, which was said to havebeen the middle of that country. He seems however to doubt of thiscircumstance, as he well may[737]. Ου πορρω δε εστιν ὁ καλουμενος Ομφαλος, Πελοποννησου δε πασης μεσον, ει δη τα οντα ειρηκασι. _At no great distanceis a place called the Omphalus, or navel; which is the centre of the wholePeloponnesus, if the people here tell us the truth_. At Enna in [738]Sicilywas an Omphalus: and the island of Calypso is represented by Homer as theumbilicus of the sea. The Goddess resided--[739]Νησῳ εν αμφιρυτῃ ὁθι τ'ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης. The Ætolians were styled umbilical; and looked uponthemselves as the central people in Greece, like those of Delphi. But thisnotion was void of all truth in every instance which has been produced: andarose from a wrong interpretation of antient terms. What the Greciansstyled Omphalus was certainly Ompha-El, the same as Al-Ompha; and relatedto the oracle of Ham or the Sun: and these temples were Prutaneia, andPuratheia, with a tumulus or high altar, where the rites of fire were inantient times performed. As a proof of this etymology most of the placesstyled Olympian, or Omphalian, will be found to have a reference to anoracle. Epirus was celebrated for the oracle at Dodona: and we learn fromthe antient poet, Reianus, that the natives were of old called Omphalians:

 [740]Συν τε Παραυαιοι, και αμυμονες Ομφαλιηεις. 

There was an Omphalia in Elis; and here too was an oracle mentioned by[741]Pindar and Strabo: [742]Την δε επιφανειαν εσχεν (ἡ Ολυμπια) εξ αρχηςδια το μαντειον του Ολυμπιου Διος. _The place derived all its lustreoriginally from the oracular temple of Olympian Jove. _ In this province wasan antient city [743]Alphira; and a grove of Artemis [744]Alpheionia, andthe whole was watered by the sacred river Alpheus. All these are derivedfrom El, the prophetic Deity, the Sun; and more immediately from hisoracle, Alphi. The Greeks deduced every place from some personage: andPlutarch accordingly makes Alpheus[745]--Ἑις των το γενος αφ' ἡλιουκαταγοντων, one of those who derived their race from the Sun. The termAlphi, from whence the Greeks formed Alphira, Alpheionia, and Alpheüs, isin acceptation the same as Amphi. For Ham being by his posterity esteemedthe Sun, or El; and likewise Or, the same as Orus; his oracles were inconsequence styled not only Amphi, and Omphi, but Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi. 

I have taken notice of several cities called Omphalian, and have observed, that they generally had oracular temples: but by the Greeks they wereuniversally supposed to have been denominated from a navel. There was aplace called [746]Omphalian in Thessaly: and another in Crete, which had acelebrated [747]oracle. It is probably the same that is mentioned byStrabo, as being upon mount Ida, where was the city Elorus. Diodorus speaksof this oracle, named Omphalian; but supposes that the true name wasομφαλος, omphalus: and says, that it was so called (strange to tell)because Jupiter, when he was a child, lost his navel here, which droppedinto the river Triton: [748]Απο τουτου τοτε συμβαντος Ομφαλονπροσαγορευθηναι το χωριον: _from this accident the place had the name ofOmphalus, or the navel_. Callimachus in his hymn to Jupiter dwells uponthis circumstance:

 [749]Ευτε Θενας απελειπεν επι Κνωσσοιο φερουση, Ζευ πατερ, ἡ Νυμφη σε (Θεναι δ' εσαν εγγυθι Κνωσσου) Τουτακι τοι πεσε, Δαιμον, απ' ομφαλος, ενθεν εκεινο Ομφαλιον μετεπειτα πεδον καλεουσι Κυδωνες. 

Who would imagine, that one of the wisest nations that ever existed couldrest satisfied with such idle figments: and how can we account for theseillusions, which overspread the brightest minds? We see knowing andexperienced people inventing the most childish tales; lovers of scienceadopting them; and they are finally recorded by the grave historian: allwhich would not appear credible, had we not these evidences so immediatelytransmitted from them. And it is to be observed that this blindness is onlyin regard to their religion; and to their mythology, which was groundedthereupon. In all other respects they were the wisest of the sons of men. 

We meet in history with other places styled Omphalian. The temple ofJupiter Ammon was esteemed of the highest antiquity, and we are informedthat there was an omphalus here; and that the Deity was worshipped underthe form of a navel. Quintus Curtius, who copied his history from theGreeks, gives us in the life of Alexander the following strange account, which he has embellished with some colouring of his own. [750]Id, quod proDeo colitur, non eandem effigiem habebat, quam vulgo Diis Artificesaccommodârunt. _Umbilico_ maxime similis est habitus, smaragdo, et gemmis, coagmentatus. Hunc, cum responsum petitur, navigio aurato gestantSacerdotes, multis argenteis _pateris_ ab utroque navigii laterependentibus. The whole of this is an abuse of terms, which the author didnot understand, and has totally misapplied. One would imagine that soimprobable a story, as that of an umbilical Deity with his silver basons, though patched up with gold and emeralds, would have confuted itself. YetSchottus in his notes upon Curtius has been taken with this motlydescription: and in opposition to all good history, thinks that this idlestory of a navel relates to the compass. Hyde too has adopted this notion;and proceeds to shew how each circumstance may be made to agree with theproperties of the magnet. [751]Illa nempe Jovis effigies videtursemiglobulare quiddam, uti est compassus marinus, formâ umbilici librarii, seu umbonis, tanquam ενθεον quoddam adoratum, propter ejusdem divinumauxilium: utpote in quo index magneticus erat sicut intus existens quidamdeus, navigiorum cursum in medio æquore dirigens. These learned men wereendued with a ready faith: and not only acquiesce in what they have beentold, but contribute largely to establish the mistake. The true history isthis. Most places in which was the supposed oracle of a Deity, theGrecians, as I have before mentioned, styled Olympus, Olympia, andOlympiaca: or else Omphale, and Omphalia, and the province χωριον Ομφαλιον. These terms were thought to relate to a navel: but, if such aninterpretation could have been made to correspond with the history of anyone place, yet that history could not have been reiterated; nor couldplaces so widely distant have all had the same reference. What wasterminated ομφαλος was [752]Omph-El, the oracle of God, the seat of divineinfluence: and Al-Omphi was a name given to mountains and eminences uponthe same account. An oracle was given to Pelias in Thessaly: and whence didit proceed? from the well wooded omphalus of his mother Earth. 

 [753]Ηλθε δε ὁι κρυοεν Πυκινῳ μαντευμα θυμῳ Παρα μεσον ομφαλον Ευδενδροιο ῥηθεν ματερος. --

In other words, it proceeded from the stately grove of Hestia, where stoodan oracular temple. 

In respect to the omphalus of Ammon, which Curtius has translatedumbilicus, and garnished with gold and jewels, the whole arises from amistake in terms, as in the many instances before. It was Omphi El, theoracle of Ham, or the Sun: and the shrine, from whence it was supposed toproceed, was carried in a boat. The Pateræ, represented as so many silverbasons, were in reality the interpreters of the oracle. They were thepriests, who in the sacred processions walked on each side, and supportedboth the image and the boat in which it was carried. They are said to havebeen eighty in number; and they pretended to bear the Deity about, just asthey were by the divine impulse directed. _The God_, says [754]DiodorusSiculus, _is carried about in a ship of gold by eighty of his priests. Theybear him upon their shoulders, and pursue their way by instinct, just asthe divine automaton chances to direct them. _ These persons, who thusofficiated, were probably the same as the Petipharæ of the antientEgyptians, but were called Pateræ by the Greeks. It was a name, and office, by which the priests of Delphi, and of many other places besides those inEgypt, were distinguished: and the term always related to oracularinterpretation. Hence Bochart describes these priests, and their function, very justly. [755]Pateræ Sacerdotes Apollinis, oraculorum interpretes. Pator, or Petor, was an Egyptian word; and Moses speaking of Joseph, andthe dreams of Pharaoh, more than once makes use of it in the sense above. It occurs Genesis. C. 41. V. 8. --v. 13. And manifestly alludes to aninterpretation of that divine intercourse, which the Egyptians styledOmphi. This was communicated to Pharaoh by a dream: for the Omphi wasesteemed not only a verbal response, but also an intimation by[756]dreams--Ομφη, φημη θεια, θεια κληδων--ονειρου φαντασματα. Hesychius. So it likewise occurs in Eusebius; who quotes a passage from the oracles ofHecate, wherein the Gods are represented, as insensibly wafted through theair like an Omphean vision. 

 [757]Τους δε μεσους μεσατοισιν επεμβεβαωτας αηταις Νοσφι πυρος θειοιο ΠΑΝΟΜΦΕΑΣ ηυτ' ΟΝΕΙΡΟΥΣ. 

These Omphean visions were explained by Joseph; he interpreted the dreamsof Pharaoh: wherefore the title of Pator is reckoned by the Rabbins amongthe names of Joseph. There is thought to be the same allusion to divineinterpretation in the name of the apostle Peter: Πετρος, ὁ επιλυων, ὁεπιγινωσκων. Hesych. Petrus Hebræo sermone agnoscens notat. Arator. Fromthese examples we may, I think, learn that the priest was styled Petor, andPator: and that it was the place, which properly was called Patora. TheColossal statue of Memnon in the Thebaïs was a Patora, or oracular image. There are many inscriptions upon different parts of it; which were copiedby Dr. Pocock[758], and are to be seen in the first volume of his travels. They are all of late date in comparison of the statue itself; the antiquityof which is very great. One of these inscriptions is particular, andrelates to the Omphi, which seems to have frightened away some ill-disposedpeople in an attempt to deface the image:

 [759]Εικονα λωβητηρες ελυμηναντ' ὁτι διαν Θειοτατου νυκτωρ ομφην επι Μεμνονος ηλθον. 

One of the most famous oracles of Apollo was in Lycia: and in consequenceof it the place was named Patara. Patra in Achaia was of the same purport. I should imagine, that the place where Balaam the false [760]prophetresided, was of the same nature; and that by Pethor and Pethora was meant aplace of interpretation, or oracular temple. There was probably a collegeof priests; such as are mentioned to have existed among the Amonians: ofwhom Balaam had been by the king of Moab appointed chief Petora, or priest. It seems to have been the celebrated place in Arabia, famous in after timesfor the worship of Alilat, and called by the Romans [761]Petra. 

The custom of carrying the Deity in a shrine, placed in a boat, andsupported by priests, was in use among the Egyptians, as well as the[762]Ammonites. It is a circumstance which deserves our notice; as itappears to be very antient, and had doubtless a mysterious allusion. Wehave three curious examples of it among [763]Bishop Pocock's valuablespecimens of antiquity, which he collected in those parts. He met with themat Luxorein, or [764]Lucorein, near Carnac, in the Thebaïs; but mentionsnot what they relate to: nor do I know of any writer who has attended totheir history. The accounts given above by Curtius, and Diodorus, arewonderfully illustrated by these representations from Egypt. It is plainthat they all relate to the same religious ceremony, and very happilyconcur to explain each other. It may be worth observing, that the originalswhence these copies were taken are of the highest antiquity; and, probably, the most early specimens of sculpture in the world. Diodorus mentions thatthe shrine of Ammon had eighty persons to attend it: but Dr. Pocock, whenhe took these copies, had not time to be precisely accurate in thisarticle. In his specimens the greatest number of attendants are twenty:eighteen support the boat, and one precedes with a kind of sceptre; anotherbrings up the rear, having in his hand a rod, or staff, which hadundoubtedly a mystic allusion. The whole seems to have been emblematical;and it will be hereafter shewn, that it related to a great preservation, which was most religiously recorded, and became the principal subject ofall their mysteries. The person in the shrine was their chief ancestor, andthe whole process was a memorial of the deluge; the history of which musthave been pretty recent when these works were executed in Egypt. 

[Illustration: _Pl. IV. The Ship of Isis Biprora with an Ark. _]

[Illustration: _Ship of Isis and Image. From Pocock's Account of Egypt. Pl. XLII. _]

From the shrines of Amon abovementioned we may derive the history of alloracles; which, from the Deity by whom they were supposed to be uttered, were called Omphi and Amphi, as I have shewn: also, Alphi, Elphi, Orphi, Urphi, from El, and Orus. The Greeks adhered religiously to antient terms, however obsolete and unintelligible. They retained the name of Amphi, though they knew not the meaning: for it was antiquated before they hadletters. That it originally related to oracular revelation is plain fromits being always found annexed to the names of places famous on thataccount; and from its occurring in the names of men, renowned as priestsand augurs, and supposed to have been gifted with a degree offoreknowledge. We read of Amphiaraus, Amphilocus, Amphimachus, personsrepresented as under particular divine influence, and interpreters of thewill of the Gods. Amphion, though degraded to a harper, was Amphi-On, theoracle of Apollo, the Sun: and there was a temple, one of the antientὑπαιθρα, dedicated to him and Zethus, as we may read in Pausanias. Mopsus, the diviner, is styled Αμπυκιδης, Ampucides; which is not a patronymic, buta title of the oracular Deity. 

 [765]Ενθα και Αμπυκιδην αυτῳ ενι ηματι Μοψον Νηλειης ἑλε ποτμος· αδευκεα δ' ου φυγεν αισαν Μαντοσυναις· ου γαρ τις αποτροπιη θανατοιο. 

Idmon, the reputed son of Abas, was a prophet, as well as Mopsus: he wasfavoured with the divine Omphe, and, like the former, styled Ampucides. 

 [766]Ενθα μεν αισα παρεσχε καταφθισθαι δυο φωτας, Αμπυκιδην Ιδμωνα, κυβερνητηρα τε Τιφυν. 

What his attainments were, the Poet mentions in another place. 

 [767]Δε τοτ' Αβαντος παις νοθος ηλυθε καρτερος Ιδμων, Τον ῥ' υποκυσσαμενη τεκεν Απολλωνι ανακτι Αμβροσιον παρα κυμα φερετριος Αντιανειρα, Τῳ και ΜΑΝΤΟΣYΝΗΝ επορε, και θεσφατον ΟΜΦΗΝ. 

To say the truth, these supposed prophets were Deities, to whom templeswere consecrated under these names; or, to speak more properly, they wereall titles, which related to one God, the Sun. That they were reputedDeities, is plain, from many accounts. Dion Cassius speaks of Αμφιλοχουχρηστηριον: and the three principal oracles mentioned by Justin Martyr are[768]μαντεια--Αμφιλοχου Δωδωνης, και Πυθους. We have a similar account fromClemens Alexandrinus. [769]Διηγησαι ἡμιν και της αλλης μαντικης, μαλλον δεμανικης, τα αχρηστα χρηστηρια, τον Κλαριον, τον Πυθιον, τον Αμφιαρεω, τονΑμφιλοχον. The Amphictuons were originally prophetic personages, whoattended at the temple at Delphi. Hesychius observes:Αμφικτυονες--περιοικοι Δελφων, πυλαγοραι, ιερομνημονες. Minerva, heavenlywisdom, is by Lycophron styled [770]Amphira; which is a compound ofAmphi-Ur, the divine influence, or oracle of Orus. Of this name there was acity near Olympia in Elis: for many places were in this manner denominated, on account of their being esteemed the seat of prophecy. In Phocis was thecity Hyampolis: and close to it [771] Amphissa, famous for the oracle of anunknown Goddess, the daughter of Macaria. Amphrysus, in Bœotia, was muchfamed for the influence of [772] Apollo; and Amphimallus, in Crete, waswell known for its [773] oracle. Amphiclea, in [774] Phocis, had Dionususfor its guardian Deity, whose orgies were there celebrated; and whoseshrine was oracular. 

I imagine that this sacred influence, under the name of Amphi, is oftenalluded to in the exordia of Poets, especially by the writers inDithyrambic measure, when they address Apollo. Taken in its usual sense(αμφι circum) the word has no meaning: and there is otherwise no accountingfor its being chosen above all others in the language to begin hymns ofpraise to this Deity, who was the principal God of prophecy. We have oneinstance of it in the Nubes of Aristophanes:

 [775]Αμφι μοι αυτε αναξ, Δηλιε, Κυνθιαν εχων Ὑψικερατα πετραν. 

Periander is mentioned as beginning a hymn with a like exordium: Αμφι μοιαυθις ανακτα: And Terpander has nearly the same words: [776]Αμφι μοι αυθιςανακθ' ἑκατηβολον. Apollo was so frequently called Αμφι αναξ, that it wasin a manner looked upon as a necessary proœemium. Suidas observes, Αμφιανακτιζειν το προοιμιαζειν: And Hesychius, Αμφιανακτα, αρχη νομουΚιθαρωδικου. Much the same is told us in the Scholia upon the passage abovefrom Aristophanes: [777]Μιμειται δε (Αριστοφανης) τον Διθυραμβων ταπροοιμια· συνεχως γαρ χρωνται ταυτῃ λεξει· διο αμφιανακτας αυτους καλουσι. However, none of these writers inform us why this word was so particularlyused; nor tell us what was its purport. In the short hymns ascribed toHomer this term is industriously retained; and the persons who composedthem have endeavoured to make sense of it, by adopting it according to thecommon acceptation. 

 Αμφι μοι Ερμειαο φιλον γονον εννεπε, Μουσα. Αμφι Διοσκουρων ἑλικωπιδες εσπετε, Μουσαι. Αμφι Διωνυσου Σεμελης ερικυδεος ὑιον [778]Μνησομαι. 

These hymns were of late date, long after Homer; and were introduced inIonia, and also in Cyprus and Phenicia, when the Grecians were inpossession of those parts. They were used in the room of the antient hymns, which were not understood by the new inhabitants. One of them isconfessedly addressed to the Goddess called Venus Ourania, in Cyprus; andwas designed to be sung by the priest of that Goddess upon the statedfestivals at Salamis. 

 [779] Χαιρε, Θεα, Σαλαμινος εϋκτιμενης μεδεουσα, Και πασης Κυπρου· δος δ' ἱμεροεσσαν αοιδην, Αυταρ εγω κεν σειο και αλλης μνησομ' αοιδης. 

We may perceive, from what has been said, that the word Amphi was a term oflong standing, the sense of which was no longer understood: yet the soundwas retained by the Greeks, and used for a customary exclamation. Inrespect to the more antient exordia above quoted, especially that ofTerpander, I take the words to be an imitation, rather than a translation, of a hymn sung at Delphi in the antient Amonian language; the sound ofwhich has been copied, rather than the sense, and adapted to modern termsof a different meaning. I make no doubt but that there were many antienthymns preserved in those oracular temples, which were for a long timeretained, and sung, when their meaning was very imperfectly known. Theywere, for the most part, composed in praise of Ham, or the Sun; and weresung by the Homeridæ, and Iämidæ. They were called after his titles, Ad, Athyr, Amphi, which the Grecians expressed Dithyrambi. They were strains ofjoy and exultation, attended with grand processions: and from the sameterm, dithyrambus, was derived the θριαμβος of the Greeks, and thetriumphus of the Romans. We are informed that triumphs were firstinstituted by [780]Bacchus, who was no other than Chus: the history, therefore, of the term must be sought for from among the Cuseans. That itwas made up of titles, is plain, from its being said by Varro to have beena [781]name; and one that was given by the Amonians among other personagesto Dionusus: for they were not in this point uniform. Diodorus takes noticethat it was a name, and conferred upon the person spoken of: [782]Θριαμβονδε αυτον ωνομασθηναι φασι: _They say, that one of the titles given toDionusus was Thriambus_. Ham, in the very antient accounts of Greece, iscalled Iämus, and his priests Iämidæ. His oracle, in consequence of this, was styled Iämphi, and Iämbi, which was the same term as Amphi, of which wehave been treating. From the name Iambi came the measure Ιαμβος, Iambus, inwhich oracles were of old delivered. Ham, among the Egyptians, was called[783]Tithrambo, which is the same name as the Ditherambus of Diodorus. There is a remarkable passage in the Scholia upon Pindar concerning Ham, under the name of Iamus, and also concerning his temple, which isrepresented as oracular. [784] Μαντειον ην εν Ολυμπιᾳ, ὁυ αρχηγος γεγονενΙαμος, τῃ δια εμπυρων μαντειᾳ, ἡ και μεχρι του νυν ὁι Ιαμιδαι χρωνται. _There was in Olympia an antient temple, esteemed a famous seat ofprophecy, in which Iamus is supposed to have first presided; and where thewill of the Deity was made manifest by the sacred fire upon the altar: thiskind of divination is still carried on by a set of priests, who are calledIamidæ. _ Ιαμος αρχηγος was in reality the Deity; and his attendants were[785]Iamidæ, persons of great power and repute. Εξ ὁυ πολυκλειτον καθ'Ἑλλανος γενος Ιαμιδων. Pindar. Iämus was immortal, and was therefore namedαθανατος. 

 [786]Και καταφαμιξεν καλεισθαι μιν Χρονῳ συμπαντι ματηρ Αθανατον. 

From hence we may be assured, that he was of old the real Deity of theplace. 

I have mentioned, that in the sacred processions in early times the Deityused to be carried about in a shrine; which circumstance was alwaysattended with shouts, and exclamations, and the whole was accompanied witha great concourse of people. The antient Greeks styled these celebritiesthe procession of the [787]P'omphi, and from hence were derived the wordsπομπη, and pompa. These originally related to a procession of the oracle:but were afterwards made use of to describe any cavalcade or show. In thetime of Herodotus the word seems in some degree to have retained its truemeaning, being by him used for the oracular influence. He informs us thatAmphilutus was a diviner of Acharnan; and that he came to Pisistratus witha commission from heaven. By this he induced that prince to prosecute ascheme which he recommended. [788] Ενταυθα θειῃ πομπῃ χρεωμενος παρισταταιΠεισιστρατῳ Αμφιλυτος. --Θειη πομπη is a divine revelation, or commission. Ham was the Hermes of the Egyptians, and his oracle, as I have shewn, wasstyled Omphi: and when particularly spoken of as _the_ oracle, it wasexpressed P'omphi, and P'ompi, the πομπη of the Greeks. Hence Hermes hadthe name of πομπαιος, which was misinterpreted the messenger, andconductor: and the Deity was in consequence of it made the servant of theGods, and attendant upon the dead. But πομπαιος related properly to divineinfluence; and πομπη was an oracle. An ox, or cow, was by the Amoniansesteemed very sacred, and oracular: Cadmus was accordingly said to havebeen directed πομπῃ βοος. 

 [789]Ενθα και εννασθη πομπῃ βοος, ἡν ὁι Απολλων Ωπασε μαντοσυνησι προηγητειραν ὁδοιο. 

Many places were from the oracle styled P'ompean: and supposed by theRomans to have been so named from Pompeius Magnus; but they were toonumerous, and too remote to have been denominated from him, or any otherRoman. There was indeed Pompeiæ in Campania: but even that was of too highantiquity to have received its name from Rome. We read of Pompeiæ among thePyrenees, Pompion in Athens, Pompelon in Spain, Pompeditha in Babylonia, Pomponiana in Gaul. There were some cities in Cilicia and Cappadocia, towhich that Roman gave the name of Pompeipolis: but upon, inquiry they willbe found to have been Zeleian cities, which were oracular: go that theRomans only gave a turn to the name in honour of their own countryman, bywhom these cities were taken. 

Besides the cities styled Pompean, there were pillars named in like manner;which by many have been referred to the same person. But they could nothave been built by him, nor were they erected to his memory: as I think wemay learn from their history. There are two of this denomination stillremaining at a great distance from each other: both which seem to have beenraised for a religious purpose. The one stands in Egypt at [790]Alexandria;the other at the extreme point of the Thracian Bosporus, where is acommunication between the Propontis and the antient Euxine sea. They seemto be of great antiquity, as their basis witnesses at this day: the shaftand superstructure is of later date. The pillar at the Bosporus stands uponone of the Cyanean rocks: and its parts, as we may judge from [791]Wheeler, betray a difference in their æra. It was repaired in the time of Augustus:and an inscription was added by the person who erected the column, and whodedicated the whole to that Emperor. 

[792]DIVO. CAESARI. AUGUSTO. E.. CL... ANDIDIUS... L. F CL. ARGENTO... 

We may learn from the inscription, however mutilated, that this pillar wasnot the work of Pompeius Magnus; nor could it at all relate to his history:for the time of its being rebuilt was but little removed from the age inwhich he lived. The original work must have therefore been far prior. Thepillar in Egypt is doubtless the same which was built upon the ruins of aformer, by Sostratus of Cnidos, before the time of Pompeius: so that thename must have been given on another account. The inscription is preservedby [793]Strabo. 

ΣΩΣΤΡΑΤΟΣ ΚΝΙΔΙΟΣΔΕΞΙΦΑΝΟΥΣΘΕΟΙΣ ΣΩΤΗΡΣΙΝYΠΕΡ ΤΩΝΠΛΩΙΖΟΜΕΝΩΝ. 

The narrow streight into the Euxine sea was a passage of difficultnavigation. This was the reason, that upon each side there were temples andsacred columns erected to the Deity of the country, in order to obtain hisassistance. And there is room to think, that the pillars and obelisks weremade use of for beacons, and that every temple was a Pharos. They seem tohave been erected at the entrance of harbours; and upon eminences along thecoasts in most countries. The pillars of Hercules were of this sort, andundoubtedly for the same purpose. They were not built by him; but erectedto his honour by people who worshipped him, and who were called Herculeans. [794]Εθος γαρ παλαιον ὑπηρξε το τιθεσθαι τοιουτους ορους, καθαπερ ὁιΡηγινοι την στηλιδα εθεσαν, την επι τῳ πορθμῳ κειμενην, πυργον τι. Και οΠελωρος λεγομενος πυργος αντικειται τῃ ταυτῃ στηλιδι. _For it was acustom_, says Strabo, _among the antients, to erect this kind ofland-marks, such as the pillar at Rhegium, near the foot of Italy: which isa kind of tower, and was raised by the people of Rhegium at the streightwhere the passage was to Sicily. Directly opposite stood another buildingof the same sort, called the tower of Pelorus. _ Such Pillars were by theIberians styled Herculean, because they were sacred to Hercules; underwhich title they worshipped the chief Deity. Some of these were near Gades, and Onoba[795], Κατ' Ονοβαν της Ιβηριας: others were erected still higher, on the coast of Lusitania. This caused an idle dispute betweenEratosthenes, Dicæarchus, and [796]others, in order to determine which werethe genuine pillars of Hercules: as if they were not all equally genuine;all denominated from the Deity of the country. Two of the most celebratedstood upon each side of the Mediterranean at the noted passage calledfretum Gaditanum--κατα τα ακρα του πορθμου. That on the Mauritanian sidewas called Abyla, from Ab-El, parens Sol: the other in Iberia had the nameof[797] Calpe. This was an obelisk or tower, and a compound of Ca-Alpe, andsignifies the house, or cavern of the same oracular God: for it was builtnear a cave; and all such recesses were esteemed to be oracular. At placesof this sort mariners used to come on shore to make their offerings; and toinquire about the success of their voyage. They more especially resorted tothose towers, and pillars, which stood at the entrance of their own havens. Nobody, says [798]Arrian, will venture to quit his harbour without payingdue offerings to the Gods, and invoking their favour. Helenus in Virgilcharges Æneas, whatever may be the consequence, not to neglect consultingthe oracle at Cuma. 

 [799]Hic tibi ne qua moræ fuerint dispendia tanti, Quamvis increpitent socij, et vi cursus in altum Vela vocet, possisque sinus implere secundos, Quin adeas vatem, precibusque oracula poscas. 

The island Delos was particularly frequented upon this account; and thesailors seem to have undergone some severe discipline at the altar of theGod, in order to obtain his favour. 

 [800]Αστεριη, πολυβωμε, πολυλλιτε, τις δε σε ναυτης Εμπορος Αιγαιοιο παρηλυθε νηι θεουσῃ· Ουχ' ὁυτω μεγαλοι μιν επιπνειουσιν αηται, Χρειω δ' ὁττι ταχιστον αγει πλοον, αλλα τα λαιφη Ωκεες εστειλαντο, και ου παλιν αυθις εβησαν, Πριν μεγαν η σεο βωμον ὑπο πληγησιν ἑλιξαι Ρησσομενοι----

 O! ever crown'd with altars, ever blest, Lovely Asteria, in how high repute Stands thy fair temple 'mid the various tribes Who ply the Ægean. Though their business claims Dispatch immediate; though the inviting gales Ill brook the lingering mariners' delay: Soon as they reach thy soundings, down at once Drop the slack sails, and all the naval gear. The ship is moor'd: nor do the crew presume To quit thy sacred limits, 'till they have pass'd A painful penance; with the galling whip Lash'd thrice around thine altar. 

This island was greatly esteemed for its sanctity, and there used to be awonderful concourse of people from all nations continually resorting to itstemple. The priests, in consequence of it, had hymns composed in almost alllanguages. It is moreover said of the female attendants, that they couldimitate the speech of various people; and were well versed in the historiesof foreign parts, and of antient times. Homer speaks of these extraordinaryqualifications as if he had been an eye-witness:

 [801]Προς δε τοδε μεγα θαυμα, ὁτου κλεος ουποτ' ολειται. Κουραι Δηλιαδες, Ἑκατηβελετεω θεραπαιναι, Ἁιτ' επει αν πρωτον μεν Απολλων' ὑμνησωσιν, Αυτις δ' αυ Λητω τε, και Αρτεμιν ιοχεαιρην, Μνησαμεναι ανδρων τε παλαιων, ηδε γυναικων, Ὑμνον αειδουσιν, θελγουσι δε φυλ' ανθρωπων. Παντων δ' ανθρωπων φωνας, και Κρομβαλιαστυν Μιμεισθαι ισασι· φαιης δε κεν αυτος ἑκαστον Φθεγγεσθαι, ὁυτω σφι καλη συναρηρεν αοιδη. 

 The Delian nymphs, who tend Apollo's shrine, When they begin their tuneful hymns, first praise The mighty God of day: to his they join Latona's name, and Artemis, far fam'd For her fleet arrows and unerring bow. Of heroes next, and heroines, they sing, And deeds of antient prowess. Crowds around, Of every region, every language, stand In mute applause, sooth'd with the pleasing lay. Vers'd in each art and every power of speech, The Delians mimick all who come: to them All language is familiar: you would think The natives spoke of every different clime. Such are their winning ways: so sweet their song. 

The offerings made at these places used to be of various kinds, butparticularly of liba, or cakes, which were generally denominated from thetemple where they were presented. A curious inscription to this purpose hasbeen preserved by Spon and Wheeler, which belonged to some obelisk ortemple upon the Thracian Bosporus. It was found on the Asiatic side, nearlyopposite to the Pompean pillar, of which I before took notice. The Deity towhom it was inscribed was the same as that above, but called by anothertitle, Aur, and Our, אור; rendered by the Greeks [802]Ουριος; and changedin acceptation so as to refer to another element. 

 [803] Ουριον εκ πρυμνης τις ὁδηγητηρα καλειτω Ζηνα, κατα προτανων ἱστιον εκπετασας. Ειτ' επι Κυανεας δινας δρομος, ενθα Ποσειδων Καμπυλον ἑιλισσει κυμα παρα ψαμαθοις, Ειτε κατ Αιγαιου ποντου πλακα, νοστον ερευνων Νεισθω, τῳ δε Βαλων ψαιστα παρα ξοανῳ. Τον δε γαρ ευαντητον αει θεον Αντιπατρου παις Στησε φιλων αγαθης συμβολον ευπλοϊης. 

 Great Urian Jove invoke to be your guide: Then spread the sail, and boldly stem the tide. Whether the stormy inlet you explore, Where the surge laves the bleak Cyanean shore, Or down the Egean homeward bend your way, Still as you pass the wonted tribute pay, An humble cake of meal: for Philo here, Antipater's good son, this shrine did rear, A pleasing omen, as you ply the sail, And sure prognostic of a prosperous gale. 

The Iapygian promontory had a temple to the same God, whose name byDionysius is rendered Ὑριος. 

 [804]Ψυλατ' Ιηπυγιων τατανυσμενα, μεσφ' Ὑριοιο Παῤῥαλιας, Ὑριου, τοθι συρεται Ἁδριας ἁλμη. 

The more difficult the navigation was, the more places of sanctity wereerected upon the coast. The Bosporus was esteemed a dangerous pass; and, upon that account, abounded with Cippi, and altars. These were originallymounds of earth, and sacred to the Sun: upon which account they were calledCol-On, or altars of that Deity. From hence is derived the term Colona, andΚολωνη. It came at last to denote any ness or foreland; but was originallythe name of a sacred hill, and of the pillar which was placed upon it. Tosay the truth, there was of old hardly any headland but what had its templeor altar. The Bosporus, in particular, had numbers of them by way ofsea-marks, as well as for sacred purposes: and there were many upon thecoast of Greece. Hence Apollonius says of the Argonauts:

 [805] Ηρι δε νισσομενοισιν Αθω ανετελλε κολωνη. 

