A JOURNEY THROUGH THE KINGDOM OF OUDE, IN 1849--1850; BY DIRECTION OF THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DALHOUSIE, GOVERNOR-GENERAL. WITH PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE ANNEXATIONOF OUDE TO BRITISH INDIA, &c. BY MAJOR-GENERAL SIR W. H. SLEEMAN, K. C. B. Resident at the Court of Lucknow IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. I. LONDON:RICHARD BENTLEY, Publisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty. 1858. [Transcriber's note:The author's spelling of the names of places and people varyconsiderably, even within a single paragraph. The spelling of placenames in the text varies from that shown on the map. The author'sspelling is reproduced as in the printed text. ] PREFACE My object in writing this DIARY OF A TOUR THROUGH OUDE was toprepare, for submission to the Government of India, as fair and fulla picture of the real state of the country, condition, and feeling ofthe people of all classes, and character of the Government underwhich they at present live, as the opportunities which the tourafforded me might enable me to draw. The DIARY must, for the present, be considered as an officialdocument, which may be perused, but cannot be published, wholly or inpart, without the sanction of Government previously obtained. * W. H. SLEEMAN. Lucknow, 1852. * This permission was accorded by the Honourable Court of Directorsin December last. [Transcriber's note: _Rambles and Recollections of an IndianOfficial_ by W. H. Sleeman 2nd Ed. 1915, p. Xxxvi notes that the dateof the permission was not December 1851, but December 1852. ] CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. Biographical Sketch of Major-General Sir W. H. Sleeman, K. C. B. Introduction Private correspondence preceding the Journey through the Kingdom ofOude ______________________________________________ CHAPTER I. Departure from Lucknow--Gholam Hazrut--Attack on the late PrimeMinister, Ameen-od-Dowla--A similar attack on the sons of a formerPrime Minister, Agar Meer--Gunga Sing and Kulunder Buksh--GorbukshSing, of Bhitolee--Gonda Bahraetch district--Rughbur Sing--PretheePut, of Paska--King of Oude and King of the Fairies--Surafraz mahal CHAPTER II. Bahraetch--Shrine of Syud Salar--King of the Fairies and theFiddlers--Management of Bahraetch district for forty-three years--Murder of Amur Sing, by Hakeem Mehndee--Nefarious transfer of_khalsa_ lands to Tallookdars, by local officers--Rajah Dursun Sing--His aggression on the Nepaul Territory--Consequences--IntelligenceDepartment--How formed, managed, and abused--Rughbur Sing'smanagement of Gonda and Bahraetch for 1846-47--Its fiscal effects--Agang-robber caught and hung by Brahmin villagers--Murder ofSyampooree Gosaen--Ramdut Pandee--Fairies and Fiddlers--RamdutPandee, the Banker--the Rajahs of Toolseepoor and Bulrampoor--Murderof Mr. Ravenscroft, of the Bengal Civil Service, at Bhinga, in 1823. CHAPTER III. Legendary tale of breach of Faith--Kulhuns tribe of Rajpoots--Murderof the Banker, Ramdut Pandee, by the Nazim of Bahraetch--Recrossingthe Ghagra river--Sultanpoor district, State of Commandants oftroops become sureties for the payment of land revenue--Estate ofMuneearpoor and the Lady Sogura--Murder of Hurpaul Sing, Gurgbunsee, of Kupragow--Family of Rajahs Bukhtawar and Dursun Sing--Their_bynama_ Lands--Law of Primogeniture--Its object and effect--RajahGhalib Jung--Good effects of protection to Tenantry--Disputes aboutBoundaries--Our army a safety-valve for Oude--Rapid decay of LandedAristocracy in our Territories--Local ties in groves, wells, &c. CHAPTER IV. Recross the Goomtee river--Sultanpoor Cantonments--Number of personsbegging redress of wrongs, and difficulty of obtaining it in Oude--Apathy of the Sovereign--Incompetence and unfitness of his Officers--Sultanpoor, healthy and well suited for Troops--Chandour, twelvemiles distant, no less so--lands of their weaker neighbours absorbedby the family of Rajah Dursun Sing, by fraud, violence, andcollusion; but greatly improved--Difficulty attending attempt torestore old Proprietors--Same absorptions have been going on in allparts of Oude--and the same difficulty to be everywhere encountered--Soils in the district, _mutteear_, _doomutteea_, _bhoor_, _oosur_--Risk at which lands are tilled under Landlords opposed to theirGovernment--Climate of Oude more invigorating than that of Malwa--Captain Magness's Regiment--Repair of artillery guns--Supply of grainto its bullocks--Civil establishment of the Nazim--Wolves--Dread ofkilling them among Hindoos--Children preserved by them in their dens, and nurtured. CHAPTER V. Salone district--Rajah Lal Hunmunt Sing of Dharoopoor--Soil of Oude--Relative fertility of the _mutteear_ and _doomutteea_--Either maybecome _oosur_, or barren, from neglect, and is reclaimed, when itdoes so, with difficulty--Shah Puna Ata, a holy man in charge of aneleemosynary endowment at Salone--Effects of his curses--Invasion ofBritish Boundary--Military Force with the Nazim--State and characterof this Force--Rae Bareilly in the Byswara district--Bandha, orMisletoe--Rana Benee Madhoo, of Shunkerpoor--Law of Primogeniture--Title of Rana contested between Benee Madhoo and Rogonath Sing--Bridge and avenue at Rae Bareilly--Eligible place for cantonment andcivil establishments--State of the Artillery--Sobha Sing's regiment--Foraging System--Peasantry follow the fortunes of their refractoryLandlords--No provision for the king's soldiers, disabled in action, or for the families of those who are killed--Our sipahees, aprivileged class, very troublesome in the Byswara and Banodadistricts--Goorbukshgunge--Man destroyed by an Elephant--Danger towhich keepers of such animals are exposed--Bys Rajpoots composed oftwo great families, Sybunsies and Nyhassas--Their continual contestsfor landed possessions--Futteh Bahader--Rogonath Sing--Mahibollah therobber and estate of Balla--Notion that Tillockchundee Bys Rajpootsnever suffer from the bite of a snake--Infanticide--Paucity ofcomfortable dwelling-houses--The cause--Agricultural capitalists--Ornaments and apparel of the females of the Bys clan--Late Nazim HamidAllee--His father-in-law Fuzl Allee--First loan from Oude to ourGovernment--Native gentlemen with independent incomes cannot residein the country--Crowd the city, and tend to alienate the Court fromthe people. CHAPTER VI. Nawabgunge, midway between Cawnpoor and Lucknow--Oosur soils howproduced--Visit from the prime minister--Rambuksh, of Dhodeeakhera--Hunmunt Sing, of Dharoopoor--Agricultural capitalists--Sipahees andnative offices of our army--Their furlough, and petitions--Requirements of Oude to secure good government. The King's reservedtreasury--Charity distributed through the _Mojtahid_, or chiefjustice--Infanticide--Loan of elephants, horses, and draft bullocksby Oude to Lord Lake in 1804--Clothing for the troops--The Akberyregiment--Its clothing, &c. , --Trespasses of a great man's camp inOude--Russoolabad and Sufeepoor districts--Buksh Allee, the dome--Budreenath, the contractor for Sufeepoor--Meeangunge--Division of theOude Territory in 1801, in equal shares between Oude and the BritishGovernments--Almas Allee Khan--His good government--The passes ofOude--Thieves by hereditary profession, and village watchmen--Rapacity of the King's troops--Total absence of all sympathy betweenthe governing and governed--Measures necessary to render the Oudetroops efficient and less mischievous to the people--Sheikh HushmutAllee, of Sundeela. BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHofMAJOR-GENERAL SIR W. H. SLEEMAN. K. C. B. _______________________ This distinguished officer, whose career in India extended over aperiod of forty years, and whose services were highly appreciated bythree Governors-General--Viscount Hardinge, the Earl of Ellenborough, and the Marquess of Dalhousie--evinced by their appointing him to themost difficult and delicate duties--was the son of Philip and MarySleeman, and was born at Stratton, Cornwall, 8th August, 1788. Inearly years he evinced a predilection for the military profession;and at the age of twenty-one (October, 1809), through the goodoffices of the late Lord De Dunstanville, he was appointed anInfantry Cadet in the Bengal army. Thither he proceeded as soon aspossible, and was promoted successively to the rank of Ensign, 23rdSeptember, 1810; Lieutenant, 16th December, 1814; Brevet-Captain, 24th April, 1824; Captain, 23rd September, 1826; Major, 1st February, 1837; Lieutenant-Colonel, 26th May, 1843; Colonel, 24th November, 1853; and obtained the rank of Major-General 28th November, 1854. Early in his career he served in the Nepaulese war. The value of histalents soon became known, and in 1816, when it was considerednecessary to investigate a claim to property as prize-money arisingout of that war, Lieutenant Sleeman was selected to inquire into it. The report was accordingly made by him in February 1817, which wasdesignated by the Government as "able, impartial, and satisfactory. " In 1820 he was appointed junior Assistant to the Agent of theGovernor-General at Saugur, and remained in the Civil Department inthe Saugur and Nerbudda territories, with the exception of absence onsick certificate, for nearly a quarter of a century. Here hemanifested that, if he had been efficient in an inferior position, hewas also an able administrator in a superior post. He distinguishedhimself so much by his activity in the suppression of the horriblepractice of Thuggism, then so prevalent, that, in 1835, he wasemployed exclusively in the Thuggee Department; his appointment inthe Saugur and Nerbudda districts being kept open, and his promotiongoing on. The very valuable Papers upon Thuggism submitted to theGovernor-General were chiefly drawn up by Sir William Sleeman, andthe department specially commissioned for this important purpose wasnot only organised but worked by him. In consequence of ill-health, however, at the end of 1836, he was compelled to resign thisappointment; but on his return to duty in February 1839, he wasnominated to the combined offices of Commissioner for the Suppressionof Thuggee and Dacoity. In 1842 he was employed on a special mission in Bundelcund, toinquire into the causes of the recent disturbances there, and heremained in that district, with additional duties, as Resident atGwalior, from 1844 until 1849, when he was removed to the highlyimportant office of Resident at the Court of Lucknow. Colonel Sleemanheld his office at Gwalior in very critical times, which resulted inhostilities and the battle of Maharajpore. But for a noble andunselfish act he would have received this promotion at an earlierperiod. The circumstance was this: Colonel Low, the Resident at thattime, hearing that his father was dangerously ill, tendered hisresignation to Lord Auckland, who immediately offered the appointmentto Colonel Sleeman. No sooner had this occurred, however, thanColonel Low wrote to his Lordship that, since he had resigned, thehouse of Gaunter and Co. , of Calcutta, in which his brother was apartner, had failed, and, in consequence, every farthing he had savedhad been swept away. Under this painful contingency be begged toplace himself in his Lordship's hands. This letter was sent by LordAuckland to Colonel Sleeman, who immediately wrote to Colonel Low, begging that he would retain his situation at Lucknow. This generousconduct of Colonel Sleeman was duly appreciated; and Lord Auckland, on leaving India, recommended him to the particular notice of hissuccessor. Lord Ellenborough, who immediately appointed ColonelSleeman to Jhansi with an additional 1000_l_. A-year to his income. Colonel Sleeman held the appointment of Resident at Lucknow from theyear 1849 until 1856. During this period his letters and diary showhis unwearied efforts to arrive at the best information on all pointswith regard to Oude. These will enable the reader to form a just, opinion on the highly-important subject of the annexation of thiskingdom to British India. The statements of Colonel Sleeman bearinward evidence of his great administrative talents, his high andhonourable character, and of his unceasing endeavours to promote thebest interests of the King of Oude, so that his kingdom might havebeen preserved to him. Colonel Sleeman's views were directly opposedto annexation, as his letters clearly show. His long and arduous career was now, however, fast drawing to aclose. So early as the summer of 1854 it became evident that thehealth of General Sleeman was breaking up, and in the August of thatyear he was attacked by alarming illness. "Forty-six years ofincessant labour, " observes a writer at this date, "have had theirinfluence even on his powerful frame: he has received one of thoseterrible warnings believed to indicate the approach of paralysis. With General Sleeman will depart the last hope of any improvement inthe condition of the unhappy country of Oude. Though belonging to theelder class of Indian officials, he has never been Hindooized. Hefully appreciated the evils of a native throne: he has sternly, andeven haughtily, pointed out to the King the miseries caused by hisincapacity, and has frequently extorted from his fears the mercywhich it was vain to hope from his humanity. " Later in the year. General Sleeman went to the hills, in the hope ofrecruiting his wasted health by change of air and scene; but theexpectation proved vain, and he was compelled to take passage forEngland. But it was now too late: notwithstanding the best medicalaid, he gradually sank, and, after a long illness, died on hispassage from Calcutta, on the 10th February, 1856, at the age ofsixty-seven. His Indian career was, indeed, long and honourable his labours mostmeritorious. He was one of those superior men which the Indianservice is constantly producing, who have rendered the name ofEnglishman respected throughout the vast empire of British India, andwhose memory will endure so long as British power shall remain in theEast. It is well known that Lord Dalhousie, on his relinquishing the IndianGovernment, recommended General Sleeman and two other distinguishedofficers in civil employment for some mark of the royal favour, andhe was accordingly nominated K. C. B. , 4th February, 1856; of whichhonour his Lordship apprised him in a highly gratifying letter. But, however high the reputation of an officer placed in suchcircumstances--and none stood higher than Sir William Sleeman, notonly in the estimation of the Governor-General and the HonourableCompany, but also in the opinion of the inhabitants of India, wherehe had served with great ability for forty years, and won the respectand love particularly of the natives, who always regarded him astheir friend, and by whom his equity was profoundly appreciated--itwas to be anticipated, as a matter of course, that his words andactions would be distorted and misrepresented by a Court soatrociously infamous. This, no doubt, he was prepared to expect, TheKing, or rather the creatures who surrounded him, would at all costendeavour to prevent any investigation into their gross malpractices, and seek to slander the man they were unable to remove. The annexation of Oude to the British dominions followed, but not asa consequence of Sir W. Sleeman's report. No greater injustice can bedone than to assert that he advised such a course. His letters proveexactly the reverse. He distinctly states, in his correspondence withthe Governor-General, Lord Dalhousie, that the annexation of Oudewould cost the British power more than the value of ten suchkingdoms, and would inevitably lead to a mutiny of the Sepoys. Heconstantly maintains the advisability of frontier kingdoms undernative sovereigns, that the people themselves might observe thecontrast, to the advantage of the Honourable Company, of the wise andequitable administration of its rule compared with the oppressive andcruel despotism of their own princes. Sir William Sleeman hadprofoundly studied the Indian character in its different races, andwas deservedly much beloved by them for his earnest desire to promotetheir welfare, and for the effectual manner in which, on alloccasions in his power, and these were frequent, he redressed theevils complained of, and extended the _Ćgis_ of British power overthe afflicted and oppressed. __________________________ INTRODUCTION. THE following Narrative of a "Pilgrimage" through the kingdom of Oudewas written by the late Major-General Sir William Sleeman in 1851(while a Resident at the Court of Lucknow), at the request of theGovernor-General the Marquess of Dalhousie, in order to acquaint theHonourable Company with the actual condition of that kingdom, andwith the view of pointing out the best measures to be suggested tothe King for the improvement and amelioration of the country andpeople. So early as October, 1847, the King of Oude had been informed by theGovernor-General, that if his system of rule were not materiallyamended (for it was disgraceful and dangerous to any neighbouringpower to permit its continuance in its present condition) before twoyears had expired, the British Government would find it necessary totake steps for such purpose in his name. Accordingly on the 16thSeptember, 1848, the Governor-General addressed the following letterto Sir William Sleeman, commissioning him to make a personal visit toall parts of the kingdom:-- "_Government House, Sept_. 16, 1848. "My Dear COLONEL SLEEMAN, --It was a matter of regret to me that I hadnot anticipated your desire to succeed Colonel Sutherland inRajpootana before I made arrangements which prevented my offeringthat appointment to you. I now regret it no longer, since the courseof events has put it in my power to propose an arrangement whichwill, I apprehend, be more agreeable to you, and which will make yourservices more _actively_ beneficial to the State. "Colonel Richmond has intimated his intention of immediatelyresigning the Residency at Lucknow. The communication made by theGovernor-General to the King of Oude, in October, 1847, gave HisMajesty to understand that if the condition of Government was notvery materially amended before two years had expired, the managementfor his behoof would be taken into the hands of the BritishGovernment. "There seems little reason to expect or to hope that in October, 1849, any amendment whatever will have been effected. Thereconstruction of the internal administration of a great, rich, andoppressed country, is a noble as well as an arduous task for theofficer to whom the duty is intrusted, and the Government haverecourse to one of the best of its servants for that purpose. "The high reputation you have earned, your experience of civiladministration, your knowledge of the people, and the qualificationsyou possess as a public man, have led me to submit your name to theCouncil of India as an officer to whom I could commit this importantcharge with entire confidence that its duties would be wellperformed. I do myself, therefore, the honour of proposing to you toaccept the office of Resident at Lucknow, with especial reference tothe great changes which, in all probability, will take place. Retaining your superintendency of Thuggee affairs, it will bemanifestly necessary that you should be relieved from the dutyof the trials of Thugs usually condemned at Lucknow. "In the hope that you will not withhold from the Government yourservices in the capacity I have named, and in the further hope offinding an opportunity of personally making your acquaintance, "I have the honour to be, "Dear Colonel Sleeman, "Very faithfully yours, "DALHOUSIE. " "To Colonel Sleeman, &c. , &c. " Immediately on receipt of this despatch, Sir William proceeded tomake the necessary inquiry. Doubtless the King (instigated by hisMinisters and favourites, who dreaded the exposure of all theirinfamous proceedings) would have prevented this investigation, which, he was aware, would furnish evidence of gross mal-administration, cruelty, and oppression almost unparalleled; but Sir William Sleemanwas too well acquainted with the character of the people of the Eastto be moved either by cajolery or menaces from the important dutywhich had devolved upon him. Sir William Sleeman's position as Resident enabled him to ascertainthoroughly the real state of Oude; and the great respect with whichhe was universally received manifests the high opinion entertained ofhim personally by all ranks. The details he has given of theprevailing anarchy and lawlessness throughout the kingdom, wouldscarcely be believed were they not vouched for by an officer ofestablished reputation and integrity. Firmness united to amenity ofmanner were indeed the characteristics of Sir William in hisimportant and delicate office at such a Court--a Court where theKing, deputing the conduct of business to Ministers influenced by thebasest motives, and who constantly sacrificed justice to bribery andlow intrigues, gave himself up to the effeminate indulgence of hisharem, and the society of eunuchs and fiddlers. His Majesty appearsto have been governed by favourites of the hour selected throughutter caprice, and to have permitted, if he did not order, suchatrocious cruelties and oppression as rendered the kingdom of Oude adisgrace to the British rule in India, and called for stronginterference, on the score of humanity alone, as well as with thehope of compelling amendment. The letter addressed by Lord Dalhousie to Sir William Sleemanexpresses the desire of the Governor-General that he should endeavourto inform himself of the actual state of Oude, and render hisNarrative a guide to the Honourable Company in its Report to theCourt of Directors. The details furnish but too faithful a picture ofthe miserable condition of the people, equally oppressed by theexactions of the King's army and collectors, and by the gangs ofrobbers and lawless chieftains who infest the whole territory, rendering tenure so doubtful that no good dwellings could be erected, and land only partially cultivated; whilst the numberless crueltiesand atrocious murders surpass belief. Shut up in his harem, the voiceof justice seldom reached the ear of the monarch, and when it did, was scarcely heeded. The Resident, it will be seen, was beset duringhis journey with petitions for redress so numerous, that, anxious ashe was to do everything in his power to mitigate the horrors hewitnessed, he frequently gives vent to the pain he experienced atfinding relief impracticable. The Narrative contains an unvarnished but unexaggerated picture ofthe actual state of Oude, with many remedial suggestions; but directannexation formed no part of the policy which Sir William Sleemanrecommended. To this measure he was strenuously opposed, as isdistinctly proved by his letters appended to the Journal. At the sametime, he repeatedly affirms the total unfitness of the King togovern. These opinions are still further corroborated by thefollowing letter from his private correspondence, 1854-5, writtenwhen Resident at Lucknow, and published in the _Times_ in Novemberlast:-- "The system of annexation, pursued by a party in this country, andfavoured by Lord Dalhousie and his Council, has, in my opinion, andin that of a large number of the ablest men in India, a downwardtendency--a tendency to crush all the higher and middle classesconnected with the land. These classes it should be our object tocreate and foster, that we might in the end inspire them with afeeling of interest in the stability of our rule. _We shall find afew years hence the tables turned against us_. In fact, theaggressive and absorbing policy, which has done so much mischief oflate in India, is beginning to create feelings of alarm in the nativemind; and it is when the popular mind becomes agitated by such alarmsthat fanatics will always be found ready to step into Paradise overthe bodies of the most prominent of those from whom injury isapprehended. I shall have nothing new to do at Lucknow. LordDalhousie and I have different views, I fear. If he wishes anythingdone that I do not think right and honest, I resign, and leave it tobe done by others. I desire a strict adherence to solemn engagements, whether made with white faces or black. We have no right to annex orconfiscate Oude; but we have a right, under the treaty of 1837, totake the management of it, but not to appropriate its revenues toourselves. We can do this with honour to our Government and benefitto the people. To confiscate would be dishonest and dishonourable. Toannex would be to give the people a government almost as bad as theirown, if we put our screw upon them. My position here has been and isdisagreeable and unsatisfactory: we have a fool of a king, a knave ofa minister, and both are under the influence of one of the cleverest, most intriguing, and most unscrupulous villains in India. " Major Bird, in his pamphlet "Dacoitee in Excelsis, " whileendeavouring to establish a case for the King of Oude, has assumedthat Sir William Sleeman was an instrument in the hands of LordDalhousie, to carry out his purpose of annexing Oude to BritishIndia. The letters, now first printed, entirely refute this hasty anderroneous statement. Major Bird has, in fact, withdrawn it himself ina lecture delivered by him at Southampton on Tuesday, the 16th ofFebruary, 1858. It will be seen that Sir W. Sleeman's "Diary" commences on December1, 1849. To preserve chronological order, the letters written beforethat date are prefixed; those which refer to a later period are addedat the end of the narrative. __________________________ PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCEPRECEDING THE JOURNEY THROUGH THE KINGDOM OF OUDE. Camp, 20th February, 1848. My Dear Sir, I thank you for your letter of the 10th instant, and am of opinionthat you may be able to make good use of Bhurut Sing under judiciousmanagement, and strict surveillance; but you do not mention who andwhat he is--whether he is a prisoner under sentence, or a free agent, or of what caste and profession. Some men make these offers in orderto have opportunities of escape, while engaged in the pretendedsearch after associates in crime; others to extort money from thosewhom they may denounce, or have the authority and means to arrest. Heshould be made to state distinctly the evidence he has againstpersons, and the way he got it; and all should be recorded againstthe names of the persons in a Register. Major Riddell is wellacquainted with our mode of proceedings in all such cases, and Irecommend you to put yourself in communication, as soon as possible, with him, and Mr. Dampier, the Superintendent of Police, whofortunately takes the greatest possible interest in all such matters. I have no supervision whatever over the officers of the departmentemployed in Bengal; all rests entirely with Mr. Dampier. You mightwrite to him at once, and tell him that you are preparing such aRegister as I suggest; and if he is satisfied with the evidence, hewill authorise the arrest of all or part, and well reward Bhurut Singfor his services. Believe me, My Dear Sir, With best wishes for your success, Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Capt. J. Innes, Barrackpoor. _________________________ Camp, 20th February, 1848. My Dear Colonel Sutherland, There are at Jubulpore a good many of the Bagree decoits, who havebeen sentenced as approvers, by the Courts of Punchaet, inRajpootana, to imprisonment for very short periods. Unless they areordered to be retained when these periods expire, on a requisition ofsecurity for their future good behaviour, they will make off, andassuredly return to their hereditary trade. The ordinary pay of thegrades open to them in our police and other establishments, will notsatisfy them when they find that we have no hold upon them, and theybecome more and more troublesome as the time for their enlargementapproaches. I send you copies of the letters from Government of the 27th June, 1839, from which you will see that it was intended that allprofessional decoits who gave us their services on a promise ofconditional pardon, should have a sentence of imprisonment for liferecorded against them, the execution of which was to be suspendedduring their good behaviour, and eventually altogether remitted incases where they might be deemed to have merited, by a course of trueand faithful services, such an indulgence. In all other parts, aswell as in our own provinces as in native states, such sentences, have been recorded against these men, and they have cheerfullysubmitted to them, under the assurance that they and their childrenwould be provided with the means of earning an honest livelihood; butin Rajpootana it has been otherwise. By Act 24, of 1843, all such professional gang-robbers are declaredliable to a sentence, on conviction, of imprisonment for life; andeverywhere else a sentence of imprisonment for life has been passedupon all persons convicted of being gang-robbers by profession. Thisis indispensably necessary for the entire suppression of the systemwhich Government has in view. Do you not think that in your Courtsthe final sentence might be left to the European functionaries, andthe verdict only left to the Punchaets? The greater part of thosealready convicted in these Courts will have to be released soon, andall who are so will certainly return to their trade; and the systemwill continue in spite of all our efforts to put it down. I have justbeen at Jubulpore, and the bearing of the Bagree decoits, sent fromAjmeer by Buch, is quite different from that of those who have had asentence of imprisonment for life passed against them in otherquarters, and is very injurious to them, for they get so bad a namethat no one will venture to give them service of any kind. Do, I prayyou, think of a remedy for the future. The only one that strikes meis that above suggested, of leaving the final sentence to theEuropean officers. I need not say that I was delighted at your getting the great DougerSing by the means you had yourself proposed for the pursuit--sendingan officer with authority to disregard boundaries. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. S. SLEEMAN To Col. Sutherland. ______________________________ Jhansee, 4th March, 1848. My Lord, I had the gratification to receive your Lordship's letter of the 7thof January last, at Nursingpore, in the valley of the Nerbudda, whereI commenced my Civil career more than a quarter of a century before, and where, of all places, I should have wished to receive so graciousa testimonial from such high authority. I should have earlierexpressed by grateful acknowledgments, and prepared the narrative sofrequently called for, but I was then engaged in preparing a Reporton Gang-robbery in India, and wished first to make a little moreprogress, that I might be able to speak more confidently of itsultimate completion and submission to Government. In a less perfectform this Report was, at the earnest recommendation of the thenLieut. -Governor N. W. P. , the Honourable T. Robertson, and with thesanction of the Governor-General Lord Auckland, sent to theGovernment press so long back as 1842, but his Lordship appeared tome to think that the printing had better be deferred till moreprogress had been made in the work of putting down the odious systemof crime which the Report exposed, and I withdrew it from the presswith little hope of ever again having any leisure to devote to it, orfinding any other person able and willing to undertake itscompletion. During the last rains, however, I began again to arrange the confusedmass of papers which I found lying in a box; but in October I wasinterrupted by a severe attack of fever, and unable to do anythingbut the current duties of my office till I commenced my tour throughthe Saugor territories, in November. I have since nearly completedthe work, and hope to be able to submit it to Government before theend of this month in a form worthy of its acceptation. I am afraid that the narrative of my humble services will be foundmuch longer than it ought to be, but I have written it hastily thatit might go by this mail, and it is the first attempt I have everthought of making at such a narrative, for I have gone on quietly"through evil and through good report, " doing, to the best of myability, the duties which it has pleased the Government of India, from time to time, to confide to me, in the manner which appeared tome most conformable to its wishes and its honour, satisfied andgrateful for the trust and confidence which enabled me to do so muchgood for the people, and to secure so much of their attachment andgratitude to their rulers. Permit me to subscribe myself, with great respect, Your Lordship'sfaithful and obedient humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Lieut. -General the Right Hon. Henry Viscount Hardinge, &c. &c. &c. _________________________ Jhansee, 4th March, 1848. Dear Sir, Lord Hardinge, in a letter dated the 7th of January last, requestedme to make out a narrative of my humble services in India, and tosend it under cover to you, as he expected to embark on the 15th, before he could receive it in Calcutta. I take the liberty to send myreply with the narrative, open, and to request that you will do methe favour to have them sealed and forwarded to his Lordship. Believe me, dear Sir, Yours very faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To J. Cosmo Melvill, Secretary to the East India Company, India House, London. _________________________ Jhansee, 28th March, 1848. My Dear Elliot, The Court of Directors complain that decoit prisoners are not triedas soon as they are caught, but they know little of the difficultiesthat the officers under me find in getting them tried, for politicalofficers have, in truth, had little encouragement to undertake suchduties, and it is only a few choice spirits that have entered uponthe duty _con amore_. General Nott prided, himself upon doing nothingwhatever while he was at Lucknow; General Pollock did all he could, but it was not much; and Colonel Richmond does nothing. There theBuduk decoits, Thugs, and poisoners, remain without sentences, andwill do so till Richmond goes, unless you give him a fillip. If youtell him to apply for an assistant to aid him in the conduct of thetrials, and tell him to nominate his own, he may go to work, and Iearnestly pray you to do something, or the Oude Turae will becomewhat it had for ages been before we cleaned it out. Davidson wasprevented from doing anything by technical difficulties, so that outof _four Residents we have not got four days' work_. You will soon get my Report, and it will be worth having, and thelast I shall make on crime in India. If Hercules had not had better instruments he could not so easilyhave cleared out his stable; but he had no "Honourable Court" to findfault with his mode of doing the thing, I conclude. The fact is, however, that our prisoners are pretty well tried before they getinto quod. Mr. Bird will be delighted at the manner in which he isintroduced in my first chapter, and many another good officer wellpleased. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , Secretary to the Government of India, Calcutta. _________________________________ Jhansee, 29th March, 1848. My Dear Maddock, I hope you will not disapprove of the resolution to which I have comeof resigning the charge of the Saugor territories, now thattranquillity has been restored, --the best possible feelings among thepeople prevail, and the object you had in view in recommending LordEllenborough to confide that charge to me has been effected, --or ofthe manner in which I have tendered my resignation. Were I longer toretain the charge, I should be subjected to humiliations which theexigencies of the public service do not require that I should at thistime of life submit to, and I shall have enough of labour and anxietyin the charge that will still remain to me. If an opening for Sir R. Shakespear could be found, his salary might be saved by my residencebeing transferred to Gwalior. If either Hamilton or I were to beremoved to some other post, it would be well to reduce Gwalior andIndore to political agencies, under the supervision of an agent, asin Rajpootana, with Bundelcund added to his charge. The latter ofthese two measures has, you know, been under consideration, and was, I think, proposed by Sutherland when you were at Gwalior with LordAuckland. Had the Lieutenant-Governor known more of the Saugorterritories when he wrote the paper on which Government is nowacting, he would not, I think, have described the state of things ashe has done, or urged the introduction of the system which must endin minutely subdividing all leases, and in having all questionsregarding land tenures removed into the civil Courts, as in theprovinces. It is the old thing, "nothing like leather. " I shall notweary you by anything more on this subject. I hope a good man will beselected for the charge. The selection of Mr. M. Smith as successorto Mr. Brown was a good one. My letter will go off to-day, and be, Itrust, well received. I am grieved that Clerk has been obliged toquit his post; he has been throughout his career an ornament to yourservice, but his friends seem all along to have apprehended that hecould not long stand the climate of Bombay. I am anxious to learn howlong you are to remain in Council. Yours very sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Hon. Sir T. H. Maddock, &c. &c. &c. _______________________________ Jhansee, 2nd April, 1848. My Dear Elliot, Till I this morning got the public letter, which will go off to-day, I never heard one word about Shakespear's intention or wish to go tothe hills, and only thirteen days remain. The orders of Government asto his _locum tenens_ cannot reach me by the 15th, when he is toleave, and I shall have to put in some one to take charge, as thereis a treasury under his management. If Government wish to take Major Stevens from the Byza Bae, and givehim some other employment, he might be sent to act for Captain Ross;but I know nothing of his fitness for such an office. I believe you know Captain Ross, and I need say nothing more thanwhat I have said in my public letter. If he be sent to Gwalior, Ihope a good officer may be sent to act for him in Thalone, for theduties are very heavy and responsible. Blake will do very well, andso would his second in command, Captain Erskine, of the 73rd, who isan excellent civil officer. I must pray you to let me have the ordersof Government on the subject as soon as possible. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. P. S. --I should consider Major Stevens an able man for a civil charge, but have never seen him. (Signed) W. H. S. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. __________________________ Jhansee, 6th May, 1848. My Dear Maddock, Your kind letter of the 21st ultimo had prepared me for the publicone of the 28th, which I got yesterday from Elliot, and I wrote offat once, to say simply that I should be glad to suspend or towithdraw the application contained in my letter of the 29th of March, as might appear best to Government; and that I should not have madeit at all, had I apprehended that a compliance with it would havebeen attended with any inconvenience. With the knowledge I have acquired of the duties of the severalofficers, and the entire command of my time here at a quiet place, and long-established methodical habits, I can get through the workvery well, though it becomes trying sometimes. Arrears I never allowto accumulate, and regular hours, and exercise, and sparing diet, with water beverage, keep me always in condition for office work. Ioften wish that you could have half the command of your hours, modeof living, and movements, that I have. However, they will soon bemuch more free than mine. I am very glad that you have the one yearmore for a wind up; and hope that good fortune will attend you to thelast. You say nothing, however, about your foot. The papers andletters from home have just come in. I hear that Lord John is veryunwell, and will not be able to stand the work many months more, andthat Sir R. Peel is obliged to be _cupped_ once a-week, and could notpossibly take office. Who is to take helm in the troubled ocean, noone knows. I am glad that Metternich has been kicked out, for he andLouis Philippe are the men that have put in peril the peace andinstitutions of all Europe. I only wish that the middle class was asstrong in France as it is in England; it is no doubt infinitelystronger than it was; while the lower order is better than that ofEngland, I believe, for such occasions. They have good men now in theprovisional Government--so they had in 1788; and, like them, thepresent men will probably be swept away by the mob. They are not, however, likely to be embarrassed by other nations, since the days ofPitt and George III. Are passed away, and so are the feudal timeswhen the barons could get up civil wars for their own selfishpurposes. There are no characters sufficiently prominent to get up acivil war, but the enormous size of the army is enough to createfeelings of disquiet. It is, however, officered from the middleclasses, who have property at stake, and must be more or lessinterested in the preservation of order. The Government has no money to send to Algiers, and must reduce itsstrength there, so that Egypt is in no danger at present; were it so, we should be called upon to defend it from India, and could well doso. It is evident that the whole French nation was alienated fromLouis Philippe, and prepared to cast off him and all his family, though, as you say, I do not believe that there was anywhere anydesign to oust him and put down monarchy. Had he thrown off Guizot alittle sooner, and left some able military leaders free to act, the_émeute_ would have been put down; but those who could have acted didnot feel free to do so: they did not feel sure of the king, whilethey were sure of the odium of the people. I am not at all sorry forthe change. I am persuaded that it will work good for Europe; butstill its peace and best institutions are in peril at present. We arein no danger here, because people do not understand such things; andbecause England is in a prouder position than ever, and will, Itrust, retain it. Lord Grey seems an able man at home, but he is, I believe, hot-headed, and Lord Stanley is ten times worse; he would soon have upthe barricades in London. Lord Clarendon seems a safe guide, but_Peel_ is the man for the time, if he has the stamina. LordPalmerston has conducted the duties of his office with admirable tactof late; and much of the good feeling that prevails in Europe towardsEngland at present seems to arise from it. Amelie begs to be mostkindly remembered; she is here with her little boy--two girls atMunsoorie, and two girls and a boy at home. Yours very sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Hon. Sir T. H. Maddock, &c. &c. &c. ______________________________ Jhansee, 14th May, 1848. My Dear Weston, I have been directed by Government to name an officer whom I mayconsider competent to superintend the suppression of Thuggee in thePunjaub, where a new class has been discovered, and some progress hasbeen made in finding and arresting them. I have, in reply, mentionedthat I should have Captain Williams, of the 29th, and CaptainChambers, of the 21st; but their services might not be consideredavailable, since the prescribed number of captains are already absentfrom their regiments, and, in consequence, I have you. I know notwhether you will like the duties; if not, pray tell me as soon aspossible. The salary is 700 rupees a-month, with office-rent 40, andestablishments 152. The duties are interesting and important; and sogood a foundation has been laid by Larkins and the other localauthorities, and all are so anxious to have the evil put down, thatyou will have the most cordial support and co-operation of all, andthe fairest prospect of success. But you will have to apply yourselfsteadily to work, and if you have not _passed_, you should do so assoon as possible. I do not see P. Opposite your name, and Governmentmay possibly object on this ground. Let all this be _entre nous_ forthe present. If you undertake the duties, you will have to go to Lodheeana, seeingMajor Graham at Agra, on the way, to get a little insight into thework. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. P. S. --You will be in the most interesting scene in India, and need beunder no apprehension about the permanency of the appointment. To Lieut. Weston, &c. &c. ________________________________ Jhansee, 18th May, 1848. My Dear Maddock, Things are not going on so well as could be wished in the Punjaub;and it appears to me that we have been there committing an error ofthe same kind that we committed in Afghanistan--that is, taking uponourselves the most odious part of the executive administration. Insuch a situation this should have been avoided, if possible. There isa kind of chivalry in this--if there is anything odious to be done, or repugnant to the feelings of the people, a young Englishman thinkshe must do it himself, lest he should be thought disposed to shiftoff a painful burthen upon others; and he thinks it unbecoming of usto pay any regard to popular feeling. Of course, also, the officersof the Sikh State are glad to get rid of such burthens while they seeEnglish gentlemen ready to carry them. Now, it strikes me that wemight, with a little tact, have altered all this, and retained thegood feelings of the people, by throwing the executive upon theofficers of the Sikh State, and remaining ourselves in the dignifiedposition of Appellate Courts for the redress of grievances inflictedby these officers in neglect of duty or abuse of authority. Our dutywould have been to guide, control, and check, and the head of allmight have been like the sovereigns of England--known only by hisacts of grace. By keeping in this dignified position we should not only haveretained the good feelings of the people, but we should have beenteaching the Sikh officers their administrative duties till the timecomes for making over the country; and the chief and Court would havefound the task, made over to them under such a system, more easy tosustain. In Afghanistan we did the reverse of all this, and becameintolerably odious to the mass of the people; for they saw thateverything that was harsh was done by us, and the officers of theKing were disposed to confirm and increase this impression becausethey were not employed. The people of the Punjaub are not suchfanatics, and they are more divided in creed and caste, while theysee no ranges of snowy mountains, barren rocks, and difficult passesbetween us and our reinforcements and resources; but it seems clearthat there is a good deal of excitement and bad feeling growing upamongst them that may be very mischievous. All the newspapers, English and native, make the administration appear to be altogetherEnglish--it is Captain This, Mr. That, who do, or are expected to do, everything; and all over the country the native chiefs will think, that the leaving the country to the management of the Sirdars was amere mockery and delusion. We should keep our hands as much as possible out of the harsh anddirty part of the executive work, that the European officers may belooked up to with respect as the effectual check upon the nativeadministrators; always prepared to check any disposition on theirpart to neglect their duty or abuse their power, and thereby bringtheir Government into disrepute. Of course, the outrage at Mooltanmust be avenged, and our authority there established; but, when thisis done, Currie should be advised to avoid the rock upon which ourfriend Macnaghten was wrecked. We are too impatient to jump down thethroats of those who venture to look us in the face, and to forceupon them our modes of doing the work of the country, and tosuperintend the doing it ourselves in all its details, or having itdone by creatures of our own, commonly ten times more odious to thepeople than we are ourselves. It is unfortunate that this outrage, and the excitement to which ithas given rise, should have come so quickly upon Lord Hardinge'sassurances at the London feast, and amidst the turmoil of popularmovements at home. It has its use in showing us the necessity ofbeing always prepared. Baba Bulwunt Row tells me that he has got a letter from you in theform of Khureela, and claims one from me on that ground. Shall Icomply? We have avoided this hitherto, as the Pundits put him up toclaim everything that the Bae's family had, not even omitting theThalone principality; and hints have been dropped of a mission toEngland, if the money could be got. I wish to subdue thesepretensions for his own sake, that he may not be entirely ruined bytemptations to expensive displays. He has now got the entiremanagement of his own affairs, and is a sensible, well-disposed lad. He was never recognised as the Bae's successor by Government or theAgent, nor was he written to on the Bae's death. Cunput Row Bhaca wasthe person addressed in the letter of condolence. His son has runthrough all he has or can borrow, and is in a bad way. Moresor Rowhas the reputation of being very rich, though he pleads povertyalways. The whole of the Saugor territories, save Mundla, havebenefited by two very fine seasons, with great demand for landproduce, and the people are happy. I have asked for reductions inMundla, to save the little of tillage and population that has beenleft. The whole revenue is a mere trifle in such a jungle as you knowit to be, and when once the people go off, there is no getting themback. Deer destroy the crops upon the few fields left, tigers come toeat the deer, and malaria follows, to sweep off the remaining fewfamilies. I must not prose any longer at present. Amelia often talks of you, and begs to be kindly remembered. Ever yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Hon. Sir T. H. Maddock, &c. &c. &c. ____________________________ Jhansee, 28th May, 1848. My Dear Maddock, I yesterday sent off by Dawk Bangy an elaborate Report on Dacoits byhereditary profession, and on the measures adopted by the Governmentof India for their suppression, and hope it will reach Calcuttabefore the rains set in heavily. Government may be justly proud ofthe good which it shows to have been effected for the people of Indiain the course of a brief period; and I am glad that you have for thisperiod been a member of it. There is much in the Report to interestthe general reader, but much of what is inserted would, of course, have been left out by any one who had to consult the wishes of suchreaders only. At this time last year I had not the slightest hope of ever beingable to lay such a Report before Government; for I never expected tofind leisure in my present office, and could not carry the requisiterecords with me, if driven away by sickness, to where I might findit. The papers lay mouldering in an old box, to which I had consignedthem in 1840, when I withdrew them from the press, under theimpression that Lord Auckland thought that the exposition of theterrible evil ought not to appear till more progress had been made inits suppression; as G. Thompson and other itinerant orators would beglad to get hold of them to abuse the Government. The Report isinfinitely more interesting and complete than it could have beenthen, and may bid defiance to all such orators. If printed, it will take from 400 to 450 pages, such as those of thelate Report on the Indian Penal Code, and be a neat and useful volumefor reference. I began it in the rains last year, but was stoppedshort by a fever, and unable to continue it till I set out on mytour. Three-fourths of it was written in the intervals between themorning's march and breakfast-time during my tour through the Saugorterritories. The tables of dacoitees ascertained to have been committed by thedacoits described, and of the conditionally pardoned offenders, willfollow, and be found useful for reference, but should not, perhaps, be in the same volume with the text of the Report; of that, however, I leave Government to judge. I thank God that I have been able toplace before it so complete and authentic a record of what has beendone to carry out its views. Ever most sincerely yours, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Hon. Sir T. H. Maddock, &c. &c. &c. Jhansee, 15th August, 1848. My Lord, As it is possible that the letter which I addressed to your Lordshipon the 6th of March last, and sent open to Mr. Melvill, the Secretaryat the India House, may have miscarried; I write to mention that Isent it, lest it might be supposed that I was insensible of thekindness which induced your Lordship to write to me before leavingIndia. The work which made me delay so long to reply to that letteris now being printed in Calcutta, under the authority of Government;and, as it contains much that is curious and entertaining, andhonourable to our rule in India, I trust at no distant day to havethe honour of presenting a copy to your Lordship. Amidst events of such absorbing interest as are now taking placeevery day in Europe, India cannot continue long to engage much ofyour thoughts; for, with the exception of the little outbreak atMooltan, tranquillity prevails, and is likely to do so for some time. There has been delay in putting down the Mooltan rebels, but the nextmail will, I hope, take home news of the work having been effectuallydone. This delay seems to have arisen from a notion that troops oughtnot to be employed in the hot winds and rains; but when occasionrequires they can be employed at all times, and the people of Indiarequire to be assured that they can be so. It has not, I think, beenfound that troops actually employed in the hot winds and rains losemore men than in cantonments, at least native troops. It was, I think, your Lordship's intention that, in the Lahore state, we should guide, direct, and supervise the administration, but nottake all the executive upon ourselves, to the exclusion of all theold native aristocracy, as we had done in Afghanistan. This policyhas not, I am afraid, been adhered to sufficiently; and we have, probably, less of the sympathy and cordial good-will of the higherand middle classes than we should otherwise have had. But I am toofar from the scene to be a fair judge in such matters. The policy of interposing Hindoo native states between us and thebeggarly fanatical countries to the north-west no wise man can, Ithink, doubt; for, however averse our Government may be to encroachand creep on, it would be drawn on by the intermeddling dispositionsand vainglory of local authorities; and every step would be ruinous, and lead to another still more ruinous. With the Hindooprincipalities on our border we shall do very well, and trust that weshall long be able to maintain them in the state required for theirown interests and ours. I wish England would put forth its energies to raise the colony ofNew Zealand, the queen of the Pacific Ocean; for the relationsbetween that island and India must some day become very intimate, andthe sooner it begins the better. I am very glad to find by the lastmail that the French have put their affairs into better hands--thoseof practical men, instead of visionaries. Believe me, with great respect, Your Lordship's obedient, humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Lieut. -General the Right Hon. Henry Viscount Hardinge, G. C. B. , &c. &c. &c. ____________________________ Jhansee, 22nd August 1848. My Dear Sir Erskine, I thank you for kindly sending me a copy of your Address to theNative Youth at Bombay and their Parents, and should have done soearlier, but it has been in circulation among many of my friends whofeel interested in the subject. Whatever may be thought of thequestion as to where we should begin, all concur in acknowledging thetruth of your conclusions as to the value and use of the knowledge wewish to impart, and in admiring the language and sentiment of yourAddress. There are some passages of great beauty, which I wish all personscould read and remember; and I do not recollect ever having seen onethat has pleased me more, for its truths and elegance, than thatbeginning, "But if a manufacturing population. " That which beginswith--"The views, young men, as to the true object and ends to beattained, " is no less truthful and excellent. It is unfortunate that the education which we have to supplant inIndia is so blended with the religion of the people, as far asHindoos are concerned, that we cannot make progress without excitingalarm. Had a nation, endowed with all the knowledge we have, comeinto Europe in the days of Galileo and Copernicus, and attempted toimpart it to the mass of the people, or to the higher classes only, the same alarm would have been raised, or nearly the same. We must becontent with small, or slow progress; but there are certain branchesof knowledge, highly useful to the people, that are finding their wayamong them from our metropolitan establishments, and working good. I might better have said, that had we come into Greece when Homer wasthe Bible of the people, with all our astronomy, chemistry, andphysical science generally, and our literature, blended as it is withour religion, we should have found our Greek fellow-subjects asuntractable as the Hindoos or Parsees. The fact is, that everyHindoo, educated through our language in our literature and science, must be more or less wretched in domestic life, for he cannot feel orthink with his family, or bring them to feel or think with him. Theknowledge which he has acquired satisfies him that the faith to whichthey adhere, and which guides them in all their duties, ceremonies, acts, and habits, is monstrous and absurd; but he can never hope toimpart to them this knowledge, or to alienate them from that faith;nor does he himself feel any confidence in any other creed: he feelsthat he is an isolated being, who can exchange thoughts and feelingsunreservedly with no one. I have seen many estimable Hindoos in thisstate, with minds highly gifted and cultivated, and with abilitiesfor anything. For such men we cannot create communities, nor can theycreate them for themselves: they can enjoy their books andconversation with men who understand and enjoy them like themselves;but how few are the men of this class with whom they can ever hope toassociate on easy terms! It is not so with Mahommedans. All theliterature and science in the world has no more effect on their faiththan on ours; and their families apprehend no alienation in anymember who may choose to indulge in them; and they indulge in themlittle, merely because they do not find that they conduce to securethem employment and bread. I think it would be useful if we could get rid of the terms_education_, _civilization_, &c. , and substitute that of _knowledge_. It would obviate much controversy, for the greater part of ourdisputes arise from the vagueness of the terms we use. All wouldagree that certain branches of knowledge are useful to certainclasses, and that certain modes are the best for imparting them. Thesubject is deeply interesting and important; but I must not indulgefurther. Believe me, My Dear Sir Erskine, With great respect, Yours very faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir Erskine Perry, Chief Justice, Bombay. ___________________________________ Jhansee, 24th September, 1848. My Lord, I feel grateful for the offer contained in your Lordship's letter ofthe 16th instant, and no less so for the gracious manner in which ithas been conveyed, and beg to say that I shall be glad to availmyself of it, and be prepared to proceed to take charge as soon as Iam directed to do so, as I have no arrears in any of my offices todetain me, and can make them over to any one at the shortest notice, with the assurance that he will find nothing in them to perplex orembarrass him. I shall do my best to carry out your Lordship's views in the newcharge; and though I am not so strong as I could wish, I may, withprudence, hope to have health for a few years to sustain me in dutiesof so much interest. I hope your Lordship will pardon my taking advantage of the presentoccasion to say a few words on the state of affairs in the north-west, which are now of such absorbing interest. I have been for sometime impressed with the belief that the system of administration inthe Punjaub has created doubts as to the ultimate intention of ourGovernment with regard to the restoration of the country to thenative ruler when he comes of age. The native aristocracy of thecountry seem to have satisfied themselves that our object has been toretain the country, and that this could be prevented only by timelyresistance. The sending European officers to relieve the chief ofMooltan, and to take possession of the country and fort, seems tohave removed the last lingering doubt upon this point; and Molrajseems to have been satisfied that in destroying them he should beacting according to the wishes of all his class, and all that portionof the population who might aspire to employment under a native rule. This was precisely the impression created by precisely the same meansin Afghanistan; and I believe that the notion now generally prevalentis, that our professed intentions of delivering over the country toits native ruler were not honest, and that we should haveappropriated the country to ourselves could we have done so. There are two classes of native Governments in India. In one themilitary establishments are all national, and depend entirely uponthe existence of native rule. They are officered by the aristocracyof the country, chiefly landed, who know that they are not fitted foreither civil or military office under our system, and must be reducedto beggary or insignificance should our rule be substituted for thatof their native chief. In the other, all the establishments areforeign, like our own. The Seiks were not altogether of the firstclass, like those of Rajpootana and Bundelcund, but they were so forthe most part; and when they saw all offices of trust by degreesbeing filled by Captain This and Mr. That, they gave up all hopes ofever having their share in the administration. Satisfied that this was our error in Afghanistan, in carrying out theviews of Lord Ellenborough in the Gwalior State, I did everything inmy power to avoid it, and have entirely succeeded, I believe; but ithas not been done without great difficulty. I considered LordHardinge's measures good, as they interposed Hindoo States between usand a beggarly and fanatical country, which it must be ruinous to ourfinances to retain, and into which we could not avoid makingencroachments, however anxious the Government might be to avoid it, if our borders joined. But I supposed that we should be content withguiding, controlling, and supervising the native administration, andnot take all the executive upon ourselves to the almost entireexclusion of the native aristocracy. I had another reason forbelieving that Lord Hardinge's measures were wise and prudent. Whilewe have a large portion of the country under native rulers, theiradministration will contrast with ours greatly to our advantage inthe estimation of the people; and we may be sure that, though somemay be against us, many will be for us. If we succeed in sweepingthem all away, or absorbing them, we shall be at the mercy of ournative army, and they will see it; and accidents may possibly occurto unite them, or a great portion of them, in some desperate act. Thething is possible, though improbable; and the best provision againstit seems to me to be the maintenance of native rulers, whoseconfidence and affection can be engaged, and administrations improvedunder judicious management. The industrial classes in the Punjaub would, no doubt, prefer ourrule to that of the Seiks; but that portion who depend upon publicemployment under Government for their subsistence is large in thePunjaub, and they would nearly all prefer a native rule. They haveevidently persuaded themselves that our intention is to substituteour own rule; and it is now, I fear, too late to remove theimpression. If your Lordship is driven to annexation, you must be ingreat force; and a disposition must be shown on the part of the localauthorities to give the educated aristocracy of the country a liberalshare in the administration. One of the greatest dangers to be apprehended in India is, I believe, the disposition on the part of the dominant class to appoint to alloffices members of their own class, to the exclusion of the educatednatives. This has been nobly resisted hitherto; but where everysubaltern thinks himself in a condition to take a wife, and the landopens no prospect to his children but in the public service, thecompetition will become too great. I trust that your Lordship will pardon my having written so much, andbelieve me, with great respect, your Lordship's obedient humbleservant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. P. S. --The Commander-in-Chief has asked me, through the Quartermaster-General, whether any corps can be spared from Bundelcund. I shall saythat we can spare two regiments--one from Nagode, whose place can besupplied by a wing of the regiment at Nowgow, and one from Jhansee, whose place can be supplied from the Gwalior Contingent, if yourLordship sees no objection, as a temporary arrangement. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Right Hon. The Earl of Dalhousie, &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 30th January, 1849. My Dear Elliot, A salute of twenty-one guns had been fired here by the King for thesadly dear victory over Shere Sing, and another has been fired to-dayfor the fall of Mooltan. The King continues very ill, but no dangerseems to be apprehended. The disease is accompanied by very untowardsecondary symptoms, which are likely ultimately to destroy him, andrender his life miserable while it lasts. How much of these symptomshe derives from his birth, and how much from his own excesses, isuncertain. The impression regarding the minister, mentioned in my last note, wasfrom a talk with him while he was, it seems, under the influence offever. In later conversations he has been more lucid; but he is athird-rate man, and quite unequal to the burthen that the favour ofthe King has placed upon him. That favour will, however, be but ofshort duration, for the King is said to have expressed great distrustin his capacity to do any of the things he promised, more especiallyto collect the immense arrears of revenue now due. I am preparing tables of the revenue and expenditure, and of themachinery in all branches, and hope soon to submit a clearer view ofthe state of things than Government is in the habit of getting onsuch occasions; but I have to wade through vast volumes ofcorrespondence to ascertain what has been said and done in thequestions that will come under consideration, to conduct currentduties, and to become acquainted with the people in my new field, European and native. I want to ask you whether I could, with any prospect of success justnow, propose a plan which I have much at heart in the Thuggee andDacoity Department. The Lieutenant-Governor, I feel assured, willadvocate it. Major Graham is about to obtain his regimental majority, with a certain prospect of soon obtaining the command of hisregiment, which will give him twelve hundred a-month. I am anxious toretain him; for his services have been, and would continue to be, ofvast importance to the North-West Provinces. I should like to proposethat he be made superintendent of Thuggee and Dacoity in thoseprovinces upon a salary of, say eleven hundred rupees a-month. Iwould at the same time propose that the Shahjehanpoor office, latelyunder Major Ludlow, be done up, and the duties confided to theassistant-magistrate, with a small establishment, he to receive anextra salary, say, one hundred rupees a-month. The same with regardto the Azimghur office, now under Captain Ward, who could be sent toRajpootana. Elliot is not suited well to the work, according to thosewho have seen most of him and of it; and you might be able to put himto some other for which he is fitted. Should you think it desirableto retain him in Rajpootana, Captain Ward may for the present remainwhere he is; and the saving from the Shahjehanpoor office will morethan cover the increase for Major Graham. Pray let me know as soon asyou can whether such a proposal would be likely to be well received. Graham's services have been and will be most valuable to all thelocal authorities at and under Agra. I suppose the fate of the Punjaub is sealed, for though the Governor-General might wish to spare it, the home authorities and the homepeople will hardly brook the prospect or the chance of anotherstruggle of the same kind, particularly if the Afghans have reallyjoined the Seiks under Chutter Sing. The tendency to annexation, already strong at home, will become still stronger when the news ofour late losses arrive. They indicate a stronger assurance ofnational sympathy on the part of the chiefs and troops opposed to usthan was generally calculated upon. The fall of Mooltan will haverelieved the Governor-General's mind from much of the anxiety causedby the inartistic management of the Commander-in-Chief. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. ______________________________ Lucknow, 7th March, 1849. My Dear Elliott, I may mention what has been the state of feeling at Lucknow regardingthe state of affairs in the Punjaub, though it has become of lessinterest to the Governor-General now that so decided a victory hascrowned his efforts. During the whole contest the Government five percent. Notes have been every day sold in my office at par, and Iquestion whether this can be said of the offices in Calcutta. One dayduring the races, on the King's firing a salute for victory, theEuropean gentlemen talked about it at the stand with many of thefirst of the native aristocracy. They said that the Seiks could notfight as they were fighting unless there had been some generalfeeling of distrust as to our ultimate intentions with regard to thePunjaub which united them together; and that this feeling must be asstrong with the Durbar and those who did not fight as with those whodid. I was not present, as I did not attend the races; but I foundthe same opinion prevailing among all with whom I conversed. But allseemed to be perfectly satisfied as to the utter hopelessness of thestruggle, as evinced by the great barometer of the Government paper. I suppose Dost Mahomed's force in Peshawur will have proceeded in allhaste to the Khyber on hearing of the defeat of their friends, andthat General Gilbert's fine division will find none of them tocontend with; and that Gholab Sing will be glad of an occasion todisplay his zeal by keeping Shore Sing and his father out of thehills. The river Indus will, I suppose, hardly be considered so safe aboundary as the hills; for if any danger is to be apprehended fromthe west, it would not be safe to leave the enemy so fine a field toorganize their forces upon after emerging from the difficult passes. Well organized upon that field, a force could cross the riveranywhere in the cold and hot seasons; and the revenue of that fieldwould aid in keeping up a force that might in the day of need be usedagainst us. It was a great error committed by Lord Hastings inallowing the Nepaulese the fertile portion of the Jurac, which thenyielded only two lacs of rupees, but now yields thirteen, and will, ere long, yield twenty. Without this their military force would havebeen altogether insignificant; but it is not so now. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. _________________________________ Lucknow, 20th March, 1849. My Dear Elliot, The King continues much the same as when I last wrote. Under skilfultreatment he might soon get well; but the prescriptions of his bestnative physicians are little attended to, and he has not yetconsented to consult an European doctor. He could not have a betterdoctor than Leekie, and the natives have great confidence in him; buthis Majesty has not expressed any wish to see or consult him. If hedid so, the chances are one hundred to one against his taking hismedicine. I do not like to write a public letter on the subject, but am anxiousto know the Governor-General's wishes as to whether any newengagements should be entered into in case of the King's decease, andwith whom. The instructions contained in your letter of the 16th August, 1847, referred to in my last, will be carried out; but the Governor-Generalmay wish to have the new arrangements recorded in a former treaty, the heads of the royal family consenting thereto, as at Gwalior, whenthe regency was appointed. I have no copy of the treaty made atLahore, where the regency was appointed. I should think it desirable to give the members of the regency eachdistinct duties, so that he may feel responsible for them, and take apride in doing them well. One should be at the head of the RevenueDepartment, and another at the head of the Judicial and Police, eachhaving a deputy; and the Resident, as president, should have adeputy. These would be sufficient for a regency, and could form acourt, or council, to deliberate and decide about measures oflegislation and administration. The mother of the King would be the best person to consult upon thenomination of the members in the first instance; but neither she norany other female of the royal family should have any share in theadministration. All important measures adopted by the Council should be submitted forthe consideration of the Governor-General; and no member of theCouncil should be removed without his Lordship's consent. Noimportant measure adopted by the Council, and sanctioned by theGovernor-General, should at any future time be liable to be abolishedor altered without the sanction of our Government previously obtainedthrough the Resident. On the heir-apparent attaining his majority, every member of theregency who has discharged his duties faithfully should have for lifea pension equal to half the salary enjoyed by him while in office, and be guaranteed in the enjoyment of this half by the BritishGovernment. The measures thus adopted during the minority would form a code forfuture guidance, and tend at least to give the thing which Oude mostwants--stability to good sales, and to the machinery by which theyare to be enforced. The King's brother--a very excellent man, who was Commander-in-Chiefduring his father's life-time, but is now nothing--might also beconsulted with the mother of the King in the nomination of theregency, and made a party with her to the new treaty. These are all the points which appear to me at present to call forinstructions. The harvests promise to be abundant, but the collections come inslowly, and the establishments are all greatly in arrear. I don'tlike to write publicly on these subjects, because it is almostimpossible here to prevent what is so written from getting to theCourt; but the Governor-General's instructions were sent to me inthat form without the same risk. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. ___________________________________ Lucknow, 23rd March, 1849. My Dear Elliot, It will perhaps be well to add to the regency, in case of the King'sdeath, a controller of the household, making three members of equalgrade, and to have no deputy for the Resident, or President of theRegency. It may also be well to add the mother of the heir apparentto the persons to be consulted in the selection of the members of theregency, though she is a person of no mark or influence in eitherpublic or private affairs at present. The mother of the present King, his brother, the mother of the heir-apparent, and the young heir-apparent himself will be enough to havea voice in the selection. I conclude that it will be the Governor-General's wish that the heir-apparent should be placed on the throne immediately after the deathof his father, for the slightest hesitation or delay in this matterwould be mischievous in such a place as Lucknow. As soon as this isdone, I can proceed to consult about the nomination of the regency. The members will, of course, be chosen from among the highest andmost able members of the aristocracy present at the capital, and theycan be installed in office the day they are chosen. I do notapprehend any confusion or disturbance; but measures must be adoptedimmediately to pay up arrears due to the establishments, and dismissall that are useless. The, King is not worse--on the contrary, he is said to be better; butthe hot season may be too much for him. His present state, with aminister weak in body and not very strong in mind, is veryunsatisfactory. Fortunately the harvest is unusually fine. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. ____________________________ Lucknow, 8th May, 1849. My Lord, Dr. Bell, has relieved Dr. Leekie from his charge, and I am glad thatso able and experienced a medical officer has been appointed to it byyour Lordship, for he will have the means of doing much good here ifhe can secure the confidence and esteem of his native patients. Theway has been well paved for him by Dr. Leekie, who, in professionalability, large experience, and perfect frankness of character, is oneof the first men I have met; and I regret exceedingly that the Kinghas never manifested any wish to consult him or any other Europeanphysician. Being anxious that both Dr. Leekie and Dr. Bell should have anopportunity of seeing the King, and forming some opinion as to hisstate of health, I proposed that his Majesty should receive them atthe same time with Captain Bird on his taking leave previous to hisdeparture for Simla. As it is usual for the residency surgeon to waiton his Majesty when he first enters on his charge and when he quitsit, I knew that such a proposal would not give rise to any feelingsof doubt or uneasiness, and he at once expressed his wish to seethem. Yesterday, about noon, all three went to the palace, and satfor some time in conversation with the King. They found him muchbetter in bodily health than they expected, and in the course ofconversation, found no signs of any confusion of ideas, and are ofopinion that in the hands of a skilful European physician he wouldsoon be quite well. His Majesty is hypochondriac, and frequentlyunder the influence of the absurd delusions common to such persons;but he is quite sane during long intervals, and on all subjects notconnected with such delusions. When in health, the King never paid much attention to business, andhis illness is, therefore, less felt than it would have been in theconduct of affairs; but it is nevertheless felt, and that in a veryvital part--the collection of the revenue. The expenses of Governmentare about one hundred (100) lacs a-year; and the collections thisyear have not amounted to more than sixty (60), owing to thisillness, and to a deficiency in the autumn harvests. Allestablishments are greatly in arrears in consequence; and the Kinghas been obliged to make some heavy drafts upon the reserved fundleft him by his father. I only wish none had been made for a lesslegitimate purpose. The parasites, by whom he has surrounded himselfexclusively, have, it is said, been drawing upon it still morelargely during the King's illness, under the apprehension of a speedydissolution. The minister is a weak man, who stands somewhat in aweof these musicians and eunuchs, who have no fear of anybody but theResident, whom it is, of course, their interest to keep as much aspossible in the dark. As soon as his Majesty gets stronger, I shallsee him more frequently than I have yet done, and be better able tojudge of what prospect of amendment there may be while he reigns. Ifhe ever conversed with his male relations, or any of the gentlemen atthe capital worthy of his confidence, I should have more hope than Inow have. With great respect I remain Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Right Hon. The Earl of Dalhousie, K. T. , Governor-General of India. ___________________________________ Lucknow, 11th June, 1849. My Dear Elliot, It will be desirable to have at least the wing of a regiment sent assoon as possible to Jhansee. Bukhut Sing, who was allowed to escapeafter having been surrendered to Ellis at Kyrma, has been sinceallowed to get too much a-head. He is aided by the Khereecha peopleopenly; and secretly, I fear, by some of the Powar Thakoors of Gigreeunder the rose. There are four small fortified places between thirtyand forty miles west of Jhansee, and not far from the Sinde, held byPowar Thakoors, who are a shade higher in caste than the Bondeylas;and, in consequence, all the principal chiefs take their daughters inmarriage. They are needy, and as proud as Lucifer, and will alwayseke out their means by robbery if they can. The Jhansee chief cannotkeep them in order without our aid. While I was there, they did notventure to rob after the surrender of the Jylpoor man in September, 1844; and the Hareecha and Hyrwa people ventured only to send a fewhighwaymen into the Gwalior state west of the Sinde river. The Powar places I mean are Jignee, Odgow, and Belchree. There was afourth near them just as bad, called Nowneer; but the Thakoors ofthat place are all well disposed towards the Jbansee chief, and areobedient. All are in the Jhansee state. If the marauders are pressedwith energy and sagacity, they will be soon put down; and you mayrely upon the native chiefs not supporting them, though, from theirmarriage connection, they may afford them an asylum secretly whenfugitives. Who the Gwalior men are that are plundering I know not; but they aremen of no note, and, if pressed skilfully and rigorously in time, will soon be put down. The chiefs may all be relied upon, I believe. They are mere gangs of robbers; and you know how easily a fanatic orsuccessful robber may collect a body for plunder in any part ofIndia, where the danger of pursuit is small. Had they been dealt withproperly at first, they would never have got a-head so far: time hasbeen lost, and they will now give trouble, particularly at such aseason. The evil will be confined to the tract west of Jhanseeoccupied by these Powars. The chiefs are to the east, north, andsouth of Jhansee; and the marauders would be allowed to enter theirestates. The Governor-General need not feel uneasy about them. TheNurwar chief was always needy, and disposed to keep and shelterrobbers. His few villages were resumed on his death last year, andhis widows pensioned; but some of his relations are, I conclude, among the marauders. There is a wild tract west of the Sinde in theGwalior territory, to which the marauders will fly when hard pressedin the Jhansee state. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. ___________________________________ Lucknow, 18th June, 1849. My Dear Elliot, I was writing the last sentence of a long Report on Oude affairs whenyour note came in. There are some parts that will amuse, some thatwill interest, and the whole gives, I believe, a fair exposition ofthe evils, with a suggestion for the best remedy that I can think of. It is the formation of a Board, consisting of a President and twomembers nominated by the King, subject to the confirmation of theGovernor-General, and not to be dismissed without his Lordship'sprevious sanction. This Board to make the settlement of the revenueproposed when Lord Hardinge was here, and to have the carrying itout. This Board will be a substitute for the Regency, but not so good. TheKing is well in body; and, unless he will abdicate, we cannot get theminority for the Regency. I think, upon the whole, the Governor-General will think the Report worth reading, and the remedy worthconsidering. It will bring little additional trouble on Government, but a good deal on the Resident, who will require to have had muchadministrative experience. Things are coming fast to the crisis, in which I must be called uponto advise and act, a thing which the fiddlers and eunuchs dread. Ican't trust the Report in the office, and the hand may not be solegible as I could wish. The Court is very averse to the appointment of a successor to Wilcox;and it is with reluctance they have kept on the native officers whogo on with the work. I told them either to keep them on or to pensionthem. I don't think a successor should be urged upon them in thepresent state of beggary to which they are reduced. Nobody sees anyuse in it, while there are a vast number of useful things neglectedfor want of funds; as to the instruments, the Court care nothingabout them, knowing nothing of their value; and would, no doubt, beglad to give them to any establishment requiring them. The minister, singers, and eunuchs are all now sworn to be united;but this cannot last many days. The "pressure from without, " in theclamour for pay, will soon upset the minister; but they will find itdifficult to get another to undertake the burthen of forty or fiftylacs of balance, and a score of fiddlers and eunuchs as privycouncillors. Something must be done to _unthrone_ these wretches, orthings will be worse and worse. The best remedy that occurs to me isto interpose an authority which they dare not question, and the Kingcannot stultify; and if the King objects, to tell him that he mustabdicate in favour of his son. This, of all courses, will be thebest, and give no trouble; things would go on like "marriage bells, "without any trouble whatever to the Governor-General and your_secretariat_. I am glad that the Punjaub Board goes on well. It is a scene of greatimportance and interest. The only way to get the confidence andaffection of men is to show that we confide in them; and I don'tthink we need fear Seik soldiers while we treat them, and govern thecountry well. We were very anxious about Mrs. Elliot for many days, for theaccounts from Simla were bad; but she is now, I am told, quiterestored. I have suffered much less than I expected: I recovered muchsooner. The doctors tell me that I should have had no right to expectan earlier recovery had I been twenty years younger. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To H. M. Elliot, Esq. , &c. &c. ___________________________ Lucknow, 24th July, 1849. My Lord, I have to-day written to Lord Fitzroy Somerset to request that hewill do me the favour to have the name of my only son placed, ifpossible, upon his Grace the Commander-in-Chiefs list of candidatesfor commissions in Her Majesty's Dragoons. He was sixteen years ofage on the 6th of January last, and is now prosecuting his studiesunder the care of Mr. C. J. Yeatman, Westow Hill, Norwood, Surrey, five miles from London. He is an amiable and gentlemanly lad, and will, I trust, be able toqualify himself to pass the examination required; and my agents inLondon will be prepared to lodge the money for his commission whenavailable. He is my eldest child, and will have to take care of foursisters when I am taken from them, as I must be ere long; and I amanxious to place him in the position from which he can do so withmost advantage. I could wish to have had him placed in the BengalCivil Service. But I have no personal friend in the direction, and nogood that I may have had an opportunity of doing for the people andgovernment of India can be urged as a claim to any employment for mychild. Having carried out your Lordship's policy successfully over a largeand interesting portion of India, and to the advantage, I believe, ofmany millions of people, you will not, I think, be offended at mysoliciting your Lordship's protection for my only son. He will standin need of it, since I know no other that I can solicit for him; andthough my name might be of some use to him in India, it can be ofnone in England. With a view to his taking care of his sisters, Icould wish him to be in a regiment not likely to come to India. General Thackwell tells me that the regiments most likely to come toIndia soon are the 6th Dragoons, 9th Hussars, and 12th Lancers. Perhaps your Lordship might be willing to speak to Lord F. Somerset, or even to his Grace the Duke himself, in favour of my son, who willbe proud at any time when commanded to attend your Lordship. I havethe misfortune to have been with some of the most inefficientsovereigns that ever sat upon a throne, with deficient harvests lastyear, and a threat of still more deficient ones this year; and with aGovernment so occupied with the new acquisitions of the Punjaub as tobe averse to interfere much with the management of any other portionof the country. I remain, your lordship's most obedient, humble servant, W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Right Hon. Gen. Viscount Hardinge, G. C. B. , &c. &c. &c. ______________________________________ Lucknow, 24th July, 1849. My Lord, May I, request that your Lordship will do me the favour to have thename of my only son, Henry Arthur Sleeman, placed upon his Grace theCommander-in-Chiefs list of candidates for a commission in one of herMajesty's Dragoon regiments? He was sixteen years of age on the 6th of January last; and he is nowprosecuting his studies under the care of Mr. C. J. Yeatman, atWestow Hill, in Surrey, five miles from London, who will beinstructed to have him prepared for the examination he will have toundergo. My agents, Messrs. Denny, Clark, and Co. , Austin Friars, London, will be prepared to lodge the money, and to forward to me anyletters with which they may be honoured by your Lordship. My rank isthat of Lieut. -Colonel in the Honourable East India Company'sservice, and present situation, that of Resident at the Court of hisMajesty the King of Oude. I have the honour to be, Your Lordship's obedient, humble servant, W. H. SLEEMAN. To Lieut. -General Lord Fitzroy Somerset, G. C. B. , Military Secretary to his Grace the Commander-in-Chief, Horse Guards, London. _________________________________ Lucknow, August 1849. My Lord, 1. I will answer your Lordship's queries in the order in which theyare made. 2. The King, as I shall show in my next official report, is utterlyunfit to have anything to do with the administration, since he hasnever taken, or shown any disposition to take any heed of what isdone or suffered in the country. My letters have made no impressionwhatever upon him. He spends all his time with the singers and thefemales they provide to amuse him, and is for seven and eight hourstogether living in the house of the chief singer, Rajee-od Dowla--afellow who was only lately beating a drum to a party of dancing-girls, on some four rupees a-month. These singers are all Domes, thelowest of the low castes of India, and they and the eunuchs are nowthe virtual sovereigns of the country, and must be so as long as theKing retains any power. The minister depends entirely upon them, andbetween them and a few others about Court everything that the Kinghas to dispose of is sold. 3. To secure any reform in the administration, it will be necessaryto require the King to delegate all the powers of sovereignty to theBoard. This he can do, retaining the name of Sovereign and control ofhis household; or abdicating in favour of his son the heir apparent, to whom the Board would be a regency till he comes of age. If thealternative be given him, and he choose the former, it should be onthe condition, that if his favourites continue to embarrass theGovernment, he will be required to submit to the latter. Oude is now, in fact, without a Government: the minister sees the King for a fewminutes once a week or fortnight, and generally at the house of thesinger above named. The King sees nobody else save the singers andeunuchs, and does not even pretend to know anything or care anythingabout public affairs. His sons have been put under their care, andwill be brought up in the same manner. He has become utterly despisedand detested by his people for his apathy amidst so much suffering, and will not have the sympathy of any one, save such as have beengrowing rich by abusing his power. 4. The members of such a Board as I propose, invested with fullpowers, and secured in office under our guarantee during goodconduct, would go fearlessly to work; they would divide the labour;one would have the settlement of the land-revenue, with the charge ofthe police; the second would have the judicial Courts; and if theBoard be a regency during the minority, the control of the household;the third would have the army. Each would have the nomination of theofficers of his department, subject to the confirmation of the wholeBoard, and the dismissal would depend upon the sanction of the wholeor two-thirds, as might be found expedient. If the sanction of allthree be required. Court influence may secure one vote, and impunityto great offenders. Neither of the three would be liable to bedeprived of his office, except with the consent, or on therequisition of the Governor-General; and this privilege they wouldvalue too highly to risk it by neglect or misconduct. The King'sbrother--a most worthy and respectable, though not able man--might bea member, if agreeable to the King. 5. The abuses they would have to remedy are all perfectly wellunderstood, and the measures required to remedy them are all simpleand obvious: a settlement would be made with the landholders, basedupon past avowed collections; they would be delighted to bindthemselves to pay such an assessment, as they would escape from themore than one-third more, which they have now to pay, in one form oranother, to contractors and Court favourites; the large landholders, who are for the most part now in open resistance to the Government, would rejoice at the prospect of securing their estates to theirposterity, without the necessity of continually fighting for them. 6. The army would soon become efficient: at present every manpurchases his place in it from the minister and the singers andeunuchs, and he loses it as soon as he becomes disabled from woundsor sickness. The only exceptions are the four regiments under CaptainBurlow, Captain Bunbury, Captain Magness, and Soba Sing, latelyCaptain Buckley's; in these, all that are disabled from wounds orsickness are kept on the strength of the corps, and each corps haswith it a large invalid establishment of this kind unrecognized bythe Government. They could not get their men to fight, without it. These regiments are put up at auction every season, and often severaltimes during one season; the contractor who bids highest gets theservices of the best for the season or the occasion; the purchase-money is divided between the minister and the Court favourites, singers, &c. These are really efficient corps, and the others mightsoon be made the same. The men are as fine-looking and brave as thoseof our, regular infantry, for Oude teems with such men, who have fromtheir boyhood been fighting against contractors under the heads oftheir clan or families. 7. The rest are for the most part commanded by boys, or Courtfavourites, who seldom see them, keep about two-thirds of what areborne on the rolls and paid for, and take about one-third of the payof what remain for themselves. The singer, Rajee-od Dowla, the primefavourite above named, has two regiments thus treated, and of coursealtogether inefficient, ragged, hungry, and discontented. It will beeasy to remedy all this, get excellent men, and inspire them withexcellent spirit by instituting a modified pension establishment formen disabled in the discharge of their duties, and providing fortheir regular pay and efficient command. 8. This would prevent the necessity of employing British troops, except on rare and great occasions; the settlement of the land-revenue, and knowledge that they would be employed if required, wouldkeep the great landholders in obedience. It would be well to haveback the corps of infantry and two guns that were taken away fromPertanghurh, in Oude, in 1835. This is all the addition that would berequired to secure an efficient Government; and the scale to whichour troops in Oude had been reduced up to that time (1835) wasgenerally considered the lowest compatible with our engagements. Aregiment of cavalry had been borrowed from Pertanghurh for the Nepauland Mahratta wars in 1814 and 1817; it was finally withdrawn in 1823. 9. The judicial Courts would be well conducted while the presidingofficers felt secure in their tenure of office, which they would dowhen their dismissal depended upon proof of guilt or incompetencysufficient to satisfy a Board guaranteed by our Government. 10. The police would soon become efficient under the supervision andcontrol of respectable revenue-officers, having the same feeling ofsecurity in their tenure of office. All the revenue-officers would, of course, be servants of Government instead of contractors. Therewould be grades answering to our commissioners of divisions, sayfour; 2nd, to our collectors of revenue, say twenty-eight; 3rd, deputy-collectors, say twenty-eight; all under the Board, and guidedby the member intrusted with that branch of the administration: allwould be responsible for the police over their respectivejurisdictions. 11. Oude ought to be, and would soon be, under such a system, agarden; the soil is the finest in India, so are the men; and there isno want of an educated class for civil office: on the contrary, theyabound almost as much as the class of soldiers. From the numerousrivers which flow through the country the water is everywhere nearthe surface, and the peasantry would manure and irrigate every field, if they could do so in peace and security, with a fair prospect ofbeing permitted to reap the fruits. The terrible corruption of theCourt is the great impediment to all this good: the savings wouldmore than pay all the increased outlay required for renderingestablishments efficient in all branches, while the treasury wouldreceive at least one-third more than the expenditure; that is, 1, 50, 00, 000 Rs. , or one crore and a half. 12. From the time the treaty of 1801 was made, up to within the lastfew years, the term "internal enemies" was interpreted to mean thegreat landholders who might be in resistance to the Government, andthis interpretation was always acted upon; the only difficulty was inascertaining whether the resistance was or was not, under thecircumstances, justifiable. While employed in Oude with my regiment, and on the staff in 1818 and 1819, I saw much of the correspondencebetween the Resident and Commandant; many letters from the Resident, Colonel Baillie, mentioning how bitterly Saadulullee, with whom thattreaty was made, had complained, that after the sacrifice of half hiskingdom for the aid of British troops in keeping down these powerfuland refractory landholders, he could not obtain their assistancewithout being subject to such humiliating remonstrances as he gotfrom officers commanding stations whenever he asked for it. Aid wasoften given, and forts innumerable were reduced from time to time, but the privilege of building them up again was purchased from thesame or another contractor next season. 13. At this time I have calls for at least two battalions and a trainof artillery, from about six quarters, to enforce orders on theselandholders. Captain Hearsey has had men of his Frontier Policekilled and wounded by them on the western border, and declares thatnothing can be done to secure offenders, refugees from our districts, with a less force. Captain Orr has had several men wounded, andprisoners taken from him, by the same class on the eastern border, and declares to the same effect. Sixteen sepoys of our army, 59th N. I. , on their way home on furlough were attacked and two of themkilled, three weeks ago, by a third Zumeendar, at Peernugger, his ownestate, within ten miles of the Setapore Cantonments, where we have aregiment. Captain Barlow's regiment and artillery, and another, withall Captain Hearsey's Frontier Police, are in pursuit of him. Fourothers have committed similar outrages on our officers and sepoys andtheir families, and the Government declares its utter inability toenforce obedience or grant any redress, without a larger force thanthey have to send. Great numbers of the same class are plundering andburning villages, and robbing and murdering on the highway, andlaughing at the impotency of the sovereign. It was certainly for aidin coercing these "internal enemies" that the Sovereign of Oude cededhis territories to us, and for no other, and that aid may be affordedat little cost, and to the great benefit of all under the system Ihave submitted for your Lordship's consideration. It will be veryrarely required, and when called for, a mere demonstration will, inthree cases out of four, be sufficient to effect the object. 14, After a time, or when the heir-apparent comes of age, the dutiesof the guaranteed members of the Board may safely be united to asupervision over the settlement made with the principal landholders, whose obedience our Government may consider itself bound to aid inenforcing; all the rest may be left to a competent sovereign; andthere will be nothing in the system opposed to native usages, feelings, and institutions, to prevent its being adhered to. I shouldmention, that many of these landholders have each armed anddisciplined bodies of two thousand foot and five hundred horse; and, what is worse, the command of as many as they like of "Passies, "armed with bows and arrows. These Passies are reckless thieves androbbers of the lowest class, whose only professions are thieving andacting as Chowkedars, or village police. They are at the service ofevery refractory Zumeendar, for what they can get in booty in hisdepredations. The disorders in Oude have greatly increased thisclass, and they are now roughly estimated at a hundred thousandfamilies; these are the men from whom travellers on the road suffermost. 15. A second Assistant would be required for a time to enable theResident to shift off the daily detail of the treasury, which hasbecome the largest in India, --I believe, beyond those at the threePresidencies. A good English copyist, capable of mapping, will be required in theResident's office at 150, and two Persian writers 100; total 250. These are the only additions which appear to me to be required. 16. I annex a list of the regiments now in the King's service, Telungas, or regulars, and Nujeebs, or irregulars; and with my nextofficial report I will submit a list of all the establishments, civiland military. 17. The King's habits will not alter; he was allowed by his father toassociate, as at present, with these singers from his boyhood, and hecannot endure the society of other persons. His determination to liveexclusively in their society, and to hear and see nothing of what hisofficers do or his people suffer, he no longer makes any attempt toconceal. It would be idle to hope for anything from him but aresignation of power into more competent hands; whatever he retainshe will assuredly give to his singers and eunuchs, or allow them totake. No man can take charge of any office without anticipating theincome by large gratuities to them, and the average gratuity which acontractor for a year, of a district yielding three lacs of rupees a-year, is made to pay, before he leaves the capital to enter upon hischarge, is estimated to be fifty thousand rupees: this he exacts fromthe landholders as the first payment, for which they receive nocredit in the public account. All other offices are paid for in thesame way. 18. The King would change his minister to-morrow if the singers wereto propose it; and they would propose it if they could get betterterms or perquisites under any other. No minister could hold office aweek without their acquiescence. Under such circumstances a change ofministers would be of little advantage to the country. 19. The King will yield to the measure proposed only under theassurance, that if he did not, the Governor-General would be reducedto the necessity of having recourse to that which Lord Hardingethreatened in the 10th, 11th, and 12th paragraphs of his letter ofOctober, 1847, and the Court of Directors, on the representation ofLord William Bentinck, sanctioned in 1831. The Court was at that timeso strongly impressed with the conviction that the threat would becarried into execution, that they prevailed upon the President toundertake a mission to the Home Government, with a view to enlargethe President's powers of interference, in order to save them fromthe alternative. This led to Mr. Maddock's removal from thePresidency; all subsequent correspondence has tended to keep up theapprehension that the threatened measure would be had recourse to, and to stimulate sovereigns and ministers to exertion till thepresent reign. The present King has, from the time he ascended thethrone, manifested a determination to take no share whatever in theconduct of affairs; to spend the whole of his time among singers andeunuchs, and the women whom they provide for his amusement; andcarefully to exclude from access, all who suffer from themaladministration of his servants, or who could and would tell himwhat was done by the one and suffered by the other. 20. But it is not his minister and favourites alone who takeadvantage of this state of things to enrich themselves; corruptionruns through all the public offices, and Maharaja Balkishen, theDewan, or _Chancellor of the Exchequer_, is notoriously among themost corrupt of all, taking a large portion of the heavy balances dueby contractors to get the rest remitted or misrepresented. There isno Court in the capital, criminal, civil, or fiscal, in which thecases are not tampered with by Court favourites, and dividedaccording to their wishes, unless the President has occasion tointerfere in behalf of guaranteed pensioners, or officers and sepoysof our army. On his appearance they commonly skulk away, like jackalsfrom a dead carcase when the tiger appears; but the cases in which hecan interfere are comparatively very few, and it is with the greatestdelay and difficulty that he can get such cases decided at all. Amore lamentable state of affairs it is difficult to conceive. With great respect, I remain, Your Lordship's obedient humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most Noblethe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. , &c. &c. &c. P. S. --I find that the King's brother is altogether incompetent foranything like business or responsibility. The minister has not onesingle quality that a minister ought to have; and the King cannot beconsidered to be in a sound state of mind. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. _Annexures_. 1. Extracts, pars. 9 to 14 of Lord Hardinge's Memorial. 2. Statement of British troops in Oude in Jan. 1835 and 1849. 3. Table of the King of Oude's troops of all kinds. __________________________ Lucknow, 6th September, 1849. My Lord, I take the liberty to enclose, for your Lordship's perusal, a morefull and correct Table of the troops and police in Oude than thatwhich I submitted with my last letter, as also a Table of all theother branches of expenditure--save those of buildings, charities, presents, &c. , which are ever varying. It may be estimated that two-thirds of the numbers in the corps ofTelungas and Nujeebs paid for are kept up; and that one-half of whatare kept up are efficient, all having to purchase their places, andthose most unfit being disposed to pay highest. Further: one-half of what are kept up are supposed to be alwaysabsent; and when they are so, they receive one-half of their pay, andthe other half is divided between the commandant and the paymaster. These two are supposed to take, on one pretence or other, one thirdof the pay of those who are actually present. The corps of Telungascommanded by Captains Barlow, Bunbury, and Magness are exceptions;but the pay department is not under their control, and they areobliged to acquiesce in abuses that impair the efficiency theircorps. After reducing one-third-of these corps, and rendering the remainingtwo-thirds efficient, the force would be sufficient for all purposes, and we may well dispense with the corps of regular infantry which inmy last letter I proposed to restore to Oude. It will, however, bedesirable to have a good and experienced infantry officer asinspector, to see that the measures adopted for reform areeffectually carried out. An artillery officer as inspector will alsobe desirable, as it will be necessary to have that branch of theforce in the best possible order, when Oude has to depend chiefly onits own resources. A few European officers, too, for commandants ofcorps and seconds in command will be desirable--such as have beenemployed with native corps as sergeant-majors or quartermaster-sergeants, and have obtained distinctions for good conduct. I should propose six primary stations as seats for the principalRevenue and Judicial Courts, and the headquarters of the best corpswith cavalry and artillery; thirty second and third rate stations forthe subordinate Courts and detachments of troops and police. All tobe chosen, with reference to position in districts underjurisdiction, and to salubrity of climate. At all these Stationssuitable buildings would be provided; and as all would be commencedupon simultaneously, all would soon be ready. Your Lordship will observe the small item put down for the judicialestablishments all over Oude. Such as are really kept up areworthless, and are altogether without the confidence of the people. The savings in the other branches of the expenditure will more thancover all the outlay required for good ones. The King continues to show the same aversion to hear anything aboutpublic affairs, or to converse with any but the singers, eunuchs, andfemales. At the great festival of the Eed, on the first appearance ofthe present moon, he went out in procession, but deputed his heir-apparent to receive the compliments in Durbar. He does not sufferbodily pain, but is said to have long fits of moping and melancholy, and he is manifestly hypochondriac. He squanders the state jewelsamong the singers and eunuchs, who send them out of the country asfast as they can. The members of his family who have its interestsmost at heart, are becoming anxious for some change; and by the timethe two years expire, it will not, perhaps, be difficult to inducehim to put his affairs into other hands. He would change his ministeron the slightest hint from me; but it would be of no use: thesuccessor, pretending to carry on the Government under the King'sorders, would be little better than the present minister is, andthings would continue to be just as bad as they now are: theycertainly could not be worse. The Board, composed of the first members of the Lucknow aristocracy, would be, I think, both popular and efficient; and with the aid of afew of the ablest of the native judicial and revenue officers of ourown districts, invited to Oude by the prospect of higher pay andsecurity in the tenure of office, would soon have at work a machinerycapable of securing to all their rights, and enforcing from all theirduties in every part of this, at present, distracted country. Weshould soon have good roads throughout the kingdom; and both they andthe rivers would soon be as secure as in our own provinces. I think, too, that I might venture to promise that all would be effectedwithout violence or disturbance; all would see that everything wasdone for the benefit of an oppressed people, and in good faithtowards the reigning family. With great respect, I remain your Lordship's obedient, humbleservant. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most Noblethe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. , &c. &c. &c. P. S. --I may mention that the King is now engaged in turning intoverse a long prose history called Hydree. About ten days ago all thepoets in Lucknow were assembled at the palace to hear his Majestyread his poem. They sat with him, listening to his poem and readingtheir own from nine at night till three in the morning. One of thepoets, the eldest son of a late minister, Mohamid-od Dowla, Aga Meer, told me that the versification was exceedingly good for a King. Theseare, I think, the only men, save the minister, the eunuchs, and thesingers who have had the honour of conversing with his Majesty sinceI came here in January last. W. H. S. ______________________________ Lucknow, 23rd September, 1849. My Dear Elliot, I conclude that no further Tables will be required from me on Oudestatistics for the present. Should they be so, pray let me know, andthey shall be sent. I thought at first that it would be thought badtaste in me to refer to the domestic troubles of the King, but it isnecessary to show the state to which his Majesty is reduced in hispalace. The facts mentioned are known and talked of all over Lucknowand Oude generally, and tend more than greater things to bring hisconduct and character into contempt. The time was certainly never so favourable to propose an arrangementthat shall secure a lasting and substantial reform, and render Oudewhat it ought to be--a garden. The King is in constant dread ofpoison, and would do anything to get relieved from that dread, andall further importunity on the state of the country. His chief wifewould poison him to bring on the throne her son, and restore to herher paramour, who is now at Cawnpoor, waiting for such a change. Heruncle, the minister, would, the King thinks, be glad to see himpoisoned, in the hope of having to conduct affairs during theminority. He is afraid to admonish his other wife for herinfidelities with the chief favourite and singer, lest she shouldpoison him to go off with her paramour to Rampoor, whither he hassent the immense wealth that the King has lavished upon him. The whole family are most anxious that the King should resign thereins into abler hands, and would, I feel assured, hail thearrangement I have proposed as a blessing to them and the country. All seems ripe for the change, and I hope the Governor-General willconsent to its being proposed soon. Any change in the ministry wouldnow be an obstacle to the arrangement, and such a change might happenany morning. At the head of the Board, or Regency, I should putMohsin-od Dowla, grandson of Ghazee-od Deen, the first King, and son-in-law of Moohummed Alee Shah, the third King. His only son has beenlately united in marriage to the King's daughter. He is looked up toas the first man in Oude for character, and the most able member ofthe royal family. He is forty-five years of age. I should probablyput two of the King's uncles in as the other members, Azeemoshan andMirza Khorum Buksh, whose names you will find in the short appendedlist of those who have received no stipends since the present Kingascended the throne. These princes cannot visit, the Resident exceptwhen they accompany the King himself, so that I have never seen thetwo last that I recollect, and only once conversed with the first. But their characters stand very high. They are never admitted to theKing, nor have they seen him for more than a year, I believe. The King will probably object to members of his family forming theBoard, but I dare say I shall be able to persuade him of theadvantage of it. Such a Board, so constituted, would be a pledge toall India of the honesty of our intentions, and secure to us thecordial good-will of all who are interested in the welfare of thefamily and the good government of the country. I should persuade the members to draw from the _élite_ of their owncreed in our service to aid in forming and carrying out the newsystem in their several departments. We can give them excellent menin the revenue and judicial branches, who will be glad to come whenassured that they will not be removed so long as they do their dutyably and honestly, and will get pensions if their services aredispensed with after a time. This is all I shall say at present. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir H. M. Elliot, K. C. B. , &c. &c. ___________________________________ Lucknow. My Lord, My Official Report went off on the 25th instant, and will have beensubmitted, for your Lordship's consideration. It contains, I believe, a faithful description of the abuses that exist and require remedy, and of the obstacles which will be opposed to their removal. But itdoes not tell all that might be told of the King himself, who hasbecome an object of odium and contempt to all but those fewdespicable persons with whom he associates exclusively. He eats, drinks, sleeps, and converses with the singers and eunuchs andfemales alone, and the only female who has any influence over him isthe sister of the chief singer, Rusee-od Dowlah, whom he calls hisown sister. No member of the royal family or aristocracy of Oude isever admitted to speak to or see his Majesty, and these contemptiblesingers are admitted to more equality and familiarity than his ownbrothers or sons ever were; they go out, too, with greater pomp thanthey or any of the royal family can; and are ordered to be receivedwith more honours as they pass through the different palaces. Theprofligacy that exists within the palace passes all belief, and thesethings excite more disgust among the aristocracy of the capital thanall the misrule and malversation that arise from the King's apathyand incapacity. Should your Lordship resolve upon interposing effectually to remedythese disorders, I think it will be necessary to have at Lucknow, forat least the first few months, a corps of irregular cavalry. We haveno cavalry in Oude, and none of the King's can be depended upon. Thefirst thing necessary will be the disbanding of the African, orHubshee corps, of three hundred men. They are commanded by one of theeunuchs, and a fellow fit for any dark purpose. They were formed intoa corps, I believe, because no man's life was safe in Lucknow whilethey were loose upon society. I think the King will consent without much difficulty or reluctanceto delegate his powers to a Regency, but I am somewhat afraid that hewill object to its being composed of members of his own family. TheSovereign has always been opposed to employing any of his ownrelatives in office. I shall, I dare say, be able to get over thisdifficulty, and it will be desirable to employ the best members ofthe family in order to show the people of Oude, and of Indiagenerally, that the object of our Government is an honest andbenevolent one. A corps of irregular cavalry might be sent to Lucknow fromGoruckpoor, and its place there supplied for a season by a wing fromthe corps at Legolee. There is little occasion for the services ofcavalry at either of these places at present. Without any cavalry ofour own here, and with this corps of African assassins at Lucknow atthe beck of the singers, eunuchs, and their creature, the minister, neither the Resident nor any of the Regency would be safe. Thetreasury and crown jewels would be open to any one who would makeaway with them. If, therefore, your Lordship should determine uponoffering the king the alternative proposed, no time should be lost inordering the irregular corps from Goruckpoor to Lucknow, to be heldat the Resident's disposal. Its presence will be required only for afew months. I have mentioned, in my private letter to Sir H. M. Elliot, threepersons of high character for the Regency. Two of them are brothersof the King's father. The third, and best, may be considered as inall respects the first man in Oude. Mohsin-od Dowlah is the grandsonof the King, Ghasee-od Deen; his wife, and the mother of his onlyson, is the sister of the King's father, and his only son has beenlately united in marriage to the present King's daughter. He and hiswife have large hereditary incomes, under the guarantee of ourGovernment, and his character for good sense, prudence, and integritystands higher, I believe, than that of any other man in Oude. All three belong to the number of the royal family who never visitthe Resident except in company with the King, and I have, inconsequence, never spoken to Mohsin-od Dowlah but once, and neverseen either of the other two whom I have named, Azeemoshan and KhorumBukeh, the King's uncles. The characters of all three are very high, and in general esteem. Things are coming to a very critical state. There is no money to payany one in the treasury, and the greater part of what comes in istaken for private purposes, by those who are in power. All see thatthere must soon be a great change, and are anxious "to make hay whilethe sun shines. " The troops are everywhere in a state bordering onmutiny, but more particularly in and about the capital, because theycannot indemnify themselves by the plunder of the people as those inthe distant districts do. Fortunately the rains have this season been very favourable fortillage, and the crops may be good if we can preserve them by, sometimely arrangement. With great respect I remain, Your Lordship's obedient, humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most Noblethe Marquis of Dalhousie. P. S. --I find that the irregular corps of cavalry has been moved fromGoruckpoor to Sultanpoor Benares, and that Lagolee and Goruckpoorhave now only one corps between them. The Sultanpoor Benares corps might well spare a wing for Lucknow, andso might the corps at Bareilly spare one. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. ______________________________ Lucknow, 11th October, 1849. My Dear Elliot, Here is a little item of palace news, communicated by one of thepoets who has to assist his Majesty in selecting his verses, and whoknows a good deal about what is going on among the favourites. Perhaps you may recollect him, Ameen-od Doulah, the eldest son of thelate Aga Meer. There is not a greater knave than Walee Alee in India, I believe. That his Majesty will consent to what the Governor-General mayauthorise us to propose I have no doubt, for he and his family are bythis time satisfied that we shall propose nothing but what is goodfor them and the people of Oude. But the King is no longer in a sound state of mind, and will say anddo whatever the most plausible of the bad speakers may recommend. When I see him, I must have his signature before respectablewitnesses to all his answers to distinct propositions, and act uponthem at once, as far as I may be authorised by the Governor-General, or nothing will be done. It would not do for me to commune with himabout affairs till I get instructions from you, as he would be sureto tell the singers, eunuchs, and minister all that has been said themoment I left him. He has never been a cruel or badly-disposed man, but his mind, naturally weak, has entirely given way, and is now as helpless asthat of an infant. Every hour's delay will add to our difficulties, and I wait most anxiously for orders. I am prepared with the newarrangements, and feel sure that the system will work well, and havethe Governor-General's approval. I can explain it in a few words, andshow the details in a small Table all ready for transmission whencalled for. We shall have the royal family, the court, and people with us, withthe exception of the minister and the favourites, who are in leaguewith him, and those who share in the fruits of their corruption. Fifteen lacs are spoken of as the means ready to get either me out ofthe way or put a stop to all attempts of improvement for the present. I have in my public letter mentioned seven lacs as the average annualperquisites of the minister--they are at present at least twelve. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir H. M. Elliot, K. C. B. , &c. &c. [Transcriber's Note: Map of the Kingdom of Oude - Drawn under thesuperintendence of the Late Major General Sir Wm. Sleeman. Approximate area covered 79° to 84° E by 25° to 28. 5° N. ; scaleapproximately 38 miles to the inch. Map shows the route taken by theauthor on his journey, as noted in his diary. ] DIARYofA JOURNEY THROUGH OUDE CHAPTER I. Departure from Lucknow--Gholam Hazrut--Attack on the late PrimeMinister, Ameen-od-Dowla--A similar attack on the sons of a formerPrime Minister, Agar Meer--Gunga Sing and Kulunder Buksh--GorbukshSing, of Bhitolee--Gonda Bahraetch district--Rughbur Sing--PretheePut, of Paska--King of Oude and King of the Fairies--Surafraz mahal. _December_ 1, 1849. --I left Lucknow to proceed on a tour throughOude, to see the state of the country and the condition of thepeople. My wish to do so I communicated to Government, on the 29th ofMarch last, and its sanction was conveyed to me, in a letter from theSecretary, dated the 7th of April. On the 16th of November I reportedto Government my intention to proceed, under this sanction, on the1st of December, and on the 19th I sent the same intimation to theKing. On the 28th, as soon as the ceremonies of the Mohurrumterminated, His Majesty expressed a wish to see me on the followingday; and on the 29th I went at 9 A. M. , accompanied by Captain Bird, the first Assistant, and Lieutenant Weston, the Superintendant of theFrontier Police, and took leave of the King, with mutual expressionof good-will. The minister, Alee Nakee Khan, was present. On the 30thI made over charge of the Treasury to Captain Bird, who has thecharge of the department of the Sipahees' Petitions and the FyzabadGuaranteed Pensions; and, taking with me all the officeestablishments not required in these three departments, proceeded, under the usual salute, to Chenahut, eight miles. * [* My escort consisted, of two companies of sipahees, from the 10thRegiment Native Infantry, and my party of Captain Hardwick, lieutenant Weston, and Lieutenant and Mrs. Willows and my wife andchildren, with occasional visitors from Lucknow and elsewhere. ] The Minister, Dewan and Deputy Minister, Ghoolam Ruza, came out thefirst stage with me, and our friend Moonuwur-od Dowla, drove out tosee us in the evening. _December_ 2, 1849. --We proceeded to Nawabgunge, the minister ridingout with me, for some miles, to take leave, as I sat in my tonjohn. At sunrise I ventured, for the first time since I broke my leftthigh-bone on the 4th April, to mount an elephant, the better to seethe country. The land, on both sides of the road, well cultivated, and studded with groves of mango and other trees, and very fertile. The two purgunnas of Nawabgunge and Sidhore are under the charge ofAga Ahmud, the Amil, who has under him two naibs or deputies, GhoolamAbbas and Mahummud Ameer. All three are obliged to connive at theiniquities of a Landholder, Ghoolam Huzrut, who resides on his smallestate of Jhareeapoora, which he is augmenting, in a manner toocommon in Oude, by seizing on the estates of his weaker neighbours. He wanted to increase the number of his followers, and on the 10th ofNovember 1849, he sent some men to aid the prisoners in the greatjail at Lucknow to break out. Five of them were killed in theattempt, seven were wounded, and twenty-five were retaken, but forty-five escaped, and among them Fuzl Allee, one of the four assassins, who, in April 1847, cut down the late minister, Ameen-od Dowla, inthe midst of his followers, in one of the principal streets ofLucknow, through which the road, leading from the city to Cawnpore, now passes. One of the four, Tuffuzzul Hoseyn, was killed inattempting to escape on the 8th August 1849, and one, Alee Mahomed, was killed in this last attempt. The third, Fuzl Allee, with some ofthe most atrocious and desperate of his companions, is now with thisGhoolam Huzrut, disturbing the peace of the country. The leader inthis attempt was Ghoolam Hyder Khan, who is still in jail at Lucknow. On my remarking to the King's wakeel that these ruffians had allhigh-sounding names, he said, "They are really all men of highlineage; and men of that class, who become ruffians, are always sureto be of the worst description. " "As horses of the best blood, whenthey do become vicious, are the most incorrigible, I suppose?""Nothing can be more true, sir, " rejoined the wakeel. An account ofthe attack made by the above-named ruffians on the minister, may behere given as both interesting and instructive, or at least asillustrative of the state of society and government in Oude. At five in the morning of the 8th of April 1847, the minister, Ameen-od Dowlah, left his house in a buggy to visit the King. Of his armedattendants he had only three or four with him. He had not gone farwhen four armed assassins placed themselves in front of his buggy andordered him to stop. One of them, Tuffuzzul Hoseyn, seized the horse;by the bridle, and told the minister, that he must give him thearrears of pay due before he could go on. The other three, FuzlAllee, Allee Mahomed, and Hyder Khan, came up and stood on the rightside of the buggy. One of the minister's servants, named Hollas, tried to prevent their coming near, but was fired upon by AlleeMahomed. He missed him, but Fuzl Allee discharged his blunderbuss athim, and he fell; but in falling, he wounded Hyder Khan slightly withhis sword. Hyder Khan then threw away his fire-arms and sprang intothe buggy with his naked dagger in his right hand and the minister inhis left. The minister seized him round the waist, forced him backout of the buggy on the left, and fell upon him. Tuffuzzul Hoseynthen quitted his hold of the horse and rushed to his comrade'sassistance, but the minister still holding Hyder Khan in his righthand, seized Tuffuzzul Hoseyn with his left. Syud Aman Allee, anotherpersonal servant of the minister, was cut down by Fuzl Allee, inattempting to aid his master, and a third personal servant, ShahMeer, was severely wounded by Allee Mahomed, and stood at a distanceof twenty paces, calling for help. Fuzl Allee now made two cuts withhis sword on the right shoulder and arm of the minister, below theelbow, and he quitted his hold on the two assassins and fell. Thefour assassins now grasped their victim, and told him that they woulddo him no farther harm if no rescue were attempted. As they saw therest of the minister's armed attendants and a crowd approach, FuzlAllee and Hyder Khan, with their blunderbusses loaded and cocked, stood one at each end of an open space of about sixty yards, andthreatened to shoot the first man who should venture to approachnearer. The crowd and attendants of the minister were kept back, andno one ventured to enter this space, in the centre of which theminister lay, grasped by Tuffuzzul Hoseyn and Allee Mahomed, who heldtheir naked daggers at his breast. The minister called out to hisattendants and the crowd to keep back. He was then allowed to riseand walk to a small raised terrace on the side of the street, wherehe lay down on his back, being unable any longer to sit or stand fromthe loss of blood. Tuffuzzul Hoseyn and Allee Mahomed knelt over him, holding the points of their daggers at his breast, and swearing thatthey would plunge them to his heart if he attempted to move, or anyone presumed to enter the open space to rescue him. Hollas and SyudAman Allee lay bleeding at the spot where they fell. Hollas died thatday, and Syud Aman Allee a few days after, of lock-jaw. As soon as the attack on the minister was made, information of it wassent off to the Resident, Colonel Richmond, who wrote to request theBrigadier Commanding the Troops in Oude, to send him, as soon aspossible, a regiment of infantry with two guns, from the Cantonments, which are three miles and a-half distant from the Residency, on theopposite side from the scene of the attack, to prevent any tumultthat the loose characters of the city might attempt to raise on theoccasion, and repaired himself to the spot attended by the Assistant, Captain Bird, and a small guard of sipahees. They reached the openspot, in the centre of which the minister lay, about a quarter of anhour after he fell. He found the street, in which the attack tookplace, crowded with people up to the place where the two sentries, Fuzl Allee and Hyder Khan, stood at each end of the open space, inthe centre of which the minister lay, with the daggers of the twoother assassins pressing upon his breast. On reaching one end of theopen space, the Resident directed Captain Bird to advance to the spotwhere the minister lay. The assassin who guarded that end at firstthreatened to shoot him, but no sooner recognized him than he let himpass on unattended. He asked the two men, who knelt over theminister, what they meant by this assault. They told him, that goodmen were no longer employed in the King's service, and that theywere, in consequence, without the means of subsistence; and had beencompelled to resort to this mode of obtaining them; that theyrequired fifty thousand rupees from the minister, with a writtenassurance from the British Resident, that they should be escorted insafety across the Ganges into the British territory with this sum. The Resident peremptorily refused to enter into any written agreementwith them, and told them, through the Assistant, that if theypresumed to put the minister to death, or to offer him any furtherviolence, they should be all four immediately shot down and cut topieces; but, if they did him no further harm, their lives should, bespared; and, to prevent their being killed as soon as they quittedtheir hold, that he would take them all with him to the Residency, and neither imprison them himself, nor have them made over asprisoners to the Oude Government; but that he declined being a partyto any arrangement that the minister might wish to make of payingmoney for his life. They continued resolutely to threaten instant death to the ministershould any one but the Resident or his Assistant presume to enter theopen space in which he lay. Many thousands of reckless and desperatecharacters filled the street, ready to commence a tumult, for theplunder of the city, the moment that the minister or the assassinsshould be killed, while the relations and dependents of the minister, with loud cries, offered lacs of rupees to the assassins if theyspared his life, so as to encourage them to hold out. They at lastcollected and brought to the spot, on three or four elephants, thefifty thousand rupees demanded by the assassins, and offered them tohis assailants apparently with his concurrence; and the fourruffians, having assented to the terms offered by the Resident, permitted Doctor Login, the Residency Surgeon, to approach theprostrate minister and dress his wounds. One of the assassins, however, continued to kneel by his side with his naked dagger restingon his breast till he saw the other three seated upon the elephants, on which the money was placed, with the understanding, that the guardof sipahees, which the Resident had brought with him, should escortthem to the Residency, and that Captain Bird, the Assistant, shouldaccompany them. The fourth man then quitted his hold on the minister, who had become very faint, and climbed upon Captain Bird's elephantand took seat behind him. Captain Bird, however, made him get off, and mount another elephant with his companions. The crowd shouted_shah bash, shah bash!_--well done, well done! and they attempted toscatter some of the money from the elephants among them, but wereprevented by Captain Bird, who dreaded the consequences in such atumult. They were all four taken to the Residency under the guard ofsipahees, and accommodated in one of the lower rooms of the office;and a guard was placed over the money with orders to keep back thecrowd of spectators, which was very great. Three of the four ruffianshad been wounded by the minister's attendants before they couldsecure his person, and their wounds were now dressed by Doctor Login. It was now ten o'clock, and at twelve the Resident had an interviewwith the King, who had become much alarmed, not only for the safetyof the minister, but for that of the city, threatened by thethousands of bad characters, anxious for an occasion of pillage; andhe expressed an anxious wish that the assassins should be made overto him for trial. But the Resident pleaded the solemn promise whichhe had made, and his Majesty admitted the necessity of the promiseunder the circumstances, and that of keeping it; but said that hewould have the whole affair carefully investigated. As soon as theResident left him, he sent a company of sipahees with fetters to theResidency to receive charge of the prisoners, but the Resident wouldnot give them up. The King then wrote a letter to the Resident withhis own hand, requesting that the prisoners might be surrendered tohim. The Resident, in his reply to His Majesty's, letter, told him, that he could not so far violate the promise he had given, but thathe would send them to answer any other charges that might be broughtagainst them, in any open and impartial Court that might be appointedto try them; and if they should be found guilty of other crimes, HisMajesty might order any sentence passed upon them, short of death, tobe carried into execution. Charges of many successful attempts of the same kind, and manyatrocious murders perpetrated by the ruffians, in distant districtsof Oude, were preferred against them; and they were prevailed upon togive up their arms, and to submit to a fair and open trial, on theother charges preferred against them, on condition that they shouldneither be put to death nor in any way maimed, or put in fetters, orsubjected to ill-treatment before trial and conviction. The Residentoffered them the alternative of doing this or leaving the Residency, after he had read to them the King's letter, and told them, that hispromise extended only to saving their lives and escorting them to theResidency; and, that he would not be answerable for their livesbeyond the court-yard of the Residency, if they refused theconditions now offered. They knew that their lives would not be safefor a moment after they got beyond the court-yard, and submitted. Their arms and the fifty thousand rupees were sent to the King. Atfour in the afternoon, the four prisoners were made over to theKing's wakeel, on a solemn promise given under the express sanctionof his Majesty, of safe conduct through the streets, of freedom fromfetters, or any kind of ill-treatment before conviction, and of fairand open trial. But they had not gone two paces from the Residency court-yard, whenthey were set upon by the very people sent by the King to take careof them on the way; the King's wakeel having got into his palkee andgone on before them towards the palace. They were beaten with whips, sticks, and the hilts of swords, till one of the four fell downinsensible, and the other three were reduced to a pitiable condition. The Resident took measures to protect them from further violence, recalled the wakeel; and, after admonishing him for his dishonourableconduct, had the prisoners taken unfettered to a convenient housenear the prison. The wounded minister wrote to the King, earnestlypraying that the prisoners might not suffer any kind of ill-treatmentbefore conviction, after a fair and impartial trial. The Residentreported to Government all that had occurred, and stated, that heshould see that the promises made to the prisoners were fulfilled, that, should they be convicted before the Court appointed to conductthe trial, of other crimes perpetrated before this assault on theminister, they would be subject to such punishment as the Mahommedanlaw prescribed for such crimes. Three of them, Tuffuzzul Hoseyn, Hyder Khan, and Fuzl Allee, were convicted, on their own confessions, and the testimony of their own relations, of many cold bloodedmurders, and successful attempts to extort money from respectable andwealthy persons in different parts of Oude, similar to this on theminister, and all four were sentenced to imprisonment for life. TheGovernment of India had insisted on their not being executed ormutilated. Fuzl Allee, as above stated, broke jail, and is still atlarge at his old trade, and Hyder Khan is still in prison at Lucknow. These ruffians appear to have been encouraged, in this assault uponthe minister, for the purpose of extorting money, by a similar butmore successful attempt made in the year 1824, by a party headed by aperson named Syud Mahomed Eesa Meean, _alias_ Eesa Meean. This person came to Lucknow with a letter of recommendation fromCaptain Gough. He delivered it in person to the Resident, but wasnever after seen or heard of by him till this affair occurred. Hebecame a kind of saint, or _apostle_, at Lucknow; and Fakeer MahomedKhan Rusaldar, who commanded a corps of Cavalry, and had muchinfluence over the minister, Aga Meer, became one of his _disciples_, and prevailed upon the minister to entertain him as a mosahib, oraide-de-camp. He soon became a favourite with Aga Meer, and formed aliaison with a dancing-girl, named Beeba Jan. His conduct towards hersoon became too violent and overbearing, and she sought shelter withthe Khasmahal, or chief consort, of the minister, who promised herprotection, and detained her in her apartments. Eesa Meean appealedto the minister, and demanded her surrender. The minister told himthat she was mistress of her own actions, as she had never gonethrough the ceremonies of permanent marriage, or _nikkah_, nor eventhose of a temporary one, _motah_; and most be considered asaltogether free to choose her own lovers or mode of life. He then appealed to Moulavee Karamut Allee, the tutor of Aga Meer'schildren, but was told, that he could not interfere, as the femalewas a mere acquaintance of his, and bound to him by no legal tieswhatever; and must, therefore, be considered as free to reside whereand with whom she chose. Eesa Meean then took his resolution, andprevailed upon some fifteen of the loose and desperate characters whoalways swarm at Lucknow, to aid him in carrying it out. On the 2nd ofJune 1824, Karamut Allee, the tutor, was bathing, and Aga Meer's twoeldest sons, Aga Allee, aged eleven, and Nizam-od Dowlah, aged sixyears were reading their lessons in the school-room, under thedeputy-tutor, Moulavee Ameen Allee. It was early in the morning, butthe minister had gone out to wait upon the King. Eesa Meean enteredthe school-room, and approached the children with the usual courtesyand compliments, followed by six armed men, and one table attendant, or khidmutgar. The two boys were sitting beside each other, the eldest, Aga Allee, on the left, and the youngest, Nizam-od Dowla, on the right. EesaMeean sat down on the left side of the eldest, and congratulated bothon the rapid progress they were making in their studies. Three of hisfollowers, while he was doing this, placed themselves on the left ofthe eldest, and the other three on the right of the youngest. On aconcerted signal all drew forth and cocked their pistols, and placedthemselves at the only three doors that opened from the school-room, two at each, while at a signal made by the khidmutgar, eight more mencame in armed in the same manner. Two of them with naked daggers intheir right hands seized the two boys with their left, and threatenedthem with instant death if they attempted to more or call for help. The other six threatened to kill any one who should attempt to forcehis way into the apartment. The khidmutgar, in the mean time, seizedand brought into the room two large gharahs or pitchers of drinkingwater, that stood outside, as the weather was very hot, and the partywould require it They were afraid that poison might be put into thewater if left outside after they had commenced the assault. EesaMeean then declared, that he had been driven to this violent act bythe detention of his girl by the Khasmahal, and must have herinstantly surrendered, or they would put the boys to death. Hearingthe noise from his bathing-room, their tutor, Karamut Allee, rushedinto the room with nothing on his person but his waist-band, andbegan to admonish the ruffians. Seeing him unarmed, and respectinghis peaceful character, they let him pass in and vociferate, but paidno regard to what he said. The alarm had spread through the house and town, and many of thechief officers of the Court were permitted to enter the room unarmed. Roshun-od Dowlah, Sobhan Allee Khan, Fakeer Mahomed Khan, Nuzee AlleeKhan, (the Khasmahul's son-in-law, ) and others of equal rank, all inloud terms admonished the assailants, and demanded the surrender ofthe children, but all were alike unheeded. The chief merchant ofLucknow, Sa Gobind Lal, came in; and thinking that all affairs couldand ought to be settled in a business-like way, told the chiefofficers to fix the sum to be given, and he would at once pledgehimself to the payment. All agreed to this, and Sobhan Allee Khan, the Chief Secretary of the minister, set to work and drew up a longand eloquent paper of conditions. On his beginning to read it, one ofthe ruffians, who had one eye, rushed in, snatched it from his hand, tore it to pieces, and threw the fragments into his chief's, EesaMeean's, face, saying, "that this fellow would write them all out oftheir lives, as he was writing the people of Oude every day out oftheir properties; that if they must die, it should not be by pen andpaper, but by swords and daggers in a fair fight; that all theirlives had been staked, and all should die or live together. " He wasoverpowered by the others, and other papers were drawn up by theready writer and consummate knave Sobhan Allee, but the one-eyed mancontrived to get hold of all, one after the other, and tear them up. The minister was with the King when he first heard of the affair, andhe went off forthwith to the Resident, Mr. Ricketts, to say, that hisMajesty had in vain endeavoured to rescue the boys through hisprincipal civil officers, and had sent all his available troops, butin vain; and now earnestly entreated the British Resident tointerpose and save their lives. The Resident consented to do so, oncondition that any arrangement he might find it necessary to makeshould be binding on his Majesty and the minister. Aga Meer returnedto the King with this message, and his Majesty agreed to thiscondition. The Resident then sent his head moonshie, Gholam Hossein, to promise Eesa Meean, that the woman should be restored to him, andany grievance he might have to complain of should be redressed, andhis party all saved, if he gave up the children. But he and hisfollowers now demanded a large sum of money, and declared, that theywould murder the boys unless it was given and secured to them, with apledge for personal security to the whole party. The minister, on hearing this, came to the Resident, and implored himto adopt some measures to save the lives of the children. TheResident had been for three weeks confined to his couch from illness, but he sent his Assistant, Captain Lockett, with full powers to makeany arrangement, and pledge himself to any engagements, which mightappear to him to be necessary, to save the lives of the boys. Hewent, and being unarmed, was permitted to enter the room. He askedfor Eesa Meean, whom he had never before seen, when one of the partythat knelt over the boys rose, and saluting him, said, "I am EesaMeean. " Captain Lockett told him that he wanted to speak to him inprivate, when Eesa Meean pointed to a door leading into a side room, into which they retired. Eesa Meean offered Captain Lockett a chair, and at his request sat down by his side. He then entered into a longstory of grievances, which Captain Lockett considered to befrivolous, and said, "that the minister had injured his prospects inmany ways, and at last disgraced him in the eyes of all people atLucknow, by conniving at the elopement of the dancing-girl that hewas a soldier and regardless of life under such disgrace, andprepared to abide by the result of his present attempt to secureredress, whatever it might be; that his terms were the payment downof five lacs of rupees, the restoration of his dancing-girl, and thesecurity of his own person and property, with permission to go wherehe pleased, unmolested. " Captain Lockett reminded him quietly of whathe had just said: "that he was a soldier, and anxious only for therecovery of his lost honour; that now, to demand, money, was to showto the world that wounded honour was urged as a mere pretext, and theseizure of the boys a means adopted for the sole purpose of extortingmoney; that he could not condescend to hold further converse with himif he persisted in such preposterous demands; that he might murderthe children as they seemed to be in his power, but if he did so, heand his party would be all instantly put to death, as the house wassurrounded by thousands of the King's soldiers, ready to fall uponthem at the slightest signal. " He then recommended him to release theboys forthwith before the excitement without became more strong, andaccompany him to the Residency, where his real Wrongs would beinquired into and redressed. Eesa Meean then rose and said: "Money is not my object. I despise it. I regard nothing but the preservation of my honour, and agree to whatyou propose; but I have several companions here who require to beconsulted: let me speak to them. " He then went into the large room. His companions all made objections of one kind or another, and whatthey all agreed to one moment was rejected the next. They vociferatedloudly, and disputed violently with each other, and with all aroundthem, and at times appeared desperate and determined to sacrifice theboys, and sell their own lives as dearly as possible. Eesa Meeanhimself seemed to be the most violent and boisterous of all, and hadhis hand frequently on the hilt of his sword when he disputed withthe King's officers, whom he abused in the grossest possible terms. They did more harm than good by their want of temper and patience, but above all by their utter want of character, since no one couldplace the slightest reliance on the word of any one of them in such atrying moment. They seemed to have no control over their feelings, and to think that they could do all that was required by harshlanguage and loud bawling. Captain Lockett at last persuaded them to leave the whole affair inhis hands; and had they done so at first, he would have settled thematter, he thought, in half the time. They had been discussingmatters in this angry manner for four hours and a half, withoutmaking the slightest impression on the ruffians; but when all becamesilent, Captain Lockett prevailed on them to release the boys on theconditions agreed to between him and Eesa Meean, and recorded onpaper. In this paper it was declared--"That Syud Mahomed Eesa Khan, together with the woman, Beeba Jan, shall be allowed to go where heliked, with security to his life and honour, and with all theproperty and effects he might have, whether he got it from the Kingof Oude or from his minister; and that no one, either in theHonourable Company's or in the King of Oude's dominions, shall offerhim any molestation; that no obstruction shall be thrown in his wayby the officers of the British Government in the countries of any ofthe Rajahs at whose courts there may be a British Resident; andfurther, that no molestation shall be offered to him in the Britishterritories in consequence of the disturbance which took place atBareilly in 1816. "(Signed) A. LOCKETT, _Assistant Resident_. " After this paper had been signed by Captain Lockett, the two boyswere set at liberty, and sent off in palanqeens to their mother undera guard. The minister had, in the morning, promised to give theassailants twenty thousand rupees, and they arrived before thediscussions closed, and were placed on the floor of the school-room. The girl, Beeba Jan, was now brought into the room, and made over toEesa Meean. When first brought before him, she thought she was to besacrificed to save the lives of the boys, and was in a state of greatagitation. She implored Captain Lockett to save her life; but, to thegreat surprise of all present, Eesa Meean took up one of the bags ofmoney, containing one thousand rupees, and, with a smile, put it intoher arms, and told her that she was now at liberty to return to herhome or go where she pleased. The joy expressed by the girl and byall who witnessed this scene was very great; for they had allconsidered him to be a mere ruffian, incapable of anything like agenerous action. It had been arranged that Eesa Meean, with all his party, should gowith Captain Lockett to the Residency; but when the time came, andthe excitement had passed away in the apartment, he began to bealarmed, and told Captain Lockett that he felt sure he should bemurdered on the road. He wanted to go with Captain Lockett on thesame elephant, but to this Captain Lockett would not consent, as itwould compromise his dignity, to sit on the same elephant with soatrocious a character. There was no palanqeen available for him, andhe would not allow Captain Lockett to enter his, declaring that if hedid so, he, Eesa Meean, would be instantly cut down by the King'speople. Captain Lockett was, therefore, obliged to walk with him fromthe minister's house at Dowlut Poora to the Residency, a distance ofa mile, in the heat of the day, and the hottest month in the year, followed by the King's troops, and an immense multitude from thecity. About four o'clock Captain Lockett reached the Residency, andmade over Eesa Meean and his sixteen followers to the Resident, whoratified the written engagement, and sent the party to thecantonments, three miles distant from the city, to Brigadier-GeneralPrice, who commanded the troops in Oude, to be taken care of for afew days till arrangements could be made for their safe conduct toCawnpore, within the British territory. Their arms were taken fromthem, to be sent to the magistrate at Cawnpore, for delivery to themwhen they might be released. On the morning of the 3rd the King cameto the Resident to thank him for what he had done, and express thesense he entertained of the judicious conduct of his Assistant duringthe whole of this trying scene; and to request that he might bepermitted to go to the palace to receive some mark of distinctionwhich his Majesty wished to confer upon him. Captain Lockett wentwith the minister, and was received with marked distinction; andthirteen trays of shawls and other articles were presented to him. Captain Lockett selected one pair, which he accepted, and placed, asusual, in the Resident's Toshuk-khana. When he signed the paper he remarked the omission of all mention ofEesa Meean's associates in that document, but did not consider it tobe his duty to point out the oversight, lest it might increase theexcitement, and prolong the angry discussions. In his report of thecircumstances to the Resident, however, he mentioned it to him, andtold him that the omission clearly arose from an oversight, andunless his associates received the same indulgence as the principal, Eesa Meean himself, their exclusion from the benefits of theengagement might be attributed to decoit or artifice on his part. TheResident concurred in this opinion, and in his report of thefollowing day to Government, he recommended that they should all beconsidered as included in the engagement. Government, in its reply of the 25th of June 1824, consents to thisconstruction of the written engagement, but notices a no lessimportant oversight on the part of the Resident and his Assistant, inthe free pardon given to Eesa Meean, for the share he had taken inthe Bareilly insurrection, which had caused the loss of so many livesin April 1816. Government infers, that they could, neither of themhave been aware, that this ruffian was the original instigator andmost active leader in that formidable insurrection; that it waschiefly, if not entirely, owing to his endeavours to inflame thepopular phrenzy, and to collect partizans from the neighbouringtowns, that the efforts of the local authorities, to quell or avertthe rising storm, failed wholly of success; that he stood charged asa principal in the murder of Mr. Leycester's son, and that, on thesegrounds, he was expressly excluded from the general amnesty, declaredafter the successful suppression of the rebellion, and a reward oftwo thousand rupees offered for his arrest; that this written pledgehad involved Government in the dilemma of either cancelling a publicact of the British Resident, or pardoning and setting at large, within its territory, a proclaimed outlaw, and notorious rebel andmost dangerous incendiary; and that it felt bound in duty to guardthe public peace from the hazard of further interruption, through theviolence or intrigue of so desperate and atrocious an offender; andto annul that part of the engagement which absolves Eesa Meean fromhis guilt in the Bareilly insurrection, since the Resident and hisAssistant went beyond their powers in pledging their Government tosuch a condition. Government directed, that he and his associatesshould be safely escorted over the border into the British territory, and that he should not be brought to trial before a Judicial Court, with a view to his being capitally punished for his crimes atBareilly, but be confined, as a state prisoner, in the fortress ofAllahabad. The Government, in strong but dignified terms, expressesits surprise and displeasure at his having been placed in soconfidential a position, and permitted to bask in the sunshine ofministerial favour, when active search was being made for him allover India; for the King and his minister must have been both awareof the part he had taken in the Bareilly insurrection, since the Kinghimself alludes to it in a letter submitted by the Resident toGovernment on the 8th of June 1824. The Resident and his Assistant, in letters dated 15th of July, declare that they were altogether unacquainted with the part whichEesa Meean had taken in the Bareilly rebellion in 1816, the Residentbeing at that time at the Cape of Good Hope, and his Assistant inEngland. Eesa Meean was confined, as directed, in the fort ofAllahabad; but soon afterwards released on the occasion of theGovernor-General's visit to that place. He returned again to Lucknowin the year 1828, soon after Aga Meer had been removed from hisoffice of minister. As soon as it was discovered that he was in thecity, he was seized and sent across the Ganges; and is said to havebeen killed in Malwa or Goozerat, in a similar attempt upon somenative chief or his minister. The two boys are still living, the eldest, Aga Allee, or Ameen-odDowla, at Lucknow, and Nizam-od Dowla, the youngest, at Cawnpore;both drawing large hereditary pensions, under the guarantee of theBritish Government. This is not the Ameen-od Dowla who was attackedin the streets, as above described, in the year 1847. About two years ago this Ghoolam Huzrut took by violence possessionof the small estate of Golha, now in the Sibhore purgunnah; andturned out the proprietor, Bhowannee Sing, a Rathore Rajpoot, whoseancestors had held it for several centuries. The poor man was re-established in it by the succeeding contractor, Girdhara Sing; but onhis losing his contract, Ghoolam Huzret, on the 23rd of Septemberlast, again attacked Bhowanne Sing at midnight, at the head of a gangof ruffians; and after killing five of his relatives and servants, and burning down his houses, turned him and his family out, andsecured possession of the village, which he still holds. The King'sofficers were too weak to protect the poor man, and have hithertoacquiesced in the usurpation of the village. Ghoolam Huzrut hasremoved all the autumn crops to his own village; and cut down andtaken away sixty mango-trees planted by Bhowannee Sing's ancestors. Miherban Sing, the son of the sufferer, is a sipahee in the 63rdRegiment Native Infantry, and he presented a petition through theResident in behalf of his father. Other petitions have been sincepresented, and the Court has been strongly urged to afford redress. Ghoolam Huzrut has two forts, to which he retires when pursued, oneat _Para_, and one at _Sarai_, and a good many powerful landholdersalways ready to support him against the government, on condition ofbeing supported by him when necessary. On crossing the river Ghagra, I directed Captain Bunbury, (whocommands a regiment in the King of Oude's service with six guns, andwas to have accompanied me, and left the main body of his regimentwith his guns under his second in command, Captain Hearsey, atNawabgunge, ) to surprise and capture Ghoolam Huzrut, if possible, bya sudden march. He had left his fort of Para, on my passing within afew miles of it, knowing that the minister had been with me, andthinking that he might have requested my aid for the purpose. CaptainBunbury joined his main body unperceived, made a forced march duringthe night, and reached the fort of Para at daybreak in the morning, without giving alarm to any one on the road. In this surprise he wasaided by Khoda Buksh, of Dadra, a very respectable and excellentlandholder, who had suffered from Ghoolam Huzrut's depredations. He had returned to his fort with all his family on my passing, and itcontained but few soldiers, with a vast number of women and children. He saw that it would be of no use to resist, and surrendered his fortand person to Captain Bunbury, who sent him a prisoner to Lucknow, under charge of two Companies, commanded by Captain Hearsey. He isunder trial, but he has so many influential friends about the Court, with whom he has shared his plunder, that his ultimate punishment isdoubtful. Captain Bunbury was praised for his skill and gallantry, and was honoured with a title by the king. _December_ 3, 1849. --Kinalee, ten miles over a plain, highlycultivated and well studded with groves, but we could see neithertown, village, nor hamlet on the road. A poor Brahmin, Gunga Sing, came along the road with me, to seek redress for injuries sustained. His grandfather was in the service of our Government, and killedunder Lord Lake, at the first siege of Bhurtpore in 1804. With thelittle he left, the family had set up as agricultural capitalists inthe village of Poorwa Pundit, on the estate of Kulunder Buksh, ofBhitwal. Here they prospered. The estate was, as a matter of favourto Kulunder Buksh, transferred from the jurisdiction of thecontractor to that of the Hozoor Tehseel. * Kulunder Buksh eithercould not, or would not, pay the Government demand; and he employedtwo of his relatives, Godree and Hoseyn Buksh, to plunder in theestate and the neighbourhood, to reduce Government to his own terms. These two persons, with two hundred armed men, attacked the villagein the night; and, after plundering the house of this Brahmin, GungaSing, they seized his wife, who was then pregnant, and made her pointout a hidden treasure of one hundred and seven gold mohurs, and twohundred and seventy-seven rupees. She had been wounded in severalplaces before she did this, and when she could point out no more, oneof the two brothers cut her down with his sword, and killed her. Inall the Brahmin lost two thousand seven hundred and fifty-fiverupees' worth of property; and, on the ground of his grandfatherhaving been killed in the Honourable Company's service, has been eversince urging the Resident to interpose with the Oude government inhis behalf. [* The term "Hozoor Tehseel" signifies the collections of the revenuemade by the governor himself whether of a district or a kingdom. Theestates of all landholders who pay their land-revenues direct to thegovernor, or to the deputy employed under him to receive suchrevenues and manage such estates, are said to be in the "HozoorTehseel. " The local authorities of the districts on which suchestates are situated have nothing whatever to do with them. ] The estate of Bhitwal has been retransferred to the jurisdiction ofthe Amil of Byswara, who has restored it to Kulunder Buksh; and histwo relatives, Godree and Hoseyn Buksh, are thriving on the bootyacquired, and are in high favour with the local authorities. I haverequested that measures may be adopted to punish them for the robberyand the cruel murder of the poor woman; but have little hope thatthey will be so. _No government in India is now more weak forpurposes of good than that of Oude_. This village of Kinalee is now in the estate of Ramnuggur Dhumeereea, held by Gorbuksh, a large landholder, who has a strong fort, Bhitolee, at the point of the Delta, formed by the Chouka and Ghagrarivers, which here unite. He has taken refuge with some four thousandarmed followers in this fort, under the apprehension of being made topay the full amount of the Government demand, and called to accountfor the rescue of some atrocious offenders from Captain Hearsey, ofthe Frontier Police, by whom they had been secured. Gorbuksh used topay two hundred thousand rupees a-year for many years for thisestate, without murmur or difficulty; but for the last three years hehas not paid the rate, to which he has got it reduced, of one hundredand fifty thousand. Out of his rents and the revenues due toGovernment he keeps up a large body of armed followers, to intimidatethe Government, and seize upon the estates of his weaker neighbours, many of which he has lately appropriated by fraud, violence, andcollusion. An attempt was this year made to put the estate under themanagement of Government officers; but he was too strong for theGovernment, which was obliged to temporise, and at last to yield. Heis said to exact from the landholders the sum of two hundred andfifty thousand rupees a-year. He holds also the estate of Bhitolee, at the apex of the delta of the Ghagra and Chouka rivers, in whichthe fort of Bhitolee is situated. The Government demand on thisestate is fifty thousand (50, 000) rupees a-year. His son, SurubjeetSing, is engaged in plunder, and, it is said, with his father'sconnivance and encouragement, though he pretends to be acting indisobedience of his orders. The object is, to augment their estate, and intimidate the Government and its officers by gangs of ruffians, whom they can maintain only by plunder and malversation. The greaterpart of the lands, comprised in this estate of Ramnuggur Dhumeereea, of which Rajah Gorbuksh is now the local governor, are hereditarypossessions which have been held by his family for many generations. A part has been recently seized from weaker neighbours, and added tothem. The rest are merely under him as the governor or publicofficer, intrusted with the collection of the revenue and themanagement of the police. _December_ 4, 1849. --Gunesh Gunge, _alias_ Byram-ghat, on the rightbank of the river Ghagra, distance about twelve miles. The countrywell cultivated, and studded with good groves of mango and othertrees. We passed through and close to several villages, whose housesare nothing but mud walls, without a thatched or tiled roof to one intwenty. The people say there is no security in them from the King'stroops and the passies, a large class of men in Oude, who are villagewatchmen but inveterate thieves and robbers, when not employed assuch. All refractory landholders hire a body of passies to fight forthem, as they pay themselves out of the plunder, and cost little totheir employers. They are all armed with bows and arrows, and arevery formidable at night. They and their refractory employers keepthe country in a perpetual state of disorder; and, though they do notprevent the cultivation of the land, they prevent the village andhamlets from being occupied by anybody who has anything to lose, andno strong local ties to restrain him. The town of Ramnuggur, in which Gorbuksh resides occasionally, is onthe road some five miles from the river. It has a good many houses, but all are of the same wretched description; mud walls, withinvisible coverings or no coverings at all; no signs of domesticpeace or happiness; but nothing can exceed the richness and varietyof the crops in and around Ramnuggur. It is a fine garden, and wouldsoon be beautiful, were life and property better secured, and somesigns of domestic comfort created. The ruined state of the houses inthis town and in the villages along the road, is, in part, owing tothe system which requires all the King's troops to forage forthemselves on the march, and the contractors, and other collectors ofrevenue, to be continually on the move, and to take all their troopswith them. The troops required in the provinces should be cantoned infive or six places most convenient, with regard, to the districts tobe controlled, and most healthy for the people; and provided withwhat they require, as ours are, and sent out to assist the revenuecollectors and magistrates only when their services are indispensablynecessary. Some Chundele Rajpoot landholders came to me yesterday tosay, that Ghoolam Huzrut, with his bands of armed ruffians, seemeddetermined to seize upon all the estates of his weaker Hindooneighbours, and they would soon lose theirs, unless the BritishGovernment interposed to protect them. Gorbuksh has not ventured tocome, as he was ordered, to pay his respects to the Resident; but hasshut himself up in his fort at Bhitolee, about six miles up the riverfrom our camp. The Chouka is a small river which there flows into theGhagra. He is said to have four or five thousand men with him; andseveral guns mounted in his fort. The ferry over the Ghagra is closeto our tents, and called Byram-ghat. _December_ 5, 1849. --Crossed the river Ghagra, in boats, and encampedat Nawabgunge, on the left bank, where we were met by one of thecollectors of the Gonda Bahraetch district. He complained of thedifficulties experienced in realizing the just demands of theexchequer, from the number and power of the tallookdars of thedistrict, who had forts and bands of armed followers, too strong forthe King's officers. There were, he said, in the small purgunnah ofGouras-- 1. --Pretheeput Sing, of Paska, who has a strong fort called Dhunolee, on the right bank of the Ghagra, opposite to Paska and Bumhoree, twostrongholds, which he has on the left bank of that river, and he isalways ready to resist the Government. 