In another place of the Bosporus--

 [806] Φαινεται ηεροεν στομα Βοσπορου, ηδε κολωναι Μυσιαι. 

The like occurs in the Orphic Argonauts, where Beleus is pointing out thehabitation of the Centaur Chiron:

 [807]Ω φιλοι, αθρειτε σκοπιης προυχοντα κολωνον, Μεσσῳ ενι πρηωνι κατασκιον, ενθα δε Χειρων Ναιει ενι σπηλυγγι, δικαιοτατος Κενταυρων. 

These Colonæ were sacred to the Apollo of Greece; and, as they weresea-marks and beacons, which stood on eminences near the mouths of rivers, and at the entrances of harbours, it caused them to be called ωρια, ουρεα, and ὁρμοι. Homer gives a beautiful description of such hills and headlands, and of the sea-coast projected in a beautiful landscape beneath, when, insome ravishing poetry, he makes all these places rejoice at the birth ofApollo:

 [808]Πασαι δε σκοπιαι τοι αδον, και πρωονες ακροι Ὑψηλων ορεων, ποταμοι θ' αλα δε προρεοντες, Ακταιτ' εις ἁλα κεκλιμεναι, λιμενες τε θαλασσης. 

 In that happy hour The lofty cliffs, that overlook the main, And the high summits of the towering hills, Shouted in triumph: down the rivers ran In pleasing murmurs to the distant deep. The shelves, the shores, the inlets of the sea, Witness'd uncommon gladness. 

Apollo, from this circumstance, was often called επακτιος, or the tutelaryGod of the coast; and had particular offerings upon that account. 

 [809]Πεισματα τ' ἁψαμενοι πορσυνομεν ἱερα καλα Ζηνι Πανομφαιῳ, και επακτιῳ Απολλωνι. 

It was not only upon rocks and eminences that these Cippi and Obelisks wereplaced by the antients: they were to be found in their temples, where formany ages a rude stock or stone served for a representation of the Deity. They were sometimes quite shapeless, but generally of a conical figure; ofwhich we meet with many instances. Clemens Alexandrinus takes notice ofthis kind of [810]worship: and Pausanias, in describing the temple ofHercules at Hyettus in [811]Bœotia, tells us, that there was no statue init, nor any work of art, but merely a rude stone, after the manner of thefirst ages. Tertullian gives a like description of Ceres and Pallas. PallasAttica, et Ceres [812]Phrygia--quæ sine effigie, rudi palo, et informispecie prostant. Juno of Samos was little better than a [813]post. Itsometimes happens that aged trees bear a faint likeness to the humanfabric: roots, likewise, and sprays, are often so fantastic in theirevolutions, as to betray a remote resemblance. The antients seem to havetaken advantage of this fancied similitude, which they improved by a littleart; and their first effort towards imagery was from these rude and rottenmaterials. Apollonius Rhodius, in his account of the Argonauts, gives adescription of a monument of this sort, which was by them erected in a darkgrove, upon a mountainous part of [814]Bithynia. They raised an altar ofrough stones, and placed near it an image of Rhea, which they formed froman arm or stump of an old vine. 

 Εσκε δε τι στιβαρον στυπος αμπελου, εντρεφον ὑλῃ Προγνυ γερανδρυον, το μεν εκταμον οφρα πελοιτο Δαιμονος ουρειης ἱερον βρετας· εξεσε δ' Αργως Ευκοσμως, και δη μιν επ' οκρυοεντι Κολωνῳ Ιδρυσαν, φηγοισιν επηρεφες ακροτατησιν· Ἁι ρα τε πασαων πανυπερταται εῤῥιζωντο Βωμον δ' αυ χεραδος παρανηνεον, αμφι δε φυλλοις Στεψαμενοι δρυινοισι θυηπολιης εμελοντο. 

 A dry and wither'd branch, by time impair'd, Hung from an ample and an aged vine, Low bending to the earth: the warriors axe Lopt it at once from the parental stem. This as a sacred relick was consigned To Argus' hands, an image meet to frame Of Rhea, dread Divinity, who ruled Over Bithynia's mountains. With rude art He smooth'd and fashion'd it in homely guise. Then on a high and lonely promontory Rear'd it amid a tall and stately grove Of antient beeches. Next of stones unwrought They raise an altar; and with boughs of oak Soft wreaths of foliage weave to deck it round. Then to their rites they turn, and vows perform. 

The same circumstance is mentioned in the Orphic Argonautics[815]; wherethe poet speaks of Argus, and the vine branch:

 Αμφιπλακες ερνος Αμπελου αυαλιης οξει απεκερσε σιδηρῳ, Ξεσσε δ' επισταμενως. 

The Amazonians were a very antient people, who worshipped their provincialDeity under the character of a female, and by the titles of Artemis, Oupis, Hippa. They first built a temple at Ephesus; and according to Callimachus[816]the image of the Goddess was formed of the stump of a beech tree. 

 Σοι και Αμαζονιδες πολεμου επιθυμητειραι Εκ κοτε παῤῥαλιῃ Εφεσου βρετας ἱδρυσαντο [817]Φηγῳ ὑπο πρεμνῳ, τελεσεν δε τοι ἱερον Ἱππω· Αυται δ', Ουπι ανασσα, περι πρυλιν ωρχησαντο. 

Instead of an image made of a stump, the poet Dionysius supposes a templeto have been built beneath the trunk of a decayed tree. 

 Ενθα Θεῃ ποτε νηον Αμαζονιδες τετυχοντο Πρεμνῳ ὑπο πτελεης, περιωσιον ανδρασι θαυμα. V. 827. 

It is observable, that the Chinese, as well as the people of Japan, stillretain something of this custom. When they meet with an uncouth root, orspray of a tree, they humour the extravagance: and, by the addition of aface, give it the look of a Joss or Bonzee, just as fancy directs them. 

The vine was esteemed sacred both to Dionusus, and Bacchus; for they weretwo different personages, though confounded by the Grecians: indeed thetitles of all those, who were originally styled Baalim, are blendedtogether. This tree had therefore the name of Ampel, which the Greeksrendered Αμπελος, from the Sun, Ham, whose peculiar plant it was. Thistitle is the same as Omphel before mentioned, and relates to the oracularDeity of the Pagan world; under which character Ham was principally alludedto. The Egyptian and Asiatic Greeks had some imperfect traditions aboutHam, and Chus: the latter of which they esteemed Bacchus. And as the termAmpelus did not primarily relate to the vine, but was a sacred nametransferred from the Deity, they had some notion of this circumstance: butas it was their custom out of every title to form a new personage, theyhave supposed Ampelus to have been a youth of great beauty, and one whomBacchus particularly favoured. Hence Nonnus introduces the former beggingof Selene not to envy him this happiness. 

 [818]Μη φθονεσῃς, ὁτι Βακχος εμην φιλοτητα φυλασσει. Ὁττι νεος γενομην, ὁτι και φιλος ειμι Λυαιου. 

The worship of Ham was introduced by the Amonians in Phrygia and AsiaMinor: and in those parts the Poet makes Ampelus chiefly conversant. 

 [819]Ηδη γαρ Φρυγιης ὑπο δειραδι κουρος αθυρων Αμπελος ηεξητο νεοτρεφες ερνος ερωτων. 

He speaks of his bathing in the waters, and rising with fresh beauty fromthe stream, like the morning star from the ocean. 

 [820]Πακτωλῳ πορε και συ τεον σελας, οφρα φανειη Αμπελος αντελλων, ἁτε φωσφορος-- Κοσμησει σεο καλλος ὁλον Πακτωλιον ὑδωρ. 

In all these instances there are allusions to a history, which willhereafter be fully discussed. Ovid seems to make Ampelus a native ofThrace; and supposes him to have been the son of a satyr by one of thenymphs in that country:

 [821] Ampelon intonsum, Satyro Nymphâque creatum, Fertur in Ismariis Bacchus amâsse jugis. 

But however they may have mistaken this personage, it is certain that inearly times he was well known, and highly reverenced. Hence wherever theAmonians settled, the name of Ampelus will occur: and many places will befound to have been denominated from the worship of the Deity under thissacred title. We learn from Stephanus Byzantinus, [822]_that, according toHecatæus, in his Europa, Ampelus was the name of a city in Liguria. Therewas likewise a promontory in the district of Torone called Ampelus: a likepromontory in Samos: another in Cyrene. Agrœtas mentions two cities there, an upper, and a lower, of that name. There_ _was likewise a harbour inItaly so called_. We read of a city [823]Ampeloëssa in Syria, and a nationin Lybia called Ampeliotæ: Αμπελιωται δε εθνος Λιβυης. Suidas. Also, Ampelona in Arabia; and a promontory, Ampelusia, near Tingis, inMauritania. In all these places, however distant, the Amonians had madesettlements. Over against the island Samos stood the sacred promontory, Mycale, in Ionia. This, too, was called Ampelus, according to Hesychius, asthe passage is happily altered by Albertus and others. Αμπελος, μηχανη, καιακρα Μυκαλης, ηγουν ορους. From the words ηγουν ορους one might infer, thatAmpelus was no uncommon name for a mountain in general: so far is certain, that many such were so denominated: which name could not relate to αμπελος, the vine; but they were so called from the Deity to whom they were[824]sacred. Many of these places were barren crags, and rocks of the sea, ill suited to the cultivation of the [825]vine. And not only eminences wereso called, but the strand and shores, also, for the same reason: becausehere, too, were altars and pillars to this God. Hence we read in Hesychius:Αμπελος--αιγιαλος--Κυρηναιοις αιγιαλος. _By Ampelus is signified the seashore; or Ampelus, among the people of Cyrene, signifies the sea shore_. 

From what has been said, we may be assured that Ampelus and Omphalus werethe same term originally, however varied afterwards and differentlyappropriated. They are each a compound from Omphe, and relate to theoracular Deity. Ampelus, at Mycale, in Ionia, was confessedly sodenominated from its being a sacred[826] place, and abounding with waters;by which, people who drank them were supposed to be inspired. They arementioned in an antient oracle quoted by Eusebius[827]: Εν Διδυμον γυαλοιςΜυκαλησιον ΕΝΘΕΟΝ ὑδωρ. I have mentioned that all fountains were esteemedsacred, but especially those which had any præternatural quality, andabounded with exhalations. It was an universal notion that a divine energyproceeded from these effluvia, and that the persons who resided in theirvicinity were gifted with a prophetic quality. Fountains of this nature, from the divine influence with which they were supposed to abound, theAmonians styled Ain Omphe, sive fontes Oraculi. These terms, which denotedthe fountain of the prophetic God, the Greeks contracted to Νυμφη, a Nymph;and supposed such a person to be an inferior Goddess, who presided overwaters. Hot springs were imagined to be more immediately under theinspection of the nymphs: whence Pindar styles such fountains, [828]ΘερμαΝυμφαν λουτρα. The temple of the Nymphæ Ionides, in Arcadia, stood close toa fountain of great [829]efficacy. The term Nympha will be found always tohave a reference to [830]water. There was in the same region of thePeloponnesus a place called Νυμφας, Nymphas; which was undoubtedly so namedfrom its hot springs: [831]Καταῤῥειται γαρ ὑδατι--Νυμφας: _forNymphas--abounded with waters_. Another name for these places was Ain-Ades, the fountain of Ades, or the Sun; which, in like manner, was changed toΝαιαδες, Naiades, a species of Deities of the same class. Fountains ofbitumen, in Susiana and Babylonia, were called Ain-Aptha, the fountains ofAptha, the God of fire; which by the Greeks was rendered Naptha, a namegiven to [832]bitumen. As they changed Ain Omphe to Numpha, a Goddess, theyaccordingly denominated the place itself Νυμφειον, Nymphæum: and wherever aplace occurs of that name, there will be found something particular in itscircumstances. We are told by [833]Pliny that the river Tigris, beingstopped in its course by the mountains of Taurus, loses itself underground, and rises again on the other side at Nymphæum. According toMarcellinus, it seems to be at Nymphæum that it sinks into the earth. Be itas it may, this, he tells us, is the place where that fiery matter callednaptha issued: from whence, undoubtedly, the place had its name. [834]Bitumen nascitur prope lacum Sosingitem, cujus alveo Tigris voratus, fluensque subterraneus, procursis spatiis longis, emergit. Hic et Napthagignitur specie piceâ. In his pagis hiatus conspicitur terræ, unde halituslethalis exsurgens, quodcunque animal prope consistit, odore graviconsumit. There was an island of the like nature at the mouth of the riverIndus, which was sacred to the Sun, and styled Cubile [835]Nympharum: inquâ nullum non animal absumitur. In Athamania was a temple of the Nymphs, or [836]Nymphæum; and near it a fountain of fire, which consumed thingsbrought near to it. Hard by Apollonia was an eruption of bituminous matter, like that in Assyria: and this too was named [837]Nymphæum. The same author(Strabo) mentions, that in Seleucia, styled Pieria, there was alikebituminous eruption, taken notice of by Posidonius; and that it was calledAmpelitis: [838]Την Αμπελιτην γην ασφαλτωδη, την εν Σελευκειᾳ τη Πιεριᾳμεταλλευομενην. The hot streams, and poisonous effluvia near Puteoli andlake Avernus are well known. It was esteemed a place of great sanctity; andpeople of a prophetic character are said to have here resided. Here was a[839]Nymphæum, supposed to have been an oracular temple. There was a methodof divination at Rome, mentioned by [840]Dion Cassius, in which peopleformed their judgment of future events from the steam of lightedfrankincense. The terms of inquiry were remarkable: for their curiosity wasindulged in respect to every future contingency, excepting death andmarriage. The place of divination was here too called [841]Nymphæum. Pausanias takes notice of a cavern near Platea, which was sacred to theNymphs of Cithæron: Ὑπερ δε της κορυφης, εφ' ᾑ τον βωμον ποιουνται, πεντεπου μαλιστα και δεκα ὑποκαταβαντι σταδιους ΝYΜΦΩΝ εστιν αντρονΚιθαιρωνιδων--ΜΑΝΤΕΥΕΣΘΑΙ δε τας Νυμφας το αρχαιον αυτοθι εχει λογος. Wefind that the Nymphs of this place had been of old prophetic. Evagriusmentions a splendid building at Antioch called Nymphæum, remarkable[842]Ναματων πλουτῳ, for the advantage of its waters. There was a Nymphæumat Rome mentioned by Marcellinus. [843]Septemzodium celebrem locum, ubiNymphæum Marcus condidit Imperator. Here were the Thermæ Antonianæ. As fromAin Ompha came Nympha; so from Al Ompha was derived Lympha. This differedfrom Aqua, or common water, as being of a sacred and prophetic nature. Theantients thought, that all mad persons were gifted with divination; andthey were in consequence of it styled _Lymphati_. 

From what has preceded, we may perceive that there once existed a wonderfulresemblance in the rites, customs, and terms of worship, among nationswidely separated. Of this, as I proceed, many instances will be continuallyproduced. I have already mentioned that this similitude in terms, and thereligious system, which was so widely propagated, were owing to one greatfamily, who spread themselves almost universally. Their colonies wentabroad under the sanction and direction of their priests; and carried withthem both the rites and the records of their country. Celsus took notice ofthis; and thought that people payed too little attention to memorials ofthis nature. He mentions particularly the oracular temples at Dodona, atDelphi, at Claros, with those of the Branchidæ and Amonians: at the sametime passing over many other places, from whose priests and votaries thewhole earth seemed to have been peopled[844]. Τα μεν ὑπο της Πυθιας, ηΔωδωνιων, η Κλαριου, η εν Βραγχιδαις, η εν Αμμωνος, ὑπο μυριων τε αλλωνθεοπροπων προειρημενα, ὑφ' ὡν επιεικως πασα γη κατῳκισθη, ταυτα μεν ουδενιλογῳ τιθενται. As colonies went abroad under the influence and direction oftheir tutelary Deities; those Deities were styled Ἡγεμονες, and Αρχηγεται:and the colony was denominated from some sacred title of the God. A colonywas planted at Miletus; of which the conducting Deity was Diana. [845]Σεγαρ ποιησατο Νηλευς Ἡγεμονην. This Goddess is styled πολυπτολις, becausethis office was particularly ascribed to her: and she had many places underher patronage. Jupiter accordingly tells her:

 [846]Τρις δεκα τοι πτολιεθρα, και ουκ ἑνα πυργον οπασσω. 

 Thrice ten fair cities shall your portion be, And many a stately tower. 

Apollo likewise was called Οικτιστης and Αρχηγετης, from being the supposedfounder of cities; which were generally built in consequence of someoracle. 

 [847]Φοιβῳ δ' εσπομενοι πολεας διεμετρησαντο Ανθρωποι· Φοιβος γαρ αει πολιεσσι φιληδει Κτιζομεναις· αυτος δε θεμειλια Φοιβος ὑφαινει. 

 'Tis through Apollo's tutelary aid, That men go forth to regions far remote, And cities found: Apollo ever joys In founding cities. 

What colony, says [848]Cicero, did Greece ever send into Ætolia, Ionia, Asia, Sicily or Italy, without having first consulted about everycircumstance relative to it, either at Delphi, or Dodona, or at the oracleof Ammon. And Lucian speaks to the same purpose. [849]Ουτε πολεας ῳκιζον, ουδε τειχεα περιεβαλλοντο--πριν αν δη παρα Μαντεων ακουσαι ἑκαστα. _Peoplewould not venture to build cities, nor even raise the walls, till they hadmade proper inquiry among those, who were prophetically gifted, about thesuccess of their operations_. 

 * * * * *

PATOR AND PATRA. 

I cannot help thinking that the word πατηρ, pater, when used in thereligious addresses of the Greeks and Romans, meant not, as is supposed, afather, or parent; but related to the divine influence of the Deity, called, by the people of the east, Pator, as I have [850]shewn. From henceI should infer, that two words, originally very distinct, have beenrendered one and the [851]same. The word pater, in the common acceptation, might be applicable to Saturn; for he was supposed to have been the fatherof all the Gods, and was therefore so entitled by the antient poetSulpitius. 

 [852]Jane pater, Jane tuens, Dive biceps, biformis, O! cate rerum sator; O! principium Deorum. 

But, when it became a title, which was bestowed upon Gods of everydenomination, it made Jupiter animadvert with some warmth upon theimpropriety, if we may credit Lucilius:

 [853]Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin pater optimus Divôm est: Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars, Janus, Quirinus, pater, omnes dicamur ad unum. 

And not only the Gods, but the Hierophantæ, in most temples; and thosepriests, in particular, who were occupied in the celebration of mysteries, were styled Patres: so that it was undoubtedly a religious term importedfrom Egypt, the same as Pator, and Patora, before mentioned. I have takennotice, that the Pateræ of Curtius were the priests of Hamon: but thatwriter was unacquainted with the true meaning of the word, as well as withthe pronunciation, which seems to have been penultimâ productâ. The worshipof Ham, or the Sun, as it was the most antient, so it was the mostuniversal, of any in the world. It was at first the prevailing religion ofGreece, and was propagated over all the sea coast of Europe; whence itextended itself into the inland provinces. It was established in Gaul andBritain; and was the original religion of this island, which the Druids inaftertimes adopted. That it went high in the north is evident fromAusonius, who takes notice of its existing in his time. He had relations, who were priests of this order and denomination; and who are, on thataccount, complimented by him, in his ode to Attius Patera [854]Rhetor. 

 Tu Boiocassis stirpe Druidarum satus, Si fama non fallat fidem, Beleni sacratum ducis e templo genus, Et inde vobis nomina, Tibi Pateræ: sic ministros nuncupant Apollinares Mystici. Fratri, Patrique nomen a Phæbo datum, Natoque de Delphis tuo. 

He mentions, that this worship prevailed particularly in Armorica; of whichcountry his relations were natives. 

 [855]Nec reticebo Senem, Nomine Phœbicium, Qui Beleni Ædituus, Stirpe satus Druidûm, Gentis Armoricæ. 

Belin, the Deity of whom he speaks, was the same as [856]Bel and Balen, ofBabylonia and Canaan; the Orus and Apollo of other nations. Herodian takesnotice of his being worshipped by the people of Aquileia; and says, thatthey called him Belin, and paid great reverence, esteeming him the same as[857]Apollo. 

The true name of the Amonian priests I have shewn to have been Petor, orPator; and the instrument which they held in their hands was styledPetaurum. They used to dance round a large fire, in honour of the Sun, whose orbit they affected to describe. At the same time they exhibitedother feats of activity, to amuse the votaries who resorted to theirtemples. This dance was sometimes performed in armour, especially in Crete:and, being called Pyrrhic, was supposed to have been so named from Pyrrhus, the son of Achilles. But, when was he in Crete? Besides, it is said to havebeen practised by the Argonautic heroes before his time. It was a religiousdance, denominated from fire, with which it was accompanied. 

 [858]Αμφι δε δαιομενοις ευρυν χορον εστησαντο, Καλον Ιηπαιηον', Ιηπαιηονα Φοιβον Μελπομενοι. 

It was originally an Egyptian dance, in honour of Hermes, and practised bythe Pataræ, or Priests. In some places it was esteemed a martial exercise, and exhibited by persons in armour, who gave it the name of Betarmus. Wehave an instance of it in the same poet:

 [859]Αμυδις δε νεοι Ορφηος ανωγῃ Εκαιροντες Βηταρμον ενοπλιον ορχησαντο, Και σακεα ξιφεεσσιν ὑπεκτυπον. 

Βηταρμος Betarmus, was a name given to the dance, from the temple of theDeity where it was probably first practised. It is a compound of Bet Armes, or Armon, called, more properly, Hermes, and Hermon. Bet, and Beth, amongthe Amonians, denoted a temple. There is reason to think that the circulardances of the Dervises, all over the east, are remains of these antientcustoms. In the first ages this exercise was esteemed a religious rite, andperformed by people of the temple where it was exhibited: but, inaftertimes, the same feats were imitated by rope-dancers and vagrants, called Petauristæ, and Petauristarii; who made use of a kind of pole, styled petaurum. --Of these the Roman writers make frequent mention; andtheir feats are alluded to by Juvenal:

 [860]An magis oblectant animum jactata petauro Corpora, quique solent rectum descendere funem?

Manilius likewise gives an account of this people, and their activity;wherein may be observed some remains of the original institution:

 [861]Ad numeros etiam ille ciet cognata per artem Corpora, quæ valido saliunt excussa petauro: Membraque _per flammas orbesque_ emissa flagrantes, Delphinûmque suo per inane imitantia motu, Et viduata volant pennis, et in aëre ludunt. 

I have shewn, that the Pateræ, or Priests, were so denominated from theDeity styled Pator; whose shrines were named Patera, and Petora. They wereoracular temples of the Sun; which in aftertimes were called Petra, andascribed to other Gods. Many of them for the sake of mariners were erectedupon rocks, and eminences near the sea: hence the term πετρα, petra, cameat length to signify any rock or stone, and to be in a manner confined tothat meaning. But in the first ages it was ever taken in a religious sense;and related to the shrines of Osiris, or the Sun, and to the oracles, whichwere supposed to be there exhibited. Thus Olympus near Pisa, though norock, but a huge mound, or hill ([862]Περι γαρ τον Κρονιον ΛΟΦΟΝ αγεται ταΟλυμπια) was of old termed Petra, as relating to oracular influence. HencePindar, speaking of Iämus, who was supposed to have been conducted byApollo to Olympia, says, _that they both came to the Petra Elibatos uponthe lofty Cronian mount: there Apollo bestowed upon Iämus a double portionof prophetic knowledge_. 

 [863]Ἱκοντο δ' ὑψηλοιο Πετραν Αλιβατου Κρονιου, Ενθ' ὁι ωπασε θησαυρον Διδυμον ΜΑΝΤΟΣYΝΑΣ. 

The word Ηλιβατος, Elibatos, was a favourite term with Homer, and otherpoets; and is uniformly joined with Petra. They do not seem to have knownthe purport of it; yet they adhere to it religiously, and introduce itwherever they have an opportunity. Ηλιβατος is an Amonian compound ofEli-Bat, and signifies solis domus, vel [864]templum. It was the name ofthe temple, and specified the Deity there worshipped. In like manner theword Petra had in great measure lost its meaning; yet it is wonderful toobserve how industriously it is introduced by writers, when they speak ofsacred and oracular places. Lycophron calls the temple at Elis [865]ΛευρανΜολπιδος πετραν: and the Pytho at Delphi is by Pindar styled Petraëssa:[866]Επει Πετραεσσας ελαυνων ἱκετ' εκ Πυθωνος. Orchomenos was a place ofgreat antiquity; and the natives are said to have worshipped Petra, whichwere supposed to have fallen from [867]heaven. At Athens in the Acropoliswas a sacred cavern, which was called Petræ Macræ, Petræ Cecropiæ. 

 [868]Ακουε τοινυν, οισθα Κεκροπιας πετρας, Προσβοῤῥον αντρον, ας Μακρας κικλησκομεν. 

I have shewn that people of old made use of caverns for places of worship:hence this at Athens had the name of Petra, or temple. [869]It is said ofCeres, that after she had wandered over the whole earth, she at lastreposed herself upon a stone at Eleusis. They in like manner at Delphishewed the petra, upon which the Sibyl Herophile at her first arrival sat[870]down. In short, there is in history of every oracular temple somelegend about a stone; some reference to the word Petra. To clear this up, it is necessary to observe, that when the worship of the Sun was almostuniversal, this was one name of that Deity even among the Greeks. Theycalled him Petor, and Petros; and his temple was styled Petra. This theyoftentimes changed to λιθος; so little did they understand their ownmythology. There were however some writers, who mentioned it as the name ofthe Sun, and were not totally ignorant of its meaning. This we may learnfrom the Scholiast upon Pindar. [871]Περι δε του Ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι φασιν, ὡςλιθος καλειται ὁ Ἡλιος. Και Αναξαγορου γενομενον Ευριπιδην μαθητην, Πετρονειρηκεναι τον Ἡλιον δια των προκειμενων. 

 Ὁ γαρ Μακαριος, κ' ουκ ονειδιζω τυχας, Διος πεφυκως, ὡς λεγουσι, Τανταλος, Κορυφης ὑπερτελλοντα δειμαινων ΠΕΤΡΟΝ, Αερι ποτᾳται, και τινει ταυτην δικην. 

The same Scholiast quotes a similar passage from the same writer, where theSun is called Petra. 

 [872]Μολοιμι ταν ουρανου μεσαν Χθονος τε τεταμεναν αιωρημασι πετραν, Αλυσεσι χρυσεαις φερομεναν. 

If then the name of the Sun, and of his temples, was among the antientGrecians Petros, and Petra; we may easily account for that word so oftenoccurring in the accounts of his worship. The Scholia above will moreoverlead us to discover whence the strange notion arose about the famousAnaxagoras of Clazomenæ; who is said to have prophesied, that a stone wouldfall from the Sun. All that he had averred, may be seen in the relation ofthe Scholiast above: which amounts only to this, that Petros was a name ofthe Sun. It was a word of Egyptian original, derived from Petor, the sameas Ham, the Iämus of the antient Greeks. This Petros some of his countrymenunderstood in a different sense; and gave out, that he had foretold a stonewould drop from the Sun. Some were idle enough to think that it wasaccomplished: and in consequence of it pretended to shew at Ægospotamos thevery [873]stone, which was said to have fallen. The like story was told ofa stone at Abydus upon the Hellespont: and Anaxagoras was here too supposedto have been the prophet[874]. In Abydi gymnasio ex eâ causâ coliturhodieque modicus quidem (lapis), sed quem in medio terrarum casurumAnaxagoras prædixisse narratur. The temples, or Petra here mentioned, wereOmphalian, or Oracular: hence they were by a common mistake supposed tohave been in the centre of the habitable globe. They were also ΗλιβατοιΠετραι; which Elibatos the Greeks derived from βαινω descendo; and on thisaccount the Petra were thought to have fallen from the [875]Sun. We may bythis clue unravel the mysterious story of Tantalus; and account for thepunishment which he was doomed to undergo. 

[876]Κορῳ δ' ἑλενΑταν ὑπεροπλον, Ταν ὁι πατηρ ὑπερκρεμασε, Καρτερον αυτῳ λιθονΤον αει μενοινων κεφαλας βαλεινΕυφροσυνας αλαται. 

The unhappy TantalusFrom a satiety of blissUnderwent a cruel reverse. He was doom'd to sit under a huge stone, Which the father of the GodsKept over his head suspended. Thus he satIn continual dread of its downfal, And lost to every comfort. 

It is said of Tantalus by some, that he was set up to his chin in water, with every kind of fruit within reach: yet hungry as he was and thirsty, hecould never attain to what he wanted; every thing which he caught ateluding his efforts. But from the account given above by [877]Pindar, aswell as by [878]Alcæus, Aleman, and other writers, his punishment consistedin having a stone hanging over his head; which kept him in perpetual fear. What is styled λιθος, was I make no doubt originally Petros; which has beenmisinterpreted a stone. Tantalus is termed by Euripides ακολαστος τηνγλωσσαν, a man of an ungovernable tongue: and his history at bottom relatesto a person who revealed the mysteries in which he had been [879]initiated. The Scholiast upon Lycophron describes him in this light; and mentions himas a priest, who out of good nature divulged some secrets of his cloister;and was upon that account ejected from the society[880]. Ο Τανταλος ευσεβηςκαι θεοσεπτωρ ην Ἱερευς, και φιλανθρωπιᾳ τα των θεων μυστηρια τοις αμυητοιςὑστερον ειπων, εξεβληθη του ἱερου καταλογου. The mysteries which herevealed, were those of Osiris, the Sun: the Petor, and Petora of Egypt. Henever afterwards could behold the Sun in its meridian, but it put him inmind of his crime: and he was afraid that the vengeance of the God wouldoverwhelm him. This Deity, the Petor, and Petora of the Amonians, being bythe later Greeks expressed Petros, and Petra, gave rise to the fable aboveabout the stone of Tantalus. To this solution the same Scholiast uponPindar bears witness, by informing us, [881]that the Sun was of old calleda stone: and that some writers understood the story of Tantalus in thislight; intimating that it was the Sun, which hung over his head to hisperpetual terror. [882]Ενιοι ακουουσι τον λιθον επι του ἡλιου--καιεπηωρεισθαι αυτου (Τανταλου) τον ἡλιον, ὑφ' ῳ δειματουσθαι, καικαταπτησσειν. And again, Περι δε του ἡλιου ὁι φυσικοι λεγουσιν, ὡς λιθος(it should be πετρα) καλειται ὁ ἡλιος. _Some understand, what is said inthe history about the stone, as relating to the Sun: and they suppose thatit was the Sun which hung over his head, to his terror and confusion. Thenaturalists, speaking of the Sun, often call him a stone, or petra_. 

[Illustration: Pl. V. _Temple of Mithras Petræus in the Mountains ofPersia. From Le Bruyn_]

By laying all these circumstances together, and comparing them, we may, Ithink, not only find out wherein the mistake consisted, but likewiseexplain the grounds from whence the mistake arose. And this clue may leadus to the detection of other fallacies, and those of greater consequence. We may hence learn the reason, why so many Deities were styled Πετραιοι, Petræi. We read of[883] Μιθρας, ὁ θεος εκ πετρας, _Mithras, the Deity outof the rock_; whose temple of old was really a rock or cavern. The sameworship seems to have prevailed, in some degree, in the west; as we mayjudge from an antient inscription at Milan, which was dedicated[884]Herculi in Petrâ. But all Deities were not so worshipped: and the very namePetra was no other than the sacred term Petora, given to a cavern, as beingesteemed in the first ages an oracular temple. And some reverence to placesof this sort was kept up a long time. We may from hence understand thereason of the prohibition given to some of the early proselytes toChristianity, that they should no more[885] ad petras vota reddere: and bythe same light we may possibly explain that passage in Homer, where hespeaks of persons entering into compacts under oaks, and rocks, as placesof[886] security. The oak was sacred to Zeus, and called Sar-On: and Petrain its original sense being a temple, must be looked upon as an asylum. Butthis term was not confined to a rock or cavern: every oracular temple wasstyled Petra, and Petora. Hence it proceeded that so many Gods were calledΘεοι Πετραιοι, and Πατρῳσι. Pindar speaks of Poseidon Petraios;[887] ΠαιΠοσειδωνος Πετραιου: under which title Neptune was worshipped by theThessalians: but the latter was the more common title. We meet in Pausaniaswith Apollo Patroüs, and with [888]Ζευς Μειλιχιος, and Αρτεμις Πατρῳα; also[889]Bacchus Πατρῳος, Zeus Patroüs, and Vesta Patroa, together with otherinstances. 