2. --Murtonjee Buksh, of Shahpoor, who is always ready to do the same;and a great ruffian. 3. --Shere Bahader Sing, of Kuneear. * 4. --Maheput Sing, of Dhunawa. * 5. --Surnam Sing, of Arta. * 6. --Maheput Sing, of Paruspoor. * [* All four are at present on good terms with the Government and itslocal authorities. ] They have each a fort, or stronghold, mounting five or six guns, andtrained bands of armed and brave men of five or six hundred, whichthey augment, as occasion requires, by Gohars, or auxiliary bandsfrom their friends. Hurdut Sing, of Bondee, _alias_ Bumnootee, held an estate for whichhe paid one hundred and eighty-two thousand (1, 82, 000) rupees a yearto Government; but he was driven, out of it in 1846-47, by RughburSing, the contractor, who, by rapacity and outrage, drove off thegreater part of the cultivators, and so desolated the estate that itcould not now be made to yield thirty thousand (30, 000) rupees a-year. The Raja has ever since resided with a few followers in anisland in the Ghagra. He has never openly resisted or defied theGovernment, but is said to be sullen, and a bad paymaster. He stillholds the estate in its desolate condition. The people of Nawabgunge drink the water of wells, close to the bankof the river, and often the water of the river itself, and say thatthey never suffer from it; but that a good many people in severalvillages, along the same bank, have the goitre to a very distressingdegree. _December_ 6, 1849. --Halted at Byram-ghat, in order to enable all ourpeople and things to come up. One of our elephants nearly lost hislife yesterday in the quick-sands of the river. Capt. Weston rode outyesterday close to Bhitolee, the little fort of Rajah Gorbuksh Sing, who came out in a litter and told him, that he would come to me to-day at noon, and clear himself of the charges brought against him ofrescuing and harbouring robbers, and refusing to pay the Governmentdemand. He had been suffering severely from fever for fifteen days. Karamut Allee complains that his father, Busharut Allee, had beendriven out from the purgunnahs of Nawabgunge and Sidhore, by GhoolumHuzrut and his associates, who had several times attacked andplundered the town of Nawabgunge, our second stage, and a great manyother villages around, from which they had driven off all thecultivators and stock, in order to appropriate them to themselves, and augment their landed estates; that they had cut down all thegroves of mango-trees planted by the rightful proprietors and theirancestors, in order to remove all local ties; and murdered or maimedall cultivators who presumed to till any of the lands without theirpermission, that Busharut Allee had held the contract for the landrevenue of the purgunnah for twenty years, and paid punctually onehundred and thirty-five thousand (1, 35, 000) rupees a-year to thetreasury, till about four years ago, when Ghoolam Huzrut commencedthis system of spoliation and seizure, since which time the purgunnahhad been declining, and could not now yield seventy thousand (70, 000)rupees to the treasury; that his family had held many villages inhereditary right for many generations, within the purgunnah, but thatall had, been or were being seized by this lawless freebooter and hisassociates. Seeta Ram, a Brahmin zumeendar of Kowaree, in purgunnah Satrick, complains, that he has been driven out of his hereditary estate byGhoolam Imam, the zumeendar of Jaggour, and his associate, GhoolamHuzrut; that his house had been levelled with the ground, and all thetrees, planted by his family, have been cut down and burned; that hehas been plundered of all he had by them, and is utterly ruined. Manyother landholders complain in the same manner of having been robbedby this gang, and deprived of their estates; and still more come into pray for protection, as the same fate threatens all the smallerproprietors, under a government so weak, and so indifferent to thesufferings of its subjects. The Nazim of Khyrabad, who is now here engaged in the siege ofBhitolee, has nominally three thousand four hundred fighting men withhim; but he cannot muster seventeen hundred. He has with him only theseconds in command of corps, who are men of no authority orinfluence, the commandants being at Court, and the mere creatures ofthe singers and eunuchs, and other favourites about the palace. Theyalways reside at and about Court, and keep up only half the number ofmen and officers, for whom they draw pay. All his applications to theminister to have more soldiers sent out to complete the corps, orpermission to raise men in their places, remain unanswered anddisregarded. The Nazim of Bharaetch has nominally four thousandfighting men; but he cannot muster two thousand, and the greater partof them are good for nothing. The great landholders despise them, butrespect the Komutee corps, under Captains Barlow, Bunbury, andMagness, which is complete, and composed of strong and brave men. Thedespicable state to which the Court favourites have reduced theKing's troops, with the exception of these three corps, islamentable. They are under no discipline, and are formidable only tothe peasantry and smaller landholders and proprietors, whose housesthey everywhere deprive of their coverings, as they deprive theircattle of their fodder. _December_ 7, 1849. --Hissampoor, 12 miles north-east, over a plain offine soil, more scantily tilled than any we saw on the other side ofthe Ghagra, but well studded with groves and fine single trees, andwith excellent crops on the lands actually under tillage. One causeassigned for so much fine land lying waste is, that the Rajpoottallookdars, above named, of the Chehdewara, have been long engagedin plundering the Syud proprietors of the soil, and seizing upontheir lands, in the same manner as the Mahomedan ruffians, on theother side of the river, have been engaged in plundering the smallRajpoot proprietors, and seizing upon their lands. Four of them arenow quiet; but two, Prethee Put and Mirtonjee, are always inrebellion. Lately, while the Chuckladar was absent, employed againstJote Sing, of Churda, in the Turae, these two men took a large trainof followers, with some guns, attacked the two villages of Aelee andPursolee, in the estate of Deeksa, in Gonda, killed six persons, plundered all the houses of the inhabitants, and destroyed all theircrops, merely because the landholders of these two villages would notsettle a boundary dispute in the way 'they proposed'. The lands ofthe Hissampoor purgunnah were held in property by the members of afamily of Syuds, and had been so for many generations; butneighbouring Rajpoot tallookdars have plundered them of all they had, and seized upon their lands by violence, fraud, or collusion, withpublic officers. Some they have seized and imprisoned, with tortureof one kind or another, till they signed deeds of sale, _Bynamahs_;others they have murdered with all their families, to get securepossession of their lands; others they have despoiled by offering thelocal authorities a higher rate of revenue for their lands than theycould possibly pay. The Nazim has eighteen guns, and ten auxiliary ones sent out onemergency--not one-quarter are in a state for service; and for thesehe has not half the draft-bullocks required, and they are too weakfor use; and of ammunition or _stores_ he has hardly any at all. Rajah Gorbuksh Sing came yesterday, at sunset, to pay his respects, and promised to pay to the Oude Government all that is justlydemandable from him. Written engagements to this effect were drawnup, and signed by both the "high contracting parties. " Having come inon a pledge of personal security, he was, of course, permitted toreturn from my camp to his own stronghold in safety. In that place hehas collected all the loose characters and unemployed soldiers hecould gather together, and all that his friends and associates couldlend him, to resist the Amil; and to maintain such a host, he willhave to pay much more than was required punctually to fulfil hisengagements to the State. He calculates, however, that, by yieldingto the Government, he would entail upon himself a perpetual burthenat an enhanced rate, while, by the temporary expenditure of a fewthousands in this way, he may still further reduce the rate he hashitherto paid. The contract for Gonda and Bahraetch was held by Rughbur Sing, one ofthe sons of Dursun Sing, for the years 1846 and 1847 A. D. , and thedistrict of Sultanpoor was held by his brother, Maun Sing, for 1845-46 and 1847 A. D. Rughbur Sing in 1846-47 is supposed to have seizedand sold or destroyed no less than 25, 000 plough-bullocks inBhumnootee, the estate of Rajah Hurdut Sing, alone. The estate ofHurhurpoor had, up to that time, long paid Government sixty thousand(60, 000) rupees a-year, but last year it would not yield fivethousand (5, 000) rupees, from the ravages of this man, Rughbur Sing. The estate of Rehwa, held by Jeswunt Sing, tallookdar, had paidregularly fifty-five thousand (55, 000) rupees a-year; but it was sodesolated by Rughbur Sing, that it cannot now yield eleven thousand(11, 000) rupees. This estate adjoins Bhumnootee, Rajah Hurdut Sing's, which, as above stated, regularly paid one hundred and eighty-twothousand (182, 000) rupees; it cannot now pay thirty thousand (30, 000)rupees. Such are the effects of the oppression of this bad man for sobrief a period. Some tallookdars live within the borders of our district ofGoruckpoor, while their lands lie in Oude. By this means they evadethe payment of their land revenues, and with impunity commitatrocious acts of murder and plunder in Oude. These men maim ormurder all who presume to cultivate on the lands which they havedeserted, without their permission, or to pay rents to any butthemselves; and the King of Oude's officers dare not follow them, andare altogether helpless. Only two months ago, Mohibollah, a zumeendarof Kuttera, was invited by Hoseyn Buksh Khan, one of thesetallookdars, to his house, in the Goruckpoor district, to negotiatefor the ransom of one of his cultivators, a weaver by caste, whom hehad seized and taken away. As he was returning in the evening, he waswaylaid by Hoseyn Buksh Khan, as soon as he had recrossed the Oudeborders, and murdered with one of his attendants, who had been sentwith him by the Oude Amil. Such atrocities are committed by theserefractory tallookdars every day, while they are protected within ourbordering districts. Their lands must lie waste or be tilled by menwho pay all the rent to them, while they pay nothing to the OudeGovernment. The Oude Government has no hope of prosecuting these mento conviction in our Judicial Courts for specific crimes, which theyare known every day to commit, and glory in committing. In no part ofIndia is there such glaring abuse of the privileges of sanctuary asin some of our districts bordering on Oude; while the Oude FrontierPolice, maintained by the King, at the cost of about one hundredthousand (100, 000) rupees a-year, and placed under our control, prevents any similar abuse on the part of the Oude people and localauthorities. Some remedy for this intolerable evil should be devised. At present the magistrates of all our conterminous districts require, or expect, that their charges against any offender in Oude, who hascommitted a crime in their districts, shall be held to be sufficientfor their arrest; but some of them, on the other band, require thatnothing less than some unattainable judicial proof, on the part ofthe officers of the Oude Government, shall be held to be sufficientto justify the arrest of any Oude offender who takes refuge in ourdistricts. They hold, that the sole object of the Oude authorities isto get revenue defaulters into their power, and that the chargesagainst them for heinous crimes are invented solely for that purpose. No doubt this is often the object, and that other charges aresometimes invented, for the sole purpose of securing the arrest andsurrender of revenue defaulters; but the Oude revenue defaulters whotake refuge in our districts are for the most part, the tallookdars, or great landholders, who, either before or after they do so, invariably fight with the Oude authorities, and murder and plunderindiscriminately, in order to reduce them to their own terms. The Honourable the Court of Directors justly require that requisitionfor the surrender of offenders by and from British officers andNative States, shall be limited to persons charged with havingcommitted heinous crimes within their respective territories; andthat the obligation to surrender such offenders shall be strictlyreciprocal, unless, in any special case, there be very strong reasonfor a departure from the rule. * But some magistrates of districtsdisregard altogether applications made to them by the sovereign ofOude, through the British Resident, for the arrest of subjects ofOude who have committed the most atrocious robberies and murders inthe Oude territory in open day, and in the sight of hundreds; andallow refugees from Oude to collect and keep up gangs of robberswithin their own districts, and rob and murder within the Oudeterritory. Happily such Magistrates are rare. Government, in a letterdated the 25th February, 1848, state--"that it is the duty of themagistrates of our districts bordering on Oude to adopt vigorousmeasures for preventing the assembling or entertaining of followersby any party, for the purpose of committing acts of violence on theOude side of the frontier. " [* See their letter to the Government of India, 27th May 1835. ] _December_ 8, 1849. --Pukharpoor, a distance of fourteen miles, over afine plain of good soil, scantily tilled. For some miles the road laythrough Rajah Hurdut Sing's estate of Bumnootee, which was, with therest of the district of Bahraetch and Gonda, plundered by RughburSing, during the two years that he held the contract. We passedthrough no village or hamlet, but saw some at a distance from theroad, with their dwellings of naked mud walls, the abodes of fear andwretchedness; but the plain is well studded with groves and finesingle trees, and the crops are good where there are any on theground. Under good management, the country would be exceedinglybeautiful, and was so until within the last four years. In the evening I had a long talk with the people of the village, whohad assembled round our tents. Many of them had the goitre; but theytold me, that in this and all the villages within twenty miles thedisease had, of late years, diminished; that hardly one-quarter ofthe number that used to suffer from it had now the disease; that thequality of the water must have improved, though they knew not why, asthey still drank from the same wells. These wells must penetrate intosome bed of mineral or other substance, which produces this diseaseof the glands, and may in time exhaust it. But it is probable, thatthe number who suffer from this disease has diminished merely withthe rest of the population, and that the proportion which thegoitered bear to the ungoitered may be still the same. They told methat they had been plundered of all their stock and moveable propertyby the terrible scourge, Rughber Sing, during his reign of two years, and could not hope to recover from their present state of poverty formany more; that their lands were scantily tilled, and the crops hadso failed for many years, since this miscreant's rule, that thedistrict which used to supply Lucknow with grain was obliged to drawgrain from it, and even from Cawnpore. This is true, and grain has inconsequence been increasing in price ever since we left Lucknow. Itis now here almost double the price that it is at Lucknow, while itis usually twice as cheap here. _December_ 9, 1849. --Bahraetch, ten miles north-east. We encamped ona fine sward, on the left bank of the Surjoo river, a beautiful clearstream. The cultivation very scanty, but the soil good, with watereverywhere, within a few feet of the surface. Groves and single treesless numerous; and of villages and hamlets we saw none. Under goodgovernment, the whole country might, in a few years, be made abeautiful garden. The river Surjoo is like a winding stream in apark; and its banks might, everywhere, be cultivated to the water'sedge. No ravines, jungle, or steep embankments. It is lamentable tosee so fine a country in so wretched a state. The Turae forest begins a few miles to the north of Bahraetch, andsome of the great baronial landholders have their residence andstrongholds within it. The Rajah of Toolseepoor is one of them. He isa kind-hearted old man, and a good landlord and subject; but he haslately been driven out by his young and reprobate son, at theinstigation and encouragement of a Court favourite. The Rajah haddischarged an agent, employed by him at Court for advocating thecause of his son while in rebellion against his father. The agentthen made common cause with the son, and secured the interest of twopowerful men at Court, Balkrishen Dewan and Gholam Ruza, the deputyminister, who has charge of the estates in the Hozoor Tehsel. Thejurisdiction over the estate had been transferred from the localauthorities to the Hozoor Tehsel; and, by orders from Court, thefather's friends, the Bulrampoor and other Rajahs of the clan, wereprevented from continuing the aid they had afforded to support thefather's authority. The father unwilling to have the estatedevastated by a contest with the band of ruffians whom his son hadcollected, retired, and allowed him to take possession. The sonseized upon all the property the father had left, and now employs itin maintaining this band and rewarding the services of Courtfavourites. The Nazim of the district is not permitted to interfere, to restore rights or preserve order in the estate, nor would he, perhaps, do either, if so permitted, for he has been brought up in abad school, and is not a good man. The pretext at Court is, that thefather is deranged; but, though not wise, he is learned, and no mancan be more sober than he is, or better disposed towards hissovereign and tenants. That he is capable of managing his estate, isshown by the excellent condition in which he left it. Prethee Put, of Paska, is not worse than many of the tallookdars ofOude, who now disturb the peace of the country; and I give a briefsketch of his history, as a specimen of the sufferings inflicted onthe people by the wild licence which such landholders enjoy under theweak, profligate, and apathetic government of Oude. Keerut Sing, the tallookdar of Paska, on the left bank of the Ghagra, between Fyzabad and Byram-ghaut, was one of the Chehdwaralandholders, and had five sons, the eldest Dirgpaul Sing, and thesecond Prethee Put, the hero of this brief history. Before his death, Keerut Sing made over the management of his estate to his eldest sonand heir; but gave to his second son a portion of land out of it, forhis own subsistence and that of his family. The father and eldest soncontinued to reside together in the fort of Dhunolee, situated on theright bank of the Ghagra, opposite Paska. Prethee Put took up hisresidence in his portion of the estate at Bumhoree, collected a gangof the greatest ruffians in the country, and commenced his trade, andthat of so many of his class, as an indiscriminate plunderer. KeerutSing and his eldest son, Dirgpaul, continued to pay the Governmentdemand punctually, to obey the local authorities, and manage theestate with prudence. Prethee Put, in 1836, attacked and took a despatch of treasure, consisting of twenty-six thousand rupees, on its way to Lucknow, fromthe Nazim of Bahraetch. In 1840 he attacked and took another ofeighty-five thousand rupees, on its way to Lucknow from the sameplace. With these sums, and the booty which he acquired from theplunder of villages and travellers, he augmented his gang, built afort at Bumhoree, and extended his depredations. In January 1842, hisfather, who had been long ill, died. The local authorities demandedfive thousand rupees from the eldest son, Dirgpaul Sing, on hisaccession. He promised to pay, and sent his eldest son, Dan BahaderSing, a lad of eighteen, as a hostage for the payment to the Nazim. Soon after, Prethee Pat attacked the fort of Dhunolee, in which hiselder brother resided with his family, killed fifty-six persons, andmade Dirgpaul, his wife, and three other sons prisoners. Dirgpaul'ssister tried to conceal her brother under some clothes; but, under asolemn oath from Prethee Put, that no personal violence should beoffered to him, he was permitted to take him. His wife and three sonswere sent off to be confined under the charge of Byjonauth Bhilwar, zumeendar of Kholee, in the estate of Sarafraz Ahmud, one of hisassociates in crime, on the left bank of the Goomtee river. Three days after, finding that no kind of torture or intimidationcould make his elder brother sign a formal resignation of his rightto the estate in his favour, he took him into the middle of the riverGhagra, cut off his head with his own hands, and threw the body intothe stream. Deeming this violation of his pledge a dishonourable acthis friend, Byjonauth, from whom he had demanded the widow and herthree sons, released them all, to seek protection elsewhere, as hewas not strong enough to resist Prethee Put himself. They foundshelter with some friends of the family in another district, andWajid Allee Khan, the Nazim of Bahraetch, in the beginning ofNovember 1843, went with the best force he could muster, drovePrethee Pat out of Dhunolee and Paska, and put Dan Bahader Sing, theeldest son of Dirgpaul, and rightful heir, into possession. In thelatter end of the same month, however, he was attacked by his uncle, Prethee Put, and driven out with the loss of ten men. He againapplied for aid to the Nazim; but, thinking it more profitable tosupport the stronger party, he took a bribe of ten thousand rupeesfrom Prethee Put, and recognized him as the rightful heir of hismurdered brother. Dan Bahader collected a small party of fifteen men, and took possession of a small stronghold in the jungle of theShapoor estate, belonging to Murtonjee, another of the Chehdwaratallookdars, where he was again attacked by his uncle in March 1844, and driven out with the loss of four out of his fifteen men. Soonafter Prethee Put attacked and took another despatch of treasure, onits way to Lucknow from Bahraetch, consisting of eighteen thousandrupees. Soon after, in June, the Nazim, Ehsan Allee, sent a forcewith Dan Bahader, and re-established him in possession of the estateof Paska; but Ehsan Allee was soon after superseded in the contractby Rughbur Sing, who adopted the cause of the strongest, and restoredPrethee Put, who continued to hold the estate for 1845. In April 1847, Mahommed Hossein, one of the Tusseeldars under RughburSing, seized and confined Prethee Put, once more put Dan Bahader inpossession of the estate, and sent his uncle to Rughbur Sing. InNovember 1847, Incha Sing superseded his nephew, Rughbur Sing; and, thinking Prethee Put's the more profitable cause to adopt, he turnedout Dan Bahader, and restored Prethee Put to the possession of thePaska estate, which he has held ever since. He has continued topursue his system of indiscriminate plunder and defiance of theGovernment authorities, and has seized upon the estates of several ofhis weaker neighbours. In 1848, he attacked and plundered the village of Sahooreea, belonging to Sarafraz Allee, Chowdheree of Radowlee, and this year hehas done the same to the village of Semree, belonging to RajahBukhtawar Sing. He carried off fifty-two persons from this village ofSemree, and confined them for two months, flogging and burning themwith red-hot ramrods, till they paid the ransom of five thousandrupees required. He has this year plundered another village, belonging to the same person, called Nowtee, and its dependent hamletof Hurhurpoora. He has also this year attacked, plundered, and burntto the ground the villages of Tirkolee, in the Radowlee purgunnah, and Aelee Pursolee, in Bahraetch. The attack on Tirkolee took placein September last, and five of the inhabitants were killed; and inthe attack on Aelee Pursolee, six of the zumeendars were killed indefending themselves. In this attack he was joined by the gang underMurtonjee. He also plundered and confined a merchant of Gowaris tillhe paid a ransom of seven hundred rupees; and about twenty-five daysago he attacked and plundered two persons from Esanugur, on their wayto Ojodheea, on pilgrimage, and kept them confined and tortured tillthey paid a ransom of five hundred rupees. Prethee Put has, as before stated, in collusion with localauthorities, and by violence, seized upon a great portion of thelands of Hissampoor, and ruined and turned out the Syud proprietors, by whose families they had been held for many generations. He isbound to pay twenty thousand rupees a year; but has not, for manyyears, paid more than seven thousand. Mahommed Hossein, the present Nazim of the Gonda Bahraetch districts, describes the capture of Prethee Put by himself, as follows:-"In1846, the purgunnahs of Gowaris and Hissampoor were reduced to astate of great disorder by the depredations of Prethee Put, and theroads leading through them were shut up. He had seized Syud AlleeAsgar, the tallookdar of Aleenughur, in the Hissampoor purgunnah, taken possession of his estate, and driven out, or utterly ruined, all the landholders and cultivators. He tried, by all kinds oftorture, to make Allee Asgar sign, in his favour, a deed of sale; buthis family found means to complain to the Durbar, and Rughbur Sing, the Nazim, was ordered to seize him and rescue his prisoner. I wassent to manage the two purgunnahs, seize the offender, and rescueAllee Asgar. When I approached the fort of Bumhoree, where he kepthis prisoner confined, Prethee Put put him in strong irons, left himin that fort, and, with his followers, passed over the Ghagra, inboats, to his stronger fort of Dhunolee, on the right bank. I tookpossession of Bumhoree without much resistance, rescued the prisoner, and restored him to the possession of his estate, and put all therest of the lands held by Prethee Put under the management ofGovernment officers. Two months after, seeing my force much reducedby these arrangements, he came at the head of a band of seventeenhundred men to attack me in the village of Dhooree Gunge. The placewas not defended by any wall, but we made the best of it, drove himback, and killed or wounded about fifty of his men, with the loss onour side, in killed or wounded, of about twenty-three. "I kept Prethee Put confined for two months, when Rughbur Sing sentfor him, on pretence that he wished to send him to Lucknow. He kepthim till the end of the year, when he was superseded in the contractby his uncle, Incha Sing, who released Prethee Put at theintercession of Maun Sing, the brother of Rughbur Sing, who expectedto make a good deal out of him. " Prethee Put, of Paska, was attackedon the morning of the 26th of March, 1850, in his fort of Dhunolee, by a force under the command of Captains Weston, Thompson, Magness, and Orr; and, on their approach, he vacated the fort, separatedhimself from his gang, and took shelter in the house of a Brahmin. Hewas then traced by a party from Captain Magness's corps; and, as herefused to surrender, he was cut down and killed. His clan, theKulhunsies, refused to take the body for interment. The head had beencut off to be sent to Lucknow as a trophy, but Captain Weston opposedthis, and it was replaced on the body, which was sewn up in awinding-sheet and taken into the river Ghagra by some sipahees, asthe best kind of interment for a Hindoo chief of his rank. Thepersons employed in the ceremony were Hindoos, who knew nothing ofPrethee Put's history; but it was afterwards found that the placewhere the body was committed to the stream was that on which he hadkilled his eldest brother, and thrown his body into the river fromhis boat. This was a remarkable coincidence, and tended to impressupon the minds of the people around a notion that his death waseffected by divine interposition. All, except his followers, wererejoiced at the death of so atrocious a character. Dan Bahader, theeldest son of the brother he had murdered, being poor and unable topay the usual fees and gratuities to the minister and courtfavourites, was not, however, permitted to take possession of hispatrimonial estate, and he died in December, 1850, in poverty anddespair. Dhunolee and Bhumoree have been levelled with the ground. _December_ 9, 1849. --In the news-writer's report of the 3rd December, 1849, it is stated--"that Ashfakos Sultan, Omrow Begum, one of theKing's wives, reported to his Majesty, that a man named Sadik Alleehad come to Lucknow while the King was suffering from palpitations ofthe heart, and, in the disguise of a Durveish, hired a house inMuftee Gunge, and taken up his residence in it. He there gave himselfout as one of the Kings of the Fairies (_Amil-i-Jinnut_); and thefakeer, to whom his Majesty's confidential servants, the singers, hadtaken him to be cured of his disease, was no other than this SadikAllee. The King, on hearing this, sent for Sadik Allee, who wasseized and brought before him on the 2nd December. He confessed theimposture, but pleaded that he had practised it merely to obtain somemoney, and that the singers were associated with him in all that hedid. The King soothed his apprehensions, and conferred upon him adress of honour, consisting of a doshala and roomul, and then madehim over to the custody of Ashfak-os Sultan. At night the King sentfor the minister, and, summoning Sadik Allee, bid him dress himselfexactly as he was dressed on the night he visited him, and prepare aroom in the palace exactly in the same manner as he had prepared hisown to receive his Majesty on that night. He chose a small room inthe palace, and under the ceiling he suspended a second ceiling, sothat no one could perceive how it was fixed on, and placed himselfbetween the two. When all was ready the King went to the apartmentwith the minister, accompanied by Ruzee-od Dowlah, the head singer. When the door of the apartment was closed, they first heard afrightful voice, without being able to perceive whence it came. Neither the minister nor the King could perceive the slightestopening or fissure in the ceiling. They then came out and closed thedoor, but immediately heard from within the peaceful salutation of'salaam aleekom, ' and the man appeared within as King of the Fairies, and presented his Majesty with some jewels and other offerings. Allwas here enacted precisely as it had been acted on the occasion ofthe King's visit to Muftee Gunge. Turning an angry look upon Ruzee-odDowlah, the King said, 'All the evil that I have so often heard ofyou, men of Rampoor, I have now with my own eyes seen realized;' and, turning to the minister, he said, 'How often have these men spokenevil of you before me!' Ruzee-od Dowlah then said, 'If your Majestythinks me guilty, I pray you to punish me as may seem to you proper;but I entreat you not to make me over to the minister. ' The King, without deigning any reply, summoned Hajee Shureef, and told him toplace mounted sentries of his own corps of cavalry over the door ofSaadut Allee Khan's mausoleum, in which these singers resided, andinfantry sentries in the apartments with them, with strict ordersthat no one should be permitted to go out without, being firststrictly searched. The sister of Ruzee-od Dowla could nowhere befound, and was supposed to have made her escape. " The King had several interviews of this kind with his Majesty, theKing of the Fairies, who described the symptoms from which hesuffered, and prescribed the remedies, which consisted chiefly ofrich offerings to the Fairies, who were to relieve him. He frequentlyreceived letters from the Fairy King to the same effect, written inan imperious style, suited to the occasion. The farce was carried onfor several months, and the King at different times is supposed tohave given the Fairy King some two lacs of rupees, which he sharedliberally with the singers. I had heard of the affair of the Durveish from the minister, throughhis wakeel, and from Captain Bird, the first Assistant, in a letter. I requested that he would ask for an audience, and congratulate hisMajesty on the discovery of the imposture, and offer any assistancethat he might require in the banishment of the impostors. He wasreceived by the King in the afternoon of the 6th. He expressed hisregret that the King should have been put to so much trouble by thebad conduct of those who had received from him all that a king couldgive-wealth, titles, and intimate companionship; hinted at theadvantage taken of this by Ruzee-od Dowlah, in his criminalintercourse with one of his Sultanas, Surafraz Muhal; and earnestlyprayed him to put an end to the misery and disgrace which these menhad brought and were still bringing on himself, his house, and hiscountry. The King promised to have Ruzee-od Dowlah, his sister, andKotub-od Dowlah, banished across the Ganges; but stated, that hecould do nothing against Sadik Allee, however richly he deservedpunishment, since he had pledged his royal word to him, on hisdisclosing all he knew about the imposition. The King asked captainBird, whether he thought that he had felt no sorrow at parting withSurafraz Muhal, with whom he had lived so intimately for nine years;that he had, he said, cast her off as a duty, and did Captain Birdthink that he would spare the men who had so grossly deceived him, caused so much confusion in his kingdom, and ill-feeling towards him, on the part of the British Government and its representative? HisMajesty added, "I cherished low-bred men, and they have given me thelow-bred man's reward, had I made friends of men of birth andcharacter it would have been otherwise;" and concluded by saying, that he could not touch the money he had given to these fellows, because people would say that he had got rid of them merely torecover what he had bestowed upon them. * [* When he afterwards confined and banished them in June and July1850, he took back from them all that they had retained; but they hadsent to their families and friends, property to the value of manylacs of rupees. ] The King, in the latter end of November, divorced Surafraz Muhal, andsent her across the Ganges, to go on a pilgrimage to Mecca. She hadlong been cohabiting with the chief singer, Gholam Ruza, and wasknown to be a very profligate woman. She is said to have given hisMajesty to understand that she would not consent to remain in thepalace with him without the privilege of choosing her own lovers, aprivilege which she had freely enjoyed before she came into it, andcould not possibly forego. __________________________ CHAPTER II. Bahraetch--Shrine of Syud Salar--King of the Fairies and theFiddlers--Management of Bahraetch district for forty-three years--Murder of Amur Sing, by Hakeem Mehndee--Nefarious transfer of_khalsa_ lands to Tallookdars, by local officers--Rajah Dursun Sing--His aggression on the Nepaul Territory--Consequences--IntelligenceDepartment--How formed, managed, and abused--Rughbur Sing'smanagement of Gonda and Bahraetch for 1846-47--Its fiscal effects--Agang-robber caught and hung by Brahmin villagers--Murder ofSyampooree Gosaen--Ramdut Pandee--Fairies and Fiddlers--RamdutPandee, the Banker--the Rajahs of Toolseepoor and Bulrampoor--Murderof Mr. Ravenscroft, of the Bengal Civil Service, at Bhinga, in 1823. Bahraetch is celebrated for the shrine of Syud Salar, a _martyr_, whois supposed to have been killed here in the beginning of the eleventhcentury, when fighting against the Hindoos, under the auspices ofMahmood Shah, of Ghuznee, his mother's brother. Strange to say, Hindoos as well as Mahommedans make offerings to this shrine, andimplore the favours of this military ruffian, whose only recordedmerit consists of having destroyed a great many Hindoos in a wantonand unprovoked invasion of their territory. They say, that he didwhat he did against Hindoos in the conscientious discharge of hisduties, and could not have done it without God's permission--that Godmust then have been angry with them for their transgressions, andused this man, and all the other Mahommedan invaders of theircountry, as instruments of his vengeance, and means to bring abouthis purposes: that is, the thinking portion of the Hindoos say this. The mass think that the old man must still have a good deal ofinterest in heaven, which he may be induced to exercise in theirfavour, by suitable offerings and personal applications to hisshrine. The minister reports to the Resident on the 9th, that the King hadrelented, and wished to retain the singer, Ruzee-od Dowlah, and hissister, and Kotub Allee, at Lucknow, with orders never to approachthe presence. Captain Bird, in a letter, confirms this report. _December_ 11, 1849. --Left Bahraetch and came south-east to Imaleea, on the road to Gonda, over a plain in the Pyagpoor estate, almostentirely waste. Few groves or single trees to be seen; scarcely afield tilled or house occupied; all the work of the same atrociousgovernor, Rughbur Sing. No oppressor ever wrote a more legible hand. The brief history of the management of this district for the lastforty-three years, is as follows. The district consisted in 1807, of Khalsa Lands Present Khalsa Lands Bahraetch . . . 2, 50, 000 4, 000 Hissampoor . . . 2, 00, 000 40, 000 Hurhurpoor . . . 1, 25, 000 10, 000 Buhareegunge . . . 1, 50, 000 15, 000 ________ ______ 7, 25, 000 69, 000 ________ ______ The contract was held by Balkidass Kanoongoe, for five years, from1807 to 1811, when he died, and was succeeded in the contract by hisson, Amur Sing, who held it till 1816. In the end of that year, orearly in 1817, Amur Sing was seized, put into confinement, andmurdered by Hakeem Mehndee, who held the contract for 1817 and 1818. In the year 1816, Hakeem Mehndee, who held the contract for theMahomdee district, at four lacs of rupees a-year, and that forKhyrabad at five, heard of the great wealth of Amur Sing, and thefine state to which he and his father had brought the district bygood management; and offered the Oude government one lac of rupees a-year more than he paid for the contract for the ensuing year. HakeemMehndee resided chiefly at the capital of Lucknow, on the pretence ofindisposition, while his brother, Hadee Allee Khan, managed the twodistricts for him. He had acquired a great reputation by hisjudicious management of these two districts, and become a favouritewith the King, by the still more skilful management of a few male andfemale favourites about his Majesty's person. The minister, Aga Meer, was jealous of his growing fame and favour, and persuaded the King toaccept the offer, in the hope that he would go himself to his newcharge, in order to make the most of it. As soon as he heard of hisappointment to the charge of Bahraetch, Hakeem Mehndee set out withthe best body of troops he could collect, and sent on orders for AmurSing to come out and meet him. He declined to do so until he got thepledge of Hadee Allee Khan, the Hakeem's brother, for his personalsecurity. This mortified the Hakeem, and tended to confirm him in theresolution to make away with Amur Sing, and appropriate his wealth. Both Hakeem Mehndee and his brother are said to have sworn on theirKoran that no violence whatever should be offered to or restraint putupon him; and, relying on these oaths and pledges, Amur Sing met themon their approach to Bahraetch. After discussing affairs and adjusting accounts for some months atBahraetch, the Hakeem, by his courteous manners and praises of hisexcellent management, put Amur Sing off his guard. When sitting withhim one evening in his tents, around which he had placed a selectbody of guards, he left him on the pretext of a sudden call, and AmurSing was seized, bound, and confined. Meer Hyder and Baboo Beg, Mogultroopers, were placed in command of the guards over him, with ordersto get him assassinated as soon as possible. Sentries were, at thesame time, placed over his family and wealth. At midnight he was soonafter strangled by these two men and their attendants. Baboo Beg wasa very stout, powerful man; and he attempted to strangle him with hisown hands, while his companions held him down; but Amur Sing managedto scream out for help, and, in attempting to close his mouth withhis left hand, one of his fingers got between Amur Sing's teeth, andhe bit off the first joint, and kept it in his mouth. His companionsfinished the work; and Baboo Beg went off to get his fingers dressedwithout telling any one what had happened. In the morning HakeemMehndee gave out, that Amur Sing had poisoned himself, made the bodyover to his family, and sent off a report of his death to theminister, expressing his regret at Amur Sing's having put an end tohis existence by poisoning, to avoid giving an account of hisstewardship. The property which Hakeem Mehndee seized andappropriated, is said to have amounted, in all, to between fifteenand twenty lacs of rupees! Amur Sing's family, in performing the funeral ceremonies, had to openhis mouth, to put in the usual small bit of gold, Ganges water, andleaf of the toolsee-tree; and, to their horror, they there found thefirst joint of a man's finger. This confirmed all their suspicions, that he had been murdered during the night, and they sent off thejoint of the finger to the minister, demanding vengeance on themurderer. Aga Meer was delighted at this proof of his rival's guilt, and would have had him seized and tried for the murder forthwith, butHakeem Mehndee gave two lacs of rupees, out of the wealth he hadacquired from the murder, to Rae Doulut Rae, Meer Neeaz Hoseyn, Munshee Musaod, Sobhan Allee Khan, and others, in the minister'sconfidence; and they persuaded him, that he had better wait for aseason, till he could charge him with the more serious offence ofdefalcations in the revenue, when he might crush him with the weightof manifold transgressions. They communicated what they had done to Hakeem Mehnde, who, bydegrees, sent off all his disposable wealth to Shabjehanpoor andFuttehghur, in British territory. In April 1818, the Governor-Generalthe Marquess of Hastings passed through the Khyrabad and Bahraetchdistricts, attended by Hakeem Mehndee, on a sporting excursion, afterthe Mahratta war; and the satisfaction which he expressed to the Kingwith the Hakeem's conduct during that excursion, added greatly to theminister's hatred and alarm. He persuaded his Majesty to demand fromHakeem Mehndee an increase of five lacs of rupees upon nine lacs a-year, which he already paid for Mahomdee and Khyrabad; and resolvedto have him tried for the murder of Amur Sing, as soon as he couldget him into his power. Hakeem Mehndee knew all this from the friendshe had made at Court, refused to keep the contract at the increasedrate, and, on pretence of settling his accounts, went first toSeetapoor from Bahraetch, and thence over the border toShahjehanpoor, with all his family, and such of the property as hehad not till then been able to send off. The family never recoveredany of the property he had taken from Amur Sing, nor was any one ofthe murderers ever punished, or called to account for the crime. On the departure of Hakeem Mehndee, Hadee Allee Khan (not the brotherof Hakeem Mehndee, but a member of the old official aristocracy ofOude) got the contract of the district of Bahraetch with that ofGonda, which had been held in Jageer by and for the widow of Shoja-odDowlah, the mother of Asuf-od Dowlah, commonly known by the name ofthe Buhoo Begum, of Fyzabad, where she resided. Hadee Allee Khan heldthe contract of these two districts for nine years, up to 1827. Hewas succeeded by Walaeut Allee Khan, who held the contract for onlyhalf of the year 1828, when he was superseded by Mehndoo Khan, whoheld it for two years and a half, to the end of 1830, when HadeeAllee Khan again got the contract, and he held it till he died in1833. He was succeeded by his nephew, Imdad Allee Khan, who held thecontract till 1835. Rajah Dursun Sing superseded him in 1836, and was the next yearsuperseded by the widow of Hadee Allee, named "Wajee-on-Nissa Begum, "who held the contract for one year and a half to 1838. For theremainder of 1838, the contract was held by Fida Allee Khan and RamRow Pandee jointly; and for 1839, by Sunker Sahae Partuk. For 1840, it was held by Sooraj-od Dowlah, and for 1841 and up to September1843, Rajah Dursun Sing held it again. For 1844 and 1845, Ehsan Alleeand Wajid Allee held it. For 1846 and 1847, Rughbur Sing, one of thethree sons of Rajah Dursun Sing, held it. For 1848, it was held byIncha Sing, brother of Dursun Sing; and for 1849, it has been held byMahummud Hasun. The Gonda district consisted of the purgunnahs ofGonda and Nawabgunge, and a number of tallooks, or baronial estates. Under the paternal government of Balukram and his son, Amur Sing, hereditary canoongoes of the district, life and property were secure, the assessment moderate, and the country and people prosperous. Itwas a rule, strictly adhered to, under the reign of Saadut AlleeKhan, from 1797 to 1814, never under any circumstances to permit thetransfer of _khalsa_ or allodial lands (that is, lands heldimmediately under the Crown) to tallookdars or baronial proprietors, who paid a quit-rent to Government, and managed their estates withtheir own fiscal officers, and military and police establishments. Those who resided in or saw the district at that time, describe it asa magnificent garden; and some few signs of that flourishing stateare still to be seen amidst its present general desolation. The adjoining district of Gonda became no less flourishing under thefostering care of the Buhoo Begum, of Fyzabad, who held it in Jageertill her death, which took place 18th December, 1815. Relying uponthe pledge of the British Government, under the treaty of 1801, toprotect him against all foreign and domestic enemies, and to put downfor him all attempts at insurrection and rebellion by means of itsown troops, without any call for further pecuniary aid, Saadut Alleedisbanded more than half his army, and reduced the cost, while heimproved the efficiency of the other half, to bring his expenditurewithin his income, now so much diminished by the cession of the besthalf of his dominions to the British Government. He assessed, oraltogether resumed, all the rent-free lands in his reserved half ofthe territory; and made all the officers of his two lavish andthoughtless predecessors, * disgorge a portion of the wealth whichthey had accumulated by the abuse of their confidence; and, at thesame time, laboured assiduously to keep within bounds the powers andpossessions of his landed aristocracy. [* Asuf-od Dowlah and Wuzeer Allee. ] Hakeem Mehndee exacted from the landholders of Bahraetch two annas inthe rupee, or one-eighth, more than the rate they had hitherto paid;and his successor, Hadee Allee, exacted an increase of two annas inthe rupee, upon the Hakeem's rate. It was difficult to make thelandholders and cultivators pay this rate, and a good deal of theirstock was sold off for arrears; and much land fell out of cultivationin consequence. To facilitate the collection of this exorbitant rate, and at the same time to reduce the cost of collection, he disregardedsystematically the salutary rule of Saadut Allee Khan, who had diedin 1814, and been succeeded by his do-nothing and see-nothing son, Ghazee-od Deen Hyder; and transferred the khalsa estates of alldefaulters to the neighbouring tallookdars, who pledged themselves toliquidate the balances due, and pay the Government demand punctuallyin future. This arrangement enabled him to reduce his fiscal, military, and police establishments a good deal for the time, and histenure of office was too insecure to admit of his bestowing muchthought on the future. As soon as these tallookdars got possession of khalsa villages, theyplundered them of all they could find of stock and other property;and, with all possible diligence, reduced to beggary all the holdersand cultivators who had any claim to a right of property in thelands, in order to prevent their ever being again in a condition tourge such claims in the only way in which they can be successfullyurged in Oude--cut down all the trees planted by them or theirancestors, and destroyed all the good houses they had built, thatthey might have no local ties to link their affections to the soil. As the local officers of the Oude government became weak, by thegradual withdrawal of British troops, from aiding in the collectionof revenue and the suppression of rebellion and disorder, and by thedeterioration in the character of the Oude troops raised to supplytheir places, the tallookdars became stronger and stronger. Theywithheld more and more of the revenue due to Government, and expendedthe money in building forts and strongholds, casting or purchasingcannon, and maintaining large armed bands of followers. All that theywithheld from the public treasury was laid out in providing the meansfor resisting the officers of Government; and, in time, it became apoint of honour to pay nothing to the sovereign without firstfighting with his officers. Hadee Allee Khan's successors continued the system of transferringkhalsa lands to tallookdars, as the cheapest and most effectual modeof collecting the revenue for their brief period of authority. Thetallookdars, whose estates were augmented by such transfers, in theGonda Bahraetch district, are Ekona, Pyagpoor, Churda, Nanpoora, Gungwal, Bhinga, Bondee, Ruhooa, and the six divisions of the Gooras, or Chehdwara estate. The hereditary possessions of the tallookdars, and, indeed, all the lands in the permanent possession of which theyfeel secure, are commonly very well cultivated; but those which theyacquire by fraud, violence, or collusion, are not so, till, by longsuffering and "hope deferred, " the old proprietors have beeneffectually crushed or driven out of the country. The old proprietorsof the lands so transferred to the tallookdars of the Gonda Baraetchdistricts from time to time had, under a series of weak governors, been so crushed or driven out before 1842, and their lands had, forthe most part, been brought under good tillage. The King of Oude, in a letter, dated the 31st of August 1823, tellsthe Resident, "that the villages and estates of the large refractorytallookdars are as flourishing and populous as they can possibly be;and there are many estates among them which yield more than two andthree times the amount at which they have been assessed; and even iftroops should be stationed there, to prevent the cultivation of theland till the balances are liquidated, the tallookdars immediatelycome forward to give battle; and, in spite of everything, cultivatethe lands of their estates, so that their profits from the land areeven greater than those of the Government. " This picture is a veryfair one, and as applicable to the state of Oude now as in 1823. But if a weak man, by favour, fraud, or collusion, gets possession ofa small estate, as he often does, the consequences are more seriousthan where the strong man gets it. The ousted proprietors fight "tothe death" to recover possession; and the new man forms a gang of themost atrocious ruffians he can collect, to defend his possession. Hecannot afford to pay them, and permits them to subsist on plunder. Inthe contest the estate itself and many around it become waste, andthe fellow who has usurped it, often--nolens-volens--becomes asystematic leader of banditti; and converts the deserted villagesinto strongholds and dens of robbers. I shall have occasion todescribe many instances of this kind as I proceed in my Diary. Dursung Sing was strong both in troops and Court favour, and hesystematically plundered and kept down the great landholdersthroughout the districts under his charge, but protected thecultivators, and even the smaller land proprietors, whose estatescould not be conveniently added to his own. When the Court found thebarons in any district grow refractory, under weak governors, theygave the contract of it to Dursun Sing, as the only officer who couldplunder and reduce them to order. During the short time that he heldthe districts of Gonda and Bahraetch in 1836, he did little mischief. He merely ascertained the character and substance of the greatlandholders, exacted from the weaker all that they could pay, and"bided his time. " When he resumed the charge in 1842, the greaterlandholders had become strong and substantial; and he was commandedby the Durbar to coerce and make them pay all the arrears of revenuedue, or pretended to be due, by them. Nothing loth, he proceeded to seize and plunder them all, one afterthe other, and put their estates under the management of his ownofficers. The young Rajah of Bulrampoor had gone into the Goruckpoordistrict, to visit his friend, the Rajah of Basee, Mahpaul Sing, whenDursun Sing marched suddenly to his capital at the head of a largeforce. The garrison of the small stronghold was taken by surprise;and, in the absence of their chief, soon induced to surrender, on apromise of leave to depart with all their property. They passed overinto a small island in the river, which flows close by; and as soonas Dursun Sing saw them collected together in that small space, heopened his guns and musketry upon them, and killed between one andtwo hundred. The rest fled, and he took possession of all theirproperty, amounting to about two hundred thousand rupees. The Rajahwas reduced to great distress; but his personal friend, Matabur Sing, the minister of Nepaul, aided him with loans of money; and gave him agarden to reside in, about five hundred yards from the village ofMaharaj Gunge, in the Nepaul territory, fifty-four miles fromBulrampoor, where Dursun Sing remained encamped with his large force. The Rajah had filled this garden with small huts for theaccommodation of his family and followers during the season of therains, and surrounded it with a deep ditch, knowing the unscrupulousand enterprising character of his enemy. In September 1843, DursunSing, having had the position and all the road leading to it wellreconnoitred, marched one evening, at the head of a compact body ofhis own followers, and reached the Rajah's position at daybreak thenext morning. The garden was taken by a rush; but the Rajah made hisescape with the loss of thirty men killed and wounded. Dursun Sing'sparty took all the property the Rajah and his followers left behindthem in their flight, and plundered the small village of MaharajGunge; but in their retreat they were sorely pressed by a sturdylandholder of the neighbourhood, who had become attached to his youngsporting companion, the Rajah, and whose feeling of patriotism hadbeen grievously outraged by this impudent invasion of his sovereign'sterritory; and they had five sipahees and one trooper killed. TheBulrampoor Rajah had been plundered in the same treacherous manner in1839, by the Nazim, Sunkersahae and Ghalib Jung, his deputy or_collector_. He had invited them to a feast, and they brought anarmed force and surrounded and plundered his house and capital. Heescaped with his mother into British territory; and tells me, that hewas a lad at the time, and had great difficulty in making his motherfly with him, and leave all her wardrobe behind her. The Court of Nepaul complained of this aggression on their territory, and demanded reparation. The Governor-General Lord Ellenboroughcalled upon the Oude government, in dignified terms, to make promptand ample atonement to that of Nepaul. "Promptness, " said hisLordship, "in repairing an injury, however unintentionally committedis as conducive to the honour of a sovereign, as promptness indemanding reparation where an injury has been sustained. " The NepaulCourt required, that Dursun Sing should be seized and sent to Nepaul, to make an apology in person to the sovereign of that state; shouldbe deprived of all his offices, with an assurance, on the part ofOude, that he should never be again employed in any office under thatgovernment; and, that the amount of injury sustained by the subjectsof Nepaul should be settled by arbitrators sent to the place on thepart of both States, and paid by the Oude government. The Governor-General did not insist upon Oude's complying with the first of theserequirements; but Dursun Sing was dismissed from all employments, arbitrators were sent to the place, and the Oude government paid thenine hundred and fourteen rupees, which they decided to be due to thesubjects of Nepaul. Dursun Sing at first fled in alarm into the British territory, as theNepaul government assembled a large force on the border, and appearedto threaten Oude with invasion; while the Governor-General held inreadiness a large British force to oppose them; and he knew not whatthe Oude government, in its alarm, might do to the servant who hadwantonly involved it in so serious a scrape. His brother, BukhtawarSing, the old courtier, knew that they had enemies, or interestedpersons at Court, who would take advantage of the occasion toexasperate the King, and persuade him to plunder them of all theyhad, and confiscate their estates, unless Dursun Sing appeared andpacified the King by his submission, and aided him in a judiciousdistribution of the ready money at their command; and he prevailedupon him to hasten to Court, and throw himself at his Majesty's feet. He came, acknowledged that he had been precipitate in his over-zealfor his Majesty's service; but pleaded, in excuse, that the youngRajah of Bulrampore had been guilty of great contumacy, and owed alarge balance to the Exchequer, which he had been peremptorilycommanded to recover; and declared himself ready to suffer anypunishment, and make any reparation or atonement that his master, theKing, might deem proper. The British and Nepaul governments hadexpressed themselves satisfied; but other parties had become deeplyinterested in the dispute. The King, with many good qualities, was avery parsimonious man, who prided himself upon adding something everymonth to his reserved treasury; and he thought, that advantage shouldbe taken of the occasion, to get a large sum out of so wealthy afamily. Three of his wives, Hoseynee Khanum, Mosahil Khanum, andSakeena Khanum, had at the time great influence over his Majesty, andthey wished to take advantage of the occasion, not only to screw outof the family a large sum for the King and themselves, but toconfiscate the estates, and distribute them among their malerelations. The minister, Menowur-od Dowlah, the nephew and heir ofHakeem Mehndee, who has been and will be often mentioned in thisDiary, thought that, after paying a large sum to gratify hisMajesty's ruling passion, and enable him to make handsome presents tothe three favourites, Dursun Sing ought to be released and restoredto office, for he was the only man then in Oude capable ofcontrolling the refractory and turbulent territorial barons; and ifhe were crushed altogether for subduing one of them, the rest wouldall become unmanageable, and pay no revenue whatever to theExchequer. He, therefore, recommended the King to take from the twobrothers the sum of twenty-five lacs of rupees, leave them theestates, and restore Dursun Sing to all his charges, as soon as itcould be done without any risk of giving umbrage to the BritishGovernment. The King thought the minister's advice judicious, and consented; butthe ladies called him a fool, and told him, that the brothers hadmore than that sum in stores of seed-grain alone, and ought to bemade to pay at least fifty lacs, while the brothers pleaded poverty, and declared that they could only pay nineteen. The minister urgedthe King, to take even this sum, give two lacs to the three females, and send seventeen to the reserved treasury; and called upon theChancellor of the Exchequer to give in his accounts of the actualbalance due by the two brothers, on their several contracts, for thelast twenty-five years. He, being on good terms with the minister, and anxious to meet his wishes, found a balance of only one lac andthirty-two thousand due by Dursun Sing, and one of only fifteen lacsdue by his brother, Bukhtawar Sing, in whose name the contracts hadalways been taken up to 1842. The King, sorely pressed by thefemales, resolved to banish Dursun Sing, and confiscate all his largeestates; but the British Resident interposed, and urged, that DursunSing should be leniently dealt with, since he had made all thereparation and atonement required. The King told him, that DursunSing was a notorious and terrible tyrant, and had fearfully oppressedhis poor subjects, and robbed them by fraud, violence, and collusion, of lands yielding a rent-roll of many lacs of rupees a-year; and, that unless he were punished severely for all these numerousatrocities, his other servants would follow his example, and his poorsubjects be everywhere ruined! The Resident admitted the truth of all these charges; but urged, inreply, that the Oude government had, in spite of all theseatrocities, without any admonition, continued to employ him withunlimited power in the charge of many of its finest districts, fortwenty-five or thirty years; and, that it would now be hard to banishhim, and confiscate all his fine estates, when his Majesty had solately offered, not only to leave them all untouched, but to restorehim to all his charges, on the payment of a fine of twenty-five lacs. The King was perplexed in his desire to please the Resident, meet thewishes of his three ladies, and add a good round sum to his reservedtreasury; and at last closed all discussions by making Dursun Singpay the one lac and thirty-two thousand rupees, found to be due byhim, and sending him into banishment; holding Bukhtawar Singresponsible for the fifteen lacs due by him, and seizing upon hisestates, and putting them under the management of Hoseyn Allee, thefather of Hoseynee Khanum, the most influential of the threefavourites, till the whole should be paid. She satisfied herself thatshe should be able to make the banishment of the man and theconfiscation of the estate perpetual; and, before he set out, shesecured the transfer of the strong fort of Shahgunge, with all itsartillery and military stores, from Dursun Sing's to the King'stroops. Dursun Sing went into banishment on the 17th of March 1844;but before he set out he addressed a remonstrance to the BritishResident, stating--"that he had paid all that had been found to bedue by him to the Exchequer, and made every atonement required forthe offence charged against him; but had, nevertheless, been orderedinto banishment--had all his charges taken from him, and his lands, houses, gardens, &c. , worth fifty lacs, taken from him, and made overto strangers and Court favourites. " Hoseyn Allee had promised to pay to the Exchequer one lac of rupeesa-year for these estates more than Dursun Sing had paid. He had paidannually for the Mehdona estates two lacs and eight thousand twohundred and seventy-six; and for the Asrewa estates, in the samedistrict of Sultanpoor, one lac thirty-one thousand and eighty-nine-total, three lacs and thirty-nine thousand three hundred and sixty-five; and they probably yielded to him an annual rent of nearlydouble that sum, or at least five lacs of rupees. Hoseyn Allee, however, found it impossible to fulfil his pledges. The landholdersand cultivators would not be persuaded that the sovereign of Oudecould long dispense with the services of such a man as Dursun Sing, or bring him back without restoring to him his landed possessions; orthat he would, when he returned, give them credit for any paymentswhich they might presume to make to any other master during hisabsence. They, therefore, refused to pay any rent for the pastseason, and threatened to abandon their lands before the tillage forthe next season should commence, if any attempt were made to coercethem. All the great revenue contractors and other governors ofdistricts declared their inability to coerce the territorial baronsinto paying anything, since they had lost the advantage of theprestige of his great name; and the minister found that he musteither resign his office or prevail upon his sovereign to recall him. The King, finding that he must either draw upon his reserved treasuryor leave all his establishments unpaid under such a falling off inthe revenue, yielded to his minister's earnest recommendation, and inMay 1844, consented to recall Dursun Sing from our district ofGoruckpoor, in which he had resided during his banishment. On the 10th of that month he was taken by the minister to pay hisrespects to his Majesty, who, on the 30th, conferred upon himadditional honours and titles, and appointed him Inspector-general ofall his dominions, with orders "to make a settlement of the landrevenue at an increased rate; to cut down all the jungles, and bringall the waste lands into tillage; to seize all refractory barons, destroy all their forts, and seize and send into store all the cannonmounted upon them; to put down all disturbances, protect all highroads, punish all refractory and evil-minded persons; to enforce thepayment of all just demands of his sovereign upon landholders of alldegrees and denominations; to invite back all who had been driven offby oppression, and re-establish them on their estates, or punish themif they refused to return; to ascertain the value of all estatestransferred from the jurisdiction of the local authorities to the'Hozoor Tehsel, ' without due inquiry; and report, for theconsideration of his Majesty and his minister, any _nankar_ or rent-free lands, assigned, of late years, by Amils and other governors ofdistricts; to enforce the payment of all recoverable balances, due onaccount of past years; to muster the troops, and report, through thecommander-in-chief, all officers and soldiers borne on the muster-rolls, and paid from the treasury, but in reality dead, absentwithout leave, or unfit for further service;" in short, to reform allabuses, and make the government of the country what the King and hisminister thought it ought to be. Dursun Sing assured them that hewould do his best to effect all the objects they had in view; and, after recovering possession of his estates, and conciliating, bysuitable gratuities, all the reigning favourites at Court, he went towork heartily at his Herculean task after his wonted way. But he, soon after, became ill, and retired to his residence at Fyzabad, where he died on the 20th of August, 1844, leaving his elder brother, Bukhtawar Sing--my Quartermaster-general--at Court; and his threesons, Ramadeen, Rughbur Sing, and Mann Sing, to fight amongthemselves for his landed possessions and immense accumulated wealth. The minister was a man of good intentions; and, having inherited animmense fortune from his uncle, Hakeem Mehndee, he cared little aboutmoney; but he was an indolent man, and indulged much in opiates, andhis object was to reform the administration at the least possiblecost of time and trouble to himself. He had, he thought, found theman who could efficiently supervise and control the administration inall its branches; and he invested him with plenary powers to do so. Of the duty, on his part and that of his master; efficiently tosupervise and control the exercise of these plenary powers on thepart of the man of their choice, in order to prevent their beingabused to the injury of the state and the people; or of the necessityof taking from Court favourites the nomination of officers to thecharge of all districts and all fiscal and judicial Courts, and tothe command of all corps and establishments, in order to render themefficient and honest, and prevent justice from being perverted, andthe revenues of the state from being absorbed on their way to thetreasury, they took no heed. Court favourites retained their powers, and the King and his minister relied entirely, as heretofore, uponthe reports of the news-writers, who attend officially upon allofficers in charge of districts, fiscal and judicial Courts, corpsand establishments of all kinds, for the facts of all cases on whichthey might have to pass orders; and remained as ignorant as theirpredecessors of the real state of the administration and the realsufferings of the people, if not of the real losses to the Exchequer. The news department is under a Superintendent-general, who hassometimes contracted for it, as for the revenues of a district, butmore commonly holds it in _amanee_, as a manager. When he contractsfor it he pays a certain sum to the public treasury, over and abovewhat he pays to the influential officers and Court favourites ingratuities. When he holds it in _amanee_, he pays only gratuities, and the public treasury gets nothing. His payments amount to aboutthe same in either case. He nominates his-subordinates, and appointsthem to their several offices, taking from each a present gratuityand a pledge for such monthly payments as he thinks the post willenable him to make. They receive from four to fifteen rupees a-montheach, and have each to pay to their President, for distribution amonghis patrons or patronesses at Court from one hundred to five hundredrupees a-month in ordinary times. Those to whom they are accreditedhave to pay them, under ordinary circumstances, certain sums monthly, to prevent their inventing or exaggerating cases of abuse of power orneglect of duty on their part; but when they happen to be reallyguilty of great acts of atrocity, or great neglect of duty, they arerequired to pay extraordinary sums, not only to the news-writers, whoare especially accredited to them, but to all others who happen to bein the neighbourhood at the time. There are six hundred and sixtynews-writers of this kind employed by the King, and paid monthlythree thousand one hundred and ninety-four rupees, or, on an average, between four and five rupees a-month each; and the sums paid by themto their President for distribution among influential officers andCourt favourites averages above one hundred and fifty thousand rupeesa-year. Many, whose avowed salary is from four to ten rupees a-month, receive each, from the persons to whom they are accredited, more thanfive hundred, three-fourths of which they must send for distributionamong Court favourites, or they could not retain their places a week, nor could their President retain his. Such are the reporters of thecircumstances in all the cases on which the sovereign and hisministers have to pass orders every day in Oude. Some of those whoderive part of their incomes from this source are "persons behind thethrone, who are greater than the throne itself. " The mother of theheir-apparent gets twelve thousand rupees a-year from it. But their exactions are not confined to government officers of allgrades and denominations; they are extended to contractors of allkinds and denominations, to him who contracts for the supply of thepublic cattle with grain, as well as to him who contracts for therevenue and undivided government of whole provinces; and, indeed, toevery person who has anything to do under, or anything to apprehendfrom, government and its officers and favourites; and, in such acountry, who has not? The European magistrate of one of ourneighbouring districts one day, before the Oude Frontier Police wasraised, entered the Oude territory at the head of his police inpursuit of some robbers, who had found an asylum in one of the King'svillages. In the attempt to secure them some lives were lost; and, apprehensive of the consequences, he sent for the official news-writer, and _gratified_ him in the usual way. No report of thecircumstances was made to the Oude Durbar; and neither the King, theResident, nor the British Government ever heard anything about it. Ofthe practical working of the system, many illustrations will be foundin this Diary. The Akbar, or Intelligence Department, had been farmed out for someyears, at the rate of between one and two lacs of rupees a-year, when, at the recommendation of the Resident, the King expressed hiswillingness to abolish the farm, and intrust the superintendence to_men of character and ability_, to be paid by Government. Thisresolution was communicated to Government by the Resident on the 24thof April, 1839; and on the 6th of May the Resident was instructed tocommunicate to his Majesty the satisfaction which the Governor-General derived on hearing that he had consented to abolish thisfarm, which had produced _so large a revenue to the state_. This wasconsidered by the Resident to be a great boon obtained for the peopleof Oude, as the farmers of the department consented to pay a largerevenue, only on condition that they should be considered as the onlylegitimate reporters of events--the only recognised _masters in theOude Chancery_; and, as the Resident observed, "they choked up allthe channels the people had of access to their sovereign;" but theyhave choked them up just as much since the abolition of the farm, andhave had to pay just as much as before. A brief sketch of the proceedings of Rughbur Sing, the son of DursunSing, in his government of these districts of Gonda and Baraetch, forthe years 1846 and 1847, may here be given as further illustration ofthe Oude government and its administration, in this part of thecountry at least. It had not suffered very much under his uncle'sbrief reign in 1842 and 1843, and the governors who followed him, upto 1846, were too weak to coerce the Tallookdars, or do much injuryto their estates. Rughbur Sing had a large body of the King's troopsto aid him in enforcing from them the payment of the current revenueand balances, real or pretended, for past years; and a large body ofarmed retainers of his own to assist him in his contest with hisbrothers for the possessions of the Mehdona and Asrewa estates, whichhad been going on ever since the death of their father. I have stated that Rughbur Sing held in contract the districts ofGonda and Bahraetch for the years 1846 and 1847, and shown to what astate of wretchedness he managed to reduce them in that brief period. In 1849, some months after I took charge of my office, I deputed aEuropean gentleman of high character, Captain Orr, of the OudeFrontier Police, to pass through these districts, and inquire intoand report upon the charges of oppression brought against him by thepeople, as his agents were diligently employed at Lucknow indistributing money among the most influential persons about theCourt, and a disposition to restore him to power had become manifest. He had purchased large estates in our districts of Benares andGoruckpoor, where he now resided for greater security, while he hadfive thousand armed men, employed under other agents, in fightingwith his brother, Maun Sing, for the possession of the _bynamah_estates, above described, in the Sultanpoor district. In this contesta great many lives were lost, and the peace of the country was longand much disturbed, but, after driving all his brother's forces andagents out of the district. Maun Sing retained quiet possession ofthe estates. This contest would, however, have been again renewed, and the same desolating disorders would have again prevailed, couldRughbur Sing's agents at the capital, by a judicious distribution ofthe money at their disposal, have induced the Court to restore him tothe government of these or any other districts in Oude. On the 23rd of July 1849, Captain Orr sent in his report, giving abrief outline of such of the atrocities committed by Rughbur Sing andhis agents in these districts as he was able, during his tour, toestablish upon unquestionable evidence; but they made but a smallportion of the whole, as the people in general still apprehended thathe would be restored to power by Court favour, and wreak hisvengeance upon all who presumed to give evidence against him; whilemany of the most respectable families in the districts were ashamedto place on record the suffering and dishonour inflicted on theirfemale members; and still more had been reduced by them to utterdestitution, and driven in despair into other districts. To use hisown words--"The once flourishing districts of Gonda and Bahraetch, sonoted for fertility and beauty, are now, for the greater part, uncultivated; villages completely deserted in the midst of landsdevoid of all tillage everywhere meet the eye; and from Fyzabad toBahraetch I passed through these districts, a distance of eightymiles, over plains which had been fertile and well cultivated, tillRughbur Sing got charge, but now lay entirely waste, a scene for twoyears of great misery ending in desolation. " Rajah Hurdut Sahae, the proprietor of the Bondee estate, was the headof one of the oldest Rajpoot families in Oude. Having placed the mostnotorious knaves in the country as revenue collectors over all thesubdivisions of his two districts, Rajah Rughbur Sing, in 1846, demanded from Hurdut Sahae an increase of five thousand rupees uponthe assessment of the preceding year. The Rajah pleaded the badnessof preceding seasons, and consequent poverty of his tenants andcultivators; but at last he consented to pay the increase, and onsolemn pledges of personal security he collected all his tenants, totake upon themselves the responsibility of making good this demand. To this they all agreed; but they had no sooner done so, than RughburSing's agent, Prag Pursaud, demanded a gratuity of seven thousandrupees for himself, over and above the increase of five thousand uponthe demand of the preceding year. The Rajah would not agree to paythe seven thousand, but went off to request some capitalists tofurnish securities for the punctual payment of the rent. The agent sent off secretly to Rughbur Sing to say, that unless hecame at the head of his forces he saw no chance of getting therevenues from the Rajah or his tenants, who were all assembled andmight be secured if he could contrive to surprise them. Rughbur Singcame with a large force at night, surrounded his agent's camp, wherethe tenants and the Rajah's officers were all assembled, and seizedthem. He then sent out parties of soldiers of from one hundred to twohundred each, to plunder all the towns and villages on the estate, and seize all the respectable residents they could find. Theyplundered the town of Bondee, and pulled down all the houses of theRajah, and those of his relatives and dependents; and, afterplundering all the other towns and villages in the neighbourhood, they brought in one thousand captives of both sexes and all ages, whowere subjected to all manner of torture till they paid the ransomdemanded, or gave written pledges to pay. Five thousand head ofcattle were, at the same time, brought in and distributed as booty. The Rajah made his escape, but his agents were put to the sametortures as his tenants. Rughbur Sing, among other things, commandedthem to sign a declaration, to the effect that his predecessor andenemy, Wajid Allee Khan, had received from them the sum of thirtythousand rupees more than he had credited to his government, but thisthey all refused to do. Rughbur Sing remained at Bondee for sixweeks, superintending personally all these atrocities; and then wentoff, leaving, as his agent, Kurum Hoseyn. He continued the torturesupon the tenants and officers of the Rajah, and the captivescollected in his camp. He rubbed the beards of the men with moistgunpowder; and, as soon as it became dry in the sun, he set fire toit. Other tortures, too cruel and indecent to be named, wereinflicted upon four servants of the Rajah, Kunjun Sing, Bustee Ram, Admadnt Pandee, and Bhugwant Rae, and upon others, who were likely tobe able to borrow or beg anything for their ransom. Finding that the tenants did not return, and that the estate waslikely to be altogether deserted, unless the Rajah returned, KurumHoseyn was instructed by Rughbur Sing to invite him back on anyterms. The poor Rajah, having nothing in the jungles to which he hadfled to subsist upon, ventured back on the solemn pledge of personalsecurity given by Pudum Sing, a respectable capitalist, whom thecollector had induced, by solemn oaths on the holy Koran, to become amediator; and, as a token of reconciliation and future friendship, the Rajah and collector changed turbans. They remained together forfive months on the best possible terms, and the Rajah's tenantsreturned to their homes and fields. All having been thus lulled intosecurity, Rughbur Sing suddenly sent another agent, Maharaj Sing, tosupersede Kurum Hoseyn, and seize the Rajah and his confidentialmanager, Benee Ram Sookul. They, however, went off to Balalpoor, forty miles distant from Bondee, and kept aloof from the newcollector, till he prevailed upon all the officers, commanding corpsand detachments under him, to enter into solemn written pledges ofpersonal security. The Rajah had been long suffering from ague andfever, and had become very feeble in mind and body. He remained atBalalpoor; but, under the assurance of these pledges from militaryofficers of rank and influence, Benee Ram and other confidentialofficers of the Rajah came to his camp, and entered upon theadjustment of their accounts. When he found them sufficiently off their guard, Maharaj Sing, whilesitting one evening with Benee Ram, who was a stout, powerful man, asked him to show him the handsome dagger which he always wore in hiswaistband. He did so, and as soon as he got it in his hand, thecollector gave the concerted signal to Roshun Allee, one of theofficers present, and his armed attendants, to seize him. As he roseto leave the tent he was cut down from behind by Mattadeen, khasburdar; and the rest fell upon him and cut him to pieces inpresence of the greater part of the officers who had given the solemnpledges for his personal security. Not one of them interposed to savehim. Doulut Rae, another confidential servant of the Rajah, however, effected his escape, and ran to the Rajah, who prepared to defendhimself at Balalpoor, where Maharaj Sing tried, in vain, to persuadehis troops' to attack him. For two months the towns and villages weredeserted, but the crops were on the ground, and guarded by the Passeebowmen, who are usually hired for the purpose. Beharee Lal, the principal agent of Rughbur Sing in these districts, now wrote a letter of condolence to the Rajah, on the death of hisfaithful servant, Benee Ram--told him that he had dismissed from allemploy the villain Maharaj Sing, and appointed to his place KurumHoseyn, who would make all reparation and redress all wrongs. Thisletter he sent by a very plausible man, Omed Rae, the collector ofthe Rahooa estate. Kurum Hoseyn resumed charge of his office, andwent unattended to the Rajah, with whom he remained some daysfeasting, and swearing on the Koran, that all had been without hisconnivance or knowledge, and that he had come back with a fulldetermination to see justice done to his friend, the Rajah, and hislandholders and cultivators in everything. Having thus soothed thepoor old Rajahs apprehensions, he prevailed on him to go back withhim to Bondee, where he behaved for some time with so much seemingfrankness and cordiality, and swore so solemnly on the Koran torespect the persons of all men who should come to him on business, that the Rajah's tenants and agents lost all their fears, and againcame freely to his camp. The Rajah now invited all his tenants asbefore, to enter into engagements to pay their rents to officersappointed by the collector as jumogdars; and the people had hopes ofbeing permitted to gather their harvests in peace. Kurum Hoseyn nowsuggested to Beharee Lal, to come suddenly with the largest force hecould collect, and seize the many respectable men who had assembled-at his invitation. He made a forced march daring the night, appeared suddenly at Bondeewith a large force, and seized all who were there assembled, save theRajah and his family, who escaped to the jungles. Detachments of fromone hundred to two hundred were sent out as before, to plunder thecountry, and seize all from whom anything could be extorted. All thetowns and villages on the estate were plundered of everything thatcould be found, and fifteen hundred men, and about five hundred womenand children, were brought in prisoners, with no less than eightythousand animals of all kinds. There were twenty-five thousand headof cattle; and horses, mares, sheep, goats, ponies, &c. , made up therest. All with the men, women, and children were driven off, pell-mell, a distance of twenty miles to Busuntpoor, in the Hurhurpoordistrict, where Beharee Lal's headquarter had been fixed. For threedays heavy rain continued to fall. Pregnant women were beaten on bythe troops with bludgeons and the butt-ends of muskets andmatchlocks. Many of them gave premature birth to children and died onthe road; and many children were trodden to death by the animals onthe road, which was crowded for more than ten miles. Rughbur Sing and his agents, Beharee Lal, Kurum Hoseyn, Maharaj Sing, Prag Sing, and others, selected several thousand of the finestcattle, and sent them to their homes; and the rest were left to theofficers and soldiers of the force to be disposed of; and, for allthis enormous number of animals, worth at least one hundred thousandrupees, the small sum of one hundred and thirty rupees was creditedin the Nazim's accounts to the Rajah's estate. At Busuntpoor theforce was divided into two parties, for the purpose of torturing thesurviving prisoners till they consented to sign bonds, for thepayment of such sums as might be demanded from them. Beharee Lalpresided over the first party, in which they were tortured from day-break till noon. They were tied up and flogged, had red-hot ramrodsthrust into their flesh, their tongues were pulled out with hotpincers and pierced through; and, when all would not do, they weretaken to Kurum Hoseyn, who presided at the other party, to betortured again till the evening. He sat with a savage delight, towitness this brutal scene and invent new kinds of torture. No lessthan seventy men, besides women and children, perished at Busuntpoorfrom torture and starvation; and their bodies were left to rot in themud, and their friends were afraid to approach them. Bustee's bodywas stolen at night by his son, and Guyadut's was sold to his familyby the soldiers. Among the persons of respectability who died under the tortures, several are named below. * Buldee Sing, the husband of the Rajah'ssister, took poison and died; and Ramdeen, a Brahmin of greatrespectability, stabbed himself to death, to avoid further tortureand dishonour. For two months did these atrocities continue atBusuntpoor; and during that time the prisoners got no food from theservants of Government. All that they got was sent to them by theirfriends, or by the charitable peasantry of the country around; andwhen sweetmeats were sent to them as food, which the most scrupulouscould eat from any hand, the soldiers often snatched them from themand ate them themselves, or took them to their officers. The womenand children were all stripped of their clothes, and many died fromcold and want of sustenance. It was during the months of Septemberand October that these atrocities were perpetrated. The heavy rainhad inundated the country, and the poor prisoners were obliged to lienaked and unsheltered on the damp ground. [* 1. Byjonauth, the Rajah's accountant. 2. Gijraj Sing, Rajpoot. 3. Sheopersaud. 4. Rampersaud. 5. Jhow Lal. 6. Guyadut. 7. Duyram. 8. Budaree Chobee. 9. Mungul Sing, Rajpoot. 10. Seodeen Sing, ditto. 11. Akber Sing. 12. Bustee, a farmer. ] Apreel Sing, a respectable Jagheerdar of Bondee, was tortured till heconsented to sell his two daughters, and pay the money; and a greatmany respectable females, who were taken from Bondee to Busuntpoor, have never been heard of since. Whether they perished or were soldtheir friends have never been able to discover. The sipahees andother persons, employed to torture, got money from their victims ortheir friends, who ventured to approach, or from the pityingpeasantry around; and all laughed and joked at the screams of thesufferers. Several times, during the two months, Rughbur Sing paidoff heavy arrears, due to his personal servants, by drafts on hisagents for prisoners, to be placed at the disposal of the payee, tenand twenty at a time. It is worthy of remark, that an old Subadar ofone of our regiments of Native Infantry, who was then at home infurlough, happened to pass Busuntpoor with his family, on his way toGuya, on a pilgrimage. He and his family had saved what was to them alarge sum, to be spent in offerings, for the safe passage of hisdeceased relatives through purgatory. On witnessing the sufferings ofthe poor prisoners at Busuntpoor, he and his family offered all theyhad for a certain number of women and children, who were made over tothem. He took them to their homes, and returned to his own, saying, that he hoped God would forgive them for the sake of the relief whichthey had afforded to sufferers. In the latter end of October, Beharee Lal took off all the force thatcould be spared, to attack the Rajah of Bhinga, and plunder hisestate in the same manner; and Kurum Hoseyn took another to plunderKoelee, Murdunpoor, Budrolee, and some other villages of the Bondeeestate, which had suffered least in the last attack. He collected twothousand plough-bullocks, and sold them for little to Nuzur Allee andSufder Allee, who commanded detachments under him. He soon after madean attack upon Sookha and other villages, in the vicinity ofBusuntpoor, and collected between twenty and thirty thousand head ofcattle; but, on his way back, he was attacked by a party of twentybrave men (under a landholder named Nabee Buksh, whom he wished toseize), and driven back to his camp at Busuntpoor, with the loss ofall his booty. He attempted no more enterprises after this check. Thetortures ceased, and ten days after he ran off, on hearing thatRughbur Sing had been deprived of his charge by orders from Lucknow. At this time one hundred and fifty prisoners remained at Busuntpoor, and they were released by Incha Sing, the successor and uncle ofRughbur Sing. The Akhbar Naveeses, so far from admonishing the perpetrators ofthese atrocities, were some of them among the most active promotersof them. Jorakhun, the news-writer at Bondee, got one anna for everyprisoner brought in; and from two to three rupees for every prisonerreleased. He got every day subsistence for ten men from Kurum Hoseyn. All the news-writers in the neighbourhood got a share of the booty inbullocks, cows, and other animals. Two chuprassies are said to havecome from Government, and remained at Busuntpoor for nearly the wholetwo months, while these tortures were being inflicted, without makingany report of them. When the order for dismissing Rughbur Sing camefrom the Durbar, Maharaj Sing went off, saying, that he would soonsmother all complaints, in the usual way, at Lucknow. In September 1847, Rughbur Sing's agents, with a considerable force, encamped at Parbatee-tolah, in the Gonda district, and made a suddenattack upon the fine town of Khurgoopoor. After plundering the town, the troops seized forty of the most respectable merchants andshopkeepers of the place, and made them over to Rughbur Sing'sagents, at the rate agreed upon, of so much a head, as theperquisites of the soldiers; and these agents confined and torturedthem till they each paid the ransom demanded, and rated according totheir supposed means. The troops did the same by Bisumberpoor, Bellehree Pundit, Pyaree, Peepree, and many other towns and villagesin the same district of Gonda. A trooper and his son, who tried tosave the honour of their family, by defending the entrance to theirhouse, were cut down and killed at Khurgapoor; and in Bisumberpoorone of the soldiers, with his sword, cut off the arm of a respectableold woman, in order the more easily to get her gold bracelets. Thepoor woman died a few hours afterwards. The only relative of the poorold woman who could have assisted her was seized, with forty otherrespectable persons, and taken off to the camp at Parbatee-tola, where they were all tortured till they paid the ransom demanded, anda gratuity, in addition, to the soldiers who had seized them. One ofthe persons died under the tortures inflicted upon him. In the Gungwal district similar atrocities were committed by RughburSing's agents and their soldiers. These agents were Gouree Shunkurand Seorutun Sing. The district formed the estate of Rajah SreeputSing, who resided with his family in the fort of Gungwal. The formerNazim, Suraj-od Dowlah, had attacked this fort on some frivolouspretence; and, having taken it by surprise, sacked the place andplundered the Rajah and his family of all they had. The Rajah diedsoon after of mortification, at the dishonour he and his family hadsuffered, and was succeeded by his son, Seetul Persaud Sing, thepresent Rajah, who was now plundered again, and driven an exile intothe Nepaul hills. The estate was now taken possession of by theagents, Goureeshunker and Seorutun Sing. Seorutun Sing seized aBrahmin who was travelling with his wife and brother, and, on thepretence that he must be a relation of the fugitive Rajah, had himmurdered, and his head struck off on the spot. The wife took the headof her murdered husband in her arms, wrapped it up in cloth, and, attended by his brother, walked with it a distance of fifty miles toAjoodheea, where Rughbur Sing was then engaged in religiousceremonies. The poor woman placed the head before him, and demandedjustice on her husband's murderers. He coolly ordered the head to bethrown into the river, and the woman and her brother-in-law to bedriven from his presence. Many other respectable persons were seizedand tortured on similar pretext of being related to, or having servedor assisted, the fugitive Rajah. Moistened gunpowder was smearedthickly over the beards of the men, and when dry set fire to; and anyfriend or relatives who presumed to show signs of pity was seized andtortured, till he or she paid a ransom. All the people in the countryaround, who had moveable property of any kind, were plundered bythese two atrocious agents, and tortured till they paid all that theycould beg and borrow. Many respectable families were dishonoured inthe persons of wives, sisters, or daughters, and almost all the townsand villages around became deserted. In Rajah Nirput Sing's estate of Pyagpoor, the same atrocities werecommitted. Rajah Rughbur Sing seized upon this estate as soon as heentered upon his charge in 1846, and put it under the management ofhis own agents; and, after extorting from the tenants more than wasjustly due, according to engagement, he attacked the Rajah's house bysurprise, and plundered it of property to the value of fifteenthousand rupees. The Rajah, however, contrived to make his escapewith his family. He had nothing with him to subsist upon, and in 1847he was invited back on solemn pledges of personal security; and, fromgreat distress, was induced again to undertake the management of hisown estate, at an exorbitant rate of assessment. In spite of this engagement, Goureeshunker, when the tenants hadbecome lulled into security by the hope of remaining under their ownchief, suddenly, with his troops, seized upon all he could catch, plundered their houses, and tortured them till they paid all thatthey could prevail upon their relatives and friends to lend them. Eighteen hundred of their plough-bullocks were seized and sold byhim, together with many of their wives and daughters. While undertorture, Seetaram, a respectable Brahmin, of Kandookoeea, put an endto his existence, to avoid further sufferings and dishonour. Sucheet, another respectable Brahmin, of Pagaree, did the same by opening avein in his thigh. A cloth steeped in oil was bound round the handsof those who appeared able, but unwilling, to pay ransoms, and setfire to, so as to burn like a torch. In these tortures, Lala BehareeLal, Rughbur Sing's deputy, was the chief agent. "I found, " saysCaptain Orr, "the estate of Pyagpoor in a desolate condition; villageafter village presenting nothing but bare walls--the finest arablelands lying waste, and no sign of cultivation was anywhere to beseen. Even the present Nazim, Mahommed Hussan, after conciliating andinviting in the Rajah on further solemn assurances of personalsecurity, seized him and all his family, and kept them confined inprison for several months, till they paid him an exorbitant ransom. The poorer classes told me, that it was impossible for them to ploughtheir fields, since all their plough-bullocks had been seized andsold by the Nazim's agents. Great numbers in this and the adjoiningestates have subsisted entirely upon wild fruits, and some species ofaquatic plants, since they were ruined by these atrocities. " This picture is not at all overdrawn. In passing through the estate, and communing with the few wretched people who remain, I find allthat Captain Orr stated in his report to be strictly correct. In the Hurhurpoor district similar atrocities were committed byRughbur Sing and his agents. He confided the management to his agent, Goureeshunker. In 1846 he made his settlement of the land revenue, atan exorbitant rate, with the tallookdar, Chinghy Sing; and, in thefollowing year, he extorted from him an increase to this rate oftwenty-five thousand rupees. He was, in consequence, obliged to fly;but he was soon invited back on the usual solemn assurances for hispersonal security, and induced to take on himself the management ofthe estate. But he was no sooner settled in his house than he wasagain attacked at night and plundered. One of his attendants waskilled, and another wounded; and all the respectable tenants andservants who had ventured to assemble around him on his return wereseized and tortured till they paid ransoms. No less than two thousandand five hundred bullocks from this estate were seized and sold, orstarved to death. A great many women were seized and tortured tillthey paid ransoms like the men; and many of them have never sincebeen seen or heard of. Some perished in confinement of hunger andcold, having been stripped of their clothes, and exposed at night tothe open air on the damp ground, while others threw themselves intowells and destroyed themselves after their release, rather thanreturn to their families after the exposure and dishonour they hadsuffered. In the Bahraetch district, the same atrocities were practised byRughbur Sing and his agents. Here also Goureeshunker was the chiefagent employed, but the few people who remained were so terrified, that Captain Orr could get but little detailed information ofparticular cases. The present Nazim had been one of Rughbur Sing'sagents in all these atrocities, and the people apprehended that hewas in office merely as his "locum tenens;" and that Rughbur Singwould soon purchase his restoration to power, as he boasted that heshould. The estate of the Rajah of Bumunee Paer was plundered in thesame manner; and Rughbur Sing's agents seized, drove off, and soldtwo thousand bullocks, and cut down and sold or destroyed fivehundred and five mhowa-trees, which had, for generations, formed thestrongest local ties of the cultivators, and their best dependence inseasons of drought. In the Churda estate, in the Tarae forest, the same sufferings wereinflicted on the people by the same agents, Goureeshunker and BehareeLal. They seized Mudar Buksh, the manager, and made him over toMoonshee Kurum Hoseyn, who had him beaten to death. The estate of theRajah of Bhinga was treated in the same way. Beharee Lal attacked thetown with a large force, plundered all the houses in it, and all thepeople of their clothes and ornaments. They seized all the plough-bullocks and other cattle, and had them driven off and sold. Thewomen were all seized and driven off in crowds to the camp of RughburSing at Parbatee-tolah. Many of them who were far gone in pregnancyperished on the road, from fatigue and harsh treatment The estate ofthe Rajah of Ruhooa was treated in the same manner; and the Rajah, toavoid torture and disgrace, fled with his family to the jungles. InJuly 1846, being in great distress, he was induced to come back onthe most solemn assurances from Rughbur Sing of personal security forhimself, family, and attendants. He left the Rajah his _nankar_ landsfor his subsistence, pledging himself to exact no rents or revenuesfrom them; but put the estate under the management of his own agents, Lala Omed Rae and others. He at the same time pledged himself not toexact from any of the poor Rajah's tenants higher rates than thosestipulated for in the engagements then made. But he immediately aftersaddled the Rajah with the payment of five hundred armed men, on thepretence that they were necessary to protect him, and aid him in themanagement of these _nankar_ lands. In May 1847, when the harvestshad been gathered, and he had exacted from the tenants andcultivators the rates stipulated, Goureeshunker was put into themanagement. He seized all the tenants and cultivators by a sudden andsimultaneous attack upon their several villages, and extorted fromthem a payment of fifty thousand rupees more. Not satisfied withthis, Goureeshunker seized the Rajah's chief manager, Mungul Pershad, tied him up to a tree, and had him beaten to death. Many of theRajah's tenants and servants were beaten to death in the same manner;and no less than forty villages were attacked and plundered. A goodmany respectable females were seized and compelled to make up theransoms of their husbands and fathers who were under torture. Many ofthe females who had been seized perished from the cruel treatment andfrom want of food. Two thousand head of cattle, chiefly plough-bullocks, were seized and sold from this estate. I have passed through all the districts here named, save two, Churdaand Bhinga, and I can say, that everything I saw and heard tended toconfirm the truth of what has here been told. Rughbur Sing and theagents employed by him were, by all I saw, considered more asterrible demons who delighted in blood and murder than as men endowedwith any feelings of sympathy for their fellow-creatures; and thegovernment, which employed such men in the management of districtswith uncontrolled power, seemed to be utterly detested and abhorred. It will naturally be asked, whether the circumstances described wereever reported to the Oude Government or to the British Resident; andwhether they did anything to punish the guilty and afford redress andrelief to the sufferers. The following are the reports which weremade to the Oude Durbar by the news-writers, employed in the severaldistricts, and communicated to the Resident and his Assistant, by theResidency news-writer, in his daily reports, which are read out tothem every morning. _July_ 10, 1847. --Report from Bondee states, that Rajaram, RughburSing's collector of Mirzapoor and other villages in that estate, hadattacked and plundered Mirzapoor, and carried off sixty head ofcattle. _August_ 12, 1847. --Report from Bondee states, that the estates ofBondee and Tiperha, which yielded one hundred and fifty thousandrupees a-year, had become so desolated by the oppression of BehareeLal and Kurum Hoseyn, the agents of Rughbur Sing, that they could notpossibly yield anything for the ensuing year; that Kurum Hoseyn hadseized all the cattle and other property of the peasantry, sold themand appropriated the money to his own use, and had so beaten thelandholders and cultivators, that many of them had died. Order by theDurbar, that these two agents be deterred from such acts ofoppression, fined five thousand rupees, and made to release theremaining prisoners, and restore the property taken. Nothing whateverwas done! _August_ 14, 1847. --Report from Bondee states, that although thelandholders and cultivators of this estate had paid all that was due, according to engagements, Beharee Lal and Kurum Hoseyn were havingthem flogged and tortured every day to extort more; selling off alltheir stock and other property, and selecting all the good bullocksand cows and sending them to their own houses. Order by the Durbar, that the minister punish the oppressors, and cause their property tobe given back to the oppressed. The minister ordered his deputy, Ramchurn, to see this done. He did nothing whatever! _September_ 6, 1847. --Report from Gonda states, that all the landsfrom Bondee and Pyagpoor had been left waste from the oppression ofRughbur Sing. Order by the Durbar, that the minister hasten to getthe lands tilled, as the season was passing away. Nothing whateverwas done! _September_ 24, 1847. --Report from the same place states, thatRughbur Sing had seized no less than eighteen thousand bullocks, fromthe villages of the Bondee estate, collected them at Neemapoor, andordered his agents to get them all sold off as fast as possible; andthat the cultivators could till none of the lands in consequence. Order by the Durbar, that the minister put a stop to all thisoppression. Nothing whatever was done! _September_ 24, 1847. --Report from the same place states, that KurumHoseyn had seized Ahlad Sing, the malgoozar of Hurkapoor in Bondee, and had red-hot ramrods thrust into his flesh, on account of abalance due, and then had him put upon an ass and paraded through thestreets. Order by the Durbar, that the minister see to this. Nothingwhatever was done! _August_ 2, 1847. --Report from Gonda states, that the troops underBeharee Lal were robbing all the females of the country of theirornaments; and that Beharee Lal neither did nor said anything toprevent them. Order by the Durbar, that Rughbur Sing be directed torestrain his soldiers and restore the ornaments. Nothing whatever wasdone! _September_ 6, 1847--Report from the same place states, that LuchmanNaraen, malgoozar of Bhurduree in Gonda, had paid all the rents due, according to his engagements; that Beharee Lal had, nevertheless, sent a force of three hundred men, who attacked his house, plunderedit of all that it contained, and took off five thousand seven hundredand thirty-one maunds of stored grain. Order by the Durbar, that theminister punish and restrain the oppressors, and cause all theproperty to be restored. Nothing whatever was done in the matter! _October_ 2, 1847. --Report from Gonda states, that Jafir Allee andHemraj Sing, Rughbur Sing's agents, had, with a body of sixteenhundred troops, attacked the town of Khurgapoor in Gonda, plunderedit, and attacked and plundered five villages in the vicinity, andseized Sudasook and thirty other merchants and shopkeepers ofKhurgapoor, Chungul Sing, the farmer of that place, Kaleechurn, awriter, and Benee, the agent of the Gonda Rajah, and no less than onehundred landholders and cultivators. Order by the Durbar: Let theminister seize all the offenders, and release and satisfy all thesufferers. Nothing whatever was done in the matter. _October_ 5, 1847. --Report from Gonda states, that Rughbur Sing'stroops had seized and brought off from Gonda to Nawabgunge, twohundred men and women, and shut up the road where they were confined, that no one might pass near them--that three or four of the women werepregnant, and near their confinement, and suffered much from harshtreatment and want of food. Order by the Durbar: Let the ministergrant redress, and send a suzawal to see that the sufferers arereleased. A suzawal was sent, it appears, but he remained a quietspectator of the atrocities, having received something for doing so. _September_ 1, 1847. --Report from Hissampoor states, that ByjonauthSing, agent of Rughbur Sing, in Hissampoor, had seized all theplough-bullocks and cows he could find, sent the best to his ownhome, and made the rest over to Wazeer Allee, Canongoe, to be sold. Order by the Durbar, that Rughbur Sing be directed to restore allthat has been taken, and collect the revenue with more moderation. Nothing whatever was done. _September_ 11, 1847. --Report from Bahraetch states, that the estateof Aleenugger in Hissampoor, which yielded eighteen thousand rupeesa-year, had become so deserted from the oppressions of Rughbur Sing, that it could no longer yield anything. Order by the Durbar, thatRughbar Sing be directed to restore the tillage, or hold himselfresponsible for the King's revenue! _July_ 28, 1847. --Report from Gonda states, that Goureeshunker, thecollector of Gungwal and Pyagpoor, had, by order of Beharee Lal, attacked the village of Ruhooa, and seized and carried off sixty-fourcultivators, and confined them in his camp. No order whatever waspassed by the Durbar. _September_ 7, 1847. --From Nawabgunge in Gonda reports, that BehareeLal's soldiers were then engaged in sacking that town, and carryingoff the property. Order by the Durbar. Let the minister see that theproperty be restored and wrongs redressed. Nothing whatever was done. _September_ 18, 1847. --Report from Bahraetch states, that Cheyn Sing, the tallookdar of Bahmanee Paer, had fled into the British territory, but returned to his fort; that Beharee Lal heard of his return andsent two thousand men to seize him; that the tallookdar had onlysixty men, but held out for three hours, killed ten of the King'ssoldiers, and then evacuated the fort and fled; that Beharee Lal'ssoldiers had collected two thousand bullocks from the estate, andbrought them all off to his camp. Order by the Durbar, that theminister give stringent orders in this case. Nothing whatever wasdone. _October_ 2, 1847. --Report from Seerora states, that Mahommed Hussan(the present Nazim), one of Rughbur Sing's collectors, with onethousand horse and foot and one gun, had come to the hamlet of SondunLal, and the village of Seerora, attacked and plundered these places, and seized and taken off one hundred men and women, and two hundredbullocks, killed two hundred Rajpoots in a fight, and then gone backto his camp at Bahoreegunge. Order by the Durbar, that the ministerseize and send the oppressors to Lucknow, and restore the property toits proper owners. The minister did nothing of the kind; and soonafter made this oppressor the governor of these districts. _September_ 20, 1847. --Report from Radowlee states, that armed menbelonging to Kurum Hoseyn, escorting one thousand selected bullocks, sent by Rughbar Sing, had come to Radowlee, on their way to his fortof Shahgunge. Order by the Durbar: Let the minister see to thisaffair. Nothing was done. On the 28th September 1847 an order was addressed by the Durbar toRughbur Sing, that his agent, Kurum Hoseyn, appeared to have attackedthe house of Seodeen, though he had paid all that was due by him tothe State, according to his engagements, and plundered it of propertyto the value of eighteen thousand rupees, and seized and confined allhis relations--that he must cause all the property to be restored, and obtain acquittances from the sufferers. Rughbur Sing took nonotice whatever of this order. On the 2nd of October 1847, the Resident, Colonel Richmond, wrote tothe King, acquainting him, that he had heard, that Rughbur Sing hadseized and sold all the ploughs and bullocks in the Bahraetchdistrict, and, seized and sold also five hundred men, women, andchildren of the landholders and cultivators; that he regrets all thisand prays that his Majesty will cause inquiries to be made; and, should the charges prove true, cause the articles taken, or theirvalue, to be restored, and the men, women, and children to bereleased. On the 25th of October 1847, the Resident again addressedthe King, stating, that he had heard, that, on the 2nd of October, Jafir Allee and Maharaj Sing, agents of Rughbur Sing, with elevenhundred soldiers, had attacked and plundered the town of Khurgapoorand five villages in its neighbourhood, and seized and taken offRamdeen Sudasook, and thirty merchants, shopkeepers and otherrespectable persons, also Junglee, the farmer of that town, Kaleechurn Mutsudee, Dabey Pershad, the Rajah's manager, and onehundred landholders and cultivators; and praying that orders be givenfor inquiry and redress. Nothing whatever was done; but on the 30thof October, the King replied to these letters, and to one written tohim by the Resident on the 31st of August 1847, transmitting a listof unanswered letters. His Majesty stated, that he had sent orders toRughbur Sing and to his brother Maun Sing, in all the cases referredto by the Resident; but that they were contumacious servants, as hehad before described them to the Resident to be; and had taken nonotice whatever of his orders! _August_ 20, 1846. --Report from Bahraetch states, that Goureeshunkur, the agent of Rughbur Sing, in Bahraetch, had taken four persons fromamong the many whom he had in confinement on account of balances, hadthem suspended to trees, and cruelly flogged, and then had theirhands wrapped up in thick cloth, steeped in oil, and set fire to tillthey burned like torches; and that he sat listening to their screamsand cries for mercy with indifference. Order by the King: Let theminister, Ameen-od Dowlah, be furnished with a copy of this report, and let him send out three troopers, as suzawuls, to bring inGoureeshunkur and the four men whose hands had been burnt, and lethim employ Mekhlis Hoseyn, to inquire into the affair, and report theresult. Nothing was done. On the 29th of August, the Resident, Mr. Davidson, addressed a letterto the King stating, that he had before represented the crueltieswhich Rughbur Sing was inflicting upon the people of his district, but had heard of no redress having been afforded in any case; that hehad received another report on the same subject, and now forwards itto show what atrocities his agent, Goureeshunkur, was committing inBahraetch; that in no other country could the servants of thesovereign commit such cruel outrages upon his subjects; that he hadbeen wrapping up the bodies of the King's subjects in oilcloths, andsetting, fire to them as to torches; that he could not do all thiswithout the knowledge and sanction of his master, Rughbur Sing; andthe Resident prays, that he may be punished, and that his punishmentmay be intimated to him, the Resident. Nothing was ever done, nor wasany answer given to this letter, till it was, on the 30th of August1847, acknowledged with the many others contained in the list sent tothe King, in his letter of the 31st August 1847, by the thenResident, Colonel Richmond. No report appears to have reached either the Durbar or the Resident, of the atrocious proceedings of Rughbur Sing's agents at Busuntpoor, where so many persons perished from torture, starvation, andexposure; nor was any notice taken of them till I took charge of myoffice in January 1849. Incha Sing had offered for the contract ofthe two districts four lacs less than Rughbur Sing had pledgedhimself to pay, and obtained it, and quietly superseded his nephew, with whom he was on cordial good terms. Rughbur Sing went into theBritish territory, to evade all demands for balances, and reside foran interval, with the full assurance that he would be able topurchase a restoration to favour and power in Oude, unless theResident should think it worth while to oppose him, which mypredecessor did not. * I had his agents arrested, and charges sent inagainst them, with all the proofs accumulated, by Captain Orr; butthey all soon purchased their way out, and no one was punished. At mysuggestion the King proclaimed Rughbur Sing as an outlaw, and offeredthree thousand rupees for his arrest, if he did not appear withinthree months. He never appeared, but continued to carry on hisnegociations for restoration to power at Lucknow, through the veryagents whom he had employed in the scenes above described, BehareeLal, Goureeshunker, Kurum Hoseyn, Maharaj Sing, &c. [* Incha Sing absconded before the end of the season, and has neverreturned to Oude. Mahommed Hussan got the contract on a reduction oftwo hundred and thirty-one thousand rupees, below the rates whichIncha Sing bound himself to pay. But in 1850, he consented to anincrease of three hundred and ninety-nine thousand, with, I believe, the deliberate intention to raise the funds for the payment by themurder of Ramdut Pandee, and the confiscation of his estate. ] Amjud Allee Shah, who was something of a man of business, died 13thFebruary 1847, and was succeeded by his eldest son, the present King, who knows nothing of, and cares nothing whatever about, business. Hisminister, Ameen-od Dowlah, who had some character of his own, wasremoved some three or four months after, and succeeded by the presentminister, Allee Nakee Khan, who has none. The following table of the actual payments into the treasury, fromthese two districts of Gonda-Bahraetch, for four years from 1845, will serve to show the fiscal effects of such atrocities as werepermitted to be perpetrated in them for a brief period oftwo years:-- For 1845, under Wajid Allee . 11, 65, 132 5 3 For 1846, under Rughbur Sing . 14, 01, 623 7 6 For 1847, under ditto . 10, 27, 898 4 6 For 1848, under Incha Sing . . 6, 05, 492 0 3 But what table can show the sufferings of the people, and thefeelings of hatred and abhorrence of the Government and its officers, to which they gave rise! Not one of the agents, employed in theatrocities above described, was ever punished. The people see thatall the members of the Government are accessaries, either before orafter the fact, in all these dreadful cruelties and outrages, and, that the more of them a public officer commits, the more secure is heof protection and favour at Court. Their hatred and abhorrence of theindividual, in consequence, extend to and embrace the whole of theGovernment, and would extend also to the British Government, by whomthat of Oude is supported, did they not see how earnestly the BritishResident strives to alleviate their sufferings, and make the Oudesovereign and minister do their duty towards them; and how much allBritish officers sympathise with their sufferings as they passthrough the country. * [* Beharee Lal is now (June 1851) employed in a confidentialsituation, in the office of the deputy minister. Goureeshunker is aTusseeldar, or native collector, in the same district of Bahraetch, under the new contractor, Mann Sing. Moonshee Kurum Hoseyn holds asimilar office in some other district. Maharaj Sing, and the rest, all hold, I believe, situations of equal emolument andrespectability. ] Almost all the khalsa lands of the Hissampoor purgunnah belonged tothe different branches of a very ancient and respectable family ofSyuds. Their lands have, as already stated, been almost alltransferred to powerful tallookdars, and absorbed by them in theirestates, by the usual process. It is said, and I believe truly, thatHadee Allee Khan tried to induce the head of the Syud family to takehis daughter in marriage for his eldest son, as he was also a Syud, (lineal descendant of the prophet. ) The old Syud was too proud toconsent to this; and he and all his relations and connection wereruined in consequence. The son, to whom Hadee Allee wished to unitehis daughter, still lives on his lands, but in poverty and fear. Thepeople say that family pride is more inveterate among the aristocracyof the country than that of the city; and had the old man lived atLucknow, he would probably have given his son, and saved his familyand estate. Captain Hardwick, while out shooting on the 10th, saw a dead manhanging by the heels in a mango-tree, close to the road. He was oneof a gang of notorious robbers who had attacked a neighbouringvillage belonging to some Brahmins. They killed two, and caught athird member of the gang, and hung him up by the heels to die. He wasthe brother-in-law of the leader of the gang, Nunda Pandee. There hestill hangs, and the greater part of my camp took a look at him inpassing. ____________________ Tallookdars of Bahraetch-Government Land Revenue according to the Estimate of this Year. ___________________________________________________________________Names of Villages Government Present Condition Demand___________________________________________________________________ Bandee . . . . . 65, 000 Almost wasteRuhooa . . . . . 20, 000 DittoNanpara . . . . . 1, 50, 000 Falling offGungwal . . . . . 26, 000 Much out of tillagePyagpoor . . . . . 59, 000 DittoEkona . . . . . . 1, 80, 000 DittoBulrampoor . . . . 1, 50, 000 Well tilledToolseepoor . . . . 1, 05, 000 DittoAtrola . . . . . 80, 000 Much out of tillageMunkapoor . . . . 35, 000 DittoBahmanee Paer . . . 12, 000 Ditto___________________________________________________________________ Gowras alias ChehdwaraParuspoor. . . . . 14, 000 Well tilledAruta . . . . . . 18, 000 DittoShahpoor . . . . . 30, 000 DittoDhunawa . . . . . 42, 000 DittoPaska . . . . . . 20, 000 DittoKumeear . . . . . 48, 000 Ditto___________________________________________________________________ Churda . . . . . 62, 000 Falling off______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Gonda Pergunnah. ___________________________________________________________________ Desumberpoor. . . . 95, 000 Rajah Davey Buksh, in Good order. Bhinga. . . . . . 64, 000 Recovering. Akkerpoor. . . . . 46, 015 In good order under Ramdut Pandee. Sagha Chunda. . . . 1, 20, 729 Ramdut Pandee, in good order. Birwa . . . . . . 