The Greeks, whenever they met with this term, even in regions the mostremote, always gave it an interpretation according to their ownpreconceptions; and explained θεοι Πατρῳοι, the oracular Deities, by DiiPatrii, or the Gods of the country. Thus, in the Palmyrene inscription, twoSyrian Deities are characterized by this title. 

[890]ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ ΚΑΙ ΜΑΛΑΧΒΗΛΩΠΑΤΡΩΟΙΣ ΘΕΟΙΣ. 

Cyrus, in his expedition against the Medes, is represented as making vows[891]Ἑστιᾳ Πατρῳᾳ, και Διι Πατρῳῳ, και τοις αλλοις Θεοις. But the Persians, from whom this history is presumed to be borrowed, could not mean by theseterms Dii Patrii: for nothing could be more unnecessary than to say of aPersic prince, that the homage, which he payed, was to Persic Deities. Itis a thing of course, and to be taken for granted, unless there beparticular evidence to the contrary. His vows were made to Mithras, who wasstyled by the nations in the east Pator; his temples were Patra, and Petra, and his festivals Patrica. Nonnus gives a proper account of the Petra, whenhe represents it as Omphean, or oracular:

 [892]Ομφαιῃ περι Πετρῃ Εισετι νηπιαχοιο χορους ἱδρυσατο Βακχου. 

At Patara, in Lycia, was an oracular temple: and Patræ, in Achaia, had itsname from divination, for which it was famous. Pausanias mentions thetemple, and adds, [893]Προ δε του Ἱερου της Δημητρος εστι πηγη--μαντειον δεενταυθα εστιν αψευδες. _Before the temple is the fountain of Demeter--andin the temple an oracle, which never is known to fail_. 

The offerings, which people in antient times used to present to the Gods, were generally purchased at the entrance of the temple; especially everyspecies of consecrated bread, which was denominated accordingly. If it wasan oracular temple of Alphi, the loaves and cakes were styled [894]Alphita. If it was expressed Ampi, or Ompi, the cakes were Ompai[895], Ομπαι: at thetemple of Adorus[896], Adorea. Those made in honour of Ham-orus had thename of [897]Homoura, Amora, and Omoritæ. Those sacred to Peon, the God oflight, were called [898]Piones. At Cha-on, which signifies the house of theSun, [899]Cauones, Χαυωνες. From Pur-Ham, and Pur-Amon, they weredenominated Puramoun, [900]Πυραμουν. From Ob-El, Pytho Deus, came[901]Obelia. If the place were a Petra or Petora, they had offerings of thesame sort called Petora, by the Greeks expressed [902]Πιτυρα, Pitura. Oneof the titles of the Sun was El-Aphas, Sol Deus ignis. This El-aphas theGreeks rendered Elaphos, ελαφος; and supposed it to relate to a deer: andthe title El-Apha-Baal, given by the Amonians to the chief Deity, waschanged to ελαφηβολος, a term of a quite different purport. El-aphas, andEl-apha-baal, related to the God Osiris, the Deity of light: and there weresacred liba made at his temple, similar to those above, and denominatedfrom him Ελαφοι, Elaphoi. In Athenæus we have an account of theircomposition, which consisted of fine meal, and a mixture of sesamum andhoney. [903]Ελαφος πλακους δια σταιτος και μελιτος και σησαμου. 

One species of sacred bread, which used to be offered to the Gods, was ofgreat antiquity, and called Boun. The Greeks, who changed the Nu final intoa Sigma, expressed it in the nominative, βους; but, in the accusative, moretruly boun, βουν. Hesychius speaks of the Boun, and describes it, ειδοςπεμματος κερατα εχοντος; _a kind of cake, with a representation of twohorns_. Julius Pollux mentions it after the same manner: βουν, ειδοςπεμματος κερατα εχοντος; _a sort of cake with horns_. Diogenes Laertius, speaking of the same offering being made by Empedocles, describes the chiefingredients of which it was composed: [904]Βουν εθυσε--εκ μελιτος καιαλφιτων. _He offered up one of the sacred liba, called a boun, which wasmade of fine flour and honey_. It is said of Cecrops, [905]πρωτος βουνεθυσε: _He first offered up this sort of sweet bread_. Hence we may judgeof the antiquity of the custom from the times to which Cecrops is referred. The prophet Jeremiah takes notice of this kind of offering, when he isspeaking of the Jewish women at Pathros in Egypt, and of their baseidolatry; in all which their husbands had encouraged them. The women, intheir expostulation upon his rebuke, tell him: _Since we left off to burnincense to the Queen of heaven, and to pour out drink-offerings unto her, we have wanted all things; and have been consumed by the sword and by thefamine. And when we burnt incense to the Queen of heaven, and poured outdrink-offerings unto her, did we make her cakes to worship her, and pourout drink-offerings unto her without our [906]men?_ The prophet, in anotherplace, takes notice of the same idolatry. [907]_The children gather wood, and the fathers kindle the fire, and the women knead their dough, to makecakes to the Queen of heaven_. The word, in these instances, for sacredcakes, is כונים, Cunim. The Seventy translate it by a word of the samepurport, Χαυωνας, Chauonas; of which I have before taken notice: [908]Μηανευ των ανδρων ἡμων εποιησαμεν αυτῃ Χαυωνας. κτλ. 

I have mentioned that they were sometimes called Petora, and by the GreeksPitura. This, probably, was the name of those liba, or cakes, which theyoung virgins of Babylonia and Persis, used to offer at the shrine of theirGod, when they were to be first prostituted: for, all, before marriage, were obliged to yield themselves up to some stranger to be deflowered. Itwas the custom for all the young women, when they arrived towards maturity, to sit in the avenue of the temple, with a girdle, or rope, round theirmiddle; and whatever passenger laid hold of it was entitled to lead themaway. This practice is taken notice of, as subsisting among theBabylonians, in the epistle ascribed to the prophet Jeremiah; which he issupposed to have written to Baruch. V. 43. Ἁιδε γυναικες περιθεμεναισχοινια εν ταις ὁδοις εγκαθηνται θυμιωσαι τα ΠΙΤYΡΑ· ὁταν δε τις αυτωναφελκοθεισα ὑπο τινος των παραπορευομενων κοιμηθῃ, την πλησιον ονειδιζει, ὁτι ουκ ηξιωται, ὡσπερ αυτη, ουτε το σχοινιον αυτης διεῤῥαγη. This is atranslation from an Hebrew or Chaldäic original; and, I should think, notquite accurate. What is here rendered γυναικες, should, I imagine, beπαρθενοι; and the purport will be nearly this: _The virgins of Babyloniaput girdles about their waist; and in this habit sit by the way side, holding their Pitura, or sacred offerings, over an urn of incense: and whenany one of them is taken notice of by a stranger, and led away by hergirdle to a place of privacy; upon her return she upbraids her nextneighbour for not being thought worthy of the like honour; and for havingher zone not yet broken or [909]loosed_. It was likewise a Persian custom, and seems to have been universally kept up wherever their religionprevailed. Strabo gives a particular account of this practice, as it wasobserved in the temple of Anait in Armenia. This was a Persian Deity, whohad many places of worship in that part of the world. _Not only the men andmaid servants_, says the author, _are in this manner prostituted at theshrine of the Goddess; for in this there would be nothing extraordinary_:[910]Αλλα και θυγατερας ὁι επιφανεστατοι του εθνους ανιερουσι παρθενους, ἁις νομος εστι, καταπορνευθεισαις πολυν χρονον παρα τῃ Θεῳ μετα ταυταδεδοσθαι προς γαμον· ουκ απαξιουντος τῃ τοιαυτῃ συνοικειν ουδενος. _Butpeople of the first fashion in the nation used to devote their owndaughters in the same manner: it being a religious institution, that allyoung virgins shall, in honour of the Deity, be prostituted, and detainedfor some time in her temple: after which they are permitted to be given inmarriage. Nor is any body at all scrupulous about cohabiting with a youngwoman afterwards, though she has been in this manner abused. _

The Patrica were not only rites of Mithras, but also of Osiris, who was inreality the same Deity. 

We have a curious inscription to this purpose, and a representation, whichwas first exhibited by the learned John Price in his observations uponApuleius. It is copied from an original, which he saw at Venice: and thereis an engraving from it in the Edition of Herodotus by [911]Gronovius, aswell as in that by [912]Wesselinge: but about the purport of it they arestrangely mistaken. They suppose it to relate to a daughter of Mycerinus, the son of Cheops. She died, it seems: and her father was so affected withher death, that he made a bull of wood, which he gilt, and in it interredhis daughter. Herodotus says, that he saw the bull of Mycerinus; and thatit alluded to this history. But, notwithstanding the authority of thisgreat author, we may be assured that it was an emblematical representation, and an image of the sacred bull Apis and Mneuis. And, in respect to thesculpture above mentioned, and the characters therein expressed, the wholeis a religious ceremony, and relates to an event of great antiquity, whichwas commemorated in the rites of Osiris. Of this I shall treat hereafter:at present, it is sufficient to observe, that the sacred process is carriedon before a temple; on which is a Greek inscription, but in the provincialcharacters: Ενδον Πατρικην Ἑορτην Φερω. How can Ἑορτη Πατρικη relate to afuneral? It denotes a festival in honour of the Sun, who was styled, as Ihave shewn, Pator; and his temple was called Patra: whence these rites weredenominated Patrica. Plutarch alludes to this Egyptian ceremony, andsupposes it to relate to Isis, and to her mourning for the loss of her son. Speaking of the month Athyr, he mentions [913]Βουν διαχρυσον ἱματιῳ μελανιβυσσινῳ περιβαλοντες επι πενθει της Θεου δεικνυουσιν (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι). _TheEgyptians have a custom in the month Athyr of ornamenting a golden image ofa bull; which they cover with a black robe of the finest linen. This theydo in commemoration of Isis, and her grief for the loss of Orus_. In everyfigure, as they are represented in the sculpture, there appears deepsilence and reverential awe: but nothing that betrays any sorrow in theagents. They may commemorate the grief of Isis; but they certainly do notallude to any misfortune of their own: nor is there any thing the leastfunereal in the process. The Egyptians of all nations were the mostextravagant in their [914]grief. If any died in a family of consequence, the women used by way of shewing their concern to soil their heads with themud of the river; and to disfigure their faces with filth. In this mannerthey would run up and down the streets half naked, whipping themselves asthey ran: and the men likewise whipped themselves. They cut off their hairupon the death of a dog; and shaved their eyebrows for a dead cat. We maytherefore judge, that some very strong symptoms of grief would have beenexpressed, had this picture any way related to the sepulture of a king'sdaughter. Herodotus had his account from different people: one half heconfessedly [915]disbelieved; and the remainder was equally incredible. Forno king of Egypt, if he had made a representation of the sacred [916]bull, durst have prostituted it for a tomb: and, as I have before said, ἙορτηΠατρικη can never relate to a funeral. 

 * * * * *

AN

ACCOUNT

OF THE

GODS OF GREECE;

_To shew that they were all originally one_ GOD, _the_ SUN. 

As I shall have a great deal to say concerning the Grecian Theology in thecourse of this work, it will be necessary to take some previous notice oftheir Gods; both in respect to their original, and to their purport. Manylearned men have been at infinite pains to class the particular Deities ofdifferent countries, and to point out which were the same. But they wouldhave saved themselves much labour, if, before they had bewilderedthemselves in these fruitless inquiries, they had considered whether allthe Deities of which they treat, were not originally the same: all from onesource; branched out and diversified in different parts of the world. Ihave mentioned that the nations of the east acknowledged originally but oneDeity, the Sun: but when they came to give the titles of Orus, Osiris, andCham, to some of the heads of their family; they too in time were looked upto as Gods, and severally worshipped as the Sun. This was practised by theEgyptians: but this nation being much addicted to refinement in theirworship, made many subtile distinctions: and supposing that there werecertain emanations of divinity, they affected to particularize each by sometitle; and to worship the Deity by his attributes. This gave rise to amultiplicity of Gods: for the more curious they were in theirdisquisitions, the greater was the number of these substitutes. Many ofthem at first were designed for mere titles: others, as I before mentioned, were αποῤῥοιαι, derivatives, and emanations: all which in time wereesteemed distinct beings, and gave rise to a most inconsistent system ofPolytheism. The Grecians, who received their religion from Egypt and theeast, misconstrued every thing which was imported; and added to theseabsurdities largely. They adopted Deities, to whose pretended attributesthey were totally strangers; whose names they could not articulate, orspell. They did not know how to arrange the elements, of which the wordswere composed. Hence it was, that Solon the Wise could not escape thebitter, but just censure of the priest in Egypt, who accused both him, andthe Grecians in general, of the grossest puerility and ignorance. [917]ΩΣολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες εστε παιδες αει, γερων δε Ἑλλην ουκ εστι, νεοι τεψυχας ἁπαντες· ουδεμιαν γαρ εν ἑαυτοις εχετε παλαιαν δοξαν, ουδε μαθημαχρονῳ πολιον ουδεν. The truth of this allegation may be proved both fromthe uncertainty, and inconsistency of the antients in the accounts of theirDeities. Of this uncertainty Herodotus takes notice. [918]Ενθενδε εγενετοἑκαστος των θεων, ειτε δ' αει ησαν παντες, ὁκοιοι δε τινες τα ειδεα, ουκηπιστεατο μεχρι ὁυ πρωην τε και χθες, ὡς ειπειν λογῳ. He attributes toHomer, and to Hesiod, the various names and distinctions of the Gods, andthat endless polytheism which prevailed. [919]Ουτοι δε εισι, ὁι ποιησαντεςθεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισι Θεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας τε καιτεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεα αυτων σημῃναντες. This blindness in regard totheir own theology, and to that of the countries, whence they borrowed, ledthem to misapply the terms, which they had received, and to make a God outof every title. But however they may have separated, and distinguished themunder different personages, they are all plainly resolvable into one Deity, the Sun. The same is to be observed in the Gods of the Romans. This may ingreat measure be proved from the current accounts of their own writers; ifwe attend a little closely to what they say: but it will appear moremanifest from those who had been in Egypt, and copied their accounts fromthat country. There are few characters, which at first sight appear moredistinct than those of Apollo and Bacchus. Yet the department, which isgenerally appropriated to Apollo, as the Sun, I mean the conduct of theyear, is by Virgil given to Bacchus, or Liber. He joins him with Ceres, andcalls them both the bright luminaries of the world. 

 [920]Vos, O, clarissima Mundi Lumina, labentem Cœlo qui ducitis annum, Liber, et alma Ceres. 

[921]Quidam ipsum solem, ipsum Apollinem, ipsum Dionysium eundem essevolunt. Hence we find that Bacchus is the Sun, or Apollo; though supposedgenerally to have been a very different personage. In reality they are allthree the same; each of them the Sun. He was the ruling Deity of the world:

 [922]Ἡλιε παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες. 

He was in Thrace esteemed, and worshipped as Bacchus, or Liber. [923]InThraciâ Solem Liberum haberi, quem illi Sebadium nuncupantes magnâreligione celebrant: eique Deo in colle [924]Zemisso ædes dicata est specierotundâ. In short, all the Gods were one, as we learn from the same OrphicPoetry:

 [925]Ἑις Ζευς, ἑις Αϊδες, ἑις Ἡλιος, ἑις Διονυσος, Ἑις θεος εν παντεσσι. 

Some Deities changed with the season. 

 [926]Ηελιον δε θερους, μετοπωρης δ' ἁβρον Ιαω. 

It was therefore idle in the antients to make a disquisition about theidentity of any God, as compared with another; and to adjudge him toJupiter rather than to Mars, to Venus rather than Diana. [927]Τον Οσιριν ὁιμεν Σεραπιν, ὁιδε Διονυσον, ὁιδε Πλουτωνα, τινες δε Δια, πολλοιδε Πανανενομικασι. _Some_, says Diodorus, _think that Osiris is Serapis; othersthat he is Dionusus; others still, that he is Pluto: many take him forZeus, or Jupiter, and not a few for Pan_. This was an unnecessaryembarrassment: for they were all titles of the same God, there beingoriginally by no means that diversity which is imagined, as Sir JohnMarsham has very justly observed. [928]Neque enim tanta πολυθεοτης Gentium, quanta fuit Deorum πολυωνυμια. It is said, above, that Osiris was by somethought to be Jupiter, and by others to be Pluto. But Pluto, among the besttheologists, was esteemed the same as Jupiter; and indeed the same asProserpine, Ceres, Hermes, Apollo, and every other Deity. 

 [929]Πλουτων, Περσεφονη, Δημητηρ, Κυπρις, Ερωτες, Τριτωνες, Νηρευς, Τηθυς και Κυανοχαιτης, Ἑρμης θ', Ἡφαιστος τε κλυτος, Παν, Ζευς τε, και Ἑρη, Αρτεμις, ηδ' Ἑκαεργος Απολλων, ἑις Θεος εστιν. 

There were to be sure a number of strange attributes, which by some of thepoets were delegated to different personages; but there were other writerswho went deeper in their researches, and made them all centre in one. Theysometimes represented this sovereign Deity as Dionusus; who, according toAusonius, was worshipped in various parts under different titles, andcomprehended all the Gods under one character. 

 [930]Ogygia me Bacchum vocat; Osyrin Ægyptus putat: Mysi Phanacem nominant: Dionyson Indi existimant: Romana Sacra Liberum; Arabica Gens Adoneum; Lucanianus Pantheon. 

Sometimes the supremacy was given to Pan, who was esteemed Lord of all theelements. 

 [931]Πανα καλω, κρατερον Νομιον, κοσμοιο τε συμπαν, Ουρανον, ηδε θαλασσαν, ιδε χθονα παμβασιλειαν, Και πυρ αθανατον, ταδε γαρ μελη εστι τα Πανος. Κοσμοκρατωρ, αυξητα, φαεσφορε, καρπιμε Παιαν, Αντροχαρες, βαρυμηνις, ΑΛΗΘΗΣ ΖΕΥΣ Ὁ ΚΕΡΑΣΤΗΣ. 

More generally it was conferred upon Jupiter:

 [932]Ζευς εστιν αιθηρ, Ζευς δε γη, Ζευς δ' Ουρανος· Ζευς τοι τα παντα. 

Poseidon, God of the sea, was also reputed the chief God, the Deity ofFire. This we may infer from his priest. He was styled a Purcon, anddenominated from him, and served in his oracular temples; as we learn fromPausanias, who says, [933]Ποσειδωνι δ' ὑπηρετην ες τα μαντευματα ειναιΠυρκωνα. He mentions a verse to the same purpose. Συν δε τε Πυρκωναμφιπολος κλυτου Εννοσιγαιου. P'urcon is Ignis vel lucis dominus: and wemay know the department of the God from the name of the priest. He was noother than the supreme Deity, the Sun: from whom all were supposed to bederived. Hence Poseidon or Neptune, in the Orphic verses, is, like Zeus, styled the father of Gods and men. 

 [934] Κλυθι, Ποσειδαον---- Ουρανιων, Μακαρων τε Θεων πατερ, ηδε και ανδρων. 

In the neighborhood of Tyre and Sidon the chief deity went by the name of[935]Ourchol, the same as Archel and Aides of Egypt, whence came theἩρακλης, and Hercules of Greece and Rome. Nonnus, who was deeply read inthe mythology of these countries, makes all the various departments of theother Gods, as well as their titles, centre in him. He describes him insome good poetry as the head of all. 

 [936]Αστροχιτων Ἡρακλες, Αναξ πυρος, Ορχαμε κοσμου, Ὑια Χρονου Λυκαβαντα δυωδεκαμηνον ἑλισσων, Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον αιθοπι δισκῳ, Κυκλον αγεις μετα κυκλον---- Ομβρον αγεις φερεκαρτον, επ' ευωδινι δε γαιῃ Ηεριης ηωον ερευγεται αρδμον εερσης. ---- Βηλος επ Ευφρηταο, Λιβυς κεκλημενος Αμμων, Απις εφυς Νειλῳος Αραψ Κρονος, Ασσυριος Ζευς. ---- Ειτε Σαραπις εφυς Αιγυπτιος, ανεφαλος Ζευς, Ει Χρονος, ει Φαεθων πολυωνυμος, ειτε συ Μιθρης, ΗΕΛΙΟΣ ΒΑΒYΛΩΝΟΣ, εν Ἑλλαδι ΔΕΛΦΟΣ ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝ. 

All the various titles, we find, are at last comprised in Apollo, or theSun. 

It may appear strange, that Hercules, and Jupiter, or whomever we put forthe chief Deity, should be of all ages. This must have been the case, ifthey were the same as the boy of love, and Bacchus ever young; and werealso the representatives of Cronus, and Saturn. But the antients wentfarther; and described the same Deity under the same name in various stagesof life: and [937]Ulpian speaking of Dionusus, says that he was representedof all ages. Και γαρ παιδα, και πρεσβυτην, και ανδρα γραφουσιν αυτον. Butthe most extraordinary circumstance was, that they represented the sameDeity of different sexes. A bearded Apollo was uncommon; but Venus with abeard must have been very extraordinary. Yet she is said to have been thusexhibited in Cyprus, under the name of Aphroditus, Αφροδιτος: [938]πωγωνιανανδρος την Θεον εσχηματισθαι εν Κυπρῳ. The same is mentioned by Servius:[939]Est etiam in Cypro simulacrum _barbatæ_ Veneris, corpora et vestemuliebri, cum sceptro, et naturâ virili, quod Αφροδιτον vocant. She wasalso looked upon as prior to Zeus, and to most other of the Gods. [940]Αφροδιτη ου μονον Αθηνας, και Ἡρας, αλλα και ΔΙΟΣ εστι πρεσβυτερα. Thepoet Calvus speaks of her as masculine: [941]Polientemque Deum Venerem. Valerius Soranus among other titles calls Jupiter the mother of the Gods. 

 [942]Jupiter omnipotens, Regum Rex ipse, Deûmque Progenitor, _Genetrixque Deûm_; Deus unus et idem. 

Synesius speaks of him in nearly the same manner. 

 [943]Συ πατηρ, συ δ' εσσι μητηρ, Συ δ' αρσην, συ δε θηλυς. 

And the like character is given to the antient Deity Μητις. 

 [944]Αρσην μεν και θηλυς εφυς, πολυωνυμε Μητι. 

In one of the fragments of the Orphic poetry there is every thing, which Ihave been saying comprehended within a very short compass. 

 [945]Ζευς αρσην γενετο, Ζευς αμβροτος επλετο Νυμφη, Ζευς πυθμην γαιης τε και ουρανου αστεροεντος. ---- Ζευς ποντου ῥιζα, Ζευς [946]Ἡλιος, ηδε Σεληνη, Ζευς Βασιλευς, Ζευς αυτος ἁπαντων αρχιγενεθλος---- Και Μητις, πρωτος γενετωρ και Ερως πολυτερπης. Παντα γαρ εν Ζηνος μεγαλῳ ταδε σωματι κειται. Ἑν κρατος, ἑις Δαιμων, γενεται μεγας αρχος ἁπαντων. 

Whom he meant under the title of Zeus, he explains afterwards in a solemninvocation of the God Dionusus. 

 [947]Κεκλυθι τηλεπορου δινης ἑλικαυγεα κυκλον Ουρανιαις στροφαλιγξι περιδρομον αιεν ἑλισσων, Αγλαε ΖΕΥ, ΔΙΟΝYΣΕ, πατερ ποντου, πατερ αιης, Ἡλιε, παγγενετορ, παναιολε, χρυσεοφεγγες. 

As we have seen how the father of the Gods was diversified, it may be worthwhile to hear what the supposed mother of all the Deities says of hertitles and departments, in Apuleius. [948]Me primigenii PhrygesPessinuntiam nominant Deûm Matrem: hinc Autochthones Attici CecropiamMinervam: illinc fluctuantes Cyprii Paphiam Venerem: Cretes sagittiferiDictynnam Dianam. Siculi trilingues Stygiam Proserpinam: Eleusinii vetustamDeam Cererem. Junonem alii: alii Bellonam: alii Hecaten: Rhamnusiam alii:et qui nascentis dei Solis inchoantibus radiis illustrantur Æthiopes, Ariique, priscâque doctrinâ pollentes Ægyptii, ceremoniis me prorsuspropriis percolentes, appellant vero nomine Reginam Isidem. 

Porphyry acknowledged, that Vesta, Rhea, Ceres, Themis, Priapus, Proserpina, Bacchus, Attis, Adonis, Silenus, and the Satyrs, were all one, and the[949] same. Nobody had examined the theology of the antients moredeeply than Porphyry. He was a determined Pagan, and his evidence in thispoint is unexceptionable. The titles of Orus and Osiris being given toDionusus, caused him in time to partake of the same worship which was paidto the great luminary; and as he had also many other titles, from themsprung a multiplicity of Deities. [950]Morichum Siculi Bacchum nominârunt:Arabes vero eundem Orachal et Adonæum: alii Lyæum, Erebinthium, Sabazium;Lacedæmonii Scytidem, et Milichium vocitarunt. But let Dionusus or Bacchusbe diversified by ever so many names or titles, they all, in respect toworship, relate ultimately to the Sun. [951]Sit Osiris, sit Omphis, Nilus, Siris, sive quodcunque aliud ab Hierophantis usurpatum nomen, ad unumtandem _Solem_, antiquissimum Gentium numen, redeunt omnia. 

 * * * * *

END OF VOL. I. 

W. Marchant, Printer, 3, Greville-street, Holborn. 

 * * * * *

Notes to Volume I. 

[1] Henry VI. Founder of Eton and King's College, in Cambridge. 

[2] Dr. Priestley, on Philosophical Necessity. 

[3] Κατα θειον δηλονοτι χρησμον. Eusebii Chron. P. 10. See also Syncellus. 

[4] Αιγυπτους--προς αλληλους τᾳ ῥηματι Αμουν χρησθαι. Isis et Osiris. P. 355. 

[5] Ὁ δε συμβαλων τοις απο των αδυτων ἑυρηθεισιν αποκρυφοις ΑΜΜΟΥΕΝΩΝγραμμασι συγκειμενοις, ἁ δη ουκ ην πασι γνωριμα, την μαθησιν ἁπαντων αυτοςησκησε· και τελος επιθεις τῃ πραγματειᾳ τον κατ' αρχας μυθον και ταςαλληγοριας εκποδων ποιησαμενος, εξηνυσατο την προθεσιν. Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 9. P. 32. 

[6] He makes it exceed the æra of the Mosaic creation 1336 years. SeeMarsham's Canon Chron. P. 1. 

[7] The Rev. Dr. Barford, Prebendary of Canterbury, and Rector of Kimpton, Hertfordshire. 

[8] Called also Chumus. Lilius Gyraldus speaks of the Phenician God Chumus. Syntag. 1. P. 7. 

[9] Of Amanus, and Omanus, see Strabo. L. 11. P. 779. And l. 15. P. 1066. He calls the temple Ἱερον Ομανου. 

[10] Et Solem et calorem המה Chammha vocant (Syri. ) Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. C. 8. P. 247. 

[11] The Sun in the Persic language, Hama. Gale's Court of the Gentiles. V. 1. C. 11. P. 72. 

[12] Camisene, Chamath, Chamane, Choma, Chom, Cuma, Camæ, Camelis, Cambalidus, Comopolis, Comara, &c. All these are either names of places, where the Amonians settled; or are terms, which have a reference to theirreligion and worship. 

[13] Plutarch. Amatorius. Vol. 2. P. 768. 

[14] 2 Chron. C. 34. V. 4. Ωρον ειωθασι Καιμιν προσαγορευειν. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris, vol. 2. P. 374. 

[15] _I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name ofthe Chammerim with the priests_. Zephaniah. C. 1. V. 4. From hence we may, in some degree, infer who are meant by the Baalim. 

[16] Hesychius. 

[17] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 42. 

Ham sub Jovis nomine in Africâ diu cultus. Bochart. Geog. Sac. L. 1. C. 1. P. 5. 

 Αμμωνα Λιβυες τον Δια προσαγορευουσι, και ουτω τιμωσι· και γαρ και φαιστος εν τοις Λακεδαιμονικοις επιβαλλων φησι, Ζευ Λιβυης Αμμων, κερατηφορε, κεκλυθι Μαντι. Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. V. 28. Schol. 

[18] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. Vol. 2. P. 354. Zeus was certainly, as thesewriters say, a title given to Ham; yet it will be found originally to havebelonged to his father; for titles were not uniformly appropriated. 

[19] Herodotus. L. 2, c. 49. Speaking afterwards of the people at Dodona, he says, Χρονου πολλου διεξελθοντος, επυθοντα εκ της Αιγυπτου απικομενα ταουνοματα τα τον θεων των αλλων, Διονυσου δε ὑστερον πολλῳ επυθοντο. C. 52. _It was a long time before they had names for any of the Gods; and verylate before they were acquainted with Dionusus; which Deity, as well as allthe others, they received from Egypt. _ See also l. 2. C. 59. 

[20] Sanchoniathon apud Eusebium prodit Ægyptiorum Κνηφ esse PhœnicumΑγαθοδαιμονα, vel secundum Mochum, Χουσωρα. See notes to Iamblichus, byGale, p, 301. 

[21] Chusistan, to the east of the Tigris, was the land of Chus: it was, likewise, called Cutha, and Cissia, by different writers. A river andregion, styled Cutha, mentioned by Josephus, Ant. Jud. L. 9. C. 14. N. 3. The same which by others has been called Cushan, and Chusistan. 

[22] The harbour at Carthage was named Cothon. Strabo. L. 17. P. 1189. Also, an island in that harbour. Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 168. 

[23] Χουσον μεν ουδεν εβλαψεν ὁ κρονος. Αιθιοπες γαρ, ὡν ηρξεν, ετι και νυνὑπο ἑαυτων τε και των εν τῃ Ασιᾳ παντων, ΧΟΥΣΑΙΟΙ καλουνται. Josephus. Ant. Jud. L. 1. C. 6. § 2. 

[24] Euseb. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. P. 39. 

[25] Sanchoniathon apud eundem. Ibid. 

See Michaelis Geographia Hebræor. Extera. P. 2. 

[26] Ὁ πρωτος οικησας τῃν Μεστραιαν χωραν, ητοι Αιγυπτον, Μεστραϊμ, εβασιλευσεν εν αυτῃ τῃ Μεστραιᾳ. Euseb. Chron. P. 17. 

Μεστραϊμ of the LXX. 

Josephus calls the country of Egypt Mestra. Την γαρ Αιγυπτον Μεστρην, καιΜεστραιους τους Αιγυπτιους ἁπαντας, ὁι ταυτην οικουντες, καλουμεν. Ant. Jud. L. 1. C. 6. § 2. 

[27] Apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. L. 1. C. 10. P. 36. 

Hierapolis of Syria, was called Magog, or rather the city of Magog. It wasalso called Bambyce. Cœle (Syria) habet--Bambycen, quæ alio nomineHierapolis vocatur, Syris vero Magog. Plin. Hist. Nat. L. 5. § 19. P. 266. 

[28] Genesis. C. 10. V. 8, 9. Hence called Νεβρωδ ὁ κυνηγος, και Γιγας, Αιθιοψ. --Chronicon Paschale. P. 28. 

[29] Πρωτον γενεσθαι Βασιλεα Αλωπον εν Βαβυλωνι Χαλδαιον. Euseb. Chron. P. 5. Ex Apollodoro. The same from Abydenus. Euseb. Chron. P. 6. 

Εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου εταξαν (τον Νεβρωδ), και καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Cedrenus. P. 14. 

Εγεννηθη δε και αλλος εκ της φυλες του Σημ (Χαμ), Χους ονομαστι, ὁ Αιθιοψ, ὁστις εγεννησε τον Νεβρωδ, Γιγαντα, τον την Βαβυλωνιαν κτισαντα, ὁνλεγουσιν ὁι Περσαι αποθεωθεντα, και γενομενον εν τοις αστροις του ουρανου, ὁντινα καλουσιν Ωριωνα. Chronicon Paschale. P. 36. 

[30] Homer. Odyss. L. Λ v. 571. 

[31] Chronicon. Pasch. P. 36. 

[32] Strabo. L. 6. P. 421. 

[33] Gratii Cyneget. V. 527. 

[34] Solinus de Situ Orbis. C. 11. 

[35] Plin. Nat. Hist. L. 3. C. 1. 

[36] Silius Italicus. L. 3. V. 393. 

[37] Seneca. Œdipus. Act 2. V. 436. 

[38] Sylvæ. L. 1. Carm. 2. V. 226. 

Dionysius of the Indian Camaritæ:

 Ζωματα, και Νεβριδας επι στηθεσσι βαλοντες, Ευοι Βακχε λεγοντες. V. 703. 

At the rites of Osiris, Και γαρ νεβριδας περικαθαπτονται (ὁι Αιγυπτιοι) καιθυρσους φορουσι κτλ. Plutarch Isis et Osir. P. 364. 

[39] Arnobius. L. 5. P. 185. Edit. 1661. Ceres fessa, oras ut venitAtticas--Nebridarum familiam pelliculâ cohonestavit hinnulea. 

[40] Nimrod built Babylon; which is said to have been the work of Belus. Βαβυλων'--ειρηται δ' υπο Βηλου. Etymologicum Magnum. 

Arcem (Babylonis) Rex antiquissimus condidit Belus. Ammian. Marcellinus. L. 23. 

Here was a temple, styled the temple of Belus. 

[41] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 9. P. 32. L. 1. C. 10. P. 36. P. 40. 

[42] See also the Phædrus of Plato: Ηκουσα τοινυν περι Ναυκρατιν τηςΑιγυπτου κτλ. 

[43] Anthologia. L. 1. 91. L. 1. 29. 

[44] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. L. 1, c. 10. P. 36. From Sanchoniathon. 

[45] Lucan. L. 1. V. 444. 

[46] Selden de Diis Syrib: Prolegomena. C. 3. 

[47] Lycophron. V. 459. Scholia ibidem. 

It is also compounded with Cham, as in Orchamus, a common Babylonishappellation. 

 Rexit Achæmenias urbes pater Orchamus; isque Septimus a prisci numeratur origine Beli. Ovid. Metamorph. L. 4. V. 212. 

[48] Eusebii Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. P. 36. 

[49] Gruter. V. 1. 37. N. 4, 5, 6. 

[50] Damascius apud Photium. C. 242. 

[51] Αλωρος, Alorus, the first king who reigned. Syncellus. P. 18. 

Ἁλια, Halia, was a festival at Rhodes in honour of the Sun, to whom thatIsland was sacred. Ῥοδιοι τα Ἁλια τιμωσιν. Athenæus. L. 13. P. 561. Thefirst inhabitants were styled Heliadæ. Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 327. And theycalled the chief temple of the Deity Ἁλιον, Halion. Eustath. Ad Hom. Odyss. Ζ. They came after a deluge, led by Ochimus, Macar, and others. 

[52] Gruter. Inscript. Xl. 9. And lvi. 11. 

[53] Macrobii Saturn. L. 3. C. 8. 

[54] Pomponius Laetus. 

Camilla was in like manner attendant on the Gods. 

Cælitum Camilla expectata advenis. Ennius in Medo, ex Varrone de Ling. Lat. P. 71. Edit. Dordrechti. 1619. 

[55] Juba apud Plutarchum in Numa. Vol. 1. P. 64. 

[56] Scholia in Apollon. Rhodium. L. 1. V. 917. So Camœna was renderedCasmœna. 

[57] De Amore Fraterno. P. 483. 

[58] Isaiah. C. 14. V. 12. 

[59] Genesis. C. 41. V. 45. And Exodus. C. 1. V. 11. 

[60] Theophilus ad Autolycum. L. 3. P. 392. Iablonsky. L. 2. C. 1. P. 138. 

[61] Canticles. C. 8. V. 11. 

Mention is made of Amon, Jeremiah. C. 46. V. 25. Nahum. C. 3. V. 8. 

It was sometimes compounded; and the Deity worshipped under the titles ofOr-On: and there were temples of this denomination in Canaan. 

Solomon fortified Beth-Oron the upper, and Beth-Oron the nether. 2 Chron. C. 8. V. 5. 

As Ham was styled Hamon, so was his son Chus, or Cuth, named Cuthon andCothon; as we may judge from places, which, were denominated, undoubtedly, from him. At Adrumetum was an island at the entrance of the harbour socalled: Hirtius. Afric. P. 798. Another at Carthage, probably so named froma tower or temple. Ὑποκεινται δε τῃ ακροπολει ὁι τε λιμενες, και ὁΚΩΘΩΝ. --Strabo. L. 17. P. 1189. 

[62] Voss. De Idol. Vol. 1. L. 2. C. 17. P. 391. 

[63] Apocalyps. C. 9. V. 11. 

[64] The Sun's disk, styled Αιθοψ:

Ἱππευων ἑλικηδον ὁλον πολον ΑΙΘΟΠΙ ΔΙΣΚῼ. Nonnus. L. 40. V. 371. 

Αιθιοπαιδα Διονυσον. Ανακρεων. αλλοι τον οινον. αλλοι την Αρτεμιν. Hesychius. Altered to Αιθοπα παιδα by Albertus. 

[65] The Egyptian Theology abounded with personages formed from theseemanations, who, according to Psellus, were called Eons, Ζωνες, Αζωνες. SeeIamblichus, and Psellus, and Damascius. 

[66] Stephanus Byzant. 

[67] Scholia on Dionysius. V. 239. What it alluded to may be seen fromother authors. 

[68] Homer. Iliad. Ο. V. 690. Ὁ ενθερμος, και πυρωδης. Hesychius. 

[69] Ηθ καρδια. Etymolog. Magnum ex Orione, in Athribis. 

They express it after the manner of the Ionians, who always deviated fromthe original term. The Dorians would have called it, with more propriety, Ath. 

[70] Horus Apollo. L. 1. C. 22. P. 38. 

[71] Clemens Alexandrius from Ptolemy Mendesius. Strom. L. 1. P. 378. 

It was called also Abur, or Abaris, as well as Athur. In after times it wasrebuilt; and by Herodotus it is styled Cercasora. By Athuria is to beunderstood both the city and the district; which was part of the great Nomeof Heliopolis. 

[72] Orphic. Argonaut. V. 1323. 

[73] Athenagoræ Legatio. P. 293. 

Proserpine (Κορα) was also called Athela, ibid. 

[74] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 3. V. 52. 

[75] Homer. Iliad. Κ. V. 37. 

[76] Homer. Iliad. Ψ. V. 94. 

[77] Homer. Odyss. Ξ. V. 147. 

Ath-El among many nations a title of great honour. 

[78] Plin. Nat. Hist. L. 5. C. 31. 

[79] Valerius Flaccus. L. 2. V. 78. The chief city was Hephæstia. 

[80] Universa vero gens (Æthiopum) Ætheria appellata est. Plin. L. 6. C. 30. 

[81] Plin. L. 5. C. 31. 

[82] Genesis. C. 10. V. 18. C. 11. V. 2. 

[83] 1 Kings. C. 16. V. 31. 

[84] 2 Kings. C. 11. V. 1. 

[85] Ovid. Metamorph. L. 5. V. 162. 

So in Virgil. 

 Comites Sarpedonis ambo, Et clarus Ethemon Lyciâ comitantur ab altâ. Or, Clarus et Ethemon. Æneis. L. 10. V. 126. 

[86] 1 Kings. C. 11. V. 14. Adad, the fourth king of Edom. Gen. C. 36. V. 35. 

[87] 1 Kings. C. 20. V. 1. 

[88] Nicolaus Damasc. Apud Josephum Antiq. L. 7. C. 5. 

[89] 2 Samuel. C. 8. V. 3. 

[90] 1 Chron. C. 18. V. 10. 

[91] Zechariah. C. 12. V. 11. 

There was a town of this name in Israel. Some suppose that the Prophetalluded to the death of Josiah, who was slain at Megiddo. 

[92] Plutarch. Apothegmata. P. 180. One of the wives of Esau was of Canaan, and named Adah, the daughter of Elon the Hittite. Gen. C. 36. V. 2. 

[93] Αδα, ἡδονη· και ὑπο Βαβυλωνιων ἡ Ηρα. Hesychius. 

[94] Macrobii Saturnalia. L. 1. C. 23. 

[95] Adamantis fluv. Gangeticus. 

Adam was sometimes found reversed, as in Amad, a Canaanitish town in thetribe of Ashur. Joshua. C. 19. V. 26. There was a town Hamad, as well asHamon, in Galilee: also, Amida, in Mesopotamia. 

[96] Polybius. L. 1. P. 31. 

Atis, in Phrygia, and Lydia, was represented with a crown of rays, and atiara spangled with stars, την καταστικτον τοις αστροις τιαραν. Julian. Orat. 5. P. 179. 

[97] Podalia, Choma, præfluente Adesa. Plin. L. 5. C. 17. 

It was compounded, also, Az-On. Hence Αζωνες in Sicily, near Selinus. Diodori Excerpta. L. 22. 

[98] Herbert's Travels. P. 316. He renders the word Attash. 

Hyde of the various names of fire among the Persians; Va, Adur, Azur, Adish, Atesh, Hyr. C. 29 p. 358. Atesh Perest is a Priest of fire. Ibid. C. 29. P. 366. 

[99] Aziz, lightning; any thing superlatively bright, analogous to Adad andRabrab. Hazazon Tamor, mentioned 2 Chron. C. 20. V. 2. 

[100] Orat. 4. P. 150. 

[101] Azaz, and Asisus, are the same as Asis and Isis made feminine inEgypt; who was supposed to be the sister of Osiris the Sun. 

[102] Την ΜΟΝΑΔΑ τους ανδρας ονομαζειν Απολλωνα. Plutarch. Isis & Osiris. P. 354. 

[103] Hence came asso, assare, of the Romans. 

Jezebel, whose father was Ethbaal, king of Sidon, and whose daughter wasAthaliah, seems to have been named from Aza-bel; for all the Sidonian namesare compounds of sacred terms. 

[104] Places, which have this term in their composition, are to be foundalso in Canaan and Africa. See Relandi Palæstina. Vol. 2. P. 597. Joseph. Ant. L. 8. C. 2. Hazor, the chief city of Jabin, who is styled king ofCanaan, stood near Lacus Samochonites. Azorus, near Heraclea, in Thessaly, at the bottom of Mount Œta. Hazor is mentioned as a kingdom, and, seemingly, near Edom and Kedar. Jeremiah. C. 49. V. 30. 33. 

[105] Hazor in Sicily stood near Enna, and was, by the Greeks, renderedΑσσωρος, and Ασσωρον. Azor and Azur was a common name for places wherePuratheia were constructed. See Hyde. Relig. Pers. C. 3. P. 100. 

[106] The country about the Cayster was particularly named Asia. 

 Ασιῳ εν λειμωνι Καϋστριου αμφι ρεεθρα. Homer. Iliad. Β. V. 461. 

Of these parts see Strabo. L. 13. P. 932. 

[107] Ἱεραπολις--θερμων υδατων πολλων πληθουσα, απο του ἱερα πολλα εχειν. Stephanus Byzant. 

[108] Ἱεραπολις, ὁπου τα θερμα ὑδατα, και το Πλουτωνιον, αμφωπαραδοξολογιαν τινα εχοντα. Strabo. L. 13. P. 933. 

[109] Damascius apud Photium in Vitâ Isidor. C. 242. 

[110] At Hierapolis, Acharaca, Magnesia, and Myus. Strabo. L. 12. P. 868. 

Αχαρακα, εν ῃ το Πλουτωνιον, εχον και αλσος πολυτελες, και νεων Πλουτωνοςτε και Ἡρας καν το ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ αντρον ὑπερκειμενον του αλσους, θαυμαστον τῃφυσει. Strabo. L. 14. P. 960. 

[111] Plin. H. N. L. 2. C. 93. Spiritus lethales alibi, aut scrobibusemissi, aut ipso loci situ mortiferi: alibi volucribus tantum, ut Soractevicino urbi tractu: alibi præter hominem cæteris animantibus: nonnunquam ethomini; ut in Sinuessano agro, et Puteolano. Spiracula vocant, aliiCharoneas scrobes, mortiferum spiritum exhalantes. Strabo of the same:Θυμβρια, παρ' ἡν Αορνον εστι σπηλαιον ἱερον, ΧΑΡΩΝΙΟΝ λεγομενον, ολεθριουςεχον αποφορας. L. 14. P. 943. 

[112] Ἁπαντα μεν ουν τα των Περσων ἱερα και Μηδοι και Αρμενιοι τετιμηκασι·τα δε της Αναϊτιδος διαφεροντως Αρμενιοι. Strabo. L. 11. P. 805. 

[113] Anait signifies a fountain of fire; under which name a female Deitywas worshipped. Wherever a temple is mentioned, dedicated to her worship, there will be generally found some hot streams, either of water or bitumen;or else salt, and nitrous pools. This is observable at Arbela. Περι Αρβηλαδε εστι και Δημητριας πολις, ειθ' ἡ του ναφθα πηγη, και το πυρα, και το τηςΑναιας, (or Αναϊτιδος) ἱερον. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1072. 

Of Anait see Strabo. L. 11. P. 779. L. 12. P. 838. L. 15. P. 1066. 

[114] Strabo. L. 14. P. 951. 

[115] Εστι και Αλησιον πεδιον της Ηπειρου, ἱνα πηγνυται ἁλας. StephanusByzantinus. 

[116] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 618. 

[117] Athanasius, who was of Egypt, speaks of the veneration paid tofountains and waters. Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλισταΑιγυπτιοι το ὑδωρ προτετιμηκασι, και θεους αναγορευουσι. Oratio contraGentes. P. 2. Edit. Commelin. 

[118] It was an obsolete term, but to be traced in its derivatives. FromEes-El came Ασυλον, Asylum: from El-Ees, Elis, Elissa, Eleusis, EleusiniaSacra, Elysium, Elysii campi in Egypt and elsewhere. 

[119] Of those places called Lasa many instances might be produced. Thefountain at Gortyna in Crete was very sacred, and called Lasa, and Lysa. There was a tradition, that Jupiter when a child was washed in its waters:it was therefore changed to Λουσα. Pausanias says, ὑδωρ ψυχροτατονπαρεχεται ποταμων. L. 8. P. 685. 

In Judea were some medicinal waters and warm springs of great repute, at aplace called of old Lasa. Lasa ipsa est, quæ nunc Callirrhoë dicitur, ubiaquæ calidæ in Mare Mortuum defluunt. Hieron. In Isaiam. C. 17. 19. 

Ἡρωδης τοις κατα Καλλιῤῥοην θερμοις εκεχρητο. Josephus de B. J. L. 1. C. 33. 

Alesa, urbs et fons Siciliæ. Solinus. C. 11. The fountain was of awonderful nature. 

[120] Strabo. L. 5. P. 385. 

[121] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1029. 

[122] Strabo. L. 4. P. 314. 

[123] Strabo. L. 6. P. 421. 

[124] Strabo. L. 14. P. 951. Here was a cavern, which sent forth a mostpestilential vapour. Diodorus Sic. L. 4. P. 278. 

[125] Voyages de Monconys. Parte 2de. P. 38. 

[126]

 Sulmo mihi patria est, gelidis uberrimus undis. Ovid. Tristia. L. 5. Eleg. 10. V. 3. 

[127] John. C. 3. V. 23. Ην δε και Ιωαννης βαπτιζων εν Αινων εγγυς Σαλειμ·so denominated by the antient Canaanites. 

[128] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 535. The city Arles in Provence was famed formedicinal waters. The true name was Ar-Ales, the city of Ales: it was alsocalled Ar-El-Ait, or Arelate. 

[129] Herodotus. L. 4. C. 52. 

[130] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 659. 

[131] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 535. 

[132] Strabo. L. 12. P. 812. 

[133] Strabo. L. 12. P. 839. 

[134] Gaspar Brechenmaker. § 45. P. 57

[135] Tacitus. Annal. L. 13. C. 57. 

From this antient term As, or Az, many words in the Greek language werederived: such as αζομαι, veneror; αζω, ξηραινω; αζαλεον, θερμον; αζα, ασβολος; αζωπες, αι ξηραι εκ της θεωριας. Hesychius. 

[136] Cyril. Contra Julianum. L. 10. P. 342. And Iamblich. In vitâPythagoræ. 

Ζαν Κρονου. Lactantii Div. Institut. L. 1. C. 11. P. 53. 

Ζαν, Ζευς. Hesychius. 

[137] Joshua. C. 19. V. 33. Judges. C. 4. V. 11. Also Tzaanan. Micah. C. 1. V. 11. Solis Fons. 

[138] Relandi Palæstina. V. 2. P. 983. 

[139] Diodorus Siculus. L. 2. P. 90. 

[140] 1 Samuel. C. 31. V. 9, 10. 

[141] Joshua. C. 15. V. 31. 

[142] Pausanias. L. 5. P. 430. 

Ζανα, Ζονα, Ξοανα· all names of the same purport, all statues of the Sun, called Zan, Zon, Zoan, Xoan. 

[143] Silius Italicus. L. 8. V. 421. 

[144] Lactantius, de F. R. L. 1. P. 65. 

Fit sacrificium, quod est proficiscendi gratiâ, Herculi, aut _Sanco_, quiidem deus est. Festus. 

[145] Dionysius Halicarnass. Antiq. Rom. L. 4. P. 246. St. Austin supposesthe name to have been Sanctus. Sabini etiam Regem suum primum Sancum, sive, ut aliqui appellant, Sanctum, retulerunt inter deos. Augustinus de CivitateDei. L. 18. C. 19. The name was not of Roman original; but far prior toRome. 

[146] Gruter. Inscript. Vol. 1. P. 96. N. 6. 

Semoni Sanco Deo Fidio. N. 5. 

Sanco Fidio Semo Patri. N. 7

Sanco Deo Patr. Reatin. Sacrum. N. 8. 

From San came the Latine terms, sanus, sano, sanctus, sancire. 

Vossius derives San, or Zan, from שנד, sævire. De Idol. L. 1. C. 22. P. 168. 

[147] Macrobii Saturn. L. 3. C. 8. P. 282. 

Hence, perhaps, came ζωειν and ζην to live: and ζωον, animal: and hence thetitle of Apollo Ζηνοδοτηρ. 

[148] Tertullian. Apolog. C. 24. 

[149] Δουσαρη (lege Δουσαρης) σκοπελος και κορυφη ὑψηλοτατη Αραβιας·ειρηται δ' απο του Δουσαρου. Θεος δε ὁυτος παρα Αραψι και Δαχαρηνοιςτιμωμενος. Stephanus Byz. 

Δους, Dous, is the same as Deus. Δους-Αρης, Deus Sol. 

[150] Δυσωρον καλεομενον ουρος. Herod. L. 5. C. 17. 

[151] Agathias. L. 2. P. 62. 

[152] Το ονομα τουτο Θρακον ἡ Βενδις· ὁυτω και Θρακος θεολογου μετα τωνπολλων της Σεληνης ονοματων και την Βενδιν εις την θεον αναπεμψαντος. 

 Πλουτωνη τε, και Ευφροσυνη, Βενδις τε κραταια. Ex Proclo. See Poesis Philosophica. Edit. H. Steph. P. 91. 

[153] Plutarch. In Artaxerxe. P. 1012. 

[154] Virgil. Æneis. L. 3. V. 80. 

Majorum enim hæc erat consuetudo, ut Rex esset etiam Sacerdos, et Pontifex:unde hodieque Imperatores Pontifices dicamus. Servii Scholia ibidem. 

[155] Ὁι δ' Ἱερεις το παλαιον μεν δυνασται τινες ησαν. Strabo. L. 12. P. 851. It is spoken particularly of some places in Asia Minor. 

[156] Pythodorus, the high priest of Zela and Comana in Armenia, was theking of the country. Ην ὁ Ἱερευς κυριος των παντων. Strabo. L. 12. P. 838. 

[157] Etymologicum Magnum. 

Κυναδης Ποσειδων Αθηνῃσιν ετιματο. Hesychius. 

[158] Genesis. C. 14. V. 19. אל עליון קנה שמים. 

Sabacon of Ethiopia was Saba Con, or king of Saba. 

[159] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1074. 

[160] Ptolem. Geogr. Lib. 5. Cap. 19 p. 165. He places very truly theOrcheni upon the Sinus Persicus: for they extended so far. 

Παρακειται τῃ ερημῳ Αραβιᾳ ἡ Χαλδαια χωρα. Idem. L. 5. C. 20. P. 167. 

[161] Plin. H. N. L. 6. C. 27. 

[162] Ezra. C. 5. V. 6. C. 4. V. 9-17. 

[163] The priests in Egypt, among other titles, were called Sonchin, siveSolis Sacerdotes, changed to Σογχης in the singular. Pythagoras wasinstructed by a Sonchin, or priest of the Sun. It is mentioned as a propername by Clemens Alexandr. Strom. L. 1. P. 356. And it might be so: forpriests were denominated from the Deity, whom they served. 

[164] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. P. 164. 

[165] Description de la Ville de Pekin. P. 5. He mentions Chao Kong. P. 3. 

[166] See Observations and Inquiries. P. L63. 

[167] Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 25. 

[168] L. 3. C. 61. 

[169] L. 7. C. 40. 

Patæcion is mentioned by Plutarch de audiendis Poetis. P. 21. 

Patiramphes is for Pata-Ramphan, the priest of the God Ramphan, changed toRamphas by the Greeks. 

Ram-phan is the great Phan or Phanes, a Deity well known in Egypt. 

[170] Also in Asampatæ; a nation upon the Mæotis. Plin. L. 6. C. 7. 

[171] L. 11. P. 794. He speaks of it as a proper name; but it was certainlya title and term of office. 

[172] Herodotus. L. 4. C. 110. 

[173] Aor, is אור of the Chaldeans. 

[174] Proclus in Timæum. L. 1. P. 31. 

See Iablonsky. L. 1. C. 3. P. 57. 

Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 356. 

It is remarkable that the worshippers of Wishnou, or Vistnou in India, arenow called Petacares, and are distinguished by three red lines on theirforeheads. The priests of Brama have the same title, Petac Arez, thepriests of Arez, or the Sun. Lucæ Viecampii Hist. Mission. Evangel. InIndia, 1747. C. 10. §. 3. P. 57. 

[175] Eubebius. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. P. 34. 

[176] Damascius apud Photium. C. 243. 

Belus primus Rex Assyriorum, quos constat Saturnum (quem eundem et Solemdicunt) Junonemque coluisse. Servius in Virg. Æneid. L. 1. 

[177] Theoph. Ad Antolycum. L. 3. P. 399. Μη γινωσκοντες, μητε τις εστιν ὁΚρονος, μητε τις εστιν ὁ Βηλος. Idem. 

[178] Psalm 92. V. 10. 

[179] Psalm 112. V. 9. 

[180] Jeremiah. C. 48. V. 25. 

[181] Luke. C. 1, v. 69. 

[182] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 239. 

Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo, v. 71. He mentions Minerva Κραναια, Cranæa. L. 10. P. 886. 

Among the Romans this title, in later times, was expressed Granus andGrannus: hence, in Gruter Inscriptions, p. 37. N. 10, 11, 12. APPOLLINIGRANNO. 

[183] The Dorians expressed it Ουπις. Palæphatus. P. 78. 

[184] Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 3. 23. 

[185] Huetii Demonstratio. P. 83. 

[186] Orus Apollo. C. 1. P. 2. 

Some have, by mistake, altered this to Ουραιον. 

[187] Leviticus. C. 20. V. 27. 

Deuteronomy, c. 18. V. 11. Translated _a charmer, or a consulter withfamiliar spirits, or a wizard, or a necromancer_. 

Tunc etiam ortæ sunt opiniones, et sententiæ; et inventi sunt ex cisaugures, et magni divinatores, et sortilegi, et inquirentes Ob et Iideoni, et requirentes mortuos. Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 1. C. 2. P. 48. From M. Maimonides in more Nebuchim. 

[188] Justin Martyr's second Apology. P. 6. 

Of serpent worship, see Eusebius. P. E. L. 1. C. 10. P. 40, 41. AndClementis Alexand. Cohort. P. 14. Arnobius. L. 5. Ælian. L. 10. C. 31. Ofthe Asp. 

Herodotus. L. 2. C. 74. 

[189] 1 Samuel. C. 28. V. 7. בעלת אוב. 

[190] It is called Abdir, Abadir, and Abaddir, by Priscian. He supposes thestone Abaddir to have been that which Saturn swallowed, instead of his sonby Rhea. Abdir, et Abadir, Βαιτυλος. L. 1. ; and, in another part, AbadirDeus est. Dicitur et hoc nomine lapis ille, quem Saturnus dicitur devorâssepro Jove, quem Græci Βαιτυλον vocant. L. 2. 

[191] Bochart. Hierozoicon. L. 1. C. 3. P. 22. 

[192] Macrobius. Saturnalia. L. 1. C. 10. P. L62. 

[193] The father of one of the goddesses, called Diana, had the name ofUpis. Cicero de Naturâ Deorum. L. 3. 23. 

It was conferred upon Diana herself; also upon Cybele, Rhea, Vesta, Terra, Juno. Vulcan was called Opas, Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 3. 

Ops was esteemed the Goddess of riches: also, the Deity of fire:

Ωπι ανασσα, πυρα προθυρος, πυρ προ των θυρων. Hesychius. 

Την Αρτεμιν Θρακες Βενδειαν, Κρητες δε Δικτυναν, Λακεδαιμονιοι δε Ουπιν(καλουσι. ) Palæphatus. C. 32. P. 78. 

[194] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. V. 204. 

[195] Sidonius Apollinaris. Carm. 9. V. 190. 

[196] Αινων εγγυς του Σαλειμ. Eusebius de locorum nominibus in sacrâScript. Ain On, tons solis. Salim is not from Salem, peace; but from Sal, the Sun, the Sol of the Latines. Salim, Aquæ solis; also Aquæ salsæ. 

[197] St. John. C. 3. V. 23. 

[198] Pythagoras used to swear by τετρακτυν παγαν αενναου φυσεως. SeeStanley of the Chaldaic Philosophy, and Selden de Diis Syris. Synt. 2. C. 1. P. 135. 

Και πηγη πηγων, και πηγων πειρας ἁπασων. Oracle concerning the Deity, quoted in notes to Iamblichus. P. 299. 

[199] Athenagor. Legatio. P. 293. 

[200] The Amonians dealt largely in fountain worship: that is, in theadoration of subordinate dæmons; which they supposed to be emanations andderivatives from their chief Deity. They called them Zones, Intelligences, Fountains, &c. See Psellus and Stanley upon the Chaldaic Philosophy. P. 17. C. 3. 

See Proclus on the Theology of Plato. L. 5. C. 34. P. 315. 

[201] Edita de magno flumine Nympha fui. Ovid. Epist. 5. V. 10. 

Some make her the daughter of Cebrenus; others of the river Xanthus. 

[202] Plin. N. H. L. 4. C. 12. 

[203] Joshua. C. 1. 19. V. 38. 

[204] Macrobius. Sat. L. 1. C. 7. P. 151. 

[205] Fontis stagna Numici. Virg. L. 7. 150. 

Egeria est, quæ præbet aquas, Dea grata Camœnis. Ovid. See Plutarch. Numa. 

[206] It is my opinion that there are two events recorded by Moses, Gen. C. 10. Throughout; and Gen. C. 11. V. 8. 9. One was a regular migration ofmankind in general to the countries allotted to them: the other was adispersion which related to some particulars. Of this hereafter I shalltreat at large. 

[207] Νασον Σικελαν. Theocritus. Idyll. 1. V. 124. 

 Γυναικα τε θησατο μαζον. Homer II. Ω. V. 58. 

Σκυθην ες οιμον, αβατον εις ερημιαν. Æschyl. Prometh. V. 2. 

To give instances in our own language would be needless. 

[208] Joshua. C. 19. V. 8. Baalath-Beer, the well or spring of Baal-Ath. 

[209] The Jews often took foreign names; of which we have instances inOnias, Hyrcanus, Barptolemæus, &c. 

Solinus, c. 25. Mentions an altar found in North-Britain, inscribed toUlysses: but Goropius Becanus very truly supposes it to have been dedicatedto the Goddess Elissa, or Eliza. 

Ab Elissâ Tyriâ, quam quidam Dido autumant. Velleius Paterculus. L. 1. 

Elisa, quamdiu Carthago invicta fuit, pro Deâ culta est. Justin. L. 18. C. 6. 

The worship of Elisa was carried to Carthage from Canaan and Syria: inthese parts she was first worshipped; and her temple from that worship wascalled Eliza Beth. 

[210] Sarbeth or Sarabeth is of the same analogy, being put for Beth-Sar orSara, οικος κυριου, or κυριακη; as a feminine, answering to the house ofour Lady. Απο ορους Σαραβαθα. Epiphanius de vitis Prophetar. P. 248. SeeRelandi Palæstina. P. 984. 

[211] Damascus is called by the natives Damasec, and Damakir. The lattersignifies the town of Dama or Adama: by which is not meant Adam, the fatherof mankind; but Ad Ham, the Lord Ham, the father of the Amonians. Abulfedastyles Damascus, Damakir, p. 15. Sec or Shec is a prince. Damasec signifiesprincipis Ad-Amæ (Civitas). From a notion however of Adama signifying Adam, a story prevailed that he was buried at Damascus. This is so far useful, asto shew that Damasec was an abbreviation of Adamasec, and Damakir ofAdama-kir. 

Also Κυρεσκαρτα the city of Kuros, the Sun. Stephanus Byzant. Manakarta, Δαδοκαρτα, Ζαδρακαρτα. See Bochart. Notæ in Steph. Byzantinum. P. 823. 

Vologesakerta. Plin. L. 6. P. 332. 

There was No-Amon in Egypt, and Amon-No. Guebr-abad. Hyde. P. 363. Ghavrabad. P. 364. Atesh-chana, domus ignis. P. 359. An-Ath, whose templein Canaan was styled Beth-Anath, is found often reversed, and styledAth-An; whence came Athana, and Αθηνα of the Greeks. Anath signified thefountain of light, and was abbreviated Nath and Neith by the Egyptians. They worshipped under this title a divine emanation, supposed to be theGoddess of Wisdom. The Athenians, who came from Sais in Egypt, weredenominated from this Deity, whom they expressed Ath-An, or Αθηνη, afterthe Ionian manner. Της πολεως (Σαϊτων) Θεος αρχηγος εστιν, Αιγυπτιστι μεντ' ουνομα Νηϊθ, Ἑλληνιστι δε, ὡς ὁ εκεινων λογος, Αθηνα. Plato in Timæo. P. 21. 

[212] Stephanus Byzantinus. 

[213] Isaiah. C. 30. V. 4. 

Of Hanes I shall hereafter treat more fully. 

[214] Genesis. C. 34. V. 4. John. C. 4. V. 5. It is called Σηγωρ bySyncellus. P. 100. 

[215] The same term is not always uniformly expressed even by the sacredwriters. They vary at different times both in respect to names of placesand of men. What is in Numbers, c. 13. 8, הושע, Hoshea, is in Joshua. C. 1. V. 1. יהושע Jehoshua: and in the Acts, c. 7. V. 45. Jesus, Ιησους. Balaamthe son of Beor, Numbers, c. 22. V. 5. Is called the son of Bosor, 2 Peter. C. 2. V. 15. 

Thus Quirinus or Quirinius is styled Curenius, Luke. C. 2. V. 2. AndLazarus put for Eleasar, Luke. C. 16. V. 20. And John. C. 11. V. 2. 

Baal-Zebub, Βεελζεβουλ, Matthew. C. 12. V. 24. So Bethbara in Judges, c. 7. V. 24. Is Bethabara of John. C. 1. V. 28. 

Almug, a species of Cedar mentioned 1 Kings, c. 10. V. 11. Is styled Algumin 2 Chron. C. 2. V. 8. The city Chala of Moses, Gen. C. 10. V. 12. IsCalne of Isaiah. _Is not Chalno as Carchemish?_ c. 10. V. 9. Jerubbaal ofJudges is Jerubbeseth, 2 Samuel c. 11. V. 21. Ram, 1 Chron. C. 2. V. 10. IsAram in Matth. C. 1. V. 3. Ruth. C. 4. V. 19. Hesron begat Ram. 

Percussit Dominus Philistim a Gebah ad Gazar. 2 Sam. C. 5. V. 25. 

Percussit Deus Philistim a Gibeon ad Gazarah. 1 Chron. C. 14. V. 16. 

[216] Iamblichus says the same: Ἑλληνες δε εις Ἡφαιστον μεταλαμβανουσι τονΦθα. Iamblichus de Myster. Sect. 8. C. 3. P. 159. 