24, 000 A little out of tillage. ___________________________________________________________________ _December_ 12, 1849. --Gungwal, thirteen miles. The road lay throughthe estate of Pyagpoor to within a mile of Gungwal. Littlecultivation was to be seen the whole way, and what we could see wasbad. Little variety of crops, and the tillage slovenly, and withoutmanure or irrigation. The tallookdar was ruined by Rughbur Sing, andis not on terms with the present Nazim, and he did not appear. Theestate of Gungwal is not better cultivated than that of Pyagpoor; norbetter peopled--both may be considered as mere wastes, and theirassessments as merely nominal. The tallookdar did not appear. Bothwere ruined by the rapacious Nazim and his atrocious agents, Goureeshunker, Beharee Lal, Kurum Hoseyn, and others. The Rajah of Toolseepoor, Dirgraj Sing, has an only son, Sahibjee, now 17 years of age. The Rajah's old servants, thinking they couldmake more out of the boy than out of the prudent father, firstincited him to go off, with all the property he could collect, toGoruckpoor, where he spent it in ten months of revelry. The fatherinvited him back two mouths ago, on condition that he should comealone. When he got within six miles of Toolseepoor, however, thefather found, that three thousand armed followers had there beenassembled by his agents, to aid him in seizing upon him and theestate. Fearing that his estate might be desolated, and he himselfconfined, and perhaps put to death, the Rajah ran off to his friend, the Rajah of Bulrampore, for protection. _December_ 13, 1849. --Purenda, eleven miles. The first half of theway, through the lands of Gungwal, showed few signs of tillage orpopulation; the latter half through, those of Purenda and othervillages of Gonda, held by Ramdut Pandee, showed more of both. Somenice villages on each side, at a small distance, and some fine grovesof mango-trees. On the road this morning, Omrow Pooree, a non-commissioned officer of the Gwalior Contingent, whose family residedin a neighbouring village, came up to me as I passed along, andprayed me to have the murderer of his father seized and punished. Hedescribed the circumstances of the case, and on reaching camp, Irequested Captain Weston to take the depositions of the witnesses, and adopt measures for the arrest of the offenders. Syampooree wasthe name of the father of the complainant. He resided in a smallhamlet, near the road, called after himself, as the founder, "Syampooree ka Poorwa, " or Syampooree's Hamlet. He had four sons, allfine, stout men. The eldest, Omrow Pooree, a corporal in the GwaliorContingent, Bhurut Pooree, a private in Captain Barlow's regiment, Ramchurun and Ramadeen, the two youngest, still at home, assistingtheir father in the management of their little estate, which thefamily had held for many generations. One day in the beginning ofDecember 1848, a short, thick-set man passed through the hamlet, accosted Syampooree and his two sons, as they sat at the door, andasked for some tobacco, and entered into conversation with them. Hepretended that his cart had been seized by the Nazim's soldiers; and, after chatting with them for a short time, departed. The second morning after this, before daylight, Ramadeen, theyoungest son, was warming himself at a fire on a small terrace infront of the door, when he saw a party of armed men approaching. Hecalled out, and asked who they were and what they wanted. They toldhim that they were Government servants, had traced a thief to thevillage, and come to seize him. Four of the party, who carriedtorches, now approached the fire and lighted them. Syampooree and hisother son, Ramchurun, hearing the noise, came out, and placedthemselves by the side of Ramadeen. By the light of the torches theynow recognised the short, thick-set man with whom they had beentalking two days before, at the head of a gang of fifteen men, carrying fire-arms with matches lighted, and five more armed withswords and shields. The short, thick-set man was Nunda Pandee, themost notorious robber in the district. He ordered his gang to searchthe house: on the father and sons remonstrating, he drew his swordand cut down Ramchurun. The father and Ramadeen having left theirswords in the house, rushed back to secure them; but Nunda Pandee, calling out to one of his followers, Bhowaneedeen, to despatch theson, overtook the father, and at one cut severed his right arm fromhis body. He inflicted several other cuts upon him before the old mancould secure his sword with his left arm. Having got it, he placedthe scabbard under his foot, drew forth the blade, and cut NundaPandee across his sword-arm which placed him _hors-de-combat_; andrushing out among the assailants, he cut down two more, when he wasshot dead by a third and noted robber, Goberae. Bhowaneedeen andothers of the gang had cut down Ramadeen, and inflicted severalwounds upon him as he lay on the ground. The gang then plundered thehouse, and made off with property to the value of one thousand andfifty rupees, leaving the father and both sons on the ground. Thebrave old father died soon after daybreak; but before he expired henamed his assailants. The two youngest sons were too severely wounded to admit of theirpursuing the murderers of their father, but their brother, BhurutPooree, obtaining leave of absence, returned home, and traced theleader of the gang, Nunda Pandee, to the house of one of hisrelatives in the village of Kurroura, in Pyagpoor, where he had hadhis wound sewn up and dressed, and lay concealed. The family thentried, in vain, to get redress from all the local authorities, noneof whom considered it to be their duty to look after murderers androbbers of this kind. Captain Weston succeeded in arresting thisatrocious gang-leader, Nunda Pandee, who described to him minutelymany of the numerous enterprises of this kind in which he had beenengaged, and seemed to glory in his profession. He mentioned that theman whom he had seen suspended in the tree was his brother-in-law;that he had had two other members of his gang killed by the villagerson that occasion, but had succeeded in carrying off their bodies;that Goberae, Bhowaneedeen, and the rest of his followers were stillat large and prosecuting their trade. Nunda Pandee was by theResident made over for trial and punishment to the Durbar; andGoberae and Bhowaneedeen have since been arrested and made over also. They both acknowledged that they murdered the Gosaen in the mannerabove described, May 1851. The Mahommedan law-officer before whom thecase was tried declared, that he could not, according to law, admitas valid the evidence of the wife and two sons of the murderedGosaen, because they were relatives and prosecutors; and, as therobbers denied before him that they were the murderers, he could not, or pretended he could not, legally sentence them to punishment TheKing was, in consequence, obliged to take them from his Court, andget them sentenced to perpetual imprisonment by another Court, nottrammelled by the same law of evidence. This difficulty arises from_blood_ having its _price_ in money in the country where the law wasmade, or the _Deeut_; any person who had a right to share in this_Deeut_, or price of blood, was therefore held to be an invalid orincompetent witness to the fact. On the road from Bahraetch to Gungwal we saw very few groves or finesingle trees on either side. The water is close to the surface, andthe soil good, but for the most part flooded during the rains, andfit only for rice-cultivation. To fit it for the culture of otherautumn crops would require a great outlay in drainage; and this noone will incur without better security for the returns than thepresent government can afford. Ramdut Pandee is the greatestagricultural capitalist in these parts. On the 8th of December it had become known all over the city ofLucknow, that the King had promised Captain Bird that he would banishGholam Ruza and his sister, and Kotub Allee, across the Ganges; andit was entered in the news-writer's report, though Captain Bird hadspoken of it to no one. He was asked by the minister whether he wouldexcuse the King for not keeping his word so far, and said he couldnot. He demanded an audience of the King, who tried to avoid ameeting by pleading indisposition; but the first Assistant, beingvery urgent, he was admitted. He found the King in a small inner roomlying on a cot covered with a ruzae or quilt. There were closed doors on the side of the room where the cot stood, and Captain Bird perceived that persons were behind listening to theconversation. On the minister advancing to meet him at the door. Captain Bird declined taking his proffered hand, and in a loud voicedeclared--"that he believed that he was mixed up with the fiddlers, and was afraid of their being removed, or he would have carried hisMajesty's order for their dismissal into effect. " He then advanced tothe King, shook him by the hand, apologized for intruding upon himafter his excuse of illness, and stated--"that his own character wasat stake, and he had been obliged to take this step to save it, andrequested that the minister might be told to retire during theconversation, as he had already shown his partiality for thecharacters whom his Majesty had stigmatized as low, intriguing, anduntrustworthy--as ruiners of his good name and his kingdom, and thecause of ill-feeling between the British Government and himself. TheKing expressed a wish that the minister might remain, that he mighthave an opportunity to listen to what Captain Bird had to state, asit appeared to be against him. Captain Bird replied, that he had nocomplaint to make against the minister; that his object in comingwas, to claim the fulfilment of the promise which his Majesty had sosolemnly made to him, to dismiss Gholam Ruza and his sister, andKotub Allee, and send them across the Ganges; that he was induced todemand this audience by the minister's visit of the precedingevening, to ask him to excuse his Majesty's fulfilling the promisewhich he had made; and by the written report given to him thatmorning by the news-writer, stating, that his Majesty had changed hismind, and pardoned the parties. " The King declared that he had never given Captain Bird any suchpromise. Captain Bird then repeated to his Majesty the conversationwhich had taken place on that occasion. The King seemed to bestaggered; but the minister came to his aid, and said--"that hisMajesty had ascertained from Sadik Allee himself, that Gholam Ruzawas not an accomplice in that affair. " Captain Bird replied--"thatthe King had told him, that the deception had been so fully proved, that they were speechless; and that his Majesty had spit in theirfaces. " The King said "not in Gholam Ruza's. His sister and KotubAllee are alone guilty. " Captain Bird urged, that all were alikeguilty, and he besought the King to fulfil his promise, saying, --"thathis, Captain Bird's, name was at stake; that if the parties were notremoved, the whole city would say, that the King had bribed him, andbought off his promise. " The King replied, "This is all nonsense; doyou wish me to swear that Gholam Ruza is innocent, and that I nevergave the promise you mention?" and, calling the minister, he placedhis right hand on his head, and said, --"I swear, as if this was myson's head, and by God, that I believe Gholam Ruza to be entirelyinnocent; and that I never promised to turn him out, or to send himacross the Ganges. " Captain Bird then heard a movement of feet in thenext room behind the closed doors. He was horrified; but returning tothe charge, said, "Your Majesty has, at any rate, acknowledged theguilt of Gholam Ruza's sister, and that of Khotub Allee; pray fulfilyour promise on the guilty. " The King said--"When absent from mysight, they are as far off as across one hundred rivers. I know theyare intriguers, and shall keep my eyes upon them. " Captain Bird said--"I have reported the circumstances of the case thus far to theResident. Your Majesty has made me a participator in the breaking ofyour word. I have told Colonel Sleeman you would turn these men out. "The King said--"This case has reference only to my house--it has noconnection with the Government; but if you wish to use force, take mealso by the beard, and pull me from my throne!" Captain Bird said--"Ipray your Majesty to recollect how often, when force might have beenused, under your own sign-manual and seal, on these fiddlersinterfering in State affairs, the Resident has hesitated to put yourwritten permission for their removal into force; and now who can beyour friend, or save you from any danger, which may hereafterthreaten your life or your well-being? I must, of course, report allto the Resident. " The minister now said--"Yes, report to the Residentthat the King has changed his mind, broken his word, and will notfulfil his promise; and ask for permission to employ direct force forthe removal of these men: see if he will give permission. " CaptainBird replied, "that any orders he received from the Resident wouldcertainly be carried, into effect; but if his Majesty's ownacknowledgment of the deceitfulness of these men, and theirintriguing rascality were not sufficient to induce him to removethem--if the King set so little value on his promise--a promise nowknown to the whole city, and which he must in self-defence now speakopenly of, he foresaw the speedy downfall of the kingdom. Who, heasked, will subject themselves to be deceived in an endeavour to propit up by the removal of those who were living on its heart's blood, or be made liars by reporting promises never to be fulfilled?" Thusended this interview. The next day Sadik Allee had a dress of honour conferred upon him, and an increase of one hundred rupees a-month made to his salary; andGholam Ruza, and his relative the fiddler, Anees-od Dowla, wereseated behind his Majesty in his carriage-and-four, and paradedthrough the city, as in full possession of his favour. After the Kinghad alighted from the carriage at the palace, the coachman drove thetwo singers to their apartments in the Mukbura, seated as before inthe khuwas, or hind seat. [On the 25th of May 1850, the King causedthe chief singer, Gholam Ruza, his father, Nathoo, his sister, andher husband, Dummun Khan, Gholam Hyder Khan, Kotub Allee, hisbrother, Sahib Allee, and the females of his family, in all fourteenpersons, to be seized and confined in prison. On the 2nd of June, allbut Gholam Ruza and Dummun Khan were transported across the Gangesinto British territory; and, on the 23rd of July, these two men weretransported in the same manner. The immediate cause of the King'sanger was the discovery that his divorced and banished wife, Surafrazmahal, had actually come back, and remained concealed forseven days and seven nights in the palace, in the apartments of thechief singer, Gholam Ruza. They were all made to disgorge theCompany's notes and jewels found upon them, but the King visitedGholam Ruza the day before his departure, and treated him with greatkindness, and seemed very sorry to part with him. ] On the 10th, I had written to Captain Bird to mention the distinctionwhich he appeared to have overlooked in his zeal to get the fiddlersremoved. The offence with which these persons stood charged in thiscase was a personal affront to the King, or an affront to hisunderstanding, and not any interference with the administration ofthe Government; and the first Assistant was requested by the Residentto wait upon his Majesty, merely with a view to encourage him in hislaudable resolution to banish them, and to offer his aid in doing soshould his Majesty manifest any wish to have it; and not to demandtheir punishment on the part of the British Government. In the onecase, if the King promised to punish the offenders and relented andforgave them, we could only regret his weakness; but in the other, ifhe promised to punish them and failed to do so, we should consider itdue to the character of our Government to insist upon the fulfilmentof his promise. On the evening of the 11th I got the above report ofhis interview with the King from Captain Bird; and, on the 12th, Iwrote to tell him, that I considered him to have acted veryindiscreetly; that he had brought this vexation and mortificationupon himself by his overweening confidence in his personal influenceover the King; that he ought to have waited for instructions from me, or at least for a reply from me to his letter, regarding the formerinterview at Court; that I could not now give him the support herequired, as I could neither demand that his requisitions should becomplied with, nor tell the King that I approved of them that he hadbeen authorized by me to act on his own discretion in any case ofgreat emergency, but this could not be considered of such acharacter, for no evil or inconvenience was to be apprehended from aday or two's delay, since the question really was, whether hisMajesty should have a dozen fiddlers or only ten. In the beginning of September 1850, the King became enamoured of oneof his mother's waiting-maids, and demanded her in marriage. See washis mother's favourite bedfellow, and she would not part with her. The King became angry, and to soothe him his mother told him that itwas purely out of regard for him and his children that she refused topart with this young woman; that she had a "_sampun_, " or the coiledfigure of a snake in the hair on the back of her neck. No man, willpurchase a horse with such a mark, or believe that any family can besafe in which a horse or mare with such a mark is kept. His mothertold him, that if he cohabited with a woman having such a mark, heand all his children must perish. The King said that he mightprobably have, among his many wives, some with marks of this kind;and that this might account for his frequent attacks of palpitationof the heart. "No doubt, " said the old Queen Dowager; "we have longthought so; but your Majesty gets into such a towering passion whenwe venture to speak of your wives, that we have been afraid to giveexpression to our thoughts and fears. " "Perhaps, " said the King, "Imay owe to this the death, lately, of my poor son, the heir-apparent. " "We have long thought so, " replied his mother. The chiefeunuch, Busheer, was forthwith ordered to inspect the back of thenecks of all save that of the chief consort, the mother of the lateand present heir-apparent. He reported that he had found the _fatalmark_ upon the necks of no less than eight of the King's wives, Nishat-mahal, Koorshed-mahal, Sooleeman-mahal, Huzrut-mahal, DaraBegum, Buree Begum, Chotee Begum, and Huzrut Begum. The chief priestwas summoned, and the divorce, from the whole eight, pronouncedforthwith; and the ladies were ordered to depart with all that theyhad saved while in the palace. Some of their friends suggested to hisMajesty, that Mahommedans were but unskilful judges in such matters, and that a Court of Brahmins should be assembled, as they had wholevolumes devoted exclusively to this science. The most learned wereaccordingly collected, and they declared that though there were marksresembling in some degree the _sampun_, it was of no importance; andthe evil it threatened might be averted by singeing the head of thesnake with a hot iron. The ladies were very indignant, and six ofthem insisted upon leaving the palace, in virtue of the divorce. Twoonly consented to remain, the Buree Begum and Chota Begum. _December_ 14, 1849. --Came on twelve miles to Gonda. The country wellstudded with groves and fine single trees; the soil naturallyfertile, and water near the surface. Cultivation good about Gonda, and about some of the villages along the road it is not bad; butthere is nowhere any sugar-cane to be seen beyond a small gardenpatch. The country is so wretchedly stocked with cattle that littlemanure is available for tillage. The Bulrampore Rajah, a lively, sensible, and active young man, joined me this morning, and rode along by the side of my elephant, with the capitalist, Ramdut Pandee, the Nazim, Mahommed Hussan, andold Bukhtawar Sing, the brother of the late Dursun Sing, whom I haveoften mentioned in this Diary. Rajah Bukhtawar Sing is the King'sMohtamin, or Quartermaster-General of the Resident's' camp. The Rajahof Toolseepore also, who has been ousted by his son from his estate, joined me last night; but he was not well enough to ride with me. Dogs, hawks, and panthers attend for sport, but they afford little orno amusement. Hawking is a very dull and very cruel sport. A personmust become insensible to the sufferings of the most beautiful andmost inoffensive of the brute creation before he can feel anyenjoyment in it. The cruelty lies chiefly in the mode of feeding thehawks. I have ordered all these hunting animals to return to Lucknow. Although the personal character of the Toolseepoor Rajah is notrespected, that of his son is much worse; and the Bulrampoor Rajahand other large landholders in the neighbourhood would unite andrestore him to the possession of his estate, but the Nazim is heldresponsible for their not moving in the matter, in order that theinfluential persons about the Court may have the plucking of it attheir leisure. The better to insure this, two companies of one of theKing's regiments have been lately sent out with two guns, to see thatthe son is not molested in the possession. The father was restored tohis estate in 1850, and the son fled again to the Goruckpoordistrict. He became reconciled to his father some months after, through the mediation of the magistrate, Mr. Chester, and returned toToolseepoor. The father and son, however, distrusted each other toomuch to live long together on amicable terms, and the son has goneoff again to Goruckpoor. The Toolseepoor estate extends along from east to west for about onehundred miles, in a belt of from nine to twelve miles wide, upon thesouthern border of that part of the Oude Tarae forest which we tookfrom Nepaul in 1815, and made over to the Oude Government by thetreaty of the 11th May 1816, in lieu of the one crore of rupees whichour Government borrowed from Oude for the conduct of that war. Therent-roll of Toolseepoor is now from two to three lacs of rupees a-year; but it pays to the Oude Government a revenue of only one lacand five thousand, over and above gratuities to influential officers. The estate comprises that of Bankee, which was held by a Rajah Kunsa. Dan Bahader, the father of the present Rajah of Toolseepoor, attackedhim one night in 1832, put him and some two hundred and fifty of hisfollowers and family to death, and absorbed the estate. Mahngoo, thebrother of Kunsa, escaped and sought redress from the Oude Durbar;but he had no money and could get no redress; and, in despair, hewent off to seek employment in Nepaul, and died soon after. DanBahader, enriched by the pillage of Bankee, came to Lucknow, andpurchased permission to incorporate Bankee with his old estate ofToolseepoor. Khyreeghur and Kunchunpoor, on the western border of that forest, were made over by us to Oude at the same time, as part of thecession. They had been ceded to our Government by the treaty of 1801, at an estimated value of two hundred and ten thousand, but, up to1816, they had never yielded to us fifty thousand rupees a-year. Theyhad, however, formerly yielded from two to three lacs of rupees a-year to the Oude Government, and under good management may do soagain; but, at present, Oude draws from them a revenue of onlysixteen thousand, and that with difficulty. The rent-roll, however, exceeds two hundred thousand, and may, in a few years, amount todouble that sum, as population and tillage are rapidly extending. The holders of Khyreegur and Kunchunpoor are always in a state ofresistance against the Oude Government, and cannot be coerced intothe payment of more than their sixteen thousand rupees a-year; andhundreds of lives have been sacrificed in the collection of this sum. The climate is so bad that no people from the open country canventure into it for more than four months in the year--from thebeginning of December to the end of March. The Oude Governmentoccasionally sends in a body of troops to enforce the payment of anincreased demand during these four months. The landholders andcultivators retire before them, and they are sure to be driven out bythe pestilence, with great loss of life, in a few months; and thelandholders refuse to pay anything for some years after, on theground that all their harvests were destroyed by the troops. The restof the Tarae lands ceded had little of tillage or population at thattime, and no government could be less calculated than that of Oude tomake the most of its capabilities. It had, therefore, in a fiscalpoint of view, but a poor equivalent for its crore of rupees; but itgained a great political advantage in confining the Nepaulese to thehills on its border. Before this arrangement took place there used tobe frequent disputes, and occasionally serious collisions between thelocal authorities about boundaries, which were apt to excite theangry feelings of the sovereigns of both States, and to render theinterposition of the paramount power indispensable. It was at Bhinga, on the left bank of the Rabtee River, in the Gondadistrict, and eight miles north-east from Bulrampoor, that Mr. GeorgeRavenscroft, of the Bengal Civil Service, was murdered on the nightof the 6th May, 1823. He had been the collector of the land revenueof the Cawnpore district for many years; but, having taken from thetreasury a very large sum of money, and spent it in lavishhospitality and unsuccessful speculations, he absconded with his wifeand child, and found an asylum with the Rajah of Bhinga, on theborder of the Oude Tarae, where he intended to establish himself asan indigo planter. Strict search was being made for him throughoutIndia by the British Government, and his residence at Bhinga wasconcealed from the Oude Government by the local authorities. TheRajah made over to him a portion of land for tillage, and a suitableplace in a mango grove, about a mile from his fort, to build a houseupon. He built one after the Hindoostanee fashion, with bamboos andgrass from the adjoining jungle. It consisted of a sitting-room, bed-room, and bathing-room, all in a line, and forming one side of aquadrangle, and facing inside, with only one small door on theoutside, opening into the bathing-room. The other three sides of thequadrangle consisted of stables, servants' houses, and out-offices, all facing inside, and without any entrances on the outside, save onthe front side, facing the dwelling-house, where there was a largeentrance. PLAN OF MR. RAVENSCROFT'S HOUSE. _____________________________________ ___ | | | | | | Bathing| | Sitting Room. | Bed Room. Room. | |_______ ________|____ ______|_______| | | | | | | | | | ___ | | | | | | | | | | | |_____| |___| |_______| | | Cot | | | | | | | O S | | u t | | t | | a | | | | b | |__O__| |___l___| | f | | e | | f | | s | | i | | | | c | | e | | s | | | | | | | |_____| |_______| | | | | | | | | Entrance | | | |___ _____ ____ ____| | | | | | | | | | |________________| |__________________| The Rajah, Seo Sing, was a worthy old man. He had four sons, Surubjeet Sing, the eldest, Omrow Sing, Kaleepurkas Sing, andJypurkas Sing. The eldest was then married, and about the age oftwenty-five; the other three were still boys. The old man left themanagement of the estate to the eldest son, a morose person, who leda secluded life, and was never seen out of the female apartments, save twice a-year, on the festival of the hooley and the anniversaryof his marriage. Mr. Ravenscroft had never seen or held any communionwith him, save through his father, brothers, or servants; but he wasin the habit of daily seeing and conversing with the father and hisother sons on the most friendly terms. The eldest son became alarmedwhen he saw Mr. Ravenscroft begin to plant indigo, and prepare toconstruct vats for the manufacture; and apprehended that he would goon encroaching till he took the whole estate from him, unless he wasmade away with. He therefore hired a gang of Bhuduk dacoits from theneighbouring forest of the Oude Tarae to put him to death, after hehad been four months at Bhinga. During this time Mrs. Ravenscroft hadgone on one occasion to Cawnpoor, and on another to Secrora, onbusiness. Bhinga lies fifty miles north-east from Secrora, where the 20thRegiment of Native Infantry, under the command of Colonel Patton, wasthen cantoned. On the 6th of May 1823, Ensign Platt, of that corps, had come out to see him. In the evening, the old Rajah and his secondand third sons came to visit Mr. Ravenscroft as usual, and they satconversing with the family on the most friendly terms till nineo'clock, when they took leave, and Mrs. Ravenscroft, with her childand two female attendants, retired to the sleeping-room in the house. Ensign Platt went to his small sleeping-tent outside the quadrangle, under a mango-tree. This tent was just large enough to admit hissmall cot, and a few block-tin travelling-boxes, which he piled awayinside, to the right and left of his bed. Mr. Ravenscroft slept on acot in the open air, in the quadrangle, a few paces from the doorleading to Mrs. Ravenscroft's sleeping-apartment. He that night lefthis arms in the sitting-room, and Ensign Platt had none with him. Mr. Ravenscroft was the handsomest and most athletic European gentlemanthen in India, and one of the most expert in the use of the sword andshield. His servants had been accustomed to stand sentry, by turns, at theentrance of the quadrangle, and it was his groom Munsa's turn to takethe first watch that night. He was to have been relieved by thechowkeedar, Bhowaneedeen; but, in the middle of his watch, he rousedthe chowkeedar, and told him that he had been taken suddenly ill, andmust go to his house for relief. The chowkeedar told him that hemight go at once, and he would get up and take his place immediately;but he lay down and soon fell asleep again. About eleven o'clock the whole quadrangle was filled by a gang ofabout sixty dacoits, who set their torches in a blaze, and began toattack Mr. Ravenscroft with their spears. He sprang up, and calledloudly for his sword and shield, but there was no one to bring them. He received several spears through his body as he made for the doorof Mrs. Ravenscroft's apartment, calling out to her in English to flyand save herself and child, and defending himself as well as he couldwith his naked arms. Mosahib, a servant who slept by his cot, got toMrs. Ravenscroft's room and assisted her to escape, with her childand two female attendants, through the bathing-room to the outside. Aparty had been placed to stab Ensign Platt with their long spearsthrough the sides of his small tent; but they passed through andthrough the block-tin boxes, and roused without hurting him. Herushed out and attempted to defend himself by seizing the spears ofhis assailants; but he received several of them through his arms. Hemade for the entrance to the quadrangle, and there, by the blaze ofthe torches, saw Mr. Ravenscroft still endeavouring to defendhimself, but covered with blood, which was streaming from his woundsand mouth. On seeing Ensign Platt at the entrance, he staggered towards him, butthe dacoits made a rush at Ensign Platt with their spears at the sametime. He saved himself by springing over a thick and thorny hedge onone side of the quadrangle, and ran round behind to the small doorleading into the bathing-room, which he reached in time to assistMrs. Ravenscroft to escape, as the dacoits were forcing their waythrough the screen into her bed-room from the sitting-room. As soonas he saw her under the shade of the trees, beyond the blaze of thetorches, he left her and her child, and the two female attendants, tothe care of Mosahib, and went round to the entrance in search of herhusband. He had got to a tree, outside the entrance, into whichDeena, Ensign Platt's servant, had climbed to save himself as soon ashe saw his master attacked, and was leaning against it; but, onseeing Ensign Platt, he again staggered towards him, saying faintly_bus, bus_--enough, enough. These were the last words he was heard toutter, and must have referred to the escape of his wife and child, ofwhich he had become conscious. By this time the gang had made offwith the little booty they found. On attacking Mr. Ravenscroft atfirst, some of them were heard to say, "You have run from Cawnpoor tocome and seize upon the estate of Bhinga, but we will settle you. "Mrs. Ravenscroft, her infant, and female attendants, remainedconcealed under the shade of the trees, and her husband was now takento her with eighteen spear wounds through his body. The Rajah and histwo young sons soon after made their appearance, and in the eveningthe survivors were all taken by the old man to a spacious building, close outside the fort, where they received every possible attention;but the eldest son never made his appearance. Out of the twenty-ninemen who composed the party when the attack commenced, seven had beenkilled and eighteen wounded. Mr. Ravenscroft died during the night ofthe 7th, after great suffering. He retained his consciousness tillnear the last; but the blood continued to flow from his mouth, and hecould articulate nothing. On the morning of the 8th, he was buried inthe grove, and Ensign Platt read the funeral service over his grave. Mrs. Ravenscroft and her child were taken to Colonel Patton, atSecrora, and soon after sent by him to Lucknow. On the 10th, he reported the circumstances of this murder to theResident, Mr. Ricketts; and sent him the narratives of Mosahib andDeena; and his report, with translations of these narratives, wassubmitted by the Resident to Government on the 12th of that month. But in these narratives no mention whatever was made of a Britishofficer having been present at the murder and the burial of Mr. Ravenscroft. This suppression arose, no doubt, from the apprehensionthat Government might be displeased to find that the militaryauthorities at Secrora had become aware of Mr. Ravenscroft'sresidence at Bhinga without reporting the circumstance to Government;and still more so to find, that he had been there visited by aBritish officer, when search was being made for him throughout India. In acknowledging the receipt of the Resident's letter on the 23rd ofMay, the Secretary, Mr. George Swinton, observes, that the Governor-General in Council concludes, that he shall receive a more full andsatisfactory report on the subject from Colonel Patton than that towhich his letter had given cover, since he considered that report tobe very imperfect; that one of the narrators, Mosahib, states, thathe himself conducted Mrs. Ravenscroft and her child to a neighbouringvillage, and yet he brought no message whatever from that lady toColonel Patton at Secrora; that none of the wounded people orservants of the deceased, except Deena, appear to have found theirway to Sacrora, though four days had elapsed from the date of themurder to that of the despatch of the report; that the body seemed tohave been hastily interred by the people of the village, without anynotice having been sent to the officer commanding the troops atSecrora; that such an atrocious outrage as that described in thesenarratives, on the person of a subject and servant of the BritishGovernment, demanded the exertion of every effort to ascertain thereal facts of the case by local inquiry; yet it did not appear thatany person had been despatched to the spot to verify the evidence ofthe two men examined by Colonel Patton, or to clear up the doubts towhich all these circumstances must naturally have given rise; nor didit appear that the defects in Colonel Patton's report had occurred tothe Resident, or that he had directed any further inquiry to be made. The Resident was, therefore, directed to instruct Colonel Patton, todepute one or more officers to the place where the murder was said tobe perpetrated, with orders to hold an inquiry on the spot incommunication with the King of Oude's officers, to take the evidenceof the wounded men, and that of any other persons who might have beenwitnesses to any part of the transaction, and to the burial of Mr. Ravenscroft; and to examine the grave in which the body of thedeceased was said to have been deposited; and further, to call uponColonel Patton to state whether any information had previouslyreached Secrora of Mr. Ravenscroft's actually residing at Bhinga, orat any other place within the dominions of the King of Oude. "HisLordship in Council was, " Mr. Swinton says, "satisfied, from theknown humanity of Colonel Patton's character, that every possible aidand comfort had been extended to Mrs. Ravenscroft and her child; andthe information which that lady and her attendants must have it intheir power to give, could not fail to place the whole affair in itsproper light. " Extracts from this letter were sent by the Resident toColonel Patton, on the 2nd of June, with a request that he wouldadopt immediate measures to carry the orders of Government intoeffect; and reply to the question whether any information of Mr. Ravenscroft's residing at Bhinga had previously reached him. A committee of British officers was assembled at Bhinga on the 11thJune, and their proceedings were transmitted to the Resident on the18th of that month; but the committee, for some reasons stated in thereport, did not examine "the grave in which the body of the deceasedwas said to have been deposited. " Though in this committee EnsignPlatt stated that he was present when the murder was perpetrated;that he attended the deceased till he died the next night, andperformed the funeral ceremonies over the body on the morning of the8th; still he seemed to narrate the circumstances of the event withsome reserve, while there was a good deal of discrepancy in theevidence of the other eye-witnesses, as recorded in the report, seemingly from the dread of compromising Ensign Platt. The Resident did not, therefore, think that Government would besatisfied with the result of this inquiry; and, on the 20th of Junehe directed Colonel Patton to reassemble the committee at Bhinga, andrequire it to hold an inquest on the body, and take the depositionsof all the witnesses on oath. On the same day the Resident reportedto Government what he had done. The second committee proceeded toBhinga, and, on the 13th of July, Colonel Patton transmitted itsreport to the Resident, who submitted it to Government on the 17th ofthat month. The committee had taken the evidence of the witnesses onoath, and held an inquest on the body; but, in doing so, it had beennecessary to dig through the tomb which Mrs. Ravenscroft had, in theinterval, caused to be erected over the remains of her husband; and, at the suggestion of Colonel Patton, this tomb was rebuilt andimproved at the cost of Government, who were perfectly satisfied withthe result. But in its reply, dated the 31st July, Government very justlyremarks, that all the unnecessary trouble which had attended thisinvestigation, as well as the very painful step of having the bodydisinterred, which the Resident found himself compelled to adopt inobedience to its orders, arose from a want of those obviousprecautions in the first instance which ought to have suggestedthemselves to Colonel Patton. Had he made the requisite inquiries atSecrora, he must have learnt that an English officer belonging to hisown regiment, who had been present at the interment, had been woundedwhen Mr. Ravenscroft was murdered, and, for a time, rendered unfitfor duty. The facts since deposed to on oath by Ensign Platt mighthave been elicited, and his testimony, if necessary, might have beenconfirmed by the evidence of the widow of the deceased; and had suchconclusive evidence been submitted to Government in the firstinstance, the doubts excited by the extraordinary circumstances ofthe whole affair would never have existed. When ordered on theinquiry to Bhinga, had Ensign Platt at once declared at Secrora thathe could there afford all the information required as to the fact ofthe murder and interment of the body, the necessity of furtherinquiry on the spot would have been obviated. He had apparently beendeterred from doing this by the apprehension of compromising bothhimself and his commanding officer. Colonel Patton had no knowledgeof Mr. Ravenscroft being at Bhinga, though he had heard a rumour ofhis being somewhere in the Oude territory; and, in his applicationfor a few days' leave, Ensign Platt made no mention of him or of hisintention to visit him. This is stated in a subsequent letter fromColonel Patton to the Resident, dated 27th of August 1823. The opinion that the Rajah had nothing whatever to do with themurder, and that the gang was secretly hired for the purpose by hiseldest son, Surubjeet, has been confirmed by time, and is nowuniversal among the people of these parts. He died soon after ofdropsy, and the people believe that the disease was caused by thecrime. He left an only son, Krishun Dutt Sing. The Rajah, Seo Sing, survived his eldest son some years; and, on his death, he wassucceeded by Krishun Dutt Sing, who now leads precisely the samesecluded life that his father led, and leaves the management of theBhinga estate entirely to his only surviving uncle, Kaleepurkas Sing, the youngest of the two boys who visited Mr. Ravenscroft on theevening of the murder. The other three sons of the old Rajah aredead. The actual perpetrators of the murder were never punished ordiscovered. Mrs. Ravenscroft afterwards became united in marriage tothe Resident at the time, Mr. Mordaunt Ricketts, and still lives. Herchild, a boy, was drowned at the Lucknow Residency some time afterhis mother's marriage with the Resident. He had been shut up by hismother in a bathing-room for some fault; and, looking into a bathing-tub at his image in the water, he lost his balance, fell in, and wasdrowned. When the servants went to let him out they found him quitedead. __________________________ CHAPTER III. Legendary tale of breach of Faith--Kulhuns tribe of Rajpoots--Murderof the Banker, Ramdut Pandee, by the Nazim of Bahraetch--Recrossingthe Ghagra river--Sultanpoor district, State of Commandants oftroops become sureties for the payment of land revenue--Estate ofMuneearpoor and the Lady Sogura--Murder of Hurpaul Sing, Gurgbunsee, of Kupragow--Family of Rajahs Bukhtawar and Dursun Sing--Their_bynama_ Lands--Law of Primogeniture--Its object and effect--RajahGhalib Jung--Good effects of protection to Tenantry--Disputes aboutBoundaries--Our army a safety-valve for Oude--Rapid decay of LandedAristocracy in our Territories--Local ties in groves, wells, &c. _December_ 15, 1849. -Wuzeergunge. On the way this morning, we passedKoorassa, which is said once to have been the capital of a formidableRajah, the head of the Kulhuns tribe of Rajpoots. The villages whichwe see along the road seem better, and better peopled and providedwith cattle. The soil not naturally very fertile, but yields finereturns under good culture, manure, and irrigation. Water everywherevery near the surface. The place is called after the then _NawabWuzeer_, Asuf-od Dowlah, who built a country-seat here with allappurtenances of mosque, courts, dwelling-houses, &c. , on the vergeof a fine lake, formed in the old bed of the Ghagra river, withtillage and verdure extending down to the water's edge. The garden-wall, which surrounds a large space of ground, well provided withfruit and ornamental trees, is built of burnt bricks, and stillentire. The late minister, Ameen-od Dowlah, persuaded his master, Amjad Allee Shah, to give this garden and the lands around, withwhich it had been endowed, to his moonshee, Baker Allee Khan, who nowresides at Fyzabad, and subsists upon the rents which he derives fromthem, and which are said to be about twelve hundred rupees a-year. The Bulrampoor Rajah, Ramdut Pandee, the banker, and Rajah BukhtawarSing, rode with me this morning. The Rajah of Bulrampoor is anintelligent and pleasing young man. He was a child when Mr. Ravenscroft was killed, but said he had heard, that the Bhinga chiefhad suffered for the share which he had had in the murder; his bodyswelled, and he died within a month or two. "If men's bodies swelledfor murder, my friend, " I said, "we should have no end of swelledbodies in Oude, and among the rest, that of Prethee Put's, of Paska. ""Their bodies all swell, sooner, or later, " said old Bukhtawar Sing, "when they commit such atrocious crimes, and Prethee Puts will beginto swell when he finds that you are inquiring into his. " "I amafraid, my friends, that the propensity to commit them has becomeinveterate. One man hears that another has obtained lands or wealthby the murder of his father or brother, and does not rest till he hasattempted to get the same by the murder of his, for he sees no manpunished for such crimes. " "It is not all nor many of our clan"(Rajpoots), said the Rajah of Bulrampoor, "that can or will do this:we never unite our sons or daughters in marriage with the family ofone who is so stained with crimes. Prethee Put and all who do as hehas done, must seek an union with families of inferior caste. " Iasked him whether the people, in the Tarae forest, were still afraidto point out tigers to sportsmen. "I was lately out with a partyafter a tiger, " he said, "which had killed a cowherd, but hiscompanions refused to point out any trace of him, saying, that theirrelatives' spirit must be now riding upon his head, to guide him fromall danger, and we should have no chance of shooting him. We didshoot him, however, " said the Rajah, exultingly, "and they were all, afterwards, very glad of it. The tigers in the Tarae do not oftenkill men, sir, for they find plenty of deer and cattle to eat. "--"Canyou tell me, Rajah Sahib, " said I, "why it is that among the Arabs, the lion is called 'the father of cultivation, ' '_abol hurs_, or _aboharis_. '" "No, " replied the Rajah; "it is an odd name for a beastthat feeds on nothing but the flesh of deer, cattle, and men. " "Itis, I suppose, Rajah Sahib, " I remarked, "because he feeds upon thedeer, which are the greatest enemies of their young crops. " The Rajahs of Toolseepoor and Bulrampoor, and all the merchants andrespectable landholders in these parts assure me, that all the largecolonies of Bhuduks, or gang robbers by hereditary profession, whohad, for so many generations, up to A. D. 1840, been located in theOude Terae forest, have entirely disappeared under the operation ofthe "Special Police, " of the Thuggee and Dacoitee Department, aidedand supported by the Oude Government; and that not one family of themcan now be found anywhere in Oude. They have not been driven out asformerly, to return as soon as the temporary pressure ceased, buthunted down and punished, or made to blend with the rest of societyin service or at honest labour. _December_ 16, 1849. --Nawabgunge, eight miles, over a plain of thesame good soil, but not much better cultivated. The people tell me, that garden tillage is now almost unknown in these districts; first, because kachies or gardeners (here called moraes) having been robbed, ruined, and driven into exile by Rughbur Sing, cannot be induced toreturn to and reside in places, where they would have so littlechance of reaping the fruits of their labour; and, secondly, becausethere are no people left who can afford to purchase their gardenproduce. They tell me also, that the best classes of ordinarycultivators, the Koormies and Lodhees, have been almost all drivenout of the district from the same cause. The facts are manifest--there are no gardeners, and but few Koormies and Lodhees left; andthere is, in consequence, little good tillage of any kind, and stillless of garden cultivation. The Rajah of Bulrampoor and Ramdut Pandee, the banker, rode with me, and related the popular tradition regarding the head of the Kulhunsfamily of Rajpoots, Achul Sing, who, about a century and a quarterago, reigned over the district intervening between Gonda and WuzeerGunge, and resided at his capital of Koorassa. The Rajah had adispute with one of his landholders, whom he could not get into hispower. He requested Rutun Pandee, the banker, to mediate areconciliation, and invite the landholder to an amicable adjustmentof accounts, on a pledge of personal security. The banker consented, but made the Rajah swear by the _River Sarjoo_, which flowed near thetown, that he should be received with courtesy, and escorted backsafely. The landholder relied on the banker's pledge and came; butthe Rajah no sooner got him into his power, than he caused him to beput to death. The banker could not consent to live under thedishonour of a violated pledge; and, abstaining from food, died intwenty-one days, invoking the vengeance of the _River Sarjoo_, on thehead of the perfidious Prince. In his last hours the banker wasvisited by one of the Rajah's wives, who was then pregnant, andimplored him to desist from his purpose in mercy to the child in herwomb; but she was told by the dying man, that he could not consent tosurvive the dishonour brought upon him by her perjured husband; andthat she had better quit the place and save herself and child, sincethe incensed river Sarjoo would certainly not spare any one whoremained with the Rajah. She did so. The banker died, and his deathwas followed by a sudden rise of the river and tempest. The town wassubmerged, and the Rajah with all who remained with him perished. Theruins of the old town are said to be occasionally still visible, though at a great depth under the water in the old bed of the Sarjoo, which forms a fine lake, near the present village of Koorassa, midwaybetween Gonda and Wuzeer Gunge. The pregnant wife fled, and gave birth to a son, whose descendant isnow the head of the Kulhuns Rajpoots, and the Rajah of Bahmanee Paer, a district on the eastern border of Oude towards Goruckpoor. But, itis a remarkable fact, that the male descendants have been all blindfrom their birth, or, at least, the reigning portion of them, and thepresent Rajah is said to have two blind sons. This is popularlyconsidered to be one of the effects of the Rajah's violated pledge tothe banker. A handmaid of the Rajah, Achul Sing, is said to have fledat the same time, and given birth to a son, from whom are descendedthe Kulhuns tallookdars of the Chehdwara, or Gowaris district, already noticed. The descendants of Rutun Pandee are said still tohold rent-free lands, under Achul Sing's descendant, in BahmaneePaer; and the Pandee is worshipped throughout the districts as asaint or martyr. He has a shrine in every village, at which offeringsare made on all occasions of marriage, and blessings invoked for thebride and bridegroom, from the spirit of one who set so much value onhis plighted faith while on earth. The two branches of the Kulhunsfamily above mentioned, propitiate the spirit of the deceased Pandeeby offerings; but there is a branch of the same family at Mohlee, inthe Goruckpoor district, who do not. Though Hindoos, they adopt someMussulman customs, and make offerings to the old Mussulman saint, atBahraetch, in order to counteract the influence of the Pandee'sspirit. Such popular traditions, arising from singular coincidences ofcircumstances, have often a salutary effect on society, and seem tobe created by its wants and wishes; but rivers have, of late years, become so much less prompt in the vindication of their honour, thatlittle reliance is placed, upon the oaths taken in their names by thePrince, his officers or his landowners in Oude. Nawabgunge, Munkapoor, and Bahmanee transferred to the BritishGovernment, with the other lands, under the treaty of 1801; andretransferred to Oude, by the treaty of the 11th of May 1816, inexchange for Handeea, alias Kewae, a slip of land extending along theleft bank of the Ganges, between Allahabad and Benares. Rent Roll. Kankur. Govt. Demand Nawabgunge, Wuzeergunge, . } l, 08, 000 32, 000 76, 000 Mahadewa . . . . . } Munkapoor . . . . . 40, 000 12, 000 28, 000Bahmanee Paer . . . . 12, 000 3, 000 9, 000 The landholders and cultivators complain sadly of the change ofsovereigns; and the tillage and population have greatly diminishedunder the Oude Government since 1816, but more especially, since themonster, Rughbur Sing got the government. Here Ramdut Pandee, theRajah of Bulrampoor, and the Nazim of the district, have taken leaveof me, this being my last stage in their district. Ramdut Pandeeholds two estates in this district, for which he pays an annualrevenue to Government of 1, 66, 744 13 3. * He holds, at the same time, a small estate in our district of Goruckpoor, where he resides andkeeps his family, till he obtains solemn written pledges, confirmedon oath, for their security, not only from the local authority of theday, but from all the commandants of corps and establishments, comprising the military force employed under him. These pledgesinclude all his clients, who may have occasion to visit or travelwith him, as the Rajah of Bulrampoor is now doing. These pledgesrequire to be renewed on every change in the local authorities and inthe military officers employed under them. He is one of the mostsubstantial and respectable of the agricultural capitalists of Oude, and the highest of his rank and class in this district. He every yearstands security for the punctual payment of the revenues due, according to existing engagements, by the principal landholders ofthe district, to the extent of from six to eight lacs of rupees; andfor this he gets a certain per centage, varying with the characterand capability of the landholders. Some are of doubtful ability, others of doubtful character, and he rates his risks and per centageaccordingly. He does much good, and is more generally esteemed thanany other man in the district; but he has, no doubt, enlarged his ownlanded possessions occasionally, by taking advantage of thenecessities of his clients, and his influence over the localauthorities of government The lands he does get, however, he improvesby protecting and aiding his tenants, and inviting and fostering abetter class of cultivators, He is looked up to with respect andconfidence by almost all the large landholders of the district, forhis pledge for the punctual payment of the revenues saves theirestates from the terrible effects of a visit from the Nazim and hisdisorderly and licentious troops; and this pledge they can alwaysobtain, when necessary, by a fair assurance of adherence to theirengagements. [* The estate of Ramdut Pandee, for this year, 1849, comprises-- Sirgha, Chunda, &c. . . . 1, 20, 729 11 0 Akberpoor, &c. . . . . . 46, 015 2 3 Total . . 1, 66, 744 13 3 ] On the 8th of November 1850, Ramdut Pandee lent the Nazim eightythousand rupees on his bond, after paying all that was due to theState for the season, by him and all his clients, and on the 16th ofthat month he went to Gonda, where the Nazim, Mahommed Hussan, wasencamped with his force, to take leave preparatory to his going tobathe at Ajoodheea, on the last day of the month of Kartick, as washis invariable custom. He was accompanied by the Rajah of Bulrampoor, and they encamped separately in two mango-groves near to each other, and about a mile and a half from the Nazim's camp. About nine atnight the Nazim sent two messengers, with silver sticks, to inviteand escort them to his tent. They set out immediately, leaving alltheir armed followers in their camps, and taking only a few personalattendants and palankeen bearers. No person is permitted to take armsinto the Nazim's tent; nor does any landholder or merchant of Oudeenter his tent without the pledges for personal security abovementioned. Ramdut Pandee and the Rajah entered with only a fewpersonal servants, leaving all their other attendants outside theouter curtain. This curtain surrounded the tent at a distance of onlya few yards from it, and the tent was pitched in the centre. Theywere received with all due ceremony, and in the same friendly manneras usual. The Rajah had no business to talk about, while the Nazimand banker had; and, after a short conversation, he took leave toreturn to his tents and break his fast, which he had kept that dayfor some religious purpose. He left in the tent the Nazim, hisdeputy, Jafir Allee, and his nephew and son-in-law, Allee Hoseyn, sitting together on the carpet, on the right, all armed, and Ramdutsitting unarmed, on the left, with a Brahmin lad, Jowahir, standingat the door, with the banker's paundan and a handkerchief. Kurunjoo, a second person, with the banker's shoes, and a third attendant ofhis standing outside the tent door. The Nazim and Ramdut talked for some time together, seemingly on themost friendly and cordial terms; but the Nazim, at last, asked himfor a further loan of money, and further securities for landholdersof doubtful character, before he went to bathe. The banker told him, that he could lend him no more money till he came back from bathing, as he had lent him eighty thousand rupees only eight days before;and, that he could not increase his pledges of security withoutfurther consultation with the landholders, as he had not yetrecovered more than four out of the seven lacs of rupees which he hadbeen obliged to advance to the Treasury, on the securities given forthem during the last year. He then took leave and rose to depart. TheNazim turned and made some sign to his deputy, Jafir Allee, who rose, presented his gun and shot Ramdut through the right side close underthe arm-pit. Exclaiming "Ram! Ram!"--God! God!--the banker fell; andthe Nazim, seizing and drawing the sword which lay on the carpetbefore him, cut the falling banker across the forehead. His nephewand deputy drew theirs; and together they inflicted no less thantwenty-two cuts upon the body of Ramdut. The banker's three attendants, seeing their master thus shot down andhacked to pieces, called out for help; but one of the three ruffianscut Jowahir, the Brahmin lad, across the shoulder, with his sword, and all ran off and sought shelter across the border in the Britishterritory. The Nazim and his attendants then buried the body hastilynear the tent, and ordered the troops and artillery to advancetowards and fire into the two camps. They did so, and the BulrampoorRajah had only just reached his tents when the shot came pouring inupon them from the Nazim's guns. He galloped off as fast as he couldtowards the British border, about twenty miles distant, attended onlyby a few mounted followers, some of whom he sent off to Bulrampoor, to bring his family as fast as possible across the border to him. Therest he ordered to follow him. His followers and those of themurdered banker fled before the Nazim's forces, which had beenconcentrated for this atrocious purpose, and both their camps wereplundered. Before the Rajah fled, however, the murdered banker's son-in-law, who had been left in the camp, ran to him with a smallcasket, containing Ramdut's seals, the bond for the eighty thousandrupees, and the written pledges given by the Nazim and commandingofficers of corps, for the banker's and the Rajah's personalsecurity. He mounted him upon one of his horses, and took both himand the casket off to the British territory. It was now about midnight, and the Nazim took his forces to the townsand villages upon the banker's estate, in which his family andrelatives resided, and in which he kept the greater part of hismoveable property. He sacked and plundered them all without regard tothe connection or relationship of the inhabitants with the murderedbanker. The property taken from the inhabitants of these towns andvillages is estimated at from ten to twelve lacs of rupees. As manyas could escape fled for shelter across the border, into the Britishterritory. The banker's brother, Kishen Dutt, who resided in theBritish territory, came over, collected all he could of his brother'sfollowers, attacked the Amil's forces, killed and wounded some fortyor fifty of his men, and captured two of his guns. The body of thebanker was discovered two days after, and disinterred by his familyand friends, who counted the twenty-two wounds that had beeninflicted upon it by the three assassins, and had it burned with dueceremonies. The Nazim's agent at Court, on the 18th of November, submitted to theminister his master's report of this affair, in which it was stated, that the banker was a defaulter on account of his own estate, andthose of the other landholders for whom he had given security--thathe, the Nazim, had earnestly urged him to some adjustment of hisaccounts, but all in vain--that the banker had disregarded all hisdemands and remonstrances, and had with him five hundred armedfollowers, one of whom had fired his pistol at him, the Nazim, andkilled one of his men--that they had all then joined in an attackupon the Nazim and his men, and that, in defending themselves, theyhad killed the banker. On the 19th, another report, dated the 16th, reached the minister from the Nazim's camp, stating, that the bankerhad come to his tent at ten at night, with his armed followers, andhad an interview [with] him--that as the banker rose to depart, theNazim told him that he must not go without some settlement of hisaccounts; and a dispute followed, in which the banker was killed, andtwo of the Nazim's followers were severely wounded-that so great wasthe confusion that the Durbar news-reporters could not approach toget information. On the 20th, a third report reached the minister, stating, that theRajah of Bulrampoor had come with the banker to visit the Nazim, buthad taken leave and departed before the collision took place--thatthe Nazim urged the necessity of an immediate settlement of accounts, but the banker refused to make any, grossly abused the Nazim, and, atlast, presented his pistol and fired at him; and thereby wounded twoof his people--that he was, in consequence, killed by the Nazim'speople, who joined the banker's own people in the plunder of hiscamp. On receiving this last report, the minister, by order of his Majesty, presented to the agent of the Nazim a dress of honour of fourteenpieces, such as is given to the highest officers for the mostimportant services; and ordered him to send it to his master, to markthe sense his sovereign entertained of his gallant conduct andvaluable services, in crushing so great _a rebel and oppressor_, andto assure him of a long-continued tenure of office. By the interposition of the British Resident and the aid of themagistrate of Goruckpoor, Mr. Chester, the real truth was elicited, the Nazim was dismissed from office, and committed for trial, beforethe highest judicial Court at Lucknow. He at first ran off toGoruckpoor, taking with him, besides his own, two elephants belongingto the Rajah of Gonda, with property on them to the value of fiftythousand rupees, which he overtook in his flight. The Rajah had sentoff these elephants with his valuables, on hearing of theassassination of the banker, thinking that the Nazim would secureimpunity for this murder, as Hakeem Mehndee had for that of AmurSing, and be tempted to extend his operations. Finding the districtof Goruckpoor unsafe, the Nazim came back and surrendered himself atLucknow. Jafir Allee was afterwards seized in Lucknow. There is, however, no chance of either being punished, since many influentialpersons about the Court have shared in the booty, and becomeaccessaries interested in their escape. Moreover, the Nazim is aMahommedan, a Syud, and a Sheeah. No Sheeah could be sentenced todeath, for the murder, even of a Soonnee, at Lucknow, much less forthat of a Hindoo. If a Hindoo murders a Hindoo, and consents tobecome a Mussulman, he cannot be so sentenced; and if he consents tobecome so after sentence has been passed, it cannot be carried intoexecution. Such is the law, and such the every-day practice. The elephants were recovered and restored through the interpositionof the Resident, but none of the property of the Rajah or the bankerhas been recovered. May 18, 1851. --The family of the banker hasobtained a renewal of the lease of their, two estates, on agreeing topay an increase of forty thousand rupees a-year. Sirgha Chunda . . . . 1, 20, 729 11 0 Increase . . . . 30, 000 0 0 _______________ 1, 50, 729 11 0 Akberpoor . . . . . 46, 015 2 3 Increase. . . . . 10, 000 0 0 _______________ 56, 015 2 3 _______________Total annual demand . . . . . . . 2, 06, 744 13 3 _______________ They bold the Nazim's bond for the eighty thousand rupees, borrowedonly eight days before his murder. _December_ 17, 1849. --Five miles to the left bank of the Ghagra, whence crossed over to Fyzabad, on platformed boats, prepared for thepurpose by the Oude authorities. Our tents are in one of the largemango-groves, which are numerous on the right bank of the river, butscanty on the opposite bank. From the time we crossed this river atByram-ghaut on the 5th, till we recrossed it this morning, we weremoving in the jurisdiction of the Nazim of the Gonda and Bahraetchdistrict. After recrossing the Ghagra we came within that of theNazim of Sultanpoor, Aga Allee, who was appointed to it this year, not as a contractor, but manager, under the Durbar. The districtsunder contractors are called _ijara_, or farmed districts; thoseunder the management of non-contracting servants of Government arecalled _amanee_, or districts under the _amanut_, or trust ofGovernment officers. The morning was fine, the sky clear, and theground covered with hoar frost. It was, pleasing to see so large acamp, passing without noise, inconvenience, or disorder of any kindin so large a river. The platformed boats were numerous, and so were the pier-headsprepared on both sides, for the convenience of embarking and landing. Carriages, horses, palankeens, camels and troops, all passed withoutthe slightest difficulty. The elephants were preparing to cross, somein boats and some by swimming, as might seem to them best. Somerefuse to swim, and others to enter boats, and some refuse to doeither; but the fault is generally with their drivers. On the presentoccasion, two or three remained behind, one plunged into the streamfrom his boat, in the middle of the river, with his driver on hisback, and both disappeared for a time, but neither was hurt. Thosethat remained on the left bank, got tired of their solitude, and wereat last coaxed over, either in boats or in the water. The Sarjoo rejoins the Ghagra a little above Fyzabad, and the unitedstream takes the old name of the Sarjoo. This is the name the riverbears, till it emerges from the Tarae forest, when the large bodytakes that of the Ghagra, and the small stream, which it throws off, or which perhaps flows in the old bed, retains that of the Sarjoo. The large branch absorbs the Kooreeala, Chouka, and other smallstreams, on its way to rejoin the smaller. Some distance belowFyzabad, the river takes the name of _Dewa_; and uniting, afterwards, with the Gunduck, flows into the Ganges. Fyzabad is three miles aboveAjoodheea, on the same bank of the river. It was founded by the firstrulers of the reigning family, and called for some time _Bungalow_, from a bungalow which they built on the verge of the stream. Asuf-odDowlah disliked living near his mother, after he came to the throne, and he settled at Lucknow, then a small village on the right bank ofthe Goomtee river. This village, in the course of eighty years, growninto a city, containing nearly a million of souls. Fyzabad hasdeclined almost in the same proportion. The Nazim has six regiments, and part of a seventh, on duty underhim, making, nominally, six thousand fighting men, but that hecannot, he tells me, muster two thousand; and out of the twothousand, not five hundred would, he says be ready to fight onemergency. All the commandants of corps reside at Court, knowingnothing whatever of their duties, and never seeing their regiments. They are mere children, or Court favourites, worse than children. Hehas, nominally, forty-two guns, of various calibre; but he, withgreat difficulty, collected bullocks enough to draw the three smallguns he brought with him from Sultanpoor, to salute the Resident, onhis entering his district. I looked at them in the evening. They wereseventy-four in number, but none of them were in a serviceablecondition, and the greater part were small, merely skin and bone. Hewas obliged to purchase powder in the bazaar for the salutes; andsaid, that when he entered his charge two months ago, the usualsalute of seven guns, for himself, could not be fired for want ofpowder, and he was obliged to send to the bazaar to purchase what wasrequired. The bazaar-powder used by the Oude troops is about one-third of the strength of the powder used by our troops. His authorityis despised by all the tallookdars of the district, many of whomrefuse to pay any rent, defy the Government, and plunder the country, as all their rents are insufficient to pay the armed bands which theykeep up. All his numerous applications to Court, for more and bettertroops and establishments, are disregarded, and he is helpless. Hecannot collect the revenue, or coerce the refractory landholders androbbers, who prey upon the country. * [* The Nazim for 1850-51, got both Captain Magness's and CaptainBanbury's regiments. ] He says that the two companies and two guns, which were sent out atthe Resident's urgent recommendation, to take possession ofShahgunge, and prevent the two brothers, Maun Sing and Rughbur Sing, from disturbing the peace of the country, in their contests with eachother, joined Maun Sing, as partisan; to oppose his brother; and thatMaun Sing has taken for himself all the _bynamah_ lands, from whichhis brother, Rughbur Sing, has been ousted, under the favour of theminister. He tells me also, that Beebee Sogura, the lady who holdsthe estate of Muneearpoor, and pays fifty thousand rupees a-year tothe Government, was seized by Wajid Allee, his predecessor, before hemade over charge of the district to him, and made over to a body oftroops, on condition, that she should enter into engagement to pay tothem the ten months' arrears of pay due to them, out of the rents ofthe ensuing year; and that they should give him receipts for the fullamount of these arrears of pay at once, to be forwarded to theDurbar, that he might get credit for the amount in his accounts forlast year--that she has paid them fifteen thousand rupees, but cancollect no more from her tenants, as the crops are all being cut ordestroyed by the troops, and she is in close confinement, and treatedwith cruel indignity. The rent-roll of her estate is, it is said, equal to one hundred thousand rupees a year. This was a common practice among governors of districts at the closeof last year; and thus they got credit, on account, for large sums, pretended to have been paid out of the revenues of last year; but, inreality, to be paid out of the revenues of the ensuing year. But thecollections are left to be made by the troops, for whose arrears ofpay the revenue has been assigned, and they generally destroy orextort double what they are entitled to from their unhappy debtors. This practice of assigning revenues due, or to be due, bylandholders, for the arrears of pay due to the troops, is the sourceof much evil; and is had recourse to only when contractors and othercollectors of revenue are unable to enforce payment in any other way;or require to make it appear that they have collected more than theyreally have; and to saddle the revenue of the ensuing year with theburthens properly incident upon those of the past. The commandant ofthe troops commonly takes possession of the lands, upon the rents, orrevenues, of which the payments have been assigned, and appropriatesthe whole produce to himself and his soldiers, without regard to therights of landholders, farmers, cultivators, capitalists, or anyother class of persons, who may have invested their capital andlabour in the lands, or depend upon the crops for their subsistence. The troops, too, are rendered unfit for service by such arrangements, since all their time is taken up in the more congenial duty oflooking after the estate, till they have desolated it. The officersand soldiers are converted into manorial under-stewards of the worstpossible description. They are available for no other duty till theyhave paid themselves all that may have been due or may become due tothem during the time of their stay, and credit to Government but asmall portion of what they exact from the landholders andcultivators, or consume or destroy as food, fodder, and fuel. This system, injurious alike to the sovereign, the troops, and thepeople, is becoming every season more and more common in Oude; andmust, in a few years, embrace nearly the whole of the land-revenue ofthe country. It is denominated _kubz_, or contract, and is of twokinds, the "_lakulame kubz_, " or pledge to collect and pay a certainsum, for which the estate is held to be liable; and "_wuslee kubz_, "or pledge to pay to the collector or troops the precise sum which thecommandant may be able to collect from the estate put under him. Inthe first, the commandant who takes the _kubz_ must pay to theGovernment collector or the troops the full sum for which the estateis held to be liable, whether he be able to collect it or not, andhis _kubz_ is valid at the Treasury, as so much money paid to thetroops. In the second, it is valid only as a pledge, to collect asmuch as he can, and to pay what he collects to the Governmentcollector, or the troops he commands. The collector, however, commonly understands that he has shifted off the burthen of paymentto the troops--to the extent of the sum named--from his own shouldersto those of the commandant of the troops; and the troops understand, that unless they collect this sum they will never get it, or beobliged to screw it out of their commandant; and they go to the work_con amore_. If they can't collect it from the sale of all the cropsof the season, they seize and sell all the stock and property of allkinds to be found on the estate; and if this will not suffice, theywill not scruple to seize and sell the women and children. Thecollector, whose tenure of office seldom extends beyond the season, cares little as to the mode as long as he gets the money, and feelsquite sure that the sovereign and his Court will care just as little, and ask no questions, should the troops sell every living thing to befound on the estate. The history, for the last few years, of the estate of Muneearpoor, involves that of the estate of Kupragow and Seheepoor, held by thefamily of the late Hurpaul Sing, and may be interesting asillustrative of the state of society in Oude. Hurpaul Sing's familyis shown in the accompanying note. * [* Purotee Sing had two sons, Gunga Persaud and Nihal Sing. GungaPersaud had one son, Seosewak, who had three sons, Seoumber Sing, Hobdar Sing, and Hurpaul Sing. Seoumber Sing had one son, RamsurroopSing, the present head of the family, who holds the fort and estateof Kupradehee. Hobdar Sing had one son, who died young. Hurpaul Singdied young, Nihal Sing had no son, but left a widow, who holds hisshare of one-half of the estate, and resides at Seheepoor. ] In the year A. D. 1821, after the death of Purotee Sing, his secondson, Nihal Sing, held one-half of the estate, and resided inSeheepoor, and the family of his eldest son, Gunga Persaud, held theother half, and resided in Kupragow. The whole paid a revenue toGovernment of between six and seven hundred rupees a-year, andyielded a rent-roll of something more than double that sum. Theneighbouring estate of Muneearpoor, yielding a rent-roll of aboutthree hundred and fifty thousand rupees a-year, was held by RoshunZuman Khan, in whose family it had been for many generations. He hadan only brother, Busawan Khan, who died, leaving a widow, Bussoo, anda daughter, the Beebee, or Lady, Sogura. Roshun Zuman Khan also died, leaving a widow Rahamanee, who succeeded to the estate, but soondied, and left it to the Lady Sogura and her mother. They made NihalSing, Gurgbunsee, of Seheepoor, manager of their affairs. From thetime that he entered upon the management, Nihil Sing began toincrease the number of his followers from his own clan, theGurgbunsies; and, having now become powerful enough, he turned outhis mistress, and took possession of her estate, in collusion withthe local authorities. Rajah Dursun Sing, who then, 1836, held the contract for thedistrict, wished to take advantage of the occasion, to seize upon theestate for himself, and a quarrel, in consequence, took place betweenhim and Nihal Sing. Unable, as a public servant of the State, to leadhis own troops against him, Dursun Sing instigated Baboo BureearSing, of Bhetee, a powerful tallookdar, to attack Nihal Sing atnight, with all the armed followers he could muster, and, in thefight, Nihal Sing was killed. Hurpaul Sing, his nephew, applied foraid to the Durbar, and Seodeen Sing was sent, with a considerableforce, to aid him against Bureear Sing. When they were ready for theattack, Dursun Sing sent a reinforcement of troops, secretly, toBureear Sing, which so frightened Seodeen Sing, that he retired fromthe conflict. The Gurgbunsee family had, however, by this time added a great partof the Muneearpoor estate to their own, and many other estatesbelonging to their weaker neighbours; and, by the plunder ofvillages, and robbery on the highways, become very powerful. DursunSing was superseded in the contract, in 1837, by the widow of HadeeAllee Khan; and Hurpaul recovered possession of the Muneearpoorestate, which he still held in the name of the _Lady Sogura_. In1843, she managed to get the estate transferred from the jurisdictionof the contractor for Sultanpoor, to that of the Hozoor Tehseel, andheld it till 1845, when Maun Sing, who had succeeded to the contractfor the district, on the death of his father, Dursun Sing, in 1844, managed through his uncle, Bukhtawar Sing, to get the estate restoredto his jurisdiction. Knowing that his object was to absorb herestate, as he and his father had done so many others, she went off toLucknow to seek protection; but Maun Sing seized upon all her nankarand seer lands, and put the estate under the management of his ownofficers. The Lady Sogura, unable to get any one to plead her causeat Court, in opposition to the powerful influence, of Bukhtawur Sing, returned to Muneearpoor. Maun Sing, after he had collected thegreater part of the revenue for 1846, made over the estate to Hurpauland Seoumber Sing, who put the lady into confinement, and plunderedher of all she had left. Feeling now secure in the possession of the Muneearpoor estate, Hurpaul and Seoumber Sing left a small guard to secure the lady, andwent off, with the rest of their forces, to seize upon the estate ofBirsingpoor, in the purgunnah of Dehra, belonging to the widow ofMahdoo Sing, the tallookdar. She summoned to her aid Roostum Sa andother Rajkomar landholders, friends of her late husband. A fightensued, in which Seoumber Sing and his brother, Hobdar Sing werekilled. Hurpaul Sing fled and returned to his fort of Kupragow. TheLady Sogura escaped, and presented herself again to the Court ofLucknow, under better auspices; and orders were sent to Maun Sing, and all the military authorities, to restore her to the possession ofher estate, and seize or destroy Hurpaul Sing. In alarm Hurpaul Singthen released the mother of the Lady Sogura, and prepared to fly. Maun Sing sent confidential persons to him to say, that he had beenordered by the Court of Lucknow to confer upon him a dress of honouror condolence, on the death of his two lamented brothers, and shoulddo so in person the next day. Hurpaul Sing was considered one of thebravest men in Oude, but he was then sick on his bed, and unable tomove. He received the message without suspicion, being anxious forsome small interval of repose; and willing to believe that commoninterests and pursuits had united him and Maun Sing in something likebonds of friendship. Maun Sing came in the afternoon, and rested under a banyan-tree, which stood opposite the gateway of the fort. He apologized for notentering the fort, on the ground, that it might lead to somecollision between their followers, or that his friend might not wishany of the King's servants, who attended with the dress of honour, toenter his fortress. Hurpaul Sing left all his followers inside thegate, and was brought out to Maun Sing in a litter, unable to sit upwithout support. The two friends embraced and conversed together withseeming cordiality till long after sunset, when Maun Sing, afterinvesting his friend with the dress of honour, took leave and mountedhis horse. This was the concerted signal for his followers todespatch his sick friend, Hurpaul. As he cantered off, at the soundof his kettle-drum and the other instruments of music, used by theNazims of districts, his armed followers, who had by degrees gatheredround the tree, without awakening any suspicion, seized the sick man, dragged him on the ground, a distance of about thirty paces, and thenput him to death. He was first shot through the chest, and thenstabbed with spears, cut to pieces with swords, and left on theground. They were fired upon from the fort, while engaged in thisfoul murder, but all escaped unhurt. Maun Sing had sworn by the holyGanges, and still more holy head of Mahadeo, that his friend shouldsuffer no personal hurt in this interview; and the credulous and noless cruel and rapacious Gurgbunsies were lulled into security. Thethree persons who murdered Hurpaul, were Nujeeb Khan, who has leftMann Sing's service, Benee Sing, who still serves him, and JeskurunSing, who has since died. Sadik Hoseyn and many others aided them indragging their victim to the place where he was murdered, but thewounds which killed him were inflicted by the above-named persons. The family fled, the fort was seized and plundered of all that couldbe found, and the estate seized and put under the management ofGovernment officers. Maun Sing had collected half the revenues of1847, when he was superseded in the contract by Wajid Allee Khan, whore-established the Lady Sogura in the possession of all that remainedof her estate. He, at the same time, reinstated the family of HurpaulSing, in the possession of their now large estate--that is, the widowof Nihal Sing, to Seheepoor, comprising one-half; and RamsurroopSing, the son of Seoumber Sing, to Kupragow, comprising the otherhalf. * The rent-roll of the whole is now estimated at 1, 29, 000 a-year; and the _nankar_, or recognized allowance for the holders, is73, 000, leaving the Government demand at 56, 000, of which they hardlyever pay one-half, or one-quarter, being inveterate robbers andrebels. Wajid Allee Khan had been commissioned, by the Durbar, torestore the Lady Sogura to her patrimonial estate, and he brought herwith him from Lucknow for the purpose; but he soon after made over apart of the estate to his friend, Bakir Allee, of Esoulee, andanother part to Ramsurroop, the son of Seoumber Sing, for a suitableconsideration, and left only one-half to the Lady Sogura. This she atfirst refused to take, but he promised to restore the whole the nextyear, when he saw she was resolved to return again to her friends atLucknow, and she consented to take the offered half on condition of alarge remission of the Government demand upon it. When the season ofcollections came, however, he would make no remission for the half hehad permitted her to retain, or give her any share in the perquisitesof the half he had made over to others; nor would he give her creditfor any portion of the collections, which had been anticipated byMaun Sing. He made her pledge the whole rents of her estate to HoseynAllee Khan, the commandant of a squadron of cavalry, on detachedduty, under him. Unable to conduct the management under all theseoutrages and exactions, she begged to have the estate put underGovernment officers. Her friends at Court got an order issued for herbeing restored to the possession of the whole estate, having creditfor the whole amount collected by Maun Sing, and a remission in therevenue equal to all that Government allowed to the proprietors ofsuch estates. [* In May 1851, the Nazim besieged Ramsurroop, in Kupragow, with avery large force, including Bunbury's and Magness's Regiments andArtillery. After the loss of many lives from fighting, and more fromcholera, on both sides, Ramsurroop marched out with all his garrisonand guns at night, and passed, unmolested, through that part of theline where the non-fighting corps were posted. ] Wajid Allee Khan disregarded the order, and made over or soldNaraenpoor and other villages belonging to the estate, to RughburSing, the atrocious brother of Maun Sing, who sent his myrmidons totake possession. They killed the Lady Sogura's two agents in themanagement, plundered her of all she had of property, and all therents which she had up to that time collected, for payment toGovernment; and took possession of Naraenpoor and the other villages, sold to their master by Wajid Allee. Wajid Allee soon after came witha large force, seized the lady and carried her off to his camp, putall her officers and attendants into confinement, and refused allaccess to her. When she became ill, and appeared likely to sink underthe treatment she received, he made her enter into writtenengagements to pay to the troops, in liquidation of their arrears ofpay, all that he pretended that she owed to the State. He prevailedupon Ghuffoor Beg, who commanded the artillery, to take these herpledges, and give him, Wajid Allee, corresponding receipts for theamount, for transmission to the Treasury; and then made her over aprisoner to him. Ghuffoor Beg took possession of the lady and theestate, kept her in close confinement, and employed his artillery-menin making the collections in their own way, by appropriating all theharvests to themselves. Wajid Allee was superseded in October 1849, by Aga Allee, who, onentering on his charge, directed that martial-law should cease inMuneearpoor; but Ghuffoor Beg and his artillery-men were too strongfor the governor, and refused to give up the possession of so nice anestate. When I approached the estate in my tour, Ghuffoor Beg tookthe lady off to Chundoly, where she was treated with all manner ofindignity and cruelty by the artillery. The estate was going to utterruin under their ignorant and reckless management, and the Nazim, AgaAllee, prayed me to interpose and save it, and protect the poor LadySogura. I represented the hardship of the case to the Durbar, butwith little hope of any success, under the present government, whosay, that if the troops are not allowed to pay themselves in thisway, they shall have to pay them all the arrears for which the estateis pledged, not one rupee of which is reduced by the collections theymake. If they were to hold the estate for twenty years, they wouldnot allow it to appear that any portion of the arrears had been paidoff. The estate is a noble one, and, in spite of all the usurpationsand disorders from which it has lately suffered, was capable lastyear of yielding to Government a revenue of fifty thousand rupees a-year, after providing liberally for all the requirements of the poorLady Sogura and her family, or a rent-roll of one hundred thousandrupees a-year. _December_ 19, 1849. --Shahgunge, distance twelve miles. This town issurrounded by a mud wall, forty feet thick, and a ditch three milesround, built thirty years ago, and now much out of repair. It belongsto the family of Rajah Bukhtawar Sing. The wall, thirty feet high, was built of the mud taken from the ditch, in which there is now somesix or seven feet of water. The wall has twenty-four bastions forguns, but there is no platform, or road for guns, round it on theinside. A number of respectable merchants and tradesmen reside inthis town, where they are better protected than in any other town inOude. It contains a population of between twenty and thirty thousandpersons. They put thatch over the mud walls during the rains topreserve them. The fortifications and dwelling-houses together aresaid to have cost the family above ten lacs of rupees. There are somefourteen old guns in the fort. Though it would be difficult to shella garrison out of a fort of this extent, it would not be difficult totake it. No garrison, sufficient to defend all parts of so extended awall, could be maintained by the holder; and it would be easy to fillthe ditch and scale the walls. Besides, the family is so veryunpopular among the military classes around, whose lands they haveseized upon, that thousands would come to the aid of any governmentforce brought to crush them, and overwhelm the garrison. They keeptheir position only by the purchase of Court favour, and have therespect and attachment of only the better sort of cultivators, whoare not of the military classes, and could be of little use to themin a collision with their sovereign. The family by which it is heldhas long been very influential at Court, where it has beenrepresented by Bukhtawar Sing, whose brother, Dursun Sing, was themost powerful subject that Oude has had since the time of Almas AlleeKhan. They live, however, in the midst of hundreds of sturdyRajpoots, whom they have deprived of their lands, and who would, as Ihave said, rise against them were they to be at any time opposed tothe Government The country over which we have passed this morning iswell studded with groves, and well cultivated; and the peasantryseemed contented and prosperous. The greater part of the road laythrough the lands acquired, as already described, by this family. Though they have acquired the property in the land by abuse ofauthority, collusion and violence, from its rightful owners, theykeep their faith with the cultivators, effectually protect them fromthieves, robbers, the violence of their neighbours, and, above all, from the ravages of the King's troops; and they encourage thesettlement of the better or more skilful and industrious classes ofcultivators in their villages, such as Kachies, Koormies, andLodhies. They came out from numerous villages, and in considerablebodies, to salute me, and expressed themselves well satisfied withtheir condition, and the security they enjoyed under their presentlandholders. We came through the village of Puleea, and RajahBukhtawar Sing seemed to have great pleasure in showing me the housein which he was born, seventy-five years ago, under a fine tamarind-tree that is still in vigour. The history of this family is that ofmany others in the Oude territory. The father of Bukhtawar Sing, Porunder, was the son of Mungul, aBrahmin, who resided in Bhojpoor, on the right bank of the Ganges, alittle below Buxar. The son, Porunder, was united in marriage to thedaughter of Sudhae Misser, a respectable Brahmin, who resided inPuleea, and held a share of the lands. He persuaded his son-in-law totake up his residence in the same village. Prouder had five sons bornto him in this village:-- 1. Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, my Quartermaster-General. 2. Pursun Sing, died without issue. 3. Rajah Dursun Sing, died 1844, leaving three sons. 4. Incha Sing lives, and has two sons. 5. Davey Sing died, leaving two sons. The eldest son was a trooper in the Honourable Company's 8th Regimentof Light Cavalry; and while still a very young man, and home onfurlough, he attracted the attention of Saadnt Allee Khan, thesovereign of Oude, whom he attended on a sporting excursion. He wasvery tall, and exceedingly handsome; and, on one occasion, saved hissovereign's life from the sword of an assassin. He became one ofSaadut Alee's favourite orderlies, and rose to the command of asquadron. In a fine picture of Saadut Allee and his Court on theoccasion of a Durbar, at which the Resident, Colonel Scott, and hissuite were present, Bukhtawar Sing is represented in the dress hewore as an orderly cavalry officer. This picture is still preservedat Lucknow. His brothers, Dursun, Incha, and Davey Sing became, oneafter the other, orderlies in the same manner, under the influence ofBukhtawar Sing, during the reign of Saadnt Allee, and his son, Ghazee-od Deen. Dursan Sing got the command of a regiment of Nujeebsin 1814, and Incha Sing and Davey Sing rose in favour and rank, bothcivil and military. Bhudursa and five other villages were held in proprietary right bythe members of a family of Syuds. They enjoyed Bhudursa rent free, and still hold it; but the other five villages (Kyl, Mahdono, Tindooa, Teroo, and Pursun) were bestowed, in jagheer, upon anotherSyud, a Court favourite, Khoda Buksh, in 1814. He fell into disfavourin 1816, and all these and other villages were let, in 1817, toDursun Sing, in farm, at 60, 000 rupees a-year. The bestowal of anestate in jagheer, or farm, ought not to interfere with the rights ofthe proprietors of the lands comprised in it, as the sovereigntransfers merely his own territorial rights, not theirs; but DursunSing, before the year 1820, had, by rack-renting, lending onmortgage, and other fraudulent or violent means, deprived all theSyud proprietors of their lands in the other five villages. Theywere, however, still left in possession of Bhudursa. He pursued thesame system, as far as possible, in the other districts, which were, from time to time, placed under him, as contractor for the revenue. He held the contract for Sultanpoor and other districts, altogetheryielding fifty-nine lacs of rupees a-year, in 1827; and it was thenthat he first bethought himself of securing his family permanently inthe possession of the lands he had seized, or might seize upon, by_bynamahs_, or deeds of sale, from the old proprietors. He imposed upon the lands he coveted, rates which he knew they couldnever pay; took all the property of the proprietors for rent, or forthe wages of the mounted and foot soldiers, whom he placed over them, or quartered upon their villages, to enforce his demands; seized anyneighbouring banker or capitalist whom he could lay hold of, and byconfinement and harsh treatment, made him stand security for thesuffering proprietors, for sums they never owed; and when theseproprietors were made to appear to be irretrievably involved in debtto the State and to individuals, and had no hope of release fromprison by any other means, they consented to sign the _bynamahs_, orsale deeds for lands, which their families had possessed forcenturies. Those of the capitalists who had no friends at Court weremade to pay the money, for which they had been forced to pledgethemselves; and those who had such friends, got the sums which theyhad engaged to pay, represented as irrecoverable balances due byproprietors, and struck off. The proprietors themselves, plundered ofall they had in the world, and without any hope of redress, left thecountry, or took service under our Government, or that of Oude, ordescended to the rank of day-labourers or cultivators in otherestates. * [* Estates held by the family under _bynamahs_ or sale deeds: 1. Puchumrath . . . . . . . . . 1, 13, 000 2. Howelee . . . . . . . . . . 45, 000 3. Mogulsee, including Hindoo Sing's estate of Shapoor, obtained by fraud and violence . . . . . . 28, 000 4. Bhurteepoor and Laltapoor . . . . 30, 000 5. Rudowlee . . . . . . . . . 12, 000 Turolee in Huldeemow. . . . . . 17, 000 6. Bahraetch in Sagonputtee . . . . 4, 000 7. Gosaengunge . . . . . . . . 3, 000 ________ Total Company's Rupees . . . 2, 52, 000 ________ Dursun Sing's contracts, for the land revenue, of districts, amountedfrom 1827 to 1830, to 59, 00, 000 rupees a year. From 1830 to 1836, to58, 00, 000. In 1836 to 46, 100, 000. In 1837 to 47, 00, 000. He continuedto hold the whole or greater part of these districts up to September1843. ] There were four brothers, the sons of a Canoongo, of Fyzabad; first, Birj Lal; second, Lala; third, Humeer Sing, a corporal in one of ourRegiments of Native Infantry; fourth, Hunooman Persaud; fifth, GungaPersaud. The family held-eight villages, in hereditary right, with arent-roll of 6, 000, of which they paid 3, 000 to Government, and took3, 000 for themselves. While Dursun Sing was dying, in 1844, hiseldest son, Ramadeen, tried to get possession of this estate. Heseized and confined, in the usual way, Gunga Persaud, the Canoongo, and kept him with harsh treatment, for 1844; and when his brother thecorporal complained, in the usual way, through the Resident, GungaPersaud was released, and he attended the Residents Court, as hisbrother's attorney, till 1847, when the family recovered possessionof the estate. But in 1846, when Dursun Sing's son saw that the casewas going against him, he made their local agent, Davey Persaud, plunder all the eight villages of all the stock in cattle, grain, &c. , that they contained, and all the people, of whatever propertythey possessed. Dursun Sing's family now pay to the Oude Government, a revenue of1, 88, 000 rupees a-year, for their _bynamah_ estates, which wereacquired by them in the manner described. The rent-roll, recognizedin the Exchequer, is 2, 56, 000; and the _nankar_ 68, 000; but the realrent-roll is much greater-perhaps double. The village of Tendooa, inMehdona, belonged, in hereditary right, to Soorujbulee Sing andRugonauth Sing, Rajpoots, whom the family of Dursun Sing wished tocoerce, in the usual mode, into signing a _bynamah_, or deed of sale. They refused, and some of the family are said to have been inconfinement in consequence, since the year A. D. 1844. When GungaPersaud, the Canoongo, was confined by Dursun Sing's family, onaccount of his own estate, they extorted from him, on the pretence ofhis being security for the punctual payment of what might be demandedfrom these two men, Soorujbulee' and Rugonauth, the sum of 4, 000rupees. One of the eight villages, held by the Canoongoes, named AbooSurae, Ghalib Jung, alias Dursun Sing, another Court favourite, isnow trying to take by violence, for himself, following the practiceof his namesake. He has possessed himself of many by the same means, keeping the troops he commands upon them at exercise and target-practice, till he drives both cultivators and proprietors out, orshoots them. This Rajah, Ghalib Jung, is now a great favourite with the minister, and no man manifests a stronger disposition to make his influencesubservient to his own interest and that of his family. By fraud andviolence, and collusion with the officers who have charge ofdistricts and require his aid at Court, he seizes upon the best landsof his weaker neighbours, in the same manner as his namesake, RajahDursun Sing, used to do; and of the money which he receives forcontracts of various kinds, he appropriates by far the greater partto himself. He is often sent out, with a considerable force, toadjust disputes between landholders and local authorities, and hedecides in favour of the party most able and willing to pay, underthe assurance that, if called to account, he will be able to clearhimself, by giving a share of what he gets to those who send andsupport him. He commands a large body of mounted and foot police, andhe is often ordered to go and send detachments in pursuit of daringoffenders, particularly those who have given offence to the Britishauthorities. In such cases he generally succeeds in arresting andbringing in some of the offenders; but he as often seizes thelandholders and others who may have given them shelter, intentionallyor otherwise; and, after extorting from them as much as they can bemade to pay, lets them go. He is not, of course, very particular asto the quantity or quality of the evidence forthcoming to prove thata person able to pay has intentionally screened the offenders fromjustice. Rajah Ghalib Jung was the superintendent of the City Police, andcommandant of a Brigade of Infantry, and a prime favourite of theKing, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, for two years, up to November 1835. Hehad many other employments, was always in attendance upon the King, and was much liked by him, because he saw his orders carried intoimmediate effect, without any regard to the rank or sufferings of thepersons whom they were to affect. For these two years he was one ofthe most intimate companions of his sovereign, in his festivities andmost private debaucheries. He became cordially detested throughoutthe city for his reckless severity, and still more throughout theCourt, for the fearless manner in which he spoke to the King of themalversation and peculations of the minister and all the Courtfavourites who were not in his interest. He thwarted the imbecile oldminister, Roshun-od Dowlah, in everything; and never lost anopportunity of turning him into ridicule, and showing his contemptfor him. The King had become very fond of a smart young lad, by name Duljeet, who had been brought up from his infancy by the minister, but nowserved the King as his most confidential personal attendant. He waspaid handsomely by the minister for all the services he rendered him, and deeply interested in keeping him in power and unfettered, and hewatched eagerly for an opportunity to remove the man who thwartedhim. _Mucka_, the King's head tailor, was equally anxious, for hisown interests, to get rid of the favourite, and so was _GungaKhowas_, a boatman, another personal servant and favourite of theKing. These three men soon interested in their cause some of the mostinfluential ladies of the palace, and all sought with avidity theopportunity to effect their object. Ghalib Jung was the person, orone of the persons, through whom the King invited females, noted foreither their beauty or their accomplishments, and he was told tobring a celebrated dancing-girl, named Mogaree. She did not appear, and the King became impatient, and at last asked Dhuneea Mehree thereason. She had often been employed in a similar office, and wasjealous of Ghalib Jung's rivalry. She told his Majesty, that he hadobstructed his pleasures on this as on many other occasions, andtaken the lady into his own keeping. All the other favourites toldhim the same thing, and it is generally believed that the charge wastrue; indeed the girl herself afterwards confessed it. The King, however, "bided his time, " in the hope of finding some other groundof revenging himself upon the favourite, without the necessity ofmaking him appear in public as his rival. On the 7th of October, 1835, the King was conversing with GhalibJung, in one of his private apartments, on affairs of state. Severalcrowns stood on the table for the King's inspection. They had beenprepared under Mucka, the tailor's, inspection, from materialspurchased by him. He always charged the King ten times the price ofthe articles which he was ordered to provide, and Ghalib Jung thoughtthe occasion favourable to expose his misconduct to his master. Hetook up one of the crowns, put his left hand into it, and, turning itround on his finger, pointed out the flimsy nature of the materialswith which it had been made. His left finger slipped through the silkon the crown, whether accidentally, or designedly, to prove theflimsy nature of the silk and exasperate the King, is not known; buton seeing the finger pass through the crown, his Majesty left theroom without saying a word. Soon after several attendants came in, surrounded Ghalib Jung, and commanded him to remain till furtherorders. In this state they remained for about two hours, when otherattendants came in, struck off his turban on the floor, and had itkicked out of the room by sweepers. They then dragged out Ghalib Jung, and thrust him into prison. Thenext day heavy iron fetters were put upon his legs, and upon those ofthree of his principal followers, who were imprisoned along with him;and his mother, father, wife, and daughters were made prisoners intheir own houses; and all the property of the family that could befound was confiscated. On the third day, while still in irons, GhalibJung and his three followers were tied up and flogged severely, tomake them point out any hidden treasure that they might have. Thatnight the King got drunk, and, before many persons, ordered theminister to have Ghalib Jung's right hand and nose cut off forthwith. The minister, who prayed forgiveness and forbearance, was abused andagain commanded, but again entreated his Majesty to pause, and prayedfor a private audience. It was granted, and the minister told hisMajesty that the British Government would probably interpose if theorder were carried into effect. The King then retired to rest, but the next morning had Ghalib Jungand his three followers again tied up and flogged. Six or seven daysafter, all Ghalib Jung's attendants were taken from him, and noperson was permitted to enter the room where he lay in irons, and hecould in consequence get neither food nor drink of any kind. On the19th of October, the King ordered all the females of Ghalib Jung'sfamily to be brought on foot from their houses to the palace byforce, and publicly declared that they should all on the next dayhave their hair shaved off, be stripped naked, and in that stateturned out into the street. After giving these orders, the King wentto bed, and the females were all brought, as ordered, to the palace;but the sympathies of the King's own servants were excited by thesufferings of these unoffending females, and they disobeyed the orderfor their being made to walk on foot through the streets, and broughtthem in covered litters. The Resident, apprehending that these poor females might be furtherdisgraced, and Ghalib Jung starved to death, determined to interpose, and demanded an interview, while the King was still in bed. The Kingwas sorely vexed, and sent the minister to the Resident to requestthat he would not give himself the trouble to come, if his object wasto relieve Ghalib Jung's family, as he would forthwith order thefemales to be taken to their homes. The minister had not been to theResident for ten or twelve days, or from the first or second dayafter the fall of the favourite. He prayed that the Resident wouldnot speak harshly to the King on the subject of the treatment GhalibJung and his family had received, lest he, the minister, shouldhimself suffer. The Resident insisted upon an audience. He found theKing sullen and doggedly silent. The minister was present, and spokefor his master. He denied, what was known to be true, that theprisoner had been kept for two days and two nights' without food ordrink; but admitted that he had been tied up and flogged severely, and that the females of his family were still there, but he promisedto send them back. He said that it was necessary to confiscate theproperty of the prisoner, since he owed large sums to the State. Thefemales were all sent back to their homes, and Ghalib Jung waspermitted, to have four of his own servants in attendance upon him. The Resident reported all these things to Government, who entirelyapproved of his proceedings; and desired that he would tell hisMajesty that such savage and atrocious proceedings would ruin hisreputation, and, if persisted in, bring on consequences mostinjurious to himself. When the Resident, at the audience abovedescribed, remonstrated with the King for not calling upon hisofficers periodically to render their accounts, instead of lettingthem run on for indefinite periods, and then confining them andconfiscating their property, he replied--"What you state is mosttrue, and you may be assured that I will in future make every oneaccount to me every three months for the money he has received, andnever again show favour to any one. " Rajah Dursun Sing, the great revenue contractor, and at that time themost powerful of the King's subjects beyond the precincts of theCourt, had, like the minister himself, been often thwarted by GhalibJung when in power; and, after the interposition of the Resident, heapplied to have him put into his power. The King and minister werepleased at the thought of making their victim suffer beyond theimmediate supervision of a vigilant Resident, and the minister madehim over to the Rajah for a _consideration_, it is said, of threelacs of rupees; and at the same time assured the Resident that thiswas the only safe way to rescue him from the further vengeance of anexasperated King; that Rajah Dursun Sing was a friend of his, andwould provide him and his family and attendants with ampleaccommodation and comfort. The Rajah had him put into an iron cage, and sent to his fort at Shahgunge, where, report says, he had snakesand scorpions put into the cage to torment and destroy him, but thatGhalib Jung had "a charmed life, " and escaped their poison. Theobject is said to have been to torment and destroy him withoutleaving upon his body any marks of violence. On the death of Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, Ghalib Jung was released fromconfinement, on the payment, it is said, of four lacs of rupees, inGovernment securities, and a promise of three lacs more if restoredto office. He went to reside at Cawnpore, in British territory; but, on the dismissal of the minister, Roshun-od Dowlah, three monthsafter, and the appointment of Hakeem Mehndee to his place, GhalibJung was restored to his place. The promise of the three lacs wascommunicated to the new King, Mahommed Allee Shah, by Roshun-odDowlah himself, while in confinement; and it is said that Ghalib Jungpaid one-half, or one hundred and fifty thousand. Ghalib Jung had, in many other ways, abused the privileges ofintimate companionship which he enjoyed with his master, as betterservants under better and more guarded masters will do; and the King, having discovered this, had for some time resolved to take advantageof the first fair occasion to discharge him. The people of Lucknowliked their King, with all his faults--and they were many--and hatedthe favourite as much for the injury which he did to his master'sreputation, as for the insults and injuries inflicted by him onthemselves. But when the unoffending females of the favourite weredragged from their privacy to the palace, to be disgraced, thefeelings of the whole city were shocked, and expressed in tones whichalarmed the minister as much as the Resident's interposition alarmedthe King. They had no sympathy for the fallen favourite, but a verydeep one for the ladies and children of his family, who could have noshare in his guilt, whatever it might be. Ghalib Jung was raised, from a very humble grade, by Ghazee-od DeenHyder, and about the year 1825 he had become as great a favouritewith him as he afterwards became with his son, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, and he abused his master's favour in the same manner. The minister, Aga Meer, finding his interference and vulgar insolence intolerable, took advantage one day of the King's anger against him, had himdegraded, seized, and sent off forthwith to one of his creatures, Taj-od Deen Hoseyn, then in charge of the Sultanpoor district, wherehe was soon reduced almost to death's door by harsh treatment andwant of food, and made to disgorge all the wealth he had accumulated. Four years after the death of Ghazee-od Deen and the accession of hisson, Nuseer-od Deen, Ghalib Jung was, in the year 1831, againappointed to a place of trust at Court by the minister, HakeemMehndee, who managed to keep him in order during the two years thathe held the reins of government. * [* Ghalib Jung died on the 1st of May 1851, at Lucknow, aged about 80years. ] _December_ 20, 1849. --Saleepoor, ten miles. The country, on bothsides of the road, well studded with trees, hamlets, and villages, and well cultivated and peopled. The landholders and peasantry seemall happy and secure under their present masters, the brother and sonof the late Dursun Sing. They are protected by them from thieves androbbers, the attacks of refractory barons, and, above all, from theravages of the King's troops; and the whole face of the country, atthis season, is like that of a rich garden. The whole is undercultivation, and covered with the greatest possible variety of crops. The people showed us, as we passed, six kinds of sugar-cane, and toldus that they had many more, one soil agreeing best with one kind, another with another. The main fault in the cultivation of sugar-caneis here, as in every other part of India that I have seen, the wantof room and the disregard of cleanliness. They crowd the cane toomuch, and never remove the decayed leaves, and sufficient air isnever admitted. Bukhtawar Sing has always been considered as the head of the familyto whom Shahgunge belongs, but he has always remained at Court, andleft the local management of the estate and the government of thedistricts, placed under their charge in contract or in trust, to hisbrothers and nephews. Bukhtawar Sing has no child of his own, but hehas adopted Maun Sing, the youngest son of his brother, Dursun Sing, and he leaves all local duties and responsibilities to him. He is asmall, slight man, but shrewd, active, and energetic, and asunscrupulous as a man can be. Indeed old Bukhtawar Sing himself isthe only member of the family that was ever troubled with scruples ofany kind whatever; for he is the only one whose boyhood was notpassed in the society of men in the every-day habit of committingwith impunity all kinds of cruelties, atrocities, and outrages. Thereis, perhaps, no school in the world better adapted for trainingthoroughbred ruffians (men without any scruple of conscience, senseof honour, or feeling of humanity) than the camp of a revenue-contractor in Oude. It has been the same for the last thirty yearsthat I have known it, and must continue to be the same as long as _wemaintain, in absolute sway over the people, a sovereign who neverbestows a thought upon them, has no feeling in common with them, andcan never be persuaded that his high office imposes upon him theobligation to labour to promote their good, or even to protect themagainst the outrage and oppression of his own soldiers and civilofficers_. All Rajah Bukhtawar Sing's brothers and nephews were bredup in such camps, and are thorough-bred ruffians. They have got the lands which they hold by much fraud and violence nodoubt, but they have done much good to them. They have invited andestablished in comfort great numbers of the best classes ofcultivators from other districts, in which they had ceased to feelsecure, and they have protected and encouraged those whom they foundon the land. To establish a new cultivator of the better class, theyrequire to give him about twenty-five rupees for a pair of bullocks;for subsistence for himself and family till his crops ripen, thirty-six more, for a house, wells, &c. , thirty more, or about ninetyrupees, which he pays back with or without interest by degrees. Everyvillage and hamlet is now surrounded by fine garden cultivation, conducted by the cultivators of the gardener caste, whom the familyhas thus established. The greatest benefit conferred upon the lands which they hold hasbeen in the suppression of the fearful contests which used to beperpetual between the small proprietors of the military classes, among whom the lands had become minutely subdivided by the law ofinheritance, about boundaries and rights to water for irrigation. Many persons used to be killed every year in these contests, andtheir widows and orphans had to be maintained by the survivors. Nowno such dispute leads to any serious conflict. They are all settledat once by arbitrators, who are guided in their decisions by theaccounts of the Putwaries of villages and Canoongoes of districts. These men have the detailed accounts of every tenement for the lasthundred years; and, with their assistance, village traditions, andthe advice of their elders, all such boundary disputes andmisunderstandings about rights to water are quickly and amicablyadjusted; and the landlords are strong, and able to enforce whateverdecision is pronounced. They are wealthy, and pay the Governmentdemand punctually, and have influence at Court to prevent any attemptat oppression on the part of Government officers on themselves ortheir tenants. Not a thief or a robber can live or depredate amongtheir tenants. The hamlets are, in consequence, numerous and peopledby peasantry, who seem to live without fear. They adhere strictly tothe terms of their engagements with their tenants of all grades; andtheir tenants all pay their rents punctually, unless calamities ofseason deprive them of the means, when due consideration is made bylandlords, who live among them, and know what they suffer andrequire. The climate must be good, for the people are strong and well-made, and without any appearance of disease. Hardly a beggar of any kind isto be seen along the road. The residence of religious mendicantsseems to be especially discouraged, and we see no others. It is verypleasing to pass over such lands after going through such districtsas Bahraetch and Gonda, where the signs of the effects of bad air andwater upon men, women, and children are so sad and numerous; andthose of the abuse of power and the neglect of duty on the part ofthe Government and its officers are still more so. Last evening I sent for the two men above named, who had beenconfined for six or seven years, and were said to have been sobecause they would not sign the _bynamahs_ required from them by MannSing: their names are Soorujbulee Sing and Rugonath Sing. They camewith the King's wakeel, accompanied by their cousin, Hunooman Sing, on whose charge they were declared to have been confined. I foundthat the village of Tendooa had been held by their family, inproprietary right, for many generations, and that they were ChouhanRajpoots by caste. When Dursun Sing was securing to himself the landsof the district, those of Tendooa were held in three equal shares bySoorujbulee and his brothers, Narind and Rugonath; Hunooman Sing, their cousin; and Seoruttun, their cousin. Maun Sing took advantage of a desperate quarrel between them, andsecured Soorujbulee and Rugonath. Narind escaped and joined arefractory tallookdar, and Seoruttun and Hunooman did the same. Hunooman Sing was, however, invited back, and intrusted, by MaunSing, with the management of the whole estate, on favourable terms. In revenge for his giving in to the terms of Maun Sing, and servinghim, the absconded co-sharers attacked his house several times, killed three of his brothers, and many other persons of his family, and robbed him of almost all he had. This was four years ago. Hecomplained, and the two brothers were kept more strictly confinedthan ever, to save him and the village. Hunooman Sing looked upon thetwo prisoners as the murderers of his brothers, though they were inconfinement when they were killed, and had been so for more than twoyears, and was very violent against them in my presence. They were noless violent against him, as the cause of their continued confinementThey protested to me, that they had no communication whatever withSeoruttun or Narind Sing, but thought it very likely, that theyreally did lead the gangs in the attacks upon the village, to recovertheir rights. They offered to give security for their future goodbehaviour if released; but declared, that they would rather die thanconsent to sign a _bynamah_, or deed of sale, or any relinquishmentwhatever of their hereditary rights as landholders. Bukhtawar and Maun Sing said, --"That the people of the village wouldnot be safe, for a moment, if these two brothers were released, whichthey would be, on the first occasion of thanksgiving, if sent toLucknow; that people who ventured to seize a thief or robber in Oudemust keep him, if they wished to save themselves from his futuredepredations, as the Government authorities would have nothing to dowith them. " I ordered the King's wakeel to take these two brothers to theChuckladar, and request him to see them released on their furnishingsufficient security for their future good behaviour, which theypromised to produce. * They were all fine-looking men, with limbs thatwould do honour to any climate in the world. These are the familiesfrom which our native regiments are recruited; and hardly a youngrecruit offers himself for enlistment, on whose body marks will notbe found of wounds received in these contests, between landlordsthemselves, and between them and the officers and troops of thesovereign. I have never seen enmity more strong and deadly than thatexhibited by contending co-sharers and landholders of all kinds inOude. The Rajah of Bulrampoor mentioned a curious instance of thisspirit in a village, now called the _Kolowar_ village, in the Gondadistrict, held in copartnership by a family of the Buchulgotee tribeof Rajpoots. One of them said he should plant sugar-cane in one ofhis fields. All consented to this. But when he pointed out the placewhere he should have his mill, the community became divided. Acontest ensued, in which all the able-bodied men were killed, thoughnot single cane had been planted. The widows and children survived, and still hold the village, but have been so subdued by poverty thatthey are the quietest village community in the district. The villagefrom that time has gone by the name of _Kolowar_ village, from Koloo, the sugar-mill, though no sugar-mill was ever worked in the village, he believed. He says, the villagers cherish the recollection of this_fight_; and get very angry when their neighbours _twit_ them withthe folly of it. [* They were released, and have been ever since at large on security. One of them visited me in April 1851, and said, that as a point ofhonour, they should abstain from joining in the fight for theirrights, but felt it very hard to be bound to do so. ] In our own districts in Upper India, they often kill each other insuch contests; but more frequently ruin each other in litigation inour Civil Courts, to the benefit of the native attorneys and law-officers, who fatten on the misery they create or produce. In Oudethey always decide such questions by recourse to arms, and the lossof life is no doubt fearful. Still the people generally, or a greatpart of them, would prefer to reside in Oude, under all the risks towhich these contests expose them, than in our own districts, underthe evils the people are exposed to from the uncertainties of ourlaw, the multiplicity and formality of our Courts, the pride andnegligence of those who preside over them, and the corruption andinsolence of those who must be employed to prosecute or defend acause in them, and enforce the fulfilment of a decree when passed. The members of the landed aristocracy of Oude always speak withrespect of the administration in our territories, but generally endwith remarking on the cost and uncertainty of the law in civil cases, and the gradual decay, under its operation, of all the ancientfamilies. A less and less proportion of the annual produce of theirlands is left to them in our periodical settlements of the landrevenue, while family pride makes them expend the same sums in themarriage of their children, in religious and other festivals, personal servants, and hereditary retainers. They fall into balance, incur heavy debts, and estate after estate is put up to auction, andthe proprietors are reduced to poverty. They say, that four timesmore of these families have gone to decay in the half of theterritory made over to us in 1801, than in the half reserved by theOude sovereign; and this is, I fear, true. They named the families--Icannot remember them. In Oude, the law of primogeniture prevails among all the tallookdars, or principal landholders; and, to a certain extent, among the middleclass of landholders, of the Rajpoot or any other military class. Ifone co-sharer of this class has several sons, his eldest ofteninherits all the share he leaves, with all the obligations incidentupon it, of maintaining the rest of the family. The brothers of Soorujbulee, above named, do not pretend to have anyright of inheritance in the share of the lands he holds; but theyhave a prescriptive right to support from him, for themselves andfamilies, when they require it. This rule of primogeniture is, however, often broken through during the lifetime of the father, who, having more of natural affection than family pride, divides the landsbetween his sons. After his death they submit to this division, andtake their respective shares, to descend to their children, by thelaw of primogeniture, or be again subdivided as may seem to thembest; or they fight it out among themselves, till the strongest getsall. Among landholders of the smallest class, whether Hindoos orMahommedans, the lands are subdivided according to the ordinary lawof inheritance. Our army and other public establishments form a great "safety-valve"for Oude, and save it from a vast deal of fighting for shares inland, and the disorders that always attend it. Younger brothersenlist in our regiments, or find employment in our civilestablishments, and leave their wives and children under theprotection of the elder brother, who manages the family estate forthe common good. They send the greater part of their pay to him fortheir subsistence, and feel assured that he will see that they areprovided for, should they lose their lives in our service. From thesingle district of Byswara in Oude, sixteen thousand men were, it issaid, found to be so serving in our army and other establishments;and from Bunoda, which adjoins it to the east, fifteen thousand, onan inquiry ordered to be made by Ghazee-od Deen Hyder some twenty-five years ago. The family of Dursun Sing, like good landholders in all parts ofOude, assigned small patches of land to substantial cultivators, merchants, shopkeepers, and others, whom it is useful to retain intheir estates, for the purpose of planting small groves of mango andother trees, as local ties. They prepare the well and plant thetrees, and then make over the land to a gardener or other goodcultivator, to be tilled for his own profit, on condition that hewater the trees, and take care to preserve them from frost during thecold season, and from rats, white ants, and other enemies; and formterraces round them, where the water lies much on the surface duringthe rains, so that it may not reach and injure the bark. The landyields crops till the trees grow large and cover it with their shade, by which time they are independent of irrigation, and begin to bearfruit. The crops do not thrive under the shade of the trees, and thelands they cover cease to be of any value for tillage. The stems andfoliage of the trees, no doubt, deprive the crops of the moisture, carbonic gas and ammonia, they require from the atmosphere. They are, generally, watered from six to ten years. These groves form avaluable local tie for the cultivators and other useful tenants. Noman dare to molest them or their descendants, in the possession oftheir well and grove, without incurring, at least, the odium ofsociety; and, according to their notion, the anger of their gods. The cultivators always point out to them, in asserting their rightsto the lands they hold; and reside and cultivate in the village, under circumstances that would drive them away, had they no such tiesto retain them. They feel a-great pride in them; and all goodlandlords feel the same in having their villages filled with tenantswho have such ties. _December_ 21, 1849. --Bhurteepoor, ten miles, almost all the waythrough the estate of Maun Sing. No lands could be better cultivatedthan they are all the way, or better studded with groves andbeautiful single trees. The villages and hamlets along the road arenumerous, and filled with cultivators of the gardener and other goodclasses, who seem happy and contented. The season has beenfavourable, and the crops are all fine, and of great variety. Sugar-cane abounds, but no mills are, as yet, at work. We passed through, and by three or four villages, that have been lately taken from MaunSing, and made over to farmers by the local authorities, underinstructions from Court; but they are not so well cultivated, asthose which he retains. The cultivators and inhabitants generally donot appear to enjoy the same protection or security in theengagements they make. The soil is everywhere good, the water nearthe surface, and the climate excellent. The soil is here calleddoomuteea, and adapted to all kinds of tillage. I should mention, with regard to the subdivision of landed property, that the Rajahs and tallookdars, among whom the law of primogenitureprevails, consider their estates as principalities, or _reeasuts_. When any Rajah, or tallookdar, during his lifetime, assigns portionsof the land to his sons, brothers, or other members of the family, they are separated from the _reeasut_, or principality, and aresubdivided as they descend from generation to generation, by theordinary Hindoo or Mahommedan law of inheritance. This is the casewith portions of the estate of the Rajah of Korwar, in the Sultanpoordistrict, one of the oldest Hindoo principalities in Oude, which arenow held by his cousins, nephews, &c. , near this place, Bhurteepoor. * [* Sunkur Sing, of Korwar, had four sons: first, Dooneeaput diedwithout issue; second, Sookraj Sing, whose grandson, Madhoo Persaud, is now the Rajah; third, Bureear Sing, who got from his brother landsyielding forty thousand rupees a-year out of the principality. Theyare now held by his son, Jydut; fourth, Znbar Sing, who got from hisbrother lands yielding nineteen thousand rupees a-year, which are nowheld by his son, Moheser Persaud. Sunkir Sing was the second brother, but his elder brother died without issue. ] Dooneeaput succeeded to the _reeasut_ on the death of his uncle, theRajah, who died without issue; and he bestowed portions of the estateon his brothers, Burear and Zubur Sing, which their descendantsenjoy, but which do not go to the eldest son, by the law ofprimogeniture. He was succeeded by his brother, Sookraj, whosegrandson, Madhoo Persaud, now reigns as Rajah, and has the undividedpossession of the lands belonging to this branch. All the descendantsof his grandfather, Sookraj, and their widows and orphans, have aright to protection and support from him, and to nothing more. Jydut, who now holds the lands, yielding forty thousand rupees a-year, called upon me, this morning, and gave me this history of his family. The Rajah himself is in camp, and came to visit me this afternoon. It is interesting and pleasing to see a large, well-controlled camp, moving in a long line through a narrow road or pathway, over plains, covered with so rich a variety of crops, and studded with suchmagnificent evergreen trees. The solitary mango-tree, in a field ofcorn, seems to exult in its position-to grow taller and spread widerits branches and rich foliage, in situations where they can be seento so much advantage. The peepul and bargut trees, which, whenentire, are still more ornamental, are everywhere torn to pieces anddisfigured by the camels and elephants, buffaloes and bullocks, thatfeed upon their foliage and tender branches. There are a great manymhowa, tamarind, and other fine trees, upon which they do not feed, to assist the mango in giving beauty to the landscape. The Korwar Rajah, Madhoo Persaud, a young man of about twenty-twoyears of age, came in the evening, and confirmed what his relative, Jydut, had told me of the rule which required that his lands shouldremain undivided with his eldest son, while those which are held byJydut, and his other relatives, should be subdivided among all thesons of the holder. This rule is more necessary in Oude thanelsewhere, to preserve a family and its estate from the grasp of itsneighbours and Government officers. When there happens to be no heirleft to the portion of the estate which has been cut off, it is re-annexed to the estate; and the head of the family frequentlyanticipates the event, by murdering or imprisoning the heir orincumbent, and seizing upon the lands. Another Rajah, of the samename, Mahdoo Persaud, of Amethee, in Salone, has lately seized uponthe estate of Shahgur, worth twenty thousand rupees a-year, which hadbeen cut off from the Amethee estate, and enjoyed by a collateralbranch of the family for several generations. He holds theproprietor, Bulwunt Sing, in prison, in irons, and would soon makeaway with him were the Oude Government to think it worth while toinquire after him. He has seized upon another portion, Ramgur, heldby another branch of the family, worth six thousand rupees a-year, and crushed all the proprietors. This is the way in which estates, once broken up, are reconsolidated in Oude, under energetic andunscrupulous men. Of course when they think it worth while to do so, they purchase the collusion of the local authorities of the day, bypromising to pay the revenues, which the old proprietors paid duringtheir tenure of office. The other barons do not interfere, unlessthey happen to be connected by marriage with the ousted proprietors, or otherwise specially bound, by interest and honour, to defend themagainst the grasp of the head of their family. Many struggles of thiskind are taking place every season in Oude. __________________________ CHAPTER IV. Recross the Goomtee river--Sultanpoor Cantonments--Number of personsbegging redress of wrongs, and difficulty of obtaining it in Oude--Apathy of the Sovereign--Incompetence and unfitness of his Officers--Sultanpoor, healthy and well suited for Troops--Chandour, twelvemiles distant, no less so--lands of their weaker neighbours absorbedby the family of Rajah Dursun Sing, by fraud, violence, andcollusion; but greatly improved--Difficulty attending attempt torestore old Proprietors--Same absorptions have been going on in allparts of Oude--and the same difficulty to be everywhere encountered--Soils in the district, _mutteear_, _doomutteea_, _bhoor_, _oosur--Risk at which lands are tilled under Landlords opposed to theirGovernment--Climate of Oude more invigorating than that of Malwa--Captain Magness's Regiment--Repair of artillery guns--Supply of grainto its bullocks--Civil establishment of the Nazim--Wolves--Dread ofkilling them among Hindoos--Children preserved by them in their dens, and nurtured. _December_ 22, 1849. --Sultanpoor, eight miles. Recrossed the Goomteeriver, close under the Cantonments, over a bridge of boats preparedfor the purpose, and encamped on the parade-ground. The country overwhich we came was fertile and well cultivated. For some days we haveseen and heard a good many religions mendicants, both Mahommedans andHindoos, but still very few lame, blind, and otherwise helplesspersons, asking charity. The most numerous and distressing class ofbeggars that importune me, are those who beg redress for theirwrongs, and a remedy for their grievances, --"their name, indeed, is_Legion_, " and their wrongs and grievances are altogether withoutremedy, under the present government and inveterately vicious systemof administration. It is painful to listen to all these complaints, and to have to refer the sufferers for redress to authorities whowant both the power and the will to afford it; especially when oneknows that a remedy for almost every evil is hoped for from a visitsuch as the poor people are now receiving from the Resident. He isexpected "to wipe the tears from off all faces;" and feels that hecan wipe them from hardly any. The reckless disregard shown by thedepredators of all classes and degrees to the sufferings of theirvictims, whatever be the cause of discontent or object of pursuit, islamentable. I have every day scores of petitions delivered to me"with quivering lip and tearful eye, " by persons who have beenplundered of all they possessed, had their dearest relatives murderedor tortured to death, and their habitations burnt to the ground, bygangs of ruffians, under landlords of high birth and pretensions, whom they had never wronged or offended; some, merely because theyhappened to have property, which the ruffians wished to take--others, because they presumed to live and labour upon lands which theycoveted, or deserted, and wished to have left waste. In theseattacks, neither age, nor sex, nor condition are spared. The greaterpart of the leaders of these gangs of ruffians are Rajpootlandholders, boasting descent from the sun and moon, or from thedemigods, who figure in the Hindoo religious fictions of the Poorans. There are, however, a great many Mahommedans at the head of similargangs. A landholder of whatever degree, who is opposed to hisgovernment from whatever cause, considers himself in a state of_war_', and he considers a state of war to authorize his doing allthose things which he is forbidden to do in a state of peace. Unless the sufferer happens to be a native officer or sipahee of ourarmy, who enjoys the privilege of urging his claims through theResident, it is a cruel mockery to refer him for redress to anyexisting local authority. One not only feels that it is so, but sees, that the sufferer thinks that he must know it to be so. No suchauthority considers it to be any part of his duty to arrest evil-doers, and inquire into and redress wrongs suffered by individuals, or families, or village communities. Should he arrest such people, hewould have to subsist and accommodate them at his own cost, or tosend them to Lucknow, with the assurance that they would in a fewdays or a few weeks purchase their way out again, in spite of theclearest proofs of the murders, robberies, torturings, dishonourings, house-burning, &c. , which they have committed. No sentence, which anyone local authority could pass on such offenders, would be recognisedby any other authority in the State, as valid or sufficient tojustify him in receiving and holding them in confinement for a singleday. The local authorities, therefore, either leave the wrong-doersunmolested, with the understanding that they are to abstain fromdoing any such wrong within their jurisdictions as may endanger orimpede the _collection of revenues_ during their period of office, orrelease them with that understanding after they have squeezed allthey can out of them. The wrong-doers can so abstain, and still beable to _murder, rob, torture, dishonour, and burn_, upon a prettylarge scale; and where they are so numerous, and so ready to unitefor purposes "offensive and defensive, " and the local authorities sogenerally connive at or quietly acquiesce all their misdeeds, anyattempt on the part of an honest or overzealous individual to putthem down would be sure to result in his speedy and utter ruin! To refer such sufferers to the authorities at Lucknow would be astill more cruel mockery. The present sovereign never hears acomplaint or reads a petition or report of any kind. He is entirelytaken up in the pursuit of his personal gratifications. He has nodesire to be thought to take any interest whatever in public affairs;and is altogether regardless of the duties and responsibilities ofhis high office. He lives, exclusively, in the society of fiddlers, eunuchs, and women: he has done so since his childhood, and is likelyto do so to the last. His disrelish for any other society has becomeinveterate: he cannot keep awake in any other. In spite of averagenatural capacity, and more than average facility in the cultivationof light literature, or at least "_de faire des petits vers de safocon_, " his understanding has become so emasculated, that he isaltogether unfit for the conduct of his domestic, much less hispublic, affairs. He sees occasionally his prime minister, who takescare to persuade him that he does all that a King ought to do; andnothing whatever of any other minister. He holds no communicationwhatever with brothers, uncles, cousins, or any of the nativegentlemen at Lucknow, or the landed or official aristocracy of thecountry. He sometimes admits a few poets or poetasters to hear andpraise his verses, and commands the unwilling attendance of some ofhis relations, to witness and applaud the acting of some of his ownsilly comedies, on the penalty of forfeiting their stipends; but anyone who presumes to approach him, even in his rides or drives, with apetition for justice, is instantly clapped into prison, or otherwiseseverely punished. His father and grandfather, while on the throne, used to see themembers of the royal family and aristocracy of the city in Durbaronce a-day, or three or four times a-week, and have all petitions andreports read over in their own presence. They dictated the orders, and their seal was affixed to them in their own presence, bearing theinscription _molahiza shud_, "it has been seen. " The seal was thenreplaced in the casket, which was kept by one confidential servant, Muzd-od Dowlah, while the key was confided to another. Documents werethus read and orders passed upon them twice a-day-once in themorning, and once again in the evening; and, on such occasions, allheads of departments were present. The present King continued thissystem for a short time, but he soon got tired of it, and made overseal and all to the minister, to do what he liked with them; anddiscontinued altogether the short Durbar, or levees, which hisfather, grandfather, and all former sovereigns had held--before theyentered on the business of the day--with the heads of departments andsecretaries, and at which all the members of the royal family andaristocracy of the city attended, to pay their respects to theirsovereign; and soon ceased altogether to see the heads of departmentsand secretaries, to hear orders read, and to ask questions aboutstate affairs. The minister has become by degrees almost as inaccessible as hissovereign, to all but his deputies, heads of departments, secretaries, and Court favourites, whom it is his interest toconciliate. Though the minister has his own confidential deputies andsecretaries, the same heads of departments are in office as under thepresent King's father and grandfather; and, though no longerpermitted to attend upon or see the King, they are still supposed tosubmit to the minister, for orders, all reports from localauthorities, intelligence-writers, &c. , and all petitions fromsufferers; but, in reality, he sees and hears read very few, andpasses orders upon still less. Any head of a department, deputy, secretary, or favourite, may receive petitions, to be submitted tothe minister for orders; but it is the special duty of no one toreceive them, nor is any one held responsible for submitting them fororders. Those only who are in the special confidence of the minister, or of those about Court, from whom he has something to hope orsomething to fear, venture to receive and submit petitions; and theydrive a profitable trade in doing so. A large portion of thosesubmitted are thrown aside, without any orders at all; a portion haveorders so written as to show that they are never intended to becarried into effect; a third portion receive orders that are reallyintended to be acted upon. But they are taken to one of theminister's deputies, with whose views or interests some of them maynot square well; and he may detain them for weeks, months, or years, till the petitioners are worn out with "hope deferred, " or utterlyruined, in vain efforts to purchase the attention they require. Nothing is more common than for a peremptory order to be passed forthe immediate payment of the arrears of pension due to a stipendiarymember of the royal family, and for the payment to be deferred foreight, ten, and twelve months, till he or she consents to give fromten to twenty per cent. , according to his or her necessities, to thedeputy, who has to see the order carried out. A sufferer often, instead of getting his petition smuggled on to the minister in themode above described, bribes a news-writer to insert his case in hisreport, to be submitted through the head of the department. At present the head of the intelligence department assumes the samelatitude, in submitting reports for orders to the minister, that hissubordinates in distant districts assume in framing and sending themto him; that is, he submits only such as may suit his views andinterests to submit! Where grave charges are sent to him againstsubstantial men, or men high in office, he comes to an understandingwith their representatives in Lucknow, and submits the report to theminister only as a _derničre resort_, when such representativescannot be brought to submit to his terms. If found out, at any time, and threatened, he has his feed _patrons_ or _patronesses_ "behindthe throne, and greater than the throne itself, " to protect him. The unmeaning orders passed by the minister on reports and petitionsare commonly that _so and so_ is to inquire into the mattercomplained of; to see that the offenders are seized and punished;that the stolen property and usurped lands be restored; that_razeenamas_, or acquittances, be sent in by the friends of personswho have been murdered by the King's officers; that the men, women, and children, confined and tortured by King's officers, or by robbersand ruffians, be set at liberty and satisfied; the said _so and so_being the infant commander-in-chief, the King's chamberlain, footman, coachman, chief fiddler, eunuch, barber, or person uppermost in histhoughts at the time. Similar orders are passed in his name by hisdeputies, secretaries, and favourites upon all the other numerouspetitions and reports, which he sends to them unperused. Not, perhaps, upon one in five does the minister himself pass any order;and of the orders passed by him, not one in five, perhaps, isintended to be taken notice of. His deputies and favourites carry ona profitable trade in all such reports and petitions: they extortmoney alike from the wrong-doer and the wrong-sufferer; and from alllocal authorities, or their representatives, for all neglect of dutyor abuses, of authority charged against them. As to any investigation into the real merits of any case described inthese reports from the news-writers and local authorities, no suchthing has been heard of for several reigns. The real merits of allsuch cases are, however, well and generally known to the people ofthe districts in which they occur, and freely discussed by them withsuitable remarks on the "darkness which prevails under the lamp ofroyalty;" and no less suitable execrations against the intolerablesystem which deprives the King of all feeling of interest in thewell-being of his subjects, all sense of duty towards them, allfeeling of responsibility to any higher power for the manner in whichhe discharges his high trust over the millions committed to hiscare. As I have said, the King never sees any petition or report: he hardlyever sees even official notes addressed to him by the BritishResident, and the replies to almost all are written without hisknowledge. * The minister never puts either his seal or signature toany order that passes, or any document whatsoever, with his own hand:he merely puts in the date, as the 1st, 5th, or 10th; the month, year, and the order itself are inserted by the deputies, secretaries, or favourites, to whom the duty is confided. The reports andpetitions submitted for orders often accumulate so fast in times ofgreat festivity or ceremony, that the minister has them tied up inbundles, without any orders whatever having been passed on them, andsent to his deputies for such as they may think proper to pass, merely inserting his figure 1, 5, or 10, to indicate the date, on theoutermost document of each bundle. If any orders are inserted by hisdeputies on the rest, they have only to insert the same date. Thereis nothing but the _figure_ to attest the authenticity of the order;and it would be often impossible for the minister himself to saywhether the figure was inserted by himself or by any other person. These deputies are the men who adjust all the nuzuranas, orunauthorized gratuities, to be paid to the minister. [* On the 17th of October, 1850, Hassan Khan, one of the _khowas_, orpages, whose special duty it is to deliver all papers to the King, fell under his Majesty's displeasure, and his house was seized andsearched. Several of the Resident's official notes were foundunopened among his papers. They had been sent to the palace asemergent many months before, but never shown to the King. Suchofficial notes from the Resident are hardly every shown to the King, nor is he consulted about the orders to be passed upon them. ] They share largely in all that he gets; and take a great deal, forwhich they render him no account. Knowing all that he takes, and_ought not to take_, he dares not punish them for theirtransgressions; and knowing this, sufferers are afraid to complainagainst them. In ordinary times, or under ordinary sovereigns, thesums paid by revenue authorities in _nazuranas_, or gratuities, before they were permitted to enter on their charges, amounted to, perhaps, ten or fifteen per cent. : under the present sovereign theyamount, I believe, to more than twenty-five per cent. Upon therevenue they are to collect. Of these the minister and his deputiestake the largest part. A portion is paid in advance, and good bondsare taken for the rest, to be paid within the year. Of the moneycollected, more than twenty-five per cent. , on an average, isappropriated by those intrusted with the disbursements, and by theirpatrons and patronesses. The sovereign gets, perhaps, three-fourthsof what is collected; and of what is collected, perhaps two-thirds, on an average, reaches its legitimate destination; so that one-halfof the revenues of Oude may be considered as taken by officers andCourt favourites in unauthorized gratuities and perquisites. The payof the troops and establishments, on duty with the revenuecollectors, is deducted by them, and the surplus only is sent to theTreasury at Lucknow. In his accounts he receives credit for all sumspaid to the troops and establishments on duty under him. Though theartillery-bullocks get none of the grain, for which he pays andcharges Government, a greater portion of the whole of what he paysand charges in his accounts reaches its legitimate destination, perhaps, than of the whole of what is paid from the Treasury at thecapital. On an average, however, I do not think that more than two-thirds of what is paid and charged to Government reaches thatdestination. I may instance the two regiments, under Thakur Sing, Tirbaydee; whichare always on duty at the palace. It is known that the officers andsipahees of those regiments do not get more than one-half of the paywhich is issued for them every month from the Treasury; the otherhalf is absorbed by the commandant and his patrons at Court. Oneverything sold in the palace, the vender is obliged to add one-thirdto the price, to be paid to the person through whom it is passed in. Without this, nothing can be sold in the palace by European ornative. Not a single animal in the King's establishments gets one-third of the food allowed for it, and charged for; not a building iserected or repaired at less than three times the actual outlay, two-thirds at least of the money charged going to the superintendent andhis patrons. _December_ 23, 1849. --Halted at Sultanpoor, which is one of thehealthiest stations in India, on the right bank of the Goomtee river, upon a dry soil, among deep ravines, which drain off the waterrapidly. The bungalows are on the verge, looking down into the river, upon the level patches of land, dividing the ravines. The water inthe wells is some fifty feet below the surface, on a level with thestream below. There are no groves within a mile of the cantonments;and no lakes, marshes, or jungles within a great many; and the singletrees in and near the cantonments are few. The gardens are small andfew; and the water is sparingly used in irrigating them, as theexpense of drawing it is very great. There is another good site for a cantonment at Chandour, some twelvemiles up the river, on the opposite bank, and looking down upon thestream, from the verge, in the same manner. Chandour was chosen forhis cantonments by Rajah Dursun Sing when he had the contract for thedistrict; and it would be the best place for the head-quarters of anyestablishments, that any new arrangements might require for theadministration of the Sultanpoor and surrounding districts. Secrorawould be the best position for the head-quarters of those requiredfor the administration of the Gonda-Bahraetch, and other surroundingdistricts. It is central, and has always been considered one of thehealthiest places in Oude. It was long a cantonment for one of ourregiments of infantry and some guns, which were, in 1835, withdrawn, and sent to increase the force at Lucknow, from two to threeregiments of infantry. The regiment and guns at Sultanpoor were takenaway in 1837. Secrora was, for some years after our regiment and gunshad been withdrawn, occupied by a regiment and guns under CaptainBarlow, one of the King of Oude's officers; but it is now altogetherdeserted. Sultanpoor has been, ever since 1837, occupied by one ofthe two regiments of Oude local Infantry, without any guns or cavalryof any kind. There was also a regiment of our regular infantry atPertabghur, three marches from Sultanpoor, on the road to Allahabad, with a regiment of our light cavalry. The latter was withdrawn in1815 for the Nepaul war, and employed again under us during theMahratta war in 1817 and 1818. It was sent back again in 1820; butsoon after, in 1821, withdrawn altogether, and we have since had nocavalry of any kind in Oude. Seetapoor was also occupied by one ofour regular regiments of infantry and some guns till 1837, when theywere withdrawn, and their place supplied by the second regiment ofOude Local Infantry. Our Government now pays the two regiments ofOude Local Infantry stationed at Sultanpoor and Seetapoor; but theplaces of those stationed at Secrora and Pertabghur have never beensupplied. One additional regiment of infantry is kept at Lucknow, sothat our force in Oude has only been diminished by one regiment ofinfantry, one of cavalry, and eight guns, with a company and half ofartillery. To do our duty _honestly_ by Oude, we ought to restore theregiment of infantry; and in the place of the corps of light, sendone of irregular cavalry. We ought also to restore the company andhalf of artillery and eight guns which have been withdrawn. We drawannually from the lands ceded to as in 1801, for the protection whichwe promised to the King and his people from "all internal andexternal enemies, " no less than two crores and twelve lacs of rupees, or two millions sterling a-year; while the Oude Government draws fromthe half of its territories which it reserved only one-half that sum, or one crore of rupees. Maun Sing is to leave my camp to-day, and return to Shahgunge. Of thefraud and violence, abuse of power, and collusion with localauthorities, by which he and his father seized upon the lands of somany hundreds of old proprietors, there can be no doubt; but toattempt to make the family restore them now, under such a government, would create great disorder, drive off all the better classes ofcultivators, and desolate the face of the country, which they haverendered so beautiful by an efficient system of administration. Manyof the most powerful of the landed aristocracy of Oude have acquired, or augmented, their estates in the same manner and within the sametime; and the same difficulty would attend the attempt to restore theold proprietors in all parts. A strong and honest government mightovercome all these difficulties, and restore to every rightfulproprietor the land unjustly taken from him, within a limited period;but it should not attempt to enforce any adjustment of the accountsof receipts and disbursements for the intervening period. The oldproprietor would receive back his land in an improved condition, andthe usurper might fairly be considered to have reimbursed himself forall his outlay. The old proprietor should be required to pledgehimself to respect the rights of all new tenants. _December_ 24, 1849. --Meranpoor, twelve miles. Soil between this andSultanpoor neither so fertile nor so well cultivated, as we found iton the other side of the Goomtee river, though it is of the samedenomination--generally doomut, but here and there mutear. The termmutear embraces all good argillaceous earth, from the light brown tothe black, humic or ulmic deposit, found in the beds of tanks andlakes in Oude. The natives of Oude call the black soil of Malwa andsouthern India, and Bundlekund, _muteear_. This black soil has in itsexhausted state abundance of silicates, sulphates, phosphates, andcarbonates of alumina, potassa, lime, &c. , and of organic acids, combined with the same unorganic substances, to attract and fixammonia, and collect and store up moisture, and is exceedinglyfertile and strong. Both saltpetre and common salt are made by lixiviation from some ofthe poor oosur soils; but, from the most barren in Oude, carbonatesof soda, used in making _glass_ and _soap_, are taken. The earth iscollected from the surface of the most barren spots and formed intosmall, shallow, round tanks, a yard in diameter. Water is then pouredin, and the tank filled to the surface, with an additional supply ofthe earth, and smoothed over. This tank is then left exposed to thesun for two days, during the hottest and driest months of the year. March, April, and May, and part of June, when the crust, formed onthe surface, is taken off. The process is repeated once; but in thesecond operation the tank is formed around and below by the debris ofthe first tank, which is filled to the surface, after the water hasbeen poured in, with the first _crust_ obtained. The second crust iscalled the _reha_, which is carbonate or bicarbonate of soda. This isformed into small cakes, which are baked to redness in an oven, orcrucible, to expel the moisture and carbonic acid which it contains. They are then powdered to fine dust, which is placed in anothercrucible, and fused to liquid glass, the _reha_ containing in itselfsufficient silica to form the coarse glass used in making bracelets, &c. A superabundance of nitrates seem also to impair or destroy fertilityin the soil, and they may arise from the decomposition of animal orvegetable matter, in a soil containing a superabundance of porouslime. The atmospheric air and water, contained in the moist andporous soil, are decomposed. The hydrogen of the water combines withthe nitrogen of the air, and that given off by the decomposingorganic bodies, and forms ammonia. The nitrogen of the ammonia thentakes up the oxygen of the air and water, and becoming nitric acid, forms nitrates with the lime, potash, soda, &c. , contained in thesoil. Without any superabundance of lime in the soil, however, thesame effects may be produced, when there is a deficiency of decayingvegetable and animal matter, as the oxygen of the decomposed air andwater, having no organic substances to unite with, may combine withthe nitrogen of the ammonia, and form nitric acid; which, unitingwith the lime, potash, soda, &c. , may form the superaboundingnitrates destructive of fertility. This superabundance of reha, or carbonate of soda, which renders somuch of the surface barren, must, I conclude, arise from deposits ofcommon salt, or chloride of sodium. The water, as it percolatesthrough these deposits towards the surface, becomes saturated withtheir alkaline salts; and, as it reaches the surface and becomesevaporated in the pure state, it leaves them behind at or near thesurface. On its way to the surface, or at the surface, the chlorideof sodium becomes decomposed by contact with _carbonates of ammoniaand potassa--sulphuric and nitric acids_. In a soil well suppliedwith decaying animal or vegetable matter, these carbonates orsulphates of soda, as they rise to the surface, might be formed intonutriment for plants, and taken up by their roots; or in one wellflooded occasionally with fresh water, any superabundance of thesalts or their bases might be taken up in solution and carried off. The people say, that the soil in which these carbonates of soda(reha) abound, are more unmanageable than those in which nitratesabound: they tell me that, with flooding, irrigating, manuring, andwell ploughing, they can manage to get crops from all but the soilsin which this _reha_ abounds. The process above described, by which the bracelet makers extract thecarbonates of soda and potash from the earth of the small, shallowtanks, is precisely the same as that by which they are brought fromthe deep bed of earth below and deposited on or near the surface. Inboth processes, the water which brings them near the surface goes offinto the atmosphere in a pure state, and leaves the salts behind. Tomake soap from the reha, they must first remove the silex which itcontains. There are no rocks in Oude, and the only form in which lime is foundfor building purposes and road-pavements is that of kunkur, which isa carbonate of lime containing silica, and oxide of iron. Inproportion as it contains the last, the kunkur is more or less red. That which contains none is of a dirty-white. It is found in manyparts of India in thin layers, or amorphous masses, formed bycompression, upon a stiff clay substratum; but in Oude I have seen itonly in nodules, usually formed on nuclei of flint or other hardsubstances. The kingdom of Oude must have once been the bed, or partof the bed, of a large lake, formed by the diluvial detritus of thehills of the Himmalaya chain, and, as limestone abounds in thatchain, the bed contains abundance of lime, which is taken up by thewater that percolates through it from the rivers and from the rainsand floods above. The lime thus taken up and held in solution withcarbonic add gas, is deposited around the small fragments of flint orother hard substances which the waters find in their way. Where thefloods which cover the surface during the rains come in rivers, flowing from the Himmalaya or other hills abounding in limestonerocks, they of course contain lime and carbonic-acid gas, which addto the kunkur nodules formed in the bed below; but in Oude the riversseldom overflow to any extent, and the kunkur is, I believe, formedchiefly from the lime already existing in the bed. Doctor O'Shaughnessy, the most eminent chemist now in India, tells methat there are two marked varieties of kunkur in India--the red andthe white; that the red differs from the white solely in containing alarger proportion of peroxide of iron; that the white consists ofcarbonate of lime, silica, alumina, and sometimes magnesia andprotoxide of iron. He states that he considers the kunkur to bedeposited by calcareous waters, abounding in infusorial animalculć;that the waters of the annual inundation are rich in lime, and thatall the facts that have come under his observation appear to him toindicate that this is the source of the kunkur deposit, which is seenin a different form in the Italian travertine, and the crescentnodules of the Isle of Sheppey and of Bologne. Doctor O'Shaughnessy further states, that the _reha_ earth, which Isent to him from Oude, is identical with the _sujjee muttee_ ofBengal, and contains carbonate of soda and sulphate of soda as itsessential characteristic ingredients, with silicious clay and oxideof iron. But in Oude, the term "_sujjee_" is given to the carbonateand sulphate of soda which remains after the silex has been removedfrom the reha. The reha is fused into glass after the carbonic acidand moisture have been expelled by heat, and the sujjee is formedinto soap, by the addition of lime, fat, and linseed oil, in thefollowing proportions, I am told:--6 sujjee, 4 lime, 21/2 fat, and11/2 ulsee oil. The sujjee is formed from the reha by filtration. A tank is formed ona terrace of cement. In a hole at one corner is a small tube. Rows ofbricks are put down from one end to the other, with intervals betweenfor the liquor to flow through to the tube. On these rows a layer ofstout reeds is first placed, and over them another layer composed ofthe leaves of these reeds. On this bed the coarse reha earth isplaced without being refined by the process described in the textabove. Some coarse common salt (kharee nimuck) is mixed up with thereha. The tank is then filled with water, which filters slowlythrough the earth and passes out through the tube into pans, whenceit is taken to another tank upon a wider terrace of cement, where itevaporates and leaves the sujjee deposited. The second tank iscommonly made close under the first, and the liquor flows into itthrough the tube, rendering pans unnecessary. It is only in the hotmonths of March, April, May, and part of June, till the rains beginto fall, that the reha and sujjee are formed. During the other ninemonths, the _Looneas_, who provide them, turn their hands tosomething else. The _reha_, deprived of its carbonic acid andmoisture by heat, is fused into glass. Deprived of silex by thisprocess of filtration, it is formed into sujjee, from which the soapis made. On this process of filtration. Doctor O'Shaughnessy observes:-"I donot clearly understand the use of the common salt, used in theextraction of soda, in the process you described. But many of theempirical practices of the natives prove, on investigation, to squarewith the most scientific precepts. For example, their proportions inthe manufacture of corrosive sublimate are precisely identical withthose which the _atomic theory_ leads the European chemist to follow. The filtering apparatus which you describe is really admirable, and Idoubt much whether the best practical chemist could devise anysimpler or cheaper way of arriving at the object in view. " The country is well provided with mango and other fine trees, single, and in clusters and groves; but the tillage is slovenly and scanty, strongly indicative of want of security to life, property, andindustry. No symptom of the residence of gardeners and othercultivators of the better classes, or irrigation, or the use ofmanure in tillage. _December_ 25, 1849. --Nawabgunge, eleven miles. The soil good, asindicated by the growth of fine trees on each side of the road as faras we could see over the level plain, and by the few fields of cornin sight; but the cultivation is deficient and slovenly. A great partof the road lay through the estate of Mundone, held by Davey Persaud, the tallookdar; and the few peasants who stood by the side of theroad to watch their fields as we passed, and see the cavalcade, toldme that the deficient tillage and population arose from his being inopposition to Government and diligently employed in plundering thecountry generally, and his own estates in particular, to reduce thelocal authorities to his own terms. The Government demand upon him istwenty thousand rupees. He paid little last year, and has paid stillless during the present year, on the ground that his estate yieldsnothing. This is a common and generally successful practice amongtallookdars, who take to fighting against the Government whethertheir cause be just or unjust. These peasants and cultivators told usthat they had taken to the jungles for shelter, after the lastharvest, till the season for sowing again commenced; remained in thefields, still houseless, during the night, worked in their fields infear of their lives during the day; and apprehended that they shouldhave to take to the jungles again as soon as their crops weregathered, if they were even permitted to gather them. They attributedas much blame to their landlord as to the Nazim, Wajid Allee Khan. He, however, bears a very bad character, and is said to havedesignedly thrown a good deal of the districts under his charge outof tillage in the hope that no other person would venture to take thecontract for it in that condition, and that he should, inconsequence, be invited to retain it on more favourable terms. He wastwelve lacs of rupees in balance when superseded at the end of theyear, in September last, by the present governor, Aga Allee, whomanages the same districts on a salary of two thousand rupees a-month, without any contract for the revenues, but with theunderstanding that he is to collect, or at least to pay, a certainsum. The late contractor will no doubt relieve himself from the burthen ofthis balance in the usual way. He will be imprisoned for a time tillhe pays, or enters into engagements to pay, to the minister and theinfluential men at Court, as much as they think he can be made topay, in bribes, and some half of that sum into the Treasury, and haveall the rest struck out of the accounts as irrecoverable--perhaps twolacs in bribes, and one to the Treasury may secure him anacquittance, and a fair chance of employment hereafter. His real nameis Wajid Allee; but as that is the name of the King, he is commonlycalled Ahmud Allee, that the royal ears may not take offence. _December_ 26, 1849. --Pertabghur, distance eight miles. In the courseof fourteen years, almost all signs of one of the most healthful andmost agreeable cantonments of the Bengal army have been effaced. Finecrops of corn now cover what were the