[217] Cicero de Natura Deorum. L. 3. C. 22. 

[218] Auctor Clementinorum. Hom. 9. P. 687. Cotelerii. 

[219] Huetii Demonstratio Evan. P. 88. 

[220] It is sometimes compounded, and rendered Am-Apha; after the Ionicmanner expressed Ημηφα; by Iamblichus, Ημηφ. Κατ' αλλην δε ταξιν προσταττειθεον Ημηφ. Sect. 8. C. 3. P. 158. 

Hemeph was properly Ham-Apha, the God of fire. 

It was also rendered Camephis, Καμηφις, and Καμηφη, from Cam-Apha. Stobæusfrom Hermes. 

By Asclepiades, Καμηφις, or Κμηφις. Καμηφιν τον ἡλιον ειναι φησιν αυτον τονδηπου τον νουν τον νοητουν. Apud Damascium in vita Isidori. Photius. 

[221] Iamblichus. Sect. 8. C. 3. P. 159. 

Hence ἁπτω, incendo: also Aptha, an inflammation, a fiery eruption. 

Αφθα, ἡ εν στοματι ἑλκωσις. Hesychius. 

Αφθα, λεγεται εξανθηματων ειδος κλ. Etymolog. Mag. 

[222] Stephanus Byzantinus. 

[223] Zosimus. L. 1. P. 53. 

See Etymolog. Magnum, Alpha. 

[224] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 180. 

[225] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 242. Supposed to be named from races. 

[226] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 692. Or Αφνειος, as some read it. 

In like manner Αφθαλα και Αφθαια, Ἑκατη. Stephanas Byzantinus. 

[227] Cælius Rhodig. L. 8. C. L6. Αφητωρ, ὁ εν τοις Δελφοις θεος. AuctorAntiquus apud Lilium Gyraldum. Syntag. 7. 

[228] These towers were oracular temples; and Hesychius expressly says, Αφητορεια, μαντεια. Αφητορος, προφητευοντος. Hesychius. Αφητορος Απολλωνος. Iliad. L. Α. V. 404. Προφητευοντος και μαντευομενου. Schol. Ibid. 

[229] See Hoffman. Lexic. 

[230] Plutarch. Numa. Vol. 1. P. 68. Ὑδωρ ἱερον αποδειξαι ταις Ἑστιαισιπαρθενοις. 

 Nec tu aliud Vestam, quam vivam intellige flammam. Ovid. Fasti. L. 6. V. 291. 

[231] Φρατορας, τους της αυτης μετεχοντας Φρατριας, συγγενεις. Hesychius. 

Απατουρια, ἑορτη Αθηνῃσιν. Hesychius. Apaturia is compounded of Apatour, afire-tower. Phrator is a metathesis for Phar-Tor, from Phur, ignis. SoPrætor and Prætorium are from Pur-tor of the same purport. The general namefor all of them was Purgoi, still with a reference to fire. 

[232] Iliad. Α. V. 63. 

[233] Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 24. 

[234] Plutarch. Numa. P. 62. 

[235] In Syria was Astacus, or the city of Chus: and Astacur, the city ofthe Sun. In other parts were Astacures, and Astaceni, nations: AstacenusSinus; Astaboras; Astabeni; Astabus and Astasaba in Ethiopia; Astalepha atColchis; Asta and Astea in Gedrosia; Aita in Spain, and Liguria; Asta andregio Astica in Thrace. 

Doris named Hestiæotis. Strabo. L. 9. P. 668. 

 Παι Ῥεας, ἁ γε Πρυτανεια λελογχας, Ἑστια. Pindar. Nem. Ode 11. V. 1. 

[236] Philo apud Eusch. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. 

Arabibus Sol Talos, Ταλος, et Samasa. Lilius Gyrald. Syntag. 7. P. 280. 

[237] Stephanus Byzant. 

[238] Pausanias. L. 5. P. 386. 

[239] Pausanias. L. 5. P. 387, 388. 

[240] Abulfeda. Tab. Syriæ. P. 5. Syria Scham appellata. Dividitur Syria inquinque præfecturas, quarum unicuique nomine proprio nomen, Al Scham, scil. _Syriæ_, commune datur. Excerptum ex Ibn Ol Wardi. P. 176. 

Abulfeda supposes, that Syria is called Scham, quasi sinistra. It wascalled Sham for the same reason that it was called Syria. Συρος γαρ ὁἡλιος, the same as Σειριος. Persæ Συρη Deum vocant. Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 1. P. 5. Συρια θεα, i. E. Dea Cœlestis. Syria is called at this daySouristan. Souris from Sehor, Sol, Σειριος of Greece. 

[241] Reineccii Syntagma. Class. 6. Cxxii. P. 458. 

[242] El-Samen was probably the name of the chief temple at Zama; andcomprised the titles of the Deity, whom the Numidians worshipped. El Samensignifies Deus Cœlestis, or Cœlorum: which El Samen was changed by theRomans to Ælia Zamana. 

[243] Ἱστεον δε ὁι Χαλδαιος απο του Σημ καταγονται, εξ ὁυ και ὁ Αβρααμ. Syncelli Chronograph, p. 98. 

[244] Eutychii sive Ebn Patricii Hist vol. 1. P. 60. 

[245] Εκ της φυλης του Σημ Χους ονοματι, ὁ Αιθιοψ. Chron. Paschal. P. 36. 

[246] Ἑτερος δε ὑιος του Σημ--ονοματι Μεστραεϊμ. Theophilus ad Autolyc. L. 2. P. 370. 

[247] Alii Shemi filium faciunt Canaanem. Relandi Palæstina. V. 1. P. 7. 

[248] The sons of Ham; Cush and Mizraim, and Phut, and Canaan. Genesis. C. 10. V. 6. 

Ham is the father of Canaan. Genesis. C. 9. V. 18, 22. 

From Sam, and Samen, came Summus; and Hercules Summanus; Samabethi, Samanæi, Samonacodoma. 

[249] Orphic. Hymn. 33. 

[250] Orphic. Hymn. 7. So Ελθε Μακαρ, to Hercules, and to Pan. Κλυθι Μακαρ, to Dionusus. Also, Μακαρ Νηρευς. Κλυθι, Μακαρ, Φωνων, to Corybas the Sun. 

[251]

 Μελπον δ' ὁπλοτερων Μακαρων γενεσιν τε, κρισιν τε. Orphic. Argonaut. V. 42. 

[252] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 327, 328. 

We read of Macaria in the Red Sea. Plin. L. 6. C. 29. 

Το Τυρκαιον ορος, και Μακαρια. Diodorus Sic. L. 3. P. 173. 

[253] Cyprus was called Μακαρια, with a town of the same name. Ptolem. 

Lesbos Macaria. Clarissima Lesbos; appellata Lana, Pelasgia, Aigeira, Æthiope, Macaria, a Macareo Jovis nepote. Plin. L. 5. C. 31. And Mela. L. 2. C. 7. P. 209. 

Ὁσσον Λεσβος ανο Μακαρος εδος εντος εεργει. Homer. Iliad. Ω. V. 544. 

Rhodes, called Macaria. Plin. L. 5. C. 31. 

A fountain in Attica was called Macaria. Pausanias. L. 1. P. 79. 

Part of Thrace, Macaria. Apollonius Rhod. L. 1. V. 1115. 

A city in Arcadia. Μακαριαι. Steph. Byzant. 

Μακαρ, a king of Lesbos. Clement. Cohort. P. 27. 

An island of Lycia, Macara. Steph. Byzant. 

The Macares, who were the reputed sons of Deucalion, after a deluge, settled in Chios, Rhodes, and other islands. Diodorus Sic. L. 5. P. 347. 

[254] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 602. He speaks of Macaria the daughter ofHercules. L. 1. P. 80. 

[255] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 896. 

[256] Diodorus. L. 5. P. 347. Μακαρ ὁ Κρινακου. Schol. In Homer. Iliad. Ω. V. 544. 

[257] Ὁι Σαννοι, ὁυς προτερον ελεγον Μακρωνας. Strabo. L. 12. 

Sanni, Σαννοι, means Heliadæ, the same as Macarones. Μακρωνες, nearColchis, ὁι νυν Σαννοι. Stephanus Byzant. 

[258] The same as the Cadmeum. Μακαρων νησος, ἡ ακροπολις των εν ΒοιωτιᾳΘηβων το παλαιον, ὡς ὁ Παρμενιδης. Suidas. 

Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 347. Μακαρων νησοι, near Britain and Thule. Scholia in Lycophron. V. 1200. 

 Ἁιδ' εισιν Μακαρων νησοι, τοθι περ τον αριστον Ζηνα, Θεων βασιληα, Ῥεη τεκε τῳδ' ενι χωρῳ. 

Of the Theban Acropolis, Tzetzes in Lycophron. V. 1194. 

[259] Herodotus. L. 3. C. 16. 

[260] Macra, a river in Italy. Plin. L. 3. C. 5. 

[261] Euripides in Ione. V. 937. Ενθα προσβοῤῥους πετρας Μακρας καλουσι γηςανακτες Ατθιδος. Ibid. 

Pausanias informs us that the children of Niobe were supposed to have beenhere slain in this cavern. 

[262] Euripides ibid. Also, in another place, he mentions

 Κεκροπος ες Αντρα, και Μακρας πετρηρεφεις. 

[263] Διαβασι δε τον Κηφισσον βωμος εστιν αρχαιος Μειλιχιου Διος. Pausanias. L. 1. P. 9. 

[264] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 154. 

[265] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 132. 

[266] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 897. 

[267] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 573. 

[268] The country of the Amalekites is called the land of Ham. 1Chronicles. C. 4. V. 40. 

[269] 1 Kings. C. 11. V. 33. 

[270] I will cut off the remnant of Baal from this place, and the name ofthe Chamerims with the priests; and them that worship the host of heavenupon the house tops, and them that worship, and that swear by the Lord, andthat swear by _Malcham_. Zephaniah. C. 1. V. 4. 

[271] Judges. C. 1. V. 10. Joshua. C. 15. V. 13. Deuteronomy. C. 2. V. 21. Joshua. C. 11. V. 22. And c. 13. V. 12. 

The priests at the Elusinian mysteries were called ανακτοτελεσται. Clement. Alex. Cohort. P. 16. 

[272] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 87. It was in the island Lade before Miletus. Theauthor adds, when the bones were discovered. Αυτικα δε λογος ηλθεν ες τουςπολλους Γηρυονου του Χρυσαορου ειναι μεν τον νεκρον--κτλ--και χειμαῤῥον τεποταμον Ωκεανον εκαλουν. 

See Cicero de Nat. Deor. L. 3. Of Anaces, Ανακτες. Τους Διος κουρους Ανακαςὁι Αθηναιοι προσηγορευσαν. Plutarch. Numa. 

[273] Michael Psellus. P. 10. 

[274] Psalm 28. V. 1. Deuteron. C. 32. V. 15. Isaiah. C. 17 v. 10. Psalm 78. V. 35. It is often styled Selah. 

[275] Isaiah. C. 23. V. 8. 

[276] Genesis. C. 17. V. 15. 

[277] Tobit. C. 1. V. 22. 

[278] Esther. C. 1. V. 16. 

[279] Joshua. C. 13. V. 3. סרני. Judges. C. 16. V. 5. 

In Samuel they are styled Sarnaim. 1. C. 29. V. 7. 

[280] Ostrum Sarranum. 

[281] Jeremiah. C. 39. V. 3. 

[282] Isaiah. C. 37. V. 4. Jeremiah. C. 39. V. 3. 

[283] It is sometimes expressed Saronas. 

Est et regio Saronas, sive δρυμος. Reland. Palæstina. P. 188. Any placesacred to the Deity Saron was liable to have this name: hence we findplains so called in the Onomasticon of Eusebius. Ὁ Σαρων--ἡ απο του ορουςΘαβωρ επι την Τιβεριαδα λιμνην χωρα. 

[284] Plin. L. 4. C. 8. 

[285] Lilius Gyraldus. Syntag. 4. P. 170. From Pausanias, and Aristides inThemistoclem. 

[286] Σαρωνια, Αρτεμις· Αχαιοι. Hesych. She was, by the Persians, namedSar-Ait. Σαρητις, Αρτεμις· ὁι Περσαι. Ibidem. 

[287] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 189. 

[288] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 181. 

[289] Callimachus calls the island Asterie κακον σαρον. Αστεριη, ποντοιοκακον σαρον. This, by the Scholiast, is interpreted καλυντρον· but itcertainly means a Rock. Hymn. In Delon. V. 225. 

[290] Σαρωνιδες πετραι, η ἁι δια παλαιοτητα κεχηνυιαι δρυες. Hesych. 

[291] Callimachus. Hymn to Zeus. V. 22. 

[292] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 308. 

[293] See Observations and Inquiries upon Ancient History. P. 196. 

[294] Eusebii Præp. Evang. L. 10. C. 13. P. 500. 

[295] Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. C. 13. P. 445. 

[296] Diodorus Siculus. L. 3. P. 144. 

[297] Heliodori Æthiopica. L. 4. P. 174. 

[298] Achor, θεος απομυιος. Clement. Alexandr. Cohortatio. P. 33. 

[299] Lucan. L. 8. V. 475. 

[300] Και γαρ τον Οσιριν Ἑλλανικος Υσιριν ειρηκεν ακηκοεναι απο των Ἱερεωνλεγομενον. Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. Vol. 1. P. 364. 

[301] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. L. 1. C. 10. P. 39. 

[302] Annum quoque vetustissimi Græcorum λυκαβαντα appellant τον απο τουΛYΚΟΥ; id est Sole. &c. Macrob. Saturn. L. 1. C. 17. P. 194. 

[303] Lycaon was the same as Apollo; and worshipped in Lycia: his priestswere styled Lycaones: he was supposed to have been turned into a wolf. Ovid. Metam. L. 1. V. 232. Apollo's mother, Latona, was also changed to thesame animal. Ἡ Λητω εις Δηλον ηλθε μεταβαλλουσα εις λυκον. Scholia inDionys. V. 525. 

People are said to have been led to Parnassus by the howling of wolves;Λυκων ωρυγαις. Pausanias. L. 10. P. 811. 

The Hirpi were worshippers of fire, and were conducted to their settlementin Campania by a wolf. Strabo. L. 5. P. 383. 

In the account given of Danaus, and of the temple founded by him at Argos, is a story of a wolf and a bull. Pausan. L. 2. P. 153. The temple wasstyled Απολλωνος ἱερον Λυκιου. 

[304] Pausanias above: also, Apollo Λυκαιος, and Λυκειος. Pausan. L. 1. P. 44. L. 2. P. 152, 153. 

[305] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 811. 

[306] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 530. 

[307] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 678. 

[308] Ὁι Δελφοι το πρωτον Λυκωρεις εκαλουντο. Scholia in Apollon. Rhod. L. 4. V. 1489. 

[309] Stephanus Byzant. And Strabo. L. 9. P. 640. Said to have been namedfrom wolves. Pausanias. L. 10. P. 811. 

[310] Λυκωρεια, πολις Δελφιδος, εν ᾑ τιμᾳται ὁ Απολλων. Etymolog. Magnum. 

These places were so named from the Sun, or Apollo, styled not only Λυκος, but Λυκωρευς and Λυκωρειος: and the city Lucoreia was esteemed the oldestin the world, and said to have been built after a deluge by Lycorus, theson of Huamus. Pausan. L. 10. P. 811. 

Ὑιωνος Φοιβοιο Λυκωρειοιο Καφαυρος. Apollon. L. 4. V. 1489. 

Λυκωρειοιο, αντι του Δελφικου. Scholia. Ibid. It properly signified_Solaris_. 

[311] Virgil. Æneid. L. 3. V. 274. 

[312] Gruter's Inscriptions. Vol. 1. P. MLXXXII. N. 8. 

[313] Plutarch. In Artaxerxe. P. 1012. 

[314] Ctesias in Persicis. 

So Hesychius Τον γαρ ἡλιον ὁι Περσαι Κυρον λεγουσιν· Hence Κυρος, αρχων, βασιλευς, ibid. Also Κυρος, εξουσια. 

[315] Strabo, speaking of the river Cur, or Cyrus. L. 11. P. 764. 

[316]

 Quid tibi cum Cyrrhâ? quid cum Permessidos undâ? Martial. L. 1. Epigram. 77. V. 11. 

 Phocaicas Amphissa manus, scopulosaque Cyrrha. Lucan. L. 3. V. 172. 

Κιῤῥαν, επινειον Δελφων. Pausan. L. 10. P. 817. 

[317] Cyrenaici Achorem Deum (invocant) muscarum multitudine pestilentiamadferente; quæ protinus intereunt, postquam litatum est illi Deo. Plin. L. 10. C. 28. See also Clement. Alexand. Cohort. P. 33. 

Some late editors, and particularly Harduin, not knowing that Achor wasworshipped at Cyrene, as the Θεος απομυιος, have omitted his name, andtransferred the history to Elis. But all the antient editions mention Achorof Cyrene; _Cyrenaici Achorem Deum, &c_. I have examined those printed atRome, 1470, 1473. Those of Venice, 1472, 1476, 1487, 1507, 1510. Those ofParma, 1476, 1479, 1481. One at Brescia, 1496. The editions at Paris, 1516, 1524, 1532. The Basil edition by Froben, 1523: and they all have thisreading. The edition also by Johannes Spira, 1469, has Acorem, but withsome variation. The spurious reading, _Elei myagrum Deum_, was, I imagine, first admitted into the text by Sigismund Gelenius, who was misled by thesimilarity of the two histories. Harduin has followed him blindly, withouttaking any notice of the more antient and true reading. 

[318] Stephanus Byzantinus. See also Scholia on Callimachus. Hymn. InApoll. V. 91. 

[319]

 Ὁιδ' ουπω Κυρης πηγης εδυναντο πελασσαι Δωριεες, πυκινην δε ναπαις Αζειλιν εναιον. Callimachus. Hymn. In Apoll. V. 88. 

[320] Plin. N. H. L. 5. P. 249. 

[321] L. 1. C. 8. P. 43. 

[322] Justin, speaking of the first settlement made at Cyrene, mentions amountain Cura, which was then occupied. Montem Cyram, et propter amœnitatemloci, et propter _fontium_ ubertatem occupavere. L. 13. C. 7. 

[323] Conformably to what I say, Ekron is rendered Ακκαρων by the Seventy. 1 Samuel c. 6. V. 15. 

So also Josephus Antiq. Jud. L. 6. C. 1. P. 312. 

In Achore vestigia Accaronis: Selden de Dijs Syris. Syntag. 6. P. 228. 

Ου ζητησουσι Μυιαν θεον Ακκαρων. Gregory Nazianz. Editio Etonens. 1610. Pars secunda cont. Julianum. P. 102. 

In Italy this God was styled by the Campanians, Ἡρακλης Απομυιος. SeeClemens. Cohort. P. 33. 

The place in Egypt, where they worshipped this Deity, was named Achoris;undoubtedly the same, which is mentioned by Sozomen. L. 6. C. 18. 

[324] Clemens Alexand. Cohort. P. 44. 

He quotes another, where the fate of Ephesus is foretold:

 Ὑπτια δ' οιμωξεις Εφεσος κλαιουσα παρ' οχθαις, Και Νηον ζητουσα τον ουκετι ναιεταοντα. 

There is a third upon Serapis and his temple in Egypt;

 Και συ Σεραπι λιθους αργους επικειμενε πολλους, Κειση πτωμα μεγιστον εν Αιγυπτῳ τριταλαινῃ. 

The temple of Serapis was not ruined till the reign of Theodosius. Thesethree samples of Sibylline poetry are to be found in Clemens above. 

[325] Achad was one of the first cities in the world. Genesis. C. 10. V. 10. 

Nisibis city was named both Achad and Achar. See Geographia Hebræa Exteraof the learned Michaelis. P. 227. 

[326] Stephanus Byzant. 

[327] Lutatius Placidus upon Statius. Theb. L. 1. V. 718. 

[328] Heliodori Æthiopica. L. 4. P. 175. 

[329] Heliodori Æthiopica. L. 10. P. 472. 

[330] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 327. 

[331] Apollonius Rhod. Of the Heliadæ. L. 4. V. 604. 

[332]

 Chamsi, seu Solares, sunt Arabice Shemsi vel Shamsi. Hyde Religio Vet. Pers. P. 523. And 575. 

Cham being pronounced Sham, and Shem, has caused some of his posterity tobe referred to a wrong line. 

[333] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. V. 19. 

[334] Nicander Alexipharmica. V. 11. 

[335] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 827. 

[336] It is, however, to be found in Euripides, under the term οχος. Theseus says to Adrastus:

 Εκ του δ' ελαυνεις ἑπτα προς Θηβας Οχους. Supplices. V. 131. 

[337] From Uc and Uch came the word euge: also ευχη, ευχομαι, ευχωλη, ofthe Greeks. Callimachus abounds with antient Amonian terms. He bids theyoung women of Argos to receive the Goddess Minerva, Συν τ' ευαγοριᾳ, συν τ' ευγμασι, συν τ' αλαλυγαις. Lavacr. Palladis. V. 139. 

From Uc-El came Euclea Sacra, and Ευκλος Ζευς. Ευκλεια, Αρτεμις. 

Ευκλος, Διος ἱερευς, εν Μεγαροις και εν Κορινθῳ. Hesychius, so amended byAlbertus and Hemsterhusius. 

[338] Iliad Α. V. 69. 

[339] Iliad. Ζ. V. 76. 

[340] Iliad. Ρ. V. 307. 

[341] Iliad. Ο. V. 282. 

[342] Iliad. Η. V. 221. It occurs in other places:

 Λευσσει, ὁπως οχ' αριστα μετ' αμφοτεροισι γενηται. Iliad. Γ. V. 110. 

 Τις τ' αρ των οχ' αριστος εην. συ μοι εννεπε, Μουσα. Iliad. Β. V. 76l. 

Also Odyss. Θ. V. 123. And Ω. V. 428. 

[343] In the Hymn to Silenus, that God is called Σιληνων οχ' αριστε. And inthe poem de Lapidibus, the Poet, speaking of heroic persons, mentions theirreception in heaven:

 Αμωμητοι Διος οικοι Χαιροντας δεξαντο θεηγενεων οχ' αριστους. Hymn 35. V. 2. And περι Λιθων. Proem. V. 14. 

[344] Genesis. C. 45. V. 21. 

[345] Josephus. Antiq. Jud. L. 8. C. 6. 

[346] See Relandi Palæstina. Vol. 1. C. 41. P. 265. 

[347] Plin. L. 8. C. 46. 

[348] Plin. L. 5. C. 9. 

[349]

 Ευρυτατη φιαλη τις ιασπιδος εκτομος ακρης. Paulus Silentiarius. Part 11. V. 177. See Relandus above. 

[350] Plin. L. 5. C. 18. 

[351] Athanasii Epist. Ad solitariam vitam agentes. P. 658. 

[352] Epiphanius adversus Hæres. L. 2. Tom. 2. P. 719. 

[353] See the learned Professor Michaelis in his Geographia Extera Hebræor. P. 134, 135. 

[354] The Ionians changed this termination into e. Hence Arene, Camissene, Cyrene, Arsace, Same, Capissene, Thebe, &c. 

[355] Colchis was called Aia simply, and by way of eminence: and, probably, Egypt had the same name; for the Colchians were from Egypt. Strabo mentionsΙασονος πλουν τον εις Αιαν. L. 1. P. 38. And Apollonius styles the countryof Colchis Aia. 

 Αια γεμην ετι νυν μενει εμπεδον, ὑιωνοι τε Των δ' ανδρων, ὁυς ὁστγε καθιστατο ναιεμεν Αιαν. L. 4. V. 277. 

[356] Lib. 5. C. 14. 

[357] Coronus is to be met with in Greece. He is mentioned as a king of theLapithæ, and the son of Phoroneus; and placed near mount Olympus. 

 --Ὡν εβασιλευσε Κορωνος. ὁ φορωνεως. Diodorus. L. 4. P. 242. 

[358] Upon the Euphrates. 

[359] A city in Parthia. 

[360] Calamon, or Cal-Amon, was a hill in Judea; which had this name givento it by the Canaanites of old. Cyril mentions--αφικομενοι τινες απο τουΟΡΟΥΣ Καλαμωνος--in epistolâ ad Calosyrium. 

[361] 1 Kings. C. 15. V. 27. 

[362] In Canaan was a well known region called Palæstine. 

So Tan-agra, Tan-is, Tyndaris. 

Tin, in some languages, signified mud or soil. 

[363] Ptolemy. L. 4. P. 112. 

[364] See Amos. C. 9. V. 7. 

[365] Jeremiah. C. 47. V. 4. Speaks of the island of Caphtor in Egypt. 

[366] Theocritus. Idyll. 2. V. 45. Scholia. 

It is still common in the Arabian Gulf, and in India; and is oftenexpressed Dive, and Diva; as in Lacdive, Serandive, Maldive. Before Goa isan island called Diu κατ' εξοχην. 

[367] Βαιθηλ, οικος Θεου. Hesychius. 

Βαιθηλ, θεοις ναος. Suidas. 

[368] Elisa, called Eliza, Elesa, Eleasa, Ελεασα. 1 Maccab. C. 9. V. 5. Andc. 7. V. 40. Often contracted Lesa, Lasa, &c. 

[369] Pocock's Travels. Vol. 2. P. 106. 

[370] Iablonsky. Vol. 1. L. 1. C. 1. P. 4. De Gulielmo Tyrio, ex libro 21. C. 6. 

[371] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 41. 

[372] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1167. 

[373] Ταυτα μεν ουν Ερατοσθενης ἱστορηκεν· την δε μεγαλην μαχην προςΔαρειον ουκ εν Αρβηλοις--αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γενεσθαι συνεπεσεν· σημαινεινδε φασιν οικον Καμηλου την διαλεκτον. Plutarch. Vita Alexand. Vol. 1. P. 683. 

Strabo says the same. Εστι μεν ουν τοπος επισημος ὁυτος, και τ' ουνομα·μεθερμηνευθεν γαρ εστι Καμηλου οικος. L. 16. P. 1072. 

[374] Ὁι μεν τα πλειστα συγγραψαντες λεγουσιν, ὁτι ἑξακοσιους σταδιουςαπεχει, ὁιδε τα ελαχιστα, ὁτι ες πεντακοσιους. 

Αλλα εν Γαυγαμηλοις γαρ γενεσθαι την μαχην προς τῳ ποταμῳ Βουμαδῳ λεγειΠτολεμαιος και Αριστοβουλος· πολις δε ουκ ην τα Γαυγαμηλα, αλλα κωμημεγαλη, ουδε ονομαστος ὁ χωρος, ουδε εις ακοην ἡδυ το ονομα. 

Arrian. Expedit. Alex. L. 6. P. 247. 

[375] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1072. 

[376] Strabo acknowledges the failure of his countrymen in thisrespect. --Πολλα μεν ουν και μη οντα λεγουσιν ὁι Αρχαιοι Συγγραφεις, συντεθραμμενοι τῳ ψευδει δια της μυθολογιας. L. 8. P. 524. 

[377] _All thy fortresses shall be spoiled, as Shalman spoiled Beth Arbelin the day of battle. The mother was dashed in pieces upon her children_. Hosea. C. 10. V. 14. _Ar_ in this place does not signify a city; but אור, the title of the Deity: from whence was derived ἱερος of the Greeks. Theseventy, according to some of their best copies, have rendered Beth Arbelοικον Ιερο-Βααλ, which is no improper version of Beth-Aur-Bel. In somecopies we find it altered to the house of _Jeroboam_; but this is a mistakefor Jero-Baal. Arbelus is by some represented as the first deified mortal. Cyril contra Julian. L. 1. P. 10. And l. 3. P. 110. 

There was an Arbela in Sicily. Stephanus, and Suidas. Also in Galilee;situated upon a vast cavern. Josephus seized and fortified it. JosephiVita. P. 29. 

[378] See Strabo. L. 11. P. 774. L. 15. P. 1006. L. 1. P. 41. P. 81. 

See also Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. L. 1. C. 10. P. 34 Iamblichus. §7. C. 5. 

[379] Diodorus Siculus. L. 17. P. 538. He makes no mention of Gaugamela. 

[380] Strabo. L. 10. P. 724. 

[381] Macrobius. Saturn. L. 3. C. 8. P. 284. 

[382] Servius in lib. 11. Æneid. V. 558. 

[383] Plutarch in Numâ. P. 61. 

[384] Gruter. P. Lvi. N. 11. Vol 1. 

[385] Gruter. Vol. 1. P. Lvi. 12. Also p. Xl. 9. 

[386] Or else Beth-Arbel was another name of the same temple. 

[387] Syncellus. P. 55. 

[388] Eusebii Chron. P. 14. 

[389] Etymologicum magnum. Ἡρακλης. 

[390] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 124. 

[391] Geog. Nubiensis. P. 17. 

Michaelis Geog. Hebræorum Extera. P. 154. 

[392] 2 Kings. C. 17. V. 6. And c. 18. V. 11. Also 1 Chron. C. 5. V. 26. 

[393] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1070. 

[394] Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. P. 175. 

[395] Strabo. L. 7. P. 505. So also Herodotus and Pausanias. 

[396] Σελλοι, ὁι Δωδωναιοι. Steph. Byzantinus. 

 αμφι δε Σελλοι Σοι ναιουσ' ὑποφηται. Homer. Iliad. Π. V. 234. 

[397] Pausanias. L. 2. P. L66. 

[398] It is called Chau-On, Χαυων, by Steph. Byzantinus, from Ctesias. Χαυων, χωρα της Μηδιας. Κτησιας εν πρωτῳ Περσικων. Chau-On is οικος ἡλιου, the house of the Sun, which gave name to the district. 

[399] Strabo. L. 4. P. 270. And p. 282. 

[400] 1 Maccab. C. 9. V. 62, 64. 

[401] Judith. C. 7. V. 3. 

[402] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 91. 

[403] There were many places and temples of Baal, denominated Caballis, Cabali, Cabala, Cabalia, Cabalion, Cabalissa, &c. Which are mentioned byPliny, Strabo, Antoninus, and others. Some of them were compounded of Caba:concerning which I shall hereafter treat. 

[404] Pausanias. L. 4. P. 282. 

Strabo mentions Caucones in Elea. L. 8. P. 531. The Caucones are alsomentioned by Homer. Odyss. γ. V. 366. 

Caucane in Sicily was of the same purport, mentioned by Ptolemy. L. 3. C. 4. 

[405] Apollonius Rhodius styles it Cutais: Κυταϊδος ηθεα γαιης. L. 4. V. 512. 

[406] See De Lisle's curious map of Armenia and the adjacent parts ofAlbania, &c. 

[407] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 40. 

There was a river Acheron in Elis. Strabo. L. 8. P. 530. And the same riteswere observed in honour of the θεος μυιαγρος, that were practised inCyrene. Clement. Cohort. P. 33. 

In Pontus was a river Acheron. Ειθα δε και προχοαι ποταμου Αχεροντος εασιν. Apollon. Argonaut. L. 2. V. 745. Also ακρα Αχερουσια. The like to be foundnear Cuma in Campania: and a story of Hercules driving away flies therealso. Ῥωμαιοι δε απομυιῳ Ἡρακλει (θυουσι). Clementis Cohort. Ibid. 

[408] Varro de Ling. Lat. Lib. 5. P. 49. Altered to Novella by some, contrary to the authority of the best MSS. See Scaliger's notes. P. 81. Edit. Anno 1619. Dordrechti. 

See Selden de Diis Syris. Syntag. 2. C. 2. P. 174. In vetustioribus excusisde Re Rusticâ non Novella, sed Covella legitur. Covella autem Cœlestis, sive Urania interpretatur. 

[409] Ennii Annal. L. 1. 

[410] The Persians worshipped Cœlus; which is alluded to by Herodotus, whenhe says, that they sacrificed upon eminences: Τον κυκλον παντα του ΟυρανουΔια καλεοντες. L. 1. C. 131. To the same purpose Euripides;

 Ὁρας τον ὑψου τον δ' απειρον' αιθερα, Τον γην περιξ εχονθ' ὑγραις εν αγκυλαις; Τουτον νομιζε Ζηνα, τον δ' ἡγου Δια. 

Clement. Alexand. Strom. L. 5. P. 717. Plutarch. P. 369. P. 424. 

Aspice hoc sublime candens, quem invocant omnes Jovem. Cicero de NaturâDeor. L. 1. 

[411] Αλλ' Αθηναιοι μεν Κελεον, και Μεγανειραν ἱδρυνται Θεους. Athenag. Legat. P. 290. 

[412] Abulfeda. Tabula Syriæ. P. 5. 

Nassir Ettusæus. P. 93. Apud Geog. Vet. 

[413] The city Argos was in like manner called Κοιλον. Πολλακις το· ΑργοςΚοιλον φησι, καθαπερ εν Επιγονοις. Το ΚΟΙΛΟΝ Αργος ουκ ετ' οικησοντ'ετι. --ετι και εν Θαμυρα, Αργεϊ Κοιλῳ. Scholia in Sophoc. Œdipum Colon. 

[414] Iliad. Β. V. 615. 

[415] Strabo. L. 8. P. 529. 

[416] Strabo. L. 8. P. 534. 

[417] Janus Gulielmus Laurenbergius, Antiquarius. 

[418] Φαινοιατο αν εοντες ὁι των Δωριεων ἡγεμονες Αιγυπτιοι ιθαγενεες. Herod. L. 6. C. 54. 

Of their original and history I shall hereafter give a full account. 

[419] Ὁποσα δε ᾳδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστι αυτων ἡ Δωριος. Pausanias. L. 5. P. 4l6. 

[420]

 Tum primum subiere domos; domus antra fuere. Ovid. Metamorph. L. 1. V. 121. 

[421] Strabo. L. 8. P. 564. 

It is mentioned by Thucydides: Ες τον Καιαδαν, ὁυπερ τους κακουργουςεμβαλλειν ειωθεισαν (ὁι Λακεδαιμονιοι. ) l. 1. C. 134. 

It is expressed Κεαδας by Pausanias; who says that it was the place, downwhich they threw Aristomenes, the Messenian hero. L. 4. P. 324. 

[422] Strabo. Ibidem. 

[423]

 Huic monstro Vulcanus erat pater: illius atros Ore vomens ignes, magna se mole ferebat. Virgil. Æn. L. 8. V. 193. 

[424] Strabo. L. 8. P. 564. 

[425] Iliad. L. 1. V. 266. 

[426] Iliad. Β. V. 581. 

Odyss. Δ. V. 1. Ὁιδ' ιξον ΚΟΙΛΗΝ Λακεδαιμονα ΚΗΤΩΕΣΣΑΝ. 

[427] Strabo says as much: Ὁιδε, ὁτι ὁι απο των σεισμων ρωχμος Καιετοιλεγονται. L. 8. P. 564. 

[428] Hence the words cove, alcove; and, perhaps, to cover, and to cope. 

[429] Strabo. L. 5. P. 356. 

[430] Καταδε φορμιας της Ιταλιας Αιητην τον νυν Καιητην προσαγορευομενον. L. 4. P. 259. 

Virgil, to give an air of truth to his narration, makes Caieta the nurse ofÆneas. 

According to Strabo it was sometimes expressed Cai Atta; and gave name tothe bay below. --Και τον μεταξυ κολπον εκεινοι Καιατταν ωνομασαν. L. 5. P. 3?6. 

[431] Scholia Eustathij in Dionysij περιηγησιν. V. 239. And Steph. Byzantinus. Αιγυπτος. 

[432] Χασμα δε γεννηθεν--εδεξατο τον ποταμον--ειτα εξεῤῥηξεν εις τηνεπιφανειαν κατα Λαρυμναν της Λοκριδος την ανω--Καλειται δ' ὁ τοπος Αγκοηκτλ. Strabo. L. 9. P. 623. 

It is called Anchia by Pliny. N. H. L. 4. C. 7. As, both the opening andthe stream, which formed the lake, was called Anchoe; it signified eitherfons speluncæ, or spelunca fontis, according as it was adapted. 

[433] 1 Corinthians, c. 15. V. 47, 48. 

[434] Cluverii Germaniæ Antiq. L. 1. C. 13. P. 91. 

[435] Beyeri Additamenta to Selden de Diis Syris. P. 291. 

Achor near Jericho. Joshua, c. 15. V. 7. 

[436] Ptolem. Lib. 5. C. 18. P. 164. 

[437] Plato in Cratylo. P. 410. 

[438] See Kircher's Prodromus Copticus. P. 180 and p. 297. 

[439] Ibidem, and Jameson's Specilegia. C. 9. § 4. 

[440] Pionius. Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. L. 4. P. 173. 

Pior Monachus Ægyptiacus. Socratis Hist. Eccles. P. 238. 

Piammon. Sozomen. H. E. P. 259. 

Piambo, or P'ambo. Socratis Eccles. H. P. 268. 

It was sometimes expressed Po, as in Poemon Abbas, in Evagtius. 

In Apophthegmat. Patrum. Apud Cotelerii monumenta. Tom. 1. P. 636. 

Baal Peor was only Pi-Or, the Sun; as Priapus was a compound of Peor-Apis, contracted. 

[441] Gennad. Vitæ illustrium virorum. L. 7. Pachomius, a supposed workerof many miracles. 

[442] Antonius Diogenes in Photius. Cod. 166. 

[443] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris. V. 1. P. 355. 

Paamyles is an assemblage of common titles. Am-El-Ees, with the prefix. Hence the Greeks formed Melissa, a sacred name as of Ham El-Ait, theyformed Melitta, the name of a foreign Deity, more known in Ionia than inHellas. 

[444] Plutarch: Quæstiones Græcæ. V. P. 296. 

[445] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 83. Amphilucus was a title of the Sun. 

[446] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 4. In like manner, ταφοι των Ιφιμεδειας καιΑλωεως παιδων· Pausanias. L. 9. P. 754. 

[447] Proclus in Platonis Parmenidem: See Orphic Fragment of Gesner. P. 406. 

A twofold reason may be given for their having this character; as will beshewn hereafter. 

[448] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 896. Many instances of this sort are to be foundin this writer. 

[449] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 143. 

[450] See Reland, Dissertatio Copt. P. 108. 

Jablonsky Prolegomena in Pantheon Ægyptiacum. P. 38. Also Wesselinge. Noteson Herod. L. 2. C. 143. 

[451] This was certainly the meaning; for Plato, speaking of the Greciansin opposition to other nations, styled Βαρβαροι, makes use of the veryexpression: Πολλη μεν ἡ Ἑλλας, εφη, ω Κεβης, εν ῃ ενεισι που αγαθοι ανδρες, πολλα δε και τα των βαρβαρων γενη. In Phædone. P. 96. 

[452] Kircher. Prodromus Copticus. P. 300 and p. 293. 

[453] Kircher. Prod. P. 293. 

[454] Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Præp. Evan. L. 1. C. 10. P. 37. 

[455] Damascius: Vita Isodori, apud Photium. Cod. Ccxlii. 

[456] Jablonsky; Pantheon Egypt. V. 2. L. 5. C. 2. P. 70. 

[457] Ausonius. Epigram. 30. 

Kircher says, that Pi in the Coptic is a prefix, by which a noun is knownto be masculine, and of the singular number: and that Pa is a pronounpossessive. Paromi is Vir meus. It may be so in the Coptic: but in antienttimes Pi, Pa, Phi, were only variations of the same article: and wereindifferently put before all names: of which I have given many instances. See Prodromus. Copt. P. 303. 

[458] Virgil. Æneid. L. 7. V. 679. 

[459] Cicero de Divinatione. L. 2. 

[460] See also v. 28, 29, 31, and 32. 

[461] Gruter. Inscript. Lxxvi. N. 6. 

[462] Ibid. Lxxvi. N. 7. 

 BONO DEO PUERO POSPORO. Gruter. Inscrip. P. Lxxxviii. N. 13

[463] Lucretius. L. 4. V. 1020. 

[464] Propertius alludes to the same circumstance:

 Nam quid Prænestis dubias, O Cynthia, _sortes_? Quid petis Ææi mœnia Telegoni? l. 2. Eleg. 32. V. 3. 

What in the book of Hester is styled Purim, the seventy render, c. 9. V. 29. φρουραι. The days of Purim were styled φρουραι--Τῃ διαλεκτῳ αυτωνκαλουνται φρουραι. So in c. 10. The additamenta Græca mention--τηνπροκειμενην επιστολην των φρουραι, instead of φουραι and Πουραι: from P'Urand Ph'Ur, ignis. 

[465] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 4. And l. 2. C. 52. 

Επειτα δε Χρονου Πολλου διελθοντος επυθοντο (ὁι Ἑλληνες) εκ της Αιγυπτουαπικομενα τα ουνοματα των Θεων. 

[466] So δαιμων from δαημων; Απολλων from ἡ ὁμου πολησις· Διονυσος quasiδιδουνυσος from διδοι and οινος, and οινος from οιεσθαι. Κρονος, quasiχρονου κορος. Τηθυν, το ηθουμενον--with many more. Plato in Cratylo. 

Ægyptus παρα το αιγας πιαινειν. Eustath. In Odyss. L. 4. P. 1499. 

[467] Poseidon, ποιουντα ειδην. Tisiphone, Τουτων φωνη, Athene quasiαθανατος. Hecate from ἑκατον centum. Saturnus, quasi sacer, νους. SeeHeraclides Ponticus, and Fulgentii-Mythologia. 

See the Etymologies also of Macrobius. Saturnalia. L. 1. C. 17. P. 189. 

Μουσαι· quasi ὁμου ουσαι. Plutarch de Fraterno Amore. V. 2. P. 480. Δι'ευνοιαν και Φιλαδελφιαν. 

Πασιφαη, δια το πασι φαινειν τα μαντεια. Plutarch. Agis and Cleomenes. V. 2. P. 799. 

[468] Eustathius on Dionysius: περιηγησις. 

Ut Josephus recte observat, Græcis scriptoribus id in more est, utperegrina, et barbara nomina, quantum licet, ad Græcam formam emolliant:sic illis Ar Moabitarum est Αρεοπολις; Botsra, Βυρσα; Akis, Αγχους;Astarte, Αστροαρχη; torrens Kison, Χειμαῤῥος των Κισσων; torrens Kedron, Χειμαῤῥος των Κεδρων; et talia ὡσει κονις. Bochart. Geog. Sacra. L. 2. C. 15. P. 111. 

We are much indebted to the learned father Theophilus of Antioch: he hadgreat knowledge; yet could not help giving way to this epidemical weakness. He mentions Noah as the same as Deucalion, which name was given him fromcalling people to righteousness: he used to say, δευτε καλει ὑμας ὁ θεος;and from hence, it seems, he was called Deucalion. Ad Antol. L. 3. 

[469] Plato in Cratylo. P. 409. 

[470] Suidas, Stephanus, Etymolog. Eustathius, &c. 

So Coptus in Egypt, from κοπτειν. 

[471] See Callimachus. Vol. 2. Spanheim's not. In Hymn. In Del. V. 87. P. 438. 

[472] Cumberland's Origines. P. 165. So he derives Goshen in the land ofEgypt from a shower of rain. See Sanchon. P. 364. 

[473] Hyde de Religione veterum Persarum. C. 2. P. 75. 

[474] Genesis. C. 22. V. 20. 

[475] Universal History, vol. 1. B. 1. P. 286. Notes. 

[476] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. L. 1. C. 18. P. 443. 

Sandford de descensu Christi. L. 1. §. 21. 

See Gale's Court of the Gentiles, vol. 1. B. 2. C. 6. P. 68. 

[477] Huetius. Demonst. P. 138. 

[478] Hebræa, Chaldæa, &c. Nomina virorum, mulierum, populorum--Antverpiæ, 1565, Plantin. 

[479] Pliny. L. 3. C. 8. 

Ætna, quæ Cyclopas olim tulit. Mela. L. 2. C. 7. 

[480] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. L. 1. C. 30. P. 560. 

[481] Ibidem. P. 565, 566. 

[482] Ibidem. P. 565, 566. 

[483] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. L. 1. P. 406. 

[484] Ibidem. 

[485] P. 412. 

[486] P. 415. 

[487] P. 388. 

[488] P. 381. 

[489] P. 435. 

[490] P. 414. 

[491] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. L. 1. P. 381. 

[492] P. 385. 

[493] P. 408. Or from Mazor, angustiæ. 

[494] Ibidem. P. 258. 

[495] Simonis Onomasticon. 

[496] Michaelis Spicilegium Geographiæ Hebræor. Exteræ. P. 158. 

[497] Gale's Court of the Gentiles. Vol. 1. B. 2. P. 66. 

[498] Genesis. C. 4. V. 22. 

[499] Philo apud Eusebium. Præp. Evan. L. 1. C. 10. 

[500] Bochart. Geograph. Sacra. L. 2. C. 2. P. 706. 

[501] Marcellinus. L. 22. C. 15. He was also called Eloüs. Ελωος, Ἡφαιστοςπαρα Δωριευσιν. Hesych. The Latine title of Mulciber was a compound ofMelech Aber, Rex, Parens lucis. 

[502] Τιμᾳται δε παρα Λαμψακηνοις ὁ Πριαπος, ὁ αυτος ων τῳ Διονυσῳ. Athenæus. L. 1. P. 30. 

[503] Το αγαλμα Πριηπου, του και Ωρου παρ' Αιγυπτιοις. Suidas. 

[504] Numbers. C. 25. V. 3. Deuteronomy. C. 4. V. 3. Joshua. C. 22. V. 17. 

Kircher derives Priapus from פעור פה, Pehorpeh, os nuditatis. 

[505] Phurnutus de naturâ Deorum. C. 17. P. 205. 

[506] Orphic Hymn 5. To Protogonus, the same as Phanes, and Priapus. Seeverse 10. 

[507] Phurnutus. C. 17. P. 204. 

[508] Παρ' Αιγυπτιοισι δε Παν μεν αρχαιοτατος, και των οκτω των πρωτωνλεγομενων Θεων. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 145. 

 Albæ Juliæ Inscriptio. PRIEPO PANTHEO. Gruter. V. 1. P. XCV. N. 1. 

[509] Agathias. L. 4. P. 133. 

[510] See Theophilus ad Autolycum. L. 2. P. 357. 

[511] See Philo Biblius apud Euseb. P. E. L. 1. C. 10. P. 32. He mentionsapplying to a great number of authors, in Phenicia. 

[512]

 Πολλην εξερευνησαμενος ὑλην, ουχι την παρ' Ἑλλησι. Philo apud Euseb. P. Evang. L. 1. C. Ix. P. 32. 

[513] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. L. 1. P. 356. 

[514] Eusebij Præp. Evang. L. 10. C. 4. P. 471. 

 Του ωφελησε Πυθαγοραν τα Αδυτα, και Ἡρακλεους στηλαι. Theophilus ad Autol. L. 3. P. 381. 

[515] Plato in Timæo. Clemens. Strom. L. 1. P. 426. 

 Ω Σολων, Σολων, Ἑλληνες αει παιδες--κτλ. 

[516] Theophilus ad Autolycum. L. 3. P. 390. 

[517] See Eusebius. Præp. Evan. L. 10. C. 4. P. 469. And c. 5. P. 473. AlsoClemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 361. Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 62, 63. And p. 86, 87. 

[518] Καθολου δε φασι τους Ἑλληνας εξιδιαζεσθαι τους επιφανεστατουςΑιγυπτιων Ἡρωας τε, και Θεους. L. 1. P. 20. 

See here a long account of the mythology of Egypt being transported toGreece; and there adopted by the Helladians as their own, and strangelysophisticated. 

[519] Ἑκαταιος μεν ουν ὁ Μιλησιος περι της Πελοποννησου φησιν, ὁτι προ τωνἙλληνων ῳκησαν αυτην Βαρβαροι· σχεδον δε τι και ἡ συμπασα Ἑλλας κατοικιαΒαρβαρων ὑπηρξε το παλαιον. Strabo. L. 7. P. 321. 

[520] Οδε μεταξυ χρονος παραλελειπται, εν ᾡ μηδεν εξαιρετον Ἑλλησινἱστορηται. Theopompus in Tricareno. 

[521] How uncertain they were in their notions may be seen from whatfollows: Alii Cadmum, alii Danaum, quidam Cecropem Atheniensem, vel LinumThebanum, et temporibus Trojanis Palamedem Argivum, memorant sedecimliterarum formas, mox alios, et præcipue Simonidem cæteras invenisse. Lilius Gyraldus de Poetis. Dialog. 1. P. 13. Edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696. 

Τοτε ὁ Παλαμηδης ἑυρε τα ις γραμματα του αλφαβητου, α, β, γ, δ, ε, ι, κ, λ, μ, ν, ο, π, ρ, ς, τ, υ· προσεθηκε δε Καδμος ὁ Μιλησιος ἑτερα γραμματα τρια, θ, φ, χ--προς ταυτα Σιμωνιδης ὁ Κειος προσεθηκε δυο, η και ω. Επιχαρμος δεὁ Συρακουσιος τρια, ζ, ξ, ψ· ὁυτως επληρωθησαν τα κδ στοιχεια. EusebiiChron. P. 33. L. 13. 

[522] Ου γαρ μονον παρα τοις αλλοις Ελλησιν ημεληθε τα περι της αναγραφηι, αλλ' ουδε παρα τοις Αθηναιοις, ὁυς αυτοχθονας ειναι λεγουσι, και παιδειαςεπιμελεις, ουδεν τοιουτον ἑυρισκεται γενομενον. Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. P. 439. Their historians were but little before the war with thePersians: doctrina vero _temporum_ adhuc longe recentior--hinc tenebræsuperioribus sæculis, hinc fabulæ. Marsham. Chron. Canon. P. 14. 

[523] The Arundel Marbles are a work of this sort, and contain an accountof 1318 years. They begin from Cecrops, and come down to the 160thOlympiad. So that this work was undertaken very late, after the Archonshipof Diognetus. 

[524] See Diodorus above. P. 19, 20. 

[525] --Τις ου παρ' αυτων συγγραφεων μαθοι ῥαδιως, ὁτι μηδεν βεβαιωςειδοτες συνεγραφον, αλλ' ὡς ἑκαστοι περι των πραγματων εικαζοιντο· πλειονγουν δια των βιβλιων αλληλους ελεγχουσι, και εναντιωτατα περι των αυτωνλεγειν ουκ οκνουσι--κτλ· Josephus contra Apion. Vol. 2. L. 1. C. 3. P. 439. 

Ὁμοιως δε τουτῳ (Εφορῳ) Καλλισθενης και Θεοπομπος κατα την ἡλικιανγεγονοτες απεστησαν των παλαιων μυθων· ἡμεις δε την εναντιαν τουτοις κρισινεχοντες, και τον εκ της αναγραφης πονον ὑποσταντες, την πασαν επιμελειανεποησαμεθα της αρχαιολογιας. Diod. L. 4. P. 209. 

[526] Plutarch de Audiendis Poetis. 

See Strabo's Apology for Fable. L. 1. P. 35, 36. 

[527] Πλην γε δε ὁτι ουκ ακριβη εξηταστην χρη ειναι των ὑπερ του Θειου εκπαλαιου μεμυθευμενων. Arrian. Expedit. Alexandri. L. 5. 

Herodotus puts these remarkable words into the mouth of Darius--Ενθα γαρ τιδει ψευδος λεγεσθαι, λεγεσθω· του γαρ αυτου γλιχομεθα, ὁι τε ψευδομενοι, και ὁι τῃ αληθηιη διαχρεωμενοι. L. 3. C. 72. We may be assured that thesewere the author's own sentiments, though attributed to another person:hence we must not wonder if his veracity be sometimes called in question;add to this, that he was often through ignorance mistaken: Πολλα τονἩροδοτον ελεγχει (Μανεθων) των Αιγυπτιακων ὑπ' αγνοιας εψευσμενον. Josephuscont. Ap. L. 1. C. 14. P. 444. 

[528] Ταρσος επισημοτατη πολις Κιλικιας--εστι δ' αποικος Αργειων. Steph. Byzantinus, and Strabo. L. 16. P. 1089. 

[529] Ωνομασται δ' απο του πηλου. Strabo. L. 17. P. 1155. 

According to Marcellinus, it was built by Peleus of Thessaly. L. 22. C. 16. P. 264. 

[530] Diodorus. L. 5. P. 328. 

[531] Diodorus. L. 5. P. 328. Built by Actis. 

[532] Apollodorus. L. 2. P. 62. Clemens. L. 1. Strom. P. 383. FromAristippus. 

[533] See Josephus contra Apion. L. 1. C. 3. P. 439. 

[534] Ὁι γαρ Ἑλληνων λογοι πολλοι και γελοιοι, ὡς εμοι φαινονται. ApudJamblichum--See notes. P. 295. 

[535] Πολυν αυτοι επηγον τυφον, ὡς μη ῥαδιως τινα συνορᾳν τα κατ' αληθειανγενομενα. He therefore did not apply to Grecian learning--Ου την παρ'Ἑλλησι, διαφωνος γαρ αυτη και φιλονεικοτερον ὑπ' ενιων μαλλον, η προςαληθειαν συντεθεισα. Philo apud Euseb. P. E. L. 1. C. Ix. P. 32. 

See the same writer of their love of allegory. P. 32. 

[536] Πλατων ουκ αρνειται τα καλλιστα εις φιλοσοφιαν παρα των βαρβαρωνεμπορευεσθαι. Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 355. 

--Κλεπτας της βαρβαρου φιλοσοφιας Ἑλληνας. Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 2. P. 428. 

Clemens accuses the Grecians continually for their ignorance and vanity:yet Clemens is said to have been an Athenian, though he lived atAlexandria. He sacrificed all prejudices to the truth, as far as he couldobtain it. 

[537] Φυσει γαρ Ἑλληνες εισι νεοτροποι, και αττοντες φερονται πανταχη, ουδεν εχοντες ἑρμα εν ἑαυτοις, ουδ' οπερ δεξωνται παρα τινωνδιαφυλαττοντες· αλλα και τουτο οξεως αφεντες παντα κατα την αστατονἑυρεσιλογιαν μεταπλαττουσι. Βαρβαροι δε μονιμοι τοις ηθεσιν οντες, και τοιςλογοις βεβαιως τοις αυτοις εμμενουσι. Jamblichus. Sect. 7. C. 5. P. 155. 

[538] Δοξης γαρ κενης και ματαιου παντες ὁυτοι ερασθεντες, ουτε αυτοι τοαληθες εγνωσαν, ουτε μεν αλλους επι την αληθειαν προετρεψαντο. Theophilusad Autol. L. 3. P. 382. 

[539] Παρ' ἡμιν δε της κενοδοξιας ὁ ἱμερος ουκ εστι· δογματων δε ποικιλιαιςου καταχρωμεθα. Tatianus contra Græcos, p. 269. 

[540] Τους μεν Σακας, τους δε Μασσαγετας εκαλουν, ουκ εχοντες ακριβωςλεγειν περι αυτων ουδεν, καιπερ προς Μασσαγετας τον Κυρου πολεμονἱστορουντες· αλλα ουτε περι τουτων ουδεις ηκριβωτο προς αληθειαν ουδεν, ουτε τα παλαια των Περσων, ουτε των Μηδικων, η Συριακων, ες πιστιναφικνειτο μεγαλην δια την των συγγραφεων ἁπλοτητα και την φιλομυθιαν. Ὁρωντες γαρ τους φανερως μυθογραφους ευδοκιμουντας, ωηθησαν και αυτουςπαρεξεσθαι την γραφην ἡδειαν, εαν εν ἱστοριας σχηματι λεγωσιν, ἁ μηδεποτεειδον, μητε ηκουσαν, η ου παρα γε ειδοτων σκοπουντες· δι αυτο δε μονοντουτα, ὁτι ακροασιν ἡδειαν εχει, και θαυμαστην. Ραδιως δ' αν τις Ἡσιοδῳ καιὉμηρῳ πιστευσειεν Ἡρωολογουσι, και τοις τραγικοις Ποιηταις, η Κτησιᾳ τε καιἩροδοτῳ, και Ἑλλανικῳ, και αλλοις τοιουτοις. Ουδε τοις περι Αλεξανδρου δεσυγγραψασιν ῥαδιον πιστευειν τοις πολλοις· και γαρ ὁυτω ῥαδιουργουσι δια τετην δοξαν Αλεξανδρου, και δια το την στρατειαν προς τας εσχατιας γεγονεναιτης Ασιας πορρω αφ' ἡμων· το δη πορρω δυσελεγκτον. Strabo. L. 11. P. 774. 

Græcis Historicis plerumque poeticæ similem esse licentiam. Quinctilianus. L. 11. C. 11. 

 --quicquid Græcia mendax Audet in Historiâ. Juvenal. 

Strabo of the antient Grecian historians: Δει δε των παλαιων ἱστοριωνακουειν ὁυτως, ὡς μη ὁμολογουμενων σφοδρα. ὁι γαρ νεωτεροι πολλακιςνομιζουσι και τ' αναντια λεγειν. L. 8. P. 545. 

Παντες μεν γαρ ὁι περι Αλεξανδρον το θαυμαστον αντι τ' αληθους αποδεχονταιμαλλον. Strabo. L. 15. P. 1022. 

[541] --Αλλα ἑκαστος ἑκαστῳ τ' αναντια λεγει πολλακις· ὁπου δε περι τωνὁρασθεντων ὁυτω διαφερονται, τι δει νομιζειν περι των εξ ακοης. Strabo. L. 15. P. 1006. 

See also l. 771, 2, 3, 4. And Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 63. Of Herodotusand other writers--Ἑκουσιως προκριναντες της αληθεις το παραδοξολογειν. 

[542] Ου θαυμαστον δ' ειναι περι του Ὁμηροι· και γαρ τους ετι νεωτερουςεκεινου πολλα αγνοειν, και τερατολογειν. Strabo. L. 7. P. 458. 

[543] Φημι ουν Ορφεα και Ὁμηρον και Ἡσιοδον ειναι τους ονοματα και γεννηδοντας τοις ὑπ' αυτων λεγομενοις θεοις· μαρτυρει δε και Ἡροδοτος--Ἡσιοδονγαρ και Ὁμηρον ἡλικιην τετρακοσιοις ετεσι δοκεω πρεσβυτερους εμου γενεσθαι, και ου πλειοσι. Ὁυτοι δε εισιν, ὁι ποιησαντες θεογονιαν Ἑλλησι, και τοισιθεοισι τας επωνυμιας δοντες, και τιμας και τεχνας διελοντες, και ειδεααυτων σημαινοντες· ἁι δε εικονες μεχρι μηπω πλαστικη και γραφικη, καιανδριαντοποιητικη ησαν, ουδε ενομιζοντο. Athenagoræ Legatio. P. 292. SeeHerodotus. L. 2. C. 53. 

[544] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 809. Clemens mentions Αγυιεα θυρωρος τῳ Ἑρμη. Cohort. P. 44. 

Οσα μεν αδουσιν εν τῳ Πρυτανειῳ, φωνη μεν εστιν αυτον ἡ Δωρικη. Pausanias. L. 5. P. 416. 

[545] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 828. Of Phaënnis and the Sibyls. 

[546] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 809. Of Phæmonoë and antient hymns. 

[547] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 809, 810. Ωλην. 

[548] Jamblichus de Mysteriis. Sect. Vii. C. 5. P. 156. 

In like manner in Samothracia, the ancient Orphic language was obsolete, yet they retained it in their temple rites: Εσχηκασι δη παλαιαν ἱδιανδιαλεκτον ὁι Αυτοχθονες (εν Σαμοθρακῃ) ἡς πολλα εν ταις θυσιαις μεχρι τουνυν τηρηται. Diodorus. L. 5. P. 322. 

[549] Jamblichus de Myster. Sect. 7. C. 5. See notes. P. 295. 

[550] Clemens Alexandrinus Strom. L. 5. P. 676. 

Such was Aristæus Proconneisius: Ανηρ γοης ει τις αλλος. Strabo. L. 13. 

[551] Thus it is said in Eusebius from some antient accounts, thatTelegonus reigned in Egypt, who was the son of Orus the shepherd; andseventh from Inachus: and that he married Io. Upon which Scaliger asks: SiSeptimus ab Inacho, quomodo Io Inachi filia nupsit ei? How could Io bemarried to him when she was to him in degree of ascent, as far off as hisgrandmother's great grandmother; that is six removes above him. SeeScaliger on Euseb. Ad Num. Cccclxxxi. 

[552] Παρ' οις γαρ ασυναρτητος εστιν ἡ των Χρονων αναγραφη, παρα τουτοιςουδε τα της ἱστοριας αληθευειν δυνατον· τι γαρ το αιτιον της εν τῳ γραφεινπλανης, ει μη το συναπτειν τα μη αληθη. Tatianus. P. 269. 

[553] Νυν μην οψε ποτε εις Ἑλληνας ἡ των λογων παρηλθε διδασκαλια το καιγραφη. Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 364. 

[554] Ὁι μεν ουν αρχαιοτατην αυτων την χρησιν ειναι θελοντες, παρα Φοινικωνκαι Καδμου σεμνυνονται μαθειν. Ου μεν ουδ' επ' εκεινου του χρονου δυναιτοτις αν δειξαι σωζομενην αναγραφην εν ἱεροις, ουτ' εν δημοσιοις αναθημασι. Joseph. Cont. Apion. L. 1. 

[555] Των δε της αληθειας ἱστοριων Ἑλληνες ου μεμνηνται· πρωτον μεν δια τονεωστι αυτους των γραμματων της εμπειριας μετοχους γεγενησθαι και αυτονὁμολογουσι, φασκοντες τα γραμματα ἑυρησθαι, οι μεν απο Χαλδαιων, ὁι δε παρΑιγυπτιων, αλλοι δ' αν απο Φοινικων. δευτερον, οτι επταιον, και πταιουσι, περι θεου μη ποιουμενοι την μνειαν, αλλα περι ματαιων και ανωφελωνπραγματων. Theoph. Ad Autol. L. 3. P. 400. 

Plutarch assures us, that Homer was not known to the Athenians till thetime of Hipparchus, about the 63d Olympiad, yet some writers make himthree, some four, some five hundred years before that æra. It is scarcepossible that he should have been so unknown to them if they had beenacquainted with letters. 

[556] Eusebius. Chron. P. 24. 

[557] Eusebius. Chron. P. 19. Syncellus. P. 148, 152. 

The kings of Sicyon were taken from Castor Rhodius. 

[558] Και χρη τον νουνεχη συνιεναι κατα πασης ακριβειας, ὁτι κατα τηνἙλληνων παραδοσιν ουδ' ἱστοριας τις ην παρ' αυτοις αναγραφη· Καδμοςγαρ--μετα πολλας γενεας. κλ. Tatianus Assyrius. P. 274. 

[559] Clemens Alexand. L. 1. P. 352. And Diogenes Laertius, fromDicæarchus, and Heraclides. 

[560] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1160. 

[561] Ælian mentions, that the Bull Onuphis was worshipped at a place inEgypt, which he could not specify on account of its asperity. Ælian deAnimalibus. L. 12. C. 11. 

Even Strabo omits some names, because they were too rough and dissonant. Ουλεγω δε των εθνων τα ονοματα τα παλαια δια την αδοξιαν, και ἁμα την ατοπιαντης εκφορας αυτων. L. 12. P. 1123. 

[562] Μετα ταυτα πλανην Ἑλλησι αιτιαται (ὁ Φιλων) λεγων, ου γαρ ματαιωςαυτα πολλακως διεστειλαμεθα, αλλα προς τας αυθις παρεκδοχας των εν τοιςπραγμασιν ονοματων· ἁπερ ὁι Ἑλληνες αγνοησαντες, αλλως εξεδεξαντο, πλανηθεντες τῃ αμφιβολιᾳ των ονοματων. Philo apud Eusebium. P. E. L. 1. C. X. P. 34. 

[563] Bozrah, a citadel, they changed to βυρσα, a skin. Out of Ar, thecapital of Moab, they formed Areopolis, the city of the Mars. The riverJaboc they expressed Io Bacchus. They did not know that diu in the eastsignified an island: and therefore out of Diu-Socotra in the Red-Sea, theyformed the island Dioscorides: and from Diu-Ador, or Adorus, they made anisland Diodorus. The same island Socotra they sometimes denominated theisland of Socrates. The place of fountains, Ai-Ain, they attributed toAjax, and called it Αιαντος ακροτηριον, in the same sea. The antientfrontier town of Egypt, Rhinocolura, they derived from ρις, ρινος, a nose:and supposed that some people's noses were here cut off. Pannonia theyderived from the Latin pannus, cloth. So Nilus was from νη ιλυς: Gadeiraquasi Γης δειρα. Necus in Egypt and Ethiopia signified a king: but suchkings they have turned to νεκυας: and the city of Necho, or Royal City, toΝικοπολις and Νεκροπολις. 