parades for cavalry, infantry, and artillery, and the gardens and compounds of officers' bungalows. The grounds, which were once occupied by the old cantonments, are nowlet out to cultivators, immediately under Government, and they arewell cultivated; but the tillage of the rest of the country we havethis morning passed over is scanty and slovenly. The Rajah ofPertabghur has, for some time, been on bad terms with thecontractors, greatly in arrears, and commonly in opposition to theGovernment, having his band of armed followers in the jungles, anddoing nothing but mischief. This is the case with most of thetallookdars of the country over which I have passed. Not one in five, or I may say one in ten, attends the viceroys, because it would notbe safe to do so; or pays the demands of Government punctually, because there is no certainty in them. I passed down the line of Captain Magness's corps, which is atpresent stationed at Pertabghur. It is as well-dressed, and as fine alooking corps as any infantry regiment in our own native army, andhas always shown itself as good on service. It has eight gunsattached to it, well provided and served. The artillery-men, drivers, &c. , are as well dressed and as fit for their duties as our own. Stores and ammunition are abundant, but the powder is execrable. Captain Magness is a good officer. The guns are six 6-pounders, drawnby bullocks; and two gallopers of very small calibre, drawn byhorses. They are not adapted for the duties they have to perform, which is chiefly against mud-forts and strongholds; and four 9-pounders, two howitzers, and two mortars would be better. They are, however, well manned and provided with bullocks, ammunition andstores. The finest young men in Oude are glad to take service underCaptain Magness; and the standard height of his men is at presentfive feet ten inches. He has some few men, good for nothing, called_sufarishies_, whom he is obliged to keep in on account of thepersons by whom they are recommended, eunuchs, fiddlers, and Courtfavourites, of all kinds. In no country are there a body of finerlooking recruits than Captain Magness now has at drill. All of thefirst families in the country, and of unquestionable courage andfidelity to their salt. He has four hundred Cavalry, of what iscalled the _body guard_, men well dressed, and of fine appearance. These Cavalry are, however, likely soon to be taken from him, andmade over to some good-for-nothing Court favourite. * He has aboutseven hundred men present with his Infantry corps. His adjutant, Yosuf Khan, speaks English well, and has travelled a good deal inEngland, Europe generally, and Palestine. He is a sensible, unprejudiced man, and good soldier. Captain Magness attends the Nazimof the district; but, unfortunately, like all the commandants ofcorps and public servants of the State, he is obliged to forage forfodder and fuel. A foraging party is sent out every day, be wherethey will, to take these things gratis, wherever they can find themmost conveniently. Bhoosa, grass and wood are the things which theyare authorized to take, without payment, wherever they can find them;but they, of course, take a good many other things. The Governmentallows nothing to any of its troops or establishments, for thesethings, except when they are in Lucknow. The consequence is, thatthere is hardly a good cover to any man's house, or sufficient fodderfor the cattle of any village, during the hot season and rains. [* They were soon after taken from Captain Magness and given to Mr. Johannes; and soon after taken from him, and made over to an eunuch, who turned out all the good men, to sell their places to men good fornothing. They mutinied; but the King and minister supported theeunuch, and the greater part of the men were discharged and theirofficers ruined. ] _December_ 27, 1849--Halted at Pertabghur. I had a visit from many ofthe persons who were in my service, when I was here with my regimentthirty years ago, as watchmen, gardeners, &c. They continue to holdand till the lands, which they or their fathers then tilled; and thechange in them is not so great as that which has taken place withinthe same time among my old native friends, who survive in the Saugorand Nerbudda districts, where the air is less dry, and the climateless congenial to the human frame. The natives say that the air andwater of Malwa may produce as good trees and crops as those of Oude, but can never produce such good soldiers. This, I believe, is quitetrue. The Sultanpoor district is included in the Banoda division ofOude; and the people speak of the _water_ of this division for_tempering_ soldiers, as we talk of the water of Damascus, fortempering sword blades. They certainly never seem so happy as whenthey are fighting in earnest with swords, spears, and matchlocks. The_water_ of the Byswara division is considered to be very littleinferior to that of Banoda, and we get our sipahees from these twodivisions almost exclusively. Captain Magness's corps is, at present, attached to the Nazim of thisdistrict, with its guns, and squadron of horse, as an auxiliaryforce. Over and above this force, he has nine regiments of Nujeebs, detachments of other Corps, Artillery, Pioneers, &c. , amounting, inall, according to the musters and pay-drafts, to seven thousand sevenhundred and seventy-eight men, for whom thirty-seven thousand sevenhundred and ninety-three rupees a-month are drawn. Of these, fifteenhundred are dead or have deserted, or are absent on leave withoutpay. Their pay is all appropriated by the commandants of corps orCourt favourites. Fifteen hundred more are in attendance on thecommandants of corps, who reside at the capital, and their friends orother influential persons about the Court, or engaged in their owntrades or affairs, having been put into the corps by influentialpersons at Court, to draw pay, but do no duty. Of the remaining fourthousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, one-third, or one thousandfive hundred and ninety-two, are what is called _sufarishies_, or menwho are unfit for duty, and have been put in by influential personsat Court, to appear at muster and draw pay. Of the remaining threethousand one hundred and eighty-six present, there would be no chanceof getting more than two-thirds, or two thousand one hundred andtwenty-four men to fight on emergency--indeed, the Nazim would thinkhimself exceedingly lucky if he could get one-third to do so. Of the forty-two guns, thirteen are utterly useless on the ground;and out of the remaining twenty-nine, there are draft bullocks foronly five. But there are no stores or ammunition for any of them; andthe Nazim is obliged to purchase what powder and ball he may requirein the bazaars. None of the gun-carriages have been repaired for thelast twenty years, and the strongest of them would go to pieces aftera few rounds. Very few of them would stand one round with goodpowder. Five hundred rupees are allowed for fitting up the carriageand tumbril of each gun, after certain intervals of from five to tenyears; and this sum has, no doubt, been drawn over and over for theseguns, during the twenty years, within which they have had no repairswhatever. If the local governor is permitted to draw this sum, he issure never to expend one farthing of it on the gun. If the person incharge of the ordnance at Lucknow draws it, the guns and tumbrils aresent in to him, and returned with, at least, a coating of paint andputty, but seldom with anything else. The two persons in charge ofthe two large parks at Lucknow, from which the guns are furnished, Anjum-od Dowlah, and Ances-od Dowlah, a fiddler, draw the money forthe corn allowed for the draft bullocks, at the rate of three poundsper diem for each, and distribute, or pretend to distribute itthrough the agents of the grain-dealers, with whom they contract forthe supply; and the district officers, under whom these draftbullocks are employed, are never permitted to interfere. They havenothing to do but pay for the grain allowed; and the agents, employedto feed the bullocks, do nothing but appropriate the money forthemselves and their employers. Not a grain of corn do the bullocksever get. The Nazim has charge of the districts of Sultanpoor, Haldeemow, Pertabghur, Jugdeespoor, and that part of Fyzabad which is notincluded in the estate of Bukhtawar Sing, yielding, altogether, aboutten and a half lacs of rupees to Government. He exercises entirefiscal, judicial, magisterial and police authority over all thesedistricts. To aid him in all these duties, he has four deputies--onein each district--upon salaries of one hundred and fifty rupees eacha-month, with certain fees and perquisites. To inquire intoparticular cases, over all these districts, he employs a specialdeputy, paid out of his own salary. All the accountants and otherwriters, employed under him, are appointed by the deputies andfavourites of the minister; and, considering themselves as theircreatures, they pay little regard to their immediate master, theNazim. But over and above these men, from whom he does get someservice, he has to pay a good many, from whom he can get none. He is, before he enters upon his charge, obliged to insert, in his list ofcivil functionaries, to be paid monthly, out of the revenues, anumber of writers and officers, of all descriptions, _recommended_ tohim by these deputies and other influential persons at Court. Ofthese men he never sees or knows anything. They are the children, servants, creatures, or dependents of the persons who recommend them, and draw their pay. These are called _civil sufarishies_, and costthe State much more than the military sufarishies_, alreadymentioned--perhaps not less than six thousand rupees a-month in thisdivision alone. The Nazim is permitted to levy for incidental expenses, only ten percent. Over and above the Government demand; and required to send one-half of this sum to Court, for distribution. He is ostensiblyrequired to limit himself to this sum, and to abstain from taking thegratuities, usually exacted by the _revenue contractors_, fordistribution among ministers and other influential persons at Court. Were he to do so, they would all be so strongly opposed to the_amanee_, or trust system of management, and have it in their powerso much to thwart him, in all his measures and arrangements, that hecould never possibly get on with his duties; and the disputes betweenthem generally results in a compromise. He takes, in gratuities, something less than his contracting predecessors took, and shares, what he takes, liberally, with those whose assistance he requires atCourt. These gratuities, or nuzuranas, never appeared, in the publicaccounts; and were a governor, under the _amanee_ system, to demandthe full rates paid to contractors, the more powerful landholderswould refer him to these public accounts, and refuse to pay till hecould assure them of the same equivalents in _nanker_ and otherthings, which they were in the habit of receiving from contractors. These, as a mere trust manager, he may not be able to give; and heconsents to take something less. The landholders know that where theobject is to exact the means to gratify influential persons aboutCourt, the Nazim would be likely to get good military support, ifdriven to extremity, and consent to pay the greater part of what isdemanded. When the trust manager, by his liberal remittances to Courtpatrons, gets all the troops he requires, he exacts the fullgratuities, and still higher and more numerous if strong enough. Thecorps under Captains Magness, Bunbury, Barlow, and Subha Sing, arecalled _komukee_, or auxiliary regiments; and they are every season, and sometimes often in the same season, sold to the highest bidder asa perquisite by the minister. The services of Captain Magness andCaptain Bunbury's corps were purchased in this way for 1850 and 1851, by Aga Allee, the Nazim of Sultanpoor, and he has made the most ofthem. No _contractor_ ever exacted higher _nazuranas_ or _gratuities_than he has, by their aid, this season, though he still holds thedistrict as a trust manager. Ten, twenty, or thirty thousand rupeesare paid for the use of one of these regiments, according to theexigency of the occasion, or the time for which it may be required. The system of government under which Oude suffers during the reign ofthe best king is a fearful one; and what must it be under asovereign, so indifferent as the present is, to the sufferings of hispeople, to his own permanent interests, and to the duties andresponsibilities of his high station? Seeing that our Governmentattached much importance to the change, from the _contract_ to the_trust_ system of management, the present minister is putting a largeportion of the country under that system in the hope of blinding us. But there is virtually little or no change in the administration ofsuch districts; the person who has the charge of a district under itis obliged to pay the same gratuities to public officers and courtfavourites, and he exacts the same, or nearly the same from thelandholders; he is under no more check than the contractor, and theofficers and troops under him, abuse their authority in the samemanner, and commit the same outrages upon the suffering people. Security to life and property is disregarded in the same manner; heconfines himself as exclusively to the duties of collecting revenue, and is as regardless of security to life and property, and offidelity to his engagements, as the landholders in his jurisdiction. The trust management of a district differs from that of thecontractors, only as the _wusoolee kubaz_ differs from the_lakulamee_; though he does not enter into a formal contract to pay acertain sum, he is always expected to pay such a sum, and if he doesnot, he is obliged to wipe off the balance in the same way, and iskept in gaol till he does so, in the same way. Indeed, I believe, thepeople would commonly rather be under a contractor, than a trustmanager under the Oude Government; and this was the opinion ofColonel Low, who, of all my predecessors, certainly knew most aboutthe real state of Oude. The Nazim of Sultanpoor has authority to entertain such Tehseeldarsand _Jumogdars_ as he may require, for the collection of the revenue. Of these he has, generally, from fifty to sixty employed, on salariesvarying from fifteen to thirty rupees a-month each. The Tehseeldar isemployed here, as elsewhere, in the collection of the land revenue, in the usual way; but the _Jumogdar_ is an officer unknown in ourterritories. Some are appointed direct from Court, and some by theNazims and Amils of districts. When a landholder has to pay hisrevenue direct to Government (as all do, who are included in what iscalled the Hozoor Tehseel), and he neglects to do so punctually, aJumogdar is appointed. The landholder assembles his tenants, and theyenter into pledges to pay direct to the Jumogdar the rents due bythem to the landholder, under existing engagements, up to a certaintime. This may be the whole, or less than the whole, amount due toGovernment by the landholder. If any of them fail to pay what theypromise to the Jumogdar, the landholder is bound to make good thedeficiency at the end of the year. He also binds himself to pay toGovernment whatever may be due over and above what the tenants pledgethemselves to pay to the Jumogdar. This transfer of responsibility, from the landholder to his tenants, is called "_Jumog Lagana_, " ortransfer of the jumma. The assembly of the tenants, for the purposeof such-adjustment, is called _zunjeer bundee_, or linking together. The adjustment thus made is called the _bilabundee_. The salary ofthe Jumogdar is paid by the landholder, who distributes the burthenof the payment upon his tenants, at a per centage rate. The Jumogdartakes written engagements from the tenants; and they are bound not topay anything to the landholder till they have paid him (the Jumogdar)all that they are, by these engagements, bound to pay him. He doesall he can to make them pay punctually; but he is not, properly, heldresponsible for any defalcation. Such responsibility rests with thelandlords. Where much difficulty is expected from the refractorycharacter of the landholder, the officer commanding the whole, orsome part of the troops in the district, is often appointed theJumogdar; and the amount which the tenants pledge themselves to payto him is debited to him, in the pay of the troops, under hiscommand. The Jumogdars, who are appointed by the Nazims and Amils, act in thesame manner with regard to the landlords and tenants, to whom theyare accredited, and are paid in the same manner. There may be one, orthere may be one hundred, Jumogdars in a district, according to thenecessity for their employment, in the collection of the revenue. They are generally men of character, influence, and resolution; andoften useful to both, or all three parties; but when they areofficers commanding troops, they are often very burthensome tolandlords and tenants. The Jumogdar has only to receive the sums due, according to existing engagements between the parties, and to seethat no portion of them is paid to any other person. He has nothingto do with apportioning the demand, or making the engagements betweentenants and landlords, or landlords and Government officers. The Canoongoes and Chowdheries in Oude are commonly called Seghadars, and their duties are the same here as everywhere else in India. _December_ 28, 1849. --Twelve miles to Hundore, over a country moreundulating and better cultivated than any we have seen since werecrossed the Goomtee river at Sultanpoor. It all belongs to theRajah of Pertabghur, Shumshere Babadur, a Somebunsee, who resides atDewlee, some six miles from Pertabghur. His family is one of theoldest and most respectable in Oude; but his capital of Pertabghur, where he used to reside till lately, is one of the most beggarly. Heseems to have concentrated there all the beggars in the country, andthere is not a house of any respectable to be seen. The soil, all theway, has been what they call the doomut, or doomuteea, which is welladapted to all kinds of tillage, but naturally less strong thanmuteear or argillaceous earth, and yields scanty crops, where it isnot well watered and manured. The Rajah came to my camp in the afternoon, and attended me on hiselephant in the evening when I went round the town, and to his oldmud fort, now in ruins, within which is the old residence of thefamily. He does not pay his revenue punctually, nor is he oftenprepared to attend the viceroy when required; and it was thought thathe would not come to me. Finding that the Korwar and other Rajahs andlarge landholders, who had been long on similar terms with the localauthorities, had come in, paid their respects, and been left free, healso ventured to my camp. For the last thirty years the mutualconfidence which once subsisted between the Government authoritiesand the great landholders of these districts has been declining, andit ceased altogether under the last viceroy, Wajid Allee Khan, whoappears to have been a man without any feeling of humanity or senseof honour. No man ever knew what he would be called upon to pay toGovernment in the districts under him; and almost all the respectablelandholders prepared to defend what they had by force of arms;deserted their homes, and took to the jungles with as many followersas they could collect and subsist, as soon as he entered on hischarge. The atrocities charged against him, and upon the bestpossible evidence, are numerous and great. The country we have passed through to-day is well studded with finetrees, among which the mhowa abounds more than usual. The parasiteplant, called the bandha, or Indian mistletoe, ornaments the finestmhowa and mango trees. It is said to be a disease, which appears asthe tree grows old, and destroys it if not cut away. The people, whofeel much regard for their trees, cut these parasite plants away; andthere is no prejudice against removing them among Hindoos, thoughthey dare not cut away a peepul-tree which is destroying their wells, houses, temples, or tombs; nor do they, with some exceptions, dare todestroy a wolf, though he may have eaten their own children, oractually have one of them in his mouth. In all parts of India, Hindoos have a notion that the family of a man who kills a wolf, oreven wounds it, goes soon to utter ruin; and so also the villagewithin the boundaries of which a wolf has been killed or wounded. They have no objection to their being killed by other people awayfrom the villages; on the contrary, are very glad to have them sodestroyed, as long as their blood does not drop on their premises. Some Rajpoot families in Oude, where so many children are devoured bywolves, are getting over this prejudice. The bandha is veryornamental to the fine mhowa and mango trees, to the branches ofwhich it hangs suspended in graceful festoons, with a great varietyof colours and tints, from deep scarlet and green to light-red andyellow. Wolves are numerous in the neighbourhood of Sultanpoor, and, indeed, all along the banks of the Goomtee river, among the ravines thatintersect them; and a great many children are carried off by themfrom towns, villages, and camps. It is exceedingly difficult to catchthem, and hardly any of the Hindoo population, save those of the verylowest class who live a vagrant life, and bivouac in the jungles, orin the suburbs of towns and villages, will attempt to catch or killthem. All other Hindoos have a superstitious dread of destroying oreven injuring them; and a village community within the boundary ofwhose lands a drop of wolf's blood has fallen believes itself doomedto destruction. The class of little vagrant communities abovementioned, who have no superstitious dread of destroying any livingthing, eat jackalls and all kinds of reptiles, and catch all kinds ofanimals, either to feed upon themselves, or to sell them to those whowish to keep or hunt them. But it is remarkable, that they very seldom catch wolves, though theyknow all their dens, and could easily dig them out as they dig outother animals. This is supposed to arise from the profit which theymake by the gold and silver bracelets, necklaces and other ornamentsworn by the children whom the wolves carry to their dens and devour, and are left at the entrance of their dens. A party of these menlately brought to our camp alive a very large hyćna, which was letloose and hunted down by the European officers and the clerks of myoffice. One of the officers asked them whether this was not thereason why they did not bring wolves to camp, to be hunted down inthe same way, since officers would give more for brutes that atechildren, than for such as fed only on dogs or carrion. They darednot deny, though they were ashamed or afraid to acknowledge, that itwas. I have myself no doubt that this is the reason, and that they domake a good deal in this way from the children's ornaments, whichthey find at the entrance of wolves' dens. In every part of India, agreat number of children are every day murdered for the sake of theirornaments, and the fearful examples that come daily to the knowledgeof parents, and the injunctions of the civil authorities areunavailing against this desire to see their young children decked outin gold and silver ornaments. There is now at Sultanpoor a boy who was found alive in a wolf's den, near Chandour, about ten miles from Sultanpoor, about two years and ahalf ago. A trooper, sent by the native governor of the district toChandour, to demand payment of some revenue, was passing along thebank of the river near Chandour about noon, when he saw a largefemale wolf leave her den, followed by three whelps and a little boy. The boy went on all fours, and seemed to be on the best possibleterms with the old dam and the three whelps, and the mother seemed toguard all four with equal care. They all went down to the river anddrank without perceiving the trooper, who sat upon his horse watchingthem. As soon as they were about to turn back, the trooper pushed onto cut off and secure the boy; but he ran as fast as the whelpscould, and kept up with the old one. The ground was uneven, and thetrooper's horse could not overtake them. They all entered the den, and the trooper assembled some people from Chandour with pickaxes, and dug into the den. When they had dug in about six or eight feet, the old wolf bolted with her three whelps and the boy. The troopermounted and pursued, followed by the fleetest young men of the party;and as the ground over which they had to fly was more even, he headedthem, and turned the whelps and boy back upon the men on foot, whosecured the boy, and let the old dam and her three cubs go on theirway. They took the boy to the village, but had to tie him, for he was veryrestive, and struggled hard to rush into every hole or den they camenear. They tried to make him speak, but could get nothing from himbut an angry growl or snarl. He was kept for several days at thevillage, and a large crowd assembled every day to see him. When agrown-up person came near him, he became alarmed, and tried to stealaway; but when a child came near him, he rushed at it, with a fiercesnarl like that of a dog, and tried to bite it. When any cooked meatwas put before him, he rejected it in disgust; but when any raw meatwas offered, he seized it with avidity, put it on the ground underhis paws, like a dog, and ate it with evident pleasure. He would notlet any one come near him while he was eating, but he made noobjection to a dog coming and sharing his food with him. The trooperremained with him four or five days, and then returned to thegovernor, leaving the boy in charge of the Rajah of Hasunpoor. Herelated all that he had seen, and the boy was soon after sent to theEuropean officer commanding the First Regiment of Oude Local Infantryat Sultanpoor, Captain Nicholetts, by order of the Rajah ofHasunpoor, who was at Chandour, and saw the boy when the trooperfirst brought him to that village. This account is taken from theRajah's own report of what had taken place. Captain Nicholetts made him over to the charge of his servants, whotake great care of him, but can never get him to speak a word. He isvery inoffensive, except when teased, Captain Nicholetts says, andwill then growl surlily at the person who teases him. He had come toeat anything that is thrown to him, but always prefers raw flesh, which he devours most greedily. He will drink a whole pitcher ofbutter-milk when put before him, without seeming to draw breath. Hecan never be induced to keep on any kind of clothing, even in thecoldest weather. A quilt stuffed with cotton was given to him when itbecame very cold this season, but he tore it to pieces, and ate aportion of it, cotton and all, with his bread every day. He is veryfond of bones, particularly uncooked ones, which he masticatesapparently with as much ease as meat. He has eaten half a lamb at atime without any apparent effort, and is very fond of taking up earthand small stones and eating them. His features are coarse, and hiscountenance repulsive; and he is very filthy in his habits. Hecontinues to be fond of dogs and jackals, and all other small four-footed animals that come near him; and always allows them to feedwith him if he happens to be eating when they approach. Captain Nicholetts, in letters dated the 14th and 19th of September, 1850, told me that the boy died in the latter end of August, and thathe was never known to laugh or smile. He understood little of whatwas said to him, and seemed to take no notice of what was going onaround him. He formed no attachment for any one, nor did he seem tocare for any one. He never played with any of the children aroundhim, or seemed anxious to do so. When not hungry he used to sitpetting and stroking a pareear or vagrant dog, which he used topermit to feed out of the same dish with him. A short time before hisdeath Captain Nicholetts shot this dog, as he used to eat the greaterpart of the food given to the boy, who seemed in consequence to begetting thin. The boy did not seem to care in the least for the deathof the dog. The parents recognised the boy when he was first found, Captain Nicholetts believes; but when they found him to be so stupidand insensible, they left him to subsist upon charity. They have nowleft Hasunpoor, and the age of the boy when carried off cannot beascertained; but he was to all appearance about nine or ten years ofage when found, and he lived about three years afterwards. He usedsigns when he wanted anything, and very few of them except whenhungry, and he then pointed to his mouth. When his food was placed atsome distance from him, he would run to it on all fours like anyfour-footed animal; but at other times he would walk uprightoccasionally. He shunned human beings of all kinds, and would neverwillingly remain near one. To cold, heat, and rain he appeared to beindifferent; and he seemed to care for nothing but eating. He wasvery quiet, and required no kind of restraint after being brought toCaptain Nicholetts. He had lived with Captain Nicholetts' servantsabout two years, and was never heard to speak till within a fewminutes of his death, when he put his hands to his head, and said "itached, " and asked for water: he drank it, and died. At Chupra, twenty miles east from Sultanpoor, lived a cultivator withhis wife and son, who was then three years of age. In March, 1843, the man went to cut his crop of wheat and pulse, and the woman tookher basket and went with him to glean, leading her son by the arm. The boy had lately recovered from a severe scald on the left knee, which he got in the cold weather, from tumbling into the fire, atwhich he had been warming himself while his parents were at work. Asthe father was reaping and the mother gleaning, the boy sat upon thegrass. A wolf rushed upon him suddenly from behind a bush, caught himup by the loins, and made off with him towards the ravines. Thefather was at a distance at the time, but the mother followed, screaming as loud an she could for assistance. The people of thevillage ran to her aid, but they soon lost sight of the wolf and hisprey. She heard nothing more of her boy for six years, and had in thatinterval lost her husband. At the end of that time, two sipaheescame, in the month of February, 1849, from the town of Singramow, which is ten miles from Chupra, on the bank of the Khobae rivulet. While they sat on the border of the jungle, which extended down tothe stream, watching for hogs, which commonly come down to drink atthat time in the morning, they saw there three wolf cubs and a boycome out from the jungle, and go down together to the stream todrink. The sipahees watched them till they had drank, and were aboutto return, when they rushed towards them. All four ran towards a denin the ravines. The sipahees followed as fast as they could; but thethree cubs had got in before the sipahees could come up with them, and the boy was half way in when one of the sipahees caught him bythe hind leg, and drew him back. He seemed very angry and ferocious, bit at them, and seized in his teeth the barrel of one of their guns, which they put forward to keep him off, and shook it. They howeversecured him, brought him home, and kept him for twenty days. Theycould for that time make him eat nothing but raw flesh, and they fedhim upon hares and birds. They found it difficult to provide him withsufficient food, and took him to the bazaar in the village ofKoeleepoor; and there let him go to be fed by the charitable peopleof the place till he might be recognised and claimed by his parents. One market-day a man from the village of Chupra happened to see himin the bazaar, and on his return mentioned the circumstance to hisneighbours. The poor cultivator's widow, on hearing this, asked himto describe the boy more minutely, when she found that the boy hadthe mark of a scald on the left knee, and three marks of the teeth ofan animal on each side of his loins. The widow told him that her boywhen taken off had lately recovered from a scald on the left knee, and was seized by the loins when the wolf took him off, and that theboy he had seen must be her lost child. She went off forthwith to the Koelee bazaar, and, in addition to thetwo marks above described, discovered a third mark on his thigh, withwhich her child was born. She took him home to her village, where hewas recognised by all her neighbours. She kept him for two months, and all the sporting landholders in the neighbourhood sent her gamefor him to feed upon. He continued to dip his face in the water todrink, but he sucked in the water, and did not lap it up like a dogor wolf. His body continued to smell offensively. When the motherwent to her work, the boy always ran into the jungle, and she couldnever get him to speak. He followed his mother for what he could getto eat, but showed no particular affection for her; and she couldnever bring herself to feel much for him; and after two months, finding him of no use to her, and despairing of even making anythingof him, she left him to the common charity of the village. He soonafter learnt to eat bread when it was given him, and ate whateverelse he could get during the day, but always went off to the jungleat night. He used to mutter something, but could never be got toarticulate any word distinctly. The front of his knees and elbows hadbecome hardened from going on all fours with the wolves. If anyclothes are put on him, he takes them off, and commonly tears them topieces in doing so. He still prefers raw flesh to cooked, and feedson carrion whenever he can get it. The boys of the village are in thehabit of amusing themselves by catching frogs and throwing them tohim; and he catches and eats them. When a bullock dies, and the skinis removed, he goes and eats it like a village dog. The boy is stillin the village, and this is the description given of him by themother herself, who still lives at Chupra. She has never experiencedany return of affection for him, nor has he shown any such feelingfor her. Her story is confirmed by all her neighbours, and by thehead landholders, cultivators, and shopkeepers of the village. * [* In November, 1850, Captain Nicholetts, on leaving the cantonmentsof Sultanpoor, where he commanded, ordered this boy to be sent in tome with his mother, but he got alarmed on the way and ran to ajungle. He will no doubt find his way back soon if he lives. ] The Rajah of Hasunpoor Bundooa mentions, as a fact within his ownknowledge, besides the others, for the truth of which he vouches, that, in the year 1843, a lad came to the town of Hasunpoor, who hadevidently been brought up by wolves. He seemed to be twelve years ofage when he saw him--was very dark, and ate flesh, whether cooked oruncooked. He had short hair all over his body when he first came, buthaving, for a time, as the Rajah states, eaten salt with his food, like other human beings, the hair by degrees disappeared. He couldwalk, like other men, on his legs, but could never be taught tospeak. He would utter sounds like wild animals, and could be made tounderstand signs very well. He used to sit at a bunneea's shop in thebazaar, but was at last recognised by his parents, and taken off. What became of him afterwards he knows not. The Rajah's statementregarding this lad is confirmed by all the people of the town, butnone of them know what afterwards became of him. About the year 1843, a shepherd of the village of Ghutkoree, twelvemiles west from the cantonments of Sultanpoor, saw a boy trottingalong upon all fours, by the side of a wolf, one morning, as he wasout with his flock. With great difficulty he caught the boy, who ranvery fast, and brought him home. He fed him for some time, and triedto make him speak, and associate with men or boys, but he failed. Hecontinued to be alarmed at the sight of men, but was brought toColonel Gray, who commanded the first Oude Local Infantry, atSultanpoor. He and Mrs. Gray, and all the officers in cantonments, saw him often, and kept him for several days. But he soon after ranoff into the jungle, while the shepherd was asleep. The shepherd, afterwards, went to reside in another village, and I could notascertain whether he recovered the boy or not. Zoolfukar Khan, a respectable landholder of Bankeepoor, in the estateof Hasunpoor, ten miles east from the Sultahpoor cantonments, mentions that about eight or nine years ago a trooper came to thetown, with a lad of about nine or ten years of age, whom he hadrescued from wolves among the ravines on the road; that he knew notwhat to do with him, and left him to the common charity of thevillage; that he ate everything offered to him, including bread, butbefore taking it he carefully smelt at it, and always preferredundressed meat to everything else; that he walked on his legs likeother people when he saw him, though there were evident signs on hisknees and elbows of his having gone, very long, on all fours; andwhen asked to run on all fours he used to do so, and went so fastthat no one could overtake him; how long he had been with thetrooper, or how long it took him to learn to walk on his legs, heknows not. He could not talk, or utter any very articulate sounds. Heunderstood signs, and heard exceedingly well, and would assist thecultivators in turning trespassing cattle out of their fields, whentold by signs to do so. Boodhoo, a Brahmin cultivator of the village, took care of him, and he remained with him for three months, when hewas claimed and taken off by his father, a shepherd, who said thatthe boy was six years old when the wolf took him off at night somefour years before; he did not like to leave Boodhoo, the Brahmin, andthe father was obliged to drag him away. What became of himafterwards he never heard. The lad had no hair upon his body, nor hadhe any dislike to wear clothes, while he saw him. This statement wasconfirmed by the people of the village. About seven years ago a trooper belonging to the King, and inattendance on Rajah Hurdut Sing of Bondee, alias Bumnotee, on theleft bank of the Ghagra river, in the Bahraetch district, was passingnear a small stream which flows into that river, when he saw two wolfcubs and a boy drinking in the stream. He had a man with him on foot, and they managed to seize the boy, who appeared to be about ten yearsof age. He took him up on the pummel of his saddle, but he was sowild and fierce that he tore the trooper's clothes and bit himseverely in several places, though he had tied his hands together. Hebrought him to Bondee, where the Rajah had him tied up in hisartillery gun-shed, and gave him raw-flesh to eat: but he severaltimes cut his ropes and ran off; and after three months the Rajah gottired of him, and let him go. He was then taken by a Cashmeereemimic, or comedian (_bhand_), who fed and took care of him for sixweeks*; but at the end of that time he also got tired of him (for hishabits were filthy), and let him go to wander about the Bondeebazaar. He one day ran off with a joint of meat from a butcher'sshop, and soon after upset some things in the shop of a _bunneeah_, who let fly an arrow at him. The arrow penetrated the boy's thigh. Atthis time Sanaollah, a Cashmere merchant of Lucknow, was at Bondee, selling some shawl goods to the Rajah, on the occasion of hisbrother's marriage. He had many servants with him, and among themJanoo, a khidmutgar lad, and an old sipahee, named Ramzan Khan. Janootook compassion upon the poor boy, extracted the arrow from histhigh, had his wound dressed, and prepared a bed for him under themango-tree, where he himself lodged, but kept him tied to a tent-pin. He would at that time eat nothing but raw flesh. To wean him fromthis, Janoo, with the consent of his master, gave him rice and pulseto eat. He rejected them for several days, and ate nothing; but Janoopersevered, and by degrees made him eat the balls which he preparedfor him: he was fourteen or fifteen days in bringing him to do this. The odour from his body was very offensive, and Janoo had him rubbedwith mustard-seed soaked in water, after the oil had been taken fromit (_khullee_), in the hope of removing this smell. He continued thisfor some months, and fed him upon rice, pulse, and flour bread, butthe odour did not leave him. He had hardened marks upon his knees andelbows, from having gone on all fours. In about six weeks after hehad been tied up under the tree, with a good deal of beating, andrubbing of his joints with oil, he was made to stand and walk uponhis legs like other human beings. He was never heard to utter morethan one articulate sound, and that was "Aboodeea, " the name of thelittle daughter of the Cashmeer mimic, who had treated him withkindness, and for whom he had shown some kind of attachment. In aboutfour months he began to understand and obey signs. He was by themmade to prepare the hookah, put lighted charcoal upon the tobacco, and bring it to Janoo, or present it to whomsoever he pointed out. [* Transcriber's note--'six weeks' was printed as 'six months', butis corrected by the author, in Volume ii, in a P. S. To his letter, dated 20th November, 1852, to Sir James Weir Hogg. ] One night while the boy was lying under the tree, near Janoo, Janoosaw two wolves come up stealthily, and smell at the boy. They thentouched him, and he got up; and, instead of being frightened, the boyput his hands upon their heads, and they began to play with him. Theycapered around him, and he threw straw and leaves at them. Janootried to drive them off but he could not, and became much alarmed;and he called out to the sentry over the guns, Meer Akbur Allee, andtold him that the wolves were going to eat the boy. He replied, "Comeaway and leave him, or they will eat you also;" but when he saw thembegin to play together, his fears subsided and he kept quiet. Gainingconfidence by degrees, he drove them away; but, after going a littledistance, they returned, and began to play again with the boy. Atlast he succeeded in driving them off altogether. The night afterthree wolves came, and the boy and they played together. A few nightsafter four wolves came, but at no time did more than four come. Theycame four or five times, and Janoo had no longer any fear of them;and he thinks that the first two that came must have been the twocubs with which the boy was first found, and that they were preventedfrom seizing him by recognising the smell. They licked his face withtheir tongues as he put his hands on their heads. Soon after his master, Sanaollah, returned to Lucknow, and threatenedJanoo to turn him out of his service unless he let go the boy. Hepersisted in taking the boy with him, and his master relented. He hada string tied to his arm, and led him along by it, and put a bundleof clothes on his head. As they passed a jungle the boy would throwdown the bundle and try to run into the jungle, but on being beaten, he would put up his hands in supplication, take up the bundle and goon; but he seemed soon to forget the beating, and did the same thingat almost every jungle they came through. By degrees he became quitedocile. Janoo was one day, about three months after their return toLucknow, sent away by his master for a day or two on some business, and before his return the boy had ran off, and he could never findhim again. About two months after the boy had gone, a woman, of theweaver caste, came with a letter from a relation of the Rajah, HurdutSing, to Sanaollah, stating that she resided in the village ofChureyrakotra, on his estate, and had had her son, then about fouryears of age, taken from her, about five or six years before, by awolf; and, from the description which she gave of him, he, theRajah's relation, thought he must be the boy whom his servant, Janoo, took away with him. She said that her boy had two marks upon him, oneon the chest of a boil, and one of something else on the forehead;and as these marks corresponded precisely with those found upon theboy, neither she nor they had any doubt that he was her lost son. Sheremained for four months with the merchant Sanaollah, and Janoo, hiskidmutghur, at Lucknow; but the boy could not be found, and shereturned home, praying that information might be sent to her shouldhe be discovered. Sanaollah, Janoo, and Ramzan Khan, are still atLucknow, and before me have all three declared all the circumstanceshere stated to be strictly true. The boy was altogether about fivemonths with Sanaollah and his servants, from the time they got him;and he had been taken about four months and a half before. The wolfmust have had several litters of whelps during the six or seven yearsthat the boy was with her. Janoo further adds, that he, after a monthor two, ventured to try a waist-band upon the boy, but he often toreit off in distress or anger. After he had become reconciled to this, in about two months, he ventured to put on upon him a vest and a pairof trousers. He had great difficulty in making him keep them on, withthreats and occasional beatings. He would disencumber himself of themwhenever left alone, but put them on again in alarm when discovered;and to the last often injured or destroyed them by rubbing themagainst trees or posts, like a beast, when any part of his bodyitched. This habit he could never break him of. Rajah Hurdut Sewae, who is now in Lucknow on business, tells me (28thJanuary, 1851) that the sowar brought the boy to Bondee, and therekept him for a short time, as long as he remained; but as soon as hewent off, the boy came to him, and he kept him for three months; thathe appeared to him to be twelve years of age; that he ate raw meat aslong as he remained with him, with evident pleasure, whenever it wasoffered to him, but would not touch the bread and other dressed foodput before him; that he went on all fours, but would stand and goawkwardly on two legs when threatened or made to do so; that heseemed to understand signs, but could not understand or utter a word;that he seldom attempted to bite any one, nor did he tear the clothesthat he put upon him; that Sanaollah, the Cashmeeree merchant, usedat that time to come to him often with shawls for sale, and must havetaken the boy away with him, but he does not recollect having giventhe boy to him. He says that he never himself sent any letter toSanaollah with the mother of the boy, but his brother or some otherrelation of his may have written one for her. It is remarkable that I can discover no well-established instance ofa man who had been nurtured in a wolf's den having been found. Thereis, at Lucknow, an old man who was found in the Oude Tarae, when alad, by the hut of an old hermit who had died. He is supposed to havebeen taken from wolves by this old hermit. The trooper who found himbrought him to the King some forty years ago, and he has been eversince supported by the King comfortably. He is still called the "wildman of the woods. " He was one day sent to me at my request, and Italked with him. His features indicate him to be of the Tharoo tribe, who are found only in that forest. He is very inoffensive, but speakslittle, and that little imperfectly; and he is still impatient ofintercourse with his fellow-men, particularly with such as aredisposed to tease him with questions. I asked him whether he had anyrecollection of having been with wolves. He said "the wolf died longbefore the hermit;" but he seemed to recollect nothing more, andthere is no mark on his knees or elbows to indicate that he ever wenton all fours. That he was found as a wild boy in the forest there canbe no doubt; but I do not feel at all sure that he ever lived withwolves. From what I have seen and heard I should doubt whether anyboy who had been many years with wolves, up to the age of eight orten, could ever attain the average intellect of man. I have neverheard of a man who had been spared and nurtured by wolves having beenfound; and, as many boys have been recovered from wolves after theyhad been many years with them, we must conclude that after a timethey either die from living exclusively on animal food, before theyattain the age of manhood, or are destroyed by the wolves themselves, or other beasts of prey, in the jungles, from whom they are unable toescape, like the wolves themselves, from want of the same speed. Thewolf or wolves, by whom they have been spared and nurtured, must dieor be destroyed in a few years, and other wolves may kill and eatthem. Tigers generally feed for two or three days upon the bullockthey kill, and remain all the time, when not feeding, concealed inthe vicinity. If they found such a boy feeding upon their prey theywould certainly kill him, and most likely eat him. If such a boypassed such a dead body he would certainly feed upon it. Tigers oftenspring upon and kill dogs and wolves thus found feeding upon theirprey. They could more 'easily kill boys, and would certainly be moredisposed to eat them. If the dead body of such a boy were foundanywhere in the jungles, or on the plains, it would excite littleinterest, where dead bodies are so often found exposed, and so sooneaten by dogs, jackals, vultures, &c. , and would scarcely ever leadto any particular inquiry. __________________________ CHAPTER V. Salone district--Rajah Lal Hunmunt Sing of Dharoopoor--Soil of Oude--Relative fertility of the _mutteear_ and _doomutteea_--Either maybecome _oosur_, or barren, from neglect, and is reclaimed, when itdoes so, with difficulty--Shah Puna Ata, a holy man in charge of aneleemosynary endowment at Salone--Effects of his curses--Invasion ofBritish Boundary--Military Force with the Nazim--State and characterof this Force--Rae Bareilly in the Byswara district--Bandha, orMisletoe--Rana Benee Madhoo, of Shunkerpoor--Law of Primogeniture--Title of Rana contested between Benee Madhoo and Rogonath Sing--Bridge and avenue at Rae Bareilly--Eligible place for cantonment andcivil establishments--State of the Artillery--Sobha Sing's regiment--Foraging System--Peasantry follow the fortunes of their refractoryLandlords--No provision for the king's soldiers, disabled in action, or for the families of those who are killed--Our sipahees, aprivileged class, very troublesome in the Byswara and Banodadistricts--Goorbukshgunge--Man destroyed by an Elephant--Danger towhich keepers of such animals are exposed--Bys Rajpoots composed oftwo great families, Sybunsies and Nyhassas--Their continual contestsfor landed possessions--Futteh Bahader--Rogonath Sing--Mahibollah therobber and estate of Balla--Notion that Tillockchundee Bys Rajpootsnever suffer from the bite of a snake--Infanticide--Paucity ofcomfortable dwelling-houses--The cause--Agricultural capitalists--Ornaments and apparel of the females of the Bys clan--Late Nazim HamidAllee--His father-in-law Fuzl Allee--First loan from Oude to ourGovernment--Native gentlemen with independent incomes cannot residein the country--Crowd the city, and tend to alienate the Court fromthe people. _December_ 29, 1849. --Ten miles to Rampoor. Midway we passed over theborder of the Sultanpoor district into that of Salone, whose Amil, Hoseyn Buksh, there met us with his _cortčge_. Rampoor is theResidence of Rajah Hunmunt Sing, the tallookdar of the two estates ofDharoopoor and Kalakunkur, which extend down to and for some milesalong the left bank of the river Ganges. There is a fort in each ofthese estates, and he formerly resided in that of Dharoopoor, fourmiles from our present encampment. That of Kalakunkur is on the bankof the Ganges. The lands along, on both sides the road, over which weare come, are scantily cultivated, but well studded with good trees, where the soil is good for them. A good deal of it is, however, thepoor oosur soil, the rest muteear, of various degrees of fertility. The territory of Oude, as I have said above, must once have formedpart of the bed of a lake, * which contained a vast fund of solublesalts. Through this bed, as the waters flowed off, the rivers fromthe northern range of hills, which had before fed the lake, cut theirway to join the larger stream of the Ganges; and the smaller streams, which have their sources in the dense forest of the Tarae, which nowextends along the southern border of that range, have since cut theirway through this bed in the same manner to the larger rivers. Thewaters from these rivers percolate through the bed; and, as they riseto the surface, by the laws of capillary attraction, they carry withthem these salts in solution. As they reach the surface in dryweather, they give off by evaporation pure water; and the salts, which they held in solution, remain behind in the upper surface. Thecapillary action goes on; and as the pure water is taken off in theatmosphere in vapour, other water impregnated with more salts comesup to supply its place; and the salts near the surface eitheraccumulate or are supplied to the roots of the plants, shrubs, ortrees, which require them. [* Caused, possibly, by the Vendeya range once extending E. N. E. Upto the Himmalaya chain, which runs E. S. E. It now extends up only tothe right bank of the Ganges, at Chunar and Mirzapoor. ] Rain-water, * which contains no such salts, falls after the dry seasonis over, and washes out of the upper surface a portion of the salts, which have thus been brought up from below and accumulated, andeither takes them off in floods or carries them down again to thebeds below. Some of these salts, or their bases, may becomesuperabundant, and render the lands oosur or unfit for ordinarytillage. There may be a superabundance of those which are notrequired, or cannot be taken up by the plants, actually on thesurface, or there may be a superabundance of the whole, from theplants and rain-water being insufficient to take away such as requireto be removed. These salts are here, as elsewhere, of great variety;nitrates of ammonia, which, combining with the inorganic substances--magnesia, lime, soda, potash, alumina, and oxide of iron--form doublesalts, and become soluble in water, and fit food for plants. Or theremay be a deficiency of vegetable mould (humus) or manure to supply, with the aid of carbonic acid, air, water, and ammonia, the organicacids required to adapt the inorganic substances to the use ofplants. [* Rain-water contains small quantities of carbonic acid, ammonia, atmospheric air, and vegetable or animal matter. ] All are, in due proportion, more or less conducive to the growth andperfection of the plants, which men and animals require from thesoil: some plants require more of the one, and some more of another;and some find a superabundance of what they need, where others find adeficiency, or none at all. The muteear seems to differ from thedoomuteea soil, in containing a greater portion of those elementswhich constitute what are called good clay soils. The inorganicportions of these elements--silicates, carbonates, sulphates, phosphates, and chlorides of lime, potash, magnesia, alumina, soda, oxides of iron and manganese--it derives from the detritus of thegranite, gneiss, mica, and chlorite slate, limestone and sandstonerocks, in which the Himmalaya chain of mountains so much abounds; andthe organic elements--humates, almates, geates, apoerenates, andcrenates--it derives from the mould, formed from the decay of animaland vegetable matter. It is more hydroscopic, or capable of absorbingand retaining moisture, and fixing ammonia than the doomuteea. It isof a darker colour, and forms more into clods to retain moisture. Imay here mention that the Himmalaya chain does not abound in volcanicrocks, like the chains of Central and Southern India; and that thesoils, which are formed from its detritus, contain, in consequence, less phosphoric acid, and is less adapted to the growth of thatnumerous class of plants which cannot live without phosphates. Thevolcanic rocks form a plateaux upon the sandstone, of almost all thehills of Central and Southern India; and the soil, which is formedfrom their detritus, is exceedingly fertile, when well combined, asit commonly is, with the salts and double salts formed by the unionof the organic acids with the inorganic bases of alkalies, earths, and oxides which have become soluble, and been brought to the surfacefrom below by capillary attraction. I may also mention, that thebasaltic plateaux upon the sandstone rocks of Central and SouthernIndia are often surmounted with a deposit, more or less deep, oflaterite, or indurated iron clay, the detritus of which tends topromote fertility in the soil. I have never myself seen any otherdeposit than this iron clay or _laterite_ above the basalticplateaux. I believe that this laterite is never found, in any part ofthe Himmalaya chain. I have never seen it there, nor have I everheard of any one having seen it there. In Bundelkund and other partsof Central and Southern India, the basaltic plateaux are sometimesfound deposing immediately upon beds of granite. The doomuteea is of a light-brown colour, soon powders into finedust, and requires much more outlay in manure and labour than themuteear. The oosur soil appears to be formed out of both, by asuperabundance of one or other of the salts or their bases, which arebrought to the surface from the beds below, and not carried off ortaken back into these beds. It is known that salts of ammonia areinjurious to plants, unless combined with organic acids, supplied tothe soil by decayed vegetable or animal matter. This matter isnecessary to combine with, and fix the ammonia in the soil, and giveit out to plants as they require it. It is possible that nitrates may superabound in the soil from theoxydizement of the nitrogen of a superfluity of ammonia. The peoplesay that all land may become _oosur_ from neglect; and when _oosur_can never be made to bear crops, after it has been left long fallow, till it has been flooded with rain-water for two or three seasons, bymeans of artificial embankments, and then well watered, manured, andploughed. When well tilled in this way, all but the very worst kindsof _oosur_ are said to bear tolerable crops. In the midst of a plainof barren oosur land, which has hardly a tree, shrub, or blade ofgrass, we find small _oases_, or patches of low land, in whichaccumulated rain-water lies for several months every year, coveredwith stout grasses of different kinds, a sure indication of abilityto bear good crops, under good tillage. From very bad _oosur_ lands, common salt or saltpetre, or both, are taken by digging out andwashing the earth, and then removing the water by evaporation. Theclods in the muteear soil not only retain moisture, and give it outslowly as required by the crops, but they give shelter and coolnessto the young and tender shoots of grain and pulse. Of course trees, shrubs, and plants, of all kind in Oude, as elsewhere, derivecarbonic acid gas and ammonia from the atmosphere, and decomposethem, for their own use, in the same manner. In treating of the advantages of greater facilities for irrigation inIndia, I do not recollect ever having seen any mention made of thatof penetrating by wells into the deep deposits below of the solublesalts, or their bases, and bringing them to the surface in the water, for the supply of the plants, shrubs, and trees we require. Peopletalk of digging for valuable metals, and thereby "developingresources;" but never talk of digging for the more valuable solutionsof soluble salts, to be combined with the organic acids alreadyexisting in the soil, or provided by man in manures--and with thecarbonic acid, ammonia, and water from the atmosphere--to supply himwith a never-ending succession of harvests. The practicalagriculturists of Oude, however, say, that brackish water inirrigation is only useful to tobacco and shama; and where the saltswhich produce it superabound, rain-water tanks and fresh-water riversand canals would, no doubt, be much better than wells for irrigation. All these waters contain carbonic acid gas, atmospheric air, andsolutions of salts, which form food for plants, or become so whencombined with the organic acids, supplied by the decayed animal andvegetable matter in the soil. Soils which contain salts, which readily give off their water ofcrystallization and _effloresce_, sooner become barren than thosewhich contain salts that attract moisture from the air, anddeliquesce, as chlorides of calcium and magnesia, carbonates andacetates of potassa, alumina, &c. Canals flowing over these deep drybeds, through which little water from the springs below everpercolates to the surface, are not only of great advantage forirrigating the crops on the surface, but for supplying water as theyflow along, to penetrate through these deep dry beds; and, as theyrise to the surface by capillary attraction, carrying along with themthe soluble salts which they pick up on their way. In Oude, as in allthe districts that extend along to the north of the Ganges, and southof the Himmalaya chain, easterly winds prevail, and bring up moisturefrom the sea of the Bay of Bengal. All these districts are, at thesame time, abundantly studded with groves of fine trees and jungle, that attract this moisture to the earth in rain and dew. ThroughGoozerat, Malwa, Berar, and Bundelkund, and all the districtsbordering the Nerbudda river, from its mouth to its sources, westerlywinds prevail, and bring up moisture from the Gulf of Cambay; andthese districts are all well studded with groves, &c. , and singletrees, which act in the same manner, in attracting the moisture fromthe atmosphere to the earth, in rain and dew. In Rajpootana and Sindeno prevailing wind, I believe, comes from any sea nearer than theAtlantic ocean; and there are but few trees to attract to the earththe little moisture that the atmosphere contains. The rain that fallsover these countries is not, I believe, equal to more than one-thirdof what falls over the districts, supplied from the Bay of Bengal, orto one-fourth of what falls in those supplied from the Gulf ofCambay. Our own districts of the N. W. Provinces, which intervenebetween those north of the Ganges and Rajpootana, have the advantageof rivers and canals; but their atmosphere is not so well suppliedwith moisture from the sea, nor are they so well studded as theyought to be with trees. The Punjab has still greater advantages fromnumerous rivers, flowing from the Himmalaya chain, and is, likeEgypt, in some measure independent of moisture from the atmosphere asfar as tillage is concerned; but both would, no doubt, be benefitedby a greater abundance of trees. They not only tend to convey to andretain moisture in the soil, and to purify the air for man, by givingout oxygen and absorbing carbonic acid gas, but they are fertilizingmedia, through which the atmosphere conveys to the soil most of thecarbon, and much of the ammonia, without which no soil can befertile. It is, I believe, generally admitted that trees derive mostof their carbon from the air through their leaves, and most of theirammonia from the soil through their roots; and that when the trees, shrubs, and plants, which form our coal-measures, adorned the surfaceof the globe, the atmosphere must have contained a greater portion ofcarbonic acid gas than at present. They decompose the gases, use thecarbon, and give back the oxygen to the atmosphere. _December_ 30, 1849. --Ten miles to Salone, over a pretty country, well studded with fine trees and well tilled, except in large patchesof oosur land, which occur on both sides of the road. The soil, doomuteea, with a few short intervals of muteear. The Rajah ofPertabghur, and other great landholders of the Sultanpoor division, who had been for some days travelling with me, and the Nazim and hisofficers, took leave yesterday. The Nazim, Aga Allee, is a man ofgreat experience in the convenances of court and city life, and ofsome in revenue management, having long had charge of the estatescomprised in the "Hozoor Tehseel, " while he resided at Lucknow. Hehas good sense and an excellent temper, and his manners anddeportment are courteous and gentlemanly. The Rajah of Pertabghur isa very stout and fat man, of average understanding. The rightful heirto the principality was Seorutun Sing, whom I have mentioned in my_Rambles and Recollections_, as a gallant young landholder, fightingfor his right to the succession, while I was cantoned at Pertabghurin 1818. He continued to fight, but in vain, as the revenuecontractors were too strong for him. Gholam Hoseyn, the then Nazim, kept him down while he lived, and Dursun Sing got him into his powerby fraud, and confined him for three years in gaol. He died soon after his release, leaving one son. Rajah Dheer Sing, *who still lives upon the portion of land which his father inherited. He has taken up the contest for the right bequeathed to him by hisfather; and his uncle, Golab Sing, the younger brother of Seorutun, abrave, shrewd, and energetic man, has been for some days importuningme for assistance. The nearest relations of the family told meyesterday, that they were coerced by the Government authorities intorecognising the adoption of the present Rajah, though it was contraryto all Hindoo law and usage. Hindoos, they said, never marry into thesame gote or family, and they never ought to adopt one of therelations of their wives, or a son of a sister, or any descendant inthe female line, while there is one of the male line existing. Seoruttun Sing was the next heir in the male line; but the Rajah, having married a young girl in his old age, adopted as his heir tothe principality her nearest relative, the present Rajah, who is of adifferent _gote_. The desire to keep the land in the same family hasgiven rise to singular laws and usages in all nations in the earlystages of civilization, when industry is confined almost exclusivelyto agriculture, and land is almost the only property valued. Amongthe people of the Himmalaya hills, as in all Sogdiana, it gave riseto polyandry; and, among the Israelites and Mahommedans, to themarriage of many brothers in succession to the same woman. [* Rajah Deer Sing died in April 1851, leaving a very young son underthe guardianship of his uncle, Golab Sing. ] The Rajah of Dharoopoor, who resides at Rampoor, our last halting-place, holds, as above stated, a tract of land along the left bank ofthe Ganges, called the Kalakunkur, in which he has lately built amud-fort of reputed strength. He is a very sensible and active man ofpleasing manners. He has two grown-up sons, who were introduced to meby him yesterday. The Government authorities complain of his want ofpunctuality in the payment of his revenue; and he complains, withmuch more justice, of the uncertainty in the rate of the demand onthe part of Government and its officers or Court favourites, and inthe character of the viceroys sent to rule over them; but, above all, of the impossibility of getting a hearing at Court when they arewronged and oppressed by bad viceroys. He went twice himself toLucknow, to complain of grievous wrongs suffered by him and histenants from an oppressive viceroy; but, though he had some goodfriends at Court, and among them Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, he was obligedto return without finding access to the sovereign or his minister, orany one in authority over the viceroy. He told me that all largelandholders, who had any regard for their character, or desire toretain their estates, and protect their tenants, were obliged to armand take to their strongholds or jungles as their only resource, whenbad viceroys were sent--that if they could be assured that fairdemands only would be made, and that they would have access toauthority, when they required to defend themselves from falsecharges, and to complain of the wrong doings of viceroys and theiragents, none of them would be found in resistance against theGovernment, since all were anxious to bequeath to their children agood name, as well as a good estate. He promised punctual payment ofhis revenues to Government, and strict obedience in all things, provided that the contractor did not enhance his demand upon him, ashe now seemed disposed to do, in the shape of gratuities to himselfand Court favourites. "To be safe in Oude" he said, "it is necessaryto be strong, and prepared always to use your strength in resistingoutrage and oppression, on the part of the King's officers. " At Salone resides a holy Mahommedan, Shah Puna Ata, who is looked upto with great reverence by both Mahommedans and Hindoos, for thesanctity of his character, and that of his ancestors, who sat uponthe same religions _throne_, for throne his simple mattress isconsidered to be. From the time that the heir is called to the_throne_, he never leaves his house, but stays at home to receivehomage, and distribute blessings and food to needy travellers of allreligions. He gets from the King of Oude twelve villages, rent free, in perpetuity; and they are said to yield him twenty-five thousandrupees a-year, with which he provides for his family, and for needytravellers and pilgrims. This eleemosynary endowment was granted, about sixty years ago, by the then sovereign, Asuf-od Dowlah. Thelands had belonged to a family of Kumpureea Rajpoots, who were oustedfor contumacy or rebellion, I believe. He was plundered of all hehad, to the amount of some twenty thousand rupees, in 1834, duringthe reign of Nuseer-on Deen Hyder, by Ehsan Hoseyn, the Nazim ofByswara and Salone, one of the sons of Sobhan Allee Khan, the thenvirtual minister; but some fifteen days after, he attacked thetallookdar of Bhuderee, and lost his place in consequence. Thepopular belief is, that he became insane in consequence of the holyman's curses, and that his whole family became ruined from the samecause. Bhuderee, which lies a few miles to the south of Salone, was thenheld by two gallant Rajpoot brothers, Jugmohun Sing and BishonathSing, the sons of Zalim Sing. In the month of October, A. D. 1832, Dhokul Sing got the contract of the district, and demanded fromBhuderee an increase of ten thousand rupees in its revenue. Theyrefused to pay this increase. At the established rate they had alwayspaid the Government demand punctually, and been good subjects andexcellent landlords. Dhokul Sing was superseded by Ehsan Hoseyn, inMarch 1833; and he insisted upon having the increase of ten thousand. They refused to pay, and Ehsan Hoseyn besieged and attacked theirfort in September. After defending themselves resolutely for fivedays, Bishonath Sing consented to visit Ehsan Hoseyn, in his camp, ona solemn assurance of personal security; but he no sooner came to histent than he was seized and taken to Rae Bareilly, the headquarters, a prisoner, in the suite of the Nazim. He there remained confined, inirons, under charge of a wing of a regiment, commanded by Mozim Khan, till February 1834, when he effected his escape, and went back toBhuderee. In March, a large force was collected, with an immensetrain of artillery, to aid the Nazim, and he again laid siege to thefort. Having sent off their families before the siege began, andseeing, in the course of a few days, that they could not long holdout against so large a force, the two brothers buried eight out oftheir ten guns, left the fort at midnight with the other two, cuttheir way through the besiegers, and passed over a plain six miles toRamchora, on the left bank of the Ganges, and within the Britishterritory, followed by the whole of the Nazim's force. A brisk cannonade was kept up, on both sides, the whole way, and agreat many lives were lost The two brothers thought they should besafe at Ramchora, under the protection of the British Government; butthe Nazim's force surrounded the place, and kept up a fire upon it. The brothers contrived, however, to send over the Ganges the greaterpart of their followers, under the protection of their two guns, andthe few men retained to defend and serve them. Jugmohun Sing at lastconsented to accept the pledge of personal security tendered by RajahSeodeen Sing, the commander-in-chief of the attacking forces; butwhile he and his brother were on their way to the camp, with a fewarmed attendants, the soldiers of the Nazim, by whom they wereescorted, attempted to seize and disarm them. They resisted anddefended themselves. Others came to their rescue, and the firingrecommenced. Jugmohun Sing, and his brother, Bishonath Sing and alltheir remaining followers were killed. The two brothers lost aboutone hundred and fifty men, and the Nazim about sixty, in killed. Theheads of the two brothers were taken off, forthwith, and sent to theKing. Three villages in the British territory were plundered by theOude troops on this occasion. This violation of our territory theKing of Oude was called upon to punish; and Ehsan Hoseyn was deprivedof his charge, and heavily fined, to pay compensation to our injuredsubjects. Roshun-od Dowlah, the minister, was entirely in the hands of SobhanAllee Khan; and, as long as he retained office, the family sufferedno other punishment. When he, Roshun-od Dowlah, was afterwardsdeprived of office, he went to Cawnpore to reside, and Sobhan Alleeand all his family were obliged to follow his fortunes. On hisdismissal from office, Roshun-od Dowlah was put into gaol, and notreleased till he paid twenty-two lacs of rupees into the Treasury. Hehad given eight lacs, in our Government promissory notes, to hiswife, and three to his son, and he took some lacs with him toCawnpore, all made during the five years he held office. Sobhan AlleeKhan, his deputy, was made to pay into the Treasury seven lacs, andfive in gratuities--all made during the same five years. Sobhan Alleedied last year on a pilgrimage to Mecca, with the character of one ofthe ablest and least scrupulous of men; and his sons continue toreside at Cawnpore and Allahabad, with the character of having allthe bad, without any of the good, qualities of their father. Thewidow of Jugmohun manages the estate; but she has adopted the nearestheir to her husband, the present Rajah of Bhuderee, a fine, handsome, and amiable youth, of sixteen years of age, who is now learningPersian. He was one of the many chiefs who took leave of meyesterday, and the most prepossessing of all. His adoptive mother, however, absorbs the estates of her weaker neighbours, by fraud, violence, and collusion, like other landholders, and the dispossessedbecome leaders of gang robbers as in other parts. The Shah receives something from the local authorities, andcontributions from Mahommedan Princes, in remote parts of India, suchas Bhopal, Seronge, &c. Altogether his income is said to amount toabout fifty thousand rupees a-year. He has letters from Governors-General of India, Lieutenant-Governors of the North-Western Provincesand their Secretaries; and from Residents at the Court of Lucknow, all of a complimentary character. He has lately declared his eldestson to be his heir to the throne, and is said to have already put himupon it. I received from him the usual letter of compliments andwelcome, with a present of a tame antelope, and some fruit and sugar;and I wrote him a reply in the usual terms. His name is Shah PunaAta, and his character is held in high esteem by all classes of thepeople, of whatever creed, caste, or grade. The Bhuderee family give their daughters in marriage to the BugheelaRajahs of Rewa and the Powar Rajahs of Ocheyra, who are considered tobe a shade higher in caste than they are among the Rajpoots. Not longago they gave one hundred thousand rupees, with one daughter, to theonly son of the Rewa Rajah, as the only condition on which he wouldtake her. Golab Sing, the brother of Seoruttun Sing, of Pertabghur, by caste a Sombunsee, is said to have given lately fifty thousandrupees, with another daughter, to the same person. Rajah HunmuntSing, of Dharoopoor, who is by caste a Beseyn Rajpoot, the yearbefore last went to Rewa, accompanied by some fifty Brahmins, topropose an union between his daughter and the same son of the RewaRajah. A large sum was demanded, but he pleaded poverty, and at lastgot the Rajah to consent to take fifty thousand rupees down, andseventy-five thousand at the last ceremony of the barat, or fetchinghome of the bride. When all had been prepared for this last ceremony, the Rajah of Rewa pleaded the heat of the weather, and his son wouldnot come to complete it, and take away his bride. Hunmunt Singcollected one hundred _resolute Brahmins_, and proceeded with them toRewa, where they sat _dhurna_ at the Rajah's door, without tastingfood, and declared that they would all die there unless the marriagewere completed. The Rajah did all he could, or could make his people do, to get ridof them; but at last, afraid that some of the Brahmins would reallydie, he consented that his son should go and fetch his bride, ifHunmunt Sing would pay down twenty-five thousand rupees more, todefray the cost of the procession, in addition to the seventy-fivethousand. He did so, and his daughter was taken off in due form. Hehas another daughter to dispose of in the same way. The Rewa Rajahhas thus taken five or six wives for his son, from families a shadelower in caste; but the whole that he has got with them will not beenough to pay one of the Rajpoot families, a shade higher in castethan he is, in Rajpootana, to take one daughter from him. It costshim ten or twelve lacs of rupees to induce the Rajah of Oudeepoor, Joudhpoor, or Jypoor, to take away, as his bride, a daughter of Rewa. All is a matter of bargain and sale. Those who have money must pay, in proportion to their means, to marry their daughters into familiesa shade higher in caste or dignity, or to get daughters from themwhen such families are reduced to the necessity of selling theirdaughters to families of a lower grade. Among Brahmins it is the same. Take, for example, the KunojeeBrahmins, among whom there are several shades of caste. The member ofa family a shade higher will not give his son in marriage to adaughter of a family a shade lower, without receiving a sum inproportion to its means; nor will he give a daughter in marriage tosuch a family till he is so exalted as to be able to disregard thefeelings of his clan, or reduced to such a degree of poverty as shallseem to his clan sufficient to justify it. This bargain and sale ofsons and daughters prevails, more or less, throughout all Hindoosociety, and is not, even now, altogether unknown among Christiannations. In Oude, this has led to the stealing of young girls fromour own districts. Some men and women from our districts make a tradeof it. They pretend to be of Rajpoot caste, and inveigle away girlsfrom their parents, to be united in marriage to Rajpoots in Oude. They pretend to have brought them with the consent of their parents, of the same or higher caste, in our territories, and make large sumsby the trade. _December_ 31, 1849. --Eight miles to Sotee, over a country wellstudded with trees, and generally well cultivated. The soil is, allthe way, doomuteea. The road, the greater part of the way, lies inthe purgunnah of Nyn, held by Jugunnath Sing, a Kumpureea Rajpoot, and his nephew, and the collateral branches of their family. Theyhave a belt of jungle, extending for some twelve miles along theright bank of the Saee river, and on the right side of the road, andwithin from two to six miles from it--in some parts nearer, and inothers more remote. Wild hogs, deer, neelgae, and wild cattle aboundin this jungle, and do great injury to the crops in its vicinity. Thepeasantry can kill and eat the hogs and deer, but dare not kill orwound the wild cattle or neelgae. The wild cattle are said to be froma stock which strayed or were let loose in this jungle some centuriesago. They are described as fat, while the crops are on the ground, and well formed--some black, some red, some white, and some mixed--and to be as wild and active as the deer of the same jungle. They aresometimes caught by being driven into the Saee river; but the youngones are said to refuse all food, and die soon, if not released. Hindoos soon release them, from the religious dread that they may diein confinement. The old ones sometimes live, and are consideredvaluable. They are said to be finer in form than the tame cattle ofthe country; and from July to March, when grass abounds, and thecountry around is covered successively with autumn and spring crops, more fat and sleek. The soil is good and strong, and the jungle which covers it verythick. It is preserved by a family of Kumpureea Rajpoots, whose wholepossessions, in 1814, consisted of nine villages. By degrees theyhave driven out or murdered all the other proprietors, and they nowhold no less than one hundred and fifty, for which they pay little orno revenue to Government. The rents are employed in keeping up largebands of armed followers and building strongholds, from which theyinfest the surrounding country. The family has become divided intofive branches, each branch having a fort or stronghold in the Nynjungle, and becoming by degrees subdivided into smaller branches, whowill thrive and become formidable in proportion as the Governmentbecomes weak. Each branch acts independently in its depredations andusurpations from weaker neighbours but all unite when attacked orthreatened by the Government. Rajah Dursun Sing held the district of Salone from 1827 to 1836, andduring this time he made several successful attacks upon theKumpureea Rajpoots of the Nyn jungle; and during his occasionaltemporary residence he had a great deal of the jungle around hisforce cut down, but he made no permanent arrangement for subduingthem. In 1837, the government of this district was transferred toKondon Lal Partak, who established a garrison in the centre of thejungle, had much of it cut down, and kept the Kumpureea baronseffectually in check. He died in 1838, and Rajahs Dursun Sing andBuktawar Sing again got the government, and continued the _partaks_system for the next five years, up to 1843. They lost the governmentfor 1844 and 1845, but their successors followed the same system, tokeep the Kumpureeas in order. Bukhtawar Sing got the government againfor 1846 and 1847, and persevered in this system; but in 1848 thegovernment was made over to Hamid Allee, a weak and inexperiencedman. His deputy, Nourouz Allee, withdrew the garrison, and left thejungle to the Kumpureeas, who, in return, assigned to him three orfour of their villages, rent free, in perpetuity, which in Oude meansas long as the grantee may have the power or influence to be usefulto the granters, or to retain the grants. Since that time theKumpureeas have recovered all the lands they had lost, restored allthe jungle that had been cut down, and they are now more powerfulthan ever. They have strengthened their old forts and built some new, and added greatly to the number of their armed followers, so that thegovernor of the district dares not do anything to coerce them intothe payment of the just demands of Government, or to check theirusurpations and outrages. * [* This Nourouz Allee was, 1851, the agent of the Kumpureea barons ofthis jungle, at the Durbar, where he has made, in the usual way, manyinfluential friends, in collusion with whom he has seized upon manyestates in the vicinity of the jungle, and had them made over tothese formidable barons. ] The present Nazim has with him two Nujeeb Regiments, one of ninehundred and fifty-five, and the other of eight hundred and thirtymen; a squadron of horse and fourteen guns. The two corps arevirtually commanded by fiddlers and eunuchs at Court. Of the menborne on the muster rolls and paid, not one-half are present; of thenumber present, not one-half are fit for the duties of soldiers; andof those fit for such duties, not one-half would perform them. Theyget nominally four rupees a-month, liable to numerous deductions, andthey are obliged to provide their own clothing, arms, accoutrements, and ammunition, except on occasions of actual fighting, when they areentitled to powder and ball from the Government officer under whomthey are employed. He purchases powder in the bazaars, or has it sentto him from Lucknow; and, in either case, it is not more than one-third of the strength used by our troops. It is made in villages andsupplied to contractors, whose only object is to get the article atthe cheapest possible rate; and that supplied to the most pettedcorps is altogether unfit for service. The arms with which they are expected to provide themselves are amatchlock and sword. They are often ten or twelve months in arrears, and obliged to borrow money for their own subsistence and that oftheir families, at twenty-four per cent. Interest. If they aredisabled, they have little chance of ever recovering the arrears ofpay due to them; and if they are killed, their families have stillless. Even the arms and accoutrements which they have purchased withtheir own money are commonly seized by the officers of Government, and sold for the benefit of the State. Under all these disadvantages, the Nazim tells me that he thinks it very doubtful whether any of themen of the two corps would fight at all on emergency. The cavalry arestill worse off, for they have to subsist their horses, and if anyman's horse should be disabled or killed, he would be at oncedismissed with just as little chance of recovering the arrears of paydue to him. Of the fourteen guns, two only are in a state fit forservice. Bullocks are provided for six out of fourteen, but they arehardly able to stand from want of food, much less to draw heavy guns. I looked at them, and found that they had had no grain for manyyears, and very little grass or chaff, since none is allowed byGovernment for their use, and little can be got by forage, orplunder, which is the same thing. One seer and half of grain, orthree pounds a-day for each bullock, is allowed and paid for byGovernment, but the bullocks never get any of it. Of the six bestguns, for which he has draft bullocks, the carriage of one went topieces on the road yesterday, and that of another went to piecesthis-morning in my camp, in firing the salute, and both guns now lieuseless on the ground. He has one mortar, but only two shells for it;and he has neither powder nor ball for any of the guns. He wasobliged to purchase in the bazaar the powder required for the salutefor the Resident. The Nazim tells me, that he has entertained at his own cost twothousand Nujeebs or Seobundies, on the same conditions as those onwhich the others serve in the two Regiments, on duty under him--thatis, they are to get four rupees a-month each, and furnish themselveswith food, clothing, a matchlock, sword, accoutrements, andammunition, except on occasions of actual fighting, when he is toprovide them with powder and ball from the bazaar. The minister, hetells me, promised to send him another Nujeeb corps--the Futteh Jung--from Khyrabad; but he has heard so bad an account of its discipline, that he might as well be without it. All the great landholders seethe helpless state of the Nazim, and not only withhold from him thejust dues of Government, but seize upon and appropriate with impunitythe estates of the small proprietors in their neighbourhood. _January_ 1, 1850. --Fourteen miles to Rae Bareilly, over a plainwith more than usual undulation, and the same doomuteea light soil, tolerably cultivated, and well studded with trees of the finest kind. The festoons of the bandha hang gracefully from the branches, withtheir light green and yellow leaves, and scarlet flowers, in the darkgreen foliage of the mango and mhowa trees in great abundance. I sawthem in no other, but they are sometimes said to be found in thebanyan, peepul, and other trees, with large leaves, though not in thetamarind, babul, and other trees, with small leaves. I examined thoseon the mango and mhowa trees, and they are the same in leaf andflower, and are said to be the same in whatever tree found. RaeBareilly is in the estate of Shunkurpoor, belonging to Rana BeneeMadho, a large landholder. He resides at Shunkurpoor, ten miles fromthis, and is strong, and not very scrupulous in the acquisition, byfraud, violence, and collusion, of the lands of the small proprietorsin the neighbourhood. I asked Rajah Hunmunt Sing, of Dharoopoor, ashe was riding by my side, this morning, whether he was not a man ofbad character. He said, "No, by no means; he is a man of greatpossessions, credit, and influence, and of good repute. " "But does henot rob smaller proprietors of their hereditary lands?" "If, " repliedthe Rajah, "you estimate men's character in Oude on this principle, you will find hardly any landholder of any rank with a good one, forthey have all been long doing the same thing--all have beenaugmenting their own estates by absorbing those of smallerproprietors, by what you will call fraud, violence, and collusion, but they are not thought the worse of for this by the Government orits officers. " Nothing could be more true. Men who augment theirestates in this way, purchase the acquiescence of temporary localofficers, either by gratuities, or promises of aid, in putting downother powerful and refractory landholders; or they purchase thepatronage of Court favourites, who get their estates transferred tothe "Hozoor Tehseel, " and their transgressions overlooked. Those whoaugment their resources in this way, employ them in maintaining armedbands, building forts, and purchasing cannon, to secure themselves inthe possession, and to resist the Government and its officers, whomight otherwise make them pay in some proportion to theirusurpations. Benee Madho called upon me after breakfast, and gave me the little ofhis history that I desired to hear. He is of the Byans Rajpoot clan, and his ancestors have been settled in Oude for about twenty-fivegenerations, as landholders of different grades. The tallook orestate now belongs to him, and is considered to be a principality, todescend entire by the law of primogeniture, to the nearest male heir, unless the lands become divided during his life-time among his sons. Such a division has already taken place, as will be seen by theannexed note :* [* Abdool-Sing, the tallookdar of Shunkurpoor, had three sons; first, Doorga Buksh, to whom he gave three shares; second, Chundha Buksh, towhom he gave two shares; third, Bhowanee Buksh, to whom he gave oneand half share. The three shares of Doorga Buksh descended to hisson, Sheopersaud, who died without issue. Chunda Buksh left two sons, Ramnaraen and Gor Buksh, Ramnaraen inherited the three shares ofSheopersaud, as well as the two shares of his father. He had threesons, Rana Benee Madho, Nirput Sing, and Jogray Sing; Benee Madhoinherited the three shares, and one of the other two was given toNirput Sing, and the other to Jogray Sing. Gorbuksh Sing left oneson, Sheopersaud, who gets the one and half share of Bhowanee Buksh, whose son, Joorawun, died without issue. Benee Madho is now the headof the family; and he has more than quadrupled his three shares byabsorptions, made in the way above mentioned. ] The three and half shares held by his brothers and cousins are liableto subdivision by the Hindoo law of inheritance, or the custom of hisfamily and clan; but his own share must descend undivided, unless hedivides it during his lifetime, or his heirs divide it during theirs, and consent to descend in the scale of landholders. He says that, during the five years that Fakeer Mahommed Khan was Nazim, a quarrelsubsisted between him and the tallookdar of Khujoor Gow, RugonathSing, his neighbour; that Sahib Rae, the deputy of Fakeer Mahommed, who was himself no man of business, adopted the cause of his enemy, and persuaded his master to attack and rob him of all he had, turnhim out of his estate, and make it over to Rugonath Sing. He went toLucknow for redress, and remained there urging his claims forfourteen months, when he got an order from the minister, Ameen-odDowlah, for the estate being restored to him and transferred to theHozoor Tehseel. He recovered his possessions, and the transfer wasmade; and he has ever since lived in peace. He might have added thathe has been, at the same time, diligently employed in usurping thepossessions of his weaker neighbours. * [* Benee Madho and Rugonath Sing have since quarrelled about thetitle of Rana. Benee Madho assumed the title, and Rugonath wished todo the same, but Benee Madho thought this would derogate from hisdignity. They had some fighting, but Rugonath at last gave in, andBenee Madho purchased, from the Court a recognition of his exclusiveright to the title, which is a new one in Oude. They had each a forceof five thousand brave men, besides numerous auxiliaries. ] On our road, two miles from Rae Bareilly, we passed over a bridge onthe Saee river, built by _Reotee Ram_, the deputy of the celebratedeunuch, Almas Allee Khan, some sixty or seventy years ago. He at thesame time planted an avenue of fine trees from Salone to RaeBareilly, twenty miles; and from Rae Bareilly to Dalamow, on theGanges, south, a distance of fourteen miles more. Many of the treesare still standing and very fine; but the greater part have been cutdown during the contests that have taken place between the Governmentofficers and the landholders, or between the landholders themselves. The troops in attendance upon local government authorities have, perhaps, been the greatest enemies to this avenue, for they sparenothing of value, either in exchange or esteem, that they have thepower to take. The Government and its officers feel no interest insuch things, and the family of the planter has no longer the means toprotect the trees or repair the works. Rae Bareilly is the head-quarters of the local authorities in theByswara district, and is considered to be one of the most healthyplaces in Oude. It is near the bank of the small river Saee, in afine, open plain of light soil, and must be dry at all seasons, asthe drainage is good; and there are no jheels or jungles near. Itwould be an excellent cantonment for a large force, and position forlarge civil establishments. The town is a melancholy ruin, and thepeople tell me that whatever landholder in the district quarrels withthe local authorities is sure, as his first enterprise, to sack _RaeBareilly_, as there is no danger in doing it. The inhabitants live sofar from each other, and are separated by such heaps of ruins anddeep water-courses, that they can make no resistance. The high wallsand buildings, all of burnt brick, erected in the time of Shahjehan, are all gone to ruin. The plain, around the town, is open, level, well cultivated, and beautifully studded with trees. There is a finetank of puckah masonry to the north-west of the town, built by thesame Reotee Ram, and repaired by some member of his family, who holdsand keeps in good order the pretty garden around it. The best placefor a cantonment, courts, &c. , is the plain which separates the townfrom the river Saee to the south-east: they should extend along fromthe town to the bridge over the Saee river. The water of this riveris said to be excellent, though not quite equal to that of theGanges. There is good water in most of the wells, but in some it issaid to be brackish. The bridge requires repair. _January_ 2, 1850. --We halted at Rae Bareilly, and I inspected thebullocks belonging to the guns of Sobha Sing's regiment and some gunsbelonging to the Nazim. The bullocks have been starved, are hardlyable to walk, and quite unfit for any work. Some of the carriages ofthe guns are broken down, and those that are still entire are sorotten that they could not bear a march. This regiment of SobhaSing's was as good as any of those commanded by Captains Magness, Bunbury, and Barlow, while commanded by the late Captain Buckley;*and the native officers and sipahees trained under him are all stillexcellent, but they are not well provided. Like the others, thisregiment was to have had guns permanently attached to it, but thewant of Court influence has prevented this. They now have them onlywhen sent on service from one or other of the batteries at Lucknow, and the consequence is that they are good for nothing. Sobha Sing isat Court, in attendance on the minister; and his adjutant, BhopaulSing, a near relative of the Rajah of Mynpooree, commands: he seemsto be a good soldier, and an honest and respectable man. [* Captain Buckley was the son of Colonel Buckley, of the HonourableCompany's service, a good soldier and faithful servant of the OudeGovernment. His mother, widow, and son, were left destitute; but onmy earnest recommendation, the King granted the lad a pension offifty rupees a-month. ] The Nazim has with him this one _Komukee_, or auxiliary regiment, andhalf of three regiments of Nujeebs, amounting, according to the payabstracts and muster-rolls, to fifteen hundred men. He has onehundred cavalry and seven guns, of which one only is fit for use, andfor that one he has neither stores nor ammunition. He was obliged topurchase in the bazaar the powder and cloth required to make up thecartridges for a salute for the Resident. Of the fifteen hundredNujeebs not two-thirds are present, and of these hardly one-half areefficient: they are paid, armed, clothed, and provided like the corpsof Nujeebs placed under the other local officers. The tallookdars ofthe districts have not as yet presented themselves to the Nazim, butthey have sent their agents, and, with few exceptions, shown adisposition to pay their revenues. The chief landholder in thedistrict is Rambuksh, of Dondeea Kherah, a town, with a fort, on thebank of the river Ganges. He holds five of the purgunnahs ashereditary possessions:--1, Bhugwuntnuggur; 2, Dondeea Kherah; 3, Mugraen; 4, Punheen; 5, Ghutumpoor. The present Nazim has put allfive under the management of Government officers, as the only safeway to get the revenues, as Rambuksh is a bad paymaster. Had he notbeen so, as well to his _own retainer_ as to the _King's officers_, the Nazim would not have been able to do this. It is remarked as asingular fact among Rajpoot landholders that Rambuksh wants couragehimself, and is too niggardly to induce others to fight for him withspirit. The last Nazim, Hamid Allee, a weak and inexperienced man, dared not venture upon such a measure to enforce payment ofbalances. * [* Rambuksh recovered the management of his estate, and had ittransferred to the Hozoor Tehseel: but he failed in the payment ofthe expected gratuities; and in April, 1851, he was attacked by alarge force, and driven across the Ganges, into British territory. Hehad gone off on the pretence of a visit to some shrine, and hisfollowers would not fight. The fort was destroyed, and estateconfiscated. He is still, January, 1851, negotiating for the purchaseof both, and will succeed, as he has plenty of money at command. TheKing's troops employed committed all manner of atrocities upon thepoor peasantry: many men were murdered, many women threw themselvesdown in wells, after they had been dishonoured; and all wereindiscriminately plundered. ] He married the daughter of Fuzl Allee, the prime minister for fifteenmonths, during which time he made a fortune of some thirty or thirty-five lacs of rupees, twelve of which Hamid Allee's wife got. He waspersuaded by Gholam Allee, his deputy, and others, that he mightaspire to be prime minister at Lucknow if he took a few districts infarm, to establish his character and influence. In the farm of thesedistricts he has sunk his own fortune and that of his wife, and isstill held to be a defaulter to the amount of some eighteen lacs, andis now in gaol. This balance he will wipe off in time in the usualmanner: he will beg and borrow to pay a small sum to the Treasury, and four times the amount in gratuities to the minister, and otherpersons, male and female, of influence at Court. The rest will bestruck off as irrecoverable, and he will be released. He was a manrespected at Delhi, as well on account of his good character as onthat of his wealth; but he is here only pitied as an ambitious fool. The wakeel, on the part of the King, with the Resident, has beenuniting his efforts to those of Hoseyn Buksh, * the present Nazim ofSalone, to prevail upon Rajah Hunmunt Sing, the tallookdar ofDharoopoor, to consent to pay an addition of ten or fifteen thousandrupees to the present demand of one hundred and sixteen thousandrupees a-year for his estate. He sturdily refused, under theassurance of the good offices of Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, who hashitherto supported him. Among other things urged by him to accountfor his inability to pay is the obligation he is under to liquidate, by annual instalments, a balance due to Bukhtawar Sing; himself, whenhe held the contract of the district many years ago. Bukhtawar Singacknowledges the receipt of the instalments, and declares that theyare justly due; but these payments are, in reality, nothing more thangratuities, paid for his continued good offices with the minister andDewan. [* Hoseyn Buksh was killed in March following, by the followers of afemale landholder, whom he was trying to coerce into payment. He waskilled by a cannon shot through the chest, while engaged in the siegeof Shahmow, held by Golab Kour, the widow of Rajah Dirguj Sing, whohad succeeded to the estate, and would not or could not pay herrevenue. A few days before, Hoseyn Buksh attached the crops of anothertallookdar, Seodut Sing, of Dhunawan, who would pay no revenue. Abody of the King's cavalry was sent to guard the crops, but thetallookdar drove them off, and killed one and wounded another. HoseynBuksh then sent a regiment, the Futtehaesh, a corps of his ownSeobundies, and six guns, to coerce the tallookdar. Two guns weremounted on one battery, under the Futtehaesh regiment, and four onanother, under the Seobundies. A crowd of armed peasants attacked thebattery with the two guns, drove back the regiment, captured theguns, and fired upon the soldiers as they fled. They then attackedthe battery with the four guns, and the Seobundies fled, taking theirguns with them for four miles. In their flight they had three menkilled, and twelve wounded. Hoseyn Buksh, on hearing this, sent hiswhole force, under his brother, Allee Buksh, to avenge the insult. Seodut, thinking he could not prudently hold out any longer, evacuated his fort during the night, and retired, and Hoseyn Bukshtook possession of the fort, and recovered his two guns. Hissuccessor restored both Seodut and the widow, Golab Kour, to theirestates, on their own terms, after trying in vain to arrest them. ] While Dursun Sing, and his brother, Bukhtawar, held the contract ofSalone, the estate was put under management, and yielded one hundredand seventy-four thousand rupees a-year, out of which they allowed adeduction, on account of nankar, or subsistence, of some twentythousand. The Rajah and Bukhtawar Sing urge that this was, for themost part, paid out of the property left by Byree Saul, to whomHimmut Sing succeeded; and that the estate can now be made to yieldonly one hundred and sixteen thousand, from which is to be deducted anankar of forty thousand. They offer him a deduction of this fortythousand, out of a rent-roll rated at one hundred and thirtythousand; and threaten him with the vengeance of his Majesty if herefuses. He looks at their military force and smiles. The agents ofall the tallookdars, who are in attendance on the Nazim, do the same. They know that they are strong, and see that the Government is weak, and they cease to respect its rights and orders. They see at the sametime that the Government and its officers regard less the rights thanthe strength of the landholders; and, from fear, favour the strongwhile they oppress and crush the weak. * [* Rajah Hunmunt Sing afterwards brought the contractor to consent totake the same rate as had been paid to his predecessor; but he wasobliged to pay above six thousand rupees in gratuities. ] _January_ 3, 1850. --Gorbuksh Gunge, _alias_ Onae, fourteen miles. Thesoil of the country over which we came is chiefly a light doomuteea;but there is a good deal of what they call bhoor, or soil in whichsand superabounds. The greater part belongs to the estate of BeneeMadho, and is admirably cultivated, and covered with a great varietyof crops. The country is better peopled than any other part that wehave seen since we recrossed the Goomtee. We passed through severalvillages, the people of which seemed very happy. But theirhabitations had the same wretched appearance--naked mud walls, withinvisible mud coverings. The people told me that they could notventure to use thatched or tiled roofs, for the King's troops, onduty with the local authorities, always took them away, when they hadany. They were, they said, well secured from all other enemies bytheir landlord. Bhopaul Sing, acting commandant of Sobha Sing'sRegiment, riding with me, said, -"Nothing can be more true than whatthe people tell you, sir; but the _Koomukee_ Regiments, of which mineis one, have tents provided for them, which none of the Nujeeb andother corps have, and in consequence, these corps never take thechoppers of the peasantry for their accommodations. The peasantry, however, always suffer more or less even from the Koomukee corps, sir, for they have to forage for straw, wood, fuel, bhoosa, &c. , likethe rest, and to take it wherever they can find it. When we haveoccasion to attack, or lay siege to a stronghold, all the roofs, doors, and windows of the people are, of course, taken to formscaling-ladders, batteries, &c. ; and it is lamentable, sir, to seethe desolation created around, after even a very short siege. " Rajah Hunmunt Sing and Benee Madho were riding with me, and when wehad passed through a large crowd of seemingly happy peasantry in onevillage, I asked Benee Madho (whose tenants they were), whether theywould all have to follow his fortunes if he happened to take up armsagainst the Government. "Assuredly, " said he, "they would all be bound in honour to followme, or to desert their lands at least. " "And if they did not, I suppose you would deem it a _point of honour_to plunder them?" "That he assuredly would, " said Rajah Hunmunt Sing; "and make themthe first victims. " "And if any of them fell fighting on his side, would he think it a_point of honour_ to-provide for their families?" "That we all do, " said he; "they are always provided for, and takenthe greatest possible care of. " "And if any one is killed in fighting for the King?" They did not reply to this question, but the adjutant, Bhopaul Sing, said, --"his family would be left to shift for themselves, --no oneasks a question about them. " "This, " observed Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, "is one of the great sourcesof the evil that exists in Oude. How can men be expected to exposetheir lives when they know that no care will be taken of theirfamilies if they are killed or disabled?" It is the rule to give a disabled man one month's pay and dismisshim; and to give the family of any one killed in the service twomonths' pay. But, though the King is charged for this, it is seldomthat the wounded man, or the family of the killed, get any portion ofit. On the contrary, the arrears of pay due-which are at all timesgreat--are never paid to the disabled sipahee, or the family of thesipahee killed. If issued from the Treasury, they are appropriated bythe commandants and their friends at Court; and the arms andaccoutrements, which the deceased has purchased with his own money, are commonly sold for the benefit of the State or its officers. They mentioned, that the family of the person who planted a mango-tree, or grove, continued to hold it as their exclusive property inperpetuity; but, that the person who held the mhowa trees, wascommonly expected to pay to the landlord, where there was one, and tothe Government officers, where there was not, a duty amounting tofrom four annas to two rupees a-year for each tree, according to itsfruitfulness--that the proprietor often sold the fruit of one treefor twenty rupees the season. The fruit of one mango-tree has, indeed, often been sold for a hundred rupees the season, where themangoes are of a quality much esteemed, and numerous. The groves andfine solitary trees, on the lands we have to-day passed through, aremore numerous than usual; and the country being undulating and wellcultivated, the scenery is beautiful; but, as everywhere else, it isdevoid of all architectural beauty in works of ornament or utility--not even a comfortable habitation is anywhere to be seen. The greatlandholders live at a distance from the road, and in forts orstrongholds. These are generally surrounded by fences of livingbamboos, which are carefully kept up as the best possible defenceagainst attacks. The forts are all of mud, and when the walls areexposed to view they look ugly. The houses of the peasants in thevillages are, for the most part, covered with mud, from which thewater is carried off, by tubes of wood or baked clay, about two feetlong. There are parapets around the roof a foot or two high, so thatit cannot be seen, and a village appears to be a mass of dead mudwalls, which have been robbed of their thatched or tiled roofs. Mostof the tubes used for carrying off the water from the roofs, are thesimple branches of the palm-tree, without their leaves. Among the peasantry we saw a great many sipahees, from our NativeInfantry Regiments, who have come home on furlough to their families. From the estate of Rajah Hunmunt Sing, in the Banoda district, thereare one thousand sipahees in our service. From that of Benee Madho, in the Byswara district, there are still more. They told us that theyand their families were very happy, and they seemed to be so; butHunmunt Sing said, they were a privileged class, who gave muchtrouble and annoyance, and were often the terror of their non-privileged neighbours and co-sharers in the land. Benee Madho, as Ihave stated above, sometimes makes use of his wealth, power, andinfluence, to rob his weaker neighbours of their estates. The landson which we are encamped he got two years ago from their proprietor, Futteh Bahader, by foreclosing a mortgage, in which he and others hadinvolved him. The gunge or bazaar, close to our tents, wasestablished by Gorbuksh, the uncle of Futteh Bahader, and became athriving emporium under his fostering care; but it has gone to utterruin under his nephew, and heir, and the mortgagee. The lands around, however, could never have been better cultivated than they are; northe cultivators better protected or encouraged. It rained slightlybefore sunset yesterday, and heavily between three and four thismorning; but not so as to prevent our marching. This morning, a male elephant belonging to Benee Madho killed one ofhis attendants near to our camp. He had three attendants, the driverand two subordinates. The driver remained in camp, while the twoattendants took the elephant to a field of sugar-cane, to bring homea supply of the cane for his fodder for the day. A third subordinatehad gone on to cut the cane and bind it into bundles. One of the twowas on the neck of the elephant, and another walking by the side, holding one of the elephant's teeth in his left hand all the way tothe field, and he seemed very quiet. The third attendant brought thebundles, and the second handed them up to the first on the back to bestowed away. When they had got up about a dozen, the elephant made arush at the third attendant, who was bringing the bundles, threw himto the ground with his foot, knelt down upon him, and crushed him todeath with his front. The second attendant ran off as soon as he sawthe elephant make a rush at the third; and the first fell off underthe bundles of sugar-cane, as soon as the elephant knelt down tocrush the third to death. When the elephant rose from the poor man, he did not molest, or manifest any wish to molest either of the othertwo, but stood still, watching the dead body. The first, seeing this, ventured to walk up to him, to take him by the ear and ask him whathe meant. At first he seemed surly, and shoved the man off, and hebecame alarmed, and retired a few paces; but seeing the elephant showno further signs of anger, he again walked up, and took him by theear familiarly. Had he ran or shown any signs of fear, the elephantwould, he thought, have killed him also, for he had killed three menin the service of his former proprietor, and was now in his annualfit of madness, or must. Holding the elephant by the ear, he led himto the first tree, and placed himself on the opposite side to seewhether the animal had become quite sober. Seeing that he had, heagain approached, and put upon his two forelegs the chain fetters, which they always have with them, suspended to some part of the bodyof elephants in this state. He could not venture to command theelephant to kneel down in the usual way, that he might get upon hisneck; and, ascending the tree, he let himself down from one of thebranches upon his back, where he sat. He then made the animal walk onin fetters, towards camp, and on the way, met the mahout, or driver, to whom the second attendant had reported the accident. The drivercame up, and, after the usual volume of abuse on the elephant, hismother, father, and sundry female relations, he ordered the attendantto make him sit down that he might get on his neck. He did so in fearand trembling, and the driver got on his neck, while the attendantsat on his back, and the elephant took them to Benee Madho's village, close to my camp, where he was fastened in chains to a tree, toremain for some months on reduced allowances, till he should get overhis madness. The body of the poor man was burnt with the usualceremonies, and the first attendant told me, that his family would beprovided for by Benee Madho, as a matter of course. I asked him how he or any other person could be found to attend abeast of that kind? Pointing to his stomach, he said--"We poor peopleare obliged to risk our lives for this, in all manner of ways; toattend elephants has been always my profession, and there is no otheropen to me; and we make up our minds to do whatever our dutiesrequire from us, and trust to Providence. " He told me that when theelephant shoved him off, he thought that in his anger he might haveforgotten him, and called out as loud as he could, --"What, have youforgotten a service of six years, and do you intend to kill the manwho has fed you so long?" That the beast seemed to recollect hisvoice and services, and became, at once, quiet and docile--"that hadhe not so called out, and reminded the animal of his long services, he thought he should have been killed; that the driver came, armedwith a spear, and showed himself more angry than afraid, as thesafest plan in such cases. " Dangerous as the calling of the elephant-driver is, that of thesnake-keepers, in the King's service, seems still greater. He has twoor three very expert men of this kind, whose duty it is to bring himthe snakes, when disposed to look at them, and see the effects oftheir poison on animals. They handle the most venomous, withapparently as much carelessness as other men handle fighting-cocks orquail. When bitten, as they sometimes are, they instantly cut intothe part, and suck out the poison, or get their companions to suck itout when they can't reach the part with their own mouths. But theydepend chiefly upon their wonderful dexterity in warding off thestoops or blows of the snakes, as they twist them round their necksand limbs with seeming carelessness. While they are doing so, the eyeof the spectator can hardily detect the _stoops_ of the one and theguards of the other. After playing in this way with the most venomoussnakes, they apply them to the animals. Elephants have died fromtheir bites in a few hours--smaller animals sooner. I have never, myself, seen the experiments, but any one may see them at the palace. Elephants and the larger animals are too expensive to be oftenexperimented on. _January_ 4, 1850. --Halted at the village of Onae, alias GorbukshGunge. It lost the name of Onae, after the proprietor, Gorbuksh, whohad built the Gunge, and made it a great emporium of trade in corn, cotton cloth, &c. ; but is recovering it again, now that the Gunge hasbecome a ruin, and the family of the builder has been dispossessed ofthe lands. I rode out in the morning to look at the neighbouringvillage of Doolarae-ka Gurhee, or the fort of Doolarae, and have sometalk with the peasantry, who are Bys Rajpoots, of one of the mostancient Rajpoot families in Oude. They told me, --"That their tribewas composed of two great families, Nyhussas and Synbunsies--that theacknowledged head of the Synbunsies was, at present, Rugonath Sing, of Kojurgow, and that Hindpaul, tallookdar of Korree Sudowlee, wasthe head of the Nyhussas; that Baboo Rambuksh, tallookdar of DhondeeaKheera, had the title of Row, and Dirg Bijee Sing, tallookdar ofMorarmow, that of Rajah--that is, he was the acknowledged Rajah ofthe clan, and Baboo Rambuksh, the Row, an inferior grade--that thesefamilies had been always fighting with each other, for the possessionof each others lands, from the time their ancestors came into Oude, athousand years ago, except when they were united in resistanceagainst the common enemy, the governor or ruler of the country--thatone family got weak by the subdivision of the lands, among many sonsor brothers, or by extravagance, or misfortune, while another becamepowerful, by keeping the lands undivided, and by parsimony andprudence; and the strong increased their possessions by seizing uponthe lands of the weak, by violence, fraud or collusion with the localauthorities--that the same thing had been going on among them for athousand years, with some brief intervals, during which the rulers ofOude managed, by oppression, to unite them all against themselves, orby prudence, to keep them all to their respective rights and duties--that Doolarae, who gave his name to the village, by building thefort, was of the Nyhussa family, and left two sons, and only twovillages, Gurhee and Agoree, out of a very large estate, the resthaving been lost in the contests with the other families of thetribe--that these two had become minutely subdivided among theirdescendants: and Bhugwan Das, Synbunsee of Simree, four years ago, seized upon the Gurhee, in collusion with the local authorities; thatThakoor Buksh Nyhussa, talookdar of Rahwa seized upon Agoree in thesame way that the local authorities designedly assessed thesevillages at a higher rate than they could be made to pay, and then, for a bribe, transferred them to the powerful tallookdars, on accountof default. " Gorbuksh Sing, Synbunsee, died some twenty years ago, leaving anestate, reduced from a greater number to ninety-three villages. Hisnephew, Futteh Bahader, a child, was adopted by his widow, whocontinued to manage the whole till she died, four years after. Theheir was still a boy; and Rugonath Sing, of Kojurgow, the head of theSynbunsee family, took advantage of his youth, seized upon the wholeninety-three villages, and turned him out to beg subsistence amonghis relatives. In this he, Rugonath Sing, was, as usual, acting incollusion with the local authorities of the Government. He continuedto possess the estate for ten years, but to reside in his fort ofHajeepoor. Koelee Sing, a Guhlote, by caste, and a zumeendar ofBheeturgow, and its eight dependent villages, which formed part ofthe estate of Futteh Bahader, went to Court at Lucknow, andrepresented, that Rugonath Sing had no right whatever to the lands heheld, and the Court had better make them over to him and the otherzumeendars, if they did not like to restore them to their rightfulheir. Bheeturgow and its dependent eight villages, were made over tohim; and ten sipahees, from Captain Hyder Hearsey's Regiment, weresent to establish and support him in possession. Rugonath attackedthem, killed two of the sipahees, and drove out Koelee Sing. Herepaired to Court; and Mahomed Khan was sent out, as SpecialCommissioner, with orders to punish Rugonath Sing. He and CaptainHearsey attacked him in his fort of Hajeepoor, drove him out, andrestored Futteh Bahader, to twenty-four villages; and re-establishedKoelee Sing, in Bheeturgow, and the eight villages dependent upon it. Futteh Bahader was poor, and was obliged to tender the security ofBenee Madho, the wealthy tallookdar of this place, for the punctualpayment of the revenue. The year before last, when a balance ofrevenue became due, he, the deputy, in collusion with Gholam Allee, seized upon all the twenty-four villages. Futteh Bahader went to seek redress at Lucknow, but had no money topay his way at Court, while Benee Madho had abundance, and used itfreely, to secure the possession of so fine an addition to hisestate. Futteh Bahader, as his last resource, got his uncle, BusteeSing, of the 3rd Cavalry, whom he called his father, * to present apetition for redress to the Resident, in April 1849. Gholam Allee wasordered to release Futteh Bahader, whom Benee Madho had confined, andsend him to Lucknow. The order was not obeyed, and it was repeated inDecember without effect; but his uncle's agent, Gorbuksh, wasdiligent at the Residency, and the case was made over forinvestigation and decision to the Ameen, Mahomed Hyat. Finding FuttehBahader still in confinement, with sundry members of his family, whenI came here yesterday, I ordered him to be made over to the King'swakeel, in attendance upon me, to be sent to the Court, to prosecutehis claim, and produce proofs of his right. Of his right there can beno question, and the property of which he was robbed, in takingpossession, and the rents since received, if duly accounted for, would more than cover any balance due by Futteh Bahader. When he gavethe security of Benee Madho, for the payment of the revenue, he gave, at the same time, what is called the Jumog of his villages to him;that is, bound his tenants to pay to him their rents at the rate theywere pledged to pay to him; and the question pending is, simply, whatis fairly due to Benee Madho, over and above what he may havecollected from them. Benee Madho had before, by the usual process ofviolence, fraud, and collusion, taken eighteen of the ninety-threevillages, and got one for a servant; and all the rest had, by thesame process, got into the possession of others; and Futteh Bahaderhad not an acre left when his uncle interposed his good offices withthe Resident. ** The dogs of the village of Doolarae-kee Gurheefollowed us towards camp, and were troublesome to the horses and myelephant. I asked the principal zumeendar why they were kept. He saidthey amused the children of the village, who took them out after thehares, and by their aid and that of the sticks with which they armedthemselves, they got a good many; that all they got for food was thelast mouthful of every man's dinner, which no man was sordid enoughto grudge them--that when they wished to describe a very sordid man, they said--"he would not even throw his last mouthful (koura) to adog!" [* He called Bustee Sing his _father_, as sipahees can seek redressthrough the Resident, for wrongs suffered by no others than theirmothers, fathers, their children, and themselves. ] [** A punchaet was assembled at Lucknow, to decide the suit betweenBenee Madho and Futteh Bahader, at the instance of the Resident: andthey awarded to Benee Madho a balance due on account of thirtythousand rupees, which Futteh Bahader has to pay before he canrecover possession of his estate. ] _January_ 5, 1851. --Halted at Onae, in consequence of continued rain, which incommodes us, but delights the landholders and cultivators, whose crops will greatly benefit by it. The halting of so large acamp inconveniences them, however, much more than us; for they arecalled upon to supply us with wood, grass, and straw, for which theyreceive little or no payment; for the Kings people will not let uspay for these things, and pay too little themselves. Those who attendus do not plunder along the road; but the followers of the localauthorities, who attend us, through their respective jurisdictions, do so; and sundry fields of fine carrots and other vegetablesdisappear, as under a flight of locusts along the road. The camp-followers assist them, and as our train extends from the ground weleave to that to which we are going, for twelve or fourteen miles, itis impossible, altogether, to prevent such injuries from soundisciplined a band. The people, however, say, they suffer much lessthan they would from one-fourth of the number under a contractormarching without an European superior, and I give compensation inflagrant cases. Captain Weston acts as our Provost Marshal. He leavesthe ground an hour or two after I do, and seizes and severelypunishes any one found trespassing. In my ride this morning I found that Nyhussa and Synbunsee are twovillages distant about ten miles from our camp, to the south-east--that all the Byses, who give the name of Byswara to this largedistrict, are called Tilokchundees, from Tilokchund, the founder ofthe family in Oude. He had two sons, _Hurhur Deo_ and _PretheeChund_. Hurhur Deo had two sons, one of whom, Kurun Rae, establishedhimself in Nyhussa, and the other, Khem Kurun, in Synbunsee. Theirdescendants have taken their titles from their respective villages. Prethee Chund's descendants established themselves in other parts, and the descendants of both bear the appellation of TilokchundeeByses. The Rajahs and Rows are of the same family, and are so calledfrom their ancestors having, at some time, had the title of Rajah andRow conferred upon them. Rajah Seodursun Sing, of Simrotee, who resides in the village ofChundapoor upon his estate, four miles east of Bulla, has been withme for the last five days. He is a strong man, and has beenrefractory occasionally; but at present he pays his revenuepunctually, and keeps his estate in good order. He rendered goodservice yesterday in the way in which all of his class might, by goodmanagement, be made to aid the government of Oude. A ruffian, by nameMohiboollah, who had been a trooper in the King of Oude's service, contrived to get the lease of the estate of Bulla, which is abouttwenty miles north-east from our camp; and turning out all the oldlandholders and cultivators, he there raised a gang of robbers, toplunder his neighbours and travellers. He had been only two months inpossession, when he attacked the house of an old invalid subadar-major of the Honourable Company's service, (fifty-seventh NativeInfantry, ) on the 21st of December, 1849, robbed him of all he had, and confined him and all his family, till he promised, under goodsecurity, to pay, within twenty days, a ransom of one thousand twohundred rupees more. He had demanded a good deal more, but hearingthat the Resident's camp was approaching, he consented to take thissum four days ago, and released all his prisoners. The subadarpresented a petition to me, and, after taking the depositions of theold zumeendars and other witnesses, I requested the king's wakeel, tosend off a company of Soubha Sing's Regiment, to arrest him and hisgang. They went off from Rae Bareilly on the night of the 1st instant; but, finding that the subadar-major and his family had been released theday before, and that the village was full of armed men, ready toresist, they returned on the evening of the 2nd. On the 3rd, thewhole regiment, with its artillery, and three hundred auxiliaries, under Rajah Seodursun Sing, left my camp, at Onae, at midnight, andbefore daylight surrounded the village. There were about one hundredand fifty armed men in it; and, after a little bravado, they allsurrendered, and were brought to me. Mohiboollah had, however, goneoff, on the pretence of collecting his rents, two days before; buthis father and brother were among the prisoners. All who wererecognised as having been engaged in the robbery, were sent offprisoners to Lucknow, and the rest were disarmed and released. Among those detained were some notorious robbers, and the gang wouldsoon have become very formidable but for the accident of my passingnear. He had got the lease of the estate through the influence ofAkber-od Dowlah, one of the Court favourites, for the sole purpose ofconverting it into a den of robbers; and, the better to secure thisobject, he had got it transferred from the jurisdiction of the Nazimto the Hozoor Tehseel, over the manager of which the Court favouritehad paramount influence. He was to share with his client the fruitsof his depredations, and, in return, to secure him impunity for hiscrimes. Many of his retainers were among the prisoners brought in tome, having been present at the distribution of the large bootyacquired from the old subadar, some thirty or forty thousand rupees. The subadar had resided upon the estate of Seodursun Sing; buthaving, seven years ago complained through the Resident of over-exactions for the small patch of land he held, and got back the grainwhich had been attacked for the rent, he was obliged to give it upand reside in the hamlet he afterwards occupied near Bulla, whosezumeendars assured him of protection. * He had a large family, and agreat deal of property in money and other valuables concealed underground. Mohiboollah first seized and sent off the subadar, and thenhad ramrods made red-hot and applied to the bodies of the childrentill the females gave him all their ornaments, and pointed out to himall the hidden treasures: they were then all taken to Bulla andconfined till the subadar had pledged himself to pay the ransomdemanded. [* The greater part of this property is understood to have beenconfided, in trust, to the old subadar, by some other minion of theCourt, and the chief object of the gang was to get hold of it; astheir patron, Akber-od Dowlah, had become aware that his fellow-minion had intrusted his wealth to the old subadar, after he hadtaken up his residence near Bulla. The estate was made over, in farm, to Benee Madho, as the best man to cope with Mohiboollah, should hereturn and form a new gang. ] I requested the King to take the estate from this ruffian and restoreit to its old proprietors, whose family had held it for severalcenturies, or bestow it in lease to some other strong and deservingperson. The Tilokchundee Byses take the daughters of other Rajpoots, who area shade lower in caste, in marriage for their sons, but do not givetheir daughters in marriage to them in return. They have a singularnotion that no snake ever has destroyed or ever can destroy one ofthe family, and seem to take no precautions against its bite. Ifbitten by a snake they do not attempt any remedy, nor could BeneeMadho recollect any instance of a Tilokchundee Bysee having died froma bite. He tells me that some families in every Rajpoot tribe in Oudedestroy their female infants to avoid the cost of marrying them, though the King prohibited infanticide and suttee in the year 1833. That infanticide does still prevail among almost all the Rajpoottribes in Oude is unquestionable. _January_ 6, 1850. --Yesterday evening we moved to Omrowa West, [Transcriber's note: this appears to be a misspelling for MorowaWest] a distance of twelve miles, over a plain of bad oosur soil, scantily cultivated near the road. To the left and right of the road, at a little distance, there are some fine villages, thickly peopled, and situated in fine and well-cultivated soil. The country is wellwooded, except in the worst parts of the soil, where trees do notthrive. We saw a great deal of sugar-cane in the distance and a fewpawn-gardens. The population of the villages came to the high road tosee us pass; and among them were a great many native officers andsipahees of our Regiments, who are at their homes on furlough, Government having given a very large portion of the native army theindulgence of furlough during the present cold season. They allseemed happy; but, to my discomfort, a vast number take advantage ofthis furlough and my movements to urge their claims against theGovernment, its officers, and subjects. Nothing can be more wretchedthan the appearance of the buildings in which the people of allgrades live in these villages--mud walls without any appearance ofcoverings, and doors and windows worse than I have seen in any otherpart of India. Better would not be safe against the King's troops, and these would certainly not be safe against a slight storm; a goodshower and a smart breeze would level the whole of the villages withthe ground in a few hours. "But, " said the people, "the mud wouldremain, and we could soon raise up the houses again without the aidof masons, carpenters, or blacksmiths. " It is enough that they areused to them. Morowa is a large town, well situated and surrounded with groves ofthe finest trees in great variety; and, to the surprise of theofficers with me, they saw a respectable house of burnt brick. Itbelongs to the most substantial banker and agricultural capitalist inthese parts, _Chundun Lal_. These capitalists and their families are, generally, more safe than others, as their aid is necessary to theGovernment and its officers, and no less so to the landholders, cultivators, and people of all classes. Their wealth consists intheir credit in different parts of India; and he who has most of itmay have little at his house to tempt the robber, while theGovernment officers stand generally too much in daily need of hisservices and mediation to molest him. A pledge made by these officersto landholders and cultivators, or to these officers by such persons, is seldom considered safe or binding till the respectable banker orcapitalist has ratified it by his mediation, to which all refer withconfidence. He understands the characters and means of all, and will not ventureto ratify any pledge till he is assured of both the disposition andability of the party to fulfil it. Chundun Lal is one of the mostrespectable of this class in Oude. He resides at this place, Morowa, but has a good landed estate in our territories, and bankingestablishments at Cawnpoor and many other of our large stations. Heis a very sensible, well-informed man, but not altogether free fromthe ailing of his class--a disposition to abuse the confidence of theGovernment officers; and, in collusion with them, to augment hispossessions in land at the cost of his weaker neighbours. I am told here that the Tilokchund Byses, when bitten by a snake, dosometimes condescend to apply a remedy. They have a vessel full ofwater suspended above the head of the sufferer, with a small tube atthe bottom, from which water is poured gently on the head as long ashe can bear it. The vent is then stopped till the patient is equal tobear more; and this is repeated four or five times till the suffererrecovers. I have not yet heard of any one dying under the operation, or from the bite of a snake. I find no one that has ever heard of amember of this family dying of the bite of a snake. One of the Rajahsof this family, who called on me to-day, declared that no member ofhis family had ever been known to die of such a bite, and he couldaccount for it only "from their being descended from Salbahun, therival and conqueror of Bickermajeet, of Ojein. " This Salbahun* is said to have been a lineal descendant of the _sake-god!