Lysimachus in his Egyptian history changed the name of Jerusalem toΙεροσυλα: and supposed that the city was so called because the Israelitesin their march to Canaan used to plunder temples, and steal sacred things. See Josephus contra Ap. L. 1. C. 34. P. 467. 

[564] I do not mean to exclude the Romans, though I have not mentionedthem; as the chief of the knowledge which they afford is the product ofGreece. However, it must be confessed, that we are under great obligationsto Pliny, Marcellinus, Arnobius, Tertullian, Lactantius, Jerome, Macrobius;and many others. They contain many necessary truths, wherever they may haveobtained them. 

[565] Ennii Annales. L. 2. 

[566] Ennii Annales. L. 1. 

[567] Apud Ennii fragmenta. 

[568] Genesis. C. 10. V. 5. 

[569] Strabo. L. 5. P. 346. 

[570] Virgil. Æn. L. Xi. V. 785. 

[571] Servius upon the foregoing passage. 

[572] Cluver. Italia. L. 2. P. 719. 

[573] Livy. L. 1. C. 49. Pompeius Festus. 

[574] Not far from hence was a district called _Ager_ Solonus. Sol-On is acompound of the two most common names given to the Sun, to whom the placeand waters were sacred. 

[575] Dionysius Halicarnassensis. L. 3. 

[576] Herodotus. L. 1. C. 138. 

Θυουσι δε και ὑδατι και ανεμοισιν (ὁι Περσαι). Herodotus. L. 1. C. 131. 

Ridetis temporibus priscis Persas fluvium coluisse. Arnobius adversusGentes. L. 6. P. 196. 

[577] Αλλοι ποταμους και κρηνας, και παντων μαλιστα ὁι Αιγυπτιοιπροτετιμηκασι, και Θεους αναγορευουσι. Athanasius adversus Gentes. P. 2. 

Αιγυπτιοι ὑδατι Θυουσι· καιτοι μεν ἁπασι καινον τοις Αιγυπτιοις το ὑδωρ. Lucian. Jupiter Tragœd. V. 2. P. 223. Edit. Salmurii. 

[578] Julius Firmicus. P. 1. 

[579] Gruter. Inscript. Vol. 1. P. Xciv. 

[580] Senecæ Epist. 41. 

[581] Herodotus. L. 4. C. 181. The true name was probably Curene, orCurane. 

[582] Vitruvij Architect. L. 8. P. 163. 

[583] Pliny. L. 4. C. 4. P. 192. Ovid. Metamorph. L. 2. 

[584] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 117. Εστι γε δη και Απολλωνος αγαλμα προς τῃΠειρηνῃ, και περιβολος εστιν. 

Pirene and Virene are the same name. 

[585] Pur, Pir, Phur, Vir: all signify fire. 

[586] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 312. 

[587] Diodorus Siculus. L. Xi. P. 17. 

[588] Strabo. L. 6. P. 412. 

[589] Stephanus says that it was near Mount Casius; but Herodotus expresslytells us, that it was at the distance of three days journey from it. 

[590] Απο ταυτης τα εμπορια τα επι θαλασσης μεχρι Ιηνισου πολιος εστι τουΑραβικου. Herodotus. L. 3. C. 5. 

[591] Τοδε μεταξυ Ιηνισου πολιος, και Κασιου τε ουρεος, και της Σερβωνιδοςλιμνης, εον ουκ ολιγον χωριον, αλλ' ὁσον επι τρεις ἡμερας ὁδον, ανυδρονεστι δεινος. Herodotus. Ibidem. 

[592] Go-zan is the place, or temple, of the Sun. I once thought thatGoshen, or, as it is sometimes expressed, Gozan, was the same as Cushan:but I was certainly mistaken. The district of Goshen was indeed the nome ofCushan; but the two words are not of the same purport. Goshen is the sameas Go-shan, and Go-zan, analogous to Beth-shan, and signifies the place ofthe Sun. Go-shen, Go-shan, Go-zan, and Gau-zan, are all variations of thesame name. In respect to On, there were two cities so called. The one wasin Egypt, where Poti-phera was Priest. Genesis. C. 41. V. 45. The otherstood in Arabia, and is mentioned by the Seventy: Ων, ἡ εστιν Ἡλιουπολις. Exodus. C. 1. V. 11. This was also called Onium, and Hanes, the Iänisus ofHerodotus. 

[593] Isaiah. C. 30. V. 4. 

[594] See Observations upon the Antient History of Egypt. P. 124. P. 137. 

[595] D'Anville Memoires sur l'Egypt. P. 114. 

[596] Travels. Vol. 2. P. 107. It is by them expressed Ain el Cham, andappropriated to the obelisk: but the meaning is plain. 

[597] Bochart. Geog. Sacra. L. 1. C. 35. P. 638. 

[598] See page 72. Notes. 

[599] Dissertation of the influence of opinion upon language, and oflanguage upon opinion. Sect. Vi. P. 67. Of the translation. 

[600] Scholia upon Apollonius. L. 2. V. 297. 

[601] Strabo. L. 10. P. 700. 

[602] Orphic Hymn. 4. 

[603] Ὁι Θεολογοι--ενι γε τῳ Φανητι την δημιουργικην αιτιαν ανυμνησαν. Orphic Fragment. 8. From Proclus in Timæum. 

[604] Συ μοι Ζευς ὁ Φαναιο, ἡκεις. Eurip. Rhesus. V. 355. 

Φαναιος Απολλων εν Χιοις. Hesych. 

[605] Pliny. L. 2. C. 106. P. 120. 

[606] Λουτρα τε παρεχει το χωριον θερμα, γηθεν αυτοματα ανιοντα. JosephiAntiq. L. 18. C. 14. 

[607] Lucretius. L. 6. 

[608] Justin Martyr. Cohort. P. 33. 

[609] Mount Albanus was denominated Al-ban from its fountains and baths. 

[610] Strabo. L. 8. P. 545. 

[611] Strabo. L. 4. P. 290. Onesa signifies solis ignis, analogous toHanes. 

[612] Strabo. L. 16. P. 1072. See also l. 11. P. 779. And l. 12. P. 838. Likewise Plutarch in Artaxerxe. 

[613] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 678. 

[614] Horace. L. 1. Sat. 5. V. 97. 

[615] Pliny. L. 2. C. 110. P. 123. 

[616] Strabo. L. 6. P. 430. 

The antient Salentini worshipped the Sun under the title of Man-zan, orMan-zana: by which is meant Menes, Sol. Festus in V. Octobris. 

[617] Thucydides. L. 6. C. 2. P. 379. 

[618] Orphic Fragment. Vi. V. 19. From Proclus. P. 366. 

Μητις, divine wisdom, by which the world was framed: esteemed the same asPhanes and Dionusus. 

Αυτος τε ὁ Διονυσος, και Φανης, και Ηρικεπαιος. Ibidem. P. 373. 

Μητις--ἑρμηνευεται, Βουλη. Φως, Ζωοδοτηρ--from Orpheus: Eusebij Chronicon. P. 4. 

[619] Ισιδος ενταυθα Ἱερον, και αγαλμα, και επι της αγορας Ἑρμου--και θερμαλουτρα. Pausan. L. 2. P. 190. 

[620] Pausanas. L. 4. P. 287. 

[621] Ὁιδ' ὑδωρ πιοντες, καθαπερ ὁ εν Κολοφωνι Ἱερευς του Κλαριου. Ὁιδεστομιοις παρακαθημενοι, ὡς ἁι εν Δελφοις θεσπιζουσαι. Ὁιδ' εξ ὑδατωνατμιζομενοι, καθαπερ ἁι εν Βραγχιδαις Προφητιδες. Jamblichus de Mysterijs. Sec. 3. C. Xi. P. 72

[622] Τοδε εν Κολοφωνι μαντειον ὁμολογειται παρα πασι δια ὑδατοςχρηματιζειν· ειναι γαρ πηγην εν οικῳ καταγειῳ, και απ' αυτης πιειν τηνΠροφητην. Jamblichus. Ibid. 

[623] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 659. Ανελοντος του εν Κολοφωνι και Ελεγειωνποιηται ψυχροτητα αδουσι. 

[624] Callimachus: Hymn to Delos. 

Strabo l. 10 p. 742. 

[625] Pliny. L. 2. C. 106. P. 122. 

[626] Pliny above. 

Ὁτι πυρ εστιν εγγυς Φασηλιδος εν Λυκιᾳ αθανατον, και ὁτι αει καιεται επιπετρας, και νυκτα, και ἡμεραν. Ctesias apud Photium. Clxxiii. 

[627]

 Παντες, ὁσοι Φοινικον εδος περι παγνυ νεμονται, Αιπυ τε Μασσικυτοιο ῥοον, βωμον γε Χιμαιρας. Nonnus. L. 3. 

[628] Strabo. L. 12. P. 812. For the purport of Gaius, domus vel cavitas. See Radicals. P. 122. 

[629] Patinæ Numismata Imperatorum. P. 180. L. 194. 

[630] He was called both Peon and Peor: and the country from him Peonia andPieria. The chief cities were Alorus, Aineas, Chamsa, Methone: all oforiental etymology. 

[631] Παιονες σεβουσι τον ἡλιον· αγαλμα δε ἡλιου Παιονικον δισκος βραχυςὑπερ μακρου ξυλου. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. P. 87. 

Of the wealth of this people, and of their skill in music and pharmacy; SeeStrabo. Epitom. L. Vii. 

[632] Rufus Festus Avienus, Descrip. Orbis. V. 1083. 

[633] Juliani Oratio in Solem. Orat. 4. P. 150. 

Ἱερωνται δε αυτοι (Εδεσσηνοι) τῳ θεῳ ἡλιῳ· τουτον γαρ ὁι επιχωριοι σεβουσι, τῃ Φοινικων φωνῃ Ελαγαβαλον καλουντες. Herodian. L. 3. 

[634] Edesseni Urchoienses--Urhoe, ignis, lux, &c. Theoph. Sigefredi BayeriHist. Osrhoena. P. 4. 

[635] Ur-choë signifies Ori domus, vel templum; Solis Ædes. 

Ur in Chaldea is, by Ptolemy, called Orchoe. 

[636] Etymologicum magnum. The author adds: αρσαι γαρ το ποτισαι, as if itwere of Grecian original. 

[637] Marcellinus. L. 23. P. 287. 

[638] Αρσηνη λιμνη, ἡν και Θωνιτιν καλουσι--εστι δε νιτριτις. Strabo. L. Xi. P. 801. 

[639] Πρωτον μεν απ' Αρσινοης παραθεοντι την δεξιαν ηπειρον θερμα πλειοσιναυλοις εκ πετρης ὑψηλης εις θαλατταν διηθειται. Agatharchides de Rubromari. P. 54. 

Ειτα αλλην πολιν Αρσινοην· ειτα θερμων ὑδατων εκβολας, πικρων και ἁλμυρων. Strabo. L. 16. P. 1114. ]

[640] Some make Ephesus and Arsinoë to have been the same. See Scholia uponDionysius. V. 828. 

[641] Strabo. L. L6. P. 1074. See Radicals. P. 50. 

[642] Pliny. L. 6. C. 27. Euphraten præclusere Orcheni: nec nisi Pasitigridefertur ad mare. 

[643] Ptolemy Geog. 

Isidorus Characenus. Geog. Vet. Vol. 2. P. 7. 

[644] Cellarii Geog. Vol. 2. P. 80. 

[645] Strabo. L. 12. P. 868, 869. And l. 13. P. 929-932. 

Εστι δε επιφανεια τεφρωδης των πεδιων. 

Strabo supposes that the Campus Hyrcanus was so named from the Persians; asalso Κυρου πεδιον, near it; but they seem to have been so denominated aborigine. The river Organ, which ran, into the Mæander from the CampusHyrcanus, was properly Ur-chan. Ancyra was An-cura, so named a fonte Solisκυρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος. All the names throughout the country have acorrespondence: all relate either to the soil, or the religion of thenatives; and betray a great antiquity. 

[646] Ptolemy. Geog. L. 2. C. 11. 

[647] Mentioned in Pliny's Panegyric: and in Seneca; consolatio ad Helv. L. 6. Aristotle in Meteoris. 

[648] Here was one of the fountains of the Danube. Ιστρος τε γαρ ποταμοςαρξαμενος εκ Κελτων και Πυρηνης πολιος ῥεει, μεσην σχιζων την Ευρωπην. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 33. 

[649] See Cluverii Germania. 

[650] Beatus Rhenanus. Rerum Germanic. L. 3. 

[651] It is called by the Swiss, Le Grand Brenner: by the other Germans, Der gross Verner. 

Mount Cænis, as we term it, is properly Mount Chen-Is, Mons Dei Vulcani. Itis called by the people of the country Monte Canise; and is part of theAlpes Cottiæ. Cluver. Ital. Vol. 1. L. 1. C. 32. P. 337. Mons Geneber. Jovij. 

[652] See Marcellinus. L. 15. C. 10. P. 77. And the authors quoted byCluverius. Italia Antiqua above. 

They are styled Αλπεις Σκουτιαι by Procopius: Rerum Goth. L. 2. 

Marcellinus thinks, that a king Cottius gave name to these Alps in the timeof Augustus, but Cottius was the national title of the king; as Cottia wasof the nation: far prior to the time of Augustus. 

[653] Pliny. L. 3. C. 20. Cottianæ civitates duodecim. 

[654] Scholia upon Apollonius. L. 2. V. 677. 

[655] Τουτων δε εστι και ἡ του Ιδεοννου γη, και ἡ του Κοττιου. Strabo. L. 4. P. 312

[656] Tacitus de Moribus Germanorum. 

[657] Gruter. Vol. 1. P. 138. 

[658] Fulgentius: Mytholog. L. 1. C. 25. P. 655. 

[659] Lactantius de falsa Relig. Vol. 1. L. 1. C. 11. P. 47. 

To these instances add the worship of Seatur, and Thoth, called Thautates. See Clunerii Germania. L. 1. C. 26. P. 188 and 189. 

[660] 2 Chronicles. C. 8. V. 4. 

[661] Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. P. 262. Edit. Cantab. 1655. 

He speaks of Zoroaster: Αυτοφυες σπηλαιον εν τοις πλησιον ορεσι τηςΠερσιδος ανθηρον, και πηγας εχον, ανιερωσαντος εις τιμην του παντωνποιητου, και πατρος Μιθρου. P. 254. 

Clemens Alexandrinus mentions, Βαραθων στοματα τερατειας εμπλεα. Cohortatioad Gentes. 

Αντρα μεν δη δικαιως οι παλαιοι, και σπηλαια, τῳ κοσμῳ καθιερουν. Porphyryde Antro Nymph. P. 252. There was oftentimes an olive-tree planted nearthese caverns, as in the Acropolis at Athens, and in Ithaca. 

 Αυταρ επι κρατος λιμενος τανυφυλλος Ελαια, Αγχοθι δ' αυτης Αντρον. Homer de Antro Ithacensi. Odyss. L. ε. V. 346. 

[662] Lycophron. V. 208. Scholia. 

[663] Pausanias. L. X. P. 898. I imagine that the word caverna, a cavern, was denominated originally Ca-Ouran, Domus Cœlestis, vel Domus Dei, fromthe supposed sanctity of such places. 

[664] Strabo. L. 9. P. 638. 

 Ενθα παρθενου Στυγνον Σιβυλλης εστιν οικητηριον Γρωνῳ Βερεθρῳ συγκατηρεφες στεγης. Lycophron of the Sibyl's cavern, near the promontory Zosterion. V. 1278. 

[665] Pausanias. L. 3. P. 5. 275. 

[666] Scholia upon Aristophanes: Plutus. V. 9. And Euripides in theOrestes. V. 164. 

[667] Lucan. L. 5. V. 82. 

[668] Μουσων γαρ ην Ἱερον ενταυθα περι την αναπνοην του ναματος. Plutarchde Pyth. Oracul. Vol. 1. P. 402. 

[669] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 877. 

[670] Pausanias. L. 5. P. 387. Sama Con, Cœli vel Cœlestis Dominus. 

[671] Strabo. L. 12. P. 869. L. 13. P. 934. Demeter and Kora wereworshipped at the Charonian cavern mentioned by Strabo: Χαρωνιον αντρονθαυμαστον τη φυσει. L. 14. P. 961. 

[672] Lucian de Deâ Syriâ. 

[673] Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. P. 87. 

[674] Vaillant: Numism. Ærea Imperator. Pars prima. P. 243, 245, 285. Andelsewhere. 

[675] Hyde. Religio Veterum Persarum. C. 23. P. 306, 7, 8. 

[676] See PLATE ii. Iii. 

[677] Le Bruyn. Plate 153. 

See the subsequent plate with the characters of Cneuphis. 

[678] Kæmpfer. Amœnitates Exoticæ. P. 325. 

[679] Mandesloe. P. 3. He mentions the sacred fire and a serpent. 

[680] Sir John Chardin. Herbert also describes these caverns, and aserpent, and wings; which was the same emblem as the Cneuphis of Egypt. 

[681] Le Bruyn's Travels, vol. 2. P. 20. See plate 117, 118, 119, 120. Alsop. 158, 159, 166, 167. 

[682] Thevenot. Part 2d. P. 144, 146. 

[683] Ὁι τα του Μιθρου μυστηρια παραδιδοντες λεγουσιν εκ πετρας γεγενησθαιαυτον, και σπηλαιον καλουσι τον τοπον. Cum Tyrphone Dialog. P. 168. 

[684] He speaks of people--Πανταχου, ὁπου τον Μιθραν εγνωσαν, δια σπηλαιουἱλεουμενων. Porphyry de Antro Nympharum. P. 263. 

[685] Justin Martyr supra. 

[686] Scholia upon Statius. Thebaid. L. 1. V. 720. 

 Seu Persei de rupibus Antri Indignata sequi torquentem cornua Mithran. 

[687] Plutarch: Alexander. P. 703. And Arrian. L. Vi. P. 273. 

[688] Herodotus. L. 1. C. 187. 

[689] Thevenot. Part 2d. P. 141, 146. 

Some say that Thevenot was never out of Europe: consequently the travelswhich go under his name were the work of another person: for they have manycurious circumstances, which could not be mere fiction. 

[690] Clemens Alexandrinus. L. 6. P. 756. 

[691] Hyde de Religione Vet. Persar. P. 306. 

[692] See Radicals. P. 77. 

[693] Petavius in Epiphanium. P. 42. 

[694] Herbert's Travels. P. 138. 

[695] Procopius. Persica. L. 1. C. 24. 

[696] Ovid. Fast. L. 6. V. 291. 

[697] Similis est natura Naphthæ, et ita adpellatur circa Babylonem, et inAstacenis Parthiæ, pro bituminis liquidi modo. Pliny. L. 2. C. 106. P. 123. 

[698] Callim. H. To Delos. V. 201. 

[699] Pliny. L. 2. C. 22. P. 112. He supposes the name to have been given, igne ibi primum reperto. 

[700] Callimachus. H. To Delos. V. 325. 

[701] Herodotus. L. Iv. C. 69. 

[702] Και θυουσι Περσαι πυρι, επιφορουντες αυτῳ την πυρος τροφην, επιλεγοντες, Πυρ, Δεσποτα, εσθιε. Maximus Tyrius. Dissert. 8. P. 83. 

[703] See Lycophron. V. 447. And Stephanus. Κυπρος. 

 Κεραστιδος εις χθονα Κυπρου. Nonni Dionys. L. Iv. 

[704] Hospes erat cæsus. Ovid. Metamorph. L. X. V. 228. 

[705] Ovid. Metamorph. L. X. V. 228. 

[706] Strabo. L. 10. P. 684. 

[707] Solinus. Cap. 17. Pliny takes notice of the city Carystus. Eubœa--Urbibus clara quondam Pyrrhâ, Orco, Geræsto, Carysto, Oritano, &c. Aquisque callidis, quæ Ellopiæ vocantur, nobilis. L. 4, c. 12. 

[708] Εν τοις Κασταβαλοις εστι το της Περασιας Αρτεμιδος ἱερον, ὁπου φασιτας ἱερειας γυμνοις τοις ποσι δι' ανθρακιαν βαδιζειν απαθεις. Strabo. L. 12p. 811. 

[709] Μιθρας ὁ ἡλιος παρα Περσαις. Hesych. 

Μιθρης ὁ πρωτος εν Περσαις Θεος. Ibidem. 

Mithra was the same. Elias Cretensis in Gregorij Theologi Opera. 

[710] Elias Cretensis. Ibidem. In like manner Nonnus says, that there couldbe no initiation--Αχρις ὁυ τας ογδοηκοντα κολασεις παρελθοι. In NazianzeniSteliteutic. 2. 

[711] Και τοτε λοιπον εμυουσι αυτον τα τελεωτερα, εαν ζησῃ. Nonnus supra. 

[712] Account of Persia, by Jonas Hanway, Esq. Vol. 3. C. 31, 32. P. 206. 

[713] Εικονα φεροντος σπηλαιου του Κοσμου. Por. De Ant. Nymph. P. 254. 

[714] Μετα δε τουτον τον Ζωροαστρην κρατησαντος και παρ' αλλοις δι' αντρωνκαι σπηλαιων, ειτ' ουν αυτοφυων, ειτε χειροποιητων, τας τελετας αποδιδοναι. Porph. De Antro Nymph. P. 108. The purport of the history of Mithras, andof the cave from whence he proceeded, I shall hereafter shew. Jupiter wasnursed in a cave; and Proserpine, Κορη Κοσμου, nursed in a cave: ὡσαυτωςκαι ἡ Δημητηρ εν αντρῳ τρεφει την Κορην μετα Νυμφων· και αλλα τοιαυτα πολλαἑυρησει τις επιων τα των θεολογων. Porph. Ibid. P. 254. 

[715] Numbers. C. 22. V. 41. Leviticus. C. 26. V. 30. 

[716] 2 Kings. C. 16. V. 3, 4. 

[717] 1 Kings. C. 22. V. 43. 2 Kings. C. 12. V. 3. C. 15. V. 4-35. 

[718] There were two sorts of high places. The one was a natural eminence;a hill or mountain of the earth. The other was a factitious mound, of whichI shall hereafter treat at large. 

[719] Numbers. C. 22. V. 41. And c. 23. V. 14-28. 

[720] Preface of Demetrius Moschus to Orpheus de Lapidibus--Θειοδαμαντι τουΠριαμου συνηντησεν Ορφευς--κτλ. 

[721] Strabo. L. 15. P. 1064. 

Περσας επι τα ὑψηλοτατα των ορεων θυσιας ερδειν. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 131. 

Some nations, instead of an image, worshipped the hill as theDeity--Επεφημισαν δε και Διι αγαλματα ὁι πρωτοι ανθρωποι κορυφας ορον, Ολυμπον, και Ιδην, και ει τι αλλο ορος πλησιαζει τῳ Ουρανῳ. Maximus TyriusDissert. 8. P. 79. 

[722] Appian de Bello Mithridatico. P. 215. Edit. Steph. He, by anhyperbole, makes the pile larger than the apex on which it stood. 

[723] Virgil. L. 5. V. 760. 

[724] Hist. Japan. Vol. 2d. Book 5. C. 3. P. 417. 

[725] Παν δε ορος του Διος ορος ονομαζεται, επει εθος ην τοις παλαιοιςὑψιστω οντι τῳ Θεῳ ην υψει θυσιας ποιεισθαι. Melanthes de Sacrificijs. SeeNatalis Comes. L. 1. 10. 

[726] Ομφη, θεια κληδων. Hesych. It was sometimes expressed without theaspirate, αμβη: hence the place of the oracle was styled Ambon, αμβων. Αμβων, ἁι προσαναβασεις των ορων. Hesych. 

[727] Τον Ομφιν ευεργετην ὁ Ἑρμαιος φησι δηλουν ἑρμηνευομενον. Plutarch:Isis et Osiris. Vol. 1. P. 368. 

[728] Ολυμποι εισιν ἑξ--κλ. Scholia upon Apollonius Rhodius. L. 1. V. 598. 

[729] Many places styled Olympus and Olympian. 

In Lycia: Ολυμπος μεγαλη πολις, και ὁρος ὁμωνυμον. Strabo. L. 14. P. 982. 

Ολυμπη πολις Ιλλυριας. Stephanus Byzantinus. 

In Cyprus: Αμαθος πολις, και ορος μαστοειδες Ολυμπος. Strabo. L. 14. P. 1001. 

Ἡδε ακρορεια καλειται Ολυμπος. Strabo. Ibidem. 

Josephus mentions the temple of Olympian Zeus at Tyre. Antiq. Jud. L. 8. C. 1. 

At Megara in Greece: Τεμενος Ολυμπειον. Pausanias. L. 1. P. 97. 

In Elis: Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 42. 

In Attica: Ναος Κρονου, και Ῥεας, και τεμενος την επικλησιν Ολυμπιας. Pausan. L. 1. P. 43. 

In Achaia: Διος Ολυμπιου ναος. Pausan. L. 2. P. 123. 

At Delos: Ολυμπειον, τοπος εν Δηλωι. Stephanus Byzantinus. Εστι και πολιςΠαμφυλιας. 

Libya was called Olympia. Stephanus Byzant. 

The moon called Olympias: Ἡ γαρ Σεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριως Ολυμπιαςκαλειται. Eusebii Chron. P. 45. L. 10. 

The earth itself called Olympia by Plutarch, who mentions της Γης Ολυμπιαςἱερον in Theseus, by which is meant the temple of the Prophetic Earth. 

Many other instances might be produced. 

[730] Sophocles: Œdipus Tyrannus. V. 487. 

Ομφαλον εριβρομου Χθονος. Pind. Pyth. Ode 6. V. 3. 

Ορθοδικαν Γας ομφαλον κελαδητε. Pind. Pyth. Ode 11. Antist. 

[731] Euripides in Ione. V. 233. 

Μεσομφαλος Εστια. V. 461. 

[732] Titus Livius. L. 38. C. 47. 

[733] Strabo. L. 9. P. 642. 

[734] Varro de Ling. Lat. L. 6. P. 68. 

Pausanias gives this account of the omphalus at Delphi. Τον δε ὑπο Δελφωνκαλουμενον ομφαλον λιθου πεποιημενον λευκου, τουτο ειναι το εν μεσῳ γηςπασης αυτοι λεγουσιν ὁι Δελφοι· δεικνυται τε και ομφαλος ΤΙΣ εν τῳ ναῳτιταινωμενος. Pausan. L. 10. P. 835. 

It is described by Tatianus, but in a different manner. Εν τῳ τεμενει τουΛητοϊδου καλειται τις ομφαλος. Ὁδε ομφαλος ταφος εστιν Διονυσου. P. 251. Oratio contra Græcos. 

[735] Plutarch περι λελοιπ. Χρηστηρ. 

[736] Horus Apollo. § 21. P. 30. Edit. 1729. 

[737] Pausanias. L. 2. P. 141. It is spoken of Phliuns, far removed fromthe centre of the Peloponnesus. 

[738] This omphalus was near the Plutonian cavern. Diodorus. L. 5. 

 Τρις δ' επι καλλιστης νησου δραμες ομφαλον Εννης. Callimachus: Hymn to Ceres. Cicero in Verrem, 4. C. 48. 

[739] Homer. Odyss. L. α. V. 50. 

[740] Stephanus Byzantinus. The natives were also styled Pyrrhidæ; and thecountry Chaonia from the temple Cha-On, οικος ἡλιου. 

[741] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 7. 

[742] Strabo. L. 8. P. 542. 

[743] By Livy called Aliphira. L. 32. C. 5. 

In Messenia was a city Amphia--Πολισμα επι λοφου ὑψηλου κειμενον. Pausan. L. 4. P. 292. The country was called Amphia. 

[744] Αλφειονιας Αρτεμιδος, η Αλφειουσης αλσος. Strabo. L. 8. P. 528. 

[745] Plutarch de Fluminibus--Αλφειος. 

Alpheus, said to be one of the twelve principal and most antient Deities, called συμβωμοι; who are enumerated by the Scholiast upon Pindar. Βωμοιδιδυμοι, πρωτος Διος και Ποσειδωνος--κτλ. Olymp. Ode. 5. 

[746] Stephanus Byzant. Ομφαλιον. It was properly in Epirus, where was theoracle of Dodona, and whose people were styled Ομφαλιηεις above. 

[747] Ομφαλιον, τοπος Κρητης·-- Steph. Byzant. Εστι δε εν Κρητικοις ορεσικαι κατ' εμε ετι Ελωρος πολις. Strabo. L. 10. P. 834. Eluros--אל אור. 

[748] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 337. 

[749] Callimachus. Hymn to Jupiter. V. 42. 

[750] Quintus Curtius. L. 4. C. 7. P. 154. Varior. 

[751] Hyde of the Umbilicus. Relig. Vet. Persarum. Appendix 3. P. 527. 

[752] That Olympus and Olympia were of Egyptian original, is manifest fromEusebius; who tells us, that in Egypt the moon was called Olympias; andthat the Zodiac in the heavens had antiently the name of Olympus. Ἡ γαρΣεληνη παρ' Αιγυπτιοις κυριος Ολυμπιας καλειται, δια το κατα μηναπεριπολειν τον Ζωδιακον κυκλον, ον ὁι παλαιοι αυτων ΟΛYΜΠΟΝ εκαλουν. Chronicon. P. 45. L. 9. The reason given is idle: but the fact is worthattending to. 

Olympus was the supposed præceptor of Jupiter. Diodorus. L. 3. P. 206. 

[753] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. P. 241. 

[754] Επι νεως περιφερεται χρυσης ὑπο Ἱερων ογδοηκοντα (ὁ Θεος). Ὁυτοι δεεπι των ωμων φεροντες τον θεον προαγουσιν αυτοματως, ὁπου αγοι το του θεουνευμα τον πορειαν. Diodorus. L. 17. P. 528. 

It is observable, that this historian does not mention an omphalus: butsays, that it was a statue, ξοανον, which was carried about. 

[755] Bochart. Canaan. L. 1. C. 40. 

[756] Ομφη, θεια κληδων, ὁ εστιν οναρ. Schol. On Homer. Iliad. Β. V. 41. 

[757] Eusebius. Præp. Evang. L. 5. P. 194. 

One title of Jupiter was Πανομφαιος. 

Ενθα Πανομφαιῳ Ζηνι ῥηζεσκον Αχαιοι. Homer. Iliad. Θ. V. 250. 

Ara Panomphæo vetus est sacrata Tonanti. Ovid. Metamorph. L. 11. V. 198. 

[758] Pocock's Egypt. P. 108. Plate xlii. 

[759] Pocock. Plate xxxix. P. 105. 

[760] He sent messengers to Balaam the son of Beor to Pethor. Numbers. C. 22. V. 5. 

[761] We learn from Numbers. C. 22. V. 36. And c. 31. V. 8. That theresidence of Balaam was in Midian, on the other side of the river to thesouth, beyond the borders of Moab. This seems to have been the situation ofPetra; which was either in Midian or upon the borders of it: so thatPethor, and Petra, were probably the same place. Petra is by the Englishtraveller, Sandys, said to be called now Rath Alilat. 

Petra by some is called a city of Palestine: Πετρα πολις Παλαιστινης. Suidas. But it was properly in Arabia, not far from Idume, or Edom. SeeRelandi Palæstina. P. 930. And Strabo. L. 16. 

[762] The Ammonites were a mixed race; being both of Egyptian and Ethiopicoriginal: Αιγυπτιων και Αιθιοπων αποικοι. Herod. L. 2. C. 42. 

[763] Pocock's Egypt. Vol. 1. Plate xlii. 

[764] Luxorein by Norden, called Lucorein. It was probably erected to theSun and Ouranus, and one of the first temples upon earth. 

[765] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 4. V. 1052. 

Mopsus was the son of Ampycus. Hygin. Fab. C. Cxxviii. By some he is saidto have been the son of Apollo. Apollo and Ampycus were the same. 

[766] Orphic. Argonaut. V. 720. 

[767] Ibidem. V. 185. 

[768] Justin. Martyr. Apolog. P. 54. 

Amphilochus was the God of light and prophecy. Plutarch mentions εξΑμφιλοχου μαντεια, in the treatise περι βραδεως τιμωρουμενων. P. 563. 

[769] Cohortatio. P. 10. 

[770] Lycophron. V. 1163. 

[771] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 896. 

[772] Hence the prophetic Sibyl in Virgil is styled Amphrysia vates. Virgil. Æn. L. 6. V. 368. 

[773] Plin. L. 4. C. 12. Strabo. L. 10. Called Mallus, by Pausanias, ΕνΜαλλῳ μαντειον αψευδεστατον. L. 1. P. 84. 

[774] Λεγεται δε ὑπο των Αμφικλειεων μαντιν τε σφισι τον Θεον τουτοι, καιβοηθον νοσοις καθισταναι--προμαντευς δε ὁ ἱερευς εστι. Pausanias. L. 10. P. 884. The city was also called Ophitea. 

[775] Aristophanes. Νεφελαι. V. 595. 

[776] See Scholia to Aristoph. V. 595. 

[777] Ibidem. 

[778] We meet with the like in the Orphica. 

 Αμφι δε μαντειας εδαην πολυπειρονας ὁρμους Θηρων, Οιωνων τε. Argonautica. V. 33. 

So in Pindar. Κελαδοντι μοι αμφι Κινυραν. Pyth. Ode 2. P. 203. 

We have the same from the Tripod itself. 

 Αμφι δε Πυθω, και Κλαριου μαντευματα Φοιβου. Apollo de defectu Oraculor. Apud Eusebium. Præp. Evang. L. 5. C. 16. P. 204. 

[779] Hymn to Venus of Salamis. See Homer Didymi. Vol. 2. P. 528. 

The names of the sacred hymns, as mentioned by Proclus in his Χρηστομαθεια, were Παιανες, Διθυραμβος, Αδωνις, Ιο Βακχον, Ὑπορχηματα, Εγκωμια, Ευκτικα. Photius. C. 236. P. 983. 

[780] Diodorus. L. 5. P. 213. 

[781] Idque a Θριαμβῳ Græco, Liberi Patris cognomento. Varro de linguâ Lat. L. 5. P. 58. 

[782] Diodorus Siculus. L. 5. P. 213. 

[783] Epiphanius--adversus Hæres. L. 3. P. 1093. 

[784] Pindar. Olympic Ode vi. P. 53. 

Iamus, supposed by Pindar to have been the son of Apollo; but he was thesame as Apollo and Osiris. He makes Apollo afford him the gift of prophecy:

 Ενθα ὁι ωπασε Θησαυρον διδυμον μαντοσυνας (Απολλων). Ibid. P. 53. 

[785] Of the Iamidæ, see Herodotus. L. V. C. 44. L. Ix. C. 33. 

 Καλλιον των Ιαμιδεων μαντιν. 

[786] Pindar. Ibidem. P. 51. 

[787] Pi is the antient Egyptian prefix. 

[788] Herodotus. L. 1. C. 62. P. 30. 

[789] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 3. V. 1180. 

An ox or cow from being oracular was styled Alphi as well as Omphi. HencePlutarch speaks of Cadmus: Ὁν φασι το αλφα παντων προταξαι. δια το Φοινικαςὁυτω καλειν τον βουν. Sympos. Quæst. 9. 3. 

[790] In insulâ Pharo. Pliny. L. 36. C. 12. 

[791] Wheeler's Travels, p. 207. 

[792] Wheeler. P. 204. Sandys's travels. P. 32. 

[793] Strabo. L. 17. P. 1141. 

[794] Strabo. L. 3. P. 259. 

[795] Strabo. L. 2. P. 258. 

[796] Strabo. Ibidem. Ou-Ob. Sol. Pytho. Onoba, regio Solis Pythonis. 

[797] Strabo calls the African pillar Abyluca; which is commonly renderedAbila. --Ενιοι δε στηλας ὑπελαβον την Καλπην, και την Αβυλυκα--κτλ. Ibidem. Ab-El-Uc, and Ca-Alpe. 

Calpe is now called Gibel-Tar, or Gibralter: which name relates to the hillwhere of old the pillar stood. 

[798] --Αλλ' απο λιμενος μεν ουδεις αναγηται, μη θυσας τοις Θεσις, καιπαρακαλεσας αυτους βοηθους. Arrian upon Epictetus. L. 3. C. 22. 

[799] Virgil. L. 3. Æneis. 

[800] Callimachus. Hymn to Delos. V. 3l6. 

[801] Homer. Hymn to Apollo, v. 156. 

Helen is said to have been a mimic of this sort. 

[802] Το ἱερον του Ουριου απεχει απο του Βυζαντιου σταδια ρκ· γινονται δεμιλια ιϛ. και εστι στενοτατον το στομα του Ποντου καλουμενον. Anon. Descript. Ponti Euxini. 

[803] See Spon. And Wheeler's travels. P. 209. 

[804] Dionysius περιηγης. V. 380. 

[805] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 1. V. 601. 

[806] Ibid. L. 1. V. 1114. 

In another place, Φυλα τε Βιθυνων αυτῃ κτεατισσατο γαιῃ, Μεσφ' επι Ρηβαιου προχοας, σκοπελον τε Κολωνης. Apollon. Rhod. L. 2. V. 790. 

[807] Orphic Argonaut. V. 375. 

[808] Homer's Hymn to Apollo. 

[809] Orphic Argonaut. V. 1295. 

Sophocles calls the sea coast παραβωμιος ακτη, from the numbers of altars. Œdipus Tyrannus. V. 193. 

The like province was attributed to the supposed sister of Apollo, Diana:Jupiter tells her--

 και μεν αγυιαις Εσσῃ και λιμενεσσιν επισκοπος. 

And, in another place:

 Τρις δεκα τοι πτολιεθρα και ουκ ἑνα Πυργον οπασσω. Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. 

 Ποτνια, Μουνυχιη, Λιμενοσκοπε, χαιρε, Φεραια. Ibid. V. 259. 

[810] Πριν γε ουν ακριβωθηναι τας των αγαλματων σχεσεις, κιονας ἱσταντες ὁιπαλαιοι εσεβον τουτους, ὡς αφιδρυματα του Θεου. Clemens Alexand. L. 1. P. 418. 

[811] --Οντος ουχι αγαλματος συν τεχνῃ, λιθου δε αργου κατα το αρχαιον. Pausan. L. 9. P. 757. 

Also of the Thespians: Και σφισιν αγαλμα παλαιοτατον εστιν αργος λιθος. P. 761. 

[812] Tertullian adversus Gentes. L. 1. C. 12. 

[813] Και το μεν Σαμιας Ἡρας προτερον ην σανις. Clementis Cohort. P. 40. 

[814] Apollonius Rhodius. L. 1. V. 1117. P. 115. 

[815] Orphic Argonaut. V. 605. 

Pliny, l. 16, mentions simulacrum vitigineum. 

[816] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. V. 237. 

[817] Πρεμνον--στελεχος, βλαστος, παν ριζωμα δενδρου το γηρασκον· η τοαμπελου προς τῃ γη πρεμνον. Hesychius. 

Πρεμνιασαι, εκριζωσαι. Ibidem. 

[818] Nonni Dionysiaca. L. Xi. P. 306. 

[819] Nonni Dion. L. X. P. 278. 

[820] Nonni Dion. L. Xi. P. 296. 

[821] Ovid. Fast. L. 3. V. 409. 

[822] Αμπελος, πολις της Λιγυστικης· Ἑκεταιος εν Ευρωπῃ· εστι δε ακραΤορωναιων Αμπελος λεγομενη· εστι και ἑτερα ακρα της Σαμου· και αλλη ενΚυρηνη. Αγροιτας δε δυο πολεις φησι, την μεν ανω, την δε κατῳ· εστι δε καιΙταλιας ακρα, και λιμην. Steph. Byzant. 

Καλειται μεν ουν και ακρα τις Αμπελος. Strabo of Samos. L. 14. P. 944. 

[823] Ampelusia, called Κωττης ακρον. Ptolemy. L. 4. So named according toStrabo απο Κωτεων, or Κωταιων, not far from a city Zilis, and Cota. SeePliny. L. 5. C. 1. 

Promontorium Oceani extimum Ampelusia. Pliny. L. 5. C. 1. 

Ampelona. Pliny. L. 6. C. 28. 

[824] Απο Αμπελου ακρης επι Καναστραιην ακρην. Herodotus. L. 7. C. 123. 

Αμπελος ακρα, in Crete. Ptolemy. See Pliny. L. 4. C. 12. 

[825] In Samos was Αμπελος ακρα· εστι δε ουκ ευοινος. Strabo. L. 14. P. 944. 

Some places were called more simply Ampe. 

See Herodotus of Ampi in the Persian Gulf. L. 6. C. 20. 

Αμπη of Tzetzes. See Cellarius. 

[826] Μυκαλης χωριον ἱερον. Herodotus. L. 1. C. 148. 

[827] Præp. Evan. L. 5. C. 16. 

[828] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 12. 

Νυμφαι εισι εν τῳ φρεατι. Artemidorus Oneirocrit. L. 2. C. 23. 

[829] Νυμφων εστιν ἱερον επι τῃ πηγῃ. ---λουομενοις δε εν τῃ πηγῃ καματων τεεστι και αλγηματων παντων ἱαματα. Pausanias. L. 6. P. 510. 

[830] Νυμφικα, and Λουτρα, are put by Hesychius as synonymous. 

Omnibus aquis Nymphæ sunt præsidentes. Servius upon Virgil. Eclog. 1. 

Thetis was styled Nympha, merely because she was supposed to be water. Thetidem dici voluerunt aquam, unde et _Nympha_ dicta est. FulgentijMytholog. C. Viii. P. 720. 

[831] Pausanias. L. 8. P. 670. 

Young women were, by the later Greeks, and by the Romans, styled Nymphæ;but improperly. Nympha vox, Græcorum Νυμφα, non fuit ab origine Virginisive Puellæ propria: sed solummodo partem corporis denotabat. Ægyptijs, sicut omnia animalia, lapides, frutices, atque herbas, ita omne membrumatque omnia corporis humani loca, aliquo dei titulo mos fuit denotare. Hinccor nuncupabant Ath, uterum Mathyr, vel Mether: et fontem fœmineum, sicutet alios fontes, nomine Ain Omphe, Græce νυμφη, insignibant: quod abÆgyptijs ad Græcos derivatum est. --Hinc legimus, Νυμφη πηγη, και νεογαμοςγυνη, νυμφην δε καλουσι κτλ. Suidas. 

Παρ' Αθηναιοις ἡ του Διος μητηρ, Νυμφη. Ibidem. 

[832] Naptha is called Apthas by Simplicius in Categoric. Aristotelis. Καιὁ Αφθας δεχεται ποῤῥωθεν του πυρος ειδος. The same by Gregory Nyssen iscontracted, and called, after the Ionic manner, Φθης: ὡσπερ ὁ καλουμενοςΦθης εξαπτεται. Liber de animâ. On which account these writers are blamedby the learned Valesius. They are, however, guilty of no mistake; only usethe word out of composition. Ain-Aptha, contracted Naptha, was properly thefountain itself: the matter which proceeded from it was styled Apthas, Pthas, and Ptha. It was one of the titles of the God of fire, calledApha-Astus, the Hephastus of the Greeks; to whom this inflammable substancewas sacred. 

See Valesij notæ in Amm. Marcellinum. L. 23. P. 285. 

Epirus was denominated from the worship of fire, and one of its rivers wascalled the Aphas. 

[833] Pliny. L. 31. P. 333. 

[834] Marcellinus. L. 23. P. 285. 

[835] Pliny. L. 6. P. 326. 

[836] Strabo. L. 7. P. 487. See Antigoni Carystii Mirabilia. P. 163. 

[837] Εν τῃ χωρᾳ των Απολλωνιατων καλειται τι Νυμφαιον· πετρα δε εστι πυραναδιδουσα· ὑπ' αυτῃ δε κρηναι ῥεουσι χλιαρου Ασφαλτου. Strabo. L. 7. P. 487. 

[838] Strabo. Ibidem. L. 7. P. 487. He supposes that it was calledAmpelitis from αμπελος, the vine: because its waters were good to killvermin, Ακος της φθειριωσης αμπελου. A far fetched etymology. NeitherStrabo, nor Posidonius, whom he quotes, considers that the term is ofSyriac original. 

[839] Philostrati vita Apollonii. L. 8. C. 4. P. 116. 

[840] Dionis Historia Romana. Johannis Resin: Antiq. L. 3. C. 11. 

[841] Pausanias. L. 9. P. 718. 

[842] Evagrius. L. 3. C. 12. 

[843] Marcellinus. L. 15. C. 7. P. 68. 

[844] Celsus apud Originem. L. 7. P. 333. 

See also Plutarch. De Oraculorum defectu. 

[845] Callimachus. Hymn to Diana. V. 226. 

[846] Callimachus. Ibid. V. 33. 

Πολλας δε ξυνη πολεας. 

[847] Callimachus. Hymn to Apollo. V. 56. 

[848] Cicero de Divinatio. L. 1. 

[849] Lucian. Astrolog. V. 1. P. 993. 

[850] See in the former treatise, inscribed Ομφη. 

[851] Are not all the names which relate to the different stages ofmanhood, as well as to family cognation, taken from the titles of priests, which were originally used in temples; such as Pater, Vir, Virgo, Puer, Mater, Matrona, Patronus, Frater, Soror, Αδελφος, Κουρος?

[852] Verses from an antient Choriambic poem, which are quoted byTerentianus Maurus de Metris. 

[853] Lucilli Fragmenta. 

[854] Ode of Ausonius to Attius Patera Rhetor in Professorum Burdigalensiumcommemoratione. Ode 10. 

[855] Ausonius. Ode 4. 

[856] He is called Balen by Æschylus. Persæ. P. 156. Βαλην, αρχαιος Βαλην. 

[857] Βελιν δε καλουσι τουτον· σεβουσι δε ὑπερφυως, Απολλωνα ειναιεθελοντες. Herodian. L. 8. Of the Aquileians. 

Inscriptio vetus Aquileiæ reperta. APOLLINI. BELENO. C. AQUILEIENS. FELIX. 

[858] Apollonius Rhodius. Argonautic. L. 2. V. 703. 

[859] Ibidem. L. 1. V. 1135. 

[860] Juvenal. Sat. 14. V. 265. 

[861] Manilius. L. 5. V. 434. 

[862] Phavorinus. 

Ἡ Ολυμπια πρωτον Κρονιος λοφος ελεγετο. Scholia in Lycophron. V. 42. 

Σωτηρ ὑψινεφες Ζευ, Κρονιον τε ναιων λοφον. Pindar. Olymp. Ode 5. P. 43. 

[863] Pindar. Olympic Ode 6. P. 52. 

Apollo was the same as Iamus; whose priests were the Iämidæ, the mostantient order in Greece. 

[864] It is a word of Amonian original, analogous to Eliza-bet, Bet-Armus, Bet-Tumus in India, Phainobeth in Egypt. 

[865] Lycophron. V. 159. Here they sacrificed Ζηνι Ομβριῳ. 

[866] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 6. P. 51. 

[867] Τας μεν δη πετρας σεβουσι τε μαλιστα, και τῳ Ετεοκλει φασιν αυταςπεσειν εκ του ουρανου. Pausanias. L. 9. P. 786. 

[868] Euripides in Ione. V. 935. See Radicals, p. 85. Macar. 

[869] Clemens Alexand. Strom. L. 1. P. 358. 

[870] Pausanias. L. 10. P. 825. 

[871] Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. P. 8. 

[872] Scholia in Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. P. 8. 

[873] Diogenes Laertius: Vita Anaxagoræ. 

[874] Pliny. L. 2. C. 58. P. 102. 

[875] Ηλιβατον πετραν they construed λιθον αφ' ἡλιου βαινομενον. 

[876] Pindar. Olympic. Ode 1. P. 8. 

[877] Τον ὑπερ κεφαλας Τανταλου λιθον. Pindar. Isthm. Ode 8. P. 482. 

[878] Αλκαιος, και Αλκμαν λιθον φασιν επαιωρεισθαι Τανταλῳ. Scholia uponPindar. Olymp. Ode 1. P. 8. 

[879] Πινε λεγει το τορευμα, και οργια μανθανε σιγης. Antholog. 

[880] Scholia upon Lycophron. V. 152. 

[881] Scholia upon Pindar. Olymp. Ode 1. P. 8. 

[882] Pindar. Scholia. Ibidem. 

[883] Justin. Martyr ad Tryphonem. P. 168. The rites of Mithras were styledPatrica. 

[884] Gruter. Inscript. P. Xlix. N. 2. 

[885] Indiculus Paganiarum in Consilio Leptinensi ad ann. Christi 743. 

See du Fresne Gloss, and Hoffman. Petra. 

Nullus Christianus ad fana, vel ad Petras vota reddere præsumat. 

[886]

 Ου μεν πως νυν εστιν ὑπο δρυος, ουδ' ὑπο πετρης Τῳ οαριζεμεναι, ἁτε παρθενος, ηϊθεος τε, Παρθενος, ηϊθεος τ' οαριζετον αλληλοισιν. Homer. Iliad. χ. V. 126. 

 Λιθομοται, δημηγοροι, επι του λιθου ομνυντες. Hesychius. 

[887] Pindar. Pyth. Ode 4. P. 248. 

Πετραιος τιμᾳται Ποσειδων παρα Θετταλοις. Scholia ibidem. 

[888] Zeus was represented by a pyramid: Artemis by a pillar. Πυραμιδι δε ὁΜειλιχιος, ἡ δε κιονι εστιν εικασμενη. Pausan. L. 2. P. 132. 

[889] Pausanias. L. 1. P. 104. 

According to the acceptation, in which I understand the term, we mayaccount for so many places in the east being styled Petra. Persis and Indiadid not abound with rocks more than Europe; yet, in these parts, as well asin the neighbouring regions, there is continually mention made of Petra:such as Πετρα Σισιμιθρου in Sogdiana, Petra Aornon in India, και την τουΟξου (Πετραν), ὁι δε Αριαμαζου. Strabo. L. 11. P. 787. Petra Abatos inEgypt, Πετρα Ναβαταια in Arabia. Many places called Petra occur in thehistory of Alexander: Ἑλειν δε και Πετρας ερυμνας σφοδρα εκ προδοσεως. Strabo. L. 11. P. 787. They were in reality sacred eminences, where of oldthey worshipped; which in aftertimes were fortified. Every place styled Arxand Ακροπολις was originally of the same nature. The same is to be observedof those styled Purgoi. 

[890] Gruter. Inscript. Lxxxvi. N. 8. 

[891] Xenophon. Κυρουπαιδεια. 

[892] Nonnus. Dionysiac. L. Ix. P. 266. 

[893] Pausanias. L. 7. P. 577. 

[894] ΑΛΦΙΤΟΝ, το απο νεας κριθης, η σιτου πεφυρμενον αλευρον. Hesychius. 

Αλφιτα μελιτι και ελαιῳ δεδευμενα. Hesych. 

[895] ΟΜΠΑΙ, θυματα, και πυροι μελιτι δεδευμενοι. Hesychius. 

ΟΜΠΙΑ, παντοδαπα τρωγαλια. Ibidem. 

It it was expressed Amphi, the cakes were Amphitora, Amphimantora, Amphimasta: which seem to have been all nearly of the same composition. 

ΑΜΦΑΣΜΑ, ψαιστα οινῳ και ελαιῳ βεβρεγμενα. Ibidem. 

[896] Fine flour had the sacred name of _Ador_, from _Adorus_, the God ofday, an Amonian name. 

[897] ὉΜΟΥΡΑ, σεμιδαλις ἑφθε, μελι εχουσα, και σησαμον. Hesych. 

ΑΜΟΡΑ, σημιδαλις ἑφθη συν μελιτι. Ibidem. 

ὉΜΟΡΙΤΑΣ, αρτος εκ πυρον διῃρημενον γεγονως. Ibid. 

Also Αμορβιται, Amorbitæ. See Athenæus. L. 14. P. 646. 

[898] ΠΙΟΝΕΣ, πλακουντες. Hesychius. 

Pi-On was the Amonian name of the Sun: as was also Pi-Or, and Pe-Or. 

[899] ΧΑΥΩΝΑΣ, αρτους ελαιῳ αναφυραθεντας κριθινους. Suidas. 

[900] The latter Greeks expressed Puramoun, Puramous. 

ΠYΡΑΜΟΥΣ, a cake. Ην ὁ Πυραμους παρα τοις παλαιοις επινικιος. Artemidorus. L. 1. C. 74. Και ὁ διαγρυπνησας μεχρι την ἑω ελαμβανε τον πυραμουντα. Schol. Aristoph. Ἱππεις. 

See Meuisius on Lycophron. V. 593. And Hesych. πυραμους, ειδος πλακουντος. 

[901] ΟΒΕΛΙΑΙ, placentæ. Athenæus. L. 14. P. 645. 

[902] Νυν θυσω τα ΠΙΤYΡΑ. Theocritus. Idyl. 2. V. 33. 

[903] Athenæus. L. 14. P. 646. 

[904] Diogenes Laertius: Vita Empedoclis. L. 8. 

[905] Some read εθαυμασε. Cedrenus. P. 82. Some have thought, that by βουνwas meant an Ox: but Pausanias says, that these offerings were πεμματα: andmoreover tells us; ὁποσα εχει ψυχην, τουτων μεν ηξιωσεν ουδεν θυσαι. _Cecrops sacrificed nothing that had life. _ Pausan. L. 8. P. 600. 

[906] Jeremiah. C. 44. V. 18, 19. 

[907] Ibid. C. 7. V. L8. 

[908] Jeremiah. C. 51. V. 19. According to the Seventy. 

So also c. 7. V. 18. Χαυωνας τε στρατιᾳ του Ουρανου. Chau-On, domus veltemplum Solis. 

[909] Herodotus mentions this custom, and styles it justly αισχιστος τωννομων. He says that it was practised at the temple of the Babylonish DeityMelitta. L. 1. C. 199. 

[910] Strabo. L. 11. P. 805. Anais, or Anait, called Tanais, in thispassage: they are the same name. 

The same account given of the Lydian women by Herodotus: πορνευειν γαρἁπασας. L. 3. C. 93: all, universally, were devoted to whoredom. 

[911] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 129. P. 138. 

[912] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 129. P. 166. 

[913] Plutarch. Isis et Osiris, p. 366. 

[914] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 85, 86. 

[915] Ταυτα δη λεγουσι φλυηρεοντες. Herod. L. 2. C. 131. 

[916] The star between the horns shows that it was a representation of theDeity, and the whole a religious memorial. 

[917] Cyril. Contra Julian. P. 15. It is related somewhat differently inthe Timæus of Plato. Vol. 3. P. 22. See also Clemens Alex. Strom. L. 1. P. 356. 

[918] L. 2. C. 53. The evidence of Herodotus must be esteemed early; andhis judgment valid. What can afford us a more sad account of the doubt anddarkness, in which mankind was inveloped, than these words of thehistorian? how plainly does he shew the necessity of divine interposition;and of revelation in consequence of it!

[919] Herodotus. L. 2. C. 53. 

[920] Virgil. Georgic. L. 1. V. 6. 

Liber is El-Abor contracted: Sol, Parens Lucis. 

[921] Scholia in Horat. L. 2. Ode 19. 

[922] Orphic. Fragment. In Macrob. Sat. L. 1. C. 23. 

[923] Macrob. Sat. L. 1. C. 18. 

He is called by Eumolpus Αστροφανη Διονυσον εν ακτινεσσι πυρωπον: apudEuseb. P. E. L. 9 c. 27. 

[924] Zemissus is the Amonian Sames, or Samesh, analogous to Beth-Shemeshin the Scriptures. 

[925] Orphic. Fragment. 4. P. 364. Edit. Gesner. 

See Stephani Poësis Philosoph. P. 80. From Justin Martyr. 

[926] Macrobius. Saturn. L. 1. C. 18. P. 202. He mentions Jupiter Lucetius, and Diespater, the God of day; and adds, Cretenses Δια την ἡμεραν vocant. _The Cretans call the day dia. _ The word dies of the Latines was of thesame original. 

[927] Diodorus Siculus. L. 1. P. 22. 

[928] Chronolog. Canon. P. 32. 

[929] Hermesianax. 

It may be worth while to observe below, how many Gods there were of thesame titles and departments. Παιονιος Διονυσιος. Hesychius. Pæonia Minerva. Plutarch. De decem Rhetoribus. 

Παλαιμων Ἡρακλης. Hesychius. 

Ιητηρ παντων, Ασκληπιε, δεσποτα Παιαν. Orphic. H. 66. 

Ποσειδων Ιατρος εν Τηνῳ. Clement. Cohort. P. 26. 

Olen, the most antient mythologist, made Eilithya to be the mother of Eros;so that Eilithya and Venus must have been the same, and consequently Diana. 

Μητερα Ερωτος Ειλιθυιαν ειναι. Pausan. L. 9. P. 762. 

Adonim, Attinem, Osirim et Horum aliud non esse quam Solem. Macrobius Sat. L. 1. C. 21. P. 209. 

Janus was Juno, and styled Junonius. Macrob. Sat. L. 1. C. 9. P. 159. 

Lunam; eandem Dianam, eandem Cererem, eandem Junonem, eandem Proserpinamdicunt. Servius in Georgic. L. 1. V. 5. 

Astarte, Luna, Europa, Dea Syria, Rhea, the same. Lucian. De Syriâ Deâ. 

Κειοι Αρισταιον τον αυτον και Δια και Απολλω νομιζοντες. κτλ. Athenagoras. P. 290. 

Ἡλιος, Ζευς. Sanchoniathon. Euseb. P. E. Lib. 1. C. X. P. 34. 

Ἡλιος, Κρονος. Damascius apud Photium. C. 242. 

[930] Auson. Epigram. 30. 

See Gruter for inscriptions to Apollo Pantheon. Dionusus was also Atis, orAttis. Διονυσον τινες Αττιν προσαγορευεσθαι θελουσιν. Clementis Cohort. P. 16. 

[931] Orphic. Hymn. X. P. 200. Gesner. 

Παρ' Αιγυπτιοισι δε Παν μεν αρχαιοτατος, και των οκτω των πρωτων λεγομενωνΘεων. Herodotus. L. 2. C. 145. Priapus was Zeus; also Pan, and Orus: amongthe people of Lampsacus esteemed Dionusus. 

[932] Euphorion. 

[933] L. 10. P. 805. 

[934] Oprhic. Hymn. In Poseidon xvi. P. 208. 

[935] Selden de Diis Syris. P. 77. And additamenta. He was of old styledArcles in Greece; and supposed to have been the son of Xuth. Κοθος καιΑρκλης, ὁι Χυθου παιδες. Plutarch. Quæstiones Græcæ. V. 1. P 296. 

[936] Nonnus. L. 40. P. 1038. 

[937] In Demosthenem Κατα Μειδιου. Παν σχημα περιτεθεασιν αυτῳ. P. 647. Seealso Macrob. Sat. L. 1. C. 18. 

Αυτον τον Δια και τον Διονυσον παιδας και νεους ἡ θεολογια καλει. Proclusupon Plato's Parmenides. See Orphic Fragments. P. 406. 

[938] Hesychius. The passage is differently read. Kuster exhibits itΑφροδιτος. Ὁδε τα περι Αμαθουντα γεγραφως Παιαν, ὡς ανδρα την θεονεσχηματισθαι εν Κυπρῳ φησιν. 

[939] Servius upon Virgil. Æneid. L. 2. V. 632. 

[940] Scholia upon Apollon. Rhod. L. 3. V. 52. Των καλουμενων Μοιρων ειναιπρεσβυτεραν. In some places of the east, Venus was the same as Cybele andRhea, the Mother of the Gods: Περι της χωρας ταυτης σεβουσι μεν ὡς επι ταντην Αφροδιτην, ὡς μητερα θεων, ποικιλαις και εγχωριοις ονομασιπροσαγορευοντες. Ptol. Tetrabibl. L. 2. 

[941] Apud Calvum Acterianus. Macrob. Sat. L. 3. C. 8. Putant eandem maremesse ac fœminam. Ibidem. 

[942] Apud Augustin. De Civitate Dei. L. 4. C. 11. And l. 7. C. 9. 

The author of the Orphic verses speaks of the Moon as both male and female. 

Αυξομενη και λειπομενη, θηλυστε και αρσην. Hymn 8. V. 4. 

Deus Lunus was worshipped at Charræ, Edessa, and all over the east. 

[943] Synesius. Hymn 3. P. 26. Edit. H. Steph. 

The Orphic verses περι φυσεως are to the same purpose. 

 Παντων μεν συ πατηρ, μητηρ, τροφος, ηδε τιθηιος. Hymn 9. V. 18. 

[944] Orphic Hymn 31. V. 10. P. 224. 

[945] Orphic Fragment. Vi. P. 366. Gesner's Edit. From Proclus on Plato'sAlcibiades. See also Poesis Philosophica H. Stephani. P. 81. 

[946] Jupiter Lucetius, or God of light. Macrob. Sat. L. 1. C. 15. P. 182. 

[947] Orphic Fragm. Vii. P. 371. See Poesis Philosoph. H. Stephani. P. 85. 

Orpheus of Protogonus. 

 Πρωτογον', Ηρικαπαιε, θεων πατερ, ηδε και ὑιε. Hymn. 51. P. 246. 

[948] Apuleii Metamorph. L. Xi. P. 241. 

[949] Porphyr. Apud Eusebium Præp. Evang. L. 3. C. 11. 

Τιμᾳται παρα Λαμψακηνοις ὁ Πριαπος, ὁ αυτος ων τῳ Διονυσῳ. Athenæus. L. 1. P. 30. 

[950] Janus Gulielmus Laurenbergius. 

[951] Selden de Diis Syris. P. 77. 

 * * * * *

Corrections made to printed original. 

(Introductory poem. ) In tamen incultis: 'tamem' in original, no such word. 

(Nimrod. ) wherefore it is said: 'it it said' in original. 

(On and Eon) Ονομα αυτῳ Ἑβραϊστι: diaresis on α; in original. 

(Gau. , near ref. 383) ᾡς και τον Ἑρμην ὁυτως: Ερμην with smooth breath markin original. 

(ibid. , near ref. 407) Κωκυτος ὑδωρ ατερπεστατον: 'ὑδως' in original, nosuch form, amended to match Perseus E-Text. 

(ibid. , near ref. 409) quem Coilus genuit: 'genuvit' in original, cited as'genuit' in Lewis & Short. 

(Dissertation upon the Helladian, near ref. 514) Ἑλληνων εχειν ουδεν:'εχιεν', with a transpose mark over the 'ιε', in original. 

(Of the Omphi, near ref. 739) ὁθι τ' ομφαλος εστι θαλασσης: ὁθιτ', no spacein original. 

(ibid. , near ref. 766) κυβερνητηρα τε Τιφυν: τεΤιφυν, no space in original. 

(ibid. , near ref. 779) δος δ' ἱμεροεσσαν: 'δοσθ'', no space in original

(ibid. , near ref. 804) any ness or foreland: 'nees' in original, no suchword. 

(An Account of the gods of Greece, near ref. 918) πρωην τε και χθες:'πριντε' in original, no such word, amended to match Perseus E-Text. 

(ibid. , near ref. 929) Ἑρμης θ', Ἡφαιστος τε κλυτος: Ἑρμησθ', no space inoriginal. 

(Note 26. ) Μεστραιους τους Αιγυπτιους: 'Αιγπτιους' in original, obvioustypo. 

(Note 39. ) hinnulea: 'hinnulæ' in original. Cited as 'hinnulea' in Lewis &Short. 

(Note 170. ) l. 6. C. 7. : 'l. C. 7. ' in original. 

(Note 354. ) changed this termination into e: 'into r' in original. Senserequires 'into e'. 

(Note 355. ) ὑιωνοι τε των δ' ανδρων: ὑιωνοιτε no space in original. 

(Note 426. ) Ὁιδ' ιξον: ''Θιδ'' in original. 

(Note 430. ) p. 3?6: middle digit illegible in original. 

(Note 465. ) επυθοντο ὁι Ἑλληνες: οι with smooth breathing mark in original(smooth breathing is generally not marked). 

(Note 466. ) ἡ ὁμου πολησις: η ομου with smooth breathing marks in original. 

(Note 540. ) το δη πορρω δυσελεγκτον: 'δυσελεγτον' in original, no suchword, amended to match Perseus E-Text. 

(Note 542. ) και τερατολογειν: 'τερατολεγειν' in original, no such word, amended to match Perseus E-text. 

(Note 543. ) πρεσβυτερους εμου γενεσθαι: 'τρεσβυτερους' in original, obvioustypo. 

(Note 623. ) ποιηται ψυχροτητα αδουσι: 'ψυκροτητα' in original, no suchword. 

(Note 631. ) δισκος βραχυς: 'δισχος' in original, no such word. 

(Note 645. ) κυρος γαρ ὁ ἡλιος: 'ῃλιος' in original - hypogegrammeni insteadof breath mark. 

(Note 708. ) τοις ποσι δι' ανθρακιαν: 'ανθακιαν' in original, no such word -r restored to match meaning of embers.