_ He told me that the females of this family could never wearcotton cloth of any colour but plain white; that when they could notafford to wear silk or satin they never wore anything but the pieceof white cotton cloth which formed, in one, the waistband, petticoat, and mantle, or robe (the dhootee and loongree), without hemming orneedlework of any kind whatever. Those who can afford to wear silk orsatin wear the petticoat and robe, or mantle of that material, and ofany colour. On their ankles they can wear nothing but silver, andabove the ankles, nothing but gold; and if not, nothing, not evensilver, except on the feet and ankles. No Hindoo of respectability, however high or wealthy, can wear anything more valuable than silverbelow the waist. The Tilokchundee Byses can never condescend to holdthe plough; and if obliged to serve, they enlist in the army or otherpublic establishments of the Oude or other States. [* Salbahun must have been one of the leaders of the Scythian armies, who conquered India in the reign of Vickramadittea. ] The late governor of this district, Hamid Allee Khan, is now, as Ihave already stated, in prison, as a great defaulter, at Lucknow. Hewas a weak and inexperienced man, and guided entirely by hisdeputies, Nourooz Allee and Gholam Allee. Calamities of season andother causes prevented his collecting one-quarter of the revenuewhich he had engaged in his contract to pay. Gholam Allee persuadedthe officers commanding regiments under him to pledge themselves forthe personal security of some of the tallookdars whom he invited into discuss the claims of Government, and their ability to meet them. Four of them came--Hindooput, of Sudowlee, who called on me thismorning; Rugonath Sing, of Khojurgow; Rajah Dirg Bijee Sing, ofMorarmow; and Bhoop Sing, of Pahor. They were all seized and put intoconfinement as soon as they appeared, by the officers who had pledgedthemselves for their personal safety; and Gholam Allee went off toLucknow to boast of his prowess in seizing them. There he was calledupon to pay the balance due, and seeing no disposition to listen toany excuse on the ground of calamity of season, he determined toescape across the Ganges. He wrote to Hamid Allee to suggest that heshould do the same, and meet him at Horha, on the bank of the Ganges, on a certain night. Hamid Allee sent his family across the Ganges, and prepared to meetGholam Allee at the appointed place; but the commandants of corps, who suspected his intentions, and had not received from him any payfor their regiments for many months, seized him, and sent him aprisoner to Lucknow. Gholam Allee, however, effected his escapeacross the Ganges, and is now at Delhi. The story of his having runaway with three lacs of Hamid Allee's money is represented here as afiction, as the escape had been concerted between them, and they hadsent across the Ganges all that they could send with that view. Thismay or may not be the real state of the case. Hamid Allee, as I haveabove stated, married a daughter of Fuzl Allee. Fuzl Allee's aunt, Fyz-on Nissa, had been a great favourite with the Padshad Begum, thewife of the King, Ghazee-od Deen, and adoptive mother of hissuccessor, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, who ascended the throne in 1827. Shehad been banished from Oude by Ghazee-od Deen, but on his death shereturned secretly to Lucknow; and, in December of that year, hernephew, Fuzl Allee, who had been banished with her, returned also, and on the 31st of that month he was appointed prime minister, insuccession to Aga Meer. Hakeem Mehndee had been invited fromFuttehghur to fill the office, and had come so far as Cawnpoor, whenFyz-on Nissa carried the day with the Queen Dowager, and he wasordered back. In November, 1828, the King, at his mother's request, gave him the sum of 21, 85, 722 1 11, the residue of the principal ofthe pension of Shums-od Dowlah, the King's uncle, who had died. Thewhole principal amounted to 33, 33, 333 5 4, but part had beenappropriated as a fund to provide for some members of the King'sfamily. In February, 1829, Fuzl Allee resigned the office of prime minister, and was protected by the Government of India, on the recommendationof the Resident, and saved, from the necessity of refunding to theState any of the wealth (some thirty-five lacs of rupees) which hehad acquired during his brief period of office. This was all left tohis three daughters and their husbands on his death, which took placesoon after. He was succeeded in office by Hakeem Mehndee. Shums-odDowlah's pension of 16, 666 10 6 a-month, was paid out of theinterest, at 6 per cent. , of the loan of one crore, eight lacs, andfifty thousand rupees, obtained from the sovereign of Oude (Ghazee-odDeen Hyder, who succeeded his father on the 11th of July, 1814, ) byLord Hastings, in October, 1814, for the Nepaul war. All the interest(six lacs and fifty-one thousand) was, in the same manner, distributed in stipends to different members of the family, and theprincipal has been paid back as the incumbents have died off. Somefew still survive. * [* The ground, on the north-west side of Morowa, would be good for acantonment, as the soil is sandy, and the plain well drained. Watermust lie during the rains on all the other sides, and the soil hasmore clay in it. ] _January_ 7, 1850. --To Mirree, twelve miles, over a plain of lightdoomuteea soil, sufficiently cultivated, and well studded with trees. We passed Runjeet-ka Poorwa half-way--once a large and populous town, but now a small one. The fog was, however, too thick to admit of myseeing it. From this place to Lucknow, thirty miles, Seetlah Buksh, adeputy of Almas Allee Khan's, planted an avenue of the finest kind oftrees. We had to pass through a mile of it, and the trees are in thehighest perfection, and complete on both sides. I am told that thereare, however, many considerable intervals in which they have beendestroyed. The trees must have been planted about sixty years ago. I may here remark that no native gentleman from Lucknow, save such ashold office in districts, and are surrounded by troops, can withsafety reside in the country. He would be either suspected anddestroyed by the great landholders around him, or suspected andruined by the Court. Under a better system of government, a greatmany of these native gentlemen, who enjoy hereditary incomes, underthe guarantee of the British Government, would build houses indistant districts, take lands, and reside on them with theirfamilies, wholly or occasionally, and Oude [would] soon be coveredwith handsome gentlemen's seats, at once ornamental and useful. Theywould tend to give useful employment to the people, and become bondsof union between the governing and the governed. Under such animproved system, our guarantees would be of immense advantage to thewhole country of Oude, in diffusing wealth, protection, education, intelligence, good feeling, and useful and ornamental, works. Atpresent, these guarantees are not so. They have concentrated at thecapital all who subsist upon them, and surrounded the Sovereign andhis Court with an overgrown aristocracy, which tends to alienate himmore and more from his people. The people derive no benefit from, andhave no feeling or interest in common with, this city aristocracy, which tends more and more to hide their Sovereign from their view, and to render him less and less sensible of his duties and highresponsibilities; and what would be a blessing under a good, becomesan evil under a bad system, such as that which has prevailed sincethose guarantees began. In this overgrown city there is a perpetual turmoil of processions, illuminations, and festivities. The Sovereign spends all that he canget in them, and has not the slightest wish to perpetuate his name bythe construction of any useful or ornamental work beyond its suburbs. All the members of his family and of the city aristocracy follow hisexample, and spend their means in the same way. Indifferent to thefeelings and opinions of the landed aristocracy and people of thecountry, with whom they have no sympathy, they spend all that theycan spare for the public in gratifying the vitiated tastes of theovergrown metropolis. Hardly any work calculated to benefit orgratify the people of the country is formed or thought of by themembers of the royal family or aristocracy of Lucknow; and the onlyone formed by the Sovereign for many years is, I believe, themetalled road leading from Lucknow to Cawnpoor, on the Ganges. One good these guarantees certainly have effected--they have tendedgreatly to inspire the people of the city with respect for theBritish Government, by whom the incomes of so large and influential aportion of the community and their dependents are secured. Thatrespect extends to its public officers and to Europeans generally;and in the most crowded streets of Lucknow they are received withdeference, courtesy, and kindness, while in those of Hydrabad, theirlives, I believe, are never safe without an escort from the Resident. The people of the country respect the British Government, itsofficers, and Europeans generally, from other causes. Though theResident has not been able to secure any very substantial orpermanent reform in the administration, still he has often interposedwith effect, in individual cases, to relieve suffering and secureredress for grievous wrongs. The people of the country see that henever interposes, except for such purposes, and their only regret isthat he interposes so seldom, and that his efforts, when he does so, should be so often frustrated or disregarded. In the remotest villageor jungle in Oude, as in the most crowded streets of the capital, anEuropean gentleman is sure to be treated with affectionate respect;and the humblest European is as sure to receive protection andkindness, unless be forfeits all claim to it by his misconduct. The more sober-minded Mahommedans of Lucknow and elsewhere are muchscandalized at the habit which has grown up among them, in the citiesof India, of commemorating every event, whether of sadness or of joy, by brilliant illuminations and splendid processions, to amuse theidle populations of such cities. It is, they say, a reprehensibledeparture from the spirit of their creed, and from the simple tastesof the early Mahommedans, who laid out their superfluities in theconstruction of great and durable works of ornament and utility. Certainly no event can be more sorrowful among Mahommedans than thatwhich is commemorated in the mohurrum by illuminations andprocessions with the Tazeeas; and yet no illuminations are morebrilliant, and no processions more noisy, costly, and splendid. It isworthy of remark, that Hindoo princes in Central and Southern India, even of the Brahmin caste, commemorate this event in the same way;and in no part of India are these illuminations and processions morebrilliant and costly. Their object is solely to amuse the populationof their capitals, and to gratify the Mahommedan women whom they haveunder their protection, and their children, who must all beMahommedans. __________________________ CHAPTER VI. Nawabgunge, midway between Cawnpoor and Lucknow--Oosur soils howproduced--Visit from the prime minister--Rambuksh, of Dhodeeakhera--Hunmunt Sing, of Dharoopoor--Agricultural capitalists. Sipahees andnative offices of our army--Their furlough, and petitions--Requirements of Oude to secure good government. The King's reservedtreasury--Charity distributed through the _Mojtahid_, or chiefjustice--Infanticide--Loan of elephants, horses, and draft bullocksby Oude to Lord Lake in 1804--Clothing for the troops--The Akberyregiment--Its clothing, &c. , --Trespasses of a great man's camp inOude--Russoolabad and Sufeepoor districts--Buksh Allee, the dome--Budreenath, the contractor for Sufeepoor--Meeangunge--Division of theOude Territory in 1801, in equal shares between Oude and the BritishGovernments--Almas Allee Khan--His good government--The passes ofOude--Thieves by hereditary profession, and village watchmen--Rapacity of the King's troops--Total absence of all sympathy betweenthe governing and governed--Measures necessary to render the Oudetroops efficient and less mischievous to the people--Sheikh HushmutAllee, of Sundeela. _January_ 8, 1850. --Nawabgunge, eleven miles over a plain, the soilof which, near the road, is generally very poor oosur. No fruit orornamental trees, few shrubs, and very little grass. Here and there, however, even near the road, may be seen a small patch of land, fromwhich a crop of rice has been taken this season; and the country iswell cultivated all along, up to within half a mile of the road, onboth tides [sides]. Nawabgunge is situated on the new metalled road, fifty miles long, between Lucknow and Cawnpoor, and about midwaybetween the two places. * It was built by the late minister, NawabAmeen-od Dowlah, while in office, for the accommodation oftravellers, and is named after him. It is kept up at his expense forthe same purpose now that he has descended to private life. There isa small house for the accommodation of European gentlemen and ladies, as well as a double range of buildings, between which the roadpasses, for ordinary travellers, and for shopkeepers to supply them. [* The term Gunge, signifies a range of buildings at a place oftraffic, for the accommodation of merchants, and all persons engagedin the purchase and sale of goods and for that of their goods and ofthe shopkeepers who supply them. ] Some people told me, that even the worst of this oosur soil might bemade to produce fair crops under good tillage; while others deniedthe possibility, though all were farmers or landholders. All, however, agreed that any but the _worst_ might be made so by goodtillage--that is, by flooding the land by means of artificialembankments, for two or three rainy seasons, and then cross-ploughing, manuring, and irrigating it well. All say that the soilhereabouts is liable to become oosur, if left fallow and neglectedfor a few years. The oosur, certainly, seems to prevail most near thehigh roads, where the peasantry have been most exposed to therapacity of the King's troops; and this tends to confirm the notionthat tillage is necessary in certain soils to check the tendency ofthe carbonates or nitrates, or their alkaline bases, tosuperabundance. The abundance of the chloride of sodium in the soil, from which the superabounding carbonates of soda are formed, seems toindicate, unequivocally, that the bed from which they are brought tothe surface by capillary attraction must at some time have beencovered by salt water. The soil of Scind, which was at one time covered by the sea, seems tosuffer still more generally from the same superabundance of thecarbonates of soda, formed from the _chlorides of sodium_, andbrought to the surface in the same manner. But in Scind the evil isgreater and more general from the smaller quantity of rain thatfalls. Egypt would, no doubt, suffer still more from the same cause, inasmuch as it has still less rain than Scind, but for the annualoverflowing of the Nile. The greater part of the deserts which nowdisfigure the face of the globe in hot climates arise chiefly fromthe same causes, and they may become covered by tillage andpopulation as man becomes wiser, more social, and more humane. _January_ 9, 1850. --Halted at Nawabgunge. A vast deal of grain of allsorts has for the last two years passed from Cawnpoor to Lucknow forsale. The usual current of grain is from the northern and easterndistricts of Oude towards Cawnpoor; but for these two years it hasbeen from Cawnpoor to these districts. This is owing to two badseasons in Oude generally, and much oppression in the northern andeastern districts, in particular, and the advantage which thenavigation of the Ganges affords to the towns on its banks on suchoccasions. The metalled road from Cawnpoor to Lucknow is coveredalmost with carts and vehicles of all kinds. Guards have beenestablished upon it for the protection of travellers, and life andproperty are now secure upon it, which they had not been for manyyears up to the latter end of 1849. This road has lately beencompleted under the superintendence of Lient. G. Sim of theengineers, and cost above two lacs of rupees. The minister came out with a very large cortčge yesterday to see andtalk with me, and is to stay here to-day. I met him this morning onhis way out to shoot in the lake; and it was amusing to see hisenormous train contrasted with my small one. I told him, to theamusement of all around, that an English gentleman would rather getno air or shooting at all than seek them in such a crowd. Theminister was last night to have received the Rajahs and other greatlandholders, who had come to my camp, but they told me this morningthat they had some of them waited all night in vain for an audience;that the money demanded by his followers, of various sorts andgrades, for such a privilege was much more than they could pay; thatto see and talk with a prime minister of Oude was one of the mostdifficult and expensive of things. Rajah Hunmunt Sing, of Dharoopoor, told me that he feared his only alternative now was a very hard one, either to be utterly ruined by the contractor of Salone, or to taketo his jungles and strongholds and fight against his Sovereign. * [* The Rajah was too formidable to be treated lightly, and the Amilwas obliged to give in, and consent to take from him what he had paidto his predecessor; but to effect this, the Rajah was, afterwardsobliged to go to Lucknow, and pay largely in gratuities. ] Rajah Rambuksh, of Dondhea Kheera, is in the same predicament. Hetells me, that a great part of his estate has been taken from him byChundun Lal, of Morowa, the banker already mentioned, in collusionwith the Nazim, Kotab-od Deen, who depends so much on him as the onlycapitalist in his district; that he is obliged to conciliate him byacquiescing in the spoliation of others; that he has already takenmuch of his lands by fraud and collusion, and wishes to take thewhole in the same way; that this banker now holds lands in thedistrict yielding above two lacs of rupees a-year, can do what hepleases, and is every day aggrandizing himself and family by the ruinof others. There is some truth in what Rambuksh states, though heexaggerates a little the wrong which he himself suffers; and it islamentable that all power and influence in Oude, of whatever kind orhowever acquired, should be so sure to be abused, to the prejudice ofboth sovereign and people. When these great capitalists becomelandholders, as almost all do, they are apt to do much mischief inthe districts where their influence lies, for the Government officerscan do little in the collection of the revenue without their aid; andas the collection of revenue is the only part of their duty to whichthey attach much importance, they are ready to acquiesce in any wrongthat they may commit in order to conciliate them. The Nazim ofByswara, Kotab-od Deen, is an old and infirm man, and very muchdependent upon Chundun Lal, who, in collusion with him, has certainlydeprived many of their hereditary possessions in the usual way inorder to aggrandize his own family. He has, at the same time, purchased a great deal of land at auction in the Honourable Company'sdistricts where he has dealings, keeps the greater part of hiswealth, and is prepared to locate his family when the danger ofretaining any of either in Oude becomes pressing. The risk is alwaysgreat; but they bind the local authorities, civil and military, bysolemn oaths and written pledges, for the security of their ownpersons and property, and those of their families and clients. _January_ 10, 1850. --At Nawabgunge, detained by rain, which fellheavily yesterday, with much thunder and lightning, and has continuedto fall all night. It is painful and humiliating to pass through thispart of Oude, where the families of so many thousands of our sipaheesreside, particularly at this time when so large a portion of them areat their homes on furlough. The Punjab war having closed, all thecorps engaged in it have this year been sent off to quiet stations inour old provinces, and their places supplied by others which havetaken no share in that or any other war of late. As a measure ofeconomy, and with a view to indulge the native officers and sipaheesof the corps engaged in that war, Government has this season given along furlough to all the native army of Bengal. Some three hundredand fifty native officers and sipahees from each regiment are, or areto be, absent on leave this season. This saves to Government a verylarge sum in the extra allowance which is granted to native officersand sipahees, during their march from one station to another, and inthe deductions which are made from the pay and allowances of thosewho go on furlough. During furlough, subadars receive 52 rupees a-month instead of 67; jemadars 17, instead of 24; havildars 9, insteadof 14; naicks 7, instead of 12; and sipahees 5-8, instead of 7. These native officers and sipahees, with all their gallantry onservice and fidelity to their salt, are the most importunate ofsuitors, and certainly among the most untruthful and unscrupulous instating the circumstances of their claims, or the grounds of theircomplaints. They crowd around me morning and evening when I ventureoutside my tent, and keep me employed all day in reading theirpetitions. They cannot or will not understand that the Resident is, or ought to be, only the channel through which their claims are sentfor adjustment through the Court to the Oude tribunals and localauthorities; and that the investigation and decision must, or oughtto, rest with them. They expect that he will at once himselfinvestigate and decide their claims, or have them investigated anddecided forthwith by the local authorities of the district throughwhich he is passing; and it is in vain to tell them that the "_law'sdelay_" is as often and as justly complained of in our own territoryas in Oude, whatever may be the state of its _uncertainty_. The wrongs of which they complain are of course such as all men oftheir class in Oude are liable to suffer; but no other men in Oudeare so prone to exaggerate the circumstances attending them, to bringforward prominently all that is favourable to their own side, andkeep back all that is otherwise, and to conceal the difficultieswhich must attend the search after the truth, and those still greaterwhich must attend the enforcement of an award when made. Their claimsare often upon men who have well-garrisoned forts and large bands ofarmed followers, who laugh at the King's officers and troops, andcould not be coerced into obedience without the aid of a large andwell-appointed British force. For the immediate employment of such aforce they will not fail to urge the Resident, though they have, tothe commanding officer of their company and regiment represented thedebtor or offender as a man of no mark, ready to do whatever theResident or the Oude authorities may be pleased to order. On oneoccasion no less than thirty lives were lost in attempting to enforcean award in favour of a sipahee of our army. I have had several visits from my old friend Sheikh Mahboob Allee, the subadar-major, who is mentioned in my _Essay on MilitaryDiscipline_. He is now an invalid pensioner in Oude, and in additionto the lands which his family held before his transfer to theinvalids, he has lately acquired possession of a nice village, whichhe claimed in the usual way through the Resident. He told me that hehad possession, but that he found it very difficult to keepcultivators upon it. "And why is this, my old friend?" I asked. "Cultivators are abundantin Oude, and glad always to till lands on which they are protectedand encouraged by moderate rents and a little occasional aid in seed, grain, and stock, and you are now in circumstances to afford themboth. " "True, sir, " said the old subadar, "but the great refractorylandholder, my neighbour, has a large force, and he threatens tobring it down upon me, and my cultivators are afraid that they andtheir families will all be cut up some dark night if they stay withme. " "But what has your great neighbour to do with your village? Why doyou not make friends with him?" "Make friends with him, sir!" replied the subadar; "the thing isimpossible. " "And why, subadar sahib?" "Sir, it was from him that the village was taken by the orders of theDurbar, through the interposition of the Resident, to be made over tome, and he vows that he will take it back, whatever number of livesit may cost him to do so. " "And how long may he and his family have held it?" "Only thirty or thirty-five years, sir. " "And neither you nor your family have ever held possession of it forthat time?" "Never, sir; but we always hoped that the favour of the BritishGovernment would some day get it for us. " "And in urging your claim to the village, did you ever tell theResident that you had been so long out of possession?" "No, sir, we said nothing about _time_" "You know, subadar sahib, that in all countries a limit is prescribedin such cases, and at the Residency that limit is six years; and hadthe Resident known that your claim was of so old a date he wouldnever have interposed in your favour, more especially when his doingso involved the risk of the loss of so many lives, first in obtainingpossession for you, and then keeping you in it. " Cases of this kindare very numerous. The estate of Rampoor which we lately passed through belonged to thegrandfather of Rajah Hunmunt Sing. His eldest son, Sungram Sing, diedwithout issue, and the estate devolved on his second son, Bhow Sing, the father of Rajah Hunmunt Sing. The third brother separated fromthe family stock during the life of his father, and got, as hisshare, Sursae, Kuttra Bulleepoor, and other villages. He had fivesons: first, Lokee Sing; second, Dirguj Sing; third, Hul Sing;fourth, Dill Sing; and fifth, Bul Sing, and the estate was, on hisdeath, subdivided among them. Kuttra Bulleepoor devolved on LokeeSing, the eldest, who died without issue; and the village wassubdivided among his four brothers or their descendants. But DaveyBuksh, the grandson, by adoption of the second brother, Dirguj Sing, unknown to the others, assigned, in lieu of a debt, the whole villageto a Brahmin named Bhyroo Tewaree, who forthwith got it transferredto Hozoor Tehseel, through Matadeen, a havildar of the 5th Troop, 7th-Regiment of Cavalry, who, in an application to the Resident, pretended that the estate was his own. It is now beyond thejurisdiction of the local authorities, who could ascertain the truth;and all the rightful co-sharers have been ever since trying in vainto recover their rights. The Bramin [Brahmin] and the Havildar, withSookhal a trooper in the same regiment, now divide the profitsbetween them, and laugh at the impotent efforts of the oldproprietors to get redress. Gholam Jeelanee, a shopkeeper of Lucknow, seeing the profits derived by sipahees, from the abuse of thisprivilege, purchased a cavalry uniform--jacket, cap, pantaloon, boots, shoes, and sword--and on the pretence of being an invalidtrooper of ours, got the signature of the brigadier commanding thetroops in Oude to his numerous petitions, which were sent foradjustment to the Durbar through the Resident. He followed this tradeprofitably for fifteen years. At last he got possession of a landedestate, to which he had no claim of right. Soon after he sent apetition to say that the dispossessed proprietor had killed four ofhis relations and turned him out. This led to a more strict inquiry, when all came out. In quoting this case to the Resident, in a letterdated the 16th of June 1836, the King of Oude observes: "If a personknown to thousands in the city of Lucknow is able, for fifteen years, to carry on such a trade successfully, how much more easy must it befor people in the country, not known to any in the city, to carry iton!" The Resident communicated to the King of Oude the resolution of theHonourable the Court of Directors to relieve him from the payment ofthe sixteen lacs of rupees a-year for the auxiliary force; and on the29th of July 1839, he reported to Government the great gratificationwhich his Majesty had manifested and expressed at this opportunerelief. But his gratification at this communication was hardly sogreat as that which he had manifested on the 14th of December 1837, when told by the Resident that the British Government would notinsist upon giving to the subjects of Oude who might enlist into thatforce the privilege of forwarding complaints about their villageaffairs and disputes, through their military superiors and theResident; and it appeared to the Resident, "that this one act ofliberality and justice on the part of the British Government had donemore to reconcile the King of Oude to the late treaty, in which theOude auxiliary force had originated, than all that he had said to himduring the last three months as to the prospective advantages whichthat treaty would secure to him and his posterity. " The Kingobserved: "This kindness on the part of the British Government hasrelieved my mind from a load of disagreeable thoughts. " The primeminister, Hakeem Mehndee, who was present, replied: "All will now goon smoothly. When the men have to complain to their own Government, they will seldom complain without just cause, being aware that afalse story will soon be detected by the native local authorities, though it could not be so by European officers at a distance from thevillages; and that in all cases of real grievances their claims willsoon be fairly and speedily adjusted. If, " added he, "the sipahees ofthis force had been so placed that they could have enlisted theirofficers on their side in making complaints, while such officerscould know nothing whatever of the circumstances beyond what thesipahees themselves told them, false and groundless complaints wouldhave become endless, and the vexations thereby caused to Governmentand their neighbours would have become intolerable. These troops, "said he, "will now be real soldiers; but if the privileges enjoyed bythe Honourable Company's sipahees had been conferred upon the sevenregiments composing this force, with the relations and pretendedrelations of the sipahees, it would have converted into corrupttraders in village disputes sixteen or seventeen thousand of theKing's subjects, settled in the heart of the country, privileged tomake false accusations of all kinds, and believed by the people to besupported in these falsehoods by the British Government. " Both theKing and the minister requested the Resident earnestly and repeatedlyto express to the Governor-General their most sincere thanks forhaving complied with his Majesty's solicitations on this point. * [* See King of Oude's letter to the Governor-General, dated 5thOctober, 1837, and Residents letters of the 7th idem and 14thDecember, 1837. ] This privilege which the native officers and sipahees of our nativearmy enjoy of petitioning for redress of grievances, through theResident, has now been extended to all the regular, irregular, andlocal corps of the three Presidencies--that is, to all corps paid bythe British Government, and to all native officers and sipahees ofcontingent corps employed in and paid by native States, who weredrafted into them from the regular corps of our army up to a certaintime; and the number cannot be less than fifty or sixty thousand. ButEuropean civil and political functionaries, in our own provinces andother native States, have almost all some men from Oude in theiroffices or establishments, whose claims and complaints they send foradjustment to the Resident; and it is difficult for him to satisfythem, that he is not bound to take them up in the same manner as hetakes up those of the native officers and sipahees of our nativearmy; and he is often induced to yield to their importunity, andthereby to furnish grounds for further applications of the same sort. This privilege is not recognized or named in any treaty, or otherengagement with the Sovereign of Oude; nor does any one now know itsorigin, for it cannot be found in any document recorded in theResident's office. If the Resident happens to be an impatient, overbearing man, he willoften frighten the Durbar and its Courts, or local officers, into ahasty decision, by which the rights of others are sacrificed for thenative officers and sipahees; and if he be at the same time anunscrupulous man, he will sometimes direct that the sipahee shall beput in possession of what he claims in order to relieve himself fromhis importunity, or that of his commanding officer, without takingthe trouble to inform himself of the grounds on which the claim isfounded. Of all such errors there are unhappily too many instancesrecorded in the Resident's office. This privilege is in the hands ofthe Resident an instrument of _torture_, which it is his duty toapply every day to the Oude Durbar. He may put on a _screw more_ ora _screw less_, according to his temper or his views, or theimportunity of officers commanding corps or companies, and nativeofficers and sipahees in person, which never cease to oppress himmore or less. The most numerous class of complaints and the most troublesome isthat against the Government of Oude or its officers and landholders, for enhanced demands of rents; and whenever these officers orlandholders are made to reduce these demands in favour of theprivileged sipahees, they invariably distribute the burthen in anincreased rate upon their neighbours. Officers who have to pass through Oude in their travels or sportingexcursions have of late years generally complained that they receiveless civility from villages in which our invalid or furlough sipaheesare located than from any others; and that if they are anywheretreated with actual disrespect, such sipahees are generally found tobe either the perpetrators or instigators. This complaint is not, Ifear, altogether unfounded; and may arise from the diminishedattachment felt by the sipahees for their European officers in ourarmy, and partly from the privilege of urging their claims throughthe Resident, enjoyed by native officers and sipahees, now ceasing ontheir being transferred to the invalid establishment. But the privilege itself is calculated to create feelings ofdissatisfaction with their European officers, among the honest andhard-working part of our native army. Such men petition only whenthey have just cause; and not one in five of them can obtain whatthey demand, and believe to be their just right, under anadministration like that of Oude, whatever efforts the Resident maymake to obtain it for them; and where one is satisfied, four becomediscontented; while the dishonest and idle portion of their brothersoldiers, who have no real wrongs to complain of, and feign them onlyto get leave of absence, throw all the burthen of their duties uponthem. Others again, by fraud and collusion with those whose influencethey require to urge their claims, often obtain more than they haveany right to; and their unmerited success tends to increase thedissatisfaction felt by the honest, and more scrupulous portion ofthe native officers and sipahees who have failed to obtain anything. Government will not do away with the privilege without firstascertaining the views and wishes of the military authorities. Theyare not favourable to the abolition, for though the honest and hard-working sipahees may say that it is of no use to them, the idle andunscrupulous, who consider it as a lottery in which they maysometimes draw a prize, or a means of getting leave of absence whenthey are not entitled to it, will tell them that the fidelity of thewhole native army depends upon its being maintained and extended. Iam of opinion, after much consideration, and a good deal ofexperience in the political working of the system, that the abolitionof the privilege would be of great advantage to the native army; andit would certainly relieve the European officers from muchimportunity and annoyance which they now suffer from its enforcement. It is not uncommon for a sipahee of a regiment in Bombay to obtainleave of absence for several times over for _ten months_ at a time, on the pretence of having a case pending in Oude. When his leave isabout to expire, he presents a petition to the Resident, who obtainsfor him from the Court an order for the local authorities to settlehis claim. This order is sent to the officer commanding his regiment. The man then makes up a piteous story of his having spent the wholeten months in prosecuting his claim in vain, when, in reality, he hasbeen enjoying himself at home, and had no claim whatever to settle. The next year, or the year after, he gets another ten months' leave, for the same purpose, and when it is about to expire, he presentshimself to the Resident, and declares that the local authorities havebeen changed, and the new officers pay no regard to the King'sorders. New orders are then got for the new officers, and sent to hisregiment, and the same game is played over again. Native officers and sipahees, in the privilege of presentingpetitions through the Resident, are now restricted to their ownclaims and those of their wives, fathers, mothers, sons, anddaughters. They cannot petition through the Resident for the redressof wrongs suffered, or pretended to have been suffered, by any otherrelations. In consequence, it has become a common custom with them tolend or sell their names to more remote relations, or to persons notrelated to them at all. The petition is made out in their own name, and the real sufferer or pretended sufferer, who is to prosecute theclaim, is named as the mookteear or attorney. A great many badcharacters have in this way deprived men of lands which theirancestors had held in undisputed right of property for manygenerations or centuries; for the Court, to save themselves from theimportunity of the Residency, has often given orders for the claimantbeing put in possession of the lands without due inquiry or anyinquiry at all. The sipahees are, in consequence, much dreaded by thepeople among whom they reside; for there really is no class of menfrom whom it is more difficult to get the truth in any case. Theyhave no fear of punishment, because all charges against them forfraud, falsehood, or violation of the rules laid down by Governmenthave to be submitted either to a court-martial, composed of nativeofficers, or to the Governor-General. Both involve endless trouble, and it would, I fear, be impossible to get a conviction before acourt-martial so composed. No Resident will ever submit to aGovernor-General the scores of flagrant cases that every month comebefore him; still less will he worry unoffending and suffering peopleby causing them to be summoned to give evidence before a militarycourt. In a recent instance (July 1851), a sipahee in a regiment stationedat Lucknow was charged before a court-martial with three abuses ofthe privilege. He required no less than seventy-four witnesses to besummoned in his defence. The Court had to wait till what could be gotout of the seventy-four appeared, and the man became an object ofsympathy, because he was kept so long in arrest. He named the firstAssistant to the Resident, who has charge of the Sipahee PetitionDepartment, as a witness; and he was not, in consequence, permittedto attend the Court on the part of the Resident, who preferred thecharges, though he was never called or examined by the Court on thepart of the defence. The naming him, and the summoning of so manywitnesses were mere _ruses_ on the part of the sipahee to escape. Noperson on the part of the Resident was allowed to attend the Courtand see that his witnesses were examined; nor had he any means ofknowing whether they were or not. He had reason to believe that themost important were not. The sipahee was of course acquitted, assipahees charged with such abuses of the privilege always will be. This man's regiment was at Lucknow, and near the place where thecause of action arose, his own village, and the Resident's office. How much more difficult would it be to get a conviction against asipahee whose regiment happens to be many hundred miles off! The transfer of their lands from the jurisdiction of the localauthorities to that of the Hozoor Tehseel is often the cause of muchsuffering to their copartners and neighbours. Their co-sharers in theland often find much inconvenience from it, and apprehend that, sooner or later, the influence of the sipahee will enable him to addtheir shares to his own. The village so transferred, being removedfrom the observation and responsibility of the local authorities, often becomes a safe refuge for the bad characters of the district, who thence depredate upon the country around with impunity. Claims tovillages, to which the claimant had really no right whatever, havebeen successfully prosecuted by or through sipahees, for the solepurpose of having them transferred to the Hozoor Tehseel, and madedens of thieves and highway robbers. The person in charge of theHozool Tehseel villages has generally a good deal of influence atCourt, and this he lends to such claimants, for a consideration, without fear or scruple, as he feels assured that he shall be able tocounteract any representations on the part of the local authoritiesof the evils suffered from the holders and occupants of suchvillages. He never pretends to be able to watch over or control theconduct of the holders and occupiers of the villages under hischarge, situated, as they mostly are, in remote districts. Thetransfer of such villages can be justified only in districts that areheld in contract, and even in them it might be easy to provideeffectually for the protection of the holders from over-exactions onthe part of the contractors. This privilege is attended with infinite difficulty and perplexity tothe Resident and Government; and is at the same time exceedinglyodious to the people and Government of Oude. Officers commandingregiments and companies have much trouble with such petitions. Ableto hear only one side of any question, they think that the evilssuffered by the sipahees are much greater and more numerous than theyreally are, and grant leave to enable them to prosecute their claimsto redress more often than is necessary. Men who want leave, whenthey are not otherwise entitled to it, feign wrongs which they neversuffered, or greatly exaggerate such as may really have beeninflicted on them in order to obtain it; or, as I have stated, lendtheir names to others and ask leave to prosecute claims with whichthey have really nothing whatever to do. The sipahees and nativeofficers of our army are little better with than they would bewithout the privilege; and a great many enlist or remain in theservice solely with the view of better prosecuting their claims, andresign or desert as soon as they have effected their purpose, or findthat the privilege is no longer necessary. They make a convenience inthis way of our service, and are the most useless soldiers in ourranks. I am persuaded that we should have from Oude just as many andas good recruits for our army without as with this privilege. The regiments of the Gwalior Contingent get just as good recruitsfrom Oude as those of the Line, though they do not enjoy theprivilege. I believe that those corps which did not enjoy theprivilege till within the last two years got just as good recruitsfrom Oude as they now do, since it has been extended to them. Till1848 the privilege was limited to the native officers and soldiers ofour regular army, and to such as had been drafted from our regulararmy into local corps up to a certain date; but in July of that yearthe privilege was extended to all corps, regular and irregular, attached to the Bengal, Madras, and Bombay Presidencies, which arepaid by the British Government. The feelings and opinions of the OudeGovernment had not been consulted in the origin of this privilege, nor were they now consulted in the extension given to it. Officers commanding regiments and companies complain that thesipahees and native officers never get redress, whatever trouble theytake to obtain it for them; and, I believe, they hardly ever hear asipahee or native officer acknowledge that he has had redress. Asipahee one day came to the first Assistant, Captain Shakespear, clamouring for justice, and declared that not the slightest noticehad been taken of his petition by the Oude Government or its localauthorities. On being questioned, he admitted that no less than fortypersons had been seized and were in prison on his requisition; but hewould not admit that this was any proof of the slightest noticehaving been taken of his complaint. All are worried, and but fewbenefited by the privilege, and the advantage of it to the army nevercan counterbalance all the disadvantages. Invalid pensioners do notnow enjoy the privilege, but are left to prefer their claims directto the King's Courts, like others of the King's subjects, on theground that they cannot--like _sipahees still serving_--pleaddistance from their homes; but a large proportion of the sipaheesstill serving who have, or pretend to have, claims, obtain leave ofabsence from their regiments to prosecute them in person. The objection once raised by Lord William Bentinck against ouremploying troops in support of the Government of Oude againstrefractory landholders, is equally valid against our advocacy of theclaims of sipahees to lands. "If, " said his Lordship, "British troopsbe lent to enforce submission, it seems impossible to avoid becomingparties to the terms of submission and guarantees of their observanceafterwards on both sides; in which case we should become mixed up inevery detail of the administration. " If the sipahee does not paypunctually the assessment upon the lands which he has obtainedthrough the Resident, the Oude Government calls upon the Resident toenforce payment; and if the Oude Government ventures to add a rupeeto the rate demanded for the year, or for any one year, the sipahee, through the commandant of his corps, and, perhaps, the Commander-in-Chief and Governor-General, calls upon the Resident to have the ratereduced, or to explain the grounds upon which it has been made; or ifthe sipahee has a dispute with his numerous co-sharers, the Residentis called upon to settle it. If the King's troops have trespassed, ifthe crops have suffered from calamities of season or marauders, orthe village has been robbed, the sipahee refuses to pay, and demandsa remission of the Government demand; and if he does not get it, appeals in the same manner to the Resident. If a sipahee be arrestedor detained for defalcation, a demand comes for his immediaterelease; and if his crops or stock be distrained for balance, orlands attached, the Resident is called upon to ascertain and explainthe reason why, and obtain redress. All such distraint is representedas open robbery and pillage. It is not at all uncommon for a sipahee to obtain leave of absencefrom his regiment three or four times to enable him to prosecute thesame case in person at Lucknow, though he might prosecute it just aswell through an attorney. He often enjoys himself at his home whilehis attorney prosecutes his claim, if he really has any, at Lucknow. The commanding officers of his regiment and company of course believeall he says regarding the pressing necessity for his presence atLucknow; and few of them know that the cases are derided in theKing's Courts, and that the Resident could not possibly decide themhimself if he had five times the establishment he has and full powersto do so. If the Resident finds that a sipahee has lent his name toanother, and reports his conduct, he makes out a plausible tale, which his commanding officer believes to be true; the Commander-in-Chief is referred to; the case is submitted to the Governor-General, and sometimes to the Court of Directors, and a voluminouscorrespondence follows, till the Resident grows weary, and thesipahee escapes with impunity. In the mean time, troops of witnesseshave been worried to show that the sipahee has no connection whateverwith the estate, or thing claimed in his name, or with the family towhom his name was lent. Many a man has, in this way, as above stated, been robbed of an estate which his family had held for manygenerations; and many a village which had been occupied by an honestand industrious peasantry has been turned into a den of robbers. Inflagrant cases of false claims, the Resident may get the attorney, employed by the sipahee in prosecuting it, punished by the Durbar, but he can rarely hope to get the sipahee himself punished. In a case that occurred shortly before I took charge, a sipaheecomplained that a tallookdar had removed him, or his friends, fromtheir village by over exactions, demanding two thousand eight hundredrupees a-year instead of eight hundred. An ameen was sent out to thedistrict to settle the affair. Having some influence at Court, he gotthe sipahee put into possession, at the rate of eight hundred, andobtained from him a pledge to pay to him, the ameen, a large portionof the _two thousand_ profit! The tallookdar, being a powerful man, made the contractor reduce his demand upon his estate, of which thevillage was a part, in proportion; and the contractor made theGovernment give him credit for the whole two thousand eight hundred, which the estate was well able to pay, in any other hands, and oughtto have paid. The holder continued, I believe, to pay the ameen, whocontinued to give him the benefit of his influence at Court. Cases ofthis kind are not uncommon. The Resident is expected by commandantsof corps and companies to secure every native officer and sipahee inthe possession of his estate at a fixed rate, in perpetuity; and asmany of their relations and friends as may contrive to have theirclaims presented through the Resident in their names. He is expectedto adjust all disputes that may arise between them and their co-sharers and neighbours; or between them and their landholders andGovernment officers; to examine all their complicated accounts ofcollections and balances, fair payments, and secret gratuities. Sipahees commonly enter the service under false names, and give falsenames to their relatives and places of abodes, in order that they maynot be traced if they desert; or that the truth may not be discoveredif they pretend to be of higher caste than they really are, orotherwise offend. When they find, in the prosecution of their claimsthrough the Resident, that this is discovered, they find an alias foreach name, whether of person, place, or thing: the troubles andperplexities which arise from this privilege are endless. The Court of Directors, in a despatch dated the 4th March, 1840, remarking on a report dated the 29th November, 1838, from theResident, Colonel Low, relating to abuses arising from theinterference of the Resident in respect to complaints preferred bysubjects of Oude serving in our army, observes, "that these abusesappear to be even more flagrant than the Court had previouslybelieved them to be, and no time ought to be lost in applying aneffectual remedy: cases are not wanting in which complaints andclaims, that are utterly groundless, meet with complete success, theofficers of the Oude Government finding it less troublesome to complywith the unjust demand than to investigate the case in such a manneras to satisfy the Resident; and the Oude Government, for the purposeof getting rid of importunity, reduces the assessment on the lands ofthese favoured individuals, making up the loss by increased exactionsfrom their neighbours. " The Court orders the immediate abolition ofthe privilege in the case of invalided and pensioned sipahees, anddirects that those still serving in our army be no longer allowed tocomplain in respect of all their relatives, real or pretended, butonly in cases in which they themselves, their parents, wives, orchildren are actually interested. "All unfounded complaints, and allfalse allegations made in order to render complaints cognizable, ought to be, when discovered, _punishable by our own militaryauthorities, who ought not to be remiss in inflicting such punishmentwhen justly incurred_. " "Under the restrictions which we haveenjoined, " continues the Court, "the trial may once more be madewhether this privilege is compatible with good government in Oude, and with the rightful authority of the King of Oude and his officers. Should the abuses which have prevailed still continue under thealtered system, the whole subject must be again taken intoconsideration, and the Resident is to be required to submit a reporton the operation of the privilege after the expiration of one year. " How the rule with regard to relationship is evaded has been alreadystated, and among the numerous instances of this evasion that havebeen discovered every year since this order of the Honourable Courtwas passed, the offence has never been punished by any militaryauthority in one. The Resident has no hope, nor the sipahee any fear, that such an offence will ever be punished by a court-martial; andthe former feels averse to trespass on the time and attention of theGovernor-General and the Commander-in-Chief with such references. Hehardly ever submits them till the necessity is forced upon him byreferences made to the Commander-in-Chief, by officers commandingregiments, in behalf of offenders in whose veracity they are disposedto place too much confidence. In one of the cases quoted by Colonel Low in his letter of the 29thNovember, 1838, Reotee Barn, a sipahee, claimed a village, which wasawarded to him by the Court, without due inquiry, to avoid furtherimportunity. The owner in possession would not give it up. A largeforce was sent to enforce the award; lives were lost; the real ownerwas seized and thrown into gaol, and there died. Reotee Ram had noright whatever to the village, and he could not retain possessionamong such a sturdy peasantry. His commanding officer again appealedto the Commander-in-Chief, and the case was referred to the Governor-General and to the Honourable the Court of Directors, and avoluminous correspondence took place. It was afterwards fully proved, that the sipahee, Reotee Ram, had never had the slightest ground ofclaim to the village; and had been induced to set up one solely atthe instigation of an interested attorney with whom he was to sharethe profits. In another case quoted by Colonel Low in that letter, a pay havildarof the 58th Regiment complained, jointly with his brother Cheyda, through the Commander-in-Chief, to the Governor-General, in June1831, stating, that Rajah Prethee Put had murdered two of hisrelations, plundered his house, burnt his title-deeds, cut down fiveof his mango-groves, seized seventy-three beegahs of land belongingto him, of hereditary right, turned all his family out of thevillage, including the widows of the two murdered men, and still heldin confinement his relative Teekaram, a sipahee of the Bombay army. On investigation before the Assistant Resident, Captain Shakespear, the havildar and Cheyda admitted-first, that Teekaram had rejoinedhis regiment before they complained; second, that of the two murderedmen, one had been killed fifty-five years before, and the othertwenty years, and that both had fallen in affrays betweenlandholders, in which many lives had been lost on both sides; third, that he had never himself held the lands, and that his father hadbeen forty years before deprived of them by the father of Cheyda, whohad the best claim to them, and had mortgaged them to a Brahmin, fromwhom Prethee Put had taken them for defalcation; fourth, that it wasnot his own claim he was urging, but that of Cheyda, who was not hisbrother, but the great grandson of his grandfather's brother, andthat he had never been in the British service; fifth, that the landshad been taken from his father by Cheyda's father fourteen yearsbefore he, the havildar, entered the British service twenty-eightyears ago; sixth, that his family had lost nothing in the village, byPrethee Put, and that the persons deprived of their mango-groves wereonly very distantly related to him. Fuzl Allee, a notorious knave, having, in collusion with the localauthorities of the district, taken from Hufeez-ollah the village ofDewa, which had been held by his family in proprietory right for manygenerations, and tried to extort from him a written resignation ofall his rights to the lands, Hufeez-ollah made his escape, and wentto Lucknow to seek redress. During his absence his relations tried torecover possession, and in the contest one of Fuzl Allee's followerswas killed. Fuzl Allee then prevailed upon Ihsan Allee, a payhavildar in the 9th Regiment of our Cavalry, who was in no waywhatever connected with the parties, and had no claim whatever on thelands, to present a petition to the Resident, charging Hufeez-ollahwith having committed a gang-robbery upon his house, and murdered oneof his servants. Hufeez-ollah was seized and thrown into prison, andthe case was made over for trial to Zakir Allee. No proof whateverhaving been adduced against him for four months, Zakir Allee declaredhim innocent, and applied for his release; but before his applicationreached the Durbar, another petition was presented to the Resident, Colonel Richmond, in the name of the pay havildar; and the Durbarordered that the case should be made over to the Court of MahommedHyat, and that the prisoner should not be released without asettlement and the previous sanction of the Durbar, as the affairrelated to the English. The prisoner proved that he was at Lucknow at the time of the affray, and that the lands in dispute had belonged to his family for manygenerations. No proof whatever was produced against him, but byfrequently changing the attorneys of the pay havildar, pretendingthat he required to attend in person but could not get leave ofabsence, and other devices, Fuzl Allee contrived to postpone thefinal decision till the 27th of February, 1849, when Mahommed Hyatacquitted the prisoner, and declared that the pay havildar had inreality no connection whatever either with the parties or with thelands; that his name had been used by Fuzl Allee for his own evilpurposes; that he had become very uneasy at the thought of keeping aninnocent man so long in prison merely to gratify the malice and evildesigns of his enemy; and prayed the Durbar to call upon theprosecutor to prove his charges before the Minister or other highofficer within a certain period, or to direct the release of the poorman. On the 16th of January, 1852, the prisoner sent a petition to theResident, Colonel Sleeman, to say, that after he had been acquittedby Mahommed Hyat on the 27th of February, 1849, his enemy, FuzlAllee, had contrived to prevail upon the Durbar to have his case madeover to the Court of the Suder-os Sudoor, by whom he had been a thirdtime acquitted; but that the Durbar dared not order his release, asthe case was one in which British officers were concerned. Hetherefore prayed that the Resident would request the King to orderhis release, on his giving security for his appearance when required, as he had been in prison for more than four years. On the 24th ofJanuary, 1852, the Resident requested the King to have the prisonerimmediately released. This was the first time that the case came tothe notice of Colonel Sleeman, though Hufeez-ollah had been fouryears in prison, under a fictitious charge from the pay havildar. _January_ 11, 1850. --At Nawabgunge, detained by rain, which fellheavily all last night, to the great delight of the _landedinterest_, and great discomfort of travellers. Nothing but mud aroundus--our tents wet through, but standing, and the ground inside ofthem dry. Fortunately there has been no strong wind with the heavyrain, and we console ourselves with the thought that the smallinconvenience which travellers suffer from such rain at this seasonis trifling, compared with the advantage which millions of ourfellow-creatures derive from it. This is what I have heard all nativetravellers say, however humble or however great--all sympathise withthe landed interests in a country where industry is limited almostexclusively to the culture of the soil, and the revenue of thesovereign derived almost exclusively from the land. After such rainsthe cold increases--the spirits rise--the breezes freshen--the cropslook strong--the harvest is retarded--the grain gets more sap andbecomes perfect--the cold season is prolonged, as the crops remainlonger green, and continue to condense the moisture of thesurrounding atmosphere. Without such late rain, the crops ripenprematurely, the grain becomes shrivelled, and defective both inquantity and quality. While the rain lasts, however, a large camp isa wretched scene; for few of the men, women, and children, and stillfewer of the animals it contains, can find any shelter at all! _January_ 12, 1850. -At Nawabgunge, still detained by rain. TheMinister had ordered out tents for himself and suite on the 8th, butthey had not come up, and I was obliged to lend him one of my best, and some others as they came up, or they would have been altogetherwithout shelter. When he left them on the 10th, his attendants cutand took away almost all the ropes, some of the kanats or outerwalls, and some of the carpets. He knew nothing about it, nor will heever learn anything till told by me. His attendants were plunderingin all the surrounding villages while he remained; and my peopletried in vain to prevent them, lest they should themselves be takenfor the plunderers. Of all this the Minister knew nothing. Theattendants on the contractors and other local officers are, ifpossible, still worse; and throughout the country the King's officersall plunder, or acquiesce in the plunder, utterly regardless of thesufferings of the people and the best interests of their Sovereign. No precaution whatever is taken to prevent this indiscriminateplunder by the followers of the local authorities; nor would any oneof them think it worth his while to interpose if he saw the roofs ofthe houses of a whole village moving off on the heads of hisfollowers to his camp; or a fine crop of sugar-cane, wheat, orvegetables cut down for fodder by them before his face. It is thefashion of the country, and the Government acquiesces in it. Among the people no man feels mortified, or apprehends that he shallstand the worse in the estimation of the Government or its officers, for being called and proved to be a robber. It is the trade of everyconsiderable landholder in the country occasionally, and that of agreat many of them perpetually; the murder of men, women, andchildren generally attends their depredations. A few days ago, whenrequested by the King to apply to officers commanding stations, andmagistrates of bordering districts, for aid in the arrest of some ofthe most atrocious of these rebels and robbers, I told his Majesty, that out of consideration for the poor people who suffered, I hadmade a requisition for that aid for the arrest of three of the worstof them; but that I could make no further requisition until he didsomething to remove the impression now universal over Oude, thatthose who protected their peasantry managed their estates well, obeyed the Government in all things, and paid the revenue punctually, were sure to be oppressed, and ultimately ruined by the Governmentand its officers, while those who did the reverse in all these thingswere equally sure to be favoured and courted. As an instance, I mentioned Gholam Huzrut, who never paid hisrevenues, oppressed his peasantry, murdered his neighbours, androbbed them of their estates, attacked and plundered the towns aroundwith his large band of robbers, and kept the country in a perpetualstate of disorder; yet, when seized and sent in a prisoner to Lucknowby Captain Bunbury, he managed to bribe courtiers, and get orderssent out to the local authorities to have his son kept in possessionof all his ill-gotten lands, and favoured and protected in allpossible ways. I knew that such orders had been obtained by bribery;and the Minister told me, that he had ordered nothing more than thatthe son should have the little land which had been held of old by thefamily, and should be required to give up all that he had usurped. Ishowed him a copy of the order issued by his confidential servant, Abid Allee, to all commanders of troops in the district, which hadbeen obtained for me for the occasion of the Minister's visit to mycamp; and he seemed much ashamed to see that his subordinates shouldso abase the confidence he placed in them. The order was as follows:- "_To the Officers commanding the Forces in the District of Sidhore, Nawabgunge, Dewa, &c. _ "By Order of the Minister. --The King's chuprassies have been sent toPara to invite in Bhikaree the son of Gholam Huzrut; and you all areinformed that the said Bhikaree is to be honoured and cherished bythe favour of the King; and if any of you should presume to preventhis coming in, or molest him in the possession of any of the lands heholds, you will incur the severe displeasure of his Majesty. You are, on no account, to molest or annoy him in any way connected with hisaffairs. (Signed) "ABID ALLEE. " The thing necessary in Oude is a system and a machinery that shallinspire all with a feeling-first, of security in their tenure inoffice so long as the duties of it are performed ably and honestly;second, in their tenure in their lands assessed at moderate rates, aslong as the rents and revenues so assessed are fully and punctuallypaid, and the duties of the holders towards the Government, theirtenants, and the public, are faithfully discharged; third, in thesafety of life, person, and property on the roads and in the towns, villages, and hamlets scattered over the country. This good can neverbe effected with the present system and machinery, whatever be theability and diligence of the King, the Minister, and the Resident; bethey of the highest possible order, the good they can effect must besmall and temporary; there can be, under such a system, no stabilityin any rule, no feeling of security in any person or thing! A tribunal, formed under the guarantee of the British Government, might, possibly--first, form a settlement of the land revenue of thewhole country, and effectually enforce from all parties, thefulfilment of the conditions it imposed; second, decide, finally, upon all charges against public officers--protect the able andhonest, and punish all those who neglect their duties or abuse theirauthority; third, reform the military force in all its branches--giveit the greatest possible efficiency, compatible with the outlay--concentrate it at five or six stations, and protect the people of thecountry from its rapacity; fourth, raise and form a police, distinctaltogether from this military force, and efficient for all the dutiesrequired from it; fifth, create and maintain judicial courts to whichall classes might look up with confidence and respect. But to effectall this it would require to transfer at least twenty-five lacs ofrupees a-year from the pockets of official absorbants and Courtfavourites to those of efficient public officers; and, finally, toset aside the present King, Minister, and Commander-in-Chief, andtake all the executive upon itself. The expenditure is now about twenty lacs of rupees a-year above theincome, and the excess is paid out of the reserved treasury. Thisreserved treasury was first established by Saadut Allee Khan in A. D. 1801, when he had serious thoughts of resigning the government of hiscountry into the hands of the Honourable Company, and retiring intoprivate life. Up to this time he used to drink hard, and to indulgein other pleasures, which tended to unfit him for the cares andduties of sovereignty; but, in 1801, he made a solemn vow at theshrine of Huzrut Abbas at Lucknow to cease from all such indulgences, and devote all his time and attention to his public duties. This vowhe kept, and no Sovereign of Oude has ever conducted the Governmentwith so much ability as he did for the remaining fourteen years ofhis life. On his death, which took place on the 12th of July, 1814, he left in this reserved treasury the sum of fourteen crores ofrupees, or fourteen millions sterling, with all his establishmentspaid up, and his just debts liquidated. When he ascended the musnudon the 21st January, 1798, he found nothing in the Treasury, and thepublic establishments all much in arrears. Out of this reserved treasure, the _zukaat_, or two and a-half percent. , is every year paid to the mojtahid for distribution among thepoor of the Sheea sect at Lucknow. No person of the Sonnee sect ispermitted to partake of this charity. Syuds or lineal descendants ofthe Prophet are not permitted to take any part of this charity, except for the _bonâ fide_ payment of debt due. The mojtahid is, atthe same time, the high priest and the highest judicial functionaryin the State. Being a Syud, neither he nor any member of his familycan legally take any part of this charity for themselves, except forthe _bonâ fide_ purpose of paying debts; but they get over thedifficulty by borrowing large sums before the money is given out, andappropriate the greater part of the money to the liquidation of thesedebts, though they all hold large sums in our Government securities. To his friends at Court he sends a large share, with a request thatthey will do him the favour to undertake the distribution among thepoor of their neighbourhood. To prevent popular clamour, a smallportion of the money given out is actually distributed among the poorof the Sheea sect at Lucknow; but that portion is always small. Saadut Allee's son and successor, Ghazee-od Deen Hyder, spent fourcrores out of the reserved treasury over and above the whole incomeof the State; and when he died, on the 20th of October, 1827, he leftten crores of rupees in that treasury. His son and successor, Nusseer-od Deen Hyder, spent nine crores and thirty lacs; and when hedied, on the 7th of July, 1837, he left only seventy lacs in thereserved treasury. His successor, Mahommed Allee Shah, died on the16th of May, 1842, leaving in the reserved treasury thirty-five lacsof rupees, one hundred and twenty-four thousand gold mohurs, andtwenty-four lacs in our Government securities--total, seventy-eightlacs and eighty-four thousand rupees. His son and successor, AmjudAllee Shah, died on the 13th of February, 1847, leaving in thereserved treasury ninety-two lacs of rupees, one hundred and twenty-four thousand gold-mohurs, and twenty-four lacs in our Governmentsecurities--total, one crore and thirty-six lacs. His son andsuccessor, his present Majesty, Wajid Allee Shah, is spending out ofthis reserved treasury, over and above the whole income of thecountry, above twenty lacs of rupees a-year; and the treasury mustsoon become exhausted. His public establishments, and the stipendiarymembers of the royal family, are, at the same time, kept greatly inarrears. * [* _November_ 30, 1851. --The gold-mohurs have been all melted down, and the promissory notes of our Government all, save four lacs, givenaway; and of the rupees, I believe, only three lacs remain; so thatthe reserved treasury must be entirely exhausted before the end of1851; while the establishments and stipendiary members of the royalfamily are in arrears for from one to three years. Fifty lacs ofrupees would hardly suffice to pay off these arrears. The troops ondetached duty, in the provinces with local officers, are not so muchin arrears as those in and about the capital. They are paid out ofthe revenues as they are collected, and their receipts sent in to thetreasury. For some good or pleasing services rendered by him to theminister this year, in the trial of offenders whom that ministerwished to screen, three lacs of rupees have been paid to the mojtahidas _zukaat_ for distribution to the poor. This has all beenappropriated by the mojtahid, the minister, and Court favourites. The State, like individuals, is bound to pay this _zukaat_ only whenit is free from debts of all kinds. The present King's father wasfree from debt, and had his establishments always paid up; and healways paid this charity punctually. The present King is not bound topay it, but the high-priest, minister, and Court favourites are toodeeply interested in its payment to permit its discontinuance; andthe king, like a mere child in their hands, acquiesces in all theypropose. The _zukaat_ has, in consequence, increased as the treasuryhas become exhausted. ] _January_ 13, 1850. --Russoolabad, twelve miles, over a country betterpeopled and cultivated than usual, where the soil admits of tillage. There is a good deal that requires drainage, and still more that istoo poor to be tilled without great labour and outlay in irrigation, manure, &c. The villages are, however, much nearer to each other thanin any other part of the country that we have passed over; and thelands, close around every village, are well cultivated. Thelandholders and cultivators told me, that the heavy rain we have hadhas done a vast deal of good to the crops; and, as it has beenfollowed by a clear sky and fine westerly wind, they have no fear ofthe blight which might have followed had the sky continued cloudy, and the winds easterly. Certainly nothing could look better than thecrops of all kinds do now, and the people are busily engaged inploughing the land for sugar-cane, and for the autumn crops of nextseason. I had some talk with the head zumeendar of Naraenpoor about midway. He is of the Ditchit family of Rajpoots, who abound in the districtwe have now entered. We passed over the boundary of Byswara, aboutthree miles from our last encampment, and beyond that district thereare but few Rajpoots of the Bys clan. These Ditchits give theirdaughters in marriage to the Bys Rajpoots, but cannot get any oftheirs in return. Gunga Sing, the zumeendar, with whom I was talking, told me that both the Ditchits and Byses put their infant daughtersto death, and that the practice prevailed more or less in allfamilies of these and, he believed, all other clans of Rajpoots inOude, save the Sengers. * I asked him whether it prevailed in his ownfamily, and he told me that it did, more or less, as in all others. Ibade him leave me, as I could not hold converse with a person guiltyof such atrocities, and told him that they would be all punished forthem in the next world, if not in this. [* The Sengers are almost the only class of Rajpoots in Bundelkund, and Boghilcund, Rewa, and the Saugor territories, who used to puttheir female infants to death; and here, in Oude, they are almost theonly class who do not. ] Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, who was on his horse beside my elephant, said, "They are all punished in this world, and will, no doubt, be punishedstill more in the next. Scarcely any of the heads of these landedaristocracy are the legitimate sons of their predecessors; they areall adopted, or born of women of inferior grade. The heads offamilies who commit or tolerate such atrocities become leprous, blind, deaf or dumb, or are carried off in early life by someterrible disease. Hardly any of them attain a good old age, nor canthey boast of an untainted line of ancestors like other men. If theyget sons, they commonly die young. They unite themselves to women ofinferior castes for want of daughters in families of their own ranks, and there is hardly a family among these proud Rajpoots unstained bysuch connections. * Even the reptile _Pausies_ become _Rajpoots_ bygiving their daughters to Powars and other Rajpoot families, when byrobbery and murder they have acquired wealth and landed property. Thesister of Gunga Buksh, of Kasimgunge, was married to the Rajah ofEtondeea, a Powar Rajpoot in Mahona; and the present Rajah--JodeSing--is her son. Gunga Buksh is a Pausee, but the family callthemselves Rawats, and are considered to be Rajpoots, since they haveacquired landed possessions by the murder and ruin of the oldproprietors. They all delight in murder and rapine--the curse of Godis upon them, sir, for the murder of their own innocent children!" [* A great number of girls are purchased and stolen from ourterritories, brought into Oude, and sold to Rajpoot families, aswives for their sons, on the assurance, that they are of the same orhigher caste, and that their parents have been induced to part withthem from poverty. A great many of our native officers and sipahees, who marry while home on furlough, and are pressed for time, get suchwives. Some of their neighbours are always bribed by the traders insuch girls, to pledge themselves for the purity of their blood. Ifthey ever find out the imposition, they say nothing about it. ] "When I was sent out to inquire into the case of Brigadier Webber, who had been attacked and robbed while travelling in his palkee, withrelays of bearers, from Lucknow to Seetapoor, I entered a house tomake some inquiries, and found the mistress weeping. I asked thecause, and she told me that she had had four children, and lost all--that three of them were girls, who had been put to death in infancy, and the last was a fine boy, who had just died! I told her that thiswas a just punishment from God for the iniquities of her family, andthat I would neither wash my hands nor drink water under her roof. Inever do under the roof of any family in which such a cruel practiceprevails. These Rajpoots are all a bad set, sir. When men murdertheir own children, how can they scruple to murder other people? Thecurse of God is upon them, sir. "In the district of Byswara, " he continued, "through which we havejust passed, you will find at least fifty thousand men armed to fightagainst each other, or their government and its officers: in such aspace, under the Honourable Company's dominion, you would not findone thousand armed men of the same class. Why is this, but becauseyou do not allow such crimes to be perpetrated? Why do you go onacquiring dominion over one country after another with your handfulof European troops and small force of native sipahees, but becauseGod sees that your rule is just, and that you have an earnest desireto benefit the people and improve the countries you take?" He told me that he had charge of the cattle under Saadut Allee Khanwhen Lord Lake took the field at the first siege of Bhurtpoor; thathis master lent his Lordship five hundred elephants, eight thousandartillery bullocks, and five hundred horses; that two hundred andfifty of the elephants returned; but whether any of the bullocks andhorses came back or not he could not say. The country we came over to-day is well studded with groves and finesingle trees, but the soil is generally of the lighter doomuteeakind, which requires much labour and outlay in water and manure. Theirrigation is all from wells and pools. In the villages we camethrough, we saw but few of the sipahees of our army home on furlough;they are chiefly from the Byswara and Bunoda districts. We found ourtents pitched upon a high and dry spot, with a tight soil of clay andsand. After the heavy rain we have had, it looked as if no shower hadfallen upon it for an age. The mud walls of the houses we saw on theroad were naked, as usual. The rapacity of the King's troops iseverywhere, directly or indirectly, the cause of this: and till theyare better provided and disciplined the houses in the towns andvillages can never improve. The commandant, Imdad Hoseyn, of the Akberee or Telinga Regiment, onduty with the Amil of the Poorwa district, in which our camp was lastpitched, followed me a few miles this morning to beg that I would tryto prevail upon the Durbar to serve out clothing for his corps. Hetold me that the last clothing it got from the Government was on theoccasion of Lord Hastings' visit to Lucknow, some thirty-three yearsago, in 1817; that many orders had been given since that time for newclothing, but there was always some one about Court to counteractthem, from malice or selfishness; that his father, Zakir Allee, commanded the corps when it got the last clothing, and he succeededhim many years ago. The Telinga Regiments are provided with arms, accoutrements, and clothing by Government. The sipahees formerly gotfive rupees a-month, but for only ten months in the year; they nowget four rupees and three and a-half annas a-month for all the twelvemonths. 'He is, he says, obliged to take a great many _sufarashies_, or men put in by persons of influence at Court, out of favour, or forthe purpose of sharing in their pay; and, under the deductions andother disadvantages to which they are liable, he could get no goodmen to enlist. The corps, in consequence, has a wretched appearance, and certainly could not be made formidable to an enemy. The "Akbery"is one of the Telinga corps of infantry, and was intended to be, inall things, like those of Captains Barlow, Bunbury, and Magness; butImdad Hoseyn told me that they had a certain weight at Court, whichsecured for their regiments many advantages necessary to make thecorps efficient, while he had none: that they had occasionalintercourse with the Resident, and were all at Court for some monthsin the year to make friends, while he was always detached. _January_ 14, 1850. --Halted at Russoolabad, for our second set oftents, which did not come up till night, when it was too late to sendthem on to our next ground. We have two sets of sleeping and diningtents--one to go on and the other to remain during the night--butonly one set of office tents. They are struck in the afternoon, whenthe office duties of the day are over, and are ready by the time wereach our ground the next morning. This is the way in which allpublic functionaries march in India. Almost all officers who haverevenue charges march through the districts under their jurisdictionduring the cold season, and so do many political officers who havecontrol over more than one native principality. I have had chargesthat require such moving ever since the year 1822, or for sometwenty-eight years; and with the exception of two intervals ofabsence on medical certificate in 1826 and 1836, I have been everycold season moving in the way I describe. No Resident at the Court of Lucknow ever before moved, over thecountry as I am doing to inquire into the condition of the people, the state of the country, and character of the administration; norwould it be desirable for them to do so unless trained to civilbusiness, and able and disposed to commune freely with the people ofall classes. The advantages would hardly counterbalance thedisadvantages. When I apologize to the peasantry for the unavoidabletrespasses of my camp, they always reply good-humouredly, "The losseswe suffer from them are small and temporary, while the good we hopefrom your visit is great and permanent. " Would that I could realizethe hopes to which my visit gives rise. _January_ 15, 1850. --To Meeangunge, five miles, over a plain of gooddoomuteea soil, well studded with trees; but much of the land lieswaste, and many of the villages and hamlets are unoccupied and inruins. We passed the boundary of the Russoolabad district, about twomiles from our last ground, and crossed into that of Meeangunge orSafeepoor. The Russoolabad district was held in contract for someyears by one of the greatest knaves in Oude, Buksh Allee, a dome bycaste, whose rise to wealth and influence may be described asillustrative of the manners and customs of the Lucknow Court andGovernment. This man and his deputy, Munsab Allee, reduced a gooddeal of the land of the district to waste, and depopulated many ofits villages and hamlets by over-exactions and by an utter disregardof their engagements with the landholders and cultivators; and theywere in league with many atrocious highway robbers, who plundered andmurdered so many travellers along the high road leading from Lucknowto Cawnpoor, which runs through the district, that it was deemedunsafe to pass it except in strong bodies. When I took charge of my office in January last, they used to seizeevery good-looking girl or young woman, passing the roads withparents and husbands, who were too poor to purchase redress at Court, and make slaves or concubines of them; and, feeling strong in theassurance of protection from the fiddlers in the palace, who are ofthe same caste--domes--Buksh Allee defied all authority, and keptthose girls and women in his camp and house at Lucknow, while theirparents and husbands, for months and years, in vain besought all whowere likely to have the least influence or authority to interpose fortheir release. Some of them came to me soon after I took charge, and, having collected sufficient proof of these atrocities, and of somerobberies which he had committed or caused to be committed along thehigh road, I insisted upon his being deprived of his charges andpunished. He remained for many months concealed in the city, but wasat last seized by some of the Frontier Police, under the guidance ofan excellent officer, Lieutenant Weston, the Superintendent. I had prevailed on the King to offer two thousand rupees for hisapprehension, and the two thousand rupees were distributed among thecaptors. The girls and young women were released, their parents andhusbands compensated for the sufferings they had endured, and many ofthe persons who had been robbed by him and his deputy had the valueof their lost property made good. Great impediments were thrown inthe way of all this by people of influence about Court; but they wereall surmounted by great skill and energy on the part of LieutenantWeston and steady perseverance on mine; and Buksh Allee remained ingaol, treated as a common felon, till all was effected. All had, inappearance, been done by the King's officers, but in reality by ours, under his Majesty's sanction, for it was clear that nothing would bedone unless we supervised and guided their proceedings. The districtis now held in contract by a very respectable man, Mahommed Uskaree, who has taken it for four years. The district of Safeepoor, in which we are now encamped, has beenheld in contract for five years by Budreenath, a merchant of Lucknow, who had given security for the former contractor. He could not fulfilhis engagements to Government, and the contract was made over to himas surety, on condition that he paid the balance. He has held it eversince, while his younger brother, Kiddernath, has conducted theirmercantile affairs at Lucknow. Budreenath has always considered theaffair as a mercantile speculation, and thought of nothing but theamount he has to pay to Government and that which he can squeeze outof the landholders and cultivators. He is a bad manager; the landsare badly tilled, and the towns, villages, and hamlets are scantilypeopled and most wretched in appearance. Near the border, we passed one village, Mahommedpoor, entirely inruins. After some search we found a solitary man of the Pausee tribe, who told us that it had been held for many generations by the familyof Rugonath, a Gouree Rajpoot, who paid for it at an uniform rate ofsix hundred rupees a-year. About three years ago the contractordemanded from him an increased rate, which he could not pay. Beingsorely pressed, he fled to the jungles with the few of his clan thathe could collect, and ordered all the cultivators to follow hisfortunes. They were of a different clan--mostly Bagheelas--anddeclined the honour. He urged that, if they followed him for a seasonor two, the village would be left untilled, and yield nothing to thecontractor, who would be constrained to restore him to possession atthe rate which his ancestors had paid; that his family had nothingelse to depend upon, and if they did not desert the land and take tothe jungles and plunder with him, he must, of necessity, plunderthem. They had never done so, and would not do so now. He attackedand plundered the village three times, killed three men, and droveall the rest to seek shelter and employment in other villages around. Not a soul but himself, our informant, was left, and the lands laywaste. Rogonath Sing rented a little land in the village of Gouree, many miles off, and in another district, still determined to allow noman but himself to hold the village or restore its tillage andpopulation. This, said the Pausee, is the usage of the country, andthe only way in which a landholder can honestly or effectually defendhimself against the contractor, who would never regard his rightsunless he saw that he was prepared to defend them in this way, anddetermined to involve all under him in his own ruin, depopulate hisestate, and lay waste his lands. Meean Almas, after whom this place, Meeangunge, takes his name, wasan eunuch. He had a brother, Rahmut, after whom the town ofRahmutgunge, which we passed some days ago, took its name. MeeanAlmas was the greatest and best man of any note that Oude hasproduced. He held for about forty years this and other districts, yielding to the Oude Government an annual revenue of about eightylacs of rupees. During all this time he kept the people secure inlife and property, and as happy as people in such a state of societycan be; and the whole country under his charge was, during his life-time, a garden. He lived here in a style of great magnificence, andwas often visited by his sovereign, who used occasionally to spend amonth at a time with him at Meeangunge. A great portion of the landsheld by him were among those made over to the British Government, onthe division of the Oude territory, by the treaty of 1801, concludedbetween Saadut Allee Khan and the then Governor-General LordWellesley. The country was then divided into equal shares, according to therent-roll at the time. The half made over to the British Governmenthas been ever since yielding more revenue to us, while that retainedby the sovereign of Oude has been yielding less and less to him; andours now yields, in land-revenue, stamp-duty, and the tax on spirits, two crore and twelve lacs a-year, while the reserved half now yieldsto Oude only about one crore, or one crore and ten lacs. When thecession took place, each half was estimated at one crore and thirty-three lacs. Under good management the Oude share might, in a fewyears, be made equal to ours, and perhaps better, for the greaterpart of the lands in our share have been a good deal impoverished byover-cropping, while those of the Oude share have been improved bylong fallows. Lands of the same natural quality in Oude, under goodtillage, now pay a much higher rate of rent than they do in our halfof the estate. Almas Allee Khan, at the close of his life, was supposed to haveaccumulated immense wealth; but when he died he was found to havenothing, to the great mortification of his sovereign, who seized uponall. Large sums of money had been lent by him to the Europeanmerchants at Lucknow, as well as to native merchants all over thecountry. When he found his end approaching, he called for all theirbonds and destroyed them. Mr. Ousely and Mr. Paul were said to haveat that time owed to him more than three lacs of rupees each. Hisimmense income he had expended in useful works, liberal hospitality, and charity. He systematically kept in check the tallookdars, orgreat landholders; fostered the smaller, and encouraged and protectedthe better classes of cultivators, such as Lodhies, Koormies, andKachies, whom he called and considered his children. His reign overthe large extent of country under his jurisdiction is considered tohave been its golden age. Many of the districts which he held wereamong those transferred to the British Government by the treaty of1801; and they were estimated at the revenue which he had paid forthem to the Oude Government. This was much less than any otherservant of the Oude Government would have been made to pay for them;and this accounts, in some measure, for the now increased rate theyyield to us. Others pledged themselves to pay rates which they neverdid or could pay; and the nominal rates in the accounts were alwaysgreater than the real rates. He never pledged himself to pay higherrates than he could and really did pay. Now the tallookdars keep the country in a perpetual state ofdisturbance, and render life, property, and industry everywhereinsecure. Whenever they quarrel with each other, or with the localauthorities of the Government, from whatever cause, they take toindiscriminate plunder and murder over all lands not held by men ofthe same class; no road, town, village, or hamlet is secure fromtheir merciless attacks; robbery and murder become their diversion--their sport; and they think no more of taking the lives of men, women, and children who never offended them, than those of deer orwild hogs. They not only rob and murder, but seize, confine, andtorture all whom they seize, and suppose to have money or credit, till they ransom themselves with all they have, or can beg or borrow. Hardly a day has passed since I left Lucknow in which I have not hadabundant proof of numerous atrocities of this kind committed bylandholders within the district through which I was passing, year byyear, up to the present day. The same system is followed bylandholders of smaller degrees and of this military class--someholders of single villages or co-sharers in a village. This classcomprises Rajpoots of all denominations, Mussulmans, and Pausies. Where one co-sharer in a village quarrels with another, or with theGovernment authorities, on whatever subject, he declares himself in a_state of war_, and adopts the same system of indiscriminate plunderand reckless murder. He first robs the house and murders all he canof the family of the co-sharer with whom he has quarrelled, or whosetenement he wishes to seize upon; and then gets together all he canof the loose characters around, employs them in indiscriminateplunder, and subsists them upon the booty, without the slightestapprehension that he shall thereby stand less high in the estimationof his neighbours, or that of the officers of Government; on thecontrary, he expects, when his _pastime_ is over, to be at least morefeared and courted, and more secure in the possession of increasedlands, held at lower rates. All this terrible state of disorder arises from the Government notkeeping faith with its subjects, and not making them keep faith witheach other. I one day asked Rajah Hunmunt Sing how it was that menguilty of such crimes were tolerated in society, and he answered byquoting the following Hindee couplet:--"Men reverence the man whoseheart is wicked, as they adore and make offerings to the evil planet, while they let the good pass unnoticed, or with a simple salute ofcourtesy. "* [* There is another Hindee verse to the same effect. "Man dreads acrooked thing--the demon Rahoo dares not seize the moon till he seesher full. " They consider the eclipse to be caused by the demon Rahooseizing the moon in his mouth. ] The contractor for this district, Budreenath, came to call in theafternoon, though he is suffering much from disease. He bears a goodcharacter with the Government, because he contrives to pay itsdemand; but a very bad one among the people, from whom he extorts themeans. He does not adhere to his engagements with the landholders andcultivators, but exacts, when the crops are ripe, a higher rate thanthey had engaged to pay at the commencement of tillage; and thepeople suffer not only from what he takes over and above what is due, but from the depredations of those whom such proceedings drive intorebellion. Against such persons he is too weak to protect them; andas soon as the rebels show that they can reduce his income byplundering and murdering the peasantry, and all who have property inthe towns and villages, he re-establishes them on their lands ontheir own terms. He had lately, however, by great good luck, seizedtwo very atrocious characters of this description, who had plunderedand burnt down several villages, and murdered some of theirinhabitants; and as he knew that they would be released on the firstoccasion of thanksgiving at Lucknow, having the means to bribe Courtfavourites, he begged my permission to make them over to LieutenantWeston, superintendent of the Frontier Police, as robbers byprofession. "If they come back, sir, they will murder all who haveaided in their capture, or given evidence against them, and novillage or road will be safe. " Some shopkeepers in the town complained that the contractor was inthe habit of forcing them to stand sureties for the fulfilment, onthe part of landholders, of any engagements they might make, to payhim certain sums, or to make over to him certain land produce at theharvest. This, they said, often involved them in heavy losses, as thelandholders frequently could not, or would not, do either when thetime came, and they were made to pay. This is a frequent practicethroughout Oude. Shopkeepers and merchants who have property areoften compelled by the contractors and other local officers to givesuch security for bad or doubtful paymasters with whom they mayhappen to have had dealings or intercourse, and by this means robbedof all they have. All manner of means are resorted to to compel them:they and their families are seized and confined, and harshly ordisgracefully treated, till they consent to sign the security bonds. The plea that the bonds had been forced from them would not avail inany tribunal to which they might appeal: it would be urged againstthem that the money was for the State; and this would be consideredas quite sufficient to justify the Government officer who had robbedthem. The brief history which I propose to give of Buksh Allee, thelate contractor for the Russoolabad district, is as follows:-- Mokuddera Ouleea, one of the consorts of the King, Nuseer-od DeenHyder, was the daughter of Mr. George Hopkins Walters, a half-payofficer of one of the regiments of British Dragoons, who came toLucknow as an adventurer. He there united himself (though not inmarriage) to the widow of Mr. Whearty, an English merchant orshopkeeper of that city, who had recently died, leaving this widow, who was the daughter of Mr. Culloden, an English merchant of Lucknow, and one son, now called Ameer Mirza, and one daughter, now calledShurf-on Nissa. By Mr. Walters this widow had one daughter, whoafterwards became united to the King in marriage (in 1827), under thetitle of "Mokuddera Ouleea. " Mr. Walters died at Lucknow, and thewidow and two daughters went to reside at Cawnpoor. The daughterswere good-looking, and the mother was disposed to make the most oftheir charms, without regard to creed or colour. Buksh Allee, a dome by caste, who had been by profession a drummer toa party of dancing-girls, served them as a coachman and tableattendant. At Cawnpoor he cohabited with Mrs. Walters, and prevailedupon her to take her children back to Lucknow as the best possiblemarket for them, as he had friends at Court who would be able tobring them to the notice of the sovereign. They were shown to theKing as soon as he succeeded his father on the throne in 1827. He wascaptivated with the charms of Miss Walters, though they were notgreat, demanded her hand from the mother, and was soon after unitedto her in marriage according to the Mahommedan law. A suitableestablishment was provided by the King for her mother, father-in-law, brother, and sister; and as his Majesty considered that the manner inwhich Buksh Allee and her mother had hitherto lived together wasunsuitable to the connection which now subsisted between them, hecaused them to be married in due form according to the Mahommedanlaw. The mother and her three children now changed their creed forthat of Islamism, and took Mahommedan names. By a deed of engagement with the British Government, hearing date the1st of March 1829, the King contributed to the five per cent loan thesum of sixty-two lacs and forty thousand rupees, the interest ofwhich, at five per cent. , our Government pledged itself to pay to thefour females. * [* Mulika Zumanee, 10, 000; Taj Mahal, 6, 000; Mokuddera Ouleea, 6, 000;Zeenut-on Nissa, the daughter of Mulika Zumanee, 4, 000. ] These pensions were to descend in perpetuity to their heirs, if theyleft any; and if they left none, they were to have the power tobequeath them by will to whomsoever and for what purposes soever theychose, the British Government reserving to itself the power to pay tothe heirs the principal from which the pensions arose, instead ofcontinuing the pensions. The King died in July 1837, and Mokuddera Ouleea went to reside nearher mother and Buksh Allee, taking with her great wealth in jewelsand other things, which she had accumulated during the King'slifetime. Her sister, Ashrof--_alias_ Shurf-on Nissa--resided in thesame house with her mother and Buksh Allee. Mokuddera Ouleea had fromthe time she became estranged from her husband, the King, led a veryprofligate life, and she continued to do the same in her widowhood. On the 14th of September 1839, the mother died; and the sister, Shurf-on Nissa, supplied her place, as the wife or concubine of BukshAllee. Mokuddera Ouleea became pregnant, and on the 9th of November 1840, she was taken very ill from some violent attempt to produce abortion. She continued insensible and speechless till the evening of the 12thof that month, when she expired. The house which Buksh Allee occupiedat that time is within the Residency compound, and had been purchasedby Mr. John Culloden, the father of Mrs. Walters, from Mr. GeorgePrendergast on the 22nd of February 1802. Mr. Prendergast purchasedthe house from Mr. S. M. Taylor, an English merchant at Lucknow, whoobtained it from the Nawab Assuf-od Dowlah, as a residence. The Nawabafterwards, on the 5th of January 1797, gave him, through theResident, Mr. J. Lumsden, permission to sell it to Mr. Prendergast. The remains of Mokuddera Ouleea were interred within the compound ofthat house, near those of her mother, though the King, Mahommed AlleeShah, wished to have them buried by the side of those of her husband, the late King. The house is still occupied by Shurf-on Nissa, whosucceeded to her sister's pension and property, under the sanction ofthe British Government, and has built, or completed within theenclosure, a handsome mosque and mausoleum. On the death of Mr. Walters, Mrs. Whearty made application, throughthe house of Colvin and Co. , for the arrears of pension or half-paydue to him up to the time of his death, and for some provision forherself as his widow; but she was told that unless she could producethe usual certificate, or proof of her marriage with him, she couldget neither. No proof whatever of the marriage was forthcoming, andthe claim was prosecuted no further. Shurf-on Nissa, and her brotherand his son, continued to live with Buksh Allee, who, upon the wealthand pension left by Mokuddera Ouleea to her sister, kept up splendidestablishments both at Lucknow and Cawnpoor. At the latter place he associated on terms of great intimacy with theEuropean gentlemen, and is said to have received visits from theMajor-General commanding the Division and his lady. With the aid ofhis wealth and the influence of his brother domes (the singers andfiddlers who surround the throne of his present Majesty), Buksh Alleesecured and held for some years the charge of this fertile andpopulous district of Russoolabad, through which passes the road fromLucknow to Cawnpoor, where, as I have already stated, he kept upbands of myrmidons to rob and murder travellers, and commit all kindsof atrocities. This road became, in consequence, the most unsafe ofall the roads in Oude, and hardly a day passed in which murders androbberies were not perpetrated upon it. Proof of his participation inthese atrocities having been collected, Buksh Allee was, in October1849, seized by order of the Resident, tried before the King'sCourts, convicted and sentenced to imprisonment, and ordered torestore or make good the property which he was proved to have taken, or caused to be taken, from travellers. His house had become filledwith girls of all ages, whom he had taken from poor parents, as theypassed over this road, and converted into slaves for his seraglio. They were all restored to their parents, with suitable compensation;and the Cawnpoor road has become the most safe, as well as the best, road in Oude. On the death of Mokuddera Ouleea, a will was sent to the Resident byher sister, who declared that it had been under her sister's pillowfor a year, and that she had taken it out on finding her endapproaching, and made it over to her, declaring it to contain herlast wishes. By this document pensions were bequeathed to the personsmentioned in the note below* out of one-third, and the other two-thirds were bequeathed to her sister and brother. In submitting thisdocument to Government, the Resident declared that he believed it tobe a forgery; and in reply he was instructed to ascertain whether thepersons named in the document had any objections to consider Shurf-onNissa sole heir to her sister's property and pension. Should theyhave none to urge, he was directed to consider her as sole heir, andthe pretended will as of no avail. They all agreed to consider her assole heir; and the Resident was directed to make over to her theproperty, and pay to her the pension or the principal from which itarose. The Resident considered the continuance of the pension as thebest arrangement for the present, and of this Government approved. [* Buksh Allee, 1, 000 rupees per month; Allee Hoseyn, 75; SoorajBhan, 40; Syud Hoseyn, 30; Sheik Hingun, 20; Mirza Allee, 30; RamDeen, 12; Meea Sultan, 15; Sudharee, 10; Imam Buksh, 3; Ala Rukhee, 10; Sadoo Begum, 20; Akbar, 15; Mahdee Begum, 30. ] Shurf-on Nissa has no recognised children, and her brother and hisreputed son are her sole heirs, so that no injury can arise to himfrom the omission, on the part of Government and the Resident, of allmention of his right as co-sharer in the inheritance. Neither brothernor sister had really any legal right whatever to succeed to thispension, for Mokuddera Ouleea was an illegitimate child, and had nolegal heirs according to either English or Mahommedan law. This factseems to have been concealed from the Resident, for he nevermentioned it to Government. It was the dread that this fact wouldcause the whole pension to be sent to the shrines in Turkish Arabia, that made them forge the will. All readily consented to considerShurf-on Nissa the heir, when they found that our Government had noobjection to consider her as such. The King wished to have the moneyto lay out on bridges and roads in Oude, and the Resident advocatedthis wish; but our Government, ignorant of the fact of theillegitimacy of the deceased, and with the guaranteed bequest of thelate King before them, could not consent to any such arrangement. Government has long been strongly and justly opposed to all suchguarantees, and the Resident was told on the 14th November 1840, "that the Governor-General in Council could not consent to grant theabsolute and unqualified pledge of protection which the King wassolicitous of obtaining in favour of four other females; and directedto state to his Majesty that, although in the instances he had cited, such guarantees had certainly been afforded in former times, yet theywere always given either under the impression of an overrulingnecessity, or in consequence of some acknowledged claims, orpreviously existing engagements, the force of which could not beavoided; that their existence had often operated practically in themost embarrassing manner, while it constituted a standing andperpetual infringement of the rights of the Government of Oude; andthat his Lordship in Council was, consequently, decidedly opposed tothe continuance of a system so plainly at variance with every justprinciple of policy. " The objections of the British Government tosuch guarantees are stated in letters dated 18th February, 28thMarch, 20th May, 3rd October, and 19th December 1839, and 11th May1848. In a despatch from the Honourable the Court of Directors, dated 4thMarch 1840, their just disapprobation of such guarantees isexpressed; and reference is made to former strong expressions ofdisapprobation. In their despatch of the 28th March 1843, theHonourable Court again express their disapprobation of suchguarantees; and refer to their letter of the 16th March, in whichthey gave positive orders that no such engagement should ever beconcluded without a previous reference to the Court. The argumentthat the arrangement did not, in any particular case, add to thenumber of guaranteed persons, such persons being already underguarantee, did not in the opinion of the Court touch the strongerobjection to such a measure, that of the impropriety of our aiding, especially by the grant of peculiar privileges, the appropriation ofthe resources of the State to the advantage of individuals. The Courtexpresses a hope that they shall never have occasion to notice anyfuture violation of their orders as respects such engagements. _January_ 16, 1850. --We were to have gone this morning to Ouras, butwere obliged to encamp at Burra, eight miles from Meeangunge, on theleft bank of the Saee river, which had been too much increased by thelate rains to admit of our baggage and tents passing over immediatelyon anything but elephants. As we have but few of them, our tents werepitched on this side of the river, that our things might have thewhole day before them to pass over on carts and camels, as the riversubsided. Ouras is three miles from our camp, and we are to passthrough it and go on to Sundeela to-morrow. There is no bridge, andboats are not procurable on this small river, which we have to crossand recross several times. The country from Meeangunge is scantily cultivated, but well studdedwith trees, and generally fertile under good tillage. The soil is thelight doomuteea, but here and there very sandy and poor, running intowhat is called bhoor. The villages and hamlets which we could see arefew and wretched. We have few native officers and sipahees in ourarmy from the districts we are now in, and I am in consequence lessoppressed with complaints from this class of the Oude subjects. We met, near our tents, a party of soldiers belonging to Rajah GhalibJung, a person already mentioned, and at present superintendent ofpolice, along the Cawnpoor road, escorting a band of thieves, whorobbed Major Scott some ten months ago on his way, by dawk, fromLucknow, and an European merchant, two months ago, on his way, bydawk, from Cawnpoor to Lucknow. They had been seized in the Sundeeladistricts, and the greater part of the stolen property found in theirhouses. They are of the Pausie tribe, and told me that thieving wastheir hereditary trade, and that they had long followed it on theCawnpoor road with success. The landholder, who kept them upon hisestate and shared in their booty, was also seized, but made over tothe revenue contractor, who released him after a few days'imprisonment for a gratuity. Of these Pausies there are supposed to be about one hundred thousandfamilies in Oude. They are employed as village watchmen, but, withfew exceptions, are thieves and robbers by hereditary profession. Many of them adopt poisoning as a trade, and the numbers who did sowere rapidly increasing when Captain Hollings, the superintendent ofthe Oude Frontier Police, arrested a great many of them, andproceeded against them as Thugs by profession, under Act III. Of1848. His measures have been successfully followed up by CaptainWeston, his successor, and this crime has been greatly diminished inOude. It prevails still, however, more or less, in all parts ofIndia. These Pausies of Oude generally form the worst part of the gangs ofrefractory tallookdars in their indiscriminate plunder. They use thebow and arrow expertly, and are said to be able to send an arrowthrough a man at the distance of one hundred yards. There is nospecies of theft or robbery in which they are not experienced andskilful, and they increase and prosper in proportion as the disordersin the country grow worse. They serve any refractory landholder, orenterprising gang-robber, without wages, for the sake of the booty tobe acquired. Many of the sipahees of the Mobarick Pultun, on detached duty withthe king's wakeel in attendance upon me, were this morning arrested, while taking off the choppers from the houses of villages along theroad and around my camp, for fuel and fodder, in what they called the"_usual way_. " The best beams and rafters and the whole of the strawwere fast moving off to my camp; and when seized, the sipahees seemedmuch surprised, and asked me what they were to do, as they had notreceived any pay for six months, and the Government expected thatthey would help themselves to straw and timber wherever they couldmost conveniently find it. All were fined; but the hope to put a stopto this intolerable evil, under the present system, is a vain one. The evil has the acquiescence and encouragement of the Government andits functionaries of all kinds and grades throughout the country. Itis distressing to witness every day such melancholy proofs of howmuch is done that ought not to be done, and how much that ought to bedone is left undone, in so fine a country. A want of sympathy or fellow-feeling between the governing andgoverned is common in all parts of India, but in no part that I haveseen is it so marked as in Oude. The officers of the Governmentdelight in plundering the peasantry, and upon every local Governorwho kills a landholder of any mark, rewards and honours are instantlybestowed, without the slightest inquiry as to the cause or mode. Theyknow that no inquiry will be made, and therefore kill them when theycan; no matter how, or for what cause. The great landholders wouldkill the local Governors with just as little scruple, did they notfear that it might make the British Government interpose and aid inthe pursuit after them. _January_ 17, 1850. --Sundeela, about thirteen miles from our lastcamp, on the bank of the little River Saee, over a plain of gooddoomuteea soil, very fertile, and well cultivated in theneighbourhood of villages. The greater portion of the plain is, however, uncultivated, though capable of the best tillage, and showsmore than the usual signs of maladministration. In this districtthere are only three tallookdars, and they do not rob or resist theGovernment at present. They distrust the Government authorities, however, and never have any personal intercourse with them. The wasteis entirely owing to the bad character of the contractors, and thelicense given to the troops and establishments under them. Thedistrict is now held in _amanee_ tenure, and under the management ofHoseyn Buksh, who entered into his charge only six weeks ago. He iswithout any experience in, or knowledge of, his duties; he has threeregiments of Nujeebs on duty under him, and all who are present cameout to meet me. Anything more unlike soldiers it would be difficultto conceive. They are feared only by the honest and industrious. Wherever the Amil goes they go with him, and are a terrible scourgeto the country--by far the worst that the country suffers under. The first thing necessary to effect a reform is--to form out of thesedisorderly and useless bodies a few efficient regiments; do away withthe purveyance system, on which, they are now provided with fuel, fodder, carriage, &c. ; pay them liberally and punctually; supply themwith good clothing, arms, accoutrements, and ammunition; andconcentrate them at five or six points in good cantonments, whencethey can move quickly to any part where their services may berequired. No more than are indispensably required should attend thelocal authorities in their circuits. All the rest should remain incantonments till called for on emergency; and when so called for, they should have all the conveyance they require, and the suppliesprovided for them--the conveyance at fixed rates, and the supplies atthe market price, in good bazaars. For police duties and revenuecollections there should be a sufficient body of men kept up, and atthe disposal of the revenue and police authorities. The militaryestablishments should be under the control of a different authority. But all this would be of no avail unless the corps were under ablecommanders, relieved from the fear of Court favourites, and under aCommander-in-Chief who understood his duty and had influence enoughto secure all that the troops required to render them efficient, andnot a child of seven years of age. Several of the villages of Sundeela are held by Syud zumeendars, whoare peaceable and industrious subjects, and were generally betterprotected than others under the influence of Chowdhere, Sheik HushmutAllee, of Sundeela, an agricultural capitalist and landholder, whomno local authority could offend with impunity. His proper trade wasto aid landholders of high and low degree, by becoming surety fortheir punctual payment of the Government demand, and advancing theinstalments of that demand himself when they had not the means, andthereby saving them from the visits of the local authorities andtheir rapacious and disorderly troops: but in an evil hour heventured to extend his protection a little further, and, to save themfrom the oppressions of an unscrupulous contractor, he undertook tomanage the district himself, and make good all the Government demandupon it. He was unable to pay all that he had bound himself to pay. His brother was first seized by the troops and taken to Lucknow. Helanguished under the discipline to which he was there subjected, andwhen on the point of death from what his friends call a _brokenheart_, and the Government authorities _cholera-morbus_, he wasreleased. He died immediately after his return home, and HushmutAllee was then seized and taken to Lucknow, where he is now confined. The people here lament his absence as a great misfortune to thedistrict, as he was the only one among them who ever had authorityand influence, united with a fellow-feeling for the people, and adisposition to promote their welfare and happiness. * [* Hushmut Allee is still in confinement, but under the troops atSundeela, and not at Lucknow. July 20, 1851. ] END OF VOL. 1. A JOURNEY THROUGH THE KINGDOM OF OUDE IN 1849--1850; BY DIRECTION OF THE RIGHT HON. THE EARL OF DALHOUSIE, GOVERNOR-GENERAL. WITH PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE RELATIVE TO THE ANNEXATIONOF OUDE TO BRITISH INDIA, &c. BY MAJOR-GENERAL SIR W. H. SLEEMAN, K. C. B. Resident at the Court of Lucknow IN TWO VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON:RICHARD BENTLEYPublisher in Ordinary to Her Majesty. 1858. CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER 1. Sundeela--The large landholders of the district--Forces with theAmil--Tallookdars, of the district--Ground suited for cantonments andcivil offices--Places consecrated to worship--Kutteea Huron--NeemSarang, traditions regarding--Landholders and peasantry of Sundeela--Banger and Sandee Palee, strong against the Government authoritiesfrom their union--_Nankar_ and _Seer_. Nature and character of--Jungle--Leaves of the peepul, bur, &c. , used as fodder--Want of goodhouses and all kinds of public edifices--Infanticide--Sandeedistrict--Security of tenure in groves--River Gurra--Hafiz Abdulla, the governor--Runjeet Sing, of Kutteearee--Thieves in the Bangerdistrict--Infanticide--How to put down the crime--Palee--Richness ofthe foliage, and carpeting of spring-crops--Kunojee Brahmins--Successof the robber's trade in Oude--Shahabad--Timber taken down the littleriver Gurra to the Ganges, from the Tarae forest--Fanaticism of theMoosulman population of Shahabad; and insolence and impunity withwhich they oppress the Hindoos of the town. CHAPTER II. Infanticide--Nekomee Rajpoots--Fallows in Oude created by disorders--Their cause and effect--Tillage goes on in the midst of sanguinaryconflicts--Runjeet Sing, of Kutteearee--Mahomdee district--WhiteAnts--Traditional decrease in the fertility of the Oude soil--Risksto which cultivators are exposed--Obligations which these risksimpose upon them--Infanticide--The Amil of Mahomdee's narrow escape--An infant disinterred and preserved by the father after having beenburied alive--Insecurity of life and property--Beauty of the surfaceof the country, and richness of its foliage--Mahomdee district--Stateand recent history of--Relative fertility of British and Oude soil--Native notions of our laws and their administration--Of the value ofevidence in our Courts--Infanticide--Boys only saved--Girls destroyedin Oude--The priests who give absolution for the crime abhorred bythe people of all other classes--Lands in our districts becoming moreand more exhausted from over-cropping--Probable consequences to theGovernment and people of India--Political and social error ofconsidering land private property--Hakeem Mehndee and subsequentmanagers of Mahomdee--Frauds on the King in charges for the keep ofanimals--Kunojee Brahmins--Unsuccessful attempt to appropriate thelands of weaker neighbours--Gokurnath, on the border of the Tarae--The sakhoo or saul trees of the forest. CHAPTER III. Lonee Sing, of the Ahbun Rajpoot tribe--Dispute between RajahBukhtawar Sing, and a servant of one of his relatives--Cultivationalong the border of the Tarae forest--Subdivision of land among theAhbun families--Rapacity of the king's troops, and establishments ofall kinds--Climate near the Tarae--Goitres--Not one-tenth of thecultivable lands cultivated, nor one-tenth of the villages peopled--Criterion of good tillage--Ratoon crops--Manure available--Khyrabaddistrict better peopled and cultivated than that of Mahomdee, but thesoil over-cropped--Blight--Rajah Ajeet Sing and his estate ofKhymara--Ousted by collusion and bribery--Anrod Sing of Oel, andLonee Sing--State of Oude forty years ago compared with its presentstate--The Nazim of the Khyrabad district--Trespasses of hisfollowers--Oel Dhukooa--_Khalsa_ lands absorbed by the Rajpootbarons--Salarpoor--Sheobuksh Sing of Kuteysura--_Bhulmunsee_, orproperty-tax--Beautiful groves of Lahurpoor--Residence of the Nazim--Wretched state of the force with the Nazim--Gratuities paid byofficers in charge of districts, whether in contract or trust--RajahArjun Sing's estate of Dhorehra--Hereditary gang-robbers of the OudeTarae suppressed--Mutiny of two of the King's regiments at Bhitolee--Their rapacity and oppression--Singers and fiddlers who govern theKing--Why the Amils take all their troops with them when they move--Seetapoor, the cantonment of one of the two regiments of Oude LocalInfantry--Sipahees not equal to those in Magness's, Barlow's, andBunbury's, or in our native regiments of the line--Why--The princeMomtaz-od Dowlah--Evil effects of shooting monkeys--Doolaree, _alias_Mulika Zumanee--Her history, and that of her son and daughter. CHAPTER IV. Nuseer-od Deen Hyder's death--His repudiation of his son, Moona Jan, leads to the succession of his uncle, Nuseer-od Dowlah--Contest forthe succession between these two persons--The Resident supports theuncle, and the Padshah Begum supports the son--The ministers supposedto have poisoned the King--Made to disgorge their ill-gotten wealthby his successor--Obligations of the treaty of 1801, by which Oudewas divided into two equal shares--One transferred to the BritishGovernment, one reserved by Oude--Estimated value of each at the timeof treaty--Present value of each--The sovereign often warned thatunless he governs as he ought, the British Government cannot supporthim, but must interpose and take the administration upon itself--Allsuch warnings have been utterly disregarded--No security to life orproperty in any part of Oude--Fifty years of experience has proved, that we cannot make the government of Oude fulfil its duties to itspeople--The alternative left appears to be to take the managementupon ourselves, and give the surplus revenue to the sovereign androyal family of Oude--Probable effects of such a change on thefeelings and interests of the people of Oude. CHAPTER V. Baree-Biswa district--Force with the Nazim, Lal Bahader--Town ofPeernuggur--Dacoitee by Lal and Dhokul Partuks--Gangs of robberseasily formed out of the loose characters which abound in Oude--Thelands tilled in spite of all disorders--Delta between the Chouka andGhagra rivers--Seed sown and produce yielded on land--Rent and stock--Nawab Allee, the holder of the Mahmoodabad estate--Mode ofaugmenting his estate--Insecurity of marriage processions--Belt ofjungle, fourteen miles west from the Lucknow cantonments--GungabukshRawat--His attack on Dewa--The family inveterate robbers--Bhurs, oncea civilized and ruling people in Oude--Extirpated systematically inthe fourteenth century--Depredations of Passees--Infanticide--Howmaintained--Want of influential middle class of merchants andmanufacturers--Suttee--Troops with the Amil--Seizure of a marriageprocession by Imambuksh, a gang leader--Perquisites and allowances ofPassee watchmen over corn-fields--Their fidelity to trusts--AhbunSing, of Kyampoor, murders his father--Rajah Singjoo of Soorujpoor--Seodeen, another leader of the same tribe--Principal gang-leaders ofthe Dureeabad Rodowlee district--Jugurnath Chuprassie--Bhooree Khan--How these gangs escape punishment--Twenty-four belts of junglepreserved by landholders always, or occasionally, refractory in Oude--Cover eight hundred and eighty-six square miles of good land--Howsuch atrocious characters find followers, and landholders of highdegree to screen, shelter, and aid them. CHAPTER VI. Adventures of Maheput Sing of Bhowaneepoor--Advantages of a good roadfrom Lucknow to Fyzabad--Excellent condition of the artillerybullocks with the Frontier Police--Get all that Government allows forthem--Bred in the Tarae--Dacoits of Soorujpoor Bareyla--The Amilconnives at all their depredations, and thrives in consequence--TheAmil of the adjoining districts does not, and ruined in consequence--His weakness--Seetaram, a capitalist--His account of a singular_Suttee_--Bukhtawar Sing's notions of _Suttee_, and of the reason whyRajpoot widows seldom become _Suttees_--Why local authorities carryabout prisoners with them--Condition of prisoners--No taxes onmangoe-trees--Cow-dung cheaper than wood for fuel--Shrine of "ShaikhSalar" at Sutrik--Bridge over the small river Rete--Recollection ofthe ascent of a balloon at Lucknow--End of the pilgrimage. ______________________ Private Correspondence subsequent to the Journey through the Kingdomof Oude, and relating to the Annexation of Oude to British India. DIARY A TOUR THROUGH OUDE. CHAPTER I. Sundeela--The large landholders of the district--Forces with theAmil--Tallookdars, of the district--Ground suited for cantonments andcivil offices--Places consecrated to worship--Kutteea Huron--NeemSarang, traditions regarding--Landholders and peasantry of Sundeela--Banger and Sandee Palee, strong against the Government authoritiesfrom their union--_Nankar_ and _Seer_. Nature and character of--Jungle--Leaves of the peepul, bur, &c. , used as fodder--Want of goodhouses and all kinds of public edifices--Infanticide--Sandeedistrict--Security of tenure in groves--River Gurra--Hafiz Abdulla, the governor--Runjeet Sing, of Kutteearee--Thieves in the Bangerdistrict--Infanticide--How to put down the crime--Palee--Richness ofthe foliage, and carpeting of spring crops--Kunojee Brahmins--Successof the robber's trade in Oude--Shahabad--Timber taken down the littleriver Gurra to the Ganges, from the Tarae forest--Fanaticism of theMoosulman population of Shahabad; and insolence and impunity withwhich they oppress the Hindoos of the town. The baronial proprietors in the Sundeela district are Murdun Sing, ofDhurawun, with a rent-roll of 38, 000; Gunga Buksh, of Atwa, with oneof 25, 000; Chundeeka Buksh, of Birwa, with one of 25, 000; and SomereSing, of Rodamow, with one of 34, 000. This is the rent-roll declaredand entered in the accounts; but it is much below the real one. TheGovernment officers are afraid to measure their lands, or to make anyinquiries on the estates into their value, lest they should turnrobbers and plunder the country, as they are always prepared to do. They have always a number of armed and brave retainers, ready tosupport them in any enterprise, and can always add to their number onemergency. There is never any want of loose characters ready to fightfor the sake of plunder alone. A tallookdar, however, when opposed tohis government, does not venture to attack another tallookdar or histenants. He stands too much in need of his aid, or at least of hisneutrality and forbearance. _January_ 18, 1850. --Halted at Sundeela. To the north of the townthere is a large uncultivated plain of _oosur_ land, that wouldanswer for cantonments; but the water lies, for some time after rain, in many places. The drainage is defective, but might be made goodtowards a rivulet to the north and west. There is another open plainto the west of the town, between the suburbs and the small village ofAusoo Serae, where the Trigonometrical Survey has one of its towers. It is about a mile from east to west, and more from north to south, and well adapted for the location of troops and civil establishments. The climate is said to be very good. The town is large and stillpopulous, but the best families seem to be going to decay, or leavingthe place. Many educated persons from Sundeela in our civilestablishments used to leave their families here; but life andproperty have become so very insecure, that they now always take themwith them to the districts in which they are employed, or send themto others. I observed many good houses of burnt brick and cement, butthey are going fast to decay, and are all surrounded by numerous mud-houses without coverings, or with coverings of the same material, which are hidden from view by low parapets. These houses have awretched appearance. The Amil has twelve guns with him; but the bullocks are all so muchout of condition from want of food that they can scarcely walk; andthe Amil was obliged to hire a few plough-bullocks from thecultivators, to draw out two guns to my camp to fire the salute. Theyget no grain, and there is little or no grass anywhere on the fallowand waste lands, from the want of rain during June, July, and August. The Amil told me, that he had no stores or ammunition for the guns;and that their carriages were all gone, or going, to pieces, and hadreceived no repairs whatever for the last twelve years. I had in theevening a visit from Rajah Murdun Sing, of _Dharawun_, a stout andfat man, who bears a fair character. He is of the Tilokchundee Bysclan, who cannot intermarry with each other, as they are all of thesama gote or family. It would, according to their notions, beincestuous. _January_ 19, 1850. --Hutteeah Hurrun, thirteen miles. The plain levelas usual, and of the loose doomuteea soil, fertile in natural powerseverywhere, and well tilled around the villages, which are morenumerous than in any other part that we have passed over. The wateris everywhere near the surface, and wells are made at little cost. Awell is dug at a cost of from five to ten rupees; and in the muteear, or argillaceous soil, will last for irrigation for forty years. Toline it with burnt bricks without cement will cost from one to twohundred rupees; and to add cement will cost a hundred more. Suchlining is necessary in light soil, and still more so in sandy or_bhoor_. They frequently line their wells at little cost with longthick cables, made of straw and twigs, and twisted round the surfaceinside. The fields are everywhere irrigated from wells or pools, andnear villages well manured; and the wheat and other spring crops areexcellent. They have been greatly benefited by the late rains, and inno case injured. The ground all the way covered with white hoarfrost, and the dews heavy in a cloudless sky. Finer weather I havenever known in any quarter of the world. This place is held sacred from a tradition, that Ram, after hisexpedition against Cylone, came here to bathe in a small tank nearour present camp, in order to wash away the sin of having killed a_Brahmin_ in the person of Rawun, the monster king of that island, who had taken away his wife, Seeta. Till he had done so, he could notventure to revisit his capital, Ajoodheea. There are many legendsregarding the origin of the sanctity of this and the many otherplaces around, which pilgrims must visit to complete the _pykurma_, or holy circuit. The most popular seems to be this. Twenty-eightthousand sages of great sanctity were deputed, with the god Indur attheir head, on a mission to present an address to Brimha, as hereposed upon the mountain Kylas, praying that he would vouchsafe topoint out to them the place in Hindoostan most worthy to beconsecrated to religious worship. He took a discus from the top-knoton his head, and, whirling it in the air, directed it to proceed insearch. After much search it rested at a place near the riverGoomtee, which it deemed to be most fitted for the purification ofone's faith, and which thenceforth took the name of _Neem Sarung_, aplace of devotion. The twenty-eight thousand sages followed, and wereaccompanied by Brimha himself, attended by the Deotas, or subordinategods. He then summoned to the place no less than _three crores andhalf_, or thirty millions and half of _teeruts_, or angels, whopreside each over his special place of religions worship. All settleddown at places within ten miles of the central point, Neem Sarung;but their departure does not seem to have impaired the sanctity ofthe places whence they came. The angels, or spirits, who presidedover them sent out these offshoots to preside at Neemsar and theconsecrated places around it, as trees send off their grafts withoutimpairing their own powers and virtues. Misrik, a few miles from this, and one of the places thusconsecrated, is celebrated as the residence of a very holy sage, named Dudeej. In a great battle between the Deotas and the Giants, the Deotas were defeated. They went to implore the aid of the drowsygod, Brimha, upon his snowy mountain top. He told them to go toMisrik and arm themselves with the _bones_ of the old sage, Dudeej. They found Dudeej alive and in excellent health; but they thought ittheir duty to explain to him their orders. He told them, that heshould be very proud indeed to have his bones used as arms in so holya cause; but he had unfortunately vowed to bathe at all the sacredshrines in India before he died, and must perform his vow. Grievouslyperplexed, the Deotas all went and submitted their case to theirleader, the god Indur. Indur consulted his chaplain, Brisput, whotold him, that there was really no difficulty whatever in the case--that the angels of all the holy shrines in India had been establishedat and around Neemsar by Brimha himself; and the Deotas had only totake water from all the sacred places over which they presided, andpour it over the old sage, to get both him and themselves out of thedilemma. They did so, and the old sage, expressing himself satisfied, gave up his life. In what mode it was taken no one can tell me. TheDeotas armed themselves with his bones, attacked the Giantsforthwith, and gained an easy and complete victory. The wisdom of theorders of drowsy old Brimha, in this case, is as little questioned bythe Hindoos of the present day as that of the orders of drunken oldJupiter was in the case of Troy, by the ancient Greeks and Romans. Millions, "wise in their generation, " have spent their lives in thereverence of both. There is hardly any sin that the waters of these dirty little pondsare not supposed to be capable of washing away; and, over and abovethis, they are supposed to improve all the good, and reduce to orderall the bad passions and emotions of those who bathe in them, bypropitiating the aid of the deity, and those who have influence overhim. A good deal of the land, distant from villages, lies waste, thoughcapable of good tillage; and from the all pervading cause, the wantof confidence in the Government and its officers, and of any feelingof security to life, property, and industry. Should this cause beremoved, the whole surface of the country would become the beautifulgarden which the parts well cultivated and peopled now are. It is allwell studded with fine trees--single and in clusters and groves. Thesoil is good, the water near the surface, and to be obtained in anyabundance at little outlay, and the peasantry are industrious, brave, and robust. Nothing is wanted but good and efficient government, which might be easily secured. I found many Kunojee Brahmins in thevillages along the road, who tilled their own fields without the aidof ploughmen; and they told me, that when they had no longer themeans to hire ploughmen, they were permitted to hold their ownploughs--that is, they were not excommunicated for doing so. In passing along, with wheat-fields close by on our left, while thesun is a little above the horizon on the right, we see a _glory_round the shadows of our heads as they extend into the fields. Allsee these _glories_ around their own heads, but cannot see themaround those of their neighbours. They stretch out from the head andshoulders, with gradually-diminished splendour, to some shortdistance. This beautiful and interesting appearance arises from theleaves and stalks of the wheat being thickly bespangled with dew. Theobserver's head being in the direct rays of the sun, as they passover him to that of his shadow in the field, he carries the glorywith him. Those before and behind him see the same glory around theshadows of their own heads, but cannot see it round that of the headof any other person before or behind; because he is on one or otherside of the direct rays which pass over them. It is best seen whenthe sky is most clear, and the dew most heavy. It is not seen overbushy crops such as the arahur, nor on the grass plains. _January_ 20, 1850. --Beneegunge, eight miles, over a slightly-undulating plain of light sandy soil, scantily cultivated, but wellstudded with fine trees of the best kind. Near villages, where theland is well watered and manured, the crops are fine and well varied. All the pools are full from the late rain, and they are numerous andsufficient to water the whole surface of the country, with a moderatefall of rain in December or January. If they are not available, thewater is always very near the surface, and wells can be made forirrigation at a small cost. The many rivers and rivulets which enterOude from the Himmalaya chain and Tarae forest, and flow gentlythrough the country towards the Ganges, without cutting very deeplyinto the soil, always keep the water near the surface, and availablein all quarters and in any quantity for purposes of irrigation. Neverwas country more favoured, by nature, or more susceptible ofimprovement under judicious management. There is really hardly anacre of land that is not capable of good culture, or that need beleft waste, except for the sites of towns and villages, and ponds forirrigation, or that would be left waste under good government. Thepeople understand tillage well, and are industrious and robust, capable of any exertion under protection and due encouragement. The Government has all the revenues to itself, having no public debtand paying no tribute to any one, while the country receives from theBritish Government alone fifty lacs, or half a million a-year; first, in the incomes of guaranteed pensioners, whose stipends are theinterest of loans received by our Government at different times fromthe sovereigns of Oude, as a provision for their relatives anddependents in perpetuity, and as endowments for their mausoleums andmosques, and other religious and eleemosynary establishments; second, in the interest paid for Government securities held by peopleresiding in Oude; third, in the payment of pensions to the familiesof men who have been killed in our service, and to invalid nativeofficers and sipahees of our army residing there, fourth, in thesavings of others who still serve in our army, while their familiesreside in Oude; and those of the native officers of our civilestablishments, whose families remain at their homes in Oude; fifth, in the interest on a large amount of our Government securities heldby people at Lucknow, who draw the interest not from the Resident'sTreasury, but from the General Treasury in Calcutta, or theTreasuries of our bordering districts, in order to conceal theirwealth from the King and his officers. Over and above all this ourGovernment has to send into Oude, to be expended there, the pay offive regiments of infantry and a company of artillery, which amountsto some six or seven lacs more. Oude has so many places ofpilgrimage, that it receives more in the purchase of the food andother necessaries required by the pilgrims, during their transit andresidence, than it sends out with pilgrims who visit shrines and holyplaces in other countries. It requires little from other countriesbut a few luxuries for the rich--in shawls from Kashmere and thePunjab, silks, satins, broad-cloth, muslins, guns, watches, &c. FromEngland. A great portion of the salt and saltpetre required is raised withinOude, and so is all the agricultural produce, except in seasons ofdrought; and the arms required for the troops are manufactured inOude, with the exception of some few cannon and shells, and themuskets and bayonets for the few disciplined regiments. The royalfamily and some of the Mahommedan gentlemen at Lucknow send moneyoccasionally to the shrines of Mecca, Medina, Kurbala, and NujufAshruf, in Turkish Arabia; and some Hindoos send some to Benares andother places of worship, to be distributed in charity or laid out inuseful works in their name. Some of the large pensions enjoyed by therelatives and dependents of former sovereigns, under the guarantee ofour Government, go in perpetuity to the shrines in Turkish Arabia, indefault of both _will_ and _heir_. When Ghazee-od Deen succeeded hisfather on the musnud in 1814, contrary to his expectation and to hisfather's wish, he gave the minister about fifty lacs of rupees to beexpended in charity at those shrines, and in canals, saraees, andother works of utility. Letters, full of expressions of gratitude anddescriptions of these useful works, were often shown to him; but theminister, Aga Meer, is said to have kept the whole fifty lacs tohimself, and got all these letters written by his privatesecretaries. Some few Hindoo and Mahommedan gentlemen, when they havelost their places and favour at the Oude Court, go and reside atCawnpoor, and some few other places in the British territory forgreater security; but generally it may be said, that in spite of alldisadvantages Mahommedan gentlemen from Oude, in whatever countrythey may serve, like to leave their families in Oude, and to returnand spend what they acquire among them. They find better societythere than in our own territories, or society more to their tastes;better means for educating their sons; more splendid processions, festivals, and other inviting sights, in which they and theirfamilies can participate without cost; more consideration for rankand learning, and more attractive places for worship and religiousobservances. The little town of Karoree, about ten or twelve milesfrom Lucknow, has, I believe, more educated men, filling high andlucrative offices in our civil establishments, than any other town inIndia except Calcutta. They owe the greater security which they thereenjoy, compared with other small towns in Oude, chiefly to therespect in which they are known to be held by the British Governmentand its officers, and to the influence of their friends and relativeswho hold office about the Court of Lucknow. _January_ 21, 1849. --Sakin, ten miles north-west. The country wellstudded with fine trees, and pretty well cultivated, but the soil islight from a superabundance of sand; and the crops are chieflyautumn, except in the immediate vicinity of villages, and cut inDecember. The surface on which they stood this season appears to bewaste, except where the stalks of the jowar and bajara, are leftstanding for sale and use, as fodder for cattle. These stalks arecalled kurbee, and form good fodder for elephants, bullocks, &c. , during the cold, hot, and rainy season. They are said to keep betterwhen left on the ground, after the heads have been gathered, thanwhen stacked. The sandy soil, in the vicinity of villages, producesfine spring crops of all kinds, wheat, gram, sugarcane, arahur, tobacco, &c. , being well manured by drainage from the villages, andby the dung stored and spread over it; and that more distant wouldproduce the same, if manured and irrigated in the same way. The head men or proprietors of some villages along the roadmentioned, "that the fine state in which we saw them was owing totheir being strong, and able to resist the Government authoritieswhen disposed, as they generally were, to oppress or rack-rent them;that the landholders owed their strength to their union, for all werebound to turn out and afford aid to their neighbour on hearing theconcerted signal of distress; that this league, '_offensive anddefensive_, ' extended all over the Baugur district, into which weentered about midway between this and our last stage; and that weshould see how much better it was peopled and cultivated inconsequence than the district of Mahomdee, to which we were going;that the strong only could keep anything under the Oude Government;and as they could not be strong without union, all landholders weresolemnly pledged to aid each other, _to the death_, when oppressed orattacked by the local officers. " They asked Captain Weston, who wassome miles behind me, what was the Resident's object in this tour, whether the Honourable Company's Government was to be introduced intoOude? He told them that the object was solely to see the state of thecountry and condition of the people, with a view to suggest to theKing's Government any measures that might seem calculated to improveboth; and asked them whether they wished to come under the Britishrule? They told him, "that they should like much to have the Britishrule introduced, if it could be done without worrying them with itscomplicated laws and formal and distant courts of justice, of whichthey had heard terrible accounts. " The Nazim of the Tundeeawun or Baugur district met me on his border, and told me, "that he was too weak to enforce the King's orders, orto collect his revenues; that he had with him one efficient companyof Captain Bunbury's corps, with one gun in good repair, and providedwith draft-bullocks, in good condition; and that this was the onlyforce he could rely upon; while the landholders were strong, and soleagued together for mutual defence, that, at the sound of amatchlock, or any other concerted signal, all the men of a dozenlarge villages would, in an hour, concentrate upon and defeat thelargest force the King's officers could assemble; that they did soalmost every year, and often frequently within the same year; that hehad nominally eight guns on duty with him, but the carriage of onehad already gone to pieces; and those of the rest had been so longwithout repair that they would go to pieces with very little firing, that the draft-bullocks had not had any grain for many years, andwere hardly able to walk; and he was in consequence obliged to hireplough-bullocks, to draw the gun required to salute the Resident; buthe had only ten days ago received an order to give them grainhimself, charge for it in his accounts, and hold himself responsiblefor their condition; that they had been so starved, that he wasobliged to restrict them to a few ounces a-day at first, or theywould have all died from over-eating. " This order has arisen from myearnest intercession in favour of the artillery draft-bullocks; butso many are interested in the abuse, that the order will not be longenforced. Though the grain will, as heretofore, be paid for from theTreasury, it will, I hear, be given to the bullocks only while I amout on this tour. In the evening some cultivators came to complain that they had beenrobbed of all their bhoosa (chaff) by a sipahee from my camp. Ifound, on inquiry, that the sipahee belonged to Captain Hearsey'sfive companies of Frontier Police; that these companies had sixteenfour-bullock hackeries attached to them for the carriage of theirtents and luggage; and that these hackeries had gone to the village, and taken all that the complainants had laid up for their own cattlefor the season; that such hackeries formerly received twenty-sevenrupees eight annas a-month each, and their owners were expected topurchase their own fodder; but that this allowance had for some yearsbeen cut down to fourteen rupees a-month, and they were told _to helpthemselves to fodder wherever they could find it_; that all thehackeries hired by the King and his local officers, for the use oftroops, establishments, &c. Had been reduced at the same rate, fromtwenty-seven eight annas a-month to fourteen, and their ownersreceived the same order. All villages near the roads along which thetroops and establishments move are plundered of their bhoosa, and allthose within ten miles of the place, where they may be detained for aweek or fortnight, are plundered in the same way. The Telinga corps and Frontier Police are alone provided with tentsand hackeries by Government. The Nujeeb corps are provided withneither. The Oude Government formerly allowed for each four-bullockhackery thirty rupees a-month, from which _two rupees and half_ werededucted for the perquisites of office. The owners of the hackerieswere expected to purchase bhoosa and other fodder for their bullocksat the market price; but they took what they required withoutpayment, in _collusion with_ the officers under whom they wereemployed, or in _spite_ of them; and the Oude Government in 1845 cutthe allowance down to seventeen rupees and half, out of which _threerupees and half_ are cut for perquisites, leaving fourteen rupees forthe hackeries: and their owners and drivers have the free privilegeof helping themselves to bhoosa and other fodder wherever they canfind them. Some fifty or sixty of these hackeries were formerlyallowed for each Telinga corps with guns, now only twenty-two areallowed; and when they move they must, like Nujeeb corps, seize whatmore they require. They are allowed to charge nothing for their extracarriage, and therefore pay nothing. _January_ 22, 1849. --Tundeeawun, eight miles west. The country level, and something between doomuteen and muteear, very good, and in partswell cultivated, particularly in the vicinity of villages; but alarge portion of the surface is covered with jungle, useful only torobbers and refractory landholders, who abound in the purgunnah ofBangur. In this respect it is reputed one of the worst districts inOude. Within the last few years the King's troops have beenfrequently beaten and driven out with loss, even when commanded by anEuropean officer. The landholders and armed peasantry of thedifferent villages unite their _quotas of auxiliaries_, andconcentrate upon them on a concerted signal, when they are in pursuitof robbers and rebels. Almost every able-bodied man of every villagein Bangur is trained to the use of arms of one kind or another, andnone of the King's troops, save those who are disciplined andcommanded by European officers, will venture to move against alandholder of this district; and when the local authorities cannotobtain the aid of such troops, they are obliged to conciliate themost powerful and unscrupulous by reductions in the assessment of thelands or additions to their _nankar_. To illustrate the spirit and system of union among the chieflandholders of the Bangur district, I may here mention a few factswithin my own knowledge, and of recent date. Bhugwunt Singh, who heldthe estate of Etwa Peepureea, had been for some time in rebellionagainst his sovereign; and he had committed many murders androbberies, and lifted many herds of cattle within our borderingdistrict of Shajehanpoor; and he had given shelter, on his ownestate, to a good many atrocious criminals, from that and others ofour bordering district. He had, too, aided and screened many gangs ofBudhuks, or dacoits by hereditary profession. The Resident, ColonelLow, in 1841, directed every possible effort to be made for thearrest of this formidable offender, and Captain Hollings, the secondin command of the 2nd battalion of Oude local infantry, sentintelligencers to trace him. They ascertained that he had, with a few followers, taken up aposition two hundred yards to the north of the village of Ahroree, ina jungle of palas-trees and brushwood in the Bangur district, abouttwenty-eight miles to the south-west of Seetapoor, where thatbattalion was cantoned, and about fourteen miles west from Neemkar. Captain Hollings made his arrangements to surprise this party; and onthe evening of the 3rd of July 1841, he marched from Neemkar at thehead of three companies of that battalion, and a little beforemidnight he came within three-quarters of a mile of the rebel's post. After halting his party for a short time, to enable the officers andsipahees to throw off all superfluous clothing and utensils, CaptainHollings moved on to the attack. When the advanced guard reached theoutskirts of the robber's position about midnight, they were firstchallenged and then fired upon by the sentries. The subadar incommand of this advance guard fell dead, and a non-commissionedofficer and a sipahee severely wounded. The whole party now fired in upon the gang and rushed on. One of therobbers was shot, and the rest all escaped out on the opposite sideof the jungle. The sipahees believing, since the surprise had beencomplete, that the robbers must have left all their wealth behindthem, dispersed, as soon as the firing ceased and the robbersdisappeared, to get every man as much as he could. While thus engagedthey were surrounded by the Gohar, (or body of auxiliaries whichthese landholders send to each other's aid on the concerted signal, )and fired in upon from the front, and both right and left flanks. Taken by surprise, they collected together in disorder, while theassailants from the front and sides continued to pour in their fireupon them; and they were obliged to retire in haste and confusion, closely followed by the auxiliaries, who gained confidence, andpressed closer as their number increased by the quotas they receivedfrom the villages the detachment had to pass in their retreat. All efforts on the part of Captain Hollings to preserve order in theranks were vain. His men returned the fire of their pursuers, butwithout aim or effect. At the head of the auxiliaries were PunchumSing, of Ahroree, and Mirza Akbar Beg, of Deureea; and they were fastclosing in upon the party, and might have destroyed it, when GirwurSing, tomandar, came up with a detachment of the Special Police ofthe Thuggee and Dacoitee Department. At this time the three companieswere altogether disorganized and disheartened, as the firing andpursuit had lasted from midnight to daybreak; but on seeing theSpecial Police come up and join with spirit in the defence, theyrallied, and the assailants, thinking the reinforcement moreformidable than it really was, lost confidence and held back. CaptainHollings mounted the fresh horse of the tomandar, and led hisdetachment without further loss or molestation back to Neemkar. Hisloss had been one subadar, one havildar, and three sipahees killed;one subadar, two havildars, one naik, and fourteen sipahees woundedand missing. Captain Hollings' groom was shot dead, and one of hispalankeen-bearers was wounded. His horse, palankeen, desk, clothes, and all the superfluous clothing and utensils, which the sipahees hadthrown off preparatory to the attack fell into the hands of theassailants. Attempts were made to take up and carry off the killedand wounded; but the detachment was so sorely pressed that they wereobliged to leave both on the ground. The loss would have been muchgreater than it was, but for the darkness of the night, whichprevented the assailants from taking good aim; and the detachmentwould, in all probability, have been cut to pieces, but for thetimely arrival of the Special Police under Girwur Sing. Such attacks are usually made upon robber bands about the first dawnof day; and this attack at midnight was a great error. Had they notbeen assailed by the auxiliaries, they could not, in the darkness, have secured one of the gang. It was known, that at the first shotfrom either the assailing or defending party in that district, allthe villages around concentrate their quotas upon the spot, to fightto the death against the King's troops, whatever might be theirobject; and the detachment ought to have been prepared for suchconcentration when the firing began, and returned as quickly aspossible from the place when they saw that by staying they could notsucceed in the object. Four months after, in November, Punchum Sing, of Ahroree, himself cutoff the head of the robber, Bhugwunt Sing, with his own hand, andsent it to the governor, Furreed-od Deen, with an apology for having_by mistake_ attacked Captain Hollings' detachment. The governor sentthe head to the King, with a report stating that he had, at the perilof his life, and after immense toil, hunted down and destroyed thisformidable rebel; and his Majesty, as a reward for his valuableservices, conferred upon Furreed-od Deen a title and a first-ratedress of honour. Soon after, in the same month of July 1841, hisMajesty the King of Oude's second regiment of infantry, under thecommand of a very gallant officer, Captain W. D. Bunbury, wasencamped near the village of Belagraon, when information was broughtthat certain convicts, who had escaped from the gaol at Bareilly, hadtaken refuge in the village of Parakurown, about fifty miles to thenorth-west of his camp. Captain Bunbury immediately detached threecompanies, with two six-pounders, under his brother, Lieutenant A. C. Bunbury, to arrest them. After halting for a short time at Gopamow, to allow his men to take breath. Lieutenant Bunbury pushed on, andreached the place a little before the dawn of day. He demanded thesurrender of the outlaws from the chief of the village, named AjraelSing, a notoriously bad character, who insolently refused to givethem up. A fight commenced, in which one of the convicts, and someothers, were killed; but at last Lieutenant Bunbury succeeded insecuring Arjael Sing himself, with some few of his followers, and theoutlaws. Hearing the firing of the field-pieces, the surrounding villagesconcentrated their quotas of auxiliaries upon the place, and attackedLieutenant Bunbury's detachment on all sides. He had taken possessionof the village; but finding it untenable against so large andincreasing a body of assailants, he commenced his retreat. He hadscarcely reached the outskirts when he found himself surrounded byoverwhelming numbers of these auxiliaries, through whom he wasobliged to fight his way for a distance of fourteen miles to Pahanee. The armed peasantry of every village, on the right and left of theroad as they passed, turned out and joined the pursuers in theirattempt to rescue his prisoners. Lieutenant Bunbury's conduct of thisretreat was most gallant and judicious; and his men behavedadmirably. When the assailants appeared likely to overwhelm him, heabandoned one of his two guns, and hastened on, leaving three menlying under them apparently wounded, and unable to move. On this theypressed on, sword in hand, to despatch the wounded men, and seize theguns. When the assailants were within thirty or forty yards of thegun, they started up, and poured in upon the dense crowd a dischargeof grape with deadly effect. A party then doubled back from the mainbody of the detachment, protected the artillery men in limbering upthe gun, and escorting it to the main body, which again resumed itsmarch. This experiment was repeated several times with success asthey passed other villages, from which further auxiliaries pouredout, till they approached Pahanee, where they found support. In thisretreat Lieutenant Bunbury lost sixty men out of his three companies, or about one-third of his number; but he retained all his prisoners. Ajrael Sing soon after died of the wounds he had received indefending the convicts in his village; and the rest of the prisonerswere all sent to the Oude Durbar. Lieutenant Bunbury is now in theHonourable Company's Service, and in the 34th Regiment of BengalNative Infantry. On the 23rd of January 1849, Captain Hearsey, of the Oude FrontierPolice, sent his subadar-major, Ramzan Khan, with a party of onehundred and fifty men of that police, to arrest a notorious robber, Mendae Sing, and other outlaws, from the Shajehanpoor district, whohad found an asylum in the village of Sahurwa, in the Mahomdeedistrict, whence they carried on their depredations upon our villagesacross the border. The party reached Sahurwa the next morning alittle before sunrise. The subadar-major having posted his men so asto prevent the escape of the outlaws, demanded their surrender fromthe village authorities. They were answered by a volley of matchlock-balls; and finding the village too strong to be taken by his smalldetachment without guns, he withdrew to a more sheltered position tothe westward, and detached a havildar with fifty men to takepossession of a large gateway to the south of the village. Duringthis movement the villagers continued to fire upon them; and thequotas of auxiliaries from the surrounding villages, roused by thefiring, came rushing on from all quarters. Seeing no chance of beingable either to take the village or to maintain his position againstsuch numbers, the subadar-major drew off his detachment, andproceeded for support to Pahanee, a distance of twelve miles. Hereached that place pursued by the auxiliaries, and with the loss ofone havildar and one sipahee killed, and three sipahees very severelywounded. There are numerous instances of this sort in which theKing's troops have been attacked and beaten back, and their prisonersrescued by the landholders of Bangur, and the adjoining districts ofMahomdee and Sandee Palee. They are never punished for doing so, asthe King is too weak, and the aid of the British troops, for thepurpose, has seldom been given. It would be of advantage to remove the Regiment of Oude LocalInfantry from Seetapoor to Tundeeawun, where its presence andservices are much more required. The climate is as good, and all thatnative soldiers require for food and clothing are cheaper. Thedrainage is good; and to the east of the town there is one of thefinest plains for a cantonment that I have ever seen. There are butfew wells, but new ones can be made at a trifling cost; and the OudeGovernment would willingly incur the outlay required for these andfor all the public buildings required for the new cantonments, tosecure the advantage of such a change. The cost of the publicbuildings would be only 12, 000 rupees; and the same sum would have tobe given in compensation for private buildings-total 24, 000. Therefractory landholders would soon be reduced to order, and preventedfrom any longer making their villages dens of robbers as they now do;and the jungles around would all soon disappear. These jungles arenot thick, or unhealthy, consisting of the small dhak or palas tree, with little or no underwood; and the surface they now occupy wouldsoon be covered with fine spring crops, and studded with happyvillage communities, were people encouraged by an assurance ofprotection to settle upon it, and apply their capital and labour toits cultivation. The soil is everywhere of the finest quality, thedrainage is good, and there are no jheels. A few ponds yield thewater required for the irrigation of the spring crops, during theirprogress to maturity, from November to March: they are said all tobecome dry in the hot season. It is, I think, capable of being madethe finest part of this fine country of Oude. It was in contemplation to make the road from Lucknow to Shajehanpoorand Bareilly pass through this place, Tundeeawun, by which somethirty miles of distance would be saved, and a good many small riversand watercourses avoided. Why this design was given up I know not;but I believe the only objection was the greater insecurity of thisline from the bad character of the great landholders of the Bangurand Sandee Palee districts; and the greater number of thieves androbbers who, in consequence, reside in them. There has been butlittle outlay in works of any kind in the whole line throughSeetapore; and when measures have been taken to render this line moresecure, a good road will, I hope, be made through Tundeeawun. It wasonce a populous place, but has been falling off for many years, asthe disorders in the district have increased. The Nazim resides here. The last Nazim, Hoseyn Allee, who was removed to Khyrabad, at the endof last year, is said to have given an increase of _nankar_ to therefractory landholders of this district during that year, to theextent of forty thousand rupees a-year, to induce them to pay theGovernment demand, and desist from plunder. By this means he secureda good reputation at Court, and the charge of a more profitable andless troublesome district; and left the difficult task of resumingthis lavish increase of the _nankar_ to his successor, Seonath, theson of Dilla Ram, who held the contract of the district for sometwenty years up to the time of his death, which took place last year. Seonath is a highly respectable and amiable man; but he is verydelicate in health, and, in consequence, deficient in the vigour andenergy required to manage so turbulent a district. He has, however, adeputy in Kidder Nath, a relative, who has all the ability, vigour, and energy required, if well supported and encouraged by the OudeDurbar. He was deputy under Dilla Ram for many years, and the sameunder Hoseyn Allee last year. He is a man of great intelligence andexperience; and one of the best officers of the Oude Government thatI have yet seen. There are two kinds of recognised perquisites which landholders enjoyin Oude and in most other parts of India--the _nankar_ and the _seer_land. The _nankar_ is a portion of the recognised rent-rollacknowledged by the ruler to be due to the landholder for the risk, cost, and trouble of management, and for his perquisite as hereditaryproprietor of the soil when the management is confided to another. Itmay be ten, twenty, or one hundred percent upon the rent-roll of theestate, which is recognised in the public accounts, as the holderhappens to be an object of fear or of favour, or otherwise; and thereal rent-roll may be more or less than that which is recognised inthe public accounts. The actual rent which the landholder receivesmay increase with improvements, and he may conceal the improvementfrom the local authorities, or bribe them to conceal it fromGovernment; or it may diminish from lands falling out of tillage, orbecoming impoverished by over-cropping, or from a diminution ofdemand for land produce; and the landholder may be unable to satisfythe local authorities of the fact, or to prevail upon them torepresent the circumstance to Government. The amount of the _nankar_once recognised remains the same till a new rate is recognised byGovernment; but when the Government becomes weak, the localauthorities assume the right to recognise new rents, to suit theirown interest, and pretend that they do so to promote that of theirsovereign. I may instance the Amil of this district last year. He was weak, while the landholders were strong. They refused to pay, on the pleaof bad seasons. He could send no money to the Treasury, and was indanger of losing his place. The man who had to pay a revenue of tenthousand could not be induced to pay five: he enjoyed an acknowledged_nankar_ of two thousand upon a recognised rent-roll of twelvethousand; and, to induce him to pay, he gives him an increase to this_nankar_ of one thousand, making the _nankar_ three thousand, andreducing the revenue to nine thousand. Being determined to render theincrease to his _nankar_ permanent, whether the Government consentsor not, the landholder agrees to pay the ten thousand for the presentyear. The collector sends the whole or a part of the one thousand asgratuities to influential men at Court, and enters it in the publicaccounts as irrecoverable balance. The present Amil, finding that theincrease to the _nankar_ has not been acknowledged by Government, demands the full ten thousand rupees for the present year. Thelandholder refuses to pay anything, takes to the jungles, anddeclares that he will resist till his permanent right to the increasebe acknowledged. The Amil has taken the contract at the rate of last year, as theGovernment had sanctioned no increase to the _nankar_, and he pleadsin vain for a remission in the rate, which he pledged himself to pay, or an increase of means to enforce payment among so turbulent andrefractory a body of landholders. As I have before mentioned, theOude Government has this season issued an order to all revenuecollectors to refuse to recognise any increase to the _nankar_ thathas been made since the year A. D. 1814, or Fusilee 1222, when SaadutAllee died, as none has since that year received the sanction ofGovernment, though the _nankar_ has been more than doubled withinthat period in the manner above described by local authorities. Theincrease to the _nankar_, and the alienation in rent-free tenure oflands liable to assessment in 1814 by local authorities andinfluential persons at Court, are supposed to amount in all Oude toforty lacs of rupees a-year. None of them have been formallyrecognised by the Court, but a great part of them has been tacitlyacquiesced in by the minister and Dewan for the time being. Theycannot enforce the order for reverting to the _nankar_ of 1814, andif they attempt to do so the whole country will be in disorder. Indeed, the minister knows his own weakness too well to thinkseriously of ever making such an attempt. The _seer_ lands are thosewhich the landholders and their families till themselves, or by meansof their servants or hired cultivators. Generally they are notentered at all in the rent-rolls; and when they are entered, it is atless rates than are paid for the other lands. The difference betweenthe no rent, or less rates, and the full rates is part of theirperquisites. These lands are generally shared out among the membersof the family as hereditary possessions. _January_ 23, 1850. --Behta, ten miles, over a plain of fine muteearsoil. The greater part of the surface is, however, covered by a lowpalas jungle. The jungle remains, because no one will venture to layout his capital in rooting up the trees and shrubs, and bringing theland under culture where the fruits of his industry, and his own lifeand those of his family, would be so very insecure, and because thepowerful landholders around require the jungles to run to when inarms against the Government officers, as they commonly are. The landunder this jungle is as rich in natural powers as that in tillage;and nothing can be finer than the crops in the cultivated parts, particularly in those immediately around villages. There are numerouslarge trees in the jungles, but the fine peepul and banyan trees aretorn to pieces for the use of the elephants and camels of theestablishments of the local officers, and for the cows, bullocks, andbuffaloes of the peasantry. The cows and buffaloes are said to givegreater quantities of milk when fed on the leaves of these trees thanwhen fed on anything else available in the dry season; but the milkis said to be of inferior quality. All the cultivated and peopledparts are beautifully studded with single trees and groves. No respectable dwelling-house is anywhere to be seen, and the mostsubstantial landholders live in wretched mud-hovels with invisiblecovers. I asked the people why, and was told that they were alwaystoo insecure to lay out anything in improving their dwelling-houses;and, besides, did not like to have such local ties, where they wereso liable to be driven away by the Government officers or by thelandholders in arms against them, and their reckless followers. Thelocal officers of Government, of the highest grade, occupy houses ofthe same wretched description, for none of them can be sure ofoccupying them a year, or of ever returning to them again when onceremoved from their present offices; and they know that neither theirsuccessors nor any one else will ever purchase or pay rent for them. No mosques, mausoleums, temples, seraees, colleges, courts ofjustice, or prisons to be seen in any of the towns or villages. Thereare a few Hindoo shrines at the half-dozen places which popularlegends have rendered places of pilgrimage, and a few small tanks andbridges made in olden times by public officers, when they were moresecure in their tenure of office than they are now. All the finebuildings raised by former rulers and their officers at the oldcapital of Fyzabad are going fast to ruin. The old city of Ajoodheais a ruin, with the exception of a few buildings along the bank ofthe river raised by wealthy Hindoos in honour of Ram, who once livedand reigned there, and is believed by all Hindoos to have been anincarnation of Vishnoo. I have often mentioned that the artillery draft-bullocks receive nograin, and are everywhere so poor that they can hardly walk, muchless draw heavy guns and tumbrils. The reason is this, the mostinfluential men at Court obtain the charge of feeding the cattle inall the different establishments, and charge for a certain quantityof grain or other food at the market price for each animal. Theycontract for the supply of the cattle with some grain-merchant of thecity, who undertakes to distribute it through his own agents. Thecontractor for the supply of the artillery draft-bullocks sends anagent with those in attendance upon every collector of the landrevenue, and he gives them as little as possible. The contractor, afraid of making an enemy of the influential man at Court, who couldif he chose deprive him of his contract or place, never presumes tointerfere, and the agent gives the poor bullocks no grain at all. Thecollector, or officer in charge of the district, is, however, obligedevery month to pay the agent of the contractor the full market priceof the grain supposed to be consumed--that is, one seer and half a-day by every bullock. The same, or some other influential person atCourt, obtains and transfers in the same way the contract for thefeeding of the elephants, horses, camels, bullocks, and other animalskept at Lucknow for use or amusement, and none of them are in muchbetter condition than the draft-bullocks of the artillery in theremote districts--all are starved, or nearly starved, and objects ofpity. Those who are responsible for their being fed are too strong inCourt favour to apprehend any punishment for not feeding them at all. In my ride this morning I asked the people of the villages throughand near which we passed whether infanticide prevailed: they told methat it prevailed amongst almost all the Rajpoot families of any rankin Oude; that very poor families of those classes retained theirdaughters, because they could get something for them from thefamilies of lower grade, into which they married them; but that thosewho were too well off in the world to condescend to take money fortheir daughters from lower grades, and were obliged to incur heavycosts in marrying them into families of the same or higher grade, seldom allowed their infant daughters to live. "It is strange, " I observed, "that men, who have to undergo suchheavy penance for killing a cow, even by accident, should have toundergo none for the murder of their own children, nor to incur anyodium among the circle of society in which they live--not even amongBrahmins and the ministers of their religion. " "They do incur odium, and undergo penance, " said Rajah BukhtawurSing; "do they not?" said he to some Brahmins standing near. Theysmiled, but hesitated to reply. "They know they do, " said the Rajah, "but are afraid to tell the truth, for they and their families livein villages belonging to these proud Rajpoot landholders, and wouldbe liable to be turned out of house and home were they to tell whatthey know. " One of the Brahmins then said, "All this is true, sir;but after the murder of every infant the family considers itself tobe an object of displeasure to the deity, and after the twelfth daythey send for the family priest (Prohut), and, by suitablegratuities, obtain absolution. This is necessary, whether the familybe rich or poor; but when the absolution is given, nothing more isthought or said about the matter. The Gour and other Rajpoots who canafford to unite their daughters in marriage to the sons of Chouhans, Byses, and other families of higher grade, though they cannot obtaintheirs in return for their sons, commit less murders of this kindthan others; but all the Rajpoot clans commit more or less of them. Habit has reconciled them to it; but it appears very shocking to usBrahmins and all other classes. They commonly bury the infants aliveas soon as possible after their birth. We, sir, are helpless, livingas we do among such turbulent and pitiless landholders, and cannotpresume to admonish or remonstrate: our lives would not be safe for amoment were we to say anything, or seem to notice such crimes. " I do not think that any landholder of this class, in the Bangurdistrict, would feel much compunction for the commission of any crimethat did not involve their expulsion from caste, or degradation inrank. Great crimes do not involve these penalties: they incur themonly by small peccadillos, or offences deemed venal among othersocieties. The Government of Oude, as it is at present constituted, will never be able to put down effectually the great crimes which nowstain almost every acre of land in its dominions. It is painful topass over a country abounding so much in what the evil propensitiesof our nature incite men to do, when not duly restrained; and solittle in what the good prompt us to perform and create, when dulyprotected and encouraged, under good government. _January_ 24, 1850. --Sandee, fourteen miles, over a plain of lightdomuteea soil, which becomes very sandy for the last four or fivemiles. The crops are scanty upon the more sandy parts, except in thevicinity of villages; but there is a little jungle, and no undueportion of fallow for so light a soil. About five miles from our lastground, we came through the large and populous village of Bawun;about three miles further, through another of nearly the same size, Sungeechamow; and about three miles further on, through one stilllarger, Admapoor, which is three miles from Sandee. Sandee andNawabgunge join each other, and are on the bank of the Gurra river, asmall stream whose waters are said to be very wholesome. We passedthe boundary of the Bangur district, just before we entered thevillage of Sungeechamow, which lies in that of Sandee. There is a Hindoo shrine on the right of the road between Sandee andAdmapoor, which is said to be considered very sacred, and calledBarmawust. It is a mere grove, with a few priests, on the bank of alarge lake, which extends close up to Sandee on the south. The riverGurra flows under the town to the north. The place is said to behealthy, but could hardly be so, were this lake to the west or east, instead of the south, whence the wind seldom blows. This lake mustgive out more or less of malaria, that would be taken over thevillage, for the greater portion of the year, by the prevailingeasterly and westerly winds. I do not think the place so eligible fora cantonment at Tundeeawun, in point either of salubrity, position, or soil. _January_ 25, 1850. --Halted at Sandee. The lake on the south side, mentioned yesterday, abounds in fish, and is covered with wild fowl;but the fish we got from it yesterday was not good of its kind. Iobserved very fine groves of mango-trees close to Sandee, planted bymerchants and shopkeepers of the place. The oldest are still held bythe descendants of those by whom they were first planted, more than acentury ago; and no tax whatever is imposed upon the trees of anykind, or upon the lands on which they stand. Many young groves aregrowing up around, to replace the old ones as they decay; and thegreatest possible security is felt in the tenure by which they areheld by the planter, or his descendants, though they hold no writtenlease, or deed of gift; and have neither written law nor court ofjustice to secure it to them. Groves and solitary mango, semul, tamarind, mhowa and other trees, whose leaves and branches are notrequired for the food of elephants and camels, are more secure inOude than in our own territories; and the country is, in consequence, much better provided with them. While they give beauty to thelandscape, they alleviate the effects of droughts to the poorerclasses from the fruit they supply; and droughts are less frequentlyand less severely felt in a country so intersected by fine streams, flowing from the Tarae forest, or down from the perpetual snows ofneighbouring hills, and keeping the water always near the surface. These trees tend also to render the air healthy, by giving out oxygenin large quantities during the day, and absorbing carbonic acid gas. The river Gurra enters the Ganges about twelve miles below Sandee. Boats take timber on this stream from the Phillibeet district toCawnpoor. It passes near the town of Shajehanpoor; and the village ofPalee, twenty miles north-west from Sandee, where we shall have torecross it. _January_ 26, 1850. --Busora, twelve miles north-west from Sandee, over a plain of light sandy soil, or bhoor, with some intervals ofoosur. The tillage extends over as much of the surface as it ought inso light a soil; and the district of Sandee Palee generally is saidto be well cultivated. It has been under the charge of HafizAbdoollah, a very honest and worthy man, for seven years up to hisdeath, which took place in November last. He is said never to havebroken faith with a landholder; but he was too weak in means to keepthe bad portion under control; and too much occupied in reading orrepeating the _Koran_, which he knew all by heart, as his nameimports. His son Ameer Gholam Allee, a lad of only thirteen years ofage, has been appointed his successor. He promises to be like hisfather in honesty and love of the holy book. * [* He has been since removed, and was in prison as a defaulter, July1851. ] About half way we passed the village of Bhanapoor, held by zumeendarsof the _Dhaukurree_ Rajpoot clan, who told me, that they gave theirdaughters in marriage to the Rykwars, but more to the SombunsieRajpoots, who abound in the district, and hold the greater part ofthe lands; that these Sombunsies have absorbed almost all the landsof the other classes by degrees, and are now seizing upon theirs;that the Sombunsies give their daughters in marriage only to theRathore and Chouhan Rajpoots, few of whom are to be found on the Oudeside of the Ganges; and, in consequence, that they take such as theypreserve to our districts on the other side of that river, but murderthe greater part rather than condescend to marry them to men of theother Rajpoot clans whom they deem to be of inferior grade, or go tothe expense of uniting them in marriage to clans of higher or equalgrade in Oude. Some Sombunsies, who came out to pay their respectsfrom the next village we passed, told us, that they did not givetheir daughters even to the Tilokchundee Bys Rajpoots; but in thisthey did not tell the truth. At the next village, the largest in the parish, Barone, the chieflandholder, Kewul Sing, came out and presented his offering of a finefighting-ram. He was armed with his bow, and "quiver full of arrows, "but told me, that he thought a good gun, with pouch and flask, muchbetter, and he carried the bow and quiver merely because they werelighter. He was surrounded by almost all the people of the town, andtold me, that the family held in copartnership fifty-two smallvillages, immediately around _Barone_--that this village had beenattacked and burnt down by Captain Bunbury and his regiment the yearbefore last, without any other cause that they could understand savethat he had recommended him not to encamp in the grove close by. Thefact was, that none of the family would pay the Government demand, orobey the old Amil, Hafiz Abdoollah; and it was necessary to make anexample. On being asked whether his family and clan, the Sombunsies, preserved or destroyed their daughters, he told me, in the midst ofhis village community, that he would not deceive me; that they, oneand all, destroyed their infant daughters; but that one was, occasionally, allowed to live (_ek-adh_); that the family was under ataint for twelve days after the murder of an infant, when the familypriest (Prohut) was invited and fed in due form; that he thendeclared the absolution complete, and the taint removed. The family priest was present, and I asked him what he got on suchoccasions? He said, that to remove the taint, or grant absolutionafter the murder of a daughter, he got little or no money; he merelypartook of the food prepared for him in due form; but that, on thebirth of a son, he got ten rupees from the parents. All the assembledvillagers bore testimony to the truth of what the patriarch and thepriest told me. They said, that no one would enter a house in whichan infant daughter had been destroyed, or eat or drink with anymember of the family till the Prohut had granted the absolution, which he did after the expiration of twelve days, as a matter ofcourse, depending as he did upon the good-will of the landholders, who were all of the same clan, Sombunsies. Few other Brahmins willcondescend to eat, drink, or associate with these family and villagepriests, who take the sins of such murderers upon their own heads. The old patriarch rode on with me upon his pony, five miles to mytents, as if I should not think the worse of him for having murderedhis own daughters, and permitted others to murder theirs. I told him, that I could hold no converse with men who were guilty of suchcrimes; and that the vengeance of God would crush them all, sooner orlatter. For his only excuse he told me, that it was a practice, derived from a long line of ancestors, wiser and better than theywere; and that it prevailed in almost every Rajpoot family in thecountry; that they had, in consequence, become reconciled to it, andknew not how to do without it. Family pride is the cause of thisterrible evil! The estate of Kuteearee, on the left-hand side of the road towardsthe Ramgunga and Ganges, is held by Runjeet Sing, of the KuteearRajpoot clan. His estate yields to him about one hundred and twentythousand rupees a-year, while he is assessed at only sixteenthousand. While Hakeem Mehndee was in banishment at Futtehgurh, aboutfifteen years ago, he became intimate with Runjeet Sing, ofKuteearee; and when he afterwards became minister, in 1837, he issaid to have obtained for him the King's seal and signature to aperpetual lease at this rate, from which is deducted a _nankar_ offour thousand, leaving an actual demand of only twelve thousand. Weresuch grants, in perpetuity, respected in Oude, the ministers andtheir minions would soon sell the whole of his Majesty's dominions, and leave him a beggar. He has not yet been made to pay a higherrate; not, however, out of regard for the King's pledge, but solelyout of that for Runjeet's fort of Dhunmutpoor, on the bank of theGanges, his armed bands, and his seven pieces of cannon. He has beendiligently employing all his surplus rents in improving his defensivemeans; and, besides his fort and guns, is said to have a large bodyof armed and disciplined men. He has seized upon a great manyvillages around, belonging to weaker proprietors: and is every yearadding to his estate in this way. In this the old Amil, HafizAbdoollah, acquiesced, solely because he had not the means nor theenergy to prevent it. He got his estate excluded from thejurisdiction of the local authorities, and placed in the HuzoorTuhseel. Like others of his class, who reside on the border, he has a villagein the British territory to reside in, unmolested, when charged bythe Oude authorities with heavy crimes and balances. He had beenattacked and driven across the Ganges, in 1837, for contumacy andrebellion; deprived of his estate, and obliged to reside atFuttehgurh, where he first became acquainted with Hakeem Mehndee. TheOude Government has often remonstrated against the protection whichthis contumacious and atrocious landholder receives from our subjectsand authorities. * Crimes in this district are not quite so numerousas in Bangur; but they are of no less atrocious a character. Thethieves and robbers of Bangur, when taken and taxed with being so, say, "of course we are robbers--if we were not, how should we havebeen permitted to reside in Bangur?" All are obliged to fight andplunder with the landholders, or to rob for them on distant roads, and in distant villages. [* See the Resident's letter to Government North-Western Provinces, 3rd August, 1837. The King's letter to the Resident, 7th April, 1837. The same to the same, 19th May, 1837. Depositions and urzies. RunjeetSing was attacked by the King's troops and driven across the Gangesagain in June 1851, and died during the contest, which is beingcontinued by his son. 1851. --W. H. S. ] My camp has been robbed several times within the time I have beenout, and the property has been traced to villages in the Sundeela andBangur districts. In the Sundeela district it can be recovered whentraced with a small force, and the thieves taken; but in the Bangurdistrict it would require a large military force well commanded, anda large train of artillery to recover the one or seize the other. A respectable landholder of this place, a Sombunsie, tells me, thatthe custom of destroying their female infants has prevailed from thetime of the first founder of their race; that a rich man has to givefood to many Brahmins, to get rid of the stain, on the twelfth orthirteenth day, but that a poor man can get rid of it by presenting alittle food in due form to the village priest; that they cannot givetheir daughters in marriage to any Rajpoot families, save theRhathores and Chouhans; that the family of their clan who gave adaughter to any other class of Rajpoots, would be excluded from casteimmediately and for ever; that those who have property have to giveall they have with their daughters to the Chouhans and Rhathores, andreduce themselves to nothing; and can take nothing from them inreturn, as it is a great stain to take "_kuneea dan_, " or virginprice; from any one; that a Sombunsie may, however, when reduced togreat poverty, take the "_kuneea dan_" from the Chouhans andRhathores for a virgin daughter without being excommunicated from theclan, but even he could not give a daughter to any other clan ofRajpoots without being excluded for ever from caste; that it was amisfortune no doubt, but it was one that had descended among themfrom the remotest antiquity, and could not be got rid of; thatmothers wept and screamed a good deal when their first femaleinfants were torn from them, but after two or three times givingbirth to female infants, they become quiet and reconciled to theusage, and said, "do as you like;" that some poor parents of theirclan did certainly give their daughters for large sums to wealthypeople of lower Clans, but lost their caste for ever by so doing;that it was the dread of sinking, in substance from the loss ofproperty, and in grade from the loss of caste, that alone led to themurder of female infants; that the dread prevailed more or less inevery Rajpoot clan, and led to the same thing, but most in the clanthat restricted the giving of daughters in marriage to the smallestnumber of clans. The infant is destroyed in the room where it is born, and thereburied. The floor is then plastered over with cow-dung, and on thethirteenth day the village or family priest must cook and eat hisfood in that room. He is provided with wood, ghee, barley, rice, andtillee (sesamum). He boils the rice, barley, and sesamum in a brassvessel, throws the ghee over them when they are dressed, and eats thewhole. This is considered as a _hom_, or burnt-offering, and byeating it in that place the priest is supposed to take the whole_hutteea_ or sin upon himself, and to cleanse the family from it. Iam told that they put the milk of the mudar shrub "asclepiasgigantea, " into the mouth of the infant to destroy it, and cover themouth with the faeces that first pass from, the infant's bowels. Itsoon dies; and after the expiation the parents again occupy the room, and there receive the visits of their family and friends, and gossipas usual! Rajah Bukhtawar Sing tells me, that he has heard the whole processfrequently described in this way by the midwives who have attendedthe birth. These midwives are however generally sent out of the roomwith the mother when the infant is found to be a girl. In any law forthe effectual prevention of this crime, it would be necessary toprescribe a severe punishment for the priest, as an accessary afterthe fact. The only objection to this is, I think, that it mightdeprive the Court of the advantage of an important witness whenrequired at the trial of the parents, but when necessary he might beadmitted as King's evidence. All the people here that I talk to onthe subject, say that the crime has been put down in the greater partof the British territories, and that judicious measures honestly andfirmly carried out would put it down in Oude, and do away with thescruples which one clan of Rajpoots have to give their daughters inmarriage to another. Unable to murder their daughters, they would beglad to dispose of them in marriage to all clans of Rajpoots. Itmight be put down in Oude, as it was put down by Mr. Willoughby, ofBombay, in the districts under his charge, by making the abolitionone of the conditions on which all persons of the Rajpoot clans holdtheir lands, and strictly enforcing the observance of that condition. The Government of Oude as now constituted could do nothing whatevertowards putting it down in this or any other way. _January_ 27, 1850. --Palee, eight miles north-west. The road half wayfrom Sandee to Busora, and half way from Busora to Palee, passes overa very light, sandy soil--bhoor. I have already stated that kutchawells, or wells without burnt brick and cement, will not last in thissandy soil, while it stands more in need of irrigation. The road forthe last half way of this morning's stage passes over a gooddoomuteea soil. The whole country is however well cultivated, andwell studded with fine trees; and the approach to Palee is at thisseason very picturesque. The groves of mango and other fine treesamidst which the town stands, on the right bank of the Gurra river, appear very beautiful as one approaches, particularly now that thesurrounding country is covered by so fine a carpet of rich springcrops. The sun's rays, falling upon such rich masses of foliage, produce an infinite variety of form, colour, and tint, on which theeye delights to repose. We intended to have our camp on the otherside of the river, but no good ground could be found for it, withoutinjury to the crops, within three miles from Palee, and we must crossit on our way to Shahabad to-morrow. This small river flows along a little to the right of our march thismorning. About half way we passed a very pretty village, held andcultivated by families of Kunojee Brahmins, who _condescend_ to holdand drive their own ploughs. Other families of this class pridethemselves upon never condescending to drive their own ploughs, andconsider themselves in consequence a shade higher in caste. OtherBrahmin families have different shades or degrees of caste, like theKunojeeas; but I am not aware that any family of any other class ofBrahmins condescend to hold their own ploughs. I told them, that "Godseemed to favour their exertions, and bless them with prosperity, forI had not seen a neater village or village community. " They seemed tobe all well pleased with my compliment. At Palee resides BulbhuderSing, a notorious robber, who was lately seized and sent as a felonto Lucknow. After six months' confinement he bribed himself out, gotpossession of the estate which he now holds, and to which he had noright whatever, and had it excluded from the jurisdiction of thelocal authorities, and transferred to the "Hozoor Tuhseel. " He hasbeen ever since diligently employed in converting it into a den ofrobbers, and in the usual way seizing upon other people's lands, stock, and property of all kinds. Hundreds in Oude are doing the same thing in the same way. Scores ofthose who suffer from the depredations of this class of offenders, complain to me every day; but I can neither afford them redress, norhold out any hope of it from any of the Oude authorities. It is aproverb, "that those who are sentenced to six years' imprisonment inOude, are released in six months, and those who are sentenced to sixmonths, are released in six years. " Great numbers are released everyyear at Lucknow for _thanksgivings_, or _propitiation_. If the Kingor any member of his family becomes sick, prisoners are released, that they may recover; and when they recover, others are released asa grateful, and, at the same time, profitable acknowledgment, sincethe Government relieves itself from the cost of keeping them; and itsservants appropriate the money paid for their ransom. Those who arein for long periods are, for the most part, great offenders, who arethe most able and most willing to pay high for their release; thosewho are in for short ones are commonly the small ones, who are theleast able and least disposed to give anything. The great offendersagain are those who are most disposed, and most able, to revengethemselves on such persons as have aided the Government in theirarrest or conviction; and they do all they can to murder and rob themand their families and relatives, as soon as they are set at large, in order to deter others from doing the same. This would be a greatevil in any country, but is terrible in Oude, where no police ismaintained for the protection of life and property. The cases ofatrocious murders and robberies which come before me every day, andare acknowledged by the local authorities, and neighbours of thesufferers, to have taken place, are frightful. Such sufferings, forwhich no redress is to be found, would soon desolate any part ofIndia less favoured by nature. In the valley of the Nerbudda, for instance, such sufferings wouldrender a district desolate for ages. The people, driven off from anestate, go and settle in another better governed. The grass growsrankly from the richness of the soil, and the humidity of the air, and becomes filled with deer and other animals, that are food forbeasts of prey. Tigers, leopards, wolves, wild dogs, &c. Follow, tofeed upon them; and they render residence and industry unsafe. Malaria follows, and destroys what persons the tigers leave. I haveseen extensive tracts of the richest soil and most picturesquescenery, along the banks of the Nerbudda, which had been rendereddesolate for ages by the misrule of only a few years. It is the samein the Tarae forest, which separates Oude from Nepaul. But in therest of Oude, from the Ganges to this belt of forest, no such effectsfollow misrule, however great and prolonged. Here no grass grows toorankly, few deer fill it, few tigers, leopards, wolves, or wild dogscome in pursuit of them, and no malaria is feared. If a landholdertakes to rebellion and plunder, he is followed by all his retainersand clansmen; and their families, and the cultivators of otherclasses, feeling no longer secure, go and till lands on otherestates, till they are invited back. The cowherds and shepherds, wholive by the produce of their cattle and sheep, remain and thrive bythe abundance of pasture lands, from which the rich spring andharvest crops have disappeared. These cattle and sheep graze overthem, and enrich the soil by restoring to it a portion of thoseelements of fertility, of which a long succession of harvests hadrobbed it. Over and above what they leave on the grounds, over whichthey graze, large stores of manure are collected for future use bythe herdsmen, who now exclusively occupy the villages. The landholderand his followers, in the meantime, subsist and enrich themselves bythe indiscriminate plunder of the surrounding country; and are atlast invited back by a weak and wearied Government, to reoccupy thelands, improved by this salutary fallow, at a lower rate of rent, orno rent at all for some years, and a remission of all balances forpast years, on account of _paemalee_, or treading down of crops, during the disorder that has prevailed. The cultivators return to occupy their old lands, so enriched, atreduced rates of rent; and, in two or three years, these lands becomeagain carpeted with a beautiful variety of spring and autumn crops. The crops, in our districts, on the opposite side of the riverGanges, bear no comparison with those on the Oude side. The lands areall overcropped and under-stocked with cattle and sheep from the wantof pasture lands. There is little manure, the water is too far belowthe surface to admit of sufficient irrigation, without greater outlaythan the farmers and cultivators can afford; the rotation of crops isinsufficient, and no salutary fallow comes to the relief of the soil, from the labour of men living and working under the efficientprotection of a strong and able Government. The difference in thecrops is manifest to the beholder, and shown in the rate of rentspaid for the lands where the price of land produce is the same inboth; the same river conveying the produce of both to and from thesame markets. A Murhutta army, under the Peshwa, Ballajee, invaded the districts, about the source of the Nerbudda river, about one hundred and sevenyears ago, A. D. 1742. They ravaged these districts as they did allothers which they invaded; but they, like the greater part of theOude Tarae, remain waste; while the others, like the rest of Oude, soon recovered and become prosperous from the circumstances abovestated. The soil of some of the districts, about the source of theNerbudda, then ravaged, is among the finest in the world; but thelong grass and rich foliage, by which it is covered, are occupied, like the pampos of South America, almost exclusively by wild cattle, buffaloes, deer, and tigers. The district of Mundula, whichintervenes between them and the rich and highly-cultivated districtof Jubbulpoor, in the valley of that river, was populous and wellcultivated when we took possession of it in the year 1817; but it hasbecome almost as waste under our rule by a more gradual but not lessdesolating process. Not considering the diminishing markets for landproduce, our assessments of the land revenue were too high, and themanaging officers never thought the necessity of reductionestablished, till the villages were partially or wholly deserted. Thefarmers and cultivators all emigrated, by degrees, into theneighbouring districts of Nagpoor and Rewa, where they had moreconsideration and lighter assessments, and the markets for landproduce were improving. The lands of Mundula became waste, andcovered with rank grass filled with deer; tigers followed to feedupon them, and carried off all the poor peasantry, who remained andattempted to cultivate small patches; malaria followed and completedthe work. Like the _tharoos_ of the Oude forest, the Gonds born in this malariaare the only people who can live in it; and the ravages of tigers andendemial disease prevent their numbers from increasing. Those whoonce emigrate never come back, and population and tillage have beendecreasing ever since we took possession, or for thirty-three years. The same process has been going on in other parts of the Nerbuddavalley with the same results. In Oude, from the causes abovedescribed, lands of the same denomination and kind often yield doublethe rate of rent that they yield in our own conterminous districts, or districts on the opposite side of the Ganges, and other riversthat separate our territories from those of Oude. Under a tolerableGovernment, Oude would soon become one of the most beautifulcountries in India; but the lands would fall off, in fertility, asours do from over-cropping, no doubt. _January_ 28, 1850. --Shahabad, ten miles. We crossed, close underPalee, the little river Gurra, which continued for some miles to flowalong, in its winding course, close by on our left. It is here somefive or six miles to the south-west of the town. The soil we havecome over is chiefly muteear, or the doomuteea, tightened by amixture of clay, or argillaceous earth. Rich crops of rice are grownon this muteea, which retains its moisture so much better than thelooser doomutea soil. Half-way we came through a neat village, the lands of which aresubdivided between the members of a large family of Kunojee Brahmins, who came out to see us pass, and pay their respects. The cultivationwas so fine that I hoped they were of the class who condescended tohold their own ploughs. I asked them; and they, with seeming pride, told me that they did not--that they employed servants to hold theirploughs for them. When I told them that this was their _misfortune_, they seemed much amused, but were all well-behaved and respectful, though they must have thought my notion very odd. The little Gurra flows from the Oude Tarae forest by the town ofPhillibheet, where boats are built, to be taken down to Cawnpoor, onthe Ganges, for sale. About four hundred, great and small, aresupposed to be taken down the Gurra every year, in the season of therains. They take down the timber of the Tarae forest, rice, and otherthings; and all are sold, with their cargoes, at Cawnpoor, or otherplaces on the Ganges. The timbers are floated along on both sides ofthe boats. Palee is a good place for a cantonment, or seat of publiccivil establishments, and Shahabad is no less so. The approach toboth, from the south-east, is equally beautiful, from the rich cropswhich cover the ground up to the houses, and the fine groves andmajestic single trees which surround them. Shahabad is a very ancient and large town, occupied chiefly by PathanMussulmans, who are a very turbulent and fanatical set of fellows. Subsookh Rae, a Hindoo, and the most respectable merchant in thedistrict, resided here, and for some time consented to officiate, asthe deputy of poor old Hafiz Abdoollah, for the management of thetown, where his influence was great. He had lent a good deal of moneyto the heads of some of the Pathan families of the town, but findingfew of them disposed to repay, he was last year obliged to refusefurther loans. They determined to take advantage of the comingmohurrum festival to revenge the _affront_ as men commonly do wholive among such a fanatical community. The tazeeas are commonly takenup, and carried in procession, ten days after the new moon is firstseen, at any place where they are made; but in Oude all go by the dayin which the moon is seen from the capital of Lucknow. As soon as sheis seen at Lucknow, the King issues an order throughout his dominionsfor the tazeeas to be taken in procession ten days after. The moonwas this year, in November, first seen on the 30th of the month atLucknow; but at Shahabad, where the sky is generally clearer, she hadbeen seen on the 29th. The men to whom Subsookh Rae had refusedfarther loans determined to take advantage of this incident to wreaktheir vengeance; and when the deputy promulgated the King's order forthe tazeeas to be taken in procession ten days after the 30th, theyinstigated all the Mahommedans of the town to insist upon taking themout ten days after the 29th, and persuaded them that the order hadbeen fabricated, or altered, by the malice of their Hindoo deputy, _to insult their religious feelings_. They were taken outaccordingly, and having to pass the house of Subsookh Rae, when theirexcitement, or spirit of religious fervour, had reached the highestpitch, they there put them down, broke open the doors, entered in acrowd, and plundered it of all the property they could find, amounting to above seventy thousand rupees. Subsookh Rae was obligedto get out, with his family, at a back door, and run for his life. Hewent to Shajehanpoor, in our territory, and put himself under theprotection of the magistrate. Not content with all this, they built asmall miniature mosque at the door with some loose bricks, so that noone could go either out or in without the risk of knocking it down, or so injuring this _mock mosque_ as to rouse, or enable the evil-minded to rouse, the whole Mahommedan population against theoffender. Poor Subsookh Rae has been utterly ruined, and ever sinceseeking in vain for redress. The Government is neither disposed norable to afford it, and the poor boy who has now succeeded his learnedfather in the contract is helpless. The little mock mosque, ofuncemented bricks, still stands as a monument of the insolence of theMahommedan population, and the weakness and apathy of the OudeGovernment. CHAPTER II. Infanticide--Nekomee Rajpoots--Fallows in Oude created by disorders--Their cause and effect--Tillage goes on in the midst of sanguinaryconflicts--Runjeet Sing, of Kutteearee--Mahomdee district--WhiteAnts--Traditional decrease in the fertility of the Oude soil--Risksto which cultivators are exposed--Obligations which these risksimpose upon them--Infanticide--The Amil of Mahomdee's narrow escape--An infant disinterred and preserved by the father after having beenburied alive--Insecurity of life and property--Beauty of the surfaceof the country, and richness of its foliage--Mahomdee district--Stateand recent history of--Relative fertility of British and Oude soil--Native notions of our laws and their administration--Of the value ofevidence in our Courts--Infanticide--Boys only saved--Girls destroyedin Oude--The priests who give absolution for the crime abhorred bythe people of all other classes--Lands in our districts becoming moreand more exhausted from over-cropping--Probable consequences to theGovernment and people of India--Political and social error ofconsidering land private property--Hakeem Mehndee and subsequentmanagers of Mahomdee--Frauds on the King in charges for the keep ofanimals--Kunojee Brahmins--Unsuccessful attempt to appropriate thelands of weaker neighbours--Gokurnath, on the border of the Tarae--The sakhoo or saul trees of the forest. Lalta Sing, of the Nikomee Rajpoot tribe, whom I had lately anopportunity of assisting, for his good services in arresting outlays[outlaws ?] from our territories, has just been to pay his respects. Our next encamping ground is to be on his estate of Kurheya and Para. He tells me that very few families of his tribe now destroy theirfemale infants; that tradition ascribes the origin of this evil to thepractice of the Mahommedan emperors of Delhi of demanding daughtersin marriage from the Rajpoot princes of the country; that some ofthem were too proud to comply with the demand, and too weak to resistit in any other way than that of putting all their female infants todeath. This is not impossible. He says that he believes the_Dhankuries_, whom I have described above to be really the only tribeof Rajpoots among whom no family destroys its infant daughters inOude; that all tribes of Rajpoots get money with the daughters theytake from tribes a shade lower in caste, to whom they cannot givetheirs in return; and pay money with the daughters they give inmarriage to tribes a shade higher, who will not give their daughtersto them in return. The native collector of Shahabad, a gentlemanlyMahommedan, came out two miles to pay his respects on my approach, and we met on a large space of land, lying waste, while all aroundwas covered with rich crops. I asked, "Pray why is this land leftwaste?" "It is, sir, altogether unproductive. " "Why is this? It seemsto me to be just as good as the rest around, which produces such finecrops. " "It is called _khubtee_--slimy, and is said to be altogetherbarren. " "I assure you, sir, " said Rajah Bukhtawar Sing, "that it isgood land, and capable of yielding good crops, under good tillage, orit would not produce the fine grass you see upon it. You must not askmen like this about the kinds and qualities of soils for they reallyknow nothing whatever about them: they are _city gentlemen's sons_, who get into high places, and pass their lives in them withoutlearning anything but how to screw money out of such as we are, whoare born upon the soil, and depend upon its produce all our lives forsubsistence. Ask him, sir, whether either he or any of his ancestorsever knew anything of the difference between one soil and another. " The collector acknowledged the truth of what the old man said, andtold me that he really knew nothing about the matter, and had merelyrepeated what the people told him. This is true with regard to thegreater part of the local revenue officers employed in Oude. "One ofthese city gentlemen, sir, " said. Bukhtawar Sing, "when sent out as arevenue collector, in Saadut Allee's time, was asked by hisassistants what they were to do with a crop of sugar-cane which hadbeen attached for balances, and was becoming too ripe, replied, '_Cutit down, to be sure, and have it stacked!_' He did not know thatsugar-cane must, as soon as cut, be taken to the mill, or it spoils. ""I have heard of another, " said the old Rusaldar Nubbee Buksh, "who, after he entered upon his charge, asked the people about him to showhim the tree on which grew the fine _istamalee_* rice which they usedat Lucknow. " "There is no question, sir, " said Bukhtawar Sing, "thatis too absurd, for these cockney gentlemen to ask when they enterupon such revenue charges as these. They are the aristocracy of townsand cities, who are learned enough in books and court ceremonies andintrigues, but utterly ignorant of country life, rural economy, andagricultural industry. " [* The _istamalee_ rice is rice of fine quality, which has been keptfor some years before used. To be good, rice must be kept for someyears before used, and that only which has been so kept is called_istamalee_ or _useable_. ] For a cantonment or civil station, the ground to the north ofShahabad, on the left-hand side of the road leading to Mahomdee, seems the best. It is a level plain, of a stiff soil formed of clayand sand, and not very productive. The country, from Sandee and Shahabad to the rivers Ganges andRamgunga, is one rich sheet of spring cultivation; and the estate ofKuteearee, above described, is among the richest portions of thissheet. The portions on which the richest crops now stand became wasteduring the disorders which followed the expulsion of Runjeet Sing, inthe usual way, in 1837, and derived the usual benefit from thesalutary fallow. A stranger passing through such a sheet of richcultivation, without communing with the people, would little suspectthe fearful crimes that are every year committed upon it, from theweakness and apathy of the Government, and the bad faith and badcharacter of its officers and chief landholders. The land is tilledin spite of all obstacles, because all depend upon its produce forsubsistence; but there is no indication of the beneficialinterference of the Government for the protection of life, property, and character, and for the encouragement of industry and the displayof its fruits. The land is ploughed, and the seed sown, often bystealth at night, in the immediate vicinity of a sanguinary contestbetween the Government officers and the landholders. It is only whenthe latter are defeated, and take to the jungles, or the HonourableCompany's districts, and commence their indiscriminate plunder, thatthe cultivator ceases from his labours, and the lands are left waste. Runjeet Sing two or three years ago seized upon the village ofMulatoo, in his vicinity, to which he had no claim whatever, and hehas forcibly retained it. It had long paid Government ten thousand a-year, but he has consented to pay only one thousand. Lands yieldingabove nine thousand he has cut off from its rent-roll, and added tothose of his hereditary villages on the borders. Last year he seizedupon the village of Nudua, with a rent-roll of fourteen hundredrupees, and he holds it with a party of soldiers and two guns. TheAmil lately sent out a person with a small force to demand theGovernment dues; but they were driven back, as he pretends that hegot it in mortgage from Dumber Sing, who had taken a short lease ofthat and other khalsa villages, and absconded as a defaulter; andthat he has purchased the lands from the cultivating proprietors, andis, therefore, bound to pay no revenue whatever for them-to the King. All defaulters and offenders who take refuge on his estate heinstigates to plunder, and provides with gangs, on condition ofgetting the greater part of the booty. He thinks that he is sure ofshelter in the British territory, should he be driven from Oude; hefeels also sure of aid from other large landholders of the same classin the neighbourhood. _January_ 30, 1850. --Kurheya Para, twelve miles, over a plain ofexcellent muteear soil, a good deal of which-is covered with jungle. Para is a short distance from Kurheya, and our camp is midway betweenthe two villages. The boundary of the Sandee Palee and Mahomdeedistricts we crossed about four miles from our present encampment. This district, of Mahomdee was taken in contract by Hakeem Mehndee, at three lacs and eleven thousand rupees a-year, in 1804 A. D. , and ina few years he brought it into full tillage, and made it yield aboveseven lacs. It has been falling off ever since it was taken from him, and now yields only between three and four lacs. The jungle isstudded with large peepul-trees, which are all shorn of their smallbranches and leaves. The landholders and cultivators told me thatthey were taken off by the cowherds who grazed their buffaloes, bullocks, and cows in these jungles; that they formed their chiefand, in the cold season, their best food, as the leaves of thepeepul-tree were supposed to give warmth to the stomach, and toincrease the quantity of the milk; that the cowherds were required topay nothing for the privilege of grazing their cattle in thesejungles, by the person to whom the lands belonged, because theyenriched the soil with their manure, and all held small portions ofland under tillage, for which they paid rent; that they had the freeuse of the peepul-trees in the jungles, but were not permitted totouch those on the cultivated lands and in villages. White ants are so numerous in the argillaceous muteear soil, in whichtheir food abounds, that it is really dangerous to travel on anelephant, or _swiftly_ on horseback, over a new road cut or enlargedthrough any portion of it that has remained long untilled. The twofore legs of my elephant went down yesterday morning into a deep pitmade by them, but concealed by the new road, which has been made overit for the occasion of my visit near Shahabad, and it was with somedifficulty that he extricated them. We have had several accidents ofthe same kind since we came out. In cutting a new road they cutthrough large ant-hills, and leave no trace of the edifices or thegulf below them, which the little insects have made in gatheringtheir food and raising their lofty habitation. They are not found inthe bhoor or oosur soils, and in comparatively small numbers in thedoomuteea or lighter soil, but they abound In the muteear soil inproportion to its richness. Cultivation, where the crops areirrigated, destroys them, and the only danger is in passing over newroads cut through jungle, or lands that have remained long untilled, or along the sides of old pathways, from which these land-marks havebeen removed in hastily widening them for wheeled carriages. A Brahmin cultivator, whose cart we had been obliged to press intoour own service for this stage, came along with me almost all theway. He said, "The spring crops of this season, sir, are no doubtvery fine; but in days of yore, before the curse of _Bhurt Jee_ (thebrother of Ram) came upon the landholders and cultivators of Oude, they were much finer; when he set out from his capital of Ajoodheeafor the conquest of Cylone, he left the administration to hisbrother, Bhurt Jee, who made a liberal settlement of the land tax. Heput a ghurra or pitcher, with a round bottom, turned upside down, into every half acre (beegha) of the cultivated land, and requiredthe landholder or cultivator to leave upon it, as much of the grainproduced as the rounded bottom would retain, which could not be oneten-thousandth part of the produce; he lived economically, andcollected at this rate during the many years that his brother wasabsent. But when his brother returned and approached the boundary ofhis dominions, he met hosts of landholders and cultivators clamouringagainst the _rapacity and oppression_ of his brother'sadministration. The humanity of Ram's disposition was shocked, sir, at all this, and he became angry with his brother before he heardwhat he had to say. When Bhurt had satisfied his brother that he hadnot taken from them the thousandth part of what he had a right totake, and Ram had, indeed, taken from them himself, he _sighed_ atthe wickedness and ingratitude of the agricultural classes of Oude;and the baneful effects of this sad _sigh_ has been upon us eversince, sir, in spite of all we can do to avert them. In order to havethe blessing of God upon our labours, it is necessary for us tofulfil strictly all the responsibilities under which we hold and tillthe land; first, to pay punctually the just demands of Government;second, all the wages of the labour employed; third, all thecharities to the poor; fourth, all the offerings to our respectivetutelary gods; fifth, a special offering to Mahabeer, alias Hunooman. These payments and offerings, sir, must all be made before thecultivator can safely take the surplus produce to his store-room forsale and consumption. " Old Bukhtawar Sing, who was riding by my side, said, "A conscientiousfarmer or cultivator, sir, when he finds that his field yields agreat deal more than the usual returns, that is when it yields twentyinstead of the usual return of ten, gives the whole in charity, lestevil overtake him from his unusual good luck and inordinateexultation. " I asked the Brahmin cultivator why all these offerings were requiredto be made by cultivators in particular? He replied, "There is, sir, no species of tillage in which the lives of numerous insects are notsacrificed, and it is to atone for these numerous murders, and theingratitude to Bhurt, that cultivators, in particular, are requiredto make so many offerings;" and, he added, "much sin, sir, is nodoubt brought upon the land by the murder of so many female infants. I believe, sir, that all the tribes of Rajpoots murder them; and I donot think than one in ten is suffered to live. If the family orvillage priest did not consent to eat with the parents after themurder, no such murders could take place, sir; for none, even oftheir nearest relatives, will ever eat with them till the Brahmin hasdone so. " The bearers of the tonjohn in which I sat, said, "We do not believe, sir, that one girl in twenty among the Rajpoots is preserved. DaveyBuksh, the Gonda Rajah, is, we believe, the only one of the BiseynRajpoot tribe who preserves his daughters;* his father did the same, and his sister, who was married to the Bhudoreea Rajah of Mynpooree, came to see him lately on the occasion of a pilgrimage to Ajoodheea, on the death of her husband; of the six Kulhuns families ofChehdwara, two only preserve their daughters--Surnam Sing of Arta, and Jeskurn of Kumeear; but whether their sons or successors in theestates will do the same is uncertain. " These bearers are residentsof that district. [* There are a great many families of the Biseyn Rajpoots who neverdestroy their infant daughters. ] I may here remark, that oak-trees in the hills of the Himmelah chainare disfigured in the same manner, and for the same purpose, as thepeepul and banyan trees are here; their small branches and leaves aretorn off to supply fodder for bullocks and other animals. The ilex ofthe hills has not, however, in its nakedness the majesty of thepeepul and banyan of the plains, though neither of them can be saidto be "when unadorn'd, adorn'd the most. " _January_ 31, 1850. --Puchgowa, north-east, twelve miles over a plainof doomuteea soil, a good deal of which is out of tillage at present. On the road we came through several neat villages, the best of whichwas occupied exclusively by the families of the Kunojeea Brahminproprietors, and the few persons of inferior caste who ploughed theirlands for them, as they are a shade too high in caste to admit oftheir holding their own ploughs. They are, however, very worthypeople, and seemed very much pleased at being put so much at theirease in a talk with the great man about their own domestic and ruraleconomy. They told me, that they did not permit Rajpoots to reside inor have anything to do with their village. "Why?" I asked. --"Because, sir, if they once get a footing among us, they are, sooner or later, sure to turn us all out. " "How?"--"Theyget lands by little and little at lease, soon refuse to pay rent, declare the lands to be their own, collect bad characters forplunder, join the Rajpoots of their own clan in all the villagesaround in their enterprises, take to the jungles on the firstoccasion, of a dispute, attack, plunder, and burn the village, murderus and our families, and soon get the estate for themselves, on theirown terms from the local authorities, who are wearied out by the lossof revenue arising from their depredations; our safety, sir, dependsupon our keeping entirely aloof from them. " Under a government so weak, the only men who prosper seem to be theselandholders of the military classes who are strong in their union, clan feeling, courage, and ferocity. The villages here are numerousthough not large, and by far the greater part are occupied byRajpoots of the Nikomee tribe. The Amil of the Mahomdee district, Krishun Sahae, had come out so faras Para to meet me, and have my camp supplied. He had earned a goodreputation as a native collector of long standing in the Shajehanporedistrict, under Mr. Buller; but being ambitious to rise more rapidlythan he could hope to do, under our settled government, he came toLucknow with a letter of introduction from Mr. Buller to theResident, Colonel Richmond, paid his court to the Durbur, gotappointed Amil of the Mahomdee district, under the _amanee_ system, paid his nazuranas on his investiture, in October last, and enteredupon his charge. A few days ago it pleased the minister to appoint tohis place Aboo Toorab Khan, the nephew and son-in-law of Moonowur-oodDowla; and orders were sent out immediately, by a camel-messenger, tothe commandants of the corps on duty, with Krishun Sahae, to seizeand send him, his family, and all his relations and dependents, withall his property to be found upon them, to Lucknow. The wakeel, whomhe kept at Court for such occasions, heard of the order for thesupercession and arrest, and forthwith sent off a note to his masterby the fastest foot-messenger he could get. The camel-messenger foundthat the Amil had left Mahomdee, and gone out two stages to Para, tomeet the Resident. He waited to deliver his message to thecommandants and subordinate civil officers of the district, and seethat they secured all the relatives, dependents, and property of theAmil that could be found. The foot-messenger, more wise, went on, anddelivered his letter to Krishun Sahae; at Para, on the evening ofTuesday the 29th. He ordered his elephant very quietly, and mounting, told the driver to take him to a village on the road to Shajehanpoor. On reaching the village about midnight, the driver asked him whitherhe was going--"I am flying from my enemies, " said Krishun Sahae; "andwe must make all haste, or we shall be overtaken before we reach theboundary. " "But, " said the driver, "my house and family are atLucknow, and the one will be pulled to the ground and the other putinto gaol if I fly with you. " Krishun Sahae drew out a pistol andthreatened to shoot him if he did not drive on as told. They werenear a field of sugar-cane, and the driver hedged away towards it, without the Amil's perceiving his intention. When they got near thefield the elephant dashed in among the cane to have a feast; and thedriver in his seeming effort to bring him out, fell off anddisappeared under the high cane. The Amil did all he could to get outhis elephant, but the animal felt that he was no longer in danger ofsevere treatment from above, and had a very comfortable meal beforehim in the fine ripe cane, and would not move. The poor Amil wasobliged to descend, and make all possible haste on foot across theborder, attended by one servant who had accompanied him in hisflight. The driver ran to the village and got the people to join himin the pursuit of his master, saying that he was making off with agood deal of the King's money. With an elephant load of the King'smoney in prospect, they made all the haste they could; but the poorAmil got safely over the border into British territory. They foundthe elephant dining very comfortably on the sugar-cane. After abusingthe driver and all his female relations for deluding them with thehope of a rich booty, they permitted him to take the empty elephantto the new Amil at Mahomdee. News of all this reached my camp lastnight. I omitted to mention that, at Busora on the 27th, a Rajpootlandholder of the Sombunsie tribe, came to my camp with a petitionregarding a mortgage, and mentioned that he had a daughter, now twoyears of age; that when she was born he was out in his fields, andthe females of the family put her into an earthen pot, buried her inthe floor of the apartment, where the mother lay, and lit a fire overthe grave; that he made all haste home as soon as he heard of thebirth of a daughter, removed the fire and earth from the pot, andtook out his child. She was still living, but two of her fingerswhich had not been sufficiently covered were a good deal burnt. Hehad all possible care taken of her, and she still lives, and both heand his wife are very fond of her. Finding that his tale interestedme, he went home for the child; but his village was far off, and hehas not been able to overtake me. He had given no orders to have herpreserved, as his wife was confined sooner than he expected; but thefamily took it for granted that she was to be destroyed, and inrunning home to preserve her he acted on the impulse of the moment. The practice of destroying female infants is so general among thistribe, that a family commonly destroys the daughter as soon as born, when the father is from home, and has given no special orders aboutit, taking it to be his wish as a matter of course. Several respectable landholders of the Chouhan, Nikomee, and othertribe of Rajpoots, were talking to me yesterday evening, and as theywere connected by marriage with Rajpoot families of the same andhigher clans in the British territories, I asked them whether someplan could not be devised to suppress the evil in Oude, as it hadbeen suppressed there; for the disorders which prevailed seemed to meto be only a visitation from above for such an all-pervading sin. They told me that there would be little difficulty in putting downthis system under an honest and strong Government that would securerights, enforce duties, and protect life and property, as in theBritish territories. Atrocious and cruel as this crime is in Oude, itis hardly more so than that which not long ago prevailed in Franceand other nations of Europe, of burying their daughters alive innunneries in order to gratify the same family pride. It is painful to me to walk out of my tent of an evening, for I haveevery day large crowds seeking redress for grievous wrongs, for whichI see no hope of redress: men and women, who have had their dearestrelatives murdered, their houses burnt down, their whole propertytaken away, their lands seized upon, their crops destroyed byruffians residing in the same or neighbouring villages, and actuallyin the camp of the Amil, without the slightest fear of being punishedor made to surrender any portion of what they have taken. TheGovernment authorities are too weak, even to enforce the payment ofthe Government demand, and have not the means to seize or punishoffenders of any kind, if they have the inclination. In somedistricts they not only acquiesce in the depredations of these gangsof robbers, but act in collusion with their leaders, in order to gettheir aid in punishing defaulters or pretended defaulters, among thelandholders. They murder the landholders, and as many as possible oftheir families, and as a reward for their services the localauthorities make over their lands to them at reduced rates. The Nazim of Sandee Palee told me on taking leave, that he had onlytwo wings of Nujeeb Regiments with him, one of which was fit for someservice, and in consequence, spread over the district on detachedduties. The other was with him, but out of the five hundred, forwhich he had to issue monthly pay, he should not be able to get tenmen to follow him on any emergency. They are obliged to court andconciliate the strong and reckless who prey upon the weak andindustrious; and in consequence become despised and detested by thepeople. I feel like one moving among a people afflicted withincurable diseases, who crowd around him in hope, and are sent awayin despair. I try to make the local authorities exert themselves inbehalf of the sufferers; but am told that they have already donetheir utmost in vain; that if they seize robbers and murderers andsend them to Lucknow, they are sure to purchase their enlargement andreturn to wreak their vengeance on them and on all who have aidedthem in their arrest and conviction; that if they attempt to seizeone of the larger landholders, who refuses to pay the Governmentdemand, seizes upon the lands of his weaker neighbours, and murdersand robs them indiscriminately, he removes across the Ganges, intoone of the Honourable Company's districts, and thence sends hismyrmidons to plunder and lay waste the whole country, till he isinvited back by a weak and helpless Government upon his own terms;that formerly British troops were employed in support of the localauthorities against offenders of this class; but that of late yearsall such aid and support have been withdrawn from the OudeGovernment, while the offenders find all they require from thesubjects and police authorities of the bordering British districts. The country we passed over to-day, between Para and Puchgowa, is aplain, beautifully studded with groves and fine solitary trees, ingreat perfection. The bandha or mistletoe, upon the mhowa and mangotrees, is in full blossom, and adds much to their beauty; the soil isgood, and the surface everywhere capable of tillage, with littlelabour or outlay; for the jungle where it prevails the most is ofgrass, and the small palas-trees (butea-frondosa) which may be-easilyuprooted. The whole surface of Oude is, indeed, like a gentleman'spark of the most beautiful description, as far as the surface of theground and the foliage go. Five years of good Government would makeit one of the most beautiful parterres in nature. To plant a largegrove, as it ought to be, a Hindoo thinks it necessary to have thefollowing trees:-- The banyan, or burgut; peepul, ficus religiosa; mango; tamarind;jamun, eugenia jambolana; bele, cratoeva marmelos; pakur, ficusvenosa; mhowa, bassia latifolia; oula, phyllanthus emblica; goolur, figus glomerata; kytha, feronia elephantum; kuthal, or jack;moulsaree, mimusops elengi; kuchnar, bauhinea variegata; neem, meliaazadirachta; bere, fizyphus jujuba; horseradish, sahjuna; sheeshum, dalbergia sisa; toon, adrela toona; and chundun, or sandal. Where he can get or afford to plant only a small space, he mustconfine himself to the more sacred and generally useful of thesetrees; and they are the handsomest in appearance. Nothing can be morebeautiful than one of those groves surrounded by fields teeming withrich spring crops, as they are at present; and studded here and therewith fine single banyan, peepul, tamarind, mhowa, and cotton trees, which, in such positions, attain their highest perfection, as ifanxious to display their greatest beauties, where they can be seen tothe most advantage. Each tree has there free space for its roots, which have the advantage of the water supplied to the fields aroundin irrigation, and a free current of air, whose moisture is condensedupon its leaves and stems by their cooler temperature, while itscarbonic acid and ammonia are absorbed and appropriated to theirexclusive use. Its branches, unincommoded by the proximity of othertrees, spread out freely, and attain their utmost size and beauty. I may here mention what are the spring crops which now in aluxuriance not known for many years, from fine falls of rain in dueseason, embellish the surface over which we are passing :-- _Spring Crops_. --Wheat; barley; gram; arahur, of two kinds (pulse);musoor (pulse); alsee (linseed); surson (a species of fine mustard);moong (pulse); peas, of three kinds; mustard; sugar-cane, of sixkinds; koosum (safflower); opium; and palma christi. _February_ 1, 1850. --Mahomdee, eleven miles, over a level plainof muteear soil of the best quality, well supplied with groves andsingle trees of the finest kind; but a good deal of the land is outof tillage, and covered with the rank grass, called garur, the rootsof which form the fragrant khus, for tatties, in the hot winds; anddhak (butea frondosa) jungle. Several villages, through and nearwhich we passed, belong to Brahmin zumeendars, who were driven awaylast year by the rapacity of the contractor, Mahomed Hoseyn, asenseless oppressor, who was this year superseded by a very goodofficer and worthy man, who was driven out with disgrace, asdescribed yesterday, while engaged in inviting back the abscondedcultivators to these deserted villages, and providing them with themeans of bringing their lands again into tillage. Hoseyn Allee hadseized and sold all their plough-bullocks, and other agriculturalstock, between the autumn and spring harvests, together with all thespring crops, as they became ripe, to make good the increased rate ofrevenue demanded; and they were all turned out beggars, to seeksubsistence among their relatives and friends, in our borderingdistrict of Shajehanpoor. The rank grass and jungle are full ofneelgae and deer of all kinds; and the cowherds, who remain to grazetheir cattle on the wide plains, left waste, find it very difficultto preserve their small fields of corn from their trespass. They aresaid to come in herds of hundreds around these fields during thenight, and to be frequently followed by tigers, several of which werekilled last year, by Captain Hearsey, of the Frontier Police. Wastelands, more distant from the great Tarae forest, are free fromtigers. I had a long talk with the Brahmin communities of two of thesevillages, who had been lately invited back from the Shajehanpoordistrict, by Krishun Sahae, and resettled on their lands. They are amild, sensible, and most respectable body, whom a sensible rulerwould do all in his power to protect and encourage; but these are theclass; of landholders and cultivators whom the reckless governors ofdistricts, under the Oude Government, most grievously oppress. Theytold me--"that nothing could be better than the administration of theShajehanpoor district by the present collector and magistrate, Mr. Buller, whom all classes loved and respected; that the whole surfaceof the country was under tillage, and the poorest had as muchprotection as the highest in the land; that the whole district was, indeed, a garden. " "But the returns, are they equal to those fromyour lands in Oude?"--"Nothing like it, sir; they are not half asgood; nor can the cultivator afford to pay half the rate that we paywhen left to till our lands in peace. " "And why is this?"--"Because, sir, ours is sometimes left waste to recover its powers, as you nowsee all the land around you, while theirs has no rest" "But do theynot alternate their crops, to relieve the soil?"--"Yes, sir, but thisis not enough: ours receive manure from the herds of cattle and deerthat graze upon it while fallow: and we have greater stores of manurethan they have, to throw over it when we return and resume ourlabours. We alternate our crops, at the same time, as much as theydo; and plough and cross-plough our lands more. " "And where would yourather live--there, protected as the people are from all violence, orhere, exposed as you are to all manner of outrage and extortion. "--"We would rather live here, sir, if we could; and we were glad tocome back. " "And why? There the landholders and cultivators are surethat no man will be permitted to exact a higher rate of rent orrevenue than that which they voluntarily bind themselves to payduring the period of a long lease; while here you are never sure thatthe terms of your lease will be respected for a single season. "--"That is all true, sir, but we cannot understand the '_aen_ and_kanoon_' (the rules and regulations), nor should we ever do so; forwe found that our relations, who had been settled there for manygenerations, were just as ignorant of them as ourselves. Your Courtsof justice (adawluts) are the things we most dread, sir; and we areglad to escape from them as soon as we can, in spite of all the evilswe are exposed to on our return to the place of our birth. It is notthe fault of the European gentlemen who preside over them, for theyare anxious to do, and have justice done, to all; but, in spite ofall their efforts, the wrong-doer often escapes, and the sufferer isas often punished. " "The truth, sir, is seldom told in these Courts. There they think ofnothing but the number of witnesses, as if all were alike; here, sir, we look to the quality. When a man suffers wrong, the wrong-doer issummoned before the elders, or most respectable men of his village orclan; and if he denies the charge and refuses redress, he is told tobathe, put his hand upon the peepul-tree, and declare aloud hisinnocence. If he refuses, he is commanded to restore what he hastaken, or make suitable reparation for the injury he has done; and ifhe refuses to do this, he is punished by the odium of all, and hislife becomes miserable. A man dares not, sir, put his hand upon thatsacred tree and deny the truth--the gods sit in it and know allthings; and the offender dreads their vengeance. In your adawluts, sir, men do not tell the truth so often as they do among their owntribes, or village communities--they perjure themselves in all mannerof ways, without shame or dread; and there are so many men aboutthese Courts, who understand the 'rules and regulations, ' and are somuch interested in making truth appear to be falsehood, and falsehoodtruth, that no man feels sure that right will prevail in them in anycase. The guilty think they have just as good a chance of escape asthe innocent. Our relations and friends told us, that all thisconfusion of right and wrong, which bewildered them, arose from themultiplicity of the 'rules and regulations, ' which threw all thepower into the hands of bad men, and left the European gentlemenhelpless!" "But you know that the crime of murdering female infants, whichpervades the whole territory of Oude, and brings the curse of Godupon it, has been suppressed in the British territory, in spite ofthese '_aens and kanoons?_'"--"True, sir, it has been put down inyour bordering districts; but the Rajpoot families who reside in themmanage to escape your vigilance, and keep up the evil practice. Theyintermarry with Rajpoot families in Oude, and the female infants, born of the daughters they give in marriage to Oude families, aredestroyed in Oude without fear or concealment; while the daughtersthey receive in marriage, from Oude families, are sent over theborder into Oude, when near their confinement, on the pretence ofvisiting their relations. If they give birth to boys, they bring themback with them into your districts; but if they give birth to girls, they are destroyed in the same manner, and no questions are everasked about them. " "Do you ever eat or drink with Rajpoot parents whodestroy their female infants?"--"Never, sir! we are Brahmins, but wecan take water in a brass vessel from the hands of a Rajpoot, and wedo so when his family is unstained with this crime; but nothing wouldever tempt us to drink water from the hands of one who permitted hisdaughters to be murdered. " "Do you ever eat with the village orfamily priest who has given absolution to parents who have permittedtheir daughters to be murdered, by eating in the room where themurder has been perpetrated?"--"Never, sir; we abhor him as aparticipator in the crime; and nothing would ever induce one of us toeat or associate with him: he takes all the sin upon his own head bydoing so, and is considered by us as an outcast from the tribe, andaccursed! It is they who keep up this fearful usage. Tigers andwolves cherish their offspring, and are better than these Rajpoots, who out of family or clan pride, destroy theirs. As soon as theirwives give birth to sons, they fire off guns, give largely incharity, make offerings to shrines, and rejoice in all manner ofways; but when they give birth to poor girls, they bury them alivewithout pity, and a dead silence prevails in the house; it is nowonder, sir, that you say that the curse of God is upon the land inwhich such sins prevail!" The quality of testimony, no doubt, like that of every othercommodity, deteriorates under a system, which renders the good of nomore value in exchange than the bad. The formality of our Courtshere, as everywhere else, tends to impair, more or less, the qualityof what they receive. The simplicity of Courts, composed of littlevillage communities and elders, tends, on the contrary, to improvethe quality of the testimony they get; and in India, it is found tobe best in the isolated hamlets of hills and forests, where men maybe made to do almost anything rather than _tell a lie_. A Marhattapandit, in the valley of the Nerbudda, once told me, that it wasalmost impossible to teach a wild Gond of the hills and jungles the_occasional_ value of a lie! It is the same with the Tharoos andBooksas, who are, almost exclusively the cultivators of the OudeTarae forest, and with the peasantry of the Himmalaya chain ofmountains, before they have come much in contact with people of theplains, and become subject to the jurisdiction of our Courts. TheseCourts are, everywhere, our _weak point_ in the estimation of oursubjects; and they should be, everywhere, simplified to meet thewants and wishes of so simple a people. That the lands, under the settled Government of the Honourable EastIndia Company, are becoming more and more deteriorated byovercropping is certain; and an Indian statesman will naturallyinquire, what will be the probable consequence to the people and theGovernment? To the people, the consequence must be, a rise in theprice of land produce, proportioned to the increased cost ofproducing and bringing to market what is required for consumption. The price in the market must always be sufficient to cover the costof producing, and bringing what is required from the poorest and mostdistant lands to which that market is at any time obliged to haverecourse for supply; and as these lands deteriorate in their powersof fertility, recourse must be had to lands more distant, or morecost must be incurred in manure, irrigation, &c. , to make these, already had recourse to, to produce the same quantity, or both. Theprice in the market must rise to meet the increased outlay required, or that outlay will not be made; and the market cannot be supplied. As men have to pay more for the Land produce they require, they willhave less to lay out in other things; and as they cannot do withoutthe land produce, they must be satisfied with less of other things, till their incomes increase to meet the necessity for increasedoutlay. People will get this increase in proportion as their labour, services, talents, or acquirements are more or less indispensable tothe society; and the price of other things will diminish, as the costof producing and bringing them to market diminishes, withimprovements in manufactures, and in the facilities of transport. Novery serious injury to the people of our territories is, therefore, to be apprehended from the inevitable deterioration in the naturalpowers of the soil, under our settled Government, which gives so muchsecurity to life, property, and character, and so much encouragementto industry. The consequence to the Government will be less serious than might atfirst appear. Under a system of limited settlements of the land-revenue, such as prevail over all our dominions, except in Bengal, the Government is in reality the landlord; and our land-revenue is inreality land-rent. * We alienate a portion of that rent for limitedperiods in favour of those with whom we make such settlements, andtake all the rest ourselves. On an average, perhaps, our Governmenttakes one-sixth of the gross produce of the land; and the persons, with whom the settlements are made, take another sixth. The net rent, which the Government and they divide equally between them, may betaken, on an average, at one-third of the gross produce of the land. The cultivator would, I believe, always be glad to take and cultivateland, on an average, on condition of giving one-third of the grossproduce, or the value of one-third, to be divided between theGovernment and its lessee; and the lessee will always considerhimself fortunate if he gets one-half of this third, to cover therisk and cost of management. * I believe our Government committed a great _political_ and _social_error, when it declared all the land to be the property of thelessees: and all questions regarding it to be cognizable by JudicialCourts. It would have been better for the people, as well as theGovernment, had all such questions been left to the Fiscal andRevenue Courts. There is the same regular series of these Courts, from the Tuhseeldar to the Revenue Sudder Board, as of the JudicialCourts, from the Moonsiff to the Judicial Sudder Board; and they areall composed of the same class of persons, with the same characterand motives to honest exertion. Why force men to run the gauntletthrough both series? It tends to make the Government to be consideredas a rapacious tax-gatherer, instead of a liberal landlord, which itreally is; and to foster the growth of a host of native pettifoggingattorneys, to devour, like white ants, the substance of thelandholders of all classes and grades. Where the soil of a particular village in a district deteriorates, animmediate reduction in the assessment must be given, or the landswill be deserted. If the Government does not consent to such areduction, the lessee must sustain the whole burthen, for he cannotshift it off upon the cultivators, without driving them from thelands. The lessee may sustain the whole burthen for one or two years;but if the officers of Government attempt to make him sustain itlonger, they drive him after his cultivators, and the land is leftwaste. I have seen numerous estates of villages and some districtsmade waste by such attempts in India. I have seen land in suchestates, which, when unexhausted, yielded, on an average, twelvereturns of the seed, without either manure or irrigation, and paid arent of twenty shillings an acre, become so exhausted by overcroppingin a few years as to yield only three or four returns, and unable topay four shillings an acre--indeed, unable to pay any rent at all. The cultivator, by degrees, ceases to sow the more exhausting andprofitable crops, and is at last obliged to have recourse to manure, or desert his land altogether; but no manure will enable him to getthe same quantity of produce as he got before, while what he getssells at the same rate in the market. He can, therefore, no longerpay the same rate of rent to Government and its lessee. He has got aless quantity of produce, and it has cost him much more to raise it, while it continues to sell at the same price in the market. But when the lands of a whole country, or a large extent of country, deteriorate in the same manner, and all cultivators are obliged to dothe same thing, the price of land produce must rise in the markets, so as to pay the additional costs of supply. All but the poorest andmost distant to which these markets must have recourse for supply, atany particular time, will pay rent, and pay it at a rate proportionedto their greater fertility or nearer proximity to the markets. SuchMarkets must pay for land produce a price sufficient to cover thecosts of producing and bringing it from the poorest and most distantlands, to which they are obliged at any particular time to haverecourse for supply. All land produce of the same quality must, atthe same time and place, sell in the market at the same price; andall that is over and above the cost of producing and bringing it tomarket will go to the proprietors of the land, that is, to theGovernment and its lessees. The poorest and most distant land, towhich any market may have recourse at any particular time, may pay norent, because the price is no more than sufficient to pay the cost ofproducing and bringing their supply to that market; but all that isless poor and distant will pay rent, because the price which theirproduce brings in that market will be more than sufficient to pay thecost of producing and bringing their supply to that market. The increase in the price of land produce which must take place, asthe lands become generally exhausted by overcropping, will, probably, prevent any great falling off in the money rate of rents andrevenues, from the land in our Indian possessions; and with theimprovements in manufactures, and in the facilities of transport, which must tend to reduce the price of other articles, that moneywill purchase more of them in the market; and the establishmentswhich have to be maintained out of these rents and revenues may notbecome more costly. Government and its lessees may have the sameincomes in money, and the greater price, they and theirestablishments are obliged to pay for land produce may be compensatedby the lesser price they will have to pay for other things. As facilities for irrigation are extended and improved in wells andcanals, new elements of fertility will be supplied to the surface, inthe soluble salts contained in their waters. The well-waters willbring these salts from great depths, and the canal-waters willcollect them as they flow along, or percolate through, the earth; andas they rise, by capillary attraction, they will convey them to thesurface, where they are required for tillage. The atmosphere, inwater, ammonia, and carbonic-acid gas will continue to supply plantswith the oxygen, hydrogen, nitrogen, and carbon which they requirefrom it; and judicious selection and supply of manure will providethe soil with those elements in which it happens to be deficient. Peace, security, instruction, and a due encouragement to industry, will, it may be hoped, secure to the people all that they requirefrom our Government, and to our Government all that it can fairlyrequire from the people. The soil of Mahomdee is as fine as that of any part of Oude that Ihave seen; and the soil of Oude, generally, is equal to the best thatI have seen in any part of India. It is all of the kinds abovedescribed--muteear (argillaceous), doomuteea (light), bhoor (sandy), and oosur (barren), as far as I have seen. In some parts, the muteearis more productive than in others, and the same may be said of allthe other denominations of soil. In the poorer parts of the muteear, the stiff clay, devoid of decayed vegetable and animal matter, seemsto superabound, as the sand does in the lightest or poorer portionsof the soil, called doomuteea, which runs into bhoor. The oosur, orsoil rendered unproductive by a superabundance of substances notsuitable to the growth of plants, seems to be common to both kinds. In all soils, except the oosur, fine trees grow, and good crops areproduced under good tillage; but in the muteear, the outlay toproduce them is the least. It is an error to suppose that a soil, even of pure sand, must be absolutely barren. Quartz-sand commonlycontains some of the inorganic substances necessary to plants--silica, lime, potash, alumina, oxide of iron, magnesia, &c. --and theyare rendered soluble, and fit for the use of plants by atmosphericair and water, impregnated with carbonic-acid gas, as all water ismore or less. The only thing required from the hand of man, besideswater, to render them cultivable, is vegetable or animal substances, to supply them, as they decay or decompose, with organic acids. The late Hakeem Mehndee, took the contract of the Mahomdee district, as already stated, in the year A. D. 1804, when it was in its presentbad state, at 3, 11, 000 rupees a-year; and he held it till the year1819, or for sixteen years. He had been employed in the Azimgurhdistrict, under Boo Allee Hakeem, the contractor; and during thenegotiations for the transfer of that district, with the otherterritories to the British Government, which took place in 1801; helost his place, and returned to Lucknow, where he paid his court tothe then Dewan, or Chancellor of the Exchequer, who offered him thecontract of the Mahomdee district, at three lacs and eleven thousandrupees a-year, on condition of his depositing in the Treasury asecurity bond for thirty-two thousand rupees. There had been aliaison between him and a beautiful dancing-girl, named Peeajoo, whohad saved a good deal of money. She advanced the money, and HakeemMehndee deposited the bond, and got the contract. The greater part ofthe district was then, as now, a waste; and did not yield more thanenough to cover the Government demand, gratuities to courtiers, andcost of management. The Hakeem remained to support his influence atCourt, while his brother, Hadee Allee Khan, resided at Mahomdee, andmanaged the district. The Hakeem and his fair friend were married, and lived happily together till her death, which took place beforethat of her husband, while she was on a pilgrimage to Mecca. Whileshe lived, he married no other woman; but on her death he took tohimself another, who survived him; but he had no child by either. Hisvast property was left to Monowur-od Dowlah, the only son of hisbrother, Hadee Allee Khan, and to his widow and dependents. Thedistrict improved rapidly under the care of the two brothers; and, ina few years, yielded them about seven lacs of rupees a-year. TheGovernment demand increased with the rent-roll to the extent of fourlacs of rupees a-year. This left a large income for Hakeem Mehndeeand his family, who had made the district a garden, and gained theuniversal respect and affection of the people. In the year 1807, Hakeem Mehndee added, to the contract of Mahomdee, that of the adjoining district of Khyrabad, at five lacs of rupees a-year, making his contract nine lacs. In 1816, he added the contractfor the Bahraetch district, at seven lacs and seventy-five thousand;but he resigned this in 1819, after having held it for two years, with no great credit to himself. In 1819, he lost the contract forMahomdee and Khyrabad, from the jealousy of the prime minister, AgaMeer. In April 1818, the Governor-General the Marquess of Hastingspassed through his district of Khyrabad, on his way to the Taraeforest, on a sporting excursion, after the Marhatta war. HakeemMehndee attended him during this excursion, and the Governor-Generalwas so much pleased with his attentions, courteous manners, andsporting propensities, and treated him with so much consideration andkindness, that the minister took the alarm, and determined to get ridof so formidable a rival. He in consequence made the most of thecharge preferred against him, of the murder of Amur Sing; anddemanded an increase of five lacs of rupees a-year, or fourteen lacsof rupees a-year, instead of nine. This Hakeem Mehndee would notconsent to give; and Shekh Imam Buksh was, in 1819, sent to supersedehim, as a temporary arrangement. In 1820, Poorun Dhun, and Govurdhun Dass, merchants of Lucknow, tookthe contract of the two districts at twelve lacs of rupees a-year, oran increase of three lacs; and from that time, under a system ofrack-renting, these districts have been falling off. Mahomdee is nowin a worse state than Khyrabad, because it has had the bad luck toget a worse set of contractors. Hakeem Mehndee retired with hisfamily, first to Shajehanpoor, and then to Futtehgurh, on the Ganges, and resided there, with his family, till June 1830, when he wasinvited back by Nusseer-do Deen Hyder, to assume the office of primeminister. He held the office till August 1832, when he was removed bythe intrigues of the Kumboos, Taj-od Deen Hoseyn, and Sobhan AlleeKhan, who persuaded the King that he was trying to get him removedfrom the throne, by reporting to the British Government the murder ofsome females, which had, it is said, actually taken place in thepalace. Hakeem Mehndee was invited from his retirement by MahomedAllee Shah, and again appointed minister in 1837; but he died threemonths after, on the 24th of December, 1837. During the thirty years which have elapsed since Hakeem Mehndee lostthe contract of Mahomdee, there have been no less than seventeengovernors, fifteen of whom have been contractors; and the districthas gradually declined from what it was, when he left it, to what itwas when he took it--that is from a rent-roll of seven lacs of rupeesa-year, under which all the people were happy and prosperous, to oneof three, under which all the people are wretched. The manager, Krishun Sahae, who has been treated as already described, would, in afew years, have made it what it was when the Hakeem left it, had hebeen made to feel secure in his tenure of office, and properlyencouraged and supported. He had, in the three months he had charge, invited back from our bordering districts hundreds of the bestclasses of landholders and cultivators, who had been driven off bythe rapacity of his predecessor, re-established them in theirvillages and set them to work in good spirit, to restore the landswhich had lain waste from the time they deserted them; and inducedhundreds to convert to sugar-cane cultivation the lands which theyhad destined for humbler crops, in the assurance, of the securitywhich they were to enjoy under his rule. The one class tells me, theymust suspend all labours upon the waste lands till they can learn thecharacter of his successor; and the other, that they must contentthemselves with the humbler crops till they can see whether thericher and more costly ones will be safe from his grasp, or that ofthe agents, whom he may employ to manage the district for him. No manis safe for a moment under such a Government, either in his person, his character, his office, or his possession; and with such a feelingof insecurity among all classes, it is impossible for a country toprosper. * [* Krishun Sahae has been restored, but does not feel secure in histenure of office. ] I may here mention one among the numerous causes of the decline ofthe district. The contract for it was held for a year and half, inA. D. 1847-48, by Ahmed Allee. Feeling insecure in his tenure ofoffice, he wanted to make as much as possible out of things as theywere, and resumed Guhooa, a small rent-free village, yielding fourhundred rupees a-year, held by Bahadur Sing, the tallookdar ofPeepareea, who resides at Pursur. He had recourse to the usual modeof indiscriminate murder and plunder, to reduce Ahmed Allee to terms. At the same time, he resumed the small village of Kombee, yieldingthree hundred rupees a-year, held rent-free by Bhoder Sing, tallookdar of Magdapoor, who resided in Koombee; and, in consequence, he united his band of marauders to that of Bahadur Sing; and togetherthey plundered and burnt to the ground some dozen villages, and laidwaste the purgunnah of Peepareea, which had yielded to Governmenttwenty-five thousand rupees a-year, and contained the sites of onehundred and eight villages, of which, however, only twenty-five wereoccupied. During the greater part of the time that these depredations weregoing on, the two rebels resided in our bordering district ofShajehanpoor, whence they directed the whole. Urgent remonstranceswere addressed to the magistrate of that district, but he requiredjudicial proof of their participation in the crimes, that werecommitted by their followers, upon the innocent and unoffendingpeasantry; and no proof that the contractor could furnish beingdeemed sufficient, he was obliged to consent to restore the rent-freevillages. The lands they made waste, still remain so, and pay norevenue to Government. Saadut Allee Khan (who died in 1814), when sovereign of Oude, wasfond of this place, and used to reside here for many months everyyear. He made a garden, about a mile to the east of the town, upon afine open plain of good soil, and planted an avenue of fine trees allthe way. The trees are now in perfection, but the garden has beenneglected; and the bungalow in the centre, in which he resided, is anentire ruin. He kept a large establishment of men and cattle, forwhich sixty thousand rupees a-year were regularly charged in theaccounts of the manager of the district, through his reign and thoseof Ghazee-od Deen, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, Mahomed Allee Shah, andAmjud Allee Shah, and the first year of the reign of his presentMajesty, Wajid Allee Shah; though, with the exception of two bullocksand two gardeners, the cattle had all disappeared, and the servantsbeen all discharged some thirty years before. In October last, when six guns were required from the great park ofartillery at Lucknow, to be sent out on detached duty with theGungoor Regiment, an inspection of the draft-bullocks took place, andit was found, that the Court favourite who had charge of the park hadmade away with no less than one thousand seven hundred and thirty ofthem, and only twenty could be found to take the guns. He had beencharging for the food of these one thousand seven hundred and thirtyfor a long series of years. On mentioning this fact to a lateminister, he told me of two facts within his own knowledge, illustrative of these sort of charges. This same Court favourite, inthe reign of Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, in 1835, received charge ofsixteen bullocks, of surpassing beauty, which had been presented tothe King, and he was allowed to draw, from the Treasury, a rupee a-day, for the food of each bullock. In the reign of Mahomed Allee Shah, his prudent successor, a musterof all the bullocks was called for, and Ghalib Jung, to whom themuster was intrusted, to spite the favourite, called for thesesixteen bullocks. The favourite had disposed of them, though, hecontinued to draw the allowance; and, to supply their place, he sentto the bazaar and seized sixteen of the bullocks which had that daybrought corn to market. They were presented to Ghalib Jung formuster. He pretended to be very angry, declared that it wasdisgraceful to keep such poor creatures on the King's establishment, and still more so to charge a rupee a-day for the food of each, andordered them to be sold forthwith by auction. Soon after they hadbeen sold, the poor men to whom they belonged came up to claim them, but could never get either the bullocks or their price, nor could thefavourite ever be persuaded to refund any portion of the money he haddrawn for the sixteen he had sold. * [* The favourite, in both these cases, was Anjum-od Dowlah. ] In the early part of the reign of Ghazee-od Deen Hyder, a fine dogfrom the Himmalaya Hills was presented to him, and made over to thecharge of one of the favourites, who drew a rupee a-day for his food. Soon after his Majesty became ill and very irritable, and one daycomplained much of this dog's barking. He was told that the only wayto silence a dog of this description was to give him a seer ofconserve of roses to eat every day, and a bottle of rose-water todrink. His Majesty ordered them to be given forthwith, and his reposewas never after disturbed by the dog's barking. A rupee a-daycontinued to be drawn for these things for the dog for the rest ofthe long reign of Ghazee-od Deen Hyder, and through that of hissuccessor, Nuseer-od Deen, which lasted for ten years, and ended in1837, though the animal had died soon after the order for thesethings was given, or in 1816, and he believed it continued to bedrawn up to the present day. The cantonment at Mahomdee stands between this garden of SaadutAllee's and the town, and this is the best site for any civil ormilitary establishments that may be required at Mahomdee. The Nazimsusually reside in the fort in the town. _February_ 2, 1850. --Halted at Mahomdee. The spring crops around thetown are very fine, and the place is considered to be very healthy. There is, however, some peculiarity in the soil, opposed to thegrowth of the poppy. The cultivators tell me that they have oftentried it; that it is stunted in growth, whatever care be taken of it, and yields but little juice, and that of bad quality, though itattains perfection in the Shahabad and other districts around. Thedoomuteea soil is here esteemed better than the muteear, though itrequires more labour in the tillage. It is said that _mote_ and_mash_, two pulses, do not thrive in the muteear soil so well as inthe doomuteea. _February_ 3, 1850. --Poknapoor, eight miles. We crossed the Goomteeabout midway, over a bridge of boats that had been prepared for us. The boats came up the river thus far for timber, and were detainedfor the occasion. The stream is here narrow, and said to flow from abasin (the phoola talao) in the Tarae forest, some fifty miles to thenorth, at Madhoo Tanda. There is some tillage on the verge of thestream on the other side; but from the river to our tents, fourmiles, there is none. The country is level and well studded withgroves and fine single trees, bur, peepul, mhowa, mango, &c. , butcovered with rank grass. Near the river is a belt of the sakhoo and other forest trees, withunderwood, in which tigers lodge and prey upon the deer, which coverthe grass plain, and frequently upon the bullocks, which are grazedupon it in great numbers. Several bullocks have been killed and eatenby them within the last few days; and an old fakeer, who has for somemonths taken up his lodging on this side the river under a peepul-tree, in a straw hut just big enough to hold him, told us that hefrequently saw them come down to drink in the stream near hislodging. We saw a great many deer in passing, but no tigers. The soilnear the river is sandy, and the ground uneven, but still cultivable;and on this side of the sandy belt it is all level and of the bestkind of doomuteea. Our tents are in a fine grove of mango-trees, inthe midst of a waste, but level and extensive, plain of this soil, not a rood of which is unfit for the plough or incapable of yieldingcrops of the finest quality. It is capable of being made, in two orthree years, a beautiful garden. The single trees, which are scattered all over it, have been shorn oftheir leaves and small branches by the cowherds for their cattle, butthey would all soon clothe themselves again under protection. Thegroves are sufficiently numerous to furnish sites for the villagesand hamlets required. All the large sakhoo-trees have been cut downand taken away on the ground we have come over, which is too near theriver for them to be permitted to attain full size. Not an acre or afoot of the land is oosur, or unfit for tillage. Poknapoor is in theestate of Etowa, which forms part of the pergunnah of Peepareea, towhich Bahadur Sing, the person above described, lays claim. He holdsa few villages round his residence at Pursur; but the pergunnah isunder the management of a Government officer, under the Amil ofMahomdee. The Rajah, Syud Ashruf Allee Khan, of Mahomdee, claims akind of suzerainty over all the district, and over this pergunnah ofPeepareea among the rest. From all the villages tilled and peopled heis permitted to levy an income for himself at the rate of two rupeesa-village. This the people pay with some reluctance, though theyrecognise his right. The zumeendars of Poknapoor are Kunojee Brahmins, who tell me thatthey can do almost everything in husbandry save holding their ownploughs: they can drive their own harrows and carts, reap their owncrops, and winnow and tread out their own corn; but if they oncecondescend to _hold their own ploughs_ they sink in grade, and haveto pay twice as much as they now pay for wives for their sons fromthe same families, and take half of what they now take for theirdaughters from the same families, into which they now marry them. They have, they say, been settled in these pergunnahs, north-east ofthe Goomtee River, for fifty-two generations as farmers andcultivators; and their relatives, who still remain at Aslamabad, avillage one koss south-east of Mahomdee, which was the first abode ofthe tribe in Oude, have been settled there for no less than eighty-four generations. They form village communities, dividing the landsamong the several members, and paying over and above the Governmentdemand a liberal allowance to the head of the village and of thefamily settled in it, to maintain his respectability and to cover therisk and cost of management, either in kind, in money, or in an extrashare of the land. The lands of Poknapoor are all divided into two equal shares, oneheld by _Dewan_ and the other by _Ramnath_, who were both among thepeople with whom I conversed. Teekaram, who has a share in Dewan'shalf, mentioned that about thirteen years ago the Amil, KhwajaMahmood, wanted to increase the rate of the Government demand on thevillage from the four hundred, which they had long paid, to fourhundred and fifty; that they refused to pay, and Hindoo Sing, theRajpoot tallookdar of Rehreea, one koss east of Poknapoor, offered totake the lease at four hundred and fifty, and got it. They refused topay, and he, at the head of his gang of armed followers, attacked, plundered, and burnt down the village, and killed his, Teekaram's, brother Girdharee, with his two sons, and inflicted three severe cutsof a sabre on the right arm of his wife, who is now a widow amongthem. Hindoo Sing's object was to make this village a permanentaddition to his estate; but, to his surprise, the Durbar took seriousnotice of the outrage, and he fled into the Shajehanpoor district, where he was seized by the magistrate, Mr. Buller, and made over tothe Oude authorities for trial. He purchased his escape from them inthe usual way; but soon after offered to surrender to the collector, Aboo Torab Khan, on condition of pardon for all past offences. The collector begged the Brahmins to consent to pardon him for themurders, on condition of getting from Hindoo Sing some fifty beeghasof land, out of his share in Rehreea. They said they would notconsent to take five times the quantity of the land among such aturbulent set; but should be glad to get a smaller quantity, rent-free, in their own village, for the widow of Girdharee. The collectorgave them twenty-five beeghas, or ten acres, in Poknapoor; and thisland Teekaram still holds, and out of the produce supports the poorwidow. A razenamah, or pardon, was given by the family, and HindooSing has ever since lived in peace upon his estate, The lease of thevillage was restored to the Brahmin family, at the reduced rate oftwo hundred and fifty, but soon after raised to four hundred, andagain reduced to two hundred and fifty, after the devastation ofBahadur Sing and Bhoder Sing. These industrious and unoffending Brahmins say that since theseRajpoot landholders came among them, many generations ago, there hasnever been any peace in the district, except during the time thatHakeem Mehndee held the contract, when the whole plain that now lieswaste became a beautiful _chummun_ (parterre); that since hisremoval, as before his appointment, all has been confusion; that theRajpoot landholders are always quarrelling either among themselves orwith the local Government authorities; and, whatever be the nature orthe cause of quarrel, they always plunder and murder, indiscriminately, the unoffending communities of the villages around, in order to reduce these authorities to their terms; that when theseRajpoot landholders leave them in peace, the contractors seize theopportunity to increase the Government demand, and bring among themthe King's troops, who plunder them just as much as the rebellandholders, though they do not often murder them in the samereckless manner. They told me that the hundreds of their relativeswho had gone off during the disorders and taken lands, or foundemployment in our bordering districts, would be glad to return totheir own lands, groves, and trees, in Oude, if they saw theslightest chance of protection, and the country would soon becomeagain the beautiful parterre which Hakeem Mehndee left it thirtyyears ago, instead of the wilderness in which they were now sowretched; that they ventured to cultivate small patches here andthere, not far from each other, but were obliged to raise smallplatforms, upon high poles, in every field, and sit upon them allnight, calling out to each other, in a loud voice, to keep up theirspirits, and frighten off the deer which swarmed upon the grassplain, and would destroy the whole of the crops in one night, if leftunprotected; that they were obliged to collect large piles of woodaround each platform, and keep them burning all night, to prevent thetigers from carrying off the men who sat upon them; that their liveswere wretched amidst this continual dread of man and beast, but thesoil and climate were good, and the trees and groves planted by theirforefathers were still standing and dear to them; and they hoped, nowthat the Resident had come among them, to receive, at no distant day, the protection they required. This alone is required to render thisthe most beautiful portion of Oude, and Oude the most beautifulportion of India. _February_ 4, 1850. --Gokurnath, thirteen miles, north-east, over alevel plain of the same fine muteear soil, here and there runninginto doomuteea and bhoor, but in no case into oosur. The first twomiles over the grass plain, and the next four through a belt offorest trees, with rank grass and underwood, abounding in game of allkinds, and infested by tigers. Bullocks are often taken by them, butmen seldom. The sal (_alias_ sakhoo) trees are here stunted, gnarled, and ugly, while in the Tarae forest they are straight, lofty, andbeautiful. The reason is, that beyond the forest their leaves arestripped off and sold for _plates_. They are carried to distanttowns, and stored up for long periods, to form breakfast and dinnerplates, and the people in the country use hardly anything else. Plates are formed of them by sewing them together, when required; andthey become as pliable as leather, even after being kept for a yearor more, by having a little water sprinkled over them. They are long, wide, and tough, and well suited to the purpose. All kinds of foodare put upon them, and served up to the family and guests. The cattledo not eat them, as they do leaves of the peepul, bur, neem, &c. Thesakhoo, when not preserved, is cut down, when young, for beams, rafters, &c. , required in building. In the Tarae forest, theproprietors of the lands on which they stand preserve them till theyattain maturity, for sale to the people of the plains; and they aretaken down the Ghagra and other rivers that flow through the forestto the Ganges, and vast numbers are sold in the Calcutta market. Thefine tall sakhoos in the Tarae forest are called "sayer"; theknotted, stunted, and crooked shakoos, beyond the forest, are called"khohurs. " There are but few teak (or sagwun) trees in this part ofthe Tarae forest. The country is everywhere studded with the samefine groves and single trees, and requires only tillage to become agarden. From the belt of jungle to our camp at Gokurnath, sevenmiles, the road runs over an open grass plain, with here and there afield of corn. The sites of villages are numerous, but few of themare occupied at present. All are said to have been in a flourishingstate, and filled by a happy peasantry, when Hakeem Mehndee lost thegovernment. Since that time these villages and hamlets havediminished by degrees, in proportion as the rapacity of thecontractors and the turbulence of the Rajpoot landholders haveincreased. The first village we passed through, after emerging from the belt ofjungle, was Pureylee, which is held and occupied by a large family ofcultivating proprietors of the Koormee caste. Up to the year 1847, ithad for many years been in a good condition, and paid a revenue oftwo thousand rupees a-year to Government. In that year Ahmud Allee, the collector, demanded a thousand more. They could not pay this, andhe sold all their bullocks and other stock to make up the demand; thelands became waste as usual; and Lonee Sing, of Mitholee, offered thenext contractor one thousand rupees a-year for the lease, and got it. The village has now been permanently absorbed in his estate, in theusual way; and, as the Koormees are a peaceful body, they havequietly acquiesced in the arrangement, and get all the aid theyrequire from their new landlord. Before this time they had held theirlands, as proprietors, directly under Government. From allodial*proprietors they are become feudal tenants under a powerful Rajpootchief. [* By allodial, I mean, lands held in proprietary right, immediatelyunder the crown, but liable to the land-tax. ] CHAPTER III. Lonee Sing, of the Ahbun Rajpoot tribe--Dispute between RajahBukhtawar Sing, and a servant of one of his relatives--Cultivationalong the border of the Tarae forest--Subdivision of land among theAhbun families--Rapacity of the king's troops, and establishments ofall kinds--Climate near the Tarae--Goitres--Not one-tenth of thecultivable lands cultivated, nor one-tenth of the villages peopled--Criterion of good tillage--Ratoon crops--Manure available--Khyrabaddistrict better peopled and cultivated than that of Mahomdee, but thesoil over-cropped--Blight--Rajah Ajeet Sing and his estate ofKhymara--Ousted by collusion and bribery--Anrod Sing of Oel, andLonee Sing--State of Oude forty years ago compared with its presentstate--The Nazim of the Khyrabad district--Trespasses of hisfollowers--Oel Dhukooa--_Khalsa_ lands absorbed by the Rajpootbarons--Salarpoor--Sheobuksh Sing of Kuteysura--_Bhulmunsee_, orproperty-tax--Beautiful groves of Lahurpoor--Residence of the Nazim--Wretched state of the force with the Nazim--Gratuities paid byofficers in charge of districts, whether in contract or trust--RajahArjun Sing's estate of Dhorehra--Hereditary gang-robbers of the OudeTarae suppressed--Mutiny of two of the King's regiments at Bhitolee--Their rapacity and oppression--Singers and fiddlers who govern theKing--Why the Amils take all their troops with them when they move--Seetapoor, the cantonment of one of the two regiments of Oude LocalInfantry--Sipahees not equal to those in Magness's, Barlow's, andBunbury's, or in our native regiments of the line--Why--The princeMomtaz-od Dowlah--Evil effects of shooting monkeys--Doolaree, _alias_Mulika Zumanee--Her history, and that of her son and daughter. Lonee Sing, who visited me yesterday afternoon with a respectabletrain, has, in this and other ways less creditable, increased hisestate of _Mitholee_ from a rent-roll of forty to one of one hundredand fifty thousand rupees a-year, out of which he pays fifty thousandto Government, and he is considered one of its best subjects. He is, as above stated, of the Ahbun Rajpoot clan, and a shrewd andenergetic man. The estate was divided into six shares. It had formedone under Rajah Davey Sing, whose only brother, Bhujun Sing, livedunited with him, and took what he chose to give him for his ownsubsistence and that of his family. Davey Sing died without issue, leaving the whole estate to his brother, Bhujun Sing, who had twosons, Dul Sing and Maun Sing, among whom he divided the estate. * DulSing had six sons, but Maun Sing had none. He, however, adoptedBhowanee Sing, to whom he left his portion of the estate. Dul Sing'sshare became subdivided among his six sons; but Khunjun Sing, the sonof his eldest son, when he became head of the family, got together alarge force, with some guns, and made use of it in the usual way byseizing upon the lands of his weaker neighbours. He attacked hisnephew, Bhowanee Sing, and took all his lands; and got, on onepretence or another, the greater part of those of his otherrelatives. [* _Mitholee_ contains the sites of one thousand four hundred andeighty-six villages, only one-third of which are now occupied. ] He died without issue, leaving his possessions and military force toLonee Sing, his brother, who continued to pursue the same course. In1847 he, with one thousand armed men and five guns, attacked hiscousin, Monnoo Sing, of Mohlee, the head of the family of the fourthson of Dul Sing, killed four and wounded two persons; and, incollusion with the local governor, seized upon all his estate. Redress was sought for in vain; and as I was passing near, MonnooSing and his brother Chotee Sing came to me at Mahomdee to complain. Monnoo Sing remained behind sick at Mahomdee; but Chotee Singfollowed me on. He rode on horseback behind my elephant, and I madehim give me the history of his family as I went along, and told himto prepare for me a genealogical table, and an account of the mode inwhich Lonee Sing had usurped the different estates of the othermembers of the family. This he gave to me on the road betweenPoknapoor and Gokurnath by one of his belted attendants, who, afterhanding it up to me on the elephant, ran along under the nose ofRajah Bukhtawur Sing's fine chestnut horse without saying a word. I asked the Rajah whether he knew Lonee Sing? "Yes, " said he;"everybody knows him: he is one of the ablest, best, and mostsubstantial men in Oude; and he keeps his estate in excellent order, and is respected by all people. "--"Except his own relations, " saidthe belted attendant; "these he robs of all they have, and nobodyinterposes to protect them, because he has become wealthy, and theyhave become poor!" "My good fellow, " said the Rajah, "he has onlytaken what they knew not how to hold, and with the sanction of theKing's servants. "--"Yes, " replied the man, "he has got the sanctionof the King's servants, no doubt, and any one who can pay for it mayget that now-a-days to rob others of the King's subjects. Has notLonee Sing robbed all his cousins of their estates, and added them tohis own, and thereby got the means of bribing the King's servants tolet him do what he likes?" "What, " said the Rajah, with someasperity, "should you, a mere soldier, know about State affairs? Doyou suppose that all the members of any family can be equal? Mustthere not be a head to all families to keep the rest in order?Nothing goes on well in families or governments where all are equal, and there is no head to guide; and the head must have the means toguide the rest. "--"True, " said the belted attendant, "all can't beequal in the rule of States; but in questions of private right, between individuals and subjects, the case is different; and theruler should give to every one his due, and prevent the strong fromrobbing the weak. I have five fingers in my hand: they serve me, andI treat them all alike. I do not let one destroy or molest theother. " "I tell you, " said the Rajah, with increasing asperity, "thatthere must be heads of families as well as heads of States, or allwould be confusion; and Lonee Sing is right in all that he has done. Don't you see what a state his district is in, now that he has takenthe management of the whole upon himself? I dare say all the wastethat we see around us has arisen from the want of such heads offamilies. "--"You know, " said the man, "that this waste has beencaused by the oppression of the King's officers, and their disorderlyand useless troops, and the strong striving to deprive the weak oftheir rights. " "You know nothing about these matters, " said the Rajah, still moreangrily. "The wise and strong are everywhere striving to subdue theweak and ignorant, in order that they may manage what they holdbetter than they can. Don't you see how the British Government aregoing on, taking country after country year after year, in order tomanage them better than they were managed under others? and don't yousee how these countries thrive under their strong and justGovernment? Do you think that God would permit them to go on as theydo unless he thought that it was for the good of the people who comeunder their rule?" Turning to me, the Rajah continued: "When I wasone day riding over the country with Colonel Low, the then Resident, as I now ride with you, sir, he said, with a sigh, 'In this countryof Oude what darkness prevails! No one seems to respect the right ofanother; and every one appears to be grasping at the possessions ofhis neighbour, without any fear of God or the King'--'True, sir, 'said I; 'but do you not see that it is the necessary order of things, and must be ordained by Providence? Is not your Government going ontaking country after country, and benefiting all it takes? And willnot Providence prosper their undertakings as long as they do so? Themoment they come to a stand, all will be confusion. Sovereigns cannotstand still, sir; the moment _their bellies are full_ (their ambitionceases), they and the countries they govern retrograde. No sovereignin India, sir, that has any regard for himself or his country, canwith safety sit down and say that _his belly is full_ (that he has nofurther ambition of conquest): he must go on to the last. '"* [* The Rajah's reasoning was drawn from the practice in Oude, ofseizing upon the possessions of weaker neighbours, by means of gangsof robbers. The man who does this, becomes the slave of his gangs, asthe imperial robber, who seizes upon smaller states by means of hisvictorious armies, becomes their slave, and, ultimately, theirvictim, The history of India is nothing more than the biography ofsuch men, and the Rajah has read no other. ] The poor belted attendant of Chotee Sing was confounded with thelogic and eloquence of the old Rajah, and said nothing more; andChotee Sing himself kept quietly behind on his horse, with his earswell wrapped up in warm cloth, as the morning was very cold, and hewas not well. He looked very grave, and evidently thought the Rajahhad outlived his understanding. But the fact is that the Rajah has, by his influence at Court, taken all the lands held by his two eldernephews, Rughbur Sing and Ramadeen, and made them over to theiryoungest brother, Maun Sing, whom he has adopted, made his heir, andthe head of the family. He has, in consequence, for the present astrong fellow-feeling with Lonee Sing; and, in all this oration atleast, "his wishes were father to his thoughts. " The sharpest retort that I remember ever having had myself was givento me by a sturdy and honest old landholder of the middle class, whomI had known for a quarter of a century on the bank of the Nerbudda, in 1843. During the insurrection in the Saugor and Nerbuddaterritories, which commenced in 1842, I was sent down by theGovernor-General Lord Ellenborough to ascertain if possible thecauses which had led to it. I conversed freely with the landholders, and people of all classes in the valley, who had been plundered bythe landed aristocracy of the jungles on the borders, and had oneafternoon some fifty in my tent seated on the carpet. After a gooddeal of talk about the depredations of the jungle barons upon thepeople of the cultivated plains, and remonstrance at the want ofsupport on their part to the Government officers, I said to UmraoSing, one of the most sturdy and honest among them, "Why did youwithhold from the local officers the information which you must havehad of the movements and positions of the rebels and their followers, who were laying the country waste? In no part of India have thefarmers and cultivators been more favoured in light assessments andprotection to life and property; but there are some men who never canbe satisfied; give them what you will, they will always be cravingafter more. "--"True, sir, " said Umrao Sing, looking me steadily inthe face, and with the greatest possible gravity, "there are somepeople who never can be satisfied, give them what you will. Give themthe whole of Hindoostan, and they will go off to Kabul to take more!" There was a pause, during which all looked very grave, for theythought that the old man had exceeded the bounds of the privilege hehad long enjoyed of expressing his thoughts freely to Europeangentlemen; and Umrao Sing continued: "The fact is, sir, that afteryou had, by good government, made us all happy and prosperous, andproud to display the wealth we had acquired on our persons, and inour houses and villages, you withdrew all your troops from among us, and left us a prey to the wild barons of the hills and jungles on ourborders, whose families had risen to wealth, distinction, and largelanded possessions under former misrule and disorder, and who arealways longing for the return of such disorders, that they may havesome chance of recovering the consequence and influence which theyhave lost under a settled and strong Government: they saw that yourtroops had been taken off for distant conquests, and heard of nothingbut defeats and disasters, and readily persuaded themselves that yourrule was at an end; for what could men, born and bred in the jungles, know of your resources to retrieve such disasters? "After the Mahratta war, in 1817, you prohibited the people of yournewly-acquired districts from carrying arms, not dreaming that theonly persons who would obey or regard your order were the peacefullandholders and peasantry of the plains, who were satisfied with yourGovernment, and anxious for its duration, but exposed to the envy andhatred of the Gond and Lodhee chiefs, who occupied the hills andjungles on their borders. "When they came down upon us, you had no means left to protect us;and having no longer any arms or any experience of the use of them, after a quarter of a century of peace, we were unable to defend ourvillages, our houses, or our families; if we attempted to defendthem, we and our families were killed; if we did not, we were robbedand threatened with death, if we gave you information to theirprejudice. We saw that they could carry their threats into execution, for your local officers had not the means to protect us from theirvengeance, and we suffered in silence; but you must not infer fromthis that we were tired of your rule, or pleased with theirdepredations; all here can testify that we longed for the return ofyour strength and their downfal. It is true, however, " added he, "that the new European officers placed over us did not treat us withthe same courtesy and consideration as the old ones, or seem toentertain the same kindly feeling towards us; and our communion withthem was less free and cordial. " All approved of my old friend's speech, and declared that he hadgiven expression to the thoughts and feelings of all present, and ofall the people of the plains, who lived happily under our rule, andprayed earnestly for its duration. The portion of the estate ofMitholee, held by Lonee Sing, now contains the sites of six hundredand four villages, about one-half of which are occupied; four hundredand eighty-four of these lie in the Mahomdee district, and onehundred and twenty in that of Khyrabad. The number and names of thevillages are still kept up in the accounts. _February_ 5, 1850. --Kurrunpoor Mirtaha, ten miles over a plain offine muteear soil, scantily cultivated, but bearing excellent springcrops where it is so. Not far from our last camp at Gokurnath, weentered a belt of jungle three miles wide, consisting chiefly ofstunted, knotty, and crooked sakhoo trees, with underwood and rankchopper grass. This belt of jungle is the same we passed through, asabove described, between Poknapoor and Gokurnath. It runs from thegreat forest to the north, a long way down south-east, into theKhyrabad district. From this belt to our present ground, six miles, the road passes over a fine plain, nine-tenths of which is coveredwith this grass, but studded with mango-groves and fine single trees. The forest runs along to the north of our road--which lay east--fromone to three miles distant, and looked very like a continued mango-grove. The level plain of rich soil extends up through the forest tothe foot of the hills, and is all the way capable of the finestcultivation. Here and there the soil runs into light doomuteea; andin some few parts even into bhoor, in proportion as the sand abounds;but generally the soil is the fine muteear, and very fertile. Thewhole plain is said to have been in cultivation thirty years ago, when Hakeem Mehndee held the contract; but the tillage has beenfalling off ever since, under the bad or oppressive management ofsuccessive contractors. The estate through which we have been passing is called Bharwara, andcontains the sites of nine hundred and eighty-nine villages, aboutone-tenth of which are now occupied. The landholders are all of theAhbun Rajpoot tribe; but a great part of them have become Musulmans. They live together, however, though of different creeds, in tolerableharmony; and eat together on occasions of ceremony, though not fromthe same dishes. No member of the tribe ever forfeited hisinheritance by changing his creed. Nor did any one of them, Ibelieve, ever change his creed, except to retain his inheritance, liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off toseparate those of the party who are Hindoos from those who areMusulmans. The Musulmans have Mahommedan names, and the HindoosHindoo names; but both still go by the common patronymic name ofAhbuns. The Musulmans marry into Musulman families, and the Hindoosinto Hindoo families of the highest castes, Chouhans, Rathores, Rykwars, Janwars, &c. Of course all the children are of the samereligion and caste as their parents. They tell me that the conversionof their ancestors was effected by force, under a prince or chiefcalled "Kala Pahar. " This must have been Mahommed Firmally, _alias_Kala Pahar--to whom his uncle Bheilole, King of Delhi, left thedistrict of Bahraetch as a separate inheritance a short time beforehis death, which took place A. D. 1488. This conversion seems to havehad the effect of doing away with the murder of female infants in theAhbun families who are still Hindoos; for they could not get theMusulman portion of the tribe to associate with them if theycontinued it. The estate of Bharwara is divided into four parts, Hydrabad, Hurunpoor, Aleegunge, and Sekunderabad. Each division is subdividedinto parts, each held by a separate branch of the family; and thesubdivision of these parts is still going on, as the heads of theseveral branches of the family die, and leave more than one son. Thepresent head of the Ahbun family is Mahommed Hussan Khan, a Musulman, who resides in his fort in the village of Julalpoor, near the roadover which we passed. The small fort is concealed within, andprotected by a nice bamboo-fence that grows round it. He holds twelvevillages rent free, as _nankar_, and pays revenue for all the restthat compose his share of the great estate. The heads of families whohold the other shares enjoy in the same manner one or more villagesrent free, as _nankar_. These are all well cultivated, and contain agreat many cultivators of the best classes, such as Koormees, Lodhies, and Kachies. We passed through one of them, Kamole, and I had a good deal of talkwith the people, who were engaged in pressing out the juice of sugar-cane. They told me that the juice was excellent, and that the syrupmade from it was carried to the district of Shajehanpoor, in theBritish territory, to be made into sugar. Mahommed Hussan Khan cameup, as I was talking with the people, and joined in the conversation. All seemed to be delighted with the opportunity of entering so freelyinto conversation with a British Resident who understood farming, andseemed to take so much interest in their pursuits. I congratulatedthe people on being able to keep so many of their houses well coveredwith grass-choppers; but they told me, "that it was with infinitedifficulty they could keep them, or anything else they had, from thegrasp of the local authorities and the troops and camp-followers whoattended them, and desolated the country like a flock of locusts;that they are not only plundered but taxed by them--first, thesipahees take their choppers, beams, and rafters off their houses--then the people in charge of artillery bullocks and other cattle takeall their stores of bhoosa, straw, &c. , and threaten to turn thecattle loose on their fields, if not paid a gratuity--the people whohave to collect fuel for the camp (bildars) take all their stores ofwood, and doors and windows also, if not paid for their redemption--then the people in charge of elephants and camels threaten to denudeof their leaves and small branches all the peepul, burgut, and othertrees most sacred and dear to them, near their homes, unless paid fortheir forbearance; and--though last, not least--men, women, andchildren are seized, not only to carry the plunder and other burthensgratis for sipahees and servants of all kinds and grades, and camp-followers, but to be robbed of their clothes, and made to pay ransomsto get back, while all the plough-bullocks are put in requisition todraw the guns which the King's bullocks are unable to drawthemselves. In short, that the approach of King's servants is dreadedas one of the greatest calamities that can befal them. " I should here mention, that all the Telinga regiments, fourteen innumber, are allowed tents and hackeries to carry them. The way inwhich the bullocks of such carts are provided with fodder has beenalready mentioned; but no tents or conveyance of any kind are allowedfor the Nujeeb corps, thirty-two in number. Whenever they move (andthey are almost always moving), they seize whatever conveyance andshelter they require from the people of the country around. Eachbattalion, even in its ordinary incomplete state, requires fourhundred or five hundred porters, besides carts, bullocks, horses, ponies, &c. Men, women, and children, of all classes, are seized, andmade to carry the baggage, arms, accoutrements, and cages of petbirds, belonging to the officers and sipahees of these corps. Theyare stripped of their clothes, confined, and starved from the timethey are seized; and as it is difficult to catch people to relievethem along the road, they are commonly taken on two or three stages. If they run away, they forfeit all their clothes which remain in thehands of the sipahees; and a great many die along the road offatigue, hunger, and exposure to the sun. Numerous cruel instances ofthis have been urged by me on the notice of the King, but without anygood effect. The line of march of one of these corps is like the roadto the temple of Juggurnaut! When the corps is about to move, detachments are sent out to seize conveyance of all kinds; and forone cart required and taken, fifty are seized, and released for adonation in proportion to their value, the respectability of theproprietors, and the necessity for their employment at home at thetime. The sums thus extorted by detachments they share with theirofficers, or they would never be again sent on such lucrativeservice. It appears that in this part of Oude the people have not for manyyears suffered so much from the depredations of the refractorylandholders as in other parts; and that the desolate state of thedistrict arises chiefly from the other three great evils that afflictOude--the rack-renting of the contractors; the divisions they createand foster among landholders; and the depredations of the troops andcamp-followers who attend them. But the estate has become muchsubdivided, and the shareholders from this cause, and the oppressionof the contractors, have become poor and weak; and the neighbouringlandholders of the Janwar and other Rajpoot tribes have takenadvantage of their weakness to seize upon a great many of their bestvillages. Out of Kurumpoor, within the last nine years, Anorud Sing, of Oel, a Janwar Rajpoot, in collusion with local authorities, hastaken twelve; and Umrao Sing, of Mahewa, of the same tribe, has takeneighteen, making twenty villages from the Kurumpoor division. Theselandholders reside in the Khyrabad district, which adjoins that ofMahomdee, near our present camp. The people everywhere praise the climate--they appear robust andenergetic, and no sickness prevails, though many of the villages arevery near the forest. The land on which the forest stands contains, in the ruins of well-built towns and fortresses, unquestionable signsof having once been well cultivated and thickly peopled: and it wouldsoon become so again under good government. There is nothing in thesoil to produce sickness; and, I believe, the same soil prevails upthrough the forest to the hills. Sickness would, no doubt, prevailfor some years, till the underwood and all the putrid leaves shouldbe removed. The water that stagnates over them, and percolatesthrough the soil into the wells, from which the people drink, and theexhalations which arise from them and taint the air, confined by thedense mass of forest trees, underwood, and high grass, are, Ibelieve, the chief cause of the diseases which prevail in this beltof jungle. It is however remarkable, that there are two unhealthy seasons in theyear in this forest--one at the latter end of the rains in August, September, and October, and the other before the rains begin to fallin the latter part of April, the whole of May, and part of June. Thediseases in the latter are, I believe, more commonly fatal than theyare in the former; and are considered by the people to arise solelyfrom the poisonous quality of the water, which is often found inwells to be covered with a thin crust of petrolium. Diseases of thesame character prevail at the same two seasons in the jungles, abovethe sources of the Nerbudda and Sohun rivers, and are ascribed by thepeople to the same causes--those which take place after the rains, tobad air; and those which take place immediately before the rains, after the cold and dry seasons, to bad water. The same petrolium, orliquid bitumen, is found floating on the spring waters in the hotseason, when the most fatal diseases break out in the jungles, aboutthe sources of the Nerbudda and Sohun, as in the Oude Tarae; and, inboth places, the natives appear to me to be right in attributing themto the water; but whether the poisonous quality of the water beimparted to it by bitumen from below, or by the putrid leaves of theforest trees from above, is uncertain; the people drink from thebituminous spring waters at this season, as well as from stagnantpools in the beds of small rivers, which have ceased to flow duringpart of the Cold, and the whole of the hot, season. These poolsbecome filled with the leaves of the forest trees which hang overthem. The bitumen, in all the jungles to which I refer, arises, I believe, from the _coal measures_, pressed down by the overlying masses ofsandstone strata, common to both the Himmalaya chain of mountainsover the Tarae forest, and the Vendeya and Sathpoor ranges of hillsat the sources of the Nerbudda and Sohun rivers. It is, however, possible that the water of these stagnant pools, tainted by theputrid leaves, may impart its poison through the medium of the air inexhalations; and I have known European officers, who were neverconscious of having drunk either of the waters above described, takethe fever (owl) in the month of May in the Tarae, and in a few hoursbecome raving mad. These tainted waters may possibly act in bothways--directly, and through the medium of the air. While on the subject of the causes or sources of disease, I maymention two which do not appear to me to have been sufficientlyconsidered and provided against in India. First, when a newcantonment is formed and occupied in haste, during or after acampaign, terraces are formed of the new earth dug up on the spot toelevate the dwellings of officers and soldiers from the ground, whichmay possibly become flooded in the rains; and over the piles of freshearth officers commonly form wooden floors for their rooms to securethem from the damp, new earth. Between this earth and the woodenfloor a small space of a foot or two is commonly left. The new earth, thus thrown up from places that may not have been dug or ploughed forages, absorbs rapidly the oxygen from the air above, and gives outcarbonic acid, nitrogen and hydrogen gases, which render the airabove unfit for men to breathe. This noxious air accumulates in thespace below the wooden floor, and, passing through the crevices, isbreathed by the officers and soldiers as they sleep. Between the two campaigns against Nepal in 1814 and 1815, the brigadein which my regiment served formed such a cantonment at Nathpoor, onthe right bank of the river Coosee. The land which these cantonmentsoccupied had been covered with a fine sward on which cattle grazedfor ages, and was exceedingly rich in decayed vegetable and animalmatter. The place had been long remarked for its salubrity by theindigo-planters and merchants of all kinds who resided there; and onthe ground which my regiment occupied there was a fine pucka-house, which the officer commanding the brigade and some of his staffoccupied. In the rains the whole plain, being very flat, was oftencovered with water, and thousands of cattle grazed upon it during thecold and hot seasons. The officers all built small bungalows forthemselves on the plan above described; and the medical officers allthought that they had, in doing so, taken all possible precautions. The men were provided with huts, as much as possible on the sameplan. These dwellings were all ready before the rains set in, andofficers and soldiers were in the finest state of health and spirits. In the middle and latter part of the rains, officers and men began tosuffer from a violent fever, which soon rendered the Europeanofficers and soldiers delirious, and prostrated the native officersand sipahees; so that three hundred of my own regiment, consisting ofabout seven hundred, were obliged to be sent to their homes on sickleave. The greater number of those who remained continued to suffer, and a great many died. Of about ten European officers present with myregiment, seven had the fever, and five died of it, almost all in astate of delirium. I was myself one of the two who survived, and Iwas for many days delirious. Of the medical officers of the brigade, the only one, I believe, whoescaped the fever was Adam Napier, who, with his wife and children, occupied apartments in the brigadier's large pucka-house. Not aperson who resided in that house was attacked by the fever. There wasanother pucka-house a little way from the cantonments, close to thebank of the river, occupied by an indigo-planter, a Mr. Ross. No onein that house suffered. The fever was confined to those who occupiedthe houses and huts which I have described. All the brigade sufferedmuch, but my regiment, then the first battalion of the 12th Regiment, and now the 12th Regiment, suffered most; and it was stationed on thesoil which had remained longest unturned and untilled on what hadbeen considered a park round the pucka-house, in which the brigadierresided. I believe that I am right in attributing this sicknessexclusively to the circumstances which I have mentioned; and I amafraid that, during the thirty-five years that have since elapsed, similar circumstances have continued to produce similar results. I ammyself persuaded, that had the sward remained unbroken, and thehouses and huts been raised upon it, over wooden platforms placedupon it, to secure officers and men from the damp ground, there wouldhave been little or no sickness in that brigade. The second of the two causes or sources of disease, to which I refer, is the insufficient room which is allowed for the accommodation ofour European troops in India. Within the room assigned for the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, they soon exhaust the atmospherearound of its oxygen or vital air, while they expire or exhalecarbonic acid, nitrogen and hydrogen gases, which render italtogether unfit to sustain animal life; and death or disease mustsoon overtake those who inhale or inspire it. I may illustrate this by a fact within my own observation. In 1817, aflank battalion of six hundred European soldiers was formed atAllahabad, where I then was with my regiment to escort the Governor-General the Marquess of Hastings. With these six hundred soldiersthere were thirty-two European officers. The soldiers and non-commissioned officers were put into the barracks in the fort, wherethey had not sufficient room. The commissioned officers resided inbungalows in the cantonments, or in tents on the open plain. The menwere effectually prevented from exposing themselves to the sun, andfrom indulging in any kind of intemperance, and every possible carewas taken of them. The commissioned officers lived as they liked, denied themselves no indulgence, and were driving about all day, andevery day, in sun and rain, to visit each other and their friends. Afever, similar to that above described, broke out among the soldiersand non-commissioned officers in the fort, and great numbers died. Ofthe six hundred, only sixteen escaped the fever. When too late, theywere removed from the fort into tents on the plain. From that day thedeaths diminished, and the sick began to recover. Of the thirty-twocommissioned officers, only one, I think, was ever sick at all, andhis sickness was of a kind altogether different; and, it isimpossible to resist the conclusion, that the non-commissionedofficers and soldiers got their disease from want of sufficient room, and, consequently, of sufficient pure air to breathe. Subsequentexperience has, I believe, tended to confirm the conclusion; and, Imay safely say, that more European soldiers have died from adisregard of it, than from all the wars that we have had within thethirty-three years that have since elapsed. The cause is still inoperation, and continues to produce the same fatal results, and willcontinue to do so till we change the system of accommodating ourEuropean troops in India. The buildings in which they are lodged should all have thatched ortiled roofs, through which the hot and impure air, which has beenalready breathed, may pass, and be replaced within by the pure air ofthe atmosphere around, instead of roofs of pucka-masonry whichconfine this air to be breathed over again by the people within; anddouble or quadruple the space now allowed to each man should begiven. At the cost now incurred in providing them with thisinsufficient room, under roofs of pucka-masonry, they could beprovided with four times the space, under roofs of thatch and tiles, which would be so much more safe and suitable. The state of the Bharwara district may be illustrated by that of oneof its four divisions or mahals, Alleegunge. In the last year ofHakeem Mehudee's role (1818), this division was assessed at onehundred and thirty-eight thousand rupees, with the full consent ofthe people, who were all thriving and happy. The assessment was, indeed, made by the heads of the principal Ahbun families of thedistrict, with Mahommed Hussan Khan as chief assessor. One hundredand thirty-two thousand were collected, and six thousand wereremitted in consequence of a partial failure of the crops. Last year, by force and violence, the landholders of this division were made toagree to an assessment upon the lands in tillage of ten thousand andfive hundred rupees, of which not six thousand can be collected. Theother three divisions are in the same state. Not one-tenth of theland is in tillage, nor are one-tenth of the villages peopled. Thesoil is really the finest that I have seen in India; and I have seenno part of India in which so small a portion of the surface is unfitfor tillage. The moisture rises to the surface just as it isrequired; and a tolerable crop is got by a poor man who cannot affordto keep a plough, and merely burns down the grass and digs thesurface with his spade, or pickaxe, before he sows the seed. Generally, however, the tillage, in the portion cultivated, is verygood. The surface is ploughed and cross-ploughed from six to twenty, or even thirty, times in the season; and the harrow and roller areoften applied till every clod is pulverized to dust. The test of first-rate preparation for the seed is that a ghurra, orearthen pitcher, full of water, let fall upon the field from a man'shead, shall not break. The clods in the muteear soil are sopulverised only in the fields that are to be irrigated, or to thesurface of which moisture rises from below as the weather becomeswarm. The people say that it does so rise when required in land evena good way from the forest, and that the clods are, in consequence, not necessary to retain it. This is the only part of India in which Ihave known the people take ratoon, or second crops of sugar-cane fromthe same roots; and the farmers and cultivators tell me that thesecond crop is almost as good as the first. The fields in tillage arewell supplied with manure, which is very abundant where so large aportion of the surface is waste; and affords such fine pasture. Theyare also well watered, for the water is near the surface, and in thetight muteear soil a kutcha well, or well without masonry, will standgood for twenty seasons. To make pucka-wells, or wells lined withburnt bricks and cement, would be costly. Each well of this kindcosts about one hundred rupees. The kutcha-wells, which are linedwith nothing, or with thick ropes of twigs and straw, cost only fromfive to ten rupees. The people tell me that oppression and povertyhave made them less fastidious than they were formerly; that formerlyit was considered disgraceful to plough with buffaloes, or to usethem in carts, but they are now in common use for both purposes; thatvast numbers of the Kunojee Brahmins and others, who could notformerly drive their own ploughs, drive them now; and that all willin time condescend to do so, as the penalties of higher payments withand for daughters in marriage cease to be exacted from men whosenecessities have become so pressing. _March_ 6, 1850. **--Halted at Kurunpoor, where the gentlemen of mycamp shot some floricans, hares, partridges, and a porcupine alongthe bank of the small river Ole, which flows along from north-west tosouth-east within three miles of Kurunpoor. [** Transcriber's Note: The diary date jumps from the previous entryof _February_ 5, 1850, at Kurrunpoor. This is a mistake in the date, as at the start of Chapter V the diary jumps back to _February_ 14, 1850. ] _March_ 7, 1850. --Teekur, twelve miles. The road, for three miles, lay through grass jungle to the border of the Khyrabad district, whence the plain is covered with cultivation, well studded withtrees, clusters of bamboos, and well peopled with villages, allindicating better management. A great many fields are reduced to thefine dust above described to receive the sugar-cane, which is plantedin February. The soil is muteear, but has in many parts becomeimpaired by over-cropping. The people told me that the crops were notso rich as they ought to be, from the want of manure, which is muchfelt here, where there is so little pasture for cattle. The wheat hasalmost everywhere received an orange tint from the geerwa, or blight, which covers the leaves, but, happily, has not as yet settled uponthe stalks to feed on the sap. This blight, the cultivators say, arises from the late and heavy rain they have had, and the easterlywind that prevailed for a few days. The geerwa is a red fungus, which, when it adheres to the stems, thrusts its roots through thepores of the epidermis and robs the grain of the sap as it ascends. When easterly winds and sultry weather prevail, the pores of theepidermis appear to be more opened and exposed to the inroads ofthese fungi than at other times. If the wind continue westerly for afortnight more, little injury may be sustained; but should easterlywinds and sultry weather prevail, the greater part may be lost. "Wecultivators and landholders, " said Bukhtawur Sing, "are always indread of something, and can never feel quite easy: if little rainfalls, we complain of the want of more; if a good deal comes down, weare in dread of this blight, and never dare to congratulate ourselveson the prospect of good returns. " To the justice and wisdom of thisobservation all assented. * [* Westerly winds and cold weather prevailed and the blight didlittle apparent injury to the crops; but the wheat crops, generally, over Oude and the adjoining districts, was shrivelled and deficientin substance. It had "run to stalk" from the excess of rain. ] The landholders of this purgunnah are chiefly Janwar Rajpoots. Kymara, a fine village, through which we passed, about five milesfrom Kurunpoor, is the residence of the present head of this family, Rajah Ajeet Sing. He has a small fort close by, in which he is nowpreparing to defend himself against the King's forces. The poor oldman came out with all his village community to meet and talk with me, in the hope that I might interpose to protect him. He is weak in mindand body, has no son, and, having lately lost his only brother anddeclared heir to the estate, his cousins and more distant relationsare scrambling for the inheritance. The usual means of violence, collusion, and intrigue have been had recourse to. The estate is inthe Huzoor Tuhseel, and not under the jurisdiction of the contractorof Khyrabad. The old man seemed care-worn and very wretched, and toldme that the contractor, whom I should meet at Teekur, had onlyyesterday received orders from Court to use all his means to oust himfrom possession, and make over the estate to his cousin, Jodha Sing, who had lately left him in consequence of a dispute, after having, since the death of his brother, aided him in the management of theestate; that he had always paid his revenues to the King punctually, and last year he owed a balance of only one hundred and sixty rupees, when _Anrod Sing_, his distant relative, wanted him to declare hisyounger brother, Dirj Bijee Sing, his heir to the estate, in lieu ofJodha Sing. This he refused to do, and Anrod Sing came, with a force of twothousand armed men, supported by a detachment from Captain Barlow'sregiment, and laid siege to his fort, on the pretence that he wasrequired to give security for the more punctual payment of therevenue. To defend himself, he was obliged to call in the aid of hisclan and neighbours, and expend all that he had or could borrow, and, at last, constrained to accept Anrod Sing's security, for nomerchants would lend money to a poor man in a state of siege. AnrodSing had now gone off to Lucknow, and bribed the person in charge ofthe Huzoor Tuhseel, Gholam Ruza Khan, one of the most corrupt men inthe corrupt Court of Lucknow, to get an order issued by the Ministerto have him turned out, and the estate made over to Jhoda Sing, fromwhom he would soon get it on pretence of accumulated balances, andmake it over, in perpetuity, to his brother, Dirj Bijee Sing. In thisattempt, the old man said, a good many lives must be lost and cropsdestroyed, for his friends would not let him fall without astruggle. * [* The old man has been attacked and turned out with the loss of somelives, in spite of the Resident's remonstrance, and the estate hasbeen made over to Jodha Sing, on the security for the payment of therevenue of Anrod Sing. Jodha Sing is, naturally, of weak intellect;and Anrod Sing will soon have him turned out as an incompetentdefaulter, and get the estate for himself, or for his youngerbrother. Luckily _Anrod Sing_ and _Lonee Sing_, of Mitholee, are atdaggers-drawn about some villages, which Anrod Sing has seized, andto which Lonee Sing thinks he has a better right. Their dread of eachother will be useful to the Government and the people. ] As soon as we left the poor old man, Bukhtawur Sing said, "This, sir, is the way in which Government officers manage to control and subduethese sturdy Rajpoot landholders. While they remain united, as in theBangur district, they can do nothing with them, and let them keeptheir estates on their own terms; but the moment a quarrel takesplace between them they take advantage of it: they adopt the cause ofthe strongest, and support him in his aggressions upon the othermembers of his family or clan till all become weak by division anddisorder, and submit. Forty or fifty years ago, sir, when I used tomove about the country on circuit with Saadut Allee Khan, the thensovereign, as I now move with you, there were many Rajpootlandholders in Oude stronger than any that defy the Government now;but they dared not then hold their heads so high as they do now. Thelocal officers employed by him were men of ability, experience, andcharacter, totally unlike those now employed. Each had a wing of oneof the Honourable Company's regiments and some good guns with him, and was ready and able to enforce his master's orders and the paymentof his just demands; but, since his death, the local officers havebeen falling off in character and strength, while the Rajpootlandholders have risen in pride and power. The aid of the Britishtroops has, by degrees, been altogether withdrawn, and thelandholders of this class despise the Oude Government, and many ofthem resist its troops whenever they attempt to enforce the paymentof even its most moderate demands. The revenues of the State fall offas the armed bands of these landholders increase, and families who, in his time, kept up only fifty armed men, have now five hundred, oreven a thousand or two thousand, and spend what they owe toGovernment in maintaining them. To pay such bands they withhold thejust demands of the State, rob their weaker neighbours of theirpossessions, and plunder travellers on the highway, and men ofsubstance, wherever they can find them. "When Saadut Allee made over one-half of his dominions to the BritishGovernment in 1801, he was bound to reduce his military force andrely altogether upon the support of your Government. He did so; butthe force he retained, though small, was good; and while that supportwas afforded things went on well--he was a wise man, and made themost of the means he had. Since that time, sir, the Oude force hasbeen increased four-fold, as your aid has been withdrawn; but thewhole is not equal to the fourth part which served under SaadutAllee. You see how insignificant it everywhere is, and how much it isdespised even by the third-class Rajpoot landholders. You see, also, how they everywhere prey upon the people, and are dreaded anddetested by them: the only estates free from their inroads are thoseunder the 'Huzoor Tuhseel, ' into which the Amils and their disorderlyhosts dare not enter. If the landholders could be made to feel thatthey would not be permitted to seize other men's possessions, norother men to seize theirs, as long as they obeyed the Government andpaid its just dues, they would disband these armed followers, and theKing might soon reduce his. He will never make them worth anything;there are too many worthless, but influential persons about theCourt, interested in keeping up all kinds of abuses, to permit this. These abuses are the chief source of their incomes: they rob theofficers and sipahees, and even the draft-bullocks; and youeverywhere see how the poor animals are starved by them. " Within a mile of the camp I met the Nazim, Hoseyn Allee Khan, whotold me that Rajah Goorbuksh Sing, of Ramnuggur Dhumeree, hadfulfilled all the engagements entered into before me at Byramghat, onthe Ghagra, on the 6th of December, and was no longer opposed to theGovernment; and that the only large landholder in his district whoremained so at present was Seobuksh Sing, of Kateysura, a strongfort, mounted with seven guns, near the road over which I am to passthe day after tomorrow, between Oel and Lahurpoor. As he came up onhis little elephant along the road, I saw half-a-dozen of his men, mounted on camels, trotting along through a fine field of wheat, nowin ear, with as much unconcern as if they had been upon a fine swardto which they could do no harm. I saw one of my people in advancemake a sign to them, on which they made for the road as fast as theycould. I asked the Nazim how he could permit such trespass. He toldme, "That he did not see them, and unless his eye was always uponthem he could not prevent their doing mischief, for they were theKing's servants, who never seemed happy unless they were trespassingupon some of his Majesty's subjects. " Nothing, certainly, seems todelight them so much as the trespasses of all kinds which they docommit upon them. _March_ 8, 1850. --Oel, five miles, over a plain of the same finemuteear soil, beautifully cultivated and studded with trees, intermixed with numerous clusters of the graceful bamboo. A great-grandson of the monster Nadir Shah, of Persia, Ruza Kolee Khan, whocommands a battalion in the King of Oude's service, rode by me, and Iasked him whether he ever saw such a cultivated country in Persia. "Never, " said he: "Persia is a hilly country, and there is no tillagelike this in any part of it. I left Persia, with my father, twenty-two years ago, when I was twenty-two years of age, and I have still avery distinct recollection of what it was then. There is no countryin the world, sir, " said the Nazim, "like Hindoostan, when it enjoysthe blessings of a good government. The purgunnah of Kheree, in whichwe now are, is all held by the heads of three families of JanwarRajpoots: Rajah Ajub Sing, of Kymara; Anrod Sing, of Oel; and UmraoSing, of Mahewa. There are only sixty-six villages of Khalsa, orCrown lands left, yielding twenty-one thousand rupees a-year. Therest have been all absorbed by the heads of these Rajpoot families. Villages. Jumma. Kymara . . . 82 . . 13, 486 0 0 Oel . . . . 170 . . 54, 790 0 0 Mahewa . . . 70 . . 20, 835 0 0 ___ _____________ 322 . . 89, 111 0 0 Khalsa . . . 66 . . 21, 881 0 0 ___ _______________ 388 . . 1, 10, 992 0 0 ___ _______________ "These heads of families have each a fort, surrounded by a strongfence of bamboos, and mounted with good guns; and the King cannot getso large a revenue from them as he did thirty years ago, in the timeof Hakeem Mehndee, though their lands are as well tilled now as theywere then, and yield more rent to their holders. They spend it all inkeeping up large armed bands to resist the Government; but theycertainly take care of their cultivators and tenants of all kinds, and no man dares molest them. "But, " said Bukhtawur Sing, "this beautiful scene would all bechanged were they encouraged or permitted to contend with each otherfor the possession of the lands. I yesterday saw a great number ofthe merchants of Kymara following the Resident's camp; and, on askingthem why, they told me that the order from Court obtained by GholamRuza for you (the Nazim) to assist the Oel chief, Anrod Sing, indespoiling Rajah Ajub Sing of his estate, had driven out all who hadno fields of corn or other local ties to detain them, and hadanything to lose by remaining. The chief and his retainers wererepairing their fort, and preparing to fight for their possessions tothe last; and if you take your disorderly force against themaccording to orders, the crops now in the ground will be alldestroyed, and the numerous fields now prepared to receive sugar-caneand the autumn seed will be left waste: they will make reprisals uponOel; others of their clan will join in the strife; and this districtwill be what that of Bharwara, which we have just left, now is. Themerchants are in the right, sir, to make off: no property in such ascene is ever safe. There is no property, sir, like that in theHonourable Company's paper: it is the only property that we can enjoyin peace. You feel no anxiety about it. It doubles itself in fifteenor sixteen years; and you go on from generation to generationenjoying your five per cent. , and neither fearing nor annoyinganybody. " The two villages of Oel and Dhukwa adjoin each other, and form alarge town; but the dwelling-houses have a wretched appearance, consisting of naked mud walls, with but a few more grass-choppersthan are usually found upon them in Oude towns. There is a good-looking temple, dedicated to Mahadeo, in the centre of the town, andthe houses are close upon the ditch of the fort, which has itsbamboo-fence inside its ditch and outer mud walls. I have written tothe Durbar to recommend that the order for the attack upon Rajah AjubSing be countermanded, and more pacific measures adopted for thesettlement of the claims of the Exchequer and Anrod Sing upon poorold Ajub Sing. The Kanoongoes of this place tell me that the dispute has arisen froma desire, on the part of the old man's wife, to set aside the justclaim of Jodha Sing, the old man's nephew, to the inheritance, infavour of a lad whom she has adopted and brought up, by name TeekaSing, in whose name the estate is now managed by a servant; thatJodha Sing is the rightful heir, and managed the estate well for hisuncle, after the death of his brother, till lately, when his auntpersuaded his uncle to break with him, which he did with reluctance;that Jodha Sing now lives in retirement at his village of Barkerwa;that Anrod Sing's design upon the inheritance for his youngerbrother, Dirj Bijee Sing, is unjust; and that he is, in consequence, obliged to prosecute it on the pretence of recovering money due, andsupporting the claim of Jodha Sing, and in collusion with theofficers of Government; that Gholam Ruza, who has charge of theHuzoor Tuhseel, is ready to adopt the cause of any one who will payhim; and that Anrod Sing is now at Lucknow paying his court to him, and getting these iniquitous orders issued. Oel was transferred to the Huzoor Tuhseel in 1834, Kymara in 1836, and Mahewa in 1839. These Rajpoot landholders do not often seize uponthe lands of a relative at once, but get them by degrees by fraud andcollusion with Government officers, so that they may share the odiumwith them. They instigate these officers to demand more than thelands can pay; offer the enhanced rate, and get the lands at once; orget a mortgage, run up the account, and foreclose by their aid. Theyno sooner get the estate than they reduce the Government demand, bycollusion or violence, to less than what the former proprietor hadpaid. _March_ 9, 1850. --Lahurpoor, twelve miles, over a plain of doomuteeasoil, well studded with groves and single trees, but not so fullycultivated the last half way as the first. For the first halfway theroad lies through the estate of Anrod Sing, of Oel; but for the lastit runs through that of Seobuksh Sing, a Gour Rajpoot, who has a fortnear the town of Kuteysura, five miles from Lahurpoor, and seven fromOel. It is of mud, and has a ditch all round, and a bamboo-fenceinside the outer walls. It is of great extent, but not formidableagainst well-provided troops. The greater part of the houses in thetown are in ruins, and Seobuksh has the reputation of being areckless and improvident landholder. He is said not only to take fromhis tenants higher rates of rent than he ought, but to extort fromthem very often a _property tax_, highly and capriciously rated. Thisis what the people call the _bhalmansae_, of which they have a verygreat abhorrence. "You are a _bhala manus_" (a gentleman, or man ofsubstance), he says to his tenant, "and must have property worth atleast a thousand rupees. I want money sadly, and must have one-fifth:give me two hundred rupees. " This is what the people call"_bhalmansae_, " or rating a man according to his substance; and tosay that a landlord or governor does this, is to say that he is areckless oppressor, who has no regard to obligations or toconsequences. There are manifest signs of the present landholder, Seobuksh Sing, being of this character; but others, not less manifest, of hisgrandfather having been a better man, in the fine groves whichsurround Lahurpoor, and the villages between this place andKuteysura, all of which are included in his estate. These groveswere, for the most part, planted during the life of his grandfatherby men of substance, who were left free to-dispose of their propertyas they thought best. All the native gentlemen who rode with me remarked on the beauty ofthe approach to Lahurpoor, in which a rich carpet of spring cropscovers the surface up to the groves, and extends along under thetrees which have been recently planted. There are many young grovesabout the place, planted by men who have acquired property by trade, and by the savings out of the salaries and perquisites of office atLahurpoor, which is the residence of the Nazim, or local governor, during several months in the year; and the landlord, Seobuksh, cannotventure to exact his _property-tax_ from them. The air and water aremuch praised, and the general good health of the troops, civilestablishments, and residents of all classes, show that the climatemust be good. The position, too, is well chosen with reference to thedistricts, and the character of the people under the control of thegovernor of the Khyrabad district. The estate of Seobuksh is very extensive. The soil is all good andthe plain level, so that every part of it is capable of tillage. Rutun Sing, the father of Seobuksh, is said to have been a greaterrack-renter, rebel, and robber than his son is, and together theyhave injured the estate a good deal, and reduced it from a rent-rollof one hundred thousand to one of forty. Its rent-roll is nowestimated in the public accounts at 54, 640, out of which is deducteda _nankar_ of 17, 587, leaving a Government demand of only 37, 053. This he can't pay; and he has shut himself up sullenly in his mudfort, where the Nazim dares not attack him. He is levyingcontributions from the surrounding villages, but has not yetplundered or burnt down any. He was lately in prison, for two years;but released on the security of Rajah Lonee Sing, of Mitholee, whosewife is his wife's sister. He, however, says that he was pledged toproduce him when required, not before the _present Nazim_, but his_predecessor_; and that he is no longer bound by this pledge. Thisreasoning would, of course, have no weight with the Governmentauthorities, nor would it be had recourse to were Lonee Sing lessstrong. Each has a strong fort and a band of steady men. The Nazimhas not the means to attack Seobuksh, and dares not attack LoneeSing, as his estate of Pyla is in the "Huzoor Tuhseel, " and under theprotection of Court favourites, who are well paid by him. Lonee Sing's estate of Mitholee is in the Mahomdee district, andunder the jurisdiction of the Amil; and it is only the portion, consisting of one hundred and four recently-acquired villages, whichhe holds in the Pyla estate, in the Khyrabad district, that has beenmade over to the Huzoor Tuhseel. * He offered an increased rate forthese villages to the then Amil, Bhowood Dowlah, in the year A. D. 1840. It was accepted, and he attacked, plundered, and murdered agood many of the old proprietors, and established such a dread amongthem, that he now manages them with little difficulty. Basdeo heldfourteen of these villages under mortgage, and sixteen more underlease. He had his brother, maternal uncle, and a servant killed byLonee Sing, and is now reduced to beggary. Lonee Sing took the leasein March, 1840, and commenced this attack in May. [* Anrod Sing holds twenty-eight villages in the Pyla estate, acquired in the same way as those held by Lonee Sing. ] The Nazim had with him, of infantry, 1. Futteh Aesh Nujeebs. 2. Wuzeree, ditto. 3. Zuffur, Mobaruk Telinga. 4. Futteh Jung ditto;Ruza Kolee Khan. 5. Captain Barlow's ditto. Eleven guns. But, beingunable to get any duty from the three regiments first named, heoffered to dispense with the two first, on condition that the commandof the third should be placed at his disposal for his son or nephew. This request was complied with; and, on paying a fee of five thousandrupees, he got the dress of investiture, and offered it to LieutenantOrr, a very gallant officer, the second in command of CaptainBarlow's corps, as the only way to render the corps so efficient ashe required it to be. The Durbar took away the two regiments; but, assoon as they heard that Lieutenant Orr was to command the third, theyappointed Fidda Hoseyn, brother of the ruffian Mahommed Hoseyn, whohad held the district of Mahomdee, and done so much mischief to it. Fidda Hoseyn, of course, paid a high sum for the command to beexacted from his subordinates, or the people of the district in whichit might be employed; and the regiment has remained worse thanuseless. Of the eleven guns, five are useless on the ground, andwithout bullocks. The bullocks for the other six are present, but tooweak to draw anything. They had had no grain for many years; butwithin the last month they have had one-half seer each per day out ofthe one seer and half paid for by Government. There is no ammunition, stores, or anything else for the guns, and the best of the carriagesare liable to fall to pieces with the first discharge. They are notallowed to repair them, but must send them in to get them changed forothers when useless. The Durbar knows that if they allow the localofficers to charge for the repair of guns, heavy charges will bemade, and no gun ever repaired; and the local officers know that ifthey send in a gun to be repaired at Lucknow, they will get inexchange one _painted_ to look well, but so flimsily done up that itwill go to pieces the first or second time it is fired. Captain Barlow's corps is a good one, and the men are finer than anythat I have seen in our own infantry regiments, though they get onlyfive rupees a-month each, while ours get seven. They prefer this rateunder European officers in the Oude service, to the seven rupees a-month which sipahees get in ours, though they have no pensionestablishment or extra allowance while marching. They feel sure thattheir European commandants will secure them their pay sooner orlater; they escape many of the harassing duties to which our sipaheesare liable; they have leave to visit their homes one month in twelve;they never have to march out of Oude to distant stations, situated inbad climates; they get fuel and fodder, and often food, for nothing;their baggage is always carried for them at the public cost. But tosecure them their pay, arms, accoutrements, clothing, &c. , thecommandant must be always about the Court himself, or have an_ambassador_ of some influence there at great cost. Captain Barlowis almost all his time at Court, as much from choice as expediency, drawing all his allowances and emoluments of all kinds, while hissecond in command performs his regimental duties for him. The otherofficers like this, because they know that the corps could notpossibly be kept in the state it is without it. Captain Barlow haslately obtained three thousand rupees for the repair of his six gun-carriages, tumbrils, &c. , that is, five hundred for each. They hadnot been repaired for ten years; hardly any of the others have beenrepaired for the last twenty or thirty years. The Nazim of this district of Khyrabad has taken the farm of it forone year at nine lacs of rupees, that is one lac and a half less thanthe rate at which it was taken by his predecessor last year. He tellsme, that he was obliged, to enter into engagements to pay ingratuities fifty thousand to the minister, of which he has as yetpaid only five thousand; twenty-five thousand to the Dewan, Balkishun, and seven thousand to Gholam Ruza, who has charge of theHuzoor Tuhseel--that he was obliged to engage to pay four hundredrupees a-month, in salaries, to men named by the Dewan, who do noduty, and never show their faces to him; and similar sums to thecreatures of the minister and others--that he was obliged to paygratuities to a vast number of understrappers at Court--that he wasnot made aware of the amount of these gratuities, &c. , till he hadreceived his dress of investiture, and had merely promised to paywhat his predecessor had paid--that when about to set out, thememorandum of what his predecessor had paid was put into his hand, and it was then too late to remonstrate or draw back. There may besome exaggeration in the rate of the gratuities demanded; but that hehas to pay them to the persons named I have no doubt whatever, because; all men in charge of districts have to pay them to thosepersons, whether they hold the districts in contract, or in trust. The Zuffer Mobaruk regiment, with its commandant, Fidda Hoseyn, isnow across the Ghagra in charge of Dhorehra, an estate in the forestbelonging to Rajah Arjun Sing, who has absconded in consequence ofhaving been ruined by the rapacity of a native collector last year;and they are diligently employed in plundering all the people whoremain. The estate paid 2, 75, 000 a-year till these outrages began;and it cannot now pay fifty thousand. Arjun Sing and Seobuksh Sing, of Kuteysura, are the only refractory landholders in the Khyrabaddistrict at present. _March_ 10, 1850. --Halted at Lahurpoor. There is good ground forlarge civil and military establishments to the south of the town, about a mile out, on the left of the road leading to Khyrabad. It isa fine open plain of light soil. New pucka-wells would be required;and some low ground, near the south and north, would also require tobe drained, as water lies in it during the rains. There is excellentground nearer the town on the same side, but the mango-groves arethick and numerous, and would impede the circulation of air. Theowners would, moreover be soon robbed of them were a cantonment, orcivil station, established among or very near to them. The town andsite of any cantonment, or civil station, should be taken from theKuteysura estate, and due compensation made to the holder, Seobuksh. The town is a poor one; and the people are keeping their housesuncovered, and removing their property under the apprehension thatSeobuksh will attack and plunder the place. All the merchants andrespectable landholders, over the districts bordering on the Taraeforest, through which we have passed, declare, that all the coloniesof Budukh dacoits, who had, for many generations, up to 1842, beenlocated in this forest, have entirely disappeared. Not a family ofthem can now be found anywhere in Oude. Six or eight hundred of theirbrave and active men used to sally forth every year, and carry theirdepredations into Bengal, Bebar and all the districts of the north-west provinces. Their suppression has been a great benefit conferredupon the people of India by the British Government. _March_ 11, 1850. --Kusreyla, ten miles, over a plain of excellentmuteear soil scantily cultivated, but studded with fine trees, singleand in groves. Kusreyla is among the three hundred villages whichhave been lately taken in mortgage from the proprietors, and in leasefrom Government, by Monowur-od Dowlah, the nephew and heir of thelate Hakeem Mehndee. He is inviting and locating in these villagesmany cultivators of the best classes; and they will all soon be in afine state of tillage. No soil can be finer, and no acre of it isincapable of bearing fine crops. The old proprietors and lessees, towhom he had lent money on mortgage, have persuaded him to foreclose, that they may come under so substantial and kind a landholder. Theyprefer holding the sub-lease under such a man, to holding the leasedirectly under Government, subject to the jurisdiction of the Nazim. Monowur-od Dowlah pays forty thousand rupees a-year for the whole toGovernment, and has had the whole transferred to the Huzoor Tuhseel. The Nazim of Khyrabad rode by my side during this morning's march, and at my request he described the mutiny which took place in two ofthe regiments that attended him in the siege of Bhitolee, just beforeI crossed the Ghagra at Byramghat. These were the Futteh Aesh, andthe Wuzeeree. Their commandants are Allee Hoseyn, a creature of oneof the singers, Kootab Allee; and Mahommed Akhbur, a creature of theminister's. They were earnestly urged by the minister and Nazim tojoin their regiments for the short time they would be on thisimportant service, but in vain; nothing could induce them to quit theCourt. All the corps mentioned above, as attending the Nazim, werepresent, and the siege had begun when, on the 17th of November, someshopkeepers in camp, having been robbed during the night by somethieves, shut up their shops, and prepared to leave the camp in abody. The siege could not go on if the traders all left the place;and he sent a messenger to call the principal men that he might talkto them. They refused to move, and the messenger, finding that theywere ready to set out, seized one of them by the waist-hand, and whenhe resisted, struck him on the head with a stick, and said he wouldmake him go to his master. The man called out to some sipahees of theWuzeeree regiment, who were near, to rescue him. They did so: themessenger struggled to hold his grasp, but was dragged off andbeaten. He returned the blows; the sipahees drew their swords: heseized one of the swords and ran off towards his master's tent, waiving it over his head, to defend himself, followed by some of thesipahees. The others ran back to the grove in which their regimentand the Futteh Aesh were bivouaced; both regiments seized their armsand ran towards the Nazim's tents; and when they got within twohundred yards, commenced firing upon them. The Nazim had with him only a few of his own armed servants. Theyseized their arms, and begged permission to return the fire, but wererestrained till the regiment came near, and two tomandars, orofficers, who stood by the Nazim, were shot down, one dead; and theother disabled. His men could be restrained no longer, and they shotdown two of the foremost of the assailants. The Nazim then sent offto Lieutenant Orr, who was exercising his corps with blank cartridgeon the parade; and, supposing that one of these regiments was doingthe same thing near the Nazim's tents, he paid no attention to them. He and his brother, the Adjutant, ran forward, and entreated the tworegiments to cease firing; and the Nazim sent out Syud Seoraj-od Deen(the commandant of the Bhurmar regiment, stationed in the adjoiningdistrict of Ramnugger Dhumeree, who had just come to him on a visit), with the Koran in his hand, to do the same. The remonstrances of bothwere in vain. They continued to fire upon the Nazim, and LieutenantOrr went off to bring up his regiment, which stood ready to move onthe parade. Alarmed at this, the two regiments ran off to theirgrove, and the firing ceased. During all this time, the other two regiments, the Zuffer Mobaruk andFutteh Jung, stood looking on as indifferent spectators; andafterwards took great credit to themselves for not joining in thisattempt to blow up the viceroy, who was obliged, the next day, to goto their camp and apologize humbly for his men having presumed toreturn their fire, which he declared that they had done without hisorders! On his doing this, they consented to forego their claim tohave the unhappy messenger sent to their camp to be _executed_; andto remain with him during the siege. As to taking any part in thesiege and assault on the fort, that was altogether out of their line. Ruza Kolee Khan, the commandant of the Futteh Jung, was at Lucknowduring this mutiny, but he joined a few days after. Lieutenant Orrgave me the same narrative of the affair at the dinner-table lastnight; and said, that he and his brother had a very narrow escape--that his regiment would have destroyed all the mutineers had theybeen present; and he left them on the parade lest he might not beable to restrain them in such a scene. Even this mutiny of the tworegiments could not tempt their commandants to leave Court, wherethey are still enjoying the favour of their patrons, the minister andthe singers, and a large share of the pay and perquisites of theirofficers and sipahees, though the regiments have been sent off to thetwo disturbed districts of Sundela and Salone. They dare not face the most contemptible enemy, but they spare notthe weak and inoffensive of any class, age, or sex. A respectablelandholder, in presenting a petition, complaining of the outragescommitted upon his village and peasantry, said a few days ago--"Theoppression of these revenue collectors, and their disorderly troops, is intolerable, sir--they plunder all who cannot resist them, butcannot lift their arms, or draw their breath freely in the presenceof armed robbers and rebels--it is a proverb, sir, that _insects_prey upon soft _wood_; and these men prey only upon the peaceful andindustrious, who are unable to defend themselves. " The Nazim tellsme, that the lamentations of the poor people, plundered andmaltreated, were incessant and distressing during the whole timethese two corps were with him; and that he could exercise no controlwhatever over them, protected as they were, in all their iniquities, by the Court favour their two commandants enjoyed at Lucknow. * [* Kootab Allee was one of the singers who were soon after banishedfrom Oude in disgrace. But all the influence they exercised over theKing has been concentrated in the hands of the two singers whoremained, Mosahib Allee and Anees-od Dowla. All are despicable_domes_; but the two, who now govern the King, are much worsecharacters than any of those who were banished. ] I asked Bukhtawur Sing, before the Nazim overtook us this morning, why it was, that these governors always took so many troops with themwhen they moved from place to place, merely to settle accounts andinspect the crops. "Some of them, " said he, "take all the troops theycan muster, to show that they are great men; but, for the most part, they are afraid to move without them. They, and the greater part ofthe landholders, consider each other as natural and irreconcilableenemies; and a good many of those, who hold the largest estates, areat all times in open resistance against the Government. They havetheir Vakeels with the contractors when they are not so, and spieswhen they are. They know all his movements, and would waylay andcarry him off if not surrounded with a strong body of soldiers, forhe is always moving over the country, with every part of which theyare well acquainted. Besides, under the present system of allowingthem to forage or plunder for themselves, it is ruinous to any placeto leave them in it for even a few days--no man, within severalmiles, would preserve shelter for his family, or food for his cattle, during the hot and rainy months--he is obliged to take them aboutwith him to distribute, as equally as he can, the terrible burthen ofmaintaining them. Now that the sugar-cane is ripe, not one cane wouldbe preserved in any field within five miles of any place where theNazim kept his troops for ten days. " _March_ 12, 1850. --Seetapoor, nine miles over a plain of muteearsoil, the greater part of which is light, and yields but scanty cropswithout manure, which is very scarce. Immediately about the stationand villages, where manure is available, the crops are good. The windcontinues westerly, the sky is clear, and the blight does not seem toincrease. The 2nd Regiment of Oude Local Infantry is stationed at Seetapoor, but it has no guns or cavalry of any kind. Formerly there was a corpsof the Honourable Company's Native Infantry here, with two guns and adetail of artillery. The sipahees of this corps, and of the 1st OudeLocal Infantry, at Sultanpoor, are somewhat inferior in appearance tothose of our own native infantry regiments, and still more so to theOude corps under Captains Barlow, Magness, and Bunbury. They receivefive rupees eight annas a-month pay, and batta, or extra allowance, when marching; and the same pay as our own sipahees of the line(seven rupees a-month) when serving with them. But the commandantscannot get recruits equal to those that enlist in our regiments ofthe line, or those that enlist in the corps of the officers abovenamed. They have not the rest and the licence of the one, while theyhave the same drill and discipline, without the same rate of pay asthe other. They have now the privilege of petitioning through theResident like our sipahees of the line, and that of the pensionestablishment, while Barlow's, Bunbury's, and Magness's corps haveneither. They have none but internal duties--they are hardly eversent out to aid the King's local authorities, and do not escorttreasure even for their own pay. It is sent to them by drafts fromLucknow on the local collectors of the district in which they arecantoned; and the money required for the Resident's Treasury--a greatportion of which passes through the Seetapoor cantonments--isescorted by our infantry regiments of the line, stationed at Lucknow, merely because a General Order exists that no irregular corps shallbe employed on such duties while any regular corps near has a reliefof guards present. The corps of regular infantry at Shajehanpoorescorts the treasure six marches to Seetapoor, where it is relievedby a detachment from one of the regular corps at Lucknow, six marchesdistant. The native officers and sipahees of these two corps have leave ofabsence to visit their families just as often and for just as longperiods as those of the corps under the three above-named officers--that is, for one month out of twelve. The native officers andsipahees of these three corps are not, however, so much drilled orrestrained as those of the two Oude local corps, in which no mandares to help himself occasionally to the roofs of houses and theproduce of fields or gardens; nor to take presents from localauthorities, as they are hardly ever sent out to assist them. Thenative officers and sipahees of the very best of the King of Oude'scorps do all this more or less; and they become, in consequence, moreattached to their officers and the service. Moreover, the commandantsof the two corps of Oude local infantry never become _mediators_between large landholders and local governors as those of the King ofOude's corps so often do; nor are any landed estates ever assigned tothem for the liquidation of their arrears of pay, and confided totheir management. So highly do the native officers of these threeOude _Komukee_ corps appreciate all the privileges and perquisitesthey enjoy, when out on duty under district officers, that theyconsider short periods of guard duty in the city, where they havenone of them, as serious punishments. The drainage about Seetapoor is into the small river Surain, whichflows along on the west boundary, and is excellent; and the lands inand about the station are at all times dry. The soil, too, is good;and the place, on the whole, is well adapted for the cantonment of amuch larger force. _March_ 13, 1850. --Khyrabad, east nine miles, over a plain ofdoomuteea soil with much oosur. A little outlay and labour seem, however, to make this oosur produce good crops. On entering the townon the west side, we passed over a good stone bridge over this littlestream, the Surain; and to the east of the town is another over thestill smaller stream of the Gond. Khyrabad is not so well drained asSeetapoor, nor would it be so well adapted for a large cantonment. Itis considered to be less healthy. There is an avenue of good treesall the way from Seetapoor to Khyrabad, a distance of six miles, planted by Hakeem Mehndee. Our camp being to the eastern extremity ofthe town, renders the distance nine miles. Yesterday at Seetapoor I had a visit from Monowur-od Dowla, lateprime minister, and Moomtaz-od Dowla, grandson to the late King, Mahommed Allee Shah, on their way out to the Tarae forest to joinKindoo Rao, the brother of the Byza Bae, of Gwalior, in pursuit oftigers. This morning on the road, old Bukhtawur Sing, after a sigh, said: "I presented a nazur to the prince, Moomtaz-od Dowla, sir; heis the grandson of a King, and the victim of the folly and crime ofshooting a monkey! His father, Asgur Allee Khan, was the eldest sonof Mahommed Allee Shah, and elder brother of Amjud Allee Shah, thefather of the present King. He was fond of his gun, and one day amonkey, of the red and short-tailed kind, came and sat upon one ofhis out-offices. He sent for his gun, and shot it dead with a ball. The very next day, sir, he had a severe attack of fever, whichcarried him off in three days. During this time he frequently calledout in terror, 'Save me from that monkey! save me from that monkey!'--pointing to the part of the room in which he _saw him_. The monkeykilled Asgur Allee Khan, sir; and no man ever escapes death or miserywho wilfully kills one. Moomtaz-od Dowla might, sir, have been nowKing of Oude had his father not shot that monkey. " "But I thought, " said I, "it was the _hanoomaun_, or long-tailedmonkey, that was held sacred by the Hindoos?"--"Sir, " said BukhtawurSing, "both are alike sacred. * Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, the predecessorof Mahommed Allee Shah, went one day shooting in the dilkhoosha park. Several of the long-tailed monkeys came and sat upon a mango-treenear him. He could not resist the temptation, and shot several ofthem, one after another, with ball. He returned to the palace; buthad not been home more than three hours, when he and his favouritewife, the Kooduseea Begum, ** had a fierce quarrel, in which bothbecame insane; she was so enraged that she took poison forthwith, and, in her agony, actually spit up her liver, which had been torn topieces by the force of the poison! The King could not stand thehorrible sight, and ran off and hid himself in the race-stand, nearwhich you fell and broke your thigh-bone in April last; there heremained shut up till she died. He had had warning, sir, for a fewmonths after his accession to the throne; I attended him and hisminister, Aga Meer, on a visit to the garden, called padshah baag, onthe opposite side of the river: he had a gun with him, and, seeing amonkey on a tree, he ordered the prime minister to try his hand atit. I told Aga Meer that evil would certainly befall him or his houseif he shot the animal, and begged his Majesty not to assist upon theminister's doing it. Both laughed at what they thought my folly; theminister shot the monkey; and in a few days he was out of office andin a prison. One way or other, sir, a man who wilfully destroys amonkey is sure to be punished. " [* That Asgur Allee Khan, the eldest son of the King, Mahommed AlleeShah, did shoot the monkey, got a fever a few days after, and died ofit, are facts well known at Lucknow. That he often mentioned themonkey during his delirium, is generally believed; and that his deathwas the consequence of his shooting that animal is the opinion of allthe Hindoo, and a great part of the Musulman, population. His death, while his father lived, deprived his son, Moomtaz-od Dowla, of thethrone. ] [** The Kooduseea Begum had been introduced into the palace aswaiting-woman to Mulika Zumanee, whom she soon superseded in theKing's affections, which she retained till her death. She was marriedto the King on the 17th December, 1831, and died on the 21st ofAugust 1834. ] At Khyrabad there is a handsome set of buildings, consisting of amausoleum over his father, a mosque, an _imambara_, and a _kudumrusool_, or shrine with the print of the prophet's foot, erected byMucka Durzee, a tailor in the service of the King, who made a largefortune out of his master's favours, and who still lives, andprovides for their repair and suitable endowment. These buildingsare, like all others of the same kind, infested by a host ofprofessional religious mendicants of both sexes and all ages, whomake the air resound with their clamours for alms. Not only are suchbuildings so infested, but all the towns around them. I could nothelp observing to the native gentlemen who attended me, "that whenmen planted groves and avenues, and built reservoirs, bridges, caravansaries, and wells, they did not give rise to any such sourcesof annoyance to travellers; that they enjoyed the water, shade, andaccommodation, without cost or vexation, and went on their wayblessing the donor. " "That, " said an old Rusaldar, "is certainlytaking a new and just view of the case; but still it is a surprisingthing to see a man in this humble sphere of life raising andmaintaining so splendid a pile of buildings. "* [* Mucka the tailor, to whom these buildings belong, is the personmentioned in the account of the death of the King, Nuseer-od DeenHyder, and the confinement of Ghalib Jung. ] The town of Khyrabad has still a good many inhabitants; but thenumber is fast decreasing. It was the residence of the families of agood many public officers in our service and that of Oude; and thelocal authorities of the district used to reside here. They do so nolonger; and the families of public officers have almost all gone toreside at other places. Life and property have become exceedinglyinsecure, and attacks by gang-robbers so frequent that no man thinkshis house and family safe for a single night. Government officers areentirely occupied in the collection of revenue, and they disregardaltogether the sufferings and risks to which the people of towns areexposed. The ground around the place is low, and the climate isinferior to that of Seetapoor. Salt and saltpetre are 'made from thesoil immediately round the town. I have mentioned that Moomtaz-od Dowla might now have been King ofOude had his father not died before his father. The Mohammedan lawexcludes for ever the children of any person who dies before theperson to whom he or she is the next heir from all right in theinheritance. Under the operation of this law, the sons of the eldestson of the reigning King are excluded from the succession if he diesbefore his father, and the crown devolves on the second son, or onthe brother of the King, if he leaves no other son. The sons of allthe sons who die, while their father lives, are _mahjoob-ol-irs_, that is, excluded from inheritance. In the same manner, if the nextbrother of the King dies before him, his sons are excluded from thesuccession, which devolves on the third brother, and so on throughall the brothers. For instance, on the death, without any recognisedissue, of Nuseer-od Been Hyder, son of Ghazee-od Deen, he wassucceeded on the throne by Mahommed Allee Shah, the third brother ofGhazee-od Deen, though four sons of the second brother, Shums-odDowla, still lived. On the death of Mahommed Allee Shah, he wassucceeded by his second son, Amjud Allee Shah, though Moomtaz-odDowla, the son of his eldest son, Asgur Allee Khan, still lived. Shums-od Dowla died before his elder brother, Ghazee-od Deen; andAsgur Allee Khan before his father, Mahommed Allee Shah: and the sonsof both became, in consequence, _mahjoob-ol-irs_, excluded fromsuccession. The same rule guides the succession among the Delhisovereigns. This exclusion extends to all kinds of property, as wellas to sovereignty. Moomtaz-od Dowla is married to Zeenut-on Nissa, the daughter ofMulika Zumanee, one of the consorts of Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, lateKing of Oude; and he has, I fear, more cause to regret his union withher than his exclusion from the throne. Zeenut-on Nissa enjoys apension of ten thousand rupees a-month, in her own right, under theguarantee of the British Government. I may here, as an episode notdevoid of interest, give a brief account of her mother, who, for someyears, during the reign of Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, presided over thepalace at Lucknow. Before I do so I may mention that the King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, had been married to a grand-daughter of theEmperor of Delhi, a very beautiful young woman, of exemplarycharacter, who still survives, and retains the respect of the royalfamily and people of Lucknow. Finding the Court too profligate forher, she retired into private life soon after the marriage, and hasremained there ever since upon a small stipend from the King. Mulika Zumanee, queen of the age, was a daughter of a Hindoo of theKoormee caste, who borrowed from his neighbour, Futteh Morad, the sumof sixty rupees, to purchase cloth. He soon after died, leaving awidow, and a daughter named Dolaree, then five years of age. Theywere both seized and confined for the debt by Futteh Morad; but, onthe mother's consenting to leave her daughter in bondage for thedebt, she was released. Futteh Morad's sister, Kuramut-on Nissa, adopted Dolaree, who was a prepossessing child, and brought her up asher daughter; but finding, as she grew up, that she was too intimatewith Roostum, the son by a former husband of her brother's secondwife, she insisted on their being married, and they were so. FuttehMorad soon after died, and his first wife turned the second, with herfirst son, Roostum, and his wife, Dolaree, and the two sons which shehad borne to Futteh Morad--Futteh Allee Khan and Warus Allee Khân--out of her house. They went to Futteh Morad's aunt, Bebee Mulatee, alearned woman, who resided as governess in the house of NawabMohubbet Khan, at Roostumnugger, near Lucknow, and taught hisdaughters to read the Koran. Finding Dolaree to be not the mostfaithful of wives to Roostum, she would not admit them into theNawab's house, but she assisted them with food and raiment; andRoostum entered the service--as a groom--of a trooper in the King'scavalry, called Abas Kolee Beg. Dolaree had given birth to a boy, whowas named Mahommed Allee; and she now gave birth to a daughter; butshe had cohabited with a blacksmith and an elephant-driver in theneighbourhood, and it became a much "vexed question" whether the sonand daughter resembled most Roostum, the blacksmith, or the elephant-driver; all, however, were agreed upon the point of Dolaree'sbackslidings. Mahommed Allee, _alias_ Kywan Ja, was three years ofage, and the daughter, _Zeenut-on Nissa_, one year and half, whensome belted attendants from the palace came to Roostumnugger insearch of a wet-nurse for the young prince, Moona Jan, who had beenborn the night before; and Bebee Mulatee, whose reputation forlearning had readied the royal family, sent off Dolaree as one of thecandidates for employment. Her appearance pleased the queen, thePadshah Begum, the quality of her milk was pronounced by the royalphysicians to be first rate, and she was chosen, as wet-nurse for thenew-born prince. Moona Jan's father (then heir-apparent to the throne of Oude) nosooner saw Dolaree than, to the astonishment of the Queen and herCourt, he fell desperately in love with her, though she seemed veryplain and very vulgar to all other eyes; and he could neither reposehimself, nor permit anybody else in the palace to repose, till heobtained the King's and Queen's consent to his making her his wife, which he did in 1826. She soon acquired an entire ascendancy over hisweak mind, and, anxious to surround herself in her exalted station bypeople on whom she could entirely rely, she invited the learned BebeeMulatee and her daughter, Jumeel-on Nissa, and her son, Kasim Beg, tothe palace, and placed them in high and confidential posts. Sheinvited at the same time Futteh Allee and Warus Allee, the sons ofFutteh Morad by his second wife; and persuaded the King that theywere all people of high lineage, who had been reduced, by unmeritedmisfortunes, to accept employments so humble. All were raised to therank of Nawabs, and placed in situations of high trust andemoluments. Kuramut-on Nissa, too, the sister of Futteh Morad, wasinvited; but when Dolaree's husband--the humble Roostum--ventured toapproach the Court, he was seized and imprisoned in a fort in theBangur district till the death of Nuseer-od Deen, when he wasreleased. He came to Lucknow, but died soon after. Soon after the death of Ghazee-od Deen had placed the heir-apparent, her husband, on the throne, 20th of October, 1827, she fortifiedherself still further by high alliances: and her son, Mahommed Allee, was affianced to the daughter of Rokun-od Dowla, brother of the lateKing; and her daughter, Zeenut-on Nissa, to Moomtaz-od Dowla, theprince of whom I am writing. These two marriages were celebrated at acost of about thirty lacs of rupees; Dolaree was declared the firstconsort of the King, under the title of "Mulika Zamanee, " queen ofthe age, and received an estate in land yielding six lacs of rupeesa-year for pin-money. Not satisfied with this, she prevailed upon theKing to declare her son, Mahommed Allee, _alias_ Kywan Ja, to be his_own and eldest son_, and heir-apparent to the throne; and to demandhis recognition as such from the British Government, through itsrepresentative, the Resident. His Majesty, with great solemnity, assured the Resident, on many occasions during November and December, 1827, _that Kywan Ja was his eldest son_; and told him that had henot been so, his uncle would never have consented to bestow hisdaughter upon him in marriage, nor should he himself have consentedto expend twenty lacs of rupees in the ceremonies. The Resident toldhim that the universal impression at Lucknow was, that the boy wasthree years of age when his mother was first introduced to hisMajesty. But this had no effect; and, to remove all further doubtsand discussions on the subject, he wrote a letter himself to theGovernor-General, earnestly protesting that Kywan Ja was his _eldestson and heir-apparent to the throne_; and as such he was sent fromLucknow to Cawnpoor to meet and escort over Lord Combermere inDecember, 1827. On the birth of Moonna Jan, the then King, Ghazee-od Deen Hyder, declared to the Resident that the boy was not his grandson, and thathis son, Nuseer-od Deen, pretended that he was his son merely toplease his imperious mother, the Padshah Begum, and to annoy hisfather, with whom they were both on bad terms. Ghazee-od Deen had, however, before his death declared that he believed Moonna Jan to behis grandson. * In February, 1832, the King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, first through the minister, and then in person, assured the Residentthat neither of the boys was his son, and requested that he wouldreport the same to his Government, and assure the Governor-General"that both reports, as to these boys being sons of his, were false, and arose from the same cause, _bribery_ and _ambition_, that MulikaZumanee had paid many lacs of rupees to influential people about himto persuade him to call her son his, and declare him heir-apparent tothe throne; and that Fazl Allee and Sookcheyn had done the same toinduce others to persuade him to acknowledge Moonna Jan to be hisson. But, said his Majesty, I know positively that he is not my son, and my father knew the same. " [* I believe that Ghazee-od Deen's first repudiation of Moonna Janarose entirely from a desire to revenge himself upon his termagantwife, whose furious temper left him no peace. She was, from hisbirth, very fond of the boy; and to question his legitimacy was towound her in her tenderest point. This was the "raw" which herhusband established, and which his son and successor afterwardsworked upon. ] The wary minister then, to clench the matter, remarked that hisMajesty had mentioned to him that he had ceased to cohabit withMoonna Jan's mother for twenty-four months before the boy was born;and the King assured the Resident that this was quite true. HakeemMehndee was as anxious as Aga Meer had been to keep the Kingestranged from his imperious mother, and the only sure way was tomake him persist in repudiating the boy or postponing his claim tothe succession. Mulika Zumanee's influence over the king had, however, been eclipsed, first, by Miss Walters, Mokuddera Ouleea, whose history has alreadybeen given; secondly, by the beautiful Taj Mahal; and, thirdly, bythe Kuduseea Begum. She entered the palace as a waiting-woman toMulika Zumanee, and, on the 17th of December, 1831, the King marriedher; and from that day till her death, on the 21st of August, 1834, she reigned supreme in the palace and in the King's affections. On the King's paying a visit of ceremony to Mulika Zumanee oneevening, he asked for water, and it was brought to him in a gold cup, on a silver tray, by the Kuduseea Begum, then one of the women inwaiting. Her face was partially unveiled; and the King, afterdrinking, threw the last few drops from the cup over her veil inplay. In return, she threw the few drops that had been spilled on thesalver upon the King's robe, or vest. He pretended to be angry, andasked her, with a frown, how she could dare to besprinkle hersovereign; she replied--"When children play together there is nodistinction between the prince and the peasant. " The King was charmedwith her half-veiled beauty and spirit, and he paid a second visitthe next day, and again asked for water. He did the same as the firstday, and she returned the compliment in the same way. He came a thirdtime and asked for water, but Mulika Zumanee had become alarmed, andit was presented by another and less dangerous person. A few daysafter, however, the Queen was constrained to allow her fair attendantto attend the King, and receive from him formal proposals ofmarriage, which she accepted. She was handsome and generous; but there was no discrimination in herbounty, and she is said to have received from the King nearly twomillions of money out of the reserved treasury for pin-money alone. Of this she saved forty-four lacs of rupees. The King never touchedthis money, and it formed, in a separate apartment, the greater partof the seventy lacs found in his reserved treasury on his death, outof the ten krores or ten millions sterling, which he found there whenhe ascended the throne in 1827. She is said to have been the only one of his wives who ever had anyreal affection for the King. She was haughty and imperious in hertemper; and the only female, who had any influence over her, was aMogulanee, who taught her to read and write. She assisted hermistress very diligently in spending her pin-money, and made thefortunes of sundry of her relations. Altercations between theKuduseea Begum and the King were not uncommon; but, on the 21st ofAugust, 1834, the King became unusually excited, and told her that hehad raised her from bondage to the throne, and could as easily casther back into the same vile condition. Her proud spirit could notbrook this, and she instantly swallowed arsenic. The King relented, and every remedy was tried, but in vain. The King watched over heragonies till she was about to expire, when he fled in a frantic stateand took refuge in the apartments of the race-stand, about threemiles from the palace, till the funeral ceremonies were over. It issaid, that in her anxiety to give birth to an heir to the throne, shegot the husband, from whom she had been divorced, smuggled into herapartments in the palace in a female dress more than once; and thatthis was reported to the King, and became the real cause of thedispute. The Mogulanee attendant, who had accumulated twenty lacs of rupees, was seized and commanded to disgorge. She offered five lacs to Courtfavourites on condition that they saw her safely over the riverGanges into British territory. The most grave of them werecommissioned to wait upon his Majesty, and entreat him most earnestlyto banish her forthwith from his territories, as she was known, inthe first place, to be one of the most _potent sorceresses_ in India;and, in the next, to have been exceedingly attached to her latemistress: that they had strong grounds to believe that it was herintention to send his Majesty's spirit after hers, that they might beunited in the next world us they had been in this. The King gotangry, and said, that he had no dread of sorceresses, and would makethe old lady disgorge her twenty lacs. That very night, however, inhis sleep, he saw the Kuduseea Begum enter his room, approach hisbed, look upon him with a countenance still more kind and bright thanin life, and then return slowly with her face still towards him, andbeckoning him with her hand to follow! As soon as he awoke he becamegreatly agitated and alarmed, and ordered the old sorceress to besent forthwith across the Ganges to Cawnpoor. She paid her five lacs, and took off about fifteen; but what became of her afterwards I havenot heard. One of the first cases that I had to decide, after taking charge ofmy office, was that of a claim to five Government notes of twentythousand rupees each, left by Sultan Mahal, one of the late King, Amjud Allee Shah's, widows. The claimants were the reigning King, andthe mother, brother, and sister of the deceased widow. She was thedaughter of a greengrocer, and, in February 1846, at the age ofsixteen, she went to the palace with vegetables. The King saw andfell in love with her; and she forthwith became one of his wives, under the name of "Sultan Mahal. " In November, 1846, the Kinginvested eighteen lacs and thirty thousand rupees in Government notesas a provision for his wives and other female relations. The noteswere to be made out in their names respectively; and the interest wasto be paid to them and their heirs. Of this sum, Sultan Mahal was tohave one hundred thousand; and, on the 21st of November, she drew theinterest, in anticipation, up to the 30th of December of that year. The five notes for twenty thousand each, in her name, were receivedin the Resident's Treasury on the 20th of April, 1847. On the 28th ofAugust, she sent an application for the Notes to the Resident, butdied the next day. The King, her husband, had died on the 18thFebruary, 1847. Nine days after, on the 6th of September, the new King, Wajid AlleeShah, sent an application to have these five notes transferred to oneof his own wives; urging, that, as his father and the Sultan Mahalhad both died, he alone ought to be considered as the heir. It wasdecided, that the mother, sister, and brother were the rightful heirsto the Sultan Mahal; and the amount was distributed among themaccording to Mahommedan law. The question was, however, submitted toGovernment at his Majesty's request; and the decision of the Residentwas upheld on the ground that the notes were in the lady's name, andshe had actually drawn interest on them; and, as she died intestate, they became the property of her heirs. By a deed of engagement with the British Government, dated the 1st ofMarch, 1820, the King contributed to the five per cent loan the sumof sixty-two lacs and forty thousand rupees, the interest of which, at five per cent, our Government pledged itself to pay, inperpetuity, to four females of the King's family. To Mulika Zumanee, ten thousand a-month; to her daughter, Zeenut-on Nissa, fourthousand; to Mokuddera Ouleea (Miss Walters), six thousand; and toTaj Mahal, six thousand: total, twenty-six thousand rupees a-month. On the death of Mulika Zamanee, which took place on the 22ndDecember, 1843, her daughter succeeded to her pension of six thousanda-month. The other portion of her pension--four thousand rupees a-month--wentto her grandson, Wuzeer Mirza, the son of Kywan Ja, who had died onthe 16th of May, 1838, before his mother. * Of this four thousand a-month, one thousand are given to Zeenut-on Nissa for the boy'ssubsistence and education, and three thousand a-month are invested inGovernment securities, to be paid to him when he comes of age. But, besides the six thousand rupees a-month which she inherits from hermother, Zeenut-on Nissa enjoys the pension of four thousand rupees a-month, which was assigned to her by the King in the same deed; sothat she now draws eleven thousand rupees a-month, independent of herhusband's income. ** By this deed the stipends are to descend to theheirs of the pensioners, if they have any; and if they have none, they can bequeath their pensions to whom they please. Should theyhave no heirs, and leave no will, the stipends are to go to themoojtahids and moojawurs, or presiding priests of the shrine ofkurbala, in Turkish Arabia, for distribution among the needypilgrims. [* Wuzeer Mirza is not the son of Rokun-od Dowla's daughter. KywanJa's marriage with that lady was never consummated. ] [** She takes after her mother, and makes her worthy husband verymiserable. She is ill-tempered, haughty, and profligate. ] An European lady, who visited the zunana of the King, Nuseer-od DeenHyder, on the anniversary of his coronation, on the 18th of October, 1828, writes thus to a female friend:--"But the present King's wiveswere superbly dressed, and looked like creatures of the ArabianTales. Indeed, one (Taj Mahal) was so beautiful, that I could thinkof nothing but Lalla Rookh in her bridal attire. I never saw any oneso lovely, either black or white. Her features were perfect, and sucheyes and eye-lashes I never, beheld before. She is the favouriteQueen at present, and has only been married a month or two, her age, about fourteen; and such a little creature, with the smallest handsand feet, and the most timid, modest look imaginable. You would havebeen charmed with her, she was so graceful and fawn-like. Her dresswas of gold and scarlet brocade, and her hair was literally strewedwith pearls, which hung down upon her neck in long single strings, terminating in large pearls, which mixed with and hung as low as herhair, which was curled on each side her head in long ringlets, likeCharles the Second's beauties. On her forehead she wore a small goldcirclet, from which depended and hung, half way down, large pearlsinterspersed with emeralds. Above this was a paradise plume, fromwhich strings of pearls were carried over the head, as we turn ourhair. Her earrings were immense gold rings, with pearls and emeraldssuspended all round in large strings, the pearls increasing in size. She had a nose ring also with large round pearls and emeralds; andher necklaces, &c. , were too numerous to be described. She wore longsleeves, open at the elbow; and her dress was a full petticoat with atight body attached, and open only at the throat. She had severalpersons to bear her train when she walked; and her women stood behindher couch to arrange her head-dress, when, in moving, her pearls gotentangled in the immense robe of scarlet and gold she had thrownaround her. This beautiful creature is the envy of all the otherwives, and the favourite at present of both the King and his mother, both of whom have given her titles--See _Mrs. Park's Wandering_, vol. I. , page 87. Taj Mahal still lives and enjoys a pension of sixthousand rupees a-month, under the guarantee of the BritishGovernment. She became very profligate after the King's death; andafter she had given birth to one child, it was deemed necessary toplace a guard over her to prevent her dishonouring the memory of theKing, her husband, any further by giving birth to more. " Of Miss Walters, alias Mokuddera Ouleea, the same lady writes:--"Theother newly-made Queen is nearly European, but not a whit fairer thanTaj Mahal. She is, in my opinion, plain; but she is considered by thenative ladies very handsome, and she was the King's favourite beforehe saw Taj Mahal. She was more splendidly dressed than even TajMahal. Her head-dress was a coronet of diamonds, with a fine crescentand plume of the same. She is the daughter of a European merchant, and is accomplished for an inhabitant of a zunana, as she writes andspeaks Persian fluently, as well as Hindoostanee; and it is said thatshe is teaching the King English, though when we spoke to her inEnglish, she said she had forgotten it, and could not reply. She was, I fancy, afraid of the Queen Dowager, as she evidently understood us;and when asked if she liked being in the zunana, she shook her headand looked quite melancholy. Jealousy of the new favourite, however, appeared to be the cause of her discontent, as, though they sat onthe same couch, they never addressed each other. " Of Mulika Zumanee, the same lady says:--"The mother of the King'schildren, Mulika Zumanee, did not visit us at the Queen Dowager's;but we went to see her at her own palace. She is, after all, theperson of the most political consequence, being the mother of theheir-apparent; and she has great power over her royal husband, whoseears she boxes occasionally. " CHAPTER IV. Nuseer-od Deen Hyder's death--His repudiation of his son, Moonna Jan, leads to the succession of his uncle, Nuseer-od Dowlah--Contest forthe succession between these two persons--The Resident supports theuncle; and the Padshah Begum supports the son--The ministers supposedto have poisoned the King--Made to disgorge their ill-gotten wealthby his successor--Obligations of the treaty of 1801, by which Oudewas divided into two equal shares--One transferred to the BritishGovernment, one reserved by Oude--Estimated value of each at the timeof treaty--Present value of each--The sovereign often warned thatunless he governs as he ought, the British Government cannot supporthim, but must interpose and take the administration upon itself--Allsuch warnings have been utterly disregarded--No security to life orproperty in any part of Oude--Fifty years of experience has proved, that we cannot make the government of Oude fulfil its duties to itspeople--The alternative left appears to be to take the managementupon ourselves, and give the surplus revenue to the sovereign androyal family of Oude--Probable effects of such a change on thefeelings and interests of the people of Oude. When in February, 1832, the King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, assured theResident that Moonna Jan was not his son. Lord William Bentinck wasGovernor-General of India. A more thoroughly honest man never, Ibelieve, presided over the government of any country. The question ofright to succession was long maturely and most anxiously considered, after these repeated and formal repudiations on the part of the King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder; and Government would willingly have deferred afinal decision on so important a question longer, but it was deemedunsafe any longer from the debauched habits of the King, the chanceof his sudden death, and the risk of a tumult in such a city, toleave the representative of the paramount power unprepared toproclaim its will in favour of the rightful heir, the moment that ademise took place. Under these considerations, instructions were sentto the Resident, on the 15th of December, 1833, in case of the King'sdeath without a son, or pregnant consort, to declare the eldestsurviving brother of the late King, Ghazee-od Deen Hyder, heir to thethrone, and have him placed upon it. According to the law alreadynoticed (which applies as well to sovereignty as to property) thesons of Shums-od Dowlah, the second son of Saadut Allee Khan, who haddied shortly before his eldest and reigning brother, Ghazee-od Deen, were excluded from all claims to the succession, and the rightdevolved upon the third son of Saadut Allee, Nuseer-od Dowlah. Ghazee-od Deen had only one son, the reigning sovereign, Nuseer-odDeen Hyder. This prince had impaired his constitution by drinking and othervicious indulgences, in which he had been encouraged in early life byhis designing or inconsiderate adoptive mother, the Padshah Begum;but for some time before his death, he used frequently to declare tohis most intimate companions that he felt sure he should die ofpoison, and that at no distant period. He for some time before hisdeath had a small well in the palace, over which he kept his own lockand key; and he kept the same over the jar, in which he drew thewater from it for his own drinking. The keys were suspended by a goldchain around his neck. The persons who gave him his drink, exceptwhen taking it out of English sealed bottles, were two sisters, Dhuneea and Dulwee. The latter and youngest is now the wife of WaseeAllee Khan. The eldest, Dhuneea, still resides at Lucknow. Thegeneral impression at Lucknow and over all Oude was, that the BritishGovernment would, take upon itself the management of the country onthe death, without issue, of Nuseer-od Deen Hyder; and the Kinghimself latterly seemed rather pleased than otherwise at the thoughtthat he should be the last of the Oude kings. He had repudiated hisown son, and was unwilling that any other member of the family shouldfill his place. The minister and the other public officers and Courtfavourites, who had made large fortunes, wished it, as it wasunderstood by some, that by such a measure they would be secured fromall scrutiny into their accounts, and enabled to keep securely allthat they had accumulated. About half-past eleven, on the night of the 7th July, 1837, theDurbar Wakeel, Gholam Yaheea, * came to the Resident and reported thatthe King had been taken suddenly ill, and appeared to be either deador in a dying state, from the symptoms described to him by hisMajesty's attendants. The Resident, Colonel Low, ordered his twoAssistants, Captains Paton and Shakespear, the Head Moonshee and HeadClerk, to be in attendance, and wrote to request the Brigadier, commanding the troops in Oude, to hold one thousand men in readinessto march to the Residency at a moment's notice. The Residency issituated in the city near the Furra Buksh Palace, in which the Kingresided. The Resident intended that five companies of this forceshould be sent in advance of the main body and guns, for the purposeof placing, sentries over the palace gates, treasuries, and otherplaces containing valuables within the walls. But this intention wasnot unfortunately made known to the Brigadier. Captain Magness, whocommanded a corps of infantry with six guns, and a squadron of horse, had been ordered by the minister at half-past eight o'clock, toproceed with them to a place near the southern entrance of thepalace, and there to wait for further instructions, and he did so. This was three hours before the minister made any report to theResident of the King's illness, and Captain Magness was told by thepeople in attendance that the King was either dead or dying. [* Gholam Yaheea Khan was the maternal uncle of Shurf-od Dowlah, whowas, afterwards, some time minister under Mahommed Allee Shah. ] Having given these orders, the Resident proceeded to the palace, attended by Captain Paton, the first Assistant, and Dr. Stevenson, the Residency Surgeon. They found the King lying dead upon his bed, but his body was still warm, and Dr. Stevenson opened a vein in onearm. Blood flowed freely from it, but no other sign of life could bediscovered. His features were placid and betrayed no sign of hishaving suffered any pain; and the servants in attendance declaredthat the only sign of suffering they had heard or seen was a slightshriek, to which the King gave utterance before he expired; thatafter that shriek he neither moved, spoke, nor showed any signwhatever of life. His Majesty had been unwell for three weeks, but noone had any apprehension of danger from his symptoms. He had calledfor some sherbet a short time before his death, and it was given tohim by Dhuneea, the eldest of the two sisters. The Resident took with him a guard of sipahees from his escort, andCaptain Paton distributed them as double sentries at the inner doorsof the palace, and outside the chief buildings and store-rooms, withorders to allow no one but the ministers and treasurers to pass. Captain Madness had placed one sentry before at each of these places, and he now added a second, making a party of four sipahees at eachpost. Captain Paton at the same time, in conjunction with theofficers of the Court, placed seals on all the jewels and othervaluables belonging to the King and his establishments; and as thenight was very dark, placed torch-bearers at all places where theyappeared to be required. Having made these arrangements the Resident returned with Dr. Stevenson to the Residency, leaving Captain Paton at the palace; andwrote to the Brigadier to request that he would send off the fivecompanies in advance to the palace direct, and bring down all hisdisposable troops, including artillery, to the city. The distancefrom the palace to the cantonments, round by the old stone bridge, was about four miles and half. The iron bridge, which shortens thedistance by a mile and half, had not then been thrown over theGoomtee river, which flows between them. The Resident then had drawnup, for the consent of the new king, a Persian paper, declaring thathe was prepared to sign any new treaty for the better government ofthe country that the British Government might think proper to proposeto him. It was now one o'clock in the morning of the 8th of July, and CaptainShakespear, attended by the Meer Moonshee, Iltufat Hoseyn, and theDurbar Wakeel, proceeded to the house of the new sovereign, Nuseer-odDowlah, who then resided where the present King now resides, adistance of about a mile from the Residency. The visit was altogetherunexpected; and, as the new sovereign had been for some time ill, some delay took place in arranging for the reception of the mission. After explaining the object of his visit. Captain Shakespearpresented the paper, which the King perused with great attention, andthen signed without hesitation. Captain Shakespear returned with itto the Resident, who repaired again to the palace, and sent CaptainPaton, the first Assistant, to the Residency, to proceed thence withCaptain Shakespear and the Durbar Wakeel, to the house of the newsovereign, and escort him to the palace, where he would be inreadiness to receive him. He arrived about three o'clock in themorning, and being infirm from age, and exceedingly reduced fromrecent illness, he was, after a short conversation with the Resident, left in a small adjoining room, to repose for a few hours preparatoryto his being placed on the throne and crowned in due form. His eldestsurviving son, afterwards Amjud Allee Shah, his sons, the presentKing, Wajid Allee Shah, and Mirza Jawad Khan, the King's fosterbrother, Hummeed-od Dowlah, and his confidential servant, Rufeek-odDowla, were left in the room with him; and the Resident and hisAssistants sat in the verandah facing the river Goomtee, which flowsunder the walls, conversing on the ceremonies to be observed at theapproaching coronation, and the persons to be invited to assist atit, when they were suddenly interrupted by the intelligence that thePadshah Begum, the adoptive mother of the late King, with a largearmed force, and the young pretender, Moonna Jan, were coming on toseize upon the throne, and might soon be expected at the principalentrance to the palace to the north-west. When the Resident was about to proceed to the palace, the first timeabout midnight, he was assured by the minister, Roshun-od Dowla, thatevery possible precaution had been taken by him to prevent thePadshah Begum from attempting any such enterprise, or from leavingher residence with the young pretender; that he had placed strongbodies of troops in every street or road by which she could come. But, to make more sure, and prevent her leaving her residence at theAlmas gardens, five miles from the palace, the Resident sent off oneof his chobdars, Khoda Buksh, with two troopers and a verbal message, enjoining her to remain quietly at her palace. These men found herwith her equipage in the midst of a large mass of armed followers, ready to set out for the palace. They delivered their message fromthe Resident, but were sent back with her Wakeel, Mirza Allee, torequest that she might be permitted to look upon the dead body of thelate King, since she had not been permitted to see him for so long aperiod before his death. But they reached the Resident with thismessage, only ten minutes before the Begum's troops were thunderingfor admittance at the gate. The Resident gave the chobdar a note forthe officer in command of the five companies, supposed to be inadvance on their way down from cantonments; but before he could getwith this note five hundred yards from the palace, he met the Begumand her disorderly band filling the road and pressing on as fast asthey could. Unable to proceed, he returned to the palace with allhaste, and gave the Resident the first notice of their near approach. Captain Magness had placed two of his six guns at each of the threeentrances to the south and west, but was now ordered to collect all, and proceed to the north-western entrance, towards which the Begumwas advancing. Before he could get to that entrance she had passedin, and he returned to the south-western entrance for further orders. On passing the mausoleum of Asuf-od Dowlah, where the Kotwal or headpolice officer of the city resided, she summoned him, with all hisavailable police, to attend his sovereign to the throne of hisancestors. He promised obedience, but, with all his police, stoodaloof, thinking that her side might not be the safe one to take insuch an emergency. A little further on she passed Hussun Bagh, theresidence of the chief consort of the late King and niece of theemperor of Delhi, and summoned and brought her on, to give somecountenance to her audacious enterprise. The Resident admonished theminister for his negligence and falsehood in the assurance he hadgiven him; and directed Rajah Bukhtawur Sing, with his squadron ofone hundred and fifty horse, and Mozuffer-od Dowlah, the father ofAjum-od Dowlah, and Khadim Hoseyn, the son-in-law of Sobhan AlleeKhan, the deputy minister, with all the armed men they could muster, to arrest the progress of the pretender; but nothing whatever wasdone, and the excited mass came on, and augmented as it came in noiseand numbers. All whom the Resident sent to check them, out of fear orfavour, avoided collision, and sought safety either in their homes oramong the pretender's bands. Captain Paton, as soon as he heard the pretender's' men approach, rushed to the gate to the north-west, towards which the throng wasapproaching rapidly. He had only four belted attendants with him, andthe gate was guarded only by a small party of useless sipahees, underthe control of three or four black slaves. By the time he had rousedthe sleepy guard and closed the gates, the pretender's armed masscame up, and with foul abuse, imprecations, and with threats ofinstant death to all who opposed them, demanded admittance. CaptainPaton told them, that the Resident had been directed by the BritishGovernment to place Nuseer-od Dowlah, the uncle of the late King, onthe throne as the rightful heir; that he was now in the palace, andall who opposed him would be treated as rebels; that the gates wereall closed by order of the Resident, and all who attempted to forcethem would be put to death. All was in vain. They told him with furythat the Padshah Begum, and the son of the late King, and rightfulheir to the throne, were among them, and must be instantly admitted. Captain Paton despatched a messenger to the Resident to say, that hecould hold the gate no longer without troops: but before he could geta reply, the insurgents brought up an elephant to force in the gatewith his head. The first failed in the attempt, and drew back with afrightful roar. A second, urged on by a furious driver, broke in thegate, one-half fell with a crash to the ground, and the elephantplunged in after it. Captain Paton was standing with his back againstthis half, and must have been killed; but Mukun, one of hischuprassies, seeing the gate giving way, caught him by the arm anddragged him behind the other half. The other three chuprassies ranoff in a fright and hid themselves. Two of them were Surubdawun Singand Juggurnath, two brothers, who will be mentioned elsewhere in thisdiary. * [* See Juggurnath chuprassie in Chapter V. , Vol. II. ] The furious and confused mass rushed in through the half-opened gate, and beat Captain Paton to the ground with their bludgeons, the hiltsof their swords, and the butt-ends of their muskets. Mukun, chuprassie, his only remaining attendant, was beaten down at the sametime and severely bruised, but he soon got up, covered with blood, made his way out through the crowd, and ran to meet the fivecompanies of the 35th Regiment, then not far distant, under ColonelMonteath. As soon as he heard from Mukun the state in which he hadleft his master, he sent on a party of thirty sipahees under CaptainCowley, with orders to make all possible haste to the rescue. Theyarrived in time to save his life from the fury of the assailants, butfound him insensible from his wounds. In a few minutes every court-yard within the palace walls was filledwith the armed and disorderly mass. The Resident, Captain Shakespear, and their few attendants, tried to stop them by every impediment theycould throw in their way, but in vain. The assailants rushed past orover them, brandishing their swords and firelocks, with loudshoutings and flaming torches, and soon filled all the apartments ofthe palace, save those occupied by the ladies and their femaleattendants, and the dead body of the late King. The Resident and hisAssistant, and the Meer Moonshee, were soon separated from the newsovereign and his small party, who lay for some time concealed in thesmall room in which he had been left to repose, while they wereconfined to the northern verandah overlooking the river, and the longroom leading into it. The armed and furious throng filled all theother rooms of the palace, the court-yard, eighty yards long, leadingto the baraduree (or summer-house) and all the four great halls ofthat building, in one of which the throne stood. The Resident felt that he was helpless in his present position, andunable to do anything whatever to prevent the temporary triumph ofthe insurgents, and the consequent tumult, pillage, and loss of lifethat must follow; and that it would be better to try any change thanto remain in that helpless state. He thought that he might, if hecould once reach the Begum, be able to persuade her of theimpossibility of her ultimately succeeding in her attempt to keep thepretender on the throne; and if not, that it would be of advantage toget so much nearer to the place where the British troops most soonarrive, and be drawn up in a garden to the south of the baraduree, and to gain time for their arrival by a personal and open conferencewith the Begum, during which he thought her followers would not belikely to proceed to violence against his person, and those of hisattendants. He therefore persuaded one of the rebel sentries placedover him to apprize the Begum that he wished to speak to her. Shesent to him Mirza Allee, one of her Wakeels; and with him CaptainShakespear, and the Meer Moonshee, he forced his way through thedense crowd, and got safely into the baraduree. They found all the four halls, small apartments, and verandahs, leading into them, filled with armed men in a state of greatexcitement, and in the act of placing the pretender, Moonna Jan, onthe throne. The Begum sat in a covered palankeen at the foot of thethrone; and as the Resident entered, the band struck up "_God savethe King_, " answered by a salute of blunderbusses within, and adouble royal salute from the guns in the "_jullooknana_, " or northerncourt-yard of the palace through which the Begun had passed in. Otherguns, which had been collected in the confusion to salute somebody(though those who commanded and served them knew not whom), continuedthe salute through the streets without. A party of dancing-girls, belonging to the late King, or brought up by the Begum, began todance and sing as loud as they could at the end of the long hall infront of the throne, at the same time that the crowd within andwithout shouted their congratulations at the top of their voices, andevery man who had a sword, spear, musket, or matchlock, flourished itin the air amidst a thousand torches. A scene more strange and wildit would be difficult to conceive. In the midst of all this the Resident and his Assistants remainedcool under all kinds of foul abuse and threats from a multitude soexcited, that they seemed more like demons than human beings, andresolved to force them to commit some act or make use of someexpression that might seem to justify their murder. They firedmuskets close to their ears, pointed others loaded and cocked closeto their breasts and faces, flourished swords close to their noses, called them all kinds of opprobrious names, but all in vain. TheResident, in the midst of all this confusion, pointed out to theBegum the impossibility of her ultimately succeeding in her attemptto secure the throne for the pretender, since he was acting under theorders of his Government, who had declared the right to be another's;and if he and all his Assistants were killed, his Government wouldsoon send others to carry out their orders. "I am, " she said, "in myright place, and so is the young King, my grandson, and so are you. Why do you talk to me or to anybody else of leaving the throne andthe baraduree?" But some of her furious followers, afraid that shemight yield, seized him by his neckcloth, dragged him towards thethrone, on which the boy sat, and commanded him to present hisofferings of congratulation on the threat of instant death. They had, they said, placed him on the throne of his ancestors by order of theBegum, and would maintain him there. Had he or either of hisAssistants lost their temper or presence of mind, and attempted toresent any of the affronts offered to them, they must have been allinstantly put to death, and a general massacre of all their supposedadherents, and the pillage of the palace and city, would havefollowed. The Begum's Wakeel, Mirza Allee, seeing the life of the Resident andthose of his Assistants and attendants in such imminent peril, sincehe so resolutely refused to give any sign whatever of recognition tothe pretender, and aware of the consequences that would inevitablyfollow their murder, seized him by the arm, and in a loud voiceshouted out that it was the Begum's order that he should conduct himout into the garden to the south. He pushed on with him through thecrowd, followed by all his small party, and with great difficulty anddanger they at last reached the garden, where Colonel Monteath hadjust brought in and drawn up his five companies in a line facing thebaraduree. Finding the entrance to the north-west occupied by theBegum's party. Colonel Monteath marched along the street to the westof the palace, and entered the baraduree garden by the south-westgate. As the Resident went out. Colonel Roberts, who commanded abrigade in the Oude service, went in, and presented to the pretenderhis offering of gold mohurs, and then went off and hid himself, towait the result of the contest. Captain Magness drew up his men andguns on the left of Colonel Monteath's, and was told to prepare foraction. He told the Resident that he did not feel quite sure of hismen in such a crisis, and the line of British sipahees was made tocover his rear, to secure them. The King and minister had commandedhim to act precisely as directed by the Resident, and he himself knewthis to be his only safe course, but the hearts of his men were withMoonna Jan and the Begum. The Begum, as soon as the Resident left her, deeming all safe, wentover to the female apartments, where her adopted son, the late king, lay dead; and after gazing for a minute upon his corpse, returned tothe foot of the throne, on which the pretender had now been seatedfor more than three hours. It was manifest that nothing but forcecould now remove the boy and his supporters, but the Begum tried togain more time in the hope of support from a popular insurrectionfrom without, which might take off the British troops from thegarden; and she sent evasive messages to the Resident by her wakeels, urging him to come once more to her, since it was impossible for herto make her way to him without danger of collision between the troopsof the two States. He refused to put himself again in her power, andcommanded her to come down with the boy to him and surrender; andpromised that if she did so, and directed all her armed followers toquit the palace and city of Lucknow, all that had passed should beforgiven, and the large pension of fifteen thousand rupees a-month, promised by the late King, secured to her for life. All was in vain, and the Begum was gaining her object. Robberies of State property inthe eastern and more retired parts of the palace-buildings hadcommenced. Gold, jewels, shawls, &c. , to a large amount were beingcarried off. Much of such property lay about in places not guarded byCaptain Paton in the morning, or known to the minister, or otherrespectable servants of the State, all holding out temptation topillage. Acts of plunder and ill-treatment to unoffending andrespectable persons in the city were every moment reported, and sixor eight houses had been already pillaged, and attempts had been madeon others by small parties, who were every moment increasing innumbers and ferocity. Several parties of the King's troops had openly deserted their postsand joined the pretender's followers in the baraduree, and densemasses of armed men were crowding in upon the British troops, whoseofficer became anxious, and urged the Resident to action, lest theyshould no longer have room to use their arms. At one time these armedcrowds got within two yards of the British front; and on ColonelMonteath's telling them to retire a few paces and leave him a clearfront, they did so in a sullen and insolent manner, and one of themactually attempted to seize one of the sipahees by his whiskers, andan affray was with difficulty prevented. Mostufa Khan, Kundaharee, who had command of a regiment of a thousandhorse in the late King's service, was with many others commanded bythe Begum to attend the young King on the throne; and he did so sometime after Brigadier Johnstone reached the garden, in front of thebaraduree, though he knew that Nuseer-od Dowlah had been declared therightful heir to the throne, and was actually in the palace. He saidthat "he was the servant of the throne; that the young King wasactually seated upon it, and that he would support him there, happenwhat might. " He presented his offerings of gold to the young King, and was forthwith appointed to supersede all the other wakeels in theBegum's negotiations with the Resident. He merely repeated what theother wakeels had said, urging the Resident to go up to the Begum, since she could not come down to him. The Resident repeated to himwhat he had told the Begum herself, and taking out his watch, toldhim that unless his orders were obeyed in less than one-quarter of anhour, the guns should open upon the throne-room; that when once theyopened, neither she nor her followers could expect favour, or evenmercy; and unless he, Mostapha Khan, separated himself from herparty, he should be hung as a traitor if taken alive. Owing to the height of some houses and walls about the left part ofthe position of the British troops, the guns could not beconveniently brought to bear upon the south-western corner of thebaraduree and throne-room, and two of the guns had to be taken roundby a road one-third of a mile, to be placed in a better position. Onseeing this the crowd shouted out, "The cravens are already runningaway!" and became more insolent and furious than ever. The minister and Durbar Wakeel had been swept away by the crowd, whorushed into the palace, and separated from the Resident and hisparty, and as they passed through the balcony overlooking the river, the wakeel threw off his turban, and leaped over from a height ofabout twenty feet. The ground was soft, but he sprained both hisankles. He was taken up by some boatmen, who had put-to near thebank, and concealed in their boat till the affair was over. The newsovereign remained still unnoticed, and apparently unknown, havinglong led a secluded life; but his son, grandsons, and the rest of hisattendants were at last discovered, very roughly treated by theinsurgents, and would, it is said, have been put to death, had notRajah Bukhtawur Sing and some others, who thought it safe to be onfriendly terms with the ruffians, persuaded them that they would beuseful hostages in case of a reverse. The minister had had all hisclothes, save his trousers, torn from him, and his arms and legspinioned preparatory to execution, and the princes had been treatedwith little more ceremony. All had given themselves up for lost. The Begum remained firm to her purpose, her hopes from withoutincreasing with the increasing noise, tumult, and reports of pillagein the city. The quarter of an hour had passed, and the Resident, turning to the Brigadier, told him, that the work was now in hishands, just an hour and twenty minutes after he had brought histroops into the garden. The guns from the British, and CaptainMagness' parks opened at the same instant upon the throne-room andthe other halls of the baraduree with grape; and after six or sevenrounds, a party of the 35th Regiment, under Major Marshall, wasordered to storm the halls. With muskets loaded and bayonets fixedthey rushed first through a narrow covered passage; then up a steepflight of steps, and then into the throne-room, firing upon theaffrighted crowd as they advanced, and following them up with thebayonet as they rushed out over the two flights of steps on the northside, and through the courtyard which separates the baraduree fromthe palace. Other parties of sipahees ascended at the same time overladders collected at the suggestion of Doctor Stevenson, and placedon the southern front of the baraduree; and the halls were sooncleared of the insurgents, who left from forty to fifty men killedand wounded on the floors of the four halls. * In this assault MostufaKhan, Kundaharee, was killed. Moonna Jan was found concealed in asmall recess under the throne, and the Begum in a small adjoiningroom, to which she had been carried as soon as the guns opened. Theywere taken into custody, and sent to the Residency, with Imam Buksh, a bihishtee, or water-carrier, a notorious villain, who had been herchief instigator in all this affair, and appointed Commander-in-Chiefto the young King. Many who had been wounded got out of the halls, and some even reached their homes, but the killed and wounded aresupposed to have amounted altogether to about one hundred and twenty. The Begum and the boy were accommodated in the Residency, and their_Commander-in-Chief_ was made over to the King's Courts for trial. Heis still in prison at Lucknow. No one was killed on our side, butthree or four of our sipahees were wounded in the assault. [* As they entered the hall at the end opposite the throne, they sawtheir own figures reflected in the large mirror, which stands behindthe throne; and, taking them to be their enemy preparing to charge, they poured their first volley into the mirror, by which many liveswere saved at the expense of the glass. ] The Delhi princess, the chief consort of the deceased King, a modest, beautiful, and amiable young woman, who had been forced to join theBegum, in order to give some countenance to the daring enterprise, was, as soon as the guns opened, carried by her two female attendantsin her litter to a small side-room, facing the palace at the east endof the throne-room. One of these females had her arm shattered bygrape shot, but the other tied some clothes together, and let theprincess and her wounded attendant down from a height of abouttwenty-four feet into a court-yard, whence they were conveyed to herpalace by some of her attendants, and all three escaped. The sipaheesoccupied both of the flights of steps in the northern face of thebaraduree. She was afraid, to trust herself to them, and saw no otherway of escape than that described. It was nine o'clock before the palace could be cleared of theinsurgents; and the Resident was very anxious that the new Sovereignshould be crowned, as soon and as publicly as possible, in order torestore tranquillity to the city, which had become greatly disturbedfrom the number of loose and desperate characters that always aboundin it, and are at all times ready to make the most of any tumult thatmay arise from whatever cause. The new Sovereign had become greatlyagitated and alarmed at the danger to which he and his family hadbeen so long exposed, and at the fearful scene which they witnessedat the close; and the Resident exerted himself to soothe and preparehim for the long and tedious ceremonies of the coronation, while thekilled and wounded were being removed and the throne-room and theother halls of the baraduree cleaned out and properly arranged andfurnished. When all was ready the Resident conducted him from thepalace through the court-yard to the baraduree, accompanied by thebrigadier and all the principal officers of the British force and theCourt, seated him on the throne, placed the crown on his head, undera royal salute, repeated from every battery in the city, andproclaimed him King of Oude, in presence of all the aristocracy andprincipal persons of Lucknow, who had flocked to the place on hearingthat the danger had passed away. From the time that the Resident discovered that the King was dead, till the arrival of the five companies under Colonel Monteath, thewhole of the British force in this vast city, containing a populationof nearly a million persons, amounted to only two companies and ahalf of sipahees under native officers. One of the companies guardedthe Resident's Treasury, one constituted the honorary guard of theResident, and the half company guarded the gaol. A part of thehonorary guard, with as many sipahees as could be safely spared fromthe Treasury and gaol, were taken by Captain Paton to the palace, anddistributed as already mentioned. They all stood nobly to their postsduring the long and trying scene, and no attempt was made toconcentrate them for the purpose of arresting the tumultuous advanceof the Begum's forces. Collectively they would have been too few forthe purpose, and it was deemed unsafe to remove them from theirrespective charges at such a time. The Resident relied upon theminister's repeated assurances that he had taken all necessaryprecautions to prevent her approach; upon the two companies, calledthe Khas companies, under the command of Mujd-od Dowlah; and thesquadron of one hundred and fifty horse, under Rajah Bukhtawur Sing, whom he had himself ordered to guard the passage by which theyentered. Of all these men not one was employed for the purpose. Theyand their Commanders all stood aloof, and left the British soldiersto their fate. The minister was a fool, under the tutelage of his deputy, SobhanAllee Khan, a great knave, who disappeared as soon as he heard thatthe Begum was approaching with his son-in-law, Khadim Hoseyn. Mozuffer Allee Khan, a person in high office and confidence under thelate King, did the same. The minister and the Durbar Wakeel were theonly officers of the State of Oude who stood by the new King and theBritish Resident. The minister afterwards declared that a strongdetachment of troops had been placed outside the gate through whichthe Begum ultimately forced her way, as well as at the other passagesleading to the palace and baraduree; and Captain Shakespear, on hisway to the new Sovereign, ascertained that guards had actually beenposted outside all the other gates leading to the palace andbaraduree. From this, the supineness and seeming apathy of many ofthe palace guards and servants, and the perversion of the orders sentby him before and during the tumult, the minister concluded thatthere must have been many about him interested in promoting theenterprise of the Begum; and that the approach to the gate throughwhich she forced her way must have been purposely left unguarded. There is now little doubt, that from the time that it became known, that the contest was between Moonna Jan and Nuseer-od Dowlah, aperson but little known except as a prudent and parsimonious old man, a large portion not only of the civil and military establishments, but of the population of the city, felt anxious for the success ofthe Begum's enterprise; for both had, under the harsh treatment ofthe last two sovereigns, become objects of sympathy. A good many of the members of the royal family, who were brought upfrom childhood with the deceased King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, and nearhis person to the last, declare that Moonna Jan was his son; but thatthe King was ashamed and afraid to acknowledge him after he had sofrequently and so formally declared to the British Government that hewas not his son, and that he had ceased to cohabit with the boy'smother for two years before his birth. But all such persons admitthat Moonna Jan was a boy of ungovernable temper, and the worstpossible dispositions; and that he must soon have forfeited the crownby his cruelty, bigotry, and injustice, had he been placed upon it bythe British Government. I saw him in January 1838, at Chunar, and amore unpromising boy I have rarely seen. The ministry dreaded being called to account for their malversationsas much from the Begum, on account of their successful efforts tokeep the King alienated from her and his son, as from Nuseer-odDowlah, on account of his parsimony, prudence, and great experiencein business during the reign of his able father, Saadut Allee Khan. But they would have a better chance of escape from the Begum and theboy than from the vigilant old man, who afterwards made them alldisgorge their ill-gotten wealth; and, in consequence, they made noeffort to obstruct her enterprise. The military and civilestablishments were all in favour of the boy, who would probably beas regardless of their number and discipline as his father had been, while the old man would assuredly reduce the one, and endeavour, byrigorous measures, to improve the other. Hardly any one at Lucknow atpresent doubts that the minister and his associates caused the Kingto be poisoned, and employed Duljeet and the two sisters; Dhunneeaand Dulwee, for the purpose, in expectation that the BritishGovernment would take upon itself the Oude administration, as theonly possible means of improving it. The respectable and peaceable portion of the city, though theirsympathies were with the boy, had too much in property, and thehonour of their families, at stake to aid in any movement in hisfavour, since it would involve a tumult, and for a time, at least, insure the supremacy of the mob. Their security and that of theirfamilies depended upon the success of the British troops; and theywere all prepared to acquiesce in any cause which the BritishGovernment might adopt for the sake of order. They would rather thatit should adopt that of the Begum and the boy than that of Nuseer-odDowlah; but in either case were resolved to remain neuter, and letthe representative of the British Government take his own course. It is a fact not unworthy of remark, that more than three millionssterling, or three crores of rupees, in our Government securities, are held by persons who reside and spend the interest arising fromthem in the city of Lucknow; and that the fall in their value inexchange during the times that we have been engaged in our mostserious wars has been less in Lucknow than in Calcutta, the capitalof British India; so much greater assurance do the people feel of ourresources being always equal to our exigencies. At such times themerchants of Lucknow commission their agents in Calcutta to purchaseup Government securities at the rate to which they fall in Calcutta, for sale at Lucknow, where they seldom fall at all. About threecrores and half of rupees, or three millions and half sterling, havebeen at different times contributed to our loans by the sovereigns ofOude as a provision for the different members of their respectivefamilies and dependents; and the interest is now paid to them andtheir descendants, at the rates which prevailed at the time of theseveral loans (four, five, and six per cent. ) to the amount offourteen lacs thirty-five thousand and four hundred and ten rupees a-year. The Begum's haughty and violent temper, and inveterate disposition tomeddle in public affairs, were the real cause of her continualdisquietude and ultimate disgrace and ruin. The minister of the daydreaded the ascendancy of so imperious and furious a character, should she ever become reconciled to the King. During the whole reignof Ghazee-od Deen, her husband, from the 12th of July 1814, to the20th of October 1827, her own frequent ebullitions, which oftendisfigured the King's robes and vests, and left even the hair on hishead and chin unsafe, and Aga Meer's sagacious suggestions, satisfiedhim that his own personal safety and peace of mind, and the welfareof the State, depended upon his keeping as much as possible alooffrom her. He was fond of his son, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, but duringhis minority he always took the part of his adoptive mother, thePadshah Begum; and, in consequence, remained almost as much as shewas alienated from the King, his father. His natural mother died soonafter his birth; and people suspected that the Padshah Begum had herput to death that she might have no rival in his affections; and shehad an entire ascendancy over him, acquired by every species ofenervating indulgences; and he remained all his life utterly withoutcharacter, ignorant of the rudiments of public affairs, andaltogether incapable of taking any useful part in them. She retained this ascendancy over him for some time after he becameKing, first from habit and affection, and latterly from the fearswith which she continued to inspire him, that she could, by herdisclosures, whenever she pleased, prevail upon the BritishGovernment to set him aside in favour of some other member of theroyal family, as the Buhoo Begum of Fyzabad had set aside WuzeerAllee. She made him dismiss his father's minister, Aga Meer, withdisgrace, and confer the seals on Fuzl Allee, the nephew of herfavourite waiting-woman, Fyzon Nissa; but when the shrewd andsagacious Hakeem Mehndee became minister three years after, he soonpersuaded the young King, that all fears of his adoptive mother'sdisclosures or wishes were idle, and that nothing which she could door say would induce the British Government to disturb his possessionof the sovereignty of Oude. He is said to have been the first personwho ventured to hint to him the murder of his natural mother by thePadshah Begum; and he was, or pretended to be, violently shocked andgrieved. He then built a splendid tomb or cenotaph for her; andendowed it with the means for maintaining pious men to read the Koranin it, and attendants of all kinds to keep it in a condition suitablefor the mother of a King. He shuddered, or pretended to shudder, atthe mention of the name of the Padshah Begum, as the most atrociousof murderesses. The minister of the day always made it a point tobring the reigning favourite of the seraglio over to his views, bygiving her a due share of the profits and patronage of his office;and it was for this reason, that the high-born chief consort, whoseinfluence over the King could not be so purchased, was soon made toretire from the palace, and, ever after, to live separated from herhusband. The Padshah Begum had only one child, a daughter, who was united inmarriage to Mehndee Allee Khan, by whom she had three children, Mohsen-od Dowlah, who was married to the daughter of Nuseer-odDowlah, the new King; and two daughters who were married to MirzaAbool Kasim, and Mirza Aboo Torab. They lost their mother while yetchildren, and the Padshah Begum brought them up and became muchattached to them. They had all from childhood been brought up withNuseer-od Deen, and were all much attached to him and to each other. The ministers, fearing that this attachment might possibly lead to areconciliation between the King and his adoptive mother, and to theirruin, left him and her no peace till, to save them, she forbade themher house, and sent the girls to their husbands, and the boy to hisfather-in-law, Nuseer-od Dowlah, whose succession to the throne ofOude has been here described. All objects of mutual interest andaffection were in this manner carefully excluded from attendance oneither, till they showed themselves to be entirely subservient to theminister of the day. * [* The mother always declared, and her two daughters and son alldeclare, Moonna Jan to have been the son of Nuseer-od Deen, andexactly like him in person, voice, and temper. But he was indulged bythe Padshah Begum in each habits of atrocious cruelties to otherchildren, that he soon became detested by all around him but herselfand the boy's natural mother, Afzul-mahal. ] Thus alienated from her son, all her affections were transferred toher grandson, Moonna Jan, and there is too much reason to believe, that in both cases she purposely did her best to prevent their everbecoming men of business, in order that she might have the guidanceof public affairs in her own hands when they should be called to thethrone. The Resident accommodated the Begum, the boy, and her two femaleattendants in apartments at the Residency, and had a guard placedover them. The new King told him, "that the Begum was the most wickedand unscrupulous woman he had ever known, and that he could expect nopeace at Lucknow while she remained. " He promised to consult hisGovernment as to her disposal, and on returning to the Residency heincreased that guard to two companies of Native Infantry, and allremained quiet when he made his report to Government on the 9th. Buttowards the close of that day, the city became again agitated. Reports prevailed, that Government was to be consulted as to whetherthey preferred the rights of Moonna Jan to the throne or those ofNuseer-od Dowlah; that the Begum's adherents were ready at her callto fall upon the Resident and his party, and put them all to death, or to attack the apartments in which she was confined, rescue her andthe boy from prison, and place him again on the throne. The Courtfavourites of the late King, and all the public military and civilestablishments in the city, dreaded the rigid economy and strictsupervision of the new King, who had conducted the duties of theministry for some time, under his able and vigilant father, SaadutAllee Khan; and all that numerous class who benefit by the lavishexpenditure of a thoughtless and profligate Court were equallyanxious to have the Government in the hands of an extravagant womanand thoughtless boy, and ready to join and incur some risk insupporting their cause. Under all these circumstances the Resident determined to send theBegum and her boy out of Oude as soon as possible. At midnight on the11th, a detachment of three companies of Infantry, under Major Laneof the 2nd Regiment, marched from Cawnpore and arrived at Newulgunge, midway to Lucknow, a distance of twenty-two miles, in the morning ofthe 12th, with one troop of cavalry. Another troop proceeded to Onow, the first stage from Cawnpore, and a third to Rahmutgunge, the secondstage, to relieve the first on their return. At each of these stages, relays of sixty palankeen-bearers and six torch-bearers were placedby the Post-Master at Cawnpore. As the bridge over the Ganges atCawnpore had been washed away by the flood, a company of NativeInfantry was placed on the Oude side of that river, to hold boats inreadiness, and assist in escorting over the party when they came. About the same time, at midnight, the Begum, her boy, and two of herfemale attendants were placed in palankeens and sent off from theResidency under the escort of a regiment of Infantry, and a detail ofartillery, attended by the Second Assistant, Captain Shakespear. They marched without resting through one of the hottest days of theyear, and the party reached Cawnpore in safety about half-past nineo'clock in the evening of the 12th, and were securely lodged inapartments prepared for them at the custom-house. So well had thingsbeen arranged between the Resident and Brigadier commanding thetroops in Oude, and the Major-General commanding the Division atCawnpore, that very few persons at Lucknow knew that the Begum andher party had left the Residency when she passed the Ganges atCawnpore. The three companies under Major Lane, who had marchedtwenty-two miles in the morning, kept pace with the palankeens allthe way back, making a march of forty-four miles, between midnight ofthe 11th, and half-past nine in the evening of the 12th, in so hot aday. The Begum and Moonna Jan were sent off with their attendants to thefort of Chunar, where they were lodged as state prisoners. As itbecame safe, the restrictions to which they were at first subjectedbecame by degrees relaxed, and they were permitted to enjoy all thefreedom and comforts compatible with their safe keeping. Both died atChunar, Moonna Jan some time before the Begum. He left three sons bytwo slave-girls at Chunar, and they still reside there, supported bya small stipend of three hundred rupees a-month from the OudeGovernment, under the protection of the commandant of the garrison, and the guardianship of Afzul mahal, the mother of the late MoonnaJan. All these circumstances, as they occurred, were reported by theResident to the Government of India, who took time to deliberate, anddid not reply till the 19th of July 1837, when they signified theirapproval of all that the Resident had done, with the exception of thewritten declaration to which he had obtained the consent andsignature of the new King. They did not think that it would beconsidered dignified or becoming the paramount power, to exact such adeclaration, binding himself to absolute submission, from thesovereign of a country so much under their control, on ascending athrone to which he was called as of right; and were of opinion thathis character as a prudent man of business, well trained to publicaffairs, during the time he acted as minister under his father, rendered such a declaration unnecessary. It was therefore annulled;and the Governor-General, Lord Auckland, addressed a letter to hisMajesty expressing, in kind terms, his congratulations on hisaccession to the throne, and his hopes of a better administration ofthe Government of Oude under his auspicious guidance. This letter, despatched by express, the Resident received on the 25th of July. The Resident concluded, on good grounds, that the Government deemed anew and more stringent treaty indispensable for the better governmentof the country, and that advantage should be taken of the occasion toprepare the new King for it. Government desired, that thenegotiations for a new treaty should be based "upon reason and right, and not upon demand and submission. " Had the declaration been allowedto stand good, there would have been _right_ as well as _reason_ inthe treaty of 1837, which was soon after concluded. The Resident intimated the receipt of these letters to the King, andon the 28th, he waited on his Majesty, to present the Governor-General's letter. He found him sitting up in his bed in a smallapartment in the baraduree, in his dishabille, having spent arestless night from rheumatic pains; but he was cheerful and in goodspirits, and requested the Resident to present his respectfulcompliments to the Governor-General, and grateful thanks for hisconsideration and congratulations. All his relations, the chiefofficers of the Government, and other persons of distinction aboutthe Court, were assembled to hear the letters read, and make theirofferings on this recognition of his authority by the paramountpower. "The King assured the Resident, that the arrival of thisrecognition, and its public announcement, would greatly strengthenhis hands in the exercise of public duties, for during the last fewdays bad reports had been industriously circulated by evil-disposedpersons to the effect, that the delay in the recognition of hissuccession to the throne by the paramount power in India, had arisenfrom discussions between the members of the Government in Calcutta, as to the amount of money to be taken on the occasion from the newKing, as the price of his sudden elevation; and that no letter was tobe presented by the Resident until the money was paid, or securitygiven for its punctual payment; that the Governor-General himselfwanted _two crores_ of rupees, but some members of the Governmentwould be satisfied with _a crore and half_ each, and others even with_one crore_ each, provided that these sums were paid forthwith. " Inrelating this story, which the Resident had heard from many otherswithin the last few days, the King observed, "that he was too wellacquainted with the character for honour and justice of theHonourable Company's Government, to give the slightest credit to suchscandal, the more especially since no demand of the kind had beenmade on the accession of either of the last two Kings, who were knownto be rich, while he was equally well known to be poor; but thatnothing but the arrival of this despatch confirming him on thethrone, could convince many, even well-disposed persons, of the uttergroundlessness of such wicked rumours; that many poor but respectablepersons, who had been weak enough to believe such rumours, would feelmuch relieved when they heard the salutes which were now being fired, for they had apprehended, that they might be severe sufferers bybeing compelled to contribute their own property, in order to enablehim to make up the _peshkush_, or tribute, required by the BritishGovernment, since the late King had squandered the ten crores, whichhe found in the treasury on the death of his father. " It is certain, that a great portion of the population of Lucknowexpected that some such demand would be made by the BritishGovernment from the new sovereign, since his right to the thronecould be disputed, not only by Moonna Jan, the supposed son of thelate King, but by the undoubted sons of Shums-od Dowlah, the elderbrother of the present King, whose rights were barred only by thatpeculiar feature of the Mahommedan law elsewhere adverted to in thisDiary. Every day of delay, in promulgating the final orders of theSupreme Government, tended to add to this number; and by the timethat these final orders came, by far the greater portion of the citywere of the same opinion. The fears of the people tended to add totheir numbers, and give strength to the opinion, for all knew, thatthere was but little left in the reserved treasury, that the expensesgreatly exceeded the annual revenue, and that the troops andestablishments were all greatly in arrear; and all believed that ageneral contribution would have to be levied to meet the demand whenit came. * [* Nuseer-od Dowlah reigned under the title of Mahommed Allee Shah, from the 8th of July, 1837, to the 16th of May, 1842. Nuseer-od DeenHyder, his predecessor, had reigned from the 20th of October, 1827, to the 7th of July, 1837. He, Nuseer-od Deen, found in the treasury, when he ascended the throne, ten crores of rupees, or ten millionssterling. He left in the treasury, when he died, only seventy lacs ofrupees, including the fifty-three lacs left by the Koduseea Begum. Mahommed Allee Shah left in the treasury thirty-five lacs of rupees, one hundred and twenty-four thousand gold mohurs, and twenty-fourlacs in our Government securities. Amjud Allee Shah reigned from the16th of May, 1842, to the 13th of February, 1847; and left in thetreasury ninety-two lacs of rupees, one hundred and twenty-fourthousand gold mohurs, and the twenty-four lacs in our Governmentsecurities. His son, Wajid Allee Shah, has reigned from the 13th ofFebruary, 1847. ] The assertion, on the part of the late King, that he had ceased tocohabit with Afzul mahal, the mother of Moonna Jan, for two years, oreven for six months before his birth, is now known to have beenutterly false, and known at the time to be so by his mother, thePadshah Begum; with whom they both lived. Afzul-mahal, though ofhumble birth and pretensions, maintained a fair reputation amongthose who knew her best in a profligate palace, and has continued tomaintain the same up to the present day in adversity. In prison andup to the hour of her death, which took place some time after that ofMoonna Jan himself, the old Begum declared that she had seen the boyborn, and had never lost sight of him; and that the story of his notbeing the son of Nuseer-od Deen, was got up to prevent her everbecoming reconciled to the King through the means of his son; and herextraordinary affection for him never diminished while he lived. Whenshe retired from the palace of Nuseer-od Deen to her new residence ofAlmas Bagh, she kept fast hold of the boy, and would never let himout of her sight till they entered the prison at Chunar, when theywere obliged to occupy separate apartments. Up to his death shewatched over him with the tenderest care; and always declared to theEuropean officers placed over her, that the boy's father and motheralways resided with her up to the time of his birth. The boy wasremarkably like Nuseer-od Deen in form and features, as well as intemper and disposition. Afzul-mahal was a person of great good sense and prudence, and in allthings trusted by the old Begum, who before her death executed aformal will, leaving to her the charge of Moonna Jan's threechildren, and all the establishments; and since the death of the oldlady she has executed the trust conscientiously, and with greateconomy; and with much difficulty managed to maintain all inrespectability upon the small stipend of three hundred rupees a-month, allowed for their support by the King of Oude. In this, shehas been very much impeded and annoyed by the two slave-girls, themothers of Moonna Jan's children, who have been always striving toget this stipend into their own hands, that they may share it withtheir paramours. At the death of the old lady most of her femalecompanions and attendants refused to return to Lucknow, and remainedat Chunar with Afzul-mahal and the children; and all have to besubsisted out of this small stipend. The slave-girls urge, that theymight have had separate pensions, had they obeyed the orders toreturn to Lucknow on the death of the Begum, and that they ought notnow to share in the stipend of the children. Five or six of thefemales were ladies of rank, and one of them, who died lately, was awidow of Saadut Allee Khan. This pension may be discontinued when the boys become of age, orappropriated by them and their mothers for their own exclusive use, and the Government of Oude should be required to assign pensions forlife to Afzul mahal, and the other females who are now supported fromit. The salary of the prime minister, during the five years that Roshun-od Dowlah held the office, was twenty-five thousand rupees a-month, or three lacs a-year, and over and above this, he had five per cent. Upon the actual revenue, which made above six lacs a-year. His son, as Commander-in-Chief, drew five thousand rupees a-month, though hedid no duty--his first wife drew five thousand rupees a-month, andhis second wife drew three thousand rupees a-month, total eighty-eight thousand rupees a-month, or ten lacs and fifty-six thousandrupees a-year. These were the avowed allowances which the familyreceived from the public treasury. The perquisites of office gavethem some five lacs of rupees a-year more, making full fifteen lacsa-year. Roshun-od Dowlah held office for only three months, under the newsovereign, Mahommed Allee Shah. He was then superseded by HakeemMahndee, thrown into prison, and made to pay twenty lacs to thetreasury, and two lacs in gratuities to Court favourites. Afterpaying these sums, he was permitted to go and reside at Cawnpore; buthis houses in the city, valued at three lacs, were afterwardsconfiscated by the present King, on the ground of unpaid balances. Hetook into keeping Dulwee, the younger of the two sisters; but she wasafterwards seduced away from him by one of his creatures, aconsummate knave, Wasee Allee, whose wife she now is. Dhunneea, theeldest sister, is still residing at Lucknow. Roshun-od Dowlah's firstwife took off with her more than three lacs of rupees in ourGovernment securities, and his son, the Commander-in-Chief, took offeight lacs of rupees in the same securities. Roshun-od Dowlah carriedoff a large sum himself. She and his son afterwards left him, and nowreside in comfort upon the interest of these securities at Futtehgur, while he lives at Cawnpore in poor circumstances. Sobhan Allee, his deputy, was made to pay to the treasury seven lacsof rupees, and in gratuities to court favourites five lacs more. Roshun-od Dowlah was one of the principal members of the oldaristocracy of Lucknow, and connected remotely with the royal family;and he got off more easily in consequence, compared with his means, than his deputy, who had no such advantages, and was known to havebeen the minister's guide in all things, though he would neverconsent to hold any ostensible and responsible office. Duljeet, a creature of Roshun-od Dowlah's, and prime favourite of thelate King, carried off, while the King lay dead, money and jewels tothe value of one lac of rupees, and concealed them in a vault atConstantia. His associates, not satisfied with what he gave them, betrayed him. The money and jewels were discovered and brought back, and he was made to pay another lac of rupees to the treasury as afine. Dhunneea, the eldest of the two sisters, was made to disgorgetwo lacs of rupees. Many other favourites of the late King were finedin the same way. The King had, in the case of Ghalib Jung, already described in thisDiary, declared his resolution of looking more closely into hisaccounts in future, and punishing all transgressors in the same way;and Roshun-od Dowlah often expressed to the Resident hisapprehensions that his turn to suffer must soon come. Sobhan AlleeKhan had much stronger grounds to fear, since he had made himselfutterly detested by the people generally, and had neither friends norconnexions in the royal family or aristocracy of Lucknow. Under thestrong and general impression that the British Government wasdetermined to interpose, and take upon itself the administration ofthe country, and that the King himself wished the independentsovereignty of Oude to terminate with his reign, they most earnestlydesired his early death as their only chance of escape. The BritishGovernment would not, they knew, make them refund any of their ill-gotten wealth without full judicial proof of their peculations, andthis proof they knew could never be obtained. Indeed they weresatisfied that our Government, aware of the difficulty of findingsuch proof, and occupied in forming and working a new system, wouldnot trouble themselves to seek for it; and that they should all beleft to reside where they chose, and enjoy freely the fruits of theirmalversation. The Resident had kept the instructions of the 15th of December, 1832, from the supreme Government, a profound secret, lest they might leadto intrigue and disturbance, and, above all, to the poisoning of manyinnocent persons who might be considered to have a claim of right tothe throne; and all were surprised and confounded when it wasannounced that the paramount power had already decided in favour ofNuseer-od Dowlah, whose claims had never been thought of by thepeople, or apprehended by the ministers. The instant they heard thisdecision, they dreaded the scrutiny of the sagacious and parsimoniousold man, and the enmity of the favourites by whom he had beensurrounded in private life. These men, whom they had, in their prideand power, despised and insulted, would now have their revenge; andthey wished for the success of the old woman and the boy, from whomthey might have a better chance of escape, till they could get theirwealth and their families out of the country. I may here mention a similar repudiation of a supposed eldest son bythe late King. Mostafa Allee was brought up in the palace as hiseldest son, and on all occasions treated as such. Mahommed AlleeShah, the late King's father, was always very fond of him, butshortly before his death he became angry with him for some outragescommitted in the palace, and put him under restraint. The young manrequested the late King, his supposed father, to mediate with hisgrandfather for his release. He refused to do so, and the young mandrew his sword, and threatened to kill him. He was kept under morestrict restraint till the grandfather died, and his father ascendedthe throne, on the 16th of May, 1842. The King then requested theResident to assure the Governor-General that Mostafa Allee was nothis son--that he was a year and a-half old when his mother enteredthe palace. The Resident reported accordingly on the 26th of thatmonth. The Governor-General required the statement to be made underthe King's own sign and seal, and it was transmitted on the 6th ofJune, 1842. The present King was then declared heir-apparent to thethrone, and Mostafa Allee has ever since been in strict confinementunder him. The general impression, however, is that he was the eldestson of the late King, and repudiated solely on account of his violenttemper and turbulent conduct. That he was treated as such during thelife of Mahommed Allee Shah, and that the late King dared notrepudiate him while his father lived, is certain. By the treaty of 1801 we bound ourselves to defend the territories ofthe sovereign of Oude from all foreign and domestic enemies; and todefray the cost of maintaining the troops required for this purpose, and paying some pensions at Furruckabad and Benares, the sovereign ofOude ceded to our Government the under-mentioned districts, thenyielding the revenues specified opposite their respective names. * * Districts ceded by Oude to the British Government by the treaty of1801. Etawa, Korah, Kurra - - - - - 55, 48, 577 11 9Rehur and others - - - - - 5, 33, 374 0 6Furruckabad - - - - - - 4, 50, 001 0 6Khyreegurh, and Kunchunpore - - - 2, 10, 001 0 0Azimgurh, Mounal, and Benjun - - - 6, 95, 624 7 6Goruckpore - - - 5, 09, 853 8 0Botwul - - - - 40, 001 0 0 5, 49, 854 8 0Allahabad and others- - - - - 9, 34, 963 1 3Bareilly, Moradabad, Bijnore, Budown, Pilibheet, and Shahjehanpore - - 43, 13, 457 11 3Nawabgunge, Rehlee, &c. - - - - 1, 19, 242 12 0Mohowl and others, with exception of Jaulluk Arwu - - - - - 1, 68, 378 4 0 __________________ Total - - 1, 35, 23, 474 8 3 Deduct Nawabgunge - - - 1, 19, 242 12 0Khyreegurh - - - 2, 10, 001 0 0 3, 29, 243 12 0 __________________ Total - - 1, 31, 94, 230 12 3 Add Handeea or Kewae - - - - - 1, 52, 905 0 0 __________________ Total - - 1, 33, 47, 135 12 3 Present Revenues of the Territories we hold from Oude under thetreaty of 1801, according to the Revised Statistical Return of theDistricts of the North-West Provinces for 1846-47, prepared in 1848, A. D. _____________________________________________________________________ |Land Revenue | Abkaree |Stamp for | Total for ______ | 1846-47. | for | 1846-47. | 1846-47. | | 1846-47. | |__________________ _|_____________|__________|__________|____________ | | | |Rohilcund .. .. .. | 64, 44, 341 | 2, 47, 854 | 2, 04, 576 | 68, 96, 771Allahabad, including| | | | Handeea _alias_ | 21, 29, 551 | 1, 41, 409 | 61, 802 | 23, 32, 762 Kewae | | | |Furruckabad .. .. | 13, 57, 544 | 88, 061 | 49, 698 | 14, 95, 303Mynpooree .. .. .. | 12, 33, 901 | 24, 822 | 20, 484 | 12, 79, 207Etawa .. .. .. .. | 12, 80, 596 | 19, 647 | 10, 355 | 13, 10, 598Goruckpore.. .. .. | 20, 80, 296 | 2, 10, 045 | 96, 549 | 23, 86, 890Azimgurh, including | | | | Mahoul .. .. .. | 14, 89, 887 | 81, 257 | 53, 925 | 16, 25, 069Cawnpore .. .. .. | 21, 51, 155 | 1, 26, 155 | 57, 406 | 23, 34, 700Futtehpore.. .. .. | 14, 25, 431 | 60, 370 | 21, 063 | 15, 06, 864 |_____________|__________|__________|____________ Total .. .. |1, 95, 92, 686 | 9, 99, 620 | 5, 75, 858 | 2, 11, 68, 164____________________|_____________|__________|__________|____________ ** The lands are the same with the exception of Khyreegurh, Nawabgunge ceded since, and Handeea received; but the names arealtered. Khyreegurh and Kunchunpore were re-ceded to the Oude sovereign in thetreaty of the 11th of May, 1816, with the Turae lands, taken fromNepaul, between Khyreegurh and Goruckpore, in liquidation of the loanof one crore of rupees. In the same treaty, Handeea (_alias_ Kewae)was ceded by Oude to the British Government, in lieu of Nawabgunge, which was made over to the Oude sovereign by the British Government. Handeea, or Kewae, now in the Allahabad district, yielded landrevenue, for 1846-47, rupees one lac, fifty-two thousand, and ninehundred and five. The British Government retained the power to station the Britishtroops in such parts of the Oude territories as might appear to itmost expedient; and the Oude sovereign bound himself to dismiss allhis troops, save four battalions of infantry, one battalion ofNujeebs and Mewaties, two thousand horsemen, and three hundredgolundages, or artillerymen, with such numbers of armed peons asmight be deemed necessary for the purpose of collecting the revenue, and a few horsemen and nujeebs to attend the persons of the amils. Itis declared that the territories ceded, being in lieu of all formersubsidies and of all expenses on account of the Honourable Company'sdefensive establishments with his Excellency the sovereign of Oude, no demand whatever shall be made upon his territory on account ofexpenses which the Honourable Company may incur by assembling forcesto repel the attack, or menaced attack, of a foreign enemy; onaccount of the detachment attached to his person; on account oftroops which may be occasionally furnished for suppressing rebellionsor disorders in his territories; on account of any future charge ofmilitary stations; or on account of failures in the resources of theceded districts, arising from unfavourable seasons, the calamities ofwar, or any other cause whatever. The Honourable Company guarantees to him and to his heirs andsuccessors, the possession of the territories which remain to himafter the above cessions, together with the exercise of his and theirauthority within the said dominions; and the sovereign of Oudeengages to establish, in his reserved dominions, such a system ofadministration, to be carried into effect by his own officers, asshall be conducive to the prosperity of his subjects, and calculatedto secure the lives and property of the inhabitants; and to advisewith, and act in conformity to the counsel of, the officers of theBritish Government. In the time of Asuf-od Dowlah, who died on the 21st September, 1797, the military force of Oude amounted to eighty thousand men of allarms, and in the direct pay of Government. Saadut Allee Khan, hisbrother and successor, on the conclusion of the above treaty, and thetransfer of half his territory, reduced the number to thirtythousand. Relying entirely upon the efficiency of British troops to defend himagainst external and internal enemies, and to suppress rebellion anddisorder, he laboured assiduously to reduce his expenditure withinthe income arising from the reserved half of his dominions. Heresumed almost all the rent-free lands which had been granted with alavish hand by his predecessor, and paid off and discharged allsuperfluous civil and military establishments, and, by his prudenceand economy, he so reduced his expenditure within the income, that onhis death on the 12th of July, 1814, he left fourteen millionssterling, or fourteen crores of rupees, in a treasury which he foundempty when he entered upon the government in 1797. In this sum wereincluded the confiscations of the estates of some favourites of hispredecessors, Asuf-od Dowlah and Wuzeer Allee, who had grown richupon bribery and frauds of all kinds. He never confiscated theestates of any good and faithful servants, who left lawful heirs totheir property. He had been freely aided by British troops, according to thestipulations of the treaty of 1801; but the British Government hadbeen made sensible, on several occasions, of the difficulty offulfilling its engagements with the sovereign with a due regard tothe rights and interests of his subjects. Saadnt Allee Khan was a manof great general ability, had mixed much in the society of Britishofficers in different parts of India, had been well trained to habitsof business, understood thoroughly the character, institutions, andrequirements of his people, and, above all, was a sound judge of therelative merits and capacities of the men from whom he had to selecthis officers, and a vigilant supervisor of their actions. Thisdiscernment and discrimination of character, and vigilantsupervision, served him through life; and the men who served him ablyand honestly always felt confident in his protection and support. Hehad a thorough knowledge of the rights and duties of his officers andsubjects, and a strong will to secure the one and enforce the other. To do so he knew that he must, with a strong hand, keep down thelarge landed aristocracy, who were then, as they are now, very proneto grasp at the possessions of their weaker neighbours, either byforce or in collusion with local authorities. In attempting this withthe aid of British troops, some acts of oppression were, no doubt, committed; and, as the sympathies of British officers were more withthe landed aristocracy, while his were more with the humbler classesof landholders and cultivators who required to be protected fromthem, frequent misunderstandings arose, acts of just severity weremade to appear to be acts of wanton oppression, and such as werereally oppressive were exaggerated into unheard-of atrocities. Our relations with the state of Oude, from the treaty of 1801 to thedeath of Saadut Allee, were conducted by able men; but they had avery difficult task to perform in conducting them to the satisfactionof both parties to that treaty; and when the Government devolved uponless able and well-disposed sovereigns, ministers, and publicofficers, our Government and its representative became less and lesswilling to comply with their requisitions for the aid of Britishtroops in the collection of the revenue, and the suppression ofrebellion and disorder. Our Government demanded, that the BritishResident should be fully informed of the cause which led to theresistance complained of to legitimate authority; and be fullysatisfied of the justice and necessity of such aid before he affordedit; and the sovereigns of Oude admitted the justice of this demand onthe part of the paramount power. But the Resident could never hearfully and fairly both sides of the question, and the officerscommanding the troops were seldom disposed to do so; and neither wascompetent to pass a sound judgment upon the justice and necessity ofcomplying with the requisitions made for the aid of the Britishtroops. But when, under an imbecile and debauched sovereign, like Ghazee-odDeen, and an unscrupulous minister, creatures and favourites began toshare so largely in the revenues of the country, this sort ofscrutiny on the part of the Resident and officers commanding troops, employed in aid of the King's officers, became exceedinglydistasteful; and the minister gradually increased the military forceof Oude at his disposal, that he might do without it. During the lastfew years of Ghazee-od Deen's reign, the Oude forces of all armsamounted to about sixty thousand men. During the first few years ofhis successor's, Nuseer-od Deen's, reign, these forces were augmentedby the ministers for the sake of the profit and patronage they gavethem; and in the year 1837, the forces of all arms, paid from thetreasury, amounted to more than sixty thousand men. A memorandumgiven to the British Resident by the minister on the 8th of April1837, showed the men of all descriptions, belonging to the Oude army, to amount to sixty-seven thousand nine hundred and fifty-six. Theartillery, cavalry, and infantry, composing what they call theregular army, amounted to twenty thousand, all badly paid, clothed, armed, accoutred, and disciplined; and for the most part placed underidle, incompetent, and corrupt commanders. The rest were nujeebsemployed in the provinces under local officers of the revenue andpolice, and obliged to provide their own clothes, arms, accoutrements, and ammunition. They were altogether withoutdiscipline. Government, on the 26th November, 1824, informs the Resident, "thatour troops are to be actively and energetically employed in the Oudeterritory in cases of real internal commotion and disorder. " Andagain on the 22nd of July, 1825; Government condemns the Resident forhis disregard of the orders of the 26th of November, 1824, regardingthe employment of British troops in Oude, and states, "that it issincerely disposed to maintain the rights of the King of Oude to thefullest extent, as guaranteed to him by the treaty with his father, on the 20th of November, 1801; but observes, that upon the maturestconsideration of articles 3rd, 5th, and 6th of that treaty, and ofLord Wellesley's memorandum in 1802, of the final results ofdiscussions between him and Saadut Allee, whilst Government admitsthat, according to article the 3rd of the treaty, we were bound todefend his Majesty's present territories 'against all foreign anddomestic enemies, ' and that, in pursuance of the 4th article, theCompany's troops are to be employed, without expense to his Majesty, not only 'to repel the attack, or menaced attack, of a foreignenemy, ' but also for suppressing rebellion and disorder in hisMajesty's territories; and that, in a strict adherence to the 6tharticle, the King of Oude is entitled to exercise complete sovereignauthority within his own dominions, by a system of administrationconducive to the prosperity of his subjects, to be carried intoeffect by his own officers, with the advice and counsel of theofficers of the British Government (in conformity to which hisMajesty is expressly engaged to act); yet the Governor-General incouncil considered it to be indispensable and inherent in the natureof our obligations, under the treaty referred to, that whenever theKing of Oude requires the aid of British troops, to quell anydisturbance, or to enforce any demand for revenue or otherwise, theBritish Government is clearly entitled, as well as morally obliged, to satisfy itself by whatever means it may deem necessary, that theaid of its troops is required in support of right and justice, andnot to effectuate injustice and extortion. "This principle, which has often been declared and acted upon daringsuccessive Governments, must still be firmly asserted, and resolutelyadhered to; and the Resident must consider it to be a positive andindispensable obligation of his public duty, to refuse the aid ofBritish troops until he shall have satisfied himself, on good andsufficient grounds (to be reported in each case as soon aspracticable, and when the exigency of the case may admit of it, before the troops are actually employed), that they are not to beemployed but in support of just and legitimate demands. " On the 13th of July, 1827, Government, in reply to the Resident'sletter of the 30th May idem, expresses "its surprise that, under thecircumstances therein stated, he should have suffered so long aperiod to elapse without adopting the most active and decidedmeasures against a subject of Oude, whose conduct is that of a publicrobber and rebel against the authority of his Government; and whomthe King has plainly stated that he is unable to reduce to subjectionwithout the aid of British troops. " On the 20th of January, 1831, the Governor-General, Lord WilliamBentinck, held a conference with the King of Oude, and told hisMajesty, in presence of his minister, that the state of things inOude, and maladministration in all departments, were such as towarrant and require the authoritative interference of the BritishGovernment for their correction; that he declined to make himself aparty to the nomination of the minister, or to have it understoodthat the measure was a joint resolution of the two governments, sothat both should be responsible for its success in effectingreformation; that the act was his Majesty's own, and theresponsibility must be his; that his Lordship hoped that a bettersystem would be established by his minister's agency, but if hefailed, and the same abuses and misrule continued, the King must beprepared to abide the consequences; that the Governor-Generalintended to make a strong representation to the authorities inEngland on the state of misrule prevailing, and to solicit theirsanction to the adoption of specific measures, even to the length ofassuming the direct administration of the country, if the evils werenot corrected in the interim. In the letter from Government dated the 25th of August, 1831, referring to this advice, the Resident is told that by treaty we arebound to give the aid of troops to quell internal resistance, as wellas to keep off external enemies, but by the same treaty the OudeGovernment is bound to establish a good system of administration, andto conform to our advice in this respect; that, finding it impossibleto procure the establishment of such an improved system, and seeingthat our troops were liable to be made the instruments of violence, and vindictive and party proceedings, it was determined to withholdthe aid of troops except after investigation into the cause whichmight lead to the application for them; that, by recent orders fromthe Court of Directors, the Government would be authorised inwithholding them altogether, in the hope that the necessities of theOude Government might compel a reform such as we might deemsatisfactory; that matters had not, however, been brought to such anissue, for the Oude Government having been deprived of the servicesof British troops to execute its purposes, has entertained a bodystated at sixty thousand men, cavalry, infantry, and artillery, whereof forty-five thousand are stationed in the interior for thespecial purpose of reducing refractory zumeendars without Britishaid. Government urges the necessity of reducing this number, andstates that if British troops be employed to enforce submission, itseems impossible to avoid becoming parties to the terms ofsubmission, and guarantees of their observance afterwards on bothsides, in which case we should become mixed up in every detail of theadministration; it is therefore required that each case shall beinvestigated and submitted for the specific orders of the Governor-General. On the 15th of August, 1832, the Governor-General addressed a letterto his Majesty, the King of Oude, in the last sentence of which hesays, "I do not use this strong language of remonstrance withoutmanifest necessity. On former occasions the language of expostulationhas been frequently used towards you with reference to the abuses ofyour Government, and as yet nothing serious has befallen you. Ibeseech you, however, not to suffer yourself to be deceived into afalse security. I might adduce sufficient proof that such securitywould be fallacious, but I am unwilling to wound your Majesty'sfeelings, while the sincere friendship which I entertain for youprevents my withholding from you that advice which I deem essentialto the preservation of your own dignity, and the prosperity of yourkingdom. " The Resident is told that the allusion in the concluding sentence ofhis Lordship's letter refers to Mysore; that the King had probablyheard of our actual assumption of the government of that country, andthe Resident must avail himself of this topic to impress upon-hismind the consequences which a similar state of things may entail uponhimself. On the 11th of September, 1837, a subsidiary-treaty was concludedwith the new sovereign, Mahommed Allee Shah, on the ground thatthough a larger force was kept up by the King of Oude than wasauthorised by the treaty of 1801, still it was found inadequate tothe duties that devolved upon it, and it was therefore expedient torelax the restrictions as to the amount of military force to bemaintained by the King of Oude, on condition that an adequate portionof the increased forces should be placed under British discipline andcontrol. It was stipulated accordingly that the King might employsuch a military establishment as he might deem necessary for thegovernment of his dominion: that it should consist of not less thantwo regiments of cavalry, five of infantry, and two companies ofartillery; that the Government of Oude should fix the sum of sixteenlacs of rupees a-year for the expenses of the force, including theirpay, arms, equipments, public buildings, &c. ; that the expenditure onaccount of this force of all descriptions should never exceed sixteenlacs; that the organization of this force should not commence tilleighteen months after the 1st of September, 1837; that the Kingshould take into his service an efficient number of British officersfor the due discipline and efficiency of this force; that this forceshould be fixed at such stations in Oude as might seem to bothGovernments, from time to time, to be best, and employed on alloccasions on which its services might be deemed necessary by the Kingof Oude, with the concurrence of the Resident, but not in theordinary collections of the revenue; that the King should exerthimself, in concert with the Resident, to remedy the existing defectsin his administration; and should he neglect to attend to the adviceand counsel of the British Government, or its representative, andshould gross and systematic oppression, anarchy, and misrule, at anytime hereafter prevail within the Oude territories, such as seriouslyto endanger the public tranquillity, the British Government wouldhave the right to appoint its own officers to the management of allportions of the Oude territory in which such misrule might haveoccurred for so long a period as it might deem necessary, the surplusreceipts in such case, after defraying all charges, to be paid intothe King's treasury, and a true and faithful account rendered to hisMajesty of the receipts and expenditure of the territories soassumed; that should the Governor-General of India in Council becompelled to resort to the exercise of this authority, he wouldendeavour, as far as possible, to maintain (with such improvements asthey might admit of) the native institutions and forms ofadministration within the assumed territories, so as to facilitatethe restoration of those territories to the sovereign of Oude whenthe proper period of such restoration should arrive. This treaty was ratified by the Governor-General in Council on the18th of September, 1837, but the Honourable the Court of Directors, with that anxious regard for strict justice which, after long andvaried experience, I have always found to characterise their viewsand orders, disapproved of that part of the above treaty whichimposed on the Oude state the expense of the auxiliary force; and onthe 8th of July, 1839, the King was informed, amidst greatrejoicings, that he was relieved from this burthen of sixteen lacs ofrupees a-year, which the British Government took upon itself. Onlypart of this auxiliary force had been raised when these orders came, and only two regiments of infantry out of that part were retained, one stationed at Soltanpore, and the other at Seetapore. Up to 1835, the British forces in Oude amounted to two companies ofartillery, with fourteen guns, and six regiments of infantry. Earlyin that year (1835), four guns, with a proportion of artillerymen, and one regiment of Native Infantry, were withdrawn, leaving theBritish force in Oude one company and a-half of artillery, with tenguns, and five regiments of Native Infantry. In 1837, when twoinfantry regiments of the auxiliary force had been raised, four gunsmore, with a detail of artillery, and two regiments more of NativeInfantry were withdrawn from the two stations of Soltanpore andSeetapore, leaving the force paid by the British Government onecompany of artillery, with six guns, stationed at Lucknow, threeregiments of Native Infantry at Lucknow, one regiment of the Oudeauxiliary force stationed at Soltanpore, and the other at Seetapore. There had been artillery and guns at Pertabgur, Soltanpore, Secroraand Seetapore, and a regiment of regular cavalry at Pertabgur. In1815 this regiment of cavalry was withdrawn for the Nepaul war, andsubsequently it was retained for the Mahratta war. It was sent backto Pertabgur in 1820, but finally withdrawn in 1821. The BritishGovernment now maintains no cavalry in any part of the King of Oude'sdominions, and no artillery or guns at any place but Lucknow. * [* There is a small detachment of thirty sowars from an irregularcorps attached to the Resident. ] In fairness there should be guns at Seetapore and Soltanpore, and acorps of regular or irregular cavalry at Lucknow, or some other moreconvenient station. The stations of Secrora and Pertabgur were doneaway with by general orders 28th January, 1835, when one regiment ofNative Infantry was withdrawn altogether from Oude, and one added tothe two theretofore stationed at Lucknow. In consequence of thesearrangements, the British force in Oude is much less than it was whenthe treaty of the 11th of September, 1837, was made, and assuredlyless than it should be with a due regard to our engagements and theOude requirements. Our Government instead of taking upon itself theadditional burthen of sixteen lacs of rupees a-year to render theOude Government more efficient, has relieved itself of a good deal ofthat which it bore before the new treaty was entered into, and thisis certainly not what the Court of Directors contemplated, or theOude Government expected. Our exigencies became great with the Affghan war, and have continuedto be so from those wars which grew out of it with Gwalior, Scinde, and the Punjab; but they have all now passed away, and those of ourhumble ally should be no longer forgotten or disregarded. Though weseldom give him the use of troops in support of the authority of hislocal officers, still the prestige of having them at hand, in supportof a just cause, is unquestionably of great advantage to him and tohis people, and this advantage we cannot withhold from him with a dueregard to the obligations of solemn treaties. But in considering the rights which the sovereign of Oude hasacquired by solemn treaties to our support, we must not forget thosewhich the five millions of people subject to his rule have acquiredby the same treaties to the protection of our Government, and it is agrave question, that must soon be solved, whether we can any longersupport the present sovereign and system of government in Oude, without subjecting ourselves to the reproach of shamefully neglectingthe duties we owe to these millions. The present King ascended the throne on the death of his father, onthe 13th of February, 1847. In a letter dated the 24th of July ofthat year, the Resident is told "that it will be his Majesty's dutyto establish such an administration, to be carried out by his ownofficers, as shall insure the prosperity of the people; that anyneglect of this essential principle will be an infringement oftreaty; and that the Governor-General must, in the performance of hisduty, require the King to fulfil his obligations to his subjects--that his Majesty must understand that, as a sovereign, he has dutiesto perform to, as well as claims to exact from, the people committedto his care. " In the month of November in that year, the Governor-General. LordHardinge, visited Lucknow; and in a conference held with the King, hecaused a memorandum which he had drawn up for the occasion to be readand carefully explained to his Majesty. It stated, "that in all ourengagements the utmost care had always been taken, not only to upholdthe authority of native rulers, but also to secure the just rights ofthe people subject to their rule; that the same principle ismaintained in the treaty of 1801 with Oude, in the sixth paragraph ofwhich the engagement is entered into 'for the establishment of such asystem of government as shall be conducive to the prosperity of theKing's subjects, and calculated to secure to them their lives andproperties;' that in the memorandum of 1802, signed by the Governor-General, the King engages to establish judicial tribunals for thefree and pure administration of justice to all his subjects; and thatit is recorded in the sovereign's own hand in that document, 'let theCompany's officers assist in enforcing obedience to these tribunals;'that it is, therefore, evident that in all these stipulations thesame principle prevailed--namely, that while we engage to maintainthe prince in the full exercise of his powers, we also provide forthe protection of his people. "That, in the more recent treaty of 1837, it is stated that thesolemn and paramount obligation provided by treaty for the prosperityof his Majesty's subjects, and the security of the lives and propertyof the inhabitants, has been notoriously neglected by severalsuccessive rulers in Oude, thereby exposing the British Government tothe reproach of having imperfectly fulfilled its obligations towardsthe Oude people; that his Lordship alludes to the treaty of 1837, asconfirming the original treaty of 1801, and not only giving theBritish Government the right to interfere, but declaring it to be theintention of the Government to interfere, if necessary, for thepurpose of securing good government in Oude; that the King can, therefore, have no doubt that the Governor-General is not onlyjustified, but bound by his duty, to take care that the stipulationsprovided by treaty shall be fairly and substantially carried intoeffect; that if the Governor-General permits the continuation of anyflagrant system of mismanagement which by treaty he is empowered tocorrect, he becomes the participator in abuses which it is his dutyto redress; and in this case no ruler of Oude can expect theGovernor-General to incur a responsibility so repugnant to theprinciples of the British Government, and so odious to the feelingsof the British people. "That, in the discussion of this important subject, advice andremonstrance have been frequently tried, and have failed; that theGovernor-General hopes that the King will exercise a sounder judgmentthan those who have preceded him, and that he will not be compelledto exchange friendly advice for imperative and absolute interference;that when the Governor-General, Lord William Bentinck, had aconference with the former King, Nuseer-od Deen Hyder, on thissubject, on the 20th of January, 1831, he deemed it right frankly toinform him that if the warning which he then gave was disregarded byhis Majesty, it was his intention to submit to the home authoritieshis advice that the British Government should assume the directmanagement of the Oude dominions; that the Honourable the Court ofDirectors coincided in his Lordship's views and, in order that nodoubt may remain on the King's mind as to the sentiments of the homeauthorities on this point, he, Lord Hardinge, here inserts an extractfrom the despatch of that Court, for his information; that it is asfollows:-- 'We have, after the most serious consideration, come tothe determination of granting to you the discretionary power whichyou have requested, from us for placing the Oude territories underthe direct management of officers of the British Government; and youare hereby empowered, if no real and satisfactory improvement shallhave taken place in the administration of that country, and if yourGovernment shall still adhere to the opinion expressed in the minuteof the Governor-General, to carry the proposed measure into effect, at such period and in such manner as shall appear to you mostdesirable;' that this resolution was communicated to the Resident andto the King, and advantage was taken of it to press upon his Majestythe necessity of an immediate reform of his administration; that theabove extract will enable the King to form a clear judgment of theposition in which the sovereigns of Oude are placed by treaty; thatthe Governor-General is required, when gross and systematic abusesprevail, to apply such a remedy as the exigency of the case mayappear to require--that he has no option in the performance of thatduty. "That by wisely taking timely measures for the reformation of abuses, as one of the first acts of his reign, his Majesty will, with honourto his own character, rescue his people from their present miserablecondition; but if he procrastinates he will incur the risk of forcingthe British Government to interfere, by assuming the government ofOude; that the former course would redound to his Majesty's creditand dignity, while the latter would give the British Governmentconcern in the case of a prince whom, as our ally, we sincerelydesire to honour and uphold; that for these reasons, and on accountof the King's inexperience, the Governor-General is not disposed toact immediately on the power vested in him by the Honourable Court'sdespatch above quoted, still less is he disposed to hold himresponsible for the misrule of his predecessors, nor does he expectthat so inveterate a system of misgovernment can suddenly beeradicated; that the resolution, and the preliminary measures 'toeffect this purpose, ' can and ought at once to be adopted by theKing; that if his Majesty cordially enters into the plan suggested bythe Governor-General for the improvement of his administration, hemay have the satisfaction, within the period specified of two years, of checking and eradicating the worst abuses, and, at the same time, of maintaining his own sovereignty and the native institutions of hiskingdom unimpaired; but if he does not, if he takes a vacillatingcourse, and fail by refusing to act on the Governor-General's advice, he is aware of the other alternative and of the consequences. Itmust, then, be manifest to the whole world that, whatever may happen, the King has received a friendly and timely warning. " On the 24th of December in that year, 1847, Government, in reply tothe Resident's letter of the 30th November, states that it does notconsider the King's reply in any respect satisfactory; that theResident is to remind his Majesty that under paragraph the 23rd ofthe memorandum read out to him by the Governor-General's direction, the Resident has been required to submit periodical reports of thestate of his dominions, and that his Majesty must be fully aware ofthe responsibility he incurs if he neglects, during the intervalallowed him, to introduce the requisite reforms in hisadministration. More than two years have elapsed since this caution was given, andthe King has done nothing to improve his administration, abstainedfrom no personal indulgence, given no attention whatever to publicaffairs. He had before that time tried to imitate his father, attenda little to public affairs, and see occasionally the members of theroyal family and aristocracy, at least of the city, and heads ofdepartments; but the effort was painful, and soon ceased altogetherto be made. He had from boyhood mixed in no other society than thatin which he now mixes exclusively, and he will never submit to therestraints of any other. The King has utterly disregarded alike theGovernor-General's advice and admonitions, the duties andresponsibilities of his high office, and the sufferings of the manymillions subject to his rule. His time and attention are devotedentirely to the pursuit of personal gratifications; he associateswith none but such as those who contribute to such gratifications--women, singers, and eunuchs; and he never, I believe, reads or hearsread any petition from his suffering subjects, any report from hislocal officers civil or military, or presidents of his fiscal andjudicial courts, or functionaries of any hind. He seems to take nointerest whatever in public affairs, and to care nothing whateverabout them. The King had natural capacity equal to that of any of those who havepreceded him in the sovereignty of Oude since the death of SaadutAllee in 1814, but he is the only one who has systematically declinedto devote any of that capacity, or any of his time, to the conduct ofpublic affairs; to see and occasionally commune with the heads ofdepartments, the members of the royal family, and native gentlemen ofthe capital; to read or have read to him the reports of his localfunctionaries, and petitions or redress of wrongs from his sufferingsubjects. * [*This systematic disregard of his high duties and responsibilitiesstill continues to be manifested by the King of Oude; and isobserved, with feelings of indignation and abhorrence, by his well-disposed subjects of all classes and grades, who are thereby left tothe mercy of men without any feeling of security in their tenure ofoffice, any scruples of conscience, or feelings of humanity, or ofhonour. So inveterate is the system of misgovernment--so deeply areall those, now employed in the administration, interested inmaintaining its worst abuses--and so fruitless is it to expect theKing to remove them, or employ better men, or to be ever able toinspire any men, whom he may appoint, with a disposition to serve himmore honestly, and to respect the rights of others, or consider thereputation and permanent interests of their own master, that theimpression has become strong and general, that our Government can nolonger support the present Government of Oude, without seriouslyneglecting its duty towards the people. --1851, W. H. S. ] In the reports of the Resident on the state of affairs in Oude, andthe replies of Government, much importance has been always attachedto the change from the contract, or _ijara_ system, to that of the_amanee_, or trust management system; and since the time of LordHardinge's visit many more districts have been put under the lattersystem; but this has not tended, in the smallest degree, to thebenefit of the people of these districts. The same abuses prevailunder the one system as under the other. The troops employed in thedistricts under the one are the same as those employed in thedistricts under the other, and they prey just as much upon thepeople. There is the same system of rack-rent in the one as in theother, and the same uncertainty in the rate of the Government demand. The manager under the _amanut_ system demands the same secretgratuities and _nuzuranas_ for himself and his patrons at Court fromthe landholders, as the contractor; and if they refuse to pay themthey are besieged, attacked, and cut up, and their estates desolatedin the same manner. The _amanut_ manager knows that his tenure ofoffice depends as much upon the amount which he pays to hissovereign, and to his patrons at Court, as that of the contractor, and he exacts and extorts as much as he can in the same manner. Unless he pays his patrons the same he knows that he shall soon beremoved, or driven to resign by the want of means to enforce thepayment of the revenues justly due. The objections which are urged against the employment of Britishtroops in support of the authority of revenue contractors, areequally applicable to their employment in support of that of amaneemanagers. Their employment is just as liable to abuse under the oneas under the other. It is not a whit easier to ascertain whether ademand for balance of revenue from, or a charge of contumacy against, a landholder is just or unjust in the one than in the other. Inneither is the demand set forth in public documents understood byeither party to be the real demand. Both parties are equallyinterested in preventing a portion of the _real_ demand fromappearing in the public accounts; and the quarrel is almost alwaysabout the rate of this concealed portion--the collector trying toaugment, and the landlord trying to reduce it. In a letter to the Resident, dated the 29th of March, 1823, Government observes: "As some palliation of the mischief of ourforces being constantly employed in what might be too often termedthe cause of injustice and extortion, the Government in 1811distinctly declared our right of previously investigating, and ofarbitrating the demands which its troops might be called upon tosupport as also its resolution to exercise that right on all futureoccasions. The execution of the important duty in question seems tobe almost invariably delegated by the Resident to the officerscommanding at the different stations, who, after receiving generalpowers to attend to the requisitions of the amils, become the solejudges of the individual cases, in which aid is to be afforded orwithheld; and the discretion again unavoidably descends from them, inmany instances, to the officers commanding parties detached from themain body. It is obvious that an inquiry of this description canafford but a partial check to, and a feeble security against, injustice and oppression where specific engagements rarely exist, andwhere the point at issue is frequently the demand for augmentingrates of revenue, founded on alleged assets sufficient to meet thatincrease. "Neither is the aid thus afforded at all effectual for the purposesof the Government of Oude, whether present or future, as is clearfrom the annual repetition of the same scenes of resistance andcompulsion. As fast as disorders are suppressed in one quarter theyspring up in another. Forts that are this year dismantled arerestored again the next; the compulsion exercised upon particularindividuals in one season has no effect in producing more regularityon their parts, or on that of others in the ensuing season, until thesame process has been again gone through; whilst the contempt andodium attaching to a system of collecting the revenues, by thehabitual intervention of the troops of another State, infallibly tendto aggravate the evil, by destroying all remains of confidence in hisMajesty, or respect for his authority. " The aid of British troops in the collection of the revenues of Oudehas long ceased to be afforded; but when they have been afforded forthe suppression of leaders of atrocious bands of robbers, who preyedupon the people, and seized upon the lands of their weakerneighbours, and they have been driven from their forts andstrongholds, the privilege of building them up again, or re-occupyingand garrisoning them with the same bands of robbers, to be employedin the same way, is purchased from the local authorities, or thepatrons of these leaders at Court, during the same or the succeedingseason. The same things continue to be done every season where noBritish troops are employed. Such privileges are purchased with asmuch facility as those for the supply of essence or spices in thepalace; unless the Resident should interpose authoritatively toprevent it, which he very rarely does. Indeed it is seldom that aResident knows or cares anything about the matter. I may say generally, that in Oude the larger landholders do not paymore than one-third of their net rents to the Government, while someof them do not pay one-fifth or one-tenth. In the half of theterritory made over to us in 1801, the great landholders who stillretain their estates pay to our Government at least two-thirds oftheir net rents. In Oude these great landholders have, at present, about two hundred and fifty mud forts, mounting about five hundredguns, and containing on an average four hundred armed men, or a totalof one hundred thousand, trained and maintained to fight againstother, or against the Government authorities; and to pillage thepeaceful and industrious around whenever so employed. In the half ofthe territory ceded to us in 1801, this class of armed retainers hasdisappeared altogether. Hence from the Oude half we have some fiftythousand native officers and sipahees in our native army, while fromour half we have not perhaps five thousand. One thing is clear, that we cannot restore to the Oude Government theterritory we acquired from it by the treaty of 1801, and the peoplewho occupy it; and that we cannot withdraw our support from thatGovernment altogether without doing so. It is no less clear that allour efforts to make the Government of Oude, under the support whichwe are bound by that treaty to give it, fulfil the duties to itspeople to which it was pledged by that treaty, have failed during thefifty years that have elapsed since it was made. The only alternative left, appears to be for the paramount power totake upon itself the administration, and give to the sovereign, theroyal family, and its stipendiary dependents, all the surplusrevenues in pensions, opening as much as possible all employments inthe civil administration to the educated classes of Oude. Themilitary and police establishments would consist almost exclusivelyof Oude men. Under such a system more of these classes would beemployed than at present, for few of the officers employed in theadministration are of these classes--the greater part of them areadventurers from all parts of India, without character or education. The number of such officers would be multiplied fourfold, and themeans of paying them would be taken from the favourites and parasitesof the Court who now do nothing but mischief. Such a change would be popular among the members of the royal familyitself, who now get their pensions after long intervals--often aftertwo and even three years, and with shameful reductions in behalf ofthose favourites and parasites whom they detest and despise, but whomthe minister, for his own personal purposes, is obliged to conciliateby such perquisites. It would be popular among the educated classes, as opening to them offices now filled by knaves and vagabonds fromall parts of India, It would be no less so to the well-disposedportion of the agricultural classes, who would be sure of protectionto life, property, and character, without the expensive trains ofarmed followers which they now keep up. But to secure this, we shouldrequire to provide them with a more simple system of civil judicaturethan that which we have at work in our old territories. The change would be popular, with few exceptions, among all themercantile and manufacturing classes. It would give vast employmentto all the labouring classes throughout the country, in theconstruction of good roads, bridges, wells, tanks, temples, suraes, military and civil buildings, and other public works; but above all, in that of private dwellings, and other edifices for use andornament, in which all men would be proud to lay out their wealth toperpetuate their names, when secured in the possession by an honestand efficient Government; but more especially those who would be nolonger able to employ their means in maintaining armed bands, toresist the local authorities and disturb the peace of the country. Onthe whole, I think that at least nine-tenths of the people of Oudewould hail the change as a great blessing; always providing, that oursystem of administration should be rendered as simple as possible tomeet the wants and wishes of a simple people. Though the Resident has never been able to secure any substantial andpermanent improvement in the administration, he often interposessuccessfully in individual cases, to relieve suffering, and secureredress for wrongs; and the people see that he interferes in noothers. Their only regret is, that he does not interpose more often, and that his efforts, when he does, should be so often thwarted ordisregarded. The British character is, in consequence, respected inthe remotest village and jungle in Oude; and there is, I believe, nopart of India where an European officer is received, among the peopleof all classes, with more kindness and courtesy than in Oude. Thereis, certainly, no city or town in any other native State in Indiawhere he is treated in the crowded streets with more respect. Thismust of course be accounted for in great measure from the greaterpart of the members of the royal family, and the relatives anddependents of the several persons who have held the highest officesof the State since 1814, either receiving their incomes from theBritish Government in treaty pensions, or in interest on ourGovernment securities, or being guaranteed in those which theyreceive from the Oude Government by ours. A great many of thefamilies of the middle classes depend entirely upon the interestwhich they receive from us on our Government securities. There is, indeed, hardly a respectable family in Lucknow that is not more orless dependent upon our Government for protection, and proud to haveit considered that they are so. The works and institutions whichwould soon be created out of revenues, now absorbed by worthlessCourt favourites, would soon embellish the face of the country, improve the character, condition, and habits of the people, stimulatetheir industry in agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; and renderour connection with the Oude Government honourable to our name in theestimation of all India. CHAPTER V. Baree-Biswa district--Force with the Nazim, Lal Bahader--Town ofPeernuggur--Dacoitee by Lal and Dhokul Partuks--Gangs of robberseasily formed out of the loose characters which abound in Oude--Thelands tilled in spite of all disorders--Delta between the Chouka andGhagra rivers--Seed sown and produce yielded on land--Rent and stock--Nawab Allee, the holder of the Mahmoodabad estate--Mode ofaugmenting his estate--Insecurity of marriage processions--Belt ofjungle, fourteen miles west from the Lucknow cantonments--GungabukshRawat--His attack on Dewa--The family inveterate robbers--Bhurs, oncea civilized and ruling people in Oude--Extirpated systematically inthe fourteenth century--Depredations of Passees--Infanticide--Howmaintained--Want of influential middle class of merchants andmanufacturers--Suttee--Troops with the Amil--Seizure of a marriageprocession by Imambuksh, a gang leader--Perquisites and allowances ofPassee watchmen over corn-fields--Their fidelity to trusts--AhbunSing, of Kyampoor, murders his father--Rajah Singjoo of Soorujpoor--Seodeen, another leader of the same tribe--Principal gang-leaders ofthe Dureeabad Rodowlee district--Jugurnath Chuprassie--Bhooree Khan--How these gangs escape punishment--Twenty-four belts of junglepreserved by landholders always, or occasionally, refractory in Oude--Cover eight hundred and eighty-six square miles of good land--Howsuch atrocious characters find followers, and landholders of highdegree to screen, shelter, and aid them. _February_ 14, 1850. --Peernuggur, ten miles south-east, over a plainof the same soil, but with more than the usual proportion of oosur. Trees and groves as usual, but not quite so fine or numerous. TheNazim of Khyrabad took leave of me on his boundary as we crossed itabout midway, and entered the district of "Baree Biswa, " which isheld in farm by Lal Bahader, * a Hindoo, who there met us. This fiscalofficer has under him the "Jafiree, " and "Tagfore" Regiments ofnujeebs, and eight pieces of cannon. The commandants of both corpsare in attendance at Court, and one of them, Imdad Hoseyn, neverleaves it. The other does condescend sometimes to come out to look athis regiment when _not on service_. The draft-bullocks for the gunshave, the Nazim tells me, had a little grain within the last month, but still not more than a quarter of the amount for which the King ischarged. Peernuggur is now a place of little note upon the banks ofthe little river Sae, which here flows under a bridge built by Asuf-od Dowlah some sixty years ago. [* This man was in prison at Lucknow as a defaulter, but made hisescape in October, 1851, by drugging the sentry placed over him, andgot safe into British territory. ] Gang-robberies are here as frequent as in Khyrabad, and therespectable inhabitants are going off in the same manner. One whichtook place in July last year is characteristic of the state ofsociety in Oude, and may be mentioned here. Twelve sipahees of the59th Regiment Native Infantry, then stationed at Bareilly, lodgedhere for the night, in a surae, on their way home on furlough. DalPartuk, a Brahmin by caste, and a man of strength and resolution, resided here and cultivated a small patch of land. He had two pair ofbullocks, which used to be continually trespassing upon other men'sfields and gardens, and embroiling him with the people, till onenight they disappeared. Dal Partuk called upon his neighbours, whohad suffered from their trespasses, to restore them or pay the value, and threatened to rob, plunder, and burn down the town if they didnot. A great number of pausees reside in and around the town, and he knewthat he could collect a gang of them for any enterprise of this sortat the shortest notice. The people were not disposed to pay the valueof his lost bullocks, and they could not be found. While he wasmeditating his revenge, his relation, Dhokul Partuk, was by atrifling accident driven to take the field as a robber. An oil-vender, a female, from a neighbouring village, had presumed to cometo Peernuggur, and offer oil for sale. The oil-venders of the town, dreading the consequences of such competition, went forthwith to thelittle garrison and prayed for _protection_. One of the sipahees wentoff to the silversmith to whom the oil-vender had sold twopence-worthof oil, and, finding the oil-vender still with him, proceeded at onceto seize both, and take them off to the garrison as criminals. DhokulPartuk, who lived close by, and had his sword by his side, went upand remonstrated with the sipahee, who, taking him to be anothersilversmith, struck him across the face with his stick. Dhokul drewhis sword, and made a cut at the sipahee, which would have severedhis head from his body had he not fallen backwards. As it was, he gota severe cut in the chest, and ran off to his companions. Dhokul wentout of the town with his drawn sword, and no one dared to pursue him. At night he returned, took off his family to a distant village, became a leader of a band of pausee bowmen, and invited his kinsman, Dal Partuk, to follow his example. Together, they made an attack at night upon the town, and burnt downone quarter of the houses. Dal Partuk offered to come to terms andlive in the town again, if the people would pay the value of his lostbullocks, and give him a small income of five rupees a-month. Thisthey refused to do, and the plunder and burning went on. At last theymade this attack upon the party in the surae, which happened to be sofull that several of the sipahees and others were cooking outside thewalls. None of the travellers had arms to defend themselves, andthose inside closed the doors as soon as they heard the alarm. Thepausees, with their bows and arrows, killed two of the sipahees whowere outside, and while the gang was trying to force open the doorsof the surae, the people of the town, headed by a party of eightpausee bowmen of their own, attacked and drove them back. Thesebowmen followed the gang for some distance, and killed several ofthem with their arrows. The sipahees who escaped proceeded in allhaste to the Resident, and the Frontier Police has since succeeded inarresting several of the gang; but the two leaders have hitherto beenscreened by Goorbuksh Sing and other great landholders in theirinterest. The eight pausees who exerted themselves so successfully indefence of the town and surae were expecting an attack from thepausees of a neighbouring village, and ready for action when thealarm was given. These parties of pausee bowmen have each under their charge a certainnumber of villages, whose crops and other property they are pledgedto defend for the payment of a certain sum, or a certain portion ofland rent-free. In one of these, under the Peernuggur party, threebullocks had been stolen by the pausees of a neighbouring town. Theywere traced to them, and, as they would neither restore them nor paytheir value, the Peernuggur party attacked them one night in theirsleep, and killed the leader and four of his followers, to deterothers of the tribe from trespassing on property under their charge. They expect, they told us, to be attacked in return some night, andare obliged to be always prepared, but have not the slightestapprehension of ever being called to account for such things by theofficers of Government. Nor would Dal and Dhokul Partuk have any suchapprehension, had not the Resident taken up the question of themurder of the Honourable Company's sipahees as an international one. After plundering and burning down a dozen villages, and murdering ascore or two of people, they would have come back and reoccupiedtheir houses in the town without any fear of being molested or_questioned_ by Government officers. Nor would the people of the townobject to their residing among them again, provided they pledgedthemselves to abstain in future from molesting them. Goorbuksh Sing, only a few days ago, offered the contractor, Hoseyn Allee, the sum offive thousand, rupees if he would satisfy the Resident that DalPartuk had nothing whatever to do with the Peernuggur dacoitee, andthereby induce him to discontinue the pursuit. * [* Dhokul Partuk and Dal Partuk were at last secured. Dhokul died inthe king's gaol, but Dal Partuk is still in prison under trial. ] The people of towns and villages, having no protection whatever fromthe Government, are obliged to keep up, at their own cost, thispolice of pausee bowmen, who are bound only to protect those who paythem. As their families increase beyond the means derived from this, their only legitimate employment, their members thieve in theneighbouring or distant villages, rob on the highroads, or join thegangs of those who are robbers by profession, or take the trade inconsequence of disputes and misunderstandings with Governmentauthorities or their neighbours. In Oude--and indeed in all otherparts of India, under a Government so weak and indifferent to thesufferings of its subjects--all men who consider arms to be theirproper profession think themselves justified in using them to extortthe means of subsistence from those who have property when they havenone, and can no longer find what they consider to be suitableemployment. All Rajpoots are of this class, and the greater part ofthe landholders in Oude are Rajpoots. But a great part of theMahommedan rural population are of the same class, and no smallportion of the Brahmin inhabitants, like the two Partuks above named, consider arms to be their proper profession; and all find the readymeans of forming gangs of robbers out of these pausee bowmen and themany loose characters to whom the disorders of the country give rise. A great many of the officers and sipahees of the King's nujeeb andother regiments are every month discharged for mutiny, insubordination, abuse of authority, or neglect of duty, or merely tomake room for men more subservient to Court favourites, or becausethey cannot or will not pay the demanded gratuity to a new anduseless commandant appointed by Court favour. The plunder of villageshas been the daily occupation of these men during the whole period oftheir service, and they become the worst of this class of loosecharacters, ready to join any band of freebooters. Such bands arealways sure to find a patron among the landholders ready to receiveand protect them, for a due share of their booty, against any forcethat the King's officers may send after them; and, if they prefer itas less costly, they can always find a manager of a district ready todo the same, on condition that they abstain from plundering withinhis jurisdiction. The greater part of the land is, however, cultivated, and well cultivated under all this confusion andconsequent insecurity. Tillage is the one thing needful to all, andthe persons from whom trespasses on the crops are most apprehendedare the reckless and disorderly trains of Government officials. _February_ 16, 1850. --Biswa, eighteen miles east, over a plain ofexcellent soil, partly doomut, but chiefly mutteear, well studdedwith trees and groves, scantily cultivated for the half of the way, but fully and beautifully for the second half. The wheat beginning tochange colour as it approaches maturity, and waving in the gentlemorning breeze; intervening fields covered with mixed crops of peas, gram, ulsee, teora, surson, mustard, all in flower, and glitteringlike so many rich parterres; patches here and there of the dark-green_arahur_ and yellow sugar-cane rising in bold relief; mango-groves, majestic single trees, and clusters of the graceful bamboo studdingthe whole surface, and closing the distant horizon in one seemingly-continued line of fence--the eye never tires of such a scene, butwould like now and then to rest upon some architectural work ofornament or utility to aid the imagination in peopling it. The road for the last six miles passes through the estate of NawabAllee, a Mahommedan landholder, who is a strong man and a goodmanager and paymaster. His rent-roll is about four hundred thousandrupees a-year, and he pays Government about one hundred and fiftythousand. His hereditary possession was a small one, and his estatehas grown to the present size in the usual way. He has lent money inmortgage and foreclosed; he has given security for revenue due toGovernment by other landholders, who have failed to pay, and hadtheir estates made over to him; he has given security for theappearance, when called for, of others, and, on their failing toappear (perchance at his own instigation), had their lands made overto him by the Government authorities, on condition of making good theGovernment demand upon them; he has offered a higher rate of revenuefor lands than present holders could make them yield, and, aftergetting possession, brought the demand down to a low rate incollusion with Government officers. Some three-fourths of themagnificent estate which he now holds he has obtained in these andother ways by fraud, violence, or collusion within the last fewyears. He is too powerful and wealthy to admit of any one's gettinghis lands out of his hands after they have once passed into them, nomatter how. The Chowka river flows from the forest towards the Ghagra, about tenmiles to the east from Biswa, and I am told that the richest sheet ofcultivation in Oude is within the delta formed by these two rivers. *At the apex of this delta stands the fort of Bhitolee, which I haveoften mentioned as belonging to Rajah Goorbuksh Sing, and being undersiege by the contractor of the Khyrabad district when we passed theGhagra in December. Biswa is a large town, well situated on a goodsoil and open plain, and its vicinity would be well suited for acantonment or seat for civil establishments. Much of the cloth calledsullum used to be made here for export to Europe, but the demand hasceased, and with it the manufacture. [* This delta contains the following noble estates; 1, Dhorehra; 2, Eesanuggur; 3, Chehlary; 4, Rampore; 5, Bhitolee; 6, Mullahpore; 7, Seonta; 8, Nigaseen; and 9, Bhera Jugdeopore. The Turae forest formsthe base of this delta, and the estates of Dhorehra, Eesanuggur, andBhera Jugdeopore lie along its border. They have been much injured bythe King's troops within the last three years. Bhitolee is at theapex. ] _February_ 17 _and_ 18, 1850. --Detained at Biswa by rain. _February_ 19, 1850. --Yesterday evening came to Kaharpore, ten miles, over a plain of the same fine soil, mutteear of the best quality, running here and there into doomutteea and even bhoor. Cultivationgood, and the plain covered with rich spring crops, except where theground is being prepared to receive the autumn seed in June next. Itis considered good husbandry to-plough, cross-plough, and prepare thelands thus early. The spring crops are considered to be morepromising than they have been at any other season for the last twentyyears. The farmers and cultivators calculate upon an average returnof ten and twelve fold, and say that, in other parts of Oude wherethe lands are richer, there will be one of fifteen or twenty ofwheat, gram, &c. The pucka-beega, two thousand seven hundred andfifty-six square yards, requires one maund of seed of forty seers, ofeighty rupees of the King's and Company's coinage the seer. * Thecountry, as usual, studded with trees, single, and in clusters andgroves, intermingled with bamboos, which are, however, for the mostpart, of the smaller or hill kind. [* The pucka-beega in Oude is about the same as that which prevailsover our North-Western Provinces, two thousand seven hundred andfifty-six and a quarter square yards, or something more than one-halfof our English statute acre, which is four thousand eight hundred andforty square yards. This pucka-beega takes of seed-wheat one maund, or eighty pounds; and yields on an average, under good tillage, eightreturns of the seed, or eight maunds, or six hundred and fortypounds, which, at one rupee the maund, yields eight rupees, orsixteen shillings. The stock required in Oude in irrigated lands isabout twenty rupees the pucka-beega. The rent on an average tworupees. In England an acre, on an average, requires two and three-quarter bushels of seed wheat, or one hundred and seventy-six pounds, or two maunds and sixteen seers, and yields twenty-four bushels, orone thousand five hundred and thirty-six pounds. This at fortyshillings the quarter (512 lbs. ) would yield six pounds sterling. Thestock required in England is estimated at ten pounds Sterling peracre, or ten times the annual rent. It is difficult to estimate therate of rent on land in England, since the reputed owner is said tobe "only the ninth and last recipient of rent. "] On reaching camp, I met, for the first time, the great landholder, Nawab Allee, of Mahmoodabad. In appearance, he is a quiet gentlemanlyman, of middle age and stature. He keeps his lands in the finestpossible state of tillage, however objectionable the means by whichhe acquires them. His family have held the estates of Mahmoodabad andBelehree for many generations as zumeendars, or proprietors; but theyhave augmented them greatly, absorbing into them the estates of theirweaker neighbours. * [* Akram Allee and Muzhur Allee inherited the estate in twodivisions. Akram Allee got Mahmoodabad, and had two sons, SurufrazAllee, who died without issue, before his father; and Mosahib Allee, who succeeded to the estate, but died without issue. Muzhur Allee gotthe estate of Belehree, and had two sons, Abud Allee, and NawabAllee. Abud Allee succeeded to the estate of Belehree, and NawabAllee to that of Mahmoodabad by adoption. ] Akram Allee held Mahmoodabad, and was succeeded in the possession byhis son, Mosahib Allee, who died about forty years ago, leaving theestate to his widow, who held it for twenty-eight years up to A. D. 1838, when she died. She had, the year before, adopted her nephew, Nawab Allee, and he succeeded to the estate. The Belehree estate isheld by his elder brother, Abud Allee, who is augmenting it in thesame way, but not at the same rate. I may mention a few recent cases, as illustrative of the manner in which such things are done in Oude. Mithun Sing, of an ancient Rajpoot family, held the estate of Semree, which had been held by his ancestors for many centuries. It consistedof twelve fine villages, paid to Government 4000 rupees a year, andyielded him a rent roll of 20, 000. Nawab Allee coveted very much thisestate, which bordered on his own. Three years ago, he instigated theNazim to demand an increase of 5000 rupees a-year from the estate;and at the same time invited Mithun Sing to his house, and persuadedhim to resist the demand, to the last. He took to the jungles, and inthe contest between him and the Nazim all the crops of the seasonwere destroyed, and all the cultivators driven from the lands. Whenthe season of tillage returned in June, and Mithun Sing had beenreduced to the last stage of poverty, Nawab Allee consented to becomethe mediator, got a lease from the Chuckladar for Mithun Sing at 4500rupees a-year, and stood surety for the punctual payment of thedemand. Poor Mithun Sing could pay nothing, and Nawab Allee gotpossession of the estate in liquidation of the balance due to him;and assigned to Mithun Sing five hundred pucka-beegas of land for hissubsistence. He still resides on the estate, and supports his familyby the tillage of these few beegas. Amdhun Chowdheree held a share in the estate of Biswa, consisting ofsixty-five villages; paying to Government 12, 000 rupees a-year, andyielding a rent-roll of 65, 000. His elder brother's widow resided onthe estate, supported by Amdhun, who managed its affairs for thefamily. Nawab Allee got up a quarrel between her and her brother-in-law; and she assumed the right to authorize Nawab Allee to seize uponthe whole estate. Amdhun appealed to his clan, but Nawab Allee, incollusion with the Nazim, was too strong for him, and got possessionby taking a strong force, and driving out all who presumed to resisthim. The estate had been held by the family for many centuries. Mohun Sing held the estate of Mundhuna, which had been in his familyfor many generations. He was, by the usual process, five years ago, constrained to accept the security of Nawab Allee for the punctualpayment of the revenue; and his estate was absorbed in the usual way, the year after. He is now, like a boa-constrictor, swallowing upChowdheree Pertab Sing, who holds a large share in the hereditaryestate of Biswa, which has been in the possession of the family for agreat many generations. This share consisted of thirty-six villages, and paid a revenue to Government of fourteen thousand. Last year, Nawab Allee instigated the Nazim to demand ten thousand more. TheNazim, to prevent all disputes, assigned the twenty-four thousand toMirza Hoseyn Beg, the commandant of a troop of cavalry, employedunder him, in liquidation of their arrears of pay. The commandantgave him a receipt for the amount, which the Nazim sent to thetreasury, and got credit for the amount in his accounts. But poorPertab Sing could not pay, and was imprisoned by the cavalry, whokept possession of his person, and took upon them the collection ofhis rents. Nawab Allee came in and paid what was due; and gavesecurity for the punctual payment of the revenue for the ensuingyear. The estate was made over to him; and he put on score afterscore of _dustuk_ bearers, who soon reduced Pertab Sing to utterbeggary. Ten thousand rupees were due to Nawab Allee, and he hadnothing left to sell; and under such circumstances no man else wouldlend him anything. The dustuk bearers are servants of the creditor, who are sent toattend the debtor, extort from him their wages and subsistence, andsee that he does not move, eat, or drink till he pays them. Duringthis time the creditor saves all the wages of these attendants; andthey commonly exact double wages from the debtor, so that he is soonreduced to terms. In this stage we found the poor Chowdheree onreaching Biswa. I had him released, and so admonished Nawab Allee, that he has some little chance of saving his estate. Bisram Sing held the estate of Kooa Danda, which had been in thepossession of his family of Ahbun Rajpoots for many centuries. Itconsisted of thirty-five villages, paid a revenue of six thousandrupees a-year, and yielded a rent-roll of eighteen thousand and fivehundred. Nawab Allee coveted it as being on his border, and in goodorder. As soon as his friend; Allee Buksh, was appointed Nazim of thedistrict, he prevailed upon him to report to the Durbar that BisramSing was a refractory subject, and plunderer; and to requestpermission to put him down by force of arms. This was in 1844, whileBisram Sing was living quietly on his estate. On receiving the order, which came as a matter of course, the Nazim united his force withthat of Nawab Allee, and attacked the house of Bisram Sing, which hadonly twenty-two men to defend it against two thousand. Six of thetwenty-two were killed, eight wounded, and eight only escaped; andNawab Allee took possession of the estate. Bisram Sing was at Lucknow at the time, trying to rebut the falsecharges of the Nazim; but his influence was unhappily too strong forhim, and he got no redress. Soon after Nirput Sing, a sipahee in the9th Regiment Native Infantry, presented a petition to the Resident, stating that he was the brother of Bisram Sing, and equallyinterested in the estate; and a special officer, Busharut Allee, wasordered by the Durbar to investigate and decide the case. He decidedin favour of Nirput, the sipahee, and Bisram Sing. Another specialofficer was sent out to restore Bisram to possession. Nawab Alleethen pleaded the non-existence of any relationship between Nirput andBisram; and a third special officer has been sent out to ascertainthis fact. Belehree, held by Abud Allee, consists of forty villages, pays arevenue of twelve thousand rupees a-year, and yields a rent-roll offorty thousand. Abud Allee holds also the estate of Pyntee, in thesame district, consisting of eighty villages, paying a revenue ofthirty-five thousand, and yielding a rent-roll of one hundred andforty thousand. It had been held by his relative Kazim Allee, who wassucceeded in the possession by Nizam Allee, the husband of his onlydaughter. Nizam Allee was in A. D. 1841 killed by a servant, who wascut down and killed in return by his attendants. Nizam Allee's widowheld till 1843, when she made over the estate to Abud Allee, by whomshe is supported. Nawab Allee has always money at command to purchase influence atCourt when required; and he has also a brave and well-armed force, with which to aid the governor of the district, when he makes itworth his while to do so, in crushing a refractory landholder. Theseare the sources of his power, and he is not at all scrupulous in theuse of it--it is not the fashion to be so in Oude. _February_ 20th, 1850. --Came on sixteen miles to Futtehpore, in theestate of Nawab Allee, passing Mahmoodabad half way. Near that placewe passed through a grove of mango and other trees called the "LakPeree, " or the grove of a hundred thousand trees planted by hisancestors forty years ago. The soil is the same, the country level, studded with the same rich foliage, and covered with the same finecrops. As we were passing through his estate, and were to encamp init again to-day, Nawab Allee attended me on horseback; and Iendeavoured to impress upon him and the Nazim the necessity ofrespecting the rights of others, and more particularly those of theold Chowdheree Pertab Sing. "Why is it, " I asked, "that thisbeautiful scene is not embellished by any architectural beauties?Sheikh Sadee, the poet, so deservedly beloved by you all, old andyoung, Hindoos and Mahommedans, says, 'The man who leaves behind himin any place, a bridge, a well, a church, or a caravansera, neverdies. ' Here not even a respectable dwelling-house is to be seen, muchless a bridge, a church, or a caravansera. " "Here, sir, " said oldBukhtawur, "men must always be ready for a run to the jungles. Unlessthey are so, they can preserve nothing from the grasp of thecontractors of the present day, who have no respect for property orperson--for their own character, or for that of their sovereign. Themoment that a man runs to save himself, family, and property, theyrob and pull down his house, and those of all connected with him. When a man has nothing but mud walls, with invisible mud covers, theygive him no anxiety; he knows that he can build them up again in afew days, or even a few hours, when he comes back from the jungles;and he cares little about what is done to them during his absence. Had he an expensive house of burnt brick and mortar, he could neverfeel quite free. He might be tempted to defend it, and lose somevaluable lives; or he might be obliged to submit to unjust terms. Were he to lay out his money in expensive mosques, temples, andtombs, they would restrain him in the same way; and he is content tolive without them, and have his loins always girded for fight orflight. " "True, " said Nawab Allee, "very true; we can plant groves and makewells, but we cannot venture to erect costly buildings of any kind. You saw the Nazim of Khyrabad, only a few days ago, bringing all histroops down upon Rampore, because the landlord, Goman Sing, would notconsent to the increase he demanded of ten thousand, upon seventeenthousand rupees a-year, which he had hitherto paid. Goman Sing tookto the jungles; and in ten days his fine crops would all have beendestroyed, and his houses levelled with the ground, had you notinterposed, and admonished both. The one at last consented to take, and the other to pay an increase of five thousand. Only three yearsago, Goman Sing's father was killed by the Nazim in a similarstruggle; and landholders must always be prepared for them. " _February_ 21st, 1850. --Bureearpore, ten miles south-east, over aplain of the same fine soil, well cultivated, and carpeted with thesame fine crops and rich foliage. Midway we entered the district ofRamnuggur Dhumeree, held by Rajah Gorbuksh Sing under the security ofSeoraj-od Deen, the person who attempted in vain to arrest the chargeof the two regiments upon the Khyrabad Nazim by holding up the_sacred Koran_ over his head. He met me on his boundary, and NawabAllee and the Nazim of Baree Biswa took their leave. Nawab Allee'sbrother, Abud Allee, came to pay his respects to me yesterdayevening. He is a respectable person in appearance, and a man of goodsense. The landscape was, I think, on the whole richer than any otherthat I have seen in Oude; but I am told that it is still richer at adistance from the road, where the poppy is grown in abundance, andopium of the best quality made. * [* Opium sells in Oude at from three to eight rupees the seer, according to its quality. In our neighbouring districts it sells atfourteen rupees the seer, in the shops licensed by Government. Government, in our districts, get opium from the cultivators andmanufacturers at three rupees and half the seer. The temptation tosmuggle is great, but the risk is great also, for the police in ourdistricts is vigilant in this matter. ] Still lamenting the want of all architectural ornament to the scene, and signs of manufacturing and commercial industry, to show thatpeople had property, and were able to display and enjoy it, andgradations of rank, I asked whether people invested their wealth inthe loans of our Government. "Sir, " said Bukhtawur Sing, "the peoplewho reside in the country know nothing about your Government paper;it is only the people of the capital that hold it or understand itsvalue. The landholders and peasantry would never be able to keep itin safety, or understand when and how to draw the interest. " "Do they spend more in marriage and other ceremonies than the peopleof other parts of India, or do they make greater displays on suchoccasions?" "Quite the reverse, sir, " said Seoraj-od Deen; "they dare not makeany display at all. Only the other day, Gunga Buksh, the refractorylandholder of Kasimgunge, attacked a marriage-procession in thevillage of ------, carried off the bridegroom, and imprisoned him tillhe paid the large random demanded from him. In February last yearImam Buksh Behraleen, of Oseyree, having quarrelled with the Amil, attacked and carried off a whole marriage party to the jungles. Theygave up all the property they had, and offered to sign bonds formore, to be paid by their friends for their ransom; but he told themthat money would not do; that their families were people ofinfluence, and must make the King's officers restore him to hisestate upon his own terms, or he would keep them till they all died. They exerted themselves, and Imam Buksh got back his estate upon hisown terms; but he still continues to rob and plunder. These crimesare to them diversions from which there is no making them desist. " "There are a dozen gang leaders of this class at present in the beltof jungle which extends westward from our right up to within fourteenmiles of the Lucknow cantonments; and the plunder of villages, murderof travellers, and carrying off of brides and bridegrooms frommarriage processions, are things of every-day occurrence. There arealso in these parts a number of pansee bowmen, who not only join inthe enterprises of such gangs as in other districts, but form gangsof their own, under leaders of their own caste, to rob travellers andplunder villages. "Gunga Buksh of Kasimgunge has his fort in this belt of jungle, andhe and his friends and relations take good care that no man cuts anyof it down, or cultivates the land. With the gangs which he and hisrelatives keep up in this jungle, he has driven out the greater partof the Syud proprietors of the surrounding villages, and takenpossession of their lands. After driving out the King's troops fromthe town of Dewa, and exacting ransoms from many of the inhabitants, whom he seized and carried off in several attacks, he, in Octoberlast, brought down upon it all the ruffians he could collect, killedno less than twenty-nine persons--chiefly Syuds and land proprietors--and took possession of the town and estate. The chief proprietor, Bakur Allee, was killed among the rest; and Gunga Buksh burnt hisbody, and suspended his head to a post in his own village of Luseya. He dug down his house and those of all his relations who had beenkilled with him, and now holds quiet possession of his estate. " This was all true. The Resident, on the application of Haffiz-odDeen, a native judicial officer of Moradabad district--one of thefamily which had lost so many members in this atrocious attack--urgedstrongly on the Durbar the necessity of punishing Gunga Buksh and hisgang. The Ghunghor Regiment of Infantry, with a squadron of cavalry, and six guns, was sent out in October 1849, for the purpose, under anative officer. On the force moving out, the friends of Gunga Bukshat Court caused the commandant to be sent for on some pretext orother; and he has been detained at the capital ever since. The forcehas, in consequence, remained idle, and Gunga Buksh has been leftquietly to enjoy the, fruits of his enterprise. The Amil having notroops to support his authority, or even to defend his person in sucha position, has also remained at Court. No revenue has beencollected, and the people are left altogether exposed to thedepredations of these merciless robbers. The belt of jungle is ninemiles long and four miles wide; and the west end of it is within onlyfourteen miles of the Lucknow cantonments, where we have threeregiments of infantry, and a company of artillery. _February_ 22nd, 1850. --A brief history of the rise of this familymay tend to illustrate the state of things in Oude. Khumma Rawut, ofthe pansee tribe, the great-grandfather of this Gunga Buksh, servedKazee Mahommed, the great-grandfather of this Bakur Allee, as avillage watchman, for many years up to his death. He had someinfluence over his master, and making the most of this and of theclan feeling which subsisted among the pansees of the district, hewas able to command the services of a formidable gang when the oldKazee died. He left a young family, and Khumma got possession of fiveor six villages out of the estate which the old Kazee left to hissons. The sons were too weak: to resist the pansees, and when Khummadied he left them to his five sons:-- 1. Kundee Sing; 2. Bukhta Sing;3. Alum Sing; 4. Lalsahae; 5. Misree Sing. As the family increased innumbers it has gone on adding to its possessions in the same manner, by attacking and plundering villages, murdering or driving off theold proprietors of the lands, and taking possession of them forthemselves. Each branch of the family, as it separates from theparent stock, builds for itself a fort in one or other of thevillages which belong to its share of the acquired lands. In thisfort the head of each branch of the family resides with his armedfollowers, and sallies forth to plunder the country and acquire newpossessions. In small enterprises each branch acts by itself; inlarger ones two or more branches unite, and divide the lands andbooty they acquire by amicable arrangement. They seize all the respectable persons whom they find in the villageswhich they attack and plunder, keep them in prison, and inflict allmanner of tortures upon them, till they have paid, or pledgedthemselves to pay, all that they have or can borrow from theirfriends, as their ransom. If they refuse to pay, or to pledgethemselves to pay the sum demanded, they murder them. If they paypart, and pledge themselves to pay the rest within a certain time, they are released; and if they fail to fulfil their engagements, theyand their families are murdered in a second attack. After the lastattack above described upon Dewa, Gunga Buksh seized seven finevillages belonging to the family of Bakur Allee Khan, which they hadheld for many generations. He, Gunga Buksh, now holds no less thantwenty-seven villages, all seized in the same manner, after theplunder and murder of their old proprietors. The whole of thisfamily, descendants of Khumma Rawut, hold no less than two hundredvillages and hamlets, all taken in the same manner from the oldproprietors, with the acquiescence or connivance of the localauthorities, who were either too weak or too corrupt to punish them, and restore the villages to their proper owners. * [* Kundee Sing had two sons, 1. Cheytun Sing; 2. Ajeet Sing. CheytunSing had two sons, 1. Sophul Sing; 2. Thakurpurshad. Sophul Sing hadtwo sons, 1. Keerut Sing; 2. Jote Sing. Ajeet Sing had two sons, 1. Bhugwunt Sing; 2. Rutun Sing. Thakur Purshad, Bhugwunt Sing, andRutun Sing, reside in a fort which they have built in Bhetae, fourmiles from Dewa, in the north-west border of the belt of jungle. Theyhold forty villages, besides hamlets, which they have taken from theold proprietors of the Dewa and Korsee estates. Thakur Purshad hasanother fort called Buldeogur, near that of Atursae, two coss southof Dewa; and Bhugwunt Sing has the small fort of Munmutpore, close toBhetae. Bukta Sing had only one son, Bisram Sing, who had only oneson, Gunga Buksh, who built the fort of Kasimgunge, on the north-eastern border of the same belt of jungle, two miles south of Dewa, and on the death of his father, he went to reside in it with hisfamily and gang. He holds twenty-seven fine villages, with hamlets. Twenty of these he seized upon from six to twelve years ago; and theother seven he got after the attack upon Dewa, in October last. Hehas also a fort called Atursae, two coss south from Dewa; a mile westfrom Buldeogur. Alum Sing's descendants have remained peaceablecultivators of the soil in Dewa, and are, consequently, of too littlenote for a place in the genealogical table of the family. Lalsahae had three sons, 1. Dheer Sing; 2. Bustee Sing; 3. GokulSing, all dead. Dheer Sing had two sons, Omed Sing and Jowahir Sing. Omed Sing had three sons, Dirgpaul Sing, Maheput Sing, and Gungadhur, who was murdered by Thakur Pershad, his cousin. Jowahir Sing had oneson, Priteepaul Sing. Bustee Sing had two sons, Girwur Sing andSoulee Sing. Girwur Sing had two sons, Dhokul Sing and Shunker Sing. This branch of the family hold the forts of Ramgura and Paharpore, onthe border of the jungle six miles south-west from Dewa, and twelvevillages besides hamlets taken in the same manner from the oldproprietors. Gokul Sing had two sons, Dulloo Sing and Soophul Sing. Dulloo Sing has one son. They reside with the families of Dheer Singand Bustee Sing. Misree Sing, the fifth son of Khumma, had three sons, 1. BoneeadSing; 2. Dureeao Sing; 3. Name forgotten--all three are dead. BoneadSing had two sons, 1. Anoop Sing; 2. Goorbuksh Sing. Dureeao Sing hadtwo sons, 1. Anokee Sing; 2. Name forgotten. The third son of MisreeSing had three sons, 1. Mulung Sing; 2. Anunt Sing; 3. Nameforgotten--all three still live. This branch of the family resides in Satarpore, one mile west fromKasimgunge, in this belt of Jungle, and two miles from Dewa, in afortified house built by them. They have got a small fort, calledPouree, near this place. They form part of Gunga Buksh's gang, andshare with him in the booty acquired. ] To record all the atrocities committed by the different members ofthis family in the process of absorbing the estates of theirneighbours, and the property of men of substance in the countriesaround, would be a tedious and unprofitable task; and I shall contentmyself with mentioning a few that are most prominent in therecollection of the people of the district. About ten years ago, Gunga Buksh and his gang attacked the house of Lalla Shunker Lal, arespectable merchant of Dewa, plundered it, killed the tutor of histhree sons, and carried them and their father off to his fort, wherehe tortured them till they paid him a ransom of nine thousand rupees. On their release they left Dewa, and have ever since resided inLucknow. Two years after they attacked the village of Saleempore, twomiles east from Dewa, killed Nyam Allee, the zumeendar, and seizedupon his estate. About six years ago Munnoo, the son of Gunga Buksh, with a gang of near two thousand men, attacked the King's force inthe town of Dewa, killed four sipahees, two artillery-men, and twotroopers, and plundered the place. About six months ago this gangattacked the house of Ewuz Mahommed, in Dewa, plundered it, levelledit with the ground, and took off all the timbers to their fort ofKasimgunge. Soon after he made the attack in which he killed twenty-nine persons in Dewa, as above described. Thakur Purshad, about fourteen years ago, attacked the village ofMolookpore, two miles east from Dewa, plundered it, took possessionof the land, seized and carried off the proprietor, Sheikh KhodaBuksh, and put him to death in his fort of Bhetae. Three years afterhe attacked the house of Gholam Mostafa, in Dewa, killed him, andseized upon all the lands he held. Three years ago he attacked thehouse of Janoo, a shopkeeper, plundered it, and confined and torturedhim till he paid a ransom of two hundred and fifty rupees. Threemonths after he seized and carried off to his fort Roopun, anothershopkeeper, and confined and tortured him till he paid a ransom ofthree hundred rupees. Last year he seized and took off Jhow Dhobeefrom Dewa, and extorted forty rupees from him. Six months ago heattacked a marriage-procession in Dewa, plundered it, took off thebridegroom, Omed Allee, and confined and tortured him till he paideleven hundred and fifteen rupees. These men all levy black mail fromthe country around; and it is those only who cannot or will not payit, or whose lands they intend to appropriate, that they attack. Theycreated the jungle above described, of nine miles long by four wide, for their own evil purposes, and preserve it with so much vigilance, that no man dares to cut a stick, graze a bullock, or browse a camelin it without their special sanction; indeed, they are so muchdreaded, that no man or woman beyond their own family or followersdares enter the jungle. Omed Sing, fifteen years ago, invited to his house the fourproprietors of the village of Owree, Gholam Kadir, Allee Buksh, Durvesh Allee, and Moiz-od Deen, residents of Dewa, and put them todeath because they could not, by torture, be made to transfer theirlands to him. He then seized their village, and built the fort ofRumgura Paharpore upon it. Omed Sing, Jowahir Sing, Dhokul Sing, andSoophul Sing all reside in this fort with the son of Dulloo Sing. This family of pansees, or, as they call themselves, Rawuts, form atpresent one of the most formidable gangs of robbers in Oude, and oneof the most difficult to put down from their union and inveteratehabit of plunder. They can always, at short notice and little cost, collect bands of hundreds of the same tribe and habit to join them inplunder and resistance to lawful authority. On the 25th of February, 1838, Rajah Dursun Sing, then in charge ofthe district, wrote to the Durbar to say, "that Gunga Buksh of Dewawas the worst robber in the district, would pay no revenue, andinstigated others to withhold theirs; that numerous complaints hadbeen made against him to the Durbar by the people, and that he hadbeen urged by Government to do his best to punish him; that he hadlong tried all he could to do so, but had not sufficient troops; thathis evil deeds increased, however, so much, that he at lastdetermined to run all risks, and on the 27th of that month, onFriday, he left Amaneegunge, and marched forty-eight miles withoutresting; and on Saturday, before daybreak, reached the fort ofKasimgunge, and invested it on all sides; that he found the fortlarge and strong, and surrounded with dense jungle; that he had onlythree guns with him, but, as the enemy were taken by surprise, hetook all their outworks one after another; that the besieged got acrowd of their adherents to attack his force in the rear on Saturdaynight, that they might get off in the confusion, but his troops wereready to intercept them at all points; and, in attempting to cut hisway through, Gunga Baksh was seized with all his followers, but thewomen and children were permitted to go their way; that a good manyof the enemy had been killed, and he, Dursun Sing, had had onegolundaz and five sipahees killed and ten persons wounded. " The King sent Dursun Sing a dress of honour with the title of Rajahon the 3rd of March, 1838, and ordered him to have the fort levelledwith the ground. Dursun Sing, in reply, states that he had menemployed in pulling down the fort; and, in reply to an order to sendin a list of the property taken from the besieged, he states, on the12th of March, 1838, that none whatever had been secured. Gunga Bukshsoon bribed his way out of prison at Lucknow, returned to Kasimgunge, rebuilt his fort, and made it stronger than ever; and continued toplunder the country, and increase his landed possessions by themurder of the old proprietors. He became enlisted into the tribe ofRajpoots, and his sister was married to the Powar Rajah of _Etonda_, seven coss north from Lucknow. Jode Sing, the present Rajah of thatplace, is her son; and he is associated with Gunga Buksh in hisdepredations. _Sahuj Ram_, of Pokhura, of the Ametheea tribe ofRajpoots, in the Hydergurh purgunna, on the right bank of the Goomteeriver, married a daughter of Gunga Buksh's, and has a strong fort, called Raunee, thirty miles east from Lucknow. He is said to havebeen present at the murder of the twenty-nine persons at Dewa inOctober last, and to have had with him four hundred armed men and twoguns. He and all his followers are notorious and inveterate robbers, like Gunga Buksh himself. The descendants of Khumma, the villagewatchman, have already built ten forts upon the lands which they haveseized, and there are no less than seventy of these forts orstrongholds within a circuit of ninety miles round Bhetae andKhasimgunge, the centre being not more than eighteen miles from theLucknow cantonments. The Minister having informed the Resident that, without some aid fromBritish troops, it was impossible for him to put down or punish theseatrocious murderers and robbers, who had so many mud-forts wellgarrisoned by their gangs, he, on the 26th of March, 1850, ordered awing of the 2nd Battalion of Oude Local Infantry under CaptainBoileau to join the force, consisting of, 1. A wing of the 2nd OudeLocal Infantry; 2. Captain Barlow's regiment, with two nine-poundersand one eight-inch howitzer; 3. Nawab Allee's auxiliaries, twothousand men and three small guns; 4. Sufshikum Khan, the Amil of thedistrict, with one thousand men and five guns; 5. Seoraj-od Deen, theAmil of Ramnuggur, with one hundred and fifty men and two guns; 6. Ghalib Jung, with one thousand foot soldiers, forty camel jinjals(tumbooraks), seven guns, and one hundred troopers, in an attack uponKasimgunge. The different parts of this force had been so disposed asto concentrate upon and invest the fort at daybreak on the morning ofthat day. The surprise was complete. Shells were thrown into the fort from Captain Barlow's guns, butCaptain Boileau did not consider the force sufficient to take thefort and secure, the garrison, and wrote to request a reinforcement. The distance from Kasimgunge to the cantonments was twenty miles. Awing of the 10th Regiment Native Infantry, with two guns, was sentoff under Captain Wilson; but the garrison had evacuated the fort andfled on the night of the 26th, and the wing was ordered to proceeddirect to the fort of Bhetae, four miles nearer to the cantonments, which was to be invested by the same force on the morning of the28th. Captain Wilson had with him Lieutenant Elderton, as adjutant of thewing, and Ensigns Trenchard and Wish, with a native officer in chargeof the two guns. They reached Bhetae at 7 A. M. , were joined by theBhetae force at 8 A. M. , and the two forts of Bhetae and Munmutporewere forthwith invested. Munmutpore stood about three hundred yardsto the west of Bhetae; and both forts were held by Thakur Purshad andBhugwunt Sing, members of the same family of pansee robbers, andtheir gangs. Captain Wilson was the chief in command; and he, withhis own and Captain Boileau's wing, took up his position on the northside of Bhetae, and placed Captain Barlow on the west side ofMunmutpore. There was a deep dry ditch all round outside the outerwall, and a thick fence of bamboos inside. Between this fence and thecitadel in both forts was a still deeper ditch. Between the fence ofbamboos and the inner ditch was a small intricate passage, intersected by huts and trenches. The wall of the citadel was about twenty feet high, and the upperpart formed a parapet eight feet high, filled with loopholes formatchlocks. Between Bhetae and Munmutpore, midway, was a largebastion filled with matchlock-men, to keep open the communication andprevent an enemy from taking up any position between the two forts. The investing force was distributed all round, with orders to attackthe nearest and weakest points as soon as Captain Wilson shouldcommence his upon the main point, the northern face. On the afternoon of the 29th, about half-past three, a small party ofthe garrison came out of the gate on the northern face, and appeareddisposed to attack Captain Wilson's two nine-pounders, and a thirdgun, which had all three been advanced on to within a short distanceof the gate. During this time Captain Barlow was throwing shells intoboth forts from his position to the west of Munmutpore. The subahdar-major had command of the advanced party in charge of Captain Wilson'sthree guns. He charged and drove back into the fort the small partywhich threatened his guns, and Captain Wilson hastily assembled allhis and Captain Boileau's force, and followed to support thesubahdar-major. Finding his officers and men all excited and anxiousto push on into the fort, Captain Wilson unfortunately yielded to theimpulse, and entered the outer gate with one of his two nine-pounders, in the hope of taking the place by a _coup-de-main_. The garrison all retired into the citadel as he entered, and kept upa distressing fire upon the assailants as they went along the narrowpassage between the bamboo fence and the ditch in search of a wayinto the citadel. Several rounds were fired from the gun, in the hopeof making a breach in the wall, but the balls penetrated and lodgedmidway in the wall, without bringing down any part of it; andmusketry was altogether useless against a thick parapet withloopholes, so slender on the outside and so wide within. The huts, which might have sheltered officers and men, were set fire to byaccident, and tended to increase the confusion. The entrance to thecitadel was over a narrow mud causeway, which the garrison had nothad time to remove; but it was hidden from the assailants by aprojection which they could not attain, and the men began to fallfast before the fire from the loopholes of the parapet. On hearing the firing on Captain Wilson's side, the officerscommanding the troops on the other three sides, commenced theirattack on the nearest and seemingly weakest points, as beforedirected. Captain Barlow lost some men in an unsuccessful attempt toenter the fort of Munmutpore on the west side; but the auxiliaryforce of Nawab Allee effected an entrance on the east side of thatfort. They were, however, arrested by the second ditch within, in thesame manner as Captain Wilson's force had been, and a good many menwere shot down in the same manner, in attempting to get over it. Theforce under Sufshikum Khan, on the east side of Bhetae, effected anentrance, but was arrested by the second ditch in the same manner, and lost many men. The enemy in Bhetae had eleven men killed andnineteen wounded, a good many of them from the shells thrown in byCaptain Barlow. The loss of the enemy in Munmutpore was neverascertained. After Captain Wilson had been engaged within the wall about three-quarters of an hour, and the ammunition of the gun had becomeexhausted. Lieutenant Elderton, who had behaved with great gallantryduring the whole scene, and was standing in advance with CaptainBoileau, received a shot in the neck, and fell dead by his side. Having lost so many men and officers in fruitless efforts topenetrate into the citadel, and seeing no prospect of carrying theplace by remaining longer under the fire from the parapet, CaptainsWilson and Boileau drew off their parties; but the bullocks whichdrew the gun had been all killed or wounded, and they were obliged toleave it behind with the bodies of the killed. The men attempted todraw off the gun; but so many were shot down from above that it wasdeemed prudent to abandon it. About midnight both garrisons vacatedthe forts, and retired unmolested through the jungle to the eastward, where Ghalib Jung's troops had been posted. There is good ground tobelieve that he connived at their escape, and purposely held backfrom the attack as a traitor in connivance with some influentialpersons in the Durbar. The 10th Native Infantry had one European officer, LieutenantElderton, ten sipahees, and one calashee, killed; five nativeofficers and twenty-two privates, wounded. The 2nd Oude Local Infantry, six sipahees, and one calashee, killed;and seven native officers and thirteen privates, wounded. The artillery had one native officer and nine privates wounded. This reverse arose from the commandant's yielding to the impetuosityof his officers and sipahees, and attempting to take by a rush astrong fort whose defences he had never examined and knew nothingwhatever about, as he had never before seen any place of the kind, orhad one described to him. He and all his men had courage inabundance, but they wanted prudence. Gunga Buksh and his son, Runjeet Sing, were afterwards taken, convicted before the highest tribunal in Oude, of the murder of thetwenty-seven persons in Dewa, in October, 1849, and executed on the18th of September, 1850. Thakur Purshad and his cousin, BhugwuntSing, remained at large, and at the head of their gang of robberscontinued to plunder the country, and levy blackmail from landholdersand village communities till the 1st of February 1851, though pressedby a force of one thousand infantry, fifty troopers, and some tenguns. On the morning of that day, Captain Hearsey, commanding adetachment of the Oude Frontier Police, who had been ordered to co-operate with this force in putting down this gang, took advantage ofa dense fog, fell upon them, and with the loss of one non-commissioned officer killed, and three non-commissioned officers andthree sipahees wounded, killed one of the chief leaders, BhugwuntSing, and twenty-two of their followers, wounded many more, and tookeight prisoners, among them the son of the leader Bhugwunt Sing. Theother two leaders, Thakur Purshad and Keerut Sing, were bathing atthe time in the river Goomtee, and escaped by swimming across. Rajah Bukhtawur Sing declares, that the taking of daughters fromfamilies of this caste by Rajpoots is one of the punishmentsinflicted upon them for the murder of their own. They will notcondescend to give daughters in marriage to such persons; and theytake daughters from them merely to get their money, and assistance onemergency in resisting the Government, and murdering and plunderingits subjects. This part of Oude, comprising the districts of Dureeabad Rudowlee, Ramnuggur Dhumeree, Dewa Jahangeerabad, Jugdispoor, and Hydergur, hasmore mud forts than any other, though they abound in all parts; andthe greater part of them are garrisoned in the same way by gangs ofrobbers. It is worth remarking, that the children in the villageshereabout play at fortification as a favourite amusement, eachstriving to excel the others in the ingenuity of his defences. Theyall seem to feel that they must some day have to take a part indefending such places against the King's troops; and their parentsseem to encourage the feeling. The real mud forts are concealed fromsight in beautiful clusters of bamboos or other evergreen jungle, sothat the passer-by can see nothing of them. Some of them areexceedingly strong, against troops unprovided with mortars andshells. The garrison is easily shelled out by a small force, orstarved out by a large one; but one should never attempt to breachthem with round shot, or take them by an escalade or a rush. It is still more worthy of remark, that these great landholders, whohave recently acquired their possessions by the plunder and murder oftheir weaker neighbours, and who continue their system of pillage, inorder to acquire the means to maintain their gangs, and add to thesepossessions, are those who are most favoured at Court, and mostconciliated by the local rulers; because they are more able and morewilling than others to pay for the favours of the one, and set atdefiance the authority of the other. They often get their estatestransferred from the jurisdiction of the local governors to that ofthe person in charge of the Hozoor Tuhseel at Lucknow. Almost all theestates of this family of Rawuts have been so transferred. Local governors cannot help seeing or hearing of the atrocities theycommit, and feeling some _sympathy_ with the sufferers; or at leastsome apprehension, that they may lose revenue by their murder, andthe absorption of their estate; but the officer in charge of theHozoor Tuhseel sees or hears little of what they do, and caresnothing about the sufferers as long as their despoilers pay himliberally. If the local governor reports their atrocities toGovernment, this person represents it as arising solely from enmity;and describes the sufferers as lawless characters, whom it ismeritorious to punish. If the Court attempts to punish or coerce suchcharacters, he gives them information, and does all he can tofrustrate the attempt. If they are taken and imprisoned, he soon getsthem released; and if their forts and strongholds have been taken andpulled down, he sells them the privilege of rebuilding or repairingthem. It is exceedingly difficult at all times, and often altogetherimpossible, to get one of these robber landholders punished, oreffectually put down, so many and so formidable are the obstaclesthrown in the way by the Court favourite, who has charge of theHozoor Tuhseel, and their other friends at the capital. Those whosuffer from their crimes have seldom any chance of redress. Havinglost their all, they are no longer in a condition to pay for it; andwithout payment nothing can be got from the Court of Lucknow. _February_ 23, 1850. --Badoosura, ten miles south-east over a plaincovered with rich crops and fine foliage; soil muteear generally, butin some parts doomut; tillage excellent. Passed over some more sitesof Bhur towns. The Oude territory abounds with these sites, butnothing seems to be known of the history of the people to whom theybelonged. They seem to have been systematically extirpated by theMahommedan conquerors in the early part of the fourteenth century. All their towns seem to have been built of burnt brick, while none ofthe towns of the present day are so. There are numerous wells stillin use, which were formed by them of the finest burnt brick andcement; and the people tell me that others of the same kind arefrequently discovered in ploughing over fields. I have heard of noarms, coins, or utensils peculiar to them having been discovered, though copper sunuds, or deeds of grant from the Rajahs of Kunoje, toother people in Oude, six hundred years ago, have been found. TheBhurs must have formed town and village communities in this countryat a very remote period, and have been a civilized people, thoughthey have not left a name, date, or legend inscribed upon anymonument. Brick ruins of forts, houses, and wells, are the onlyrelics to be found of these people. Some few of the caste are stillfound in the humblest grade of society as cultivators, policeofficers, &c. , in Oude and other districts north of the Ganges. Up tothe end of the thirteenth century their sovereignty certainlyextended over what are now called the Byswara and Banoda districts;and Sultanpore, under some other name, appears to have been theircapital. It was taken and destroyed early in the fourteenth centuryby Allah-od Deen, Sultan of Delhi, or by one of his generals, andnamed Sultanpore. Chandour was another great town of these Bhurs. Iam not aware of any temples having been found to indicate theircreed. * [* The Bhur Goojurs must, I conclude, have been of the same race. ] The landholders, who have become leaders of gang-robbers, are morenumerous here than in any other part of Oude that I have seen, saveBangur: but they are not here, as there, so strongly federated. TheAmil is so weak, that, in despair, he connives at their atrocitiesand usurpations as the only means of collecting the Governmentrevenue, and filling his own pockets. The pausee bowmen are here muchmore formidable than they are even in Bangur. There they thieve, andjoin the gangs of the refractory landholders; but here they havepowerful leaders of their own tribe, and form formidable independentgangs. They sometimes attack and plunder villages, and spare neitherage nor sex. They have some small strongholds in which they assemblefrom different villages over pitchers of spirits, made from the fruitof the mhowa tree, and purchased for them by their leaders; and, having determined upon what villages to attack, proceed at once towork before they get sober. Every town and village through which wepass has suffered more or less from their atrocities, and the peopleare in a continual state of dread. In 1843, the pausees, who resided in the village of Chindwara, in theDewa district, ran off to avoid being held responsible for therobbery of a merchant in the neighbourhood. They were pacified andbrought back; but the landholder was sorely pressed by the Governmentcollector to pay up his balance of revenue, and he, in turn, pressedthe pausees to pay up the balances due by them for rents. They ranoff again, but their families were retained by the landholder. Thepausees gathered together all of their clan that they could musterfrom the surrounding villages, attacked the landholder's house, killed his mother, wife, four of his nephews, the wife of one of hisnephews, two of the King's sipahees who attempted to defend them, andseveral of the landholder, Yakoob Husun's, servants, and plunderedhim of everything he had. The landlord himself happened to be absenton business, and was the only one of the family who escaped. In alltwenty-nine persons were murdered by the pausees on that occasion. They were all permitted to come back and settle in the village, as ifnothing had happened; the village was made over to another, andYakoob Husun has ever since been supplicating in vain for redress atthe King's gate. About three miles from Badoosura, we passed from the Ramnuggurdistrict into that of Dureeabad Rodowlee; but the above descriptionis applicable to both, though in a somewhat less degree to Ramnuggurthan to Dureeabad. It is equally applicable to the Dewa district, which we left on our right yesterday, midway between our road andLucknow. There Gunga Buksh Chowdheree and his relatives have largegangs engaged in plundering towns, and seizing upon the lands oftheir weaker and more scrupulous neighbours. In the Dureeabaddistrict, the leaders of gangs are chiefly of the Behraleea tribe ofRajpoots, so called after the district of Behralee, in which theyreside. I this morning asked Nowsing, a landholder of the Rykwar Rajpootclan, who came to me, in sorrow, to demand redress for grievouswrongs, whether he did not think that all the evils they sufferedarose from murdering their female infants. "No, sir, I do not. " "Butthe greater part of the Rajpoot families do still murder them, dothey not?" "Yes, sir, they still destroy them; and we believe thatthe father who preserves a daughter will never live to see hersuitably married, or that the family into which she does marry willperish or be ruined. " "Do you recollect any instances of this?" "Yes, sir, my uncle, Dureeao, preserved a daughter, but died before hecould see her married; and my father was obliged to go to the cost ofgetting her married into a Chouhan family at Mynpooree, in theBritish territory. My grandfather, Nathoo, and his brother, Rughonath, preserved each a daughter, and married them into the sameChouhan families of Mynpooree. These families all became ruined; andtheir lands were sold by auction; and the three women returned uponus, one having two sons and a daughter, and another two sons. Wemaintained them for some years with difficulty, but this year, seeingthe disorder that prevailed around us, they all went back to thefamilies of their husbands. It is the general belief among us, sir, that those who preserve their daughters never prosper, and that thefamilies into which we marry them are equally unfortunate. " "Then you think that it is a duty imposed upon you from above todestroy your infant daughters, and that the neglect and disregard ofthat duty bring misfortunes upon you?" "We think it must be so, sir, with regard to our own families or clan. " I am satisfied that these notions were honestly expressed, howeverstrange they may appear to others. Habit has brutalized them, orrendered them worse than brutes in regard to their female offspring. They derive profit, or save expense and some mortification, bydestroying them, and readily believe anything that can tend to excusethe atrocity to themselves or to others. The facility with which menand women persuade themselves of a religious sanction for what theywish to do, however cruel and iniquitous, is not, unhappily, peculiarto any class or to any creed. These Rajpoots know that the crime isdetestable, not only to the few Christians they meet, but to allMahommedans, and to every other class of Hindoos among whom they liveand move. But the Rajpoots, among whom alone this crime prevails, arethe dominant class in Oude; and they can disregard the feelings andopinions of the people around them with impunity. The greater part ofthe land is held by them, and in the greater part of the towns andvillages their authority is paramount. Industry is confined almost exclusively to agriculture. They haveneither merchants nor manufacturers to form, or aid in forming, arespectable and influential middle class; and the public officers ofthe state they look upon as their natural and irreconcileableenemies. When the aristocracy of Europe buried their daughters alivein nunneries, the state of society was much the same as it now is inOude. The King has prohibited both infanticide and suttee. The latterbeing essentially a public exhibition, the local authorities havecontinued, in great measure, to put down; but the former wascertainly never more common than it is at present, for the Rajpootlandholders were never before more strong and numerous. That sutteeswere formerly very numerous in Oude is manifest from the numeroussuttee tombs we see in the vicinity of every town and almost everyvillage; but the Rajpoots never felt much interested in them; theywere not necessary either to their pride or purse. * [* Suttee, infanticide, suicide, the maiming of any one, or makingany one an eunuch, were all prohibited by the King of Oude, on the15th of May, 1833, as reported to Government by the Resident on the6th November, 1834. These prohibitions were reported to the Resident, by the King, on the 14th of June, 1833. ] _February 24th_, 1850. --Dureeabad, ten miles south-east, over a plainof good soil--doomut and mutteear--covered with the same rich cropsand fine foliage. There is at present no other district in Oudeabounding so much in gang robbery and other crime as this ofDureeabad Rodoulee, in which the Amil, Girdhara Sing, is notoriouslyconniving at these crimes from a consciousness of utter inability tocontend with the landholders who commit them, or employ men to committhem. Yet he has at his disposal a force that ought to be sufficientto keep in order a district five times as large. He has the Jannissarbattalion of nujeebs, under Seetla Buksh at present; the ZoolfukarSufderee battalion of nujeebs, under Bhow-od Dowlah, who never leavesCourt; and the Judeed, or new regiment, consisting of a thousand men. He has nine guns, and a squadron of horse. Of the guns, five are onthe ground, utterly useless; four will bear firing a few rounds. Forthese four he has bullocks, but they are not yet in condition. Of theseer and half of corn, drawn for each bullock per diem, only half aseer is given. Of the corps, more than one-half of the men are atLucknow, in attendance upon Court favourites; and of the half presentnot one-third are fit for the work of soldiers. The Amil rode by my side, and I asked him about the case of themarriage-procession. "Sir, " said he, "what you heard from Seoraj-odDeen is all true. Imam Buksh had a strong fort in his estate ofOuseyree, five miles to our right, where he had a formidable gang, that committed numerous dacoitees and highway robberies in thecountry around. I was ordered to attack him with all my force. He gotintimation, and assembled his friends to the number of five thousand. I had not half the number. We fought till he lost seventy men, and Ihad thirty killed and fifteen wounded. He then fled to the jungles, and I levelled his fort with the ground. He continued, however, toplunder, and at last seized the bridegroom and all the marriageparty, and took them to his bivouac in the jungles. The family wasvery respectable, and made application to me, and I was obliged torestore him to his estate, where he has lived ever since in peace. Iattacked him in November 1848, and he took off the marriage party inFebruary following. " "But, " said a poor hackery driver, who wasrunning along by my side, and had yesterday presented me a petition, "you forgot to get back my two carts and bullocks which he stillkeeps, and uses for his own purpose, though I have been importuningyou ever since. " "And what did he do to you when he got you into thejungles?" "He tied up and flogged all who seemed respectable, andworth something--such as merchants and shopkeepers--and poked themwith red-hot ramrods till they paid all they could get, and promisedto use all the influence and wealth of their families to force theAmil to restore him to his estate on his own terms. " "And were theparties married after their release?" "Yes, sir, we were released inApril, after the Amil had been made to consent to his terms; and theywere married in May; but I could not get back my two carts. " "And onwhat terms did you restore this Imam Buksh to his estate?" "I grantedhim a lease, sir, " said the Amil, "at the same rate of five thousandrupees a-year which he had paid before. "* [* This Imam Buksh, in April, 1850, went in disguise to the annualfair held at Bahraetch, in honour of the old saint. He was recognizedby some of Captain Bunbury's soldiers, who attempted to seize him. Hewas armed with sword, spear, and shield, and defended himself as longas he could. Seeing no chance of escape, he plunged both sword andspear into his own belly, and died, though Captain Bunbury came up, had his wounds sewn up, and did all he could to save him. ] Stopping to talk with the peasantry of a village who had come out tothe roadside to pay their respects and see the procession, I askedthem how, amidst such crimes and disorders, they could preserve theircrops so well. "Sir, " said they, "we find it very difficult andexpensive to do so, and shall find it still more so when the cropsare cut and stacked, or have been threshed and stored; then thesegangs of robbers have it all their own way, and burn and plunder allover the country; we are obliged to spend all we have in maintainingwatchmen for our fields. " "But the pausee bowmen have an allowancefor this duty, have they not?" "Yes, sir, they have all an allowance. Every cultivator, when he cuts his crop, leaves a certain portionstanding for the pausee who has guarded it, and this we call his_Bisar_. Over and above this he has a portion of land from theproprietor or holder of the village, which he tills himself or getstilled by others. " "And they are strong and faithful watchmen, arethey not?" "Yes, sir, they are; and though they will thieve and joingangs of robbers in any enterprise, they will never betray theirtrust. They consider it a _point of honour_ not to trespass on fieldsor property under the guardianship of members of their own class withwhom they are on good terms, or to suffer any persons whatever totrespass on what is under their own care. The money which we send tothe treasuries is commonly intrusted to pausees, and their fidelityand courage may be relied upon. The gang robbers do little injury toour fields while the crops are green, for they take animals of hardlyany kind with them in their enterprises; and having to move to andfrom their points of attack as quickly as possible, they could carrylittle of our crops with them; they are, too, afraid of the arrows ofthe pausee bowmen at night, if they venture to trespass upon ourfields. " "And are these pausee bowmen paid at the rate you mentionall over the country?" "No, sir; they are in some parts paid in whatis called the beega arhaeya, or two seers and half of grain fromevery beega. From a pucka beega they get pucka two and half seers;and from a kutcha beega, a kutcha two and half seers. "* "Your crops, my friends, are finer than I have ever before seen them in Oude. ""Yes, sir, they are very fine; but how we shall gather them God onlyknows, with such gangs of desperate robbers all around us. The alarmis sounded every night, and we have no rest. The Governmentauthorities are too weak to protect us, or too indifferent to oursufferings; and we cannot afford to provide the means to protectourselves. " [* The kutcha measure bears the same relation to the pucka in weightas in land measurement. ] As we went on, I asked the Amil what had become of Ahburun Sing, ofKyampore, the landholder who murdered his father to get possession ofhis estate, as mentioned in the early part of this Diary. "AhburunSing, sir, is still in possession of his estate of Kyampore, andmanages it exceedingly well. " "I thought he had taken to the jungleswith his gang, like the rest of his class after such a crime, inorder to reduce you to terms?" "It was his father, sir, Aman Sing, that was doing this. He was the terror of the country; neither roadnor village was safe from him. He murdered many people, and plunderedand burnt down many villages; and all my efforts to put him down werevain. At last I came to an understanding with his eldest son, whoremained at home in the management of the estate, and was on badterms with his father. He had confidential persons always about hisfather for his own safety; and when he was one night off his guard, he went at the head of a small band of resolute men, and seized him. He kept him in prison for six months, and told me that while so muchplunder was going on around, he did not feel secure of keeping hisfather a single night; that many of his old followers wanted him backas their leader, and would certainly rescue him if he was notdisposed of; that he could not put him to death, lest he should bedetested by his clan as a parricide; but if I would make a feignedattack on the fort, he would kill him, and make it appear that he hadlost his life in the defence of it. I moved with all the force I hadagainst the fort, discharged many guns against the walls, made afeigned attempt at escalade; and in the midst of the confusion _AmanSing was killed_. As soon as this was done, I returned with my force;the son remained in possession of the estate, and all the surroundingcountry was delighted to hear that so atrocious a character had beengot rid of. " This was all true, and the Amil did not seem to think that any onewho listened to him could suppose that he had done anythingdishonourable in all this: he seemed to think that all must feel ashe did, seeing his utter inability to cope with these baronialrobbers in any other way, and the evils they every day inflicted uponthe people. This Aman Sing was the most formidable of these robbersin this district, and the high road from Lucknow to Fyzabad was forsome time closed by his gang. Of those whom he robbed, he used tomurder all who appeared likely to be able to get a hearing at Courtor at the Residency. The Behraleea Rajpoots, of the Soorujpore Behreyla purgunna, are nowthe most formidable and inveterate robbers and plunderers in thedistrict. The Rajah of this estate, Singjoo, was for some years themost formidable robber in Oude. He had taken a dislike to the familyof a sipahee of the Governor-General's bodyguard; and, in an evilhour, he buried the sipahee's father, and some members of his family, alive. Strong remonstrances were made through the Resident, and ManSing, the son of Dursan Sing, who has been already mentioned in thisdiary, had orders to seize him. In March, 1845, he made a march offorty miles at the head of five hundred active and brave men; and, onthe night of the 20th of that month, reached the gate of the fort ofSoorujpore, broke it open, entered, killed and wounded fifty of theRajah's men, and lost five of his own. The Rajah escaped and took shelter in the fort of Goura. After takingpossession of the fort, eight guns, and some elephants, and releasingtwo hundred unhappy prisoners, Man Sing followed the Rajah to Goura, where he was joined by Captain Magness and his corps. The gate ofthis fort was giving way before Man Sing's pickaxemen, when Singjoosurrendered. He was taken to Lucknow, and there died in gaol. Thevillage, in which his father had been buried alive, Hukkamee, wasgiven to the sipahee, and is still held by the family;* but they area good deal worried in the possession by the widow of the old Rajah, who still lives at Soorujpore, and would be as formidable as her latehusband was if she could. [* In the interval, during which Singjoo held this village, he hadadded to its boundaries a good deal of land belonging to himself andothers, under the impression that he was secure in the hereditarypossession. The sipahee's family seized upon all these lands, whilethey paid Government only the old rate of revenue. The widow ofSingjoo has been ever since trying to recover them, in the usual way, by night attacks, and a good many lives have been lost on both sides, but most on the side of the sipahee's family. December 4th, 1851. ] Seodeen, another leader of the same tribe, had been seized in thesame manner by Man Sing's father, Dursun Sing, in October, 1830; andsoon after three of his nephews were seized, and all four died ingaol at Lucknow; but Chunda and Indul, the brothers of these threemen, are still among the most formidable robbers of the district. Hardly a night passes without their plundering some village or other, though Chunda continues to hold his estate, which yields 2250 rupeesa-year, under the security of Seetla Buksh, the commandant of theJannissaree battalion, for the payment of four hundred and fiftyrupees a-year. The other robbers of the Dureeabad Rodowlee district, most formidable, are-- 1. Imambuksh, above described, as having seized the marriage party. In October last he attacked the town of Syud Mahomedpore, killedthree of the Syud proprietors, and plundered it of all he could find. In the interval between his being driven out of his stronghold andrestored, he attacked and plundered no less than twelve villages, inthe same purgunna of Bussooree Mowae. In one of them, Myrmow, belonging to Ameer Chowdheree, he killed no less than twelve of theinhabitants. He still keeps up his gang, and plunders, thoughrestored to his estate on his own terms. * [* The death of this robber, Imam Buksh, has been already describedin a note. ] 2. Junuck Sing, Behraleea, and his brother, Jeskurun, only twentydays ago, attacked, plundered, and burnt down the town of Meeangunge, through which we passed this morning, and carried off all theinhabitants from whom they thought they could extort any ransom. Onlytwo days ago, they attacked and plundered the village of Bhojpore, belonging to Soorujbulee Canoongo, one of the most respectable men inthe district; and cut off the hands of six persons, one of whom diedfrom loss of blood. The next day they attacked and plundered Gorawa, a village belonging to the same person, and burnt it down. Two of theinhabitants were severely wounded, and many bullocks perished in theflames. Within the last year they have taken off more than twothousand head of cattle from the purgunna of Soorujpore Behreyla, inwhich these villages are situated. Their chief associates in thecrimes they commit every day are Chunda and Indul, their clansmenabove named. 3. Daood Khan, zumeendar of Sundona, in Mowae Bussooree. He hasmurdered several of his co-sharers in the estate, and taken theirlands--frightened out others, and taken theirs, and at the head ofhis band of ruffians he robs on the highway, and plunders villages. 4. Benee Sing Kana, Rajpoot of Deeh, in the Mohlara purgunna. He isblind of one eye, and has a small but formidable gang. In November, 1850, the native collector of Mohlara, sent a detachment of onehundred men, accompanied by Seonath Sing, a co-sharer of Benee Sing, in the village of Deeh, and Oree Sing, a sipahee, in Captain Orr'sFrontier Police, to attack his small gang in their stronghold atAtgowa, in the Rodowlee purgunna. They reached the place at the dawnof day, and forthwith commenced the attack. Benee Sing and his menmade a stoat defence. Rajah Man Sing came up, and great numbers ofthe armed peasantry joined in the attack. They took the place aboutnine o'clock; but Benee Sing, with fourteen of his stoutest men, defended his house as a citadel till morning, when the house was setfire to by the assailants. One of the fourteen was burnt anddisabled, when Benee Sing and the remaining thirteen rushed out, sword in hand, to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Benee Singand twelve of the thirteen were killed; and the thirteenth at lastthrew down his arms, and called for quarter. He got it, and wassaved. Six of his men had before been killed in defending the place. Man Sing had three men wounded and one killed; three more of theassailants were killed, and seven wounded. The head of the "one-eyedrobber" was sent in to the king, and was received with much joy. 5. Jeskurun Behraleea, zumeendar of Kiteya, in Soorujpore. 6. Rughbur Behraleea, of Kiteya, an associate of Imam Buksh andChunda. Four months ago his gang seized two carts laden with valuableproperty belonging to Seodeen subahdar, of the Honourable Company'sservice. Through the interposition of the Resident they were restoredfifteen days ago. 7. Jugurnath _Chuprassee_, a bhala soltan Rajpoot. This is one of themost formidable of the leaders of banditti in this and the adjoiningdistrict of Jugdeespore. He and his elder brother, Surubdowun Sing, were chuprassees on the establishment of Captain Paton, when he wasthe First Assistant at Lucknow, and had charge of the Post-office, inaddition to his other duties. A post-office runner was one nightrobbed on the road, and Jugurnath was sent out to inquire into thecircumstances. The Amil of the district gave him a large bribe tomisrepresent the case to his master; and as he refused to share thisbribe with his fellow-servants, they made known his manifoldtransgressions to Captain Paton, who forthwith dismissed him. Surubdowun Sing was soon after dismissed for some other offence, andthey both retired to their estate of Oskamow, in the Jugdeesporedistrict. This estate comprised fifteen villages. They obtained the leases ofthese villages by degrees, through the influence which their positionat the Residency gave them. As soon as they got the lease of avillage, they proceeded to turn out all the old proprietors andcultivators, in order the better to secure possession in perpetuity;and those among them of the military class, fought "to the death, " toretain or recover possession of their rights. To defend what they hadiniquitously acquired, Jugurnath and his brothers collected togetherbands of the most desperate ruffians in the country, and located themin the several villages, so as to be able to concentrate and supporteach other at a concerted signal. The ousted proprietors attackedonly those who presumed to reside in or cultivate the lands of whichthey had been robbed; but Jugurnath and his brethren were lessscrupulous; and as they could afford to pay such bands in no otherway, they gave them free licence to plunder all the villages around, and all travellers on the highway. Their position and influence atthe Residency enabled them to deter the local authorities fromexposing their iniquities; and they went on till all the villagesbecame waste, and converted into dens of robbers. They were, in all, six brothers, and they found their new trade soprofitable and exciting, that they all became leaders of banditti, byprofession, long before the dismissal of the two brothers from theResidency, though no one, I believe, ventured to prefer chargesagainst them to the Resident or the Durbar. Soon after theirdismissal, however, Jugurnath one night attacked and murdered hiseldest brother, Surubdowun Sing, in order to get the whole estate tohimself, and put his widow and daughter into prison. His other fourbrothers became alarmed, separated from him, and set up each hisseparate gang. But Jugurnath contrived soon after, in a dark night, to shoot the third brother, Himmut, dead, with one ball through thechest. Purmode Sing, the youngest brother, was soon after shot deadby some villager, whose cattle he was driving off in a night attack. Bhugwunt Sing the fourth, and Byjonath, still survive, and have gangsof their own, afraid to trust themselves with Jugurnath, who hasbuilt two forts, Oskamow and Futtehpore, in the Jugdeespore district, and a third in two small villages, which he has lately seized uponand made waste, in the Rodowlee district, in order that he may have astronghold to fly to when pressed by the governors of otherdistricts. They pay no rent or revenue to Government for any of the villagesthey hold. The king's officers are afraid to demand any from them. They have plundered a great many villages, and are every monthplundering others. They have murdered a great many persons of bothsexes and all ages, and tortured more into paying ransoms inproportion to their supposed means. Jugurnath is still the terror ofthe surrounding country, and a reward of five hundred rupees has beenoffered for his apprehension. * [* See note to Chapter VI. , Vol. II. , on the capture of Maheput Sing. A reward of one thousand rupees has since been offered forJugurnath's arrest. See in Chapter IV. , Vol. II:, an account of hisdesertion of his master, Captain Paton. He is still at large, andplundering. December 4th, 1851. ] 8. Moorut Sing, of _Kiteya_, which has eleven small villagesdepending upon it, all occupied by Rajpoot robbers. Nowgowa, inMohlara, in Rodowlee, on the left bank of the Goomtee river, twentymiles below Lucknow, has, in the same manner, twelve villagesdepending upon it, all occupied by Rajpoots, who rob, or shelterrobbers, when pursued from the east. On the opposite bank is thevillage of Kholee, in the Hydergurh purgunna, held by SurfrazChowdheree, and occupied by Brahmans and Musulmans, who shelterrobbers in the same way. When they are pressed in Nowgowa they takeshelter in Kholee, and when pressed in Kholee they take shelter inNowgowa. All the robbers above named find shelter in these villageswhen pursued, and share their plunder with the inhabitants. 8. Bhooree Khan. The great-grandfather of Bhooree Khan, Rostam Khan. Was the leader of a large gang of Musulman freebooters. The estate ofDeogon, containing thirty-seven villages, belonged to a family of BysRajpoots. Rostam Khan and his gang seized upon them all, and turnedout the Rajpoot proprietors, and by force made three of themMusulmans, Kanhur, Bhooree, Geesee; and all their descendants are ofthe same creed. Imam Buksh, the father of Bhoree Khan, built a fort in Deogon, whichthe _family_ still held. In 1829, Rajah Dursun Sing took the mortgageof the estate for twenty-eight thousand one hundred and ten rupees, to enable Imam Buksh to liquidate a balance of revenue due toGovernment. When the time of payment came, in 1832, Imam Buksh couldpay nothing; and he transferred the estate to Dursun Sing, on a deedof sale or bynama. He continued to manage the estate for Dursun Singin farm; but, falling in balance, he was put into confinement, wherehe remained till he died, three years after, in the year 1842. Bhooree Khan was then a boy, but he continued to receive the usualperquisites from the estate while Dursan Sing held it. In the year1846, the governor of the district, Wajid Allee Khan, took the estatefrom Dursun Sing's family, and made it over to Bhooree Khan for apresent of five thousand rupees. He ceased to pay the Governmentdemand, collected a gang, and became a leader of banditti. Heplundered all the people around, and all travellers on the road, seized and confined all who seemed likely to be able to pay ransom, and tortured and maimed them till they did pay; and those who couldnot or would not pay, he put to cruel deaths. The thirty-six villageson his estate became deserted by all save his followers, and thosewhom he could make subservient to his purposes, as robbers andmurderers. Ousan Opudeea resided at the village of Etapore, in the estate ofDeogon, and possessed and cultivated lands in that and other villagesaround, for which he paid an annual rent of five hundred and ninety-nine rupees. In 1846, Bhooree Khan demanded from Ousan an increase ofone hundred and fifty rupees, which he paid. The year after 1847, hedemanded a further increase of the same amount, which he paid. He wasthen summoned to appear before Bhooree Khan, and was on his way whentold that he would be seized with all his family, and tortured. He, in consequence, took his family to the village of Patkhoree. BhooreeKhan followed with a gang of several hundred men, and two guns, attacked, plundered, and burnt down his house, and fifteen bullocksand buffaloes perished in the flames. One hundred and fifty head ofcattle belonging to the village were taken off by the gang. Dwarka, one of Ousan's sons, was killed in defending the house; and the othertwo, Davey, aged sixteen, and Seochurun, aged seventeen, were seized, bound, and taken off to the jungle, with Ramdeen, Ousan's nephew, andmany others of the respectable inhabitants of the village. Afterexacting a ransom from all the rest, he let them go; but retained thetwo sons of Ousan, and demanded twelve hundred rupees for theirransom. Ousan had lost all his property in the attack, and couldraise no more than seven hundred rupees among his relatives andfriends. This would not satisfy Bhooree Khan, who, after torturingand starving the boys for twelve months, and taking the seven hundredrupees, took them to the jungle of Gaemow, with fetters on theirlegs, and bamboo collars round their necks. He there had them tied totrees, and after firing at them as targets, for some time, with bowsand arrows, he had them cut to pieces with swords, and then seizedupon all the lands which their father held. In 1848, Bhooree Khan attacked and plundered the house of Peer Khan, in Khanseepoor in Deogon, and bound and carried him off with his twobrothers, Ameer Khan and Jehangeer Khan. He had them beaten withsticks, and caused small iron spikes to be driven up under theirnails, and their eyelids to be sewn up with needle and thread, andtheir beards to be burned, till he extorted from them a ransom ofeight hundred rupees. While they were thus confined and being tortured, they saw fourtravellers brought in by the gang, and tortured and beaten to death, because they could not pay the ransom demanded from them. Bhoree Khan, in this month of August 1848, attacked the house ofSirdar Khan, an invalid naek of the 36th Regiment of Bengal NativeInfantry, and, after robbing it, burnt it to the ground, and boundand carried off to his fort in Deogon, Sirdar Khan himself and histhree sons, Khoda Buksh, Allah Buksh, and Allee Buksh; the firstfourteen years of age, the second eight, and the third seven years. He tortured all three, and demanded a ransom of nineteen hundredrupees. This sum was borrowed and paid by Jehangeer Khan, the brotherof the naek, and the naek was released. Bhooree Khan would not, however, release either of the sons till he got five hundred rupeesmore; but Sirdar Khan was unable to procure this further sum, and, inApril 1849, Bhooree Khan had two of the boys, Khoda Buksh and AllaBuksh, tied to trees and shot to death with arrows, for the amusementof his gang. They were then hacked with swords, and their bodies werethrown into a ditch, whence he would not permit their friends toremove them for burial. Sirdar Khan became for a time deranged onhearing of the sufferings of his sons, and wandered about thecountry. Bhooree Khan, with his gang, again attacked the village, andburned it all down, and drove off all the cattle, including all thatSirdar Khan possessed. He recovered, and changed his residence to thevillage of Deokalee. Bhooree Khan still retained the third son, AlleeBuksh, alias Pulleen, and he is still in prison. * [* The Resident effected the release of the third son, Allee Buksh, in January, 1851, through the aid of Captain Orr, of the FrontierPolice. ] Sirdar Khan's ancestors were the Rajpoot proprietors of the estate ofDeogon, and were forcibly converted to Mahommedanism by BhooreeKhan's ancestors when they seized upon the estate. Sirdar Khancultivated eighteen beegahs of land in the village of Salteemow, inDeogon, for which he had long paid thirty-six rupees a year rent. Bhooree Khan demanded sixty-five a-year before the attack, and thissum Sirdar Khan paid, but it had no effect in softening the robberleader. In the year 1847, soon after he took possession of the estate, Bhooree Khan sent a gang under the command of his cousin, MungulKhan, to attack the house of Dulla, the most opulent and respectablemerchant of the district, who resided in the town of Mukdoompore. Dulla had two sons, Nychint and Pursun Sing. After plundering thehouse, the gang seized Dulla, his son Nychint, Golbay the son ofPursun Sing, and Ajoodheea the son of Nychint. Pursun Sing, the otherson of the old merchant, had gone off to the Governor of thedistrict, Rajah Incha Sing. To adjust his annual accounts. Thefemales of the family got out through the back-door of the femaleapartments, and escaped to the village of Etwara, in the Jugdeesporedistrict, where they had a residence. All the valuables had beenburied in a pit in the house, some ten feet deep, and the females hadno time to take them up. The old man, his son Nychint, and his two sons, were sent off toBhooree Khan, who, on learning that the valuables had not been found, came with fifty more armed men, accompanied by Baboo Mudar Buksh, thetallookdar of Silha in Jugdispore, his own agent Muheput, and aBrahmin prisoner named Cheyn, who knew Dulla, and the wealth hepossessed. He brought with him the merchant's son Nychint, andcommanded him to point out the place in which the valuables layconcealed. He would not do so, and Bhooree Khan then drove four tent-pins into the ground in the courtyard, placed Nychint on his face, and tied his hands and feet to these pegs. He then had him burnt intothe bones with red-hot ramrods, but the young man still persisted inhis refusal. He had then oil boiled in a large brass pot which theyfound in the house, and poured it over him till all the skin of hisbody came off. He became insensible for a time, and when he recoveredhis senses he pointed out the spot. Gold and silver ornaments andclothes of great value, and brass utensils belonging to the family, or held as pledges for money due to the old man, were taken up, withone hundred and fifty matchlocks and the same number of swords. Theyfound also many pits, containing several thousand maunds of grain. The valuables, and as much of the grain as he could find carriagefor, Bhooree Khan and his gang carried off, and the rest of the grainhe gave to any one who would take it. The value of the whole plunderwas estimated at one hundred and fifty thousand rupees. Nychint was unbound, but died that night, and the body was made overto the Brahmin, Cheyn, who had now become a Mussulman. He took it tothe jungle, where he had it burnt with the usual ceremonies. BhooreeKhan still detained Ajodheea, the son of Nychint, and Golbay, the sonof Pursun Sing, and demanded a further ransom for them, but hereleased Dulla, who came home and died of grief and of the torturesinflicted upon him in less than a month after. Cheyn, Dabey Sookul, and Forsut, all Brahmins of Mukdoompoor, were witnesses to thetortures inflicted upon Nychint, and to the plunder of the house. Hekept Dulla's grandsons for a year more, with occasional tortures, butthe surviving son, Pursun Sing, had nothing more to give, and no onewould give or lend him anything. Golbay, his son, at last contrivedto get a letter conveyed to him, stating that he was now lesscarefully guarded than he had been; that he and his cousin, Ajodheea, were sent to take their meals with a bearer, who lived in a hamlet onthe border of the jungle, where they were guarded by only four pauseebowmen, and if his father could come with fifty armed men, andsurprise them at a certain hour, he might rescue them. He assembledfifty men from surrounding villages, and at the appointed time, before daybreak, he surprised the guard, and rescued his son andnephew. Gunga Purshad, son of Chob Sing, canoongo of Silha, in Deogon, leftthe place when Bhooree Khan took to plundering, and went off, in1847, with his family to reside at Budulgur, a village held by AlleeBuksh, a mile distant. A month after he had settled in that place, Bhooree Khan came with his gang, surrounded his house at night, plundered it, and seized and took off his brother, Bhowanee Purshad, two younger brothers, and his, Gunga Purshad's, daughter and son, with Gowree Lall and Gunesh Purshad, his relations, who had come on avisit to congratulate him on the prudence of his change of residence. Gunga Purshad was absent at the time on business. All the prisonerswere taken to the jungles and tortured with red-hot iron ramrods, andput into heavy fetters. He demanded a ransom of nine hundred andfifty rupees for all. Gunga Purshad sold all he had except some cowsand bullocks, and collected four hundred rupees, and his relation'sclubbed together and raised one hundred more. The five hundred weresent to Bhooree Khan, and he took them and released all but BhowaneePurshad. His two younger brothers collected the cows and bullocks, and went with them to Mukdoompoor, in the hope of being allowed totill their lands; but Bhooree Khan and his gang came, seized and soldall the cows and bullocks they had saved, plundered them ofeverything, and took their lands from them. They all fled once more, and went to reside at Putgowa. At Mukdoompoor, Bhooree Khan hadBhowanee Purshad flogged so severely that he fell down insensible, and he then had red-hot iron spikes thrust into his eyes, and a fewdays after he died in confinement of his sufferings. The value of theproperty taken from the family, besides the five hundred rupees'ransom, was one thousand rupees. He, about the same time, seized andcarried off from Mukdoompoor Gunga Sookul, a Brahmin, tortured him todeath, and threw his body into the river. About the same time, August 1847, he seized and carried off Cheyn, aBrahmin of Mukdoompoor, son of Bhowanee Buksh. He had come to him topay the year's rent for the lands he held in that village. Afterpaying his own rents and those of others who were afraid to putthemselves into Bhooree Khan's power, and had sent by Cheyn all thatwas due, he demanded from him a ransom of four hundred rupees. Hecould give no more, and was put under a guard and tortured in theusual way. As he persisted in declaring his inability to pay more, anecklace of cow's bones was put round his neck, and one of the boneswas thrust into his mouth, and the blood of a cow was thrown overhim, from which he became for ever an outcast from his religion. Heexpected to be put to death, but a friend conveyed to him the sum often rupees, which he gave to the robbers employed to torture him, andthey spared his life. His son had taken shelter in the village ofPallee, whence he sent a pausee bowman, named Bhowaneedeen, toinquire after _him_, and offered him ninety rupees if he would rescuehis father. The pausee pledged himself to Bhooree Khan to pay themoney punctually, and Cheyn was released. But Bhooree Khan had cutdown all the crops upon the lands, and taken them away, and cut downalso the five mango-trees which stood upon his land and had beenplanted by his ancestors. During his confinement, Cheyn saw BhooreeKhan torture and murder many men, and dishonour many respectablewomen, whom he had seized in the same way. In the same month, August 1847, Bhooree Khan seized Sudhae, the sonof Tubbur Khan, of Salteemow, in Deogon, and his (Sudhae's) two sons, Surufraz and Meerun Buksh, and took them to the jungle. Sadhae hadpaid him the eighty rupees rent due for the land he tilled, butBhooree Khan demanded one hundred rupees more; and when he could notpay he made him over to the Jumogdar, to whom he had become pledgedfor the payment of a certain sum. The Jumogdar had him beaten till hesaw that nothing could be beaten out of him, when he let him go tosave the cost of keeping him. Bhooree Khan became very angry, and, with his gang, attacked and plundered the house of Sudhae's brother, Badul Khan, in Salteemow, with whom Sudhae lived. The two brothersand their families expected this attack, and escaped unhurt, andfled, but they lost all their property. Bhooree Khan then ordered one of his followers, Mirdae, to takeSurufraz to a tank outside the village and cut off his nose. He tookout at the same time Bukhtawur, a Brahmin, and cut off his nosefirst. Mirdae then ordered a Chumar, of Deogon, to cut off the noseof Surafraz, and standing over him with a sword, told him to cut itoff deep into the bone. Surufraz prayed hard for mercy, first toBhooree Khan and then to Mirdae; but his prayers were equallydisregarded by both. The Chumar cut off his nose with a rudeinstrument into the bone, and with it-all his upper lip. He was thenlet go; but he fell down, after going a little distance, from painand the loss of blood, and was there found by his uncle, Badul Khan, who had gone in search of him. He was taken home, but died the samenight. His brother, Meerun Buksh, was soon after released for aransom of fifty rupees. Golzar Khan, sipahee of the Dull Regiment, in the King of Oude'sservice, tilled some lands in the village of Mukdoompore, for whichhe paid rent to Bhooree Khan. In 1847 he first extorted from himdouble the rent agreed upon, then seized all the crops, and plunderedhis house, and lastly seized the sipahee's sister, and had herforcibly married to his servant and relative, Mungul Khan. In 1846 Bhooree Khan attacked the house of Allah Buksh of Gaemow, inDeogon, plundered it, killed his brother, Meerun Buksh, cut off thehands of his relative, Peer Buksh, and wounded three other relativeswho happened at the time to be on a visit with his family. Thearticles of property that were taken off by Bhooree Khan and his gangconsisted of five horses and mares, fifteen matchlocks, four maundsof brass utensils, three hundred and twenty-five maunds of grain, five swords, four boxes of clothes, fifteen cows and bullocks, fivehundred and forty rupees in money. The houses of all the rest of thevillage community were plundered in the same manner. They cut downall the mango and mhowa trees belonging to the family, as well as allthose belonging to other people of the village. In 1847 he attacked the house of Akber Khan, in the village ofKanderpore, in Deogon; and after plundering it, he bound and carriedoff his son, Rumzam, a lad of fifteen years of age; and the yearafter, 1848, he again attacked his house, and seized and took off hisbrother, Wuzeer Khan. He has them still in confinement under torture, because Akber Khan cannot get the sum demanded for their ransom; andall applications for their release to the Government authorities havebeen disregarded. * [* The Resident could not effect the release of these two persons, the son and brother of Akber Khan, till January, 1851. ] In the month of August, 1848, Pransook, a Rajpoot, and Lullut Sing, his cousin, of Booboopore, in Rodowlee, went to purchase a supply ofbhoosa for their cattle to Mukdoompore, in the Deogon estate, andwere there seized by Aman Sing, an agent of Bhooree Khan, whopretended that they had given shelter to some of the cultivators whohad fled from Deogon, and demanded their surrender. They protestedthat they had never seen any such cultivators, and knew nothingwhatever about them. They were bound and taken off to Deogon toBhooree Khan, who had them both put into the stocks. After havingbeen in the stocks for five days, they were again taken to BhooreeKhan, who ordered them to produce the cultivators, or pay a ransom ofone hundred and five rupees. They were then taken back to prison, andconfined for eighteen days more; and having no food supplied them, they were obliged to sell all the clothes they wore to procure ascanty supply. To frighten them, Bhooree Khan one day ordered his followers to makeoutcasts in their presence of two respectable men whom he had inprison, Deena Sing, a Chowan Rajpoot of Jooreeum, and a Brahmin ofPoorwa, a small hamlet near Deogon, while he sat on the roof of hishouse to look on. One of his Musulman followers forced open DeenaSing's mouth, and spit into it; and the others tied the bones of aneelgae round the neck of the Brahmin, by which both of them weredeprived of their caste. They then told Pransook and Lullut Sin thatthey would be served in the same manner unless they paid the ransomdemanded. They became alarmed, and sent to their friends to requestthem earnestly to borrow all they could, and send it for theirransom. Their cousin, Sheobuksh Sing Jemadar, an invalid pensionerfrom the 2nd Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry, collected onehundred and eighteen rupees, and sent them. Bhooree Khan took onehundred and five for himself, and his servants took thirteen, andthey were released; but they were made to swear on the tomb of thesaint Shah Sender that they would not complain of the treatment theyhad received, and had their swords and shields taken from them. Theyhad been confined twenty-seven days. In 1846 Davey Sookul, a Brahmin, cultivated land in Mukdoompore, forwhich he paid an annual rent of seventy-one rupees. In consequence ofmurders and robberies perpetrated by Bhooree Khan and his gang, hewent off with his family to reside at Budulgur, under the protectionof Rajah Allee Buksh, a mile distant. He had witnessed the murder ofBhowanee Purshad and the torture of many other persons. One morninghis brother, Gunga Purshad, returned to Mukdoompore to gather somemangoes from trees there planted by their ancestors. He was thereseized by Bhooree Khan and his gang, who were lying in wait for him. They demanded a ransom of three hundred rupees, which Davey Sookulcould not raise. He kept Gunga Purshad in prison for four months, andhad him tortured every day. Finding that the money was notforthcoming, Bhooree Khan had a firebrand thrust into one of hiseyes, and then had him flogged with bunches of sticks till he died. Khoda Buksh, of Kurteepore, one of the followers of Bhooree Khan, went and reported this to his brother and widow, who wept over thetale of his sufferings. His brother, Boodhoo Sookul, a sipahee of the45th Regiment, presented a petition to the Resident, describing theseatrocities, and praying redress, but none was afforded. Bukhtawur, son of Kaushee, a Brahmin, tilled lands in Deogon, forwhich he paid an annual rent of sixty-eight rupees. In 1847 BhooreeKhan demanded double that sum; and when he could not pay, he seizedand sold all the stock on the land, and seized and took off to thejungles Bukhtawur and his two brothers, Heeralall and Jankee, andseized upon all their lands, and all the property they had to thevalue of five hundred rupees. He kept them in prison for six months, and then had Bukhtawur's nose cut off by a Chumar, because he couldnot pay him the ransom demanded. The nose of Surufraz was cut off atthe same time, as above described, and he died in consequence. Bukhtawur's two brothers made their escape three months afterwards. In 1848 he attacked the house of Choupae Tewaree, a Brahmin ofOttergow, and after plundering it he took off the son of Choupae, then thirteen years of age, and his, the son's, wife, and his youngson and his wife, and tortured all, till Choupae borrowed and beggedall he could, and paid the ransom demanded. Purotee Aheer tilled sixteen beegahs of land in Deogon, for which hepaid an annual rent of thirty-two rupees a-year. As soon as BhooreeKhan got the estate from Maun Sing, in November, 1846, he demandeddouble the sum, and exacted it. He, in 1848, demanded two hundred andfifty, seized Purotee, sold all his cows and bullocks, sixteen innumber, and other property, and then released him. Purotee then sentoff secretly all his family to Duheepore, two miles distant; butBhooree Khan sent off his servants, Bundheen and Bugolal pausees, totrace them. They seized his two daughters, one fourteen and the otherten years of age, and his son Nihal's wife, and his son, then onlyfour years of age. Bhooree Khan ravished the two girls, and thenreleased them, with Nahal's wife and her little son. Purotee saw thenoses of Bukhtawar and Surafraz cut off while he was in confinement, and saw Bhooree Khan put them on a plate, which he placed in a recessin the wall. It was in March, 1848, when he went to pray that hisdaughters might be released after they had been ravished. The familywent to reside in the village of Mohlee, in Khundara, but have allbeen turned out of their caste in consequence of the dishonour of hisdaughters. In the same year he attacked the house of Foorsut Aheer of Dehpal kaPoorwa, made him prisoner, and tortured him till he paid eighthundred rupees. After this he made his escape; but Bhooree Khanseized and sold all his bullocks, cows, and buffaloes, and stores ofgrain. In 1845 Bhoore Khan and his gang attacked the house of Buldee Sing, subahdar in the Honourable Company's service, in the village ofGhurwae, and, after plundering him of all the property they couldfind, they seized him and his wife, and took them to the jungles, where they tortured them till they gave all they could borrow or begto the amount of many thousand rupees. About the same time he seized and carried off Eesuree Purshad, aBrahmin, who had fled from Palpore, in Deogon, and gone for shelterto the Bazaar of Ottergow; and after cutting off his nose, he put himon an ass with a young pig tied to his neck, and paraded him throughthe bazaar, with a drummer before him, to render him an outcast. In the same year, 1848, he seized Rampurshad Tewaree, and his sonRunghoor, cultivators of Deogon, and demanded from them four timesthe rent due for the land they tilled; and when they could not pay, be sold all their cattle, grain, and other property, and had ironspikes driven up under their nails. Unable to extort money by thismeans, he caused Sotun Bhurbhoonja, or grain-parcher, to ------ inhis father's face, and then released him. In 1848 he demanded from Junga Salor, a cultivator of Bhudalmow, inDeogon, double rent for the land he tilled; and when he could notpay, seized and took off his wife, and cohabited with her four orfive days, and then made some of the followers do the same before hereleased her. In the same year, 1848, he and his gang attacked the village ofByrampore, in the Kisnee purgunna, and seized Omrow Sing, a BysRajpoot, and Boodhea, a Goojur, and all the respectable inhabitantsthey could get hold of, with their families. After torturing the restfor eight days, and extorting from them all they could pay, he letthem go; but detained Omrow Sing, and had him flogged every day tillhe reduced him to a dying state, when he let him go. He was taken offto his home; but he died as soon as he entered the house and saw hisfamily. The wife of Boodheea, the Goojur, he confined and violated. Bukhtawur deposes that he saw all this while he was in confinement. He, in 1848, seized and carried off to his stronghold Kaseeram, aBrahmin, of Deogon, and cut off his nose, and tortured him with hotirons till he got from him all that he and his relations could bemade to pay, and then let him go. In the same year and month be attacked and plundered the village ofPuttee, in the Jugdeespore purgunna, carried off all the shopkeepersof the place, and tortured them till they paid him altogether threethousand rupees. In the same year he attacked the village of Koteea, in the Rodowleedistrict, carried off one of the shopkeepers, and drove iron pins upunder his nails till he paid a ransom of one hundred and fiftyrupees. He drove off and sold all the cattle of the village. In the same year he attacked and plundered the village of Budulgur, in the Jugdeespore purgunna, in the same way. In the same year he attacked and plundered the village of Khorasa, inRodowlee, carried off Sopae, the Putwaree, with his mother and wife, and tortured them till they paid a ransom of two hundred rupees. Hemurdered about the same time the son of Buksh Khan, the holder of thevillage of Gaepore, and two members of the family of Poorae, acarpenter of Almasgunge, in Deogon. After plundering the house of Sungum Doobee, a respectable Brahmin ofMukdoompore, he seized him and his nephew, took them off to his fort, and, because they could not pay the ransom he demanded, he causedmelting lead to be poured into their ears and noses till they died. About the same time he, with his own hands, for some slight offence, cut the throat of his table-attendant, Kbyratee, of Kunhurpore. About the same time he seized two travellers; and, because they couldnot pay the ransom demanded, he suspended one of them to a tree inthe village of Sathnee, on the bank of the Goomtee river, and theother to a tree in the village of Mukdoompore. He had their armsfirst broken with bludgeons, and then their feet cut off, and at lastthey were beaten over the head till they died. [Bhooree Khan, in March, 1850, went with a gang of three hundred mento assist Gunga Buksh and his family in the defence of Kasimgunge andBhetae; but he was too late. On his way back, in the beginning ofApril, he left his gang in a grove, six miles from Lucknow, andentered the city alone in a disguise to visit a celebrated dancing-girl of his acquaintance, named Bunnee. He had been with her twodays, and on the 15th of April he went to see the magnificent tomb ofMahommed Allee Shah, of which he had heard much. While saunteringabout this place he was recognised by three or four persons belongingto another dancing-girl of his acquaintance, named the Chhotee Gohur, or "little Gem, " whom he had formerly visited. They seized him. Assoon as Bunnee heard of this she sent ten or twelve of her own men, and rescued him from the followers of the "Little Gem. " They took himto Bunnee, who made a virtue of necessity, and went off with himforthwith to the Minister, who rewarded her with a pair of shawls, and made suitable presents to her followers. It is said that he was pointed out to the followers of the "ChhoteeGohur" by Peer Khan, of Khanseepore, in Deogon, whom Bhooree Khan hadsome time before plundered and tortured for a ransom, as alreadystated. Bhooree Khan was sentenced to transportation beyond seas forlife, and sent off in October, 1851. ] After reading such narratives, an Englishman will naturally ask whatare the means by which such atrocious gangs are enabled to escape thehands of justice. He will recollect the history of the MIDDLE AGES, and think of strong baronial castles, rugged hills, deep ravines, andendless black forests. They have no such things in Oude. * The wholecountry is a level plain, intersected by rivers, which, with oneexception, flow near the surface, and have either no ravines at all, or very small ones. The little river Goomtee winds exceedingly, andcuts into the soil in some places to the depth of fifty feet. In suchplaces there are deep ravines; and the landholders along the borderimprove these natural difficulties by planting and preserving treesand underwood in which to hide themselves and their followers when inarms against their Government. Any man who cuts a stick in thesejungles, or takes his camels or cattle into them to browse or grazewithout the previous sanction of the landholder, does so at the perilof his life. But landholders in the open plains and on the banks ofrivers, without any ravines at all, have the same jungles. [* The Terae forest, which borders Oude to the north, is toounhealthy to be occupied by any but those who have been born and bredin it. The gangs I am treating of are composed of men born and bredin the plains, and they cannot live in the Terae forest. ] In the midst of this jungle, the landholders have generally one ormore mud forts surrounded by a ditch and a dense fence of livingbamboos, through which cannon-shot cannot penetrate, and man canenter only by narrow and intricate pathways. They are always toogreen to be set fire to; and being within range of the matchlocksfrom the parapet, they cannot be cut down by a besieging force. Outof such places the garrison can be easily driven by shells thrownover such fences, but an Oude force has seldom either the means orthe skill for such purposes. When driven out by shells or any othermeans, the garrison retires at night, with little risk, through thebamboo fence and surrounding jungle and brushwood, by paths knownonly to themselves. They are never provided with the means ofsubsistence for a long siege; and when the Oude forces sent againstthem are not prepared with the means to shell them out, they sit downquietly, and starve or weary them out. This is commonly a very longprocess, for the force is seldom large enough to surround the placeat a safe distance from the walls and bamboo fence, so as to preventall access to provision of all kinds, which the garrison is sure toget from their friends and allies in the neighbourhood, the garrisongenerally having the sympathy of all the large landholders around, and the besieging force being generally considered the common andirreconcilable enemy of all. As soon as the garrison escapes, it goes systematically anddiligently to work in plundering indiscriminately all the villagecommunities over the most fertile parts of the surrounding country, which do not belong to baronial proprietors like themselves till ithas made the Government authorities agree to its terms, or reducedthe country to a waste. The leaders of the gang may sometimescondescend to quicken the process by appropriating a portion of theirplunder to bribing some influential person at Court, who gets aninjunction issued to the local authorities to make some arrangementfor terminating the pillage and consequent loss of revenue, or hewill be superseded or forfeit his contract. The rebel then returnswith his followers, repairs all the mischief done to his fort, improves its defences, and stipulates for a remission of his revenuefor a year or more, on account of the injury sustained by his cropsor granaries. The unlucky Amil, whose zeal and energy have caused thenecessity for this reduction, is probably thrown into gaol till "hepays the uttermost farthing, " or bribes influential persons at Courtto get him released on the ground of his poverty. I may here mention the jungles in Oude which have been created andare still preserved by landholders, almost solely for the abovepurposes. They are all upon the finest soil, and in the finestclimate; and the lands they occupy might almost all be immediatelybrought into tillage, and studded by numerous happy villagecommunities. I may, however, before I begin to describe them, mention the factthat many influential persons at Court, as well as the landholdersthemselves, are opposed to such a salutary measure. If brought undertillage and occupied by happy village communities, all the revenuewould or might flow in legitimate channels into the King's treasury;whereas in their present state they manage to fill their own pursesby gratuities from the refractory landholders who occupy them, orfrom the local authorities, who require permission from Court tocoerce them into obedience. Of these gratuities such a salutarymeasure would deprive them; and it is, in consequence, exceedinglydifficult to get a jungle cut down, however near it may be to thecity where wood is so dear, and has to be brought from jungles fiveor ten times the distance. _In the Sultanpore District_. _1st_. --The Jungle of Paperghat, about one hundred miles south-eastfrom Lucknow, on the bank of the Goomtee river, ten miles long, andthree wide, or thirty square miles. In this jungle Dirgpaul Sing, tallookdar of Nanneemow, has a fort;and Rostum Sing, tallookdar of Dera, has another. _2nd_. --The Dostpore Jungle, one hundred and twenty miles south-eastfrom Lucknow, on the bank of the Mujhoee river, twelve, miles long, and three broad, or thirty-six square miles. _3rd_. --The Khapra Dehee Jungle, one hundred miles south-east fromLucknow, on the plain, about ten miles long, and six miles broad, orsixty square miles. _4th_. --The Jugdeespore Jungle, on the bank of the Goomtee river, fifty miles south-east from Lucknow, sixteen miles long, and threemiles broad, forty-eight square miles. Allee Buksh Khan, tallookdar, has the fort of Tanda in this jungle, on the bank of the Kandoo rivulet, which flows through it into theGoomtee. The fort of Bechoogur in this jungle is held by anothertallookdar. _5th_. --Gurh Ameytee, seventy miles from Lucknow, south-east, on thebank of the Sae river, nine miles long and three broad, or twentyseven square miles. Rajah Madhoe Sing has a fort in this jungle, and is one of the veryworst, but most plausible men in Oude. _6th_. --Daoodpoor Jungle, seventy miles south-east from Lucknow, onthe plain, four miles long and three broad, or twelve square miles. The Beebee or Lady Sagura has her fort and residence in this jungle. _7th_. --Duleeppore Jungle, one hundred and ten miles east fromLucknow, on the bank of the Sae river, ten miles long, and threemiles wide, thirty square miles. Seetla Buksh, who is always in rebellion, has a fort in this jungle. _8th_. --The Matona Jungle, fifty miles south-east from Lucknow, onthe bank of the Goomtee river, twelve miles long and three wide--square miles, thirty-six. Allee Buksh Khan, a notoriously refractory tallookdar, has a fort inthis jungle. _In the Uldeemow District_. _9th_. --Mugurdhee Jungle, one hundred and forty miles east fromLucknow, on the bank of Ghogra river, eight miles long and threebroad--square miles, twenty-four. _10th_. --Putona Jungle, one hundred and twenty miles east fromLucknow, on the bank of the Tonus river, eight miles long and fourmiles broad--square miles, thirty-two. _11th_. --Mudungur Jungle, one hundred and twenty miles east fromLucknow, on the bank of the Tonus river, six miles long, and threemiles broad--square miles, eighteen. Amreys Sing and Odreys Sing, sons of Surubdowun Sing (who was killedby the King's troops thirty years ago), hold the fort of Mudungur inthis jungle. _12th_. --Bundeepore Jungle, east from Lucknow one hundred and fortymiles, on the plain, seven miles long and one broad--seven squaremiles. _13th_. --Chunderdeeh, south-east from Lucknow one hundred and tenmiles, on the bank of the Goomtee river, seven miles long, and threemiles wide--square miles, twenty-one. _In the Dureeabad District_. _14th_. --Soorujpore Behreyla Jungle, east from Lucknow forty miles, on the bank of the Kuleeanee river, sixteen miles long, and fourmiles broad--square miles, sixty-four. Chundee Sing has a fort in this jungle, and the family have beenrobbers for several generations. The widow of the late notoriousrobber, Rajah Singjoo, the head of the family, has a still strongerone. _15th_. --Guneshpore Jungle, sixty miles south-east from Lucknow, onthe bank of the Goomtee river, six miles long and two broad--twelvesquare miles. Maheput Sing, an atrocious robber, holds his fort of Bhowaneegur inthis jungle. _In the Dewa Jahangeerabad District. _ _16th_. --The Kasimgunge and Bhetae Jungle, eighteen miles north-eastfrom Lucknow, sixteen miles long, and four miles wide--square miles, sixty-four, on the bank of the little river Reyt. Gunga Buksh holds the forts of Kasimgunge and Atursae in this jungle;Thakur Purshad those of Bhetae and Buldeogur; and Bhugwunt Sing thatof Munmutpore. Other members of the same family hold those of RamguraPaharpore. The whole family are hereditary and inveterate robbers. _In the Bangur District_. _17th_. --Tundeeawun Jungle, on the plain, west from Lucknow, seventy-two miles, twelve miles long and six broad--square miles, seventy-two. _In the Salone District. _ _18th_. --The Naen Jungle, eighty miles south from Lucknow, on thebank of the Sae river, sixteen miles long and three wide--squaremiles, forty-eight. Jugurnath Buksh, the tallookdar, holds the fort of Jankeebund, inthis jungle; and others are held in the same jungle by members of hisfamily. _19th_. --The Kutaree Jungle, on the bank of the Kandoo river, south-east from Lucknow sixty miles, eight miles long and three broad--square miles, twenty-four. Surnam Sing, the tallookdar, has a fort in this jungle. _In the Byswara District_. _20th_. --The Sunkurpore Jungle, south of Lucknow seventy miles, onthe plain, ten miles long and three wide--square miles, thirty. Benee Madhoe, the tallookdar, has three forts in this jungle. _In the Hydergur District_. _21st_. --The Kolee Jungle, fifty miles south-east from Lucknow, onthe bank of the Goomtee river, three miles long and one and a halfwide--square miles, four and a half. The rebels and robbers in this jungle trust to the natural defencesof the ravines and jungles. _22nd_. --Kurseea Kuraea Jungle, south-east from Lucknow fifty miles, on the bank of the Goomtee river, three miles long and one wide--square miles, three. The landholders trust in the same way to natural defences. _In the Khyrabad and Mahomdee Districts_. _23rd_. --Gokurnath Jungle, north-west from Lucknow one hundred miles, extending out from the Terae forest, and running south-east in a beltthirty miles long and five wide--square miles, one hundred and fifty. Husun Rajah, the tallookdar of Julalpore, has a fort in this jungle. Sheobuksh Sing, the tallookdar of Lahurpore, holds here the fort ofKatesura; and Omrow Sing, the tallookdar of Oel, holds two forts inthis jungle. _In the Baree and Muchreyta Districts_. _24th_. --The Suraen Jungle, north-west from Lucknow thirty-fourmiles, along the banks of the Suraen river, twelve miles long andthree miles wide--square miles, thirty-six. In this jungle Jowahir Sing holds the fort of Basae Deeh; KhorrumSing, that of Seogur; Thakur Rutun Sing, that of Jyrampore. They areall landholders of the Baree district, and their forts are on the_north_ bank of the Saraen river. Juswunt Sing holds the fort ofDhorhara; Dul Sing, that of Gundhoreea; Rutun Sing holds two forts, Alogee and Pupnamow. --They are all landholders of the Muchreytadistrict, and their four forts are on the _south_ bank of the Saraenriver. This gives twenty-four belts of jungle beyond the Terae forest, andin the fine climate of Oude, covering a space of eight hundred andeighty-six square miles, at a rough computation. * In these junglesthe landholders find shooting, fishing, and security for themselvesand families, grazing ground for their horses and cattle, and fueland grass for their followers; and they can hardly understand howlandholders of the same rank, in other countries, can contrive tolive happily without them. The man who, by violence, fraud, andcollusion, absorbs the estates of his weaker neighbours, and createsa large one for himself, in any part of Oude, however richlycultivated and thickly peopled, provides himself with one or two mudforts, and turns the country around them into a jungle, which heconsiders to be indispensable as well to his comfort as to hissecurity. [* The surface of the Oude territory, including the Terae forest, issupposed to contain twenty-three thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine square miles. The Terae forest includes, perhaps, from four tofive thousand miles; but within that space there is a great deal ofland well tilled and peopled. ] The atrocities described in the above narrative were committed byBhooree Khan, in the process of converting his estate of Dewa into ajungle, and building strongholds for his gang as it increased andbecame more and more formidable. Having converted Deogon into ajungle, and built his strongholds, he would, by the usual process ofviolence, fraud, and collusion with local authorities, have absorbedthe small surrounding estates of his weaker neighbours, and formed avery large one for himself. The same process, no doubt, went on inEngland successively under the Saxons, Danes, and Normans; and inevery country in Europe, under successive invaders and conquerors, oras long as the baronial proprietors of the soil were too strong to becoerced by their Sovereign as they are in Oude. An Englishman may further ask how it is that a wretch guilty of suchcruelties to men who never wronged him, to innocent and unoffendingfemales and children, can find, in a society where slavery isunknown, men to assist him in inflicting them, and landholders ofhigh rank and large possessions to screen and shelter him whenpursued by his Government. He must, for the solution of thisquestion, also go back to the MIDDLE AGES, in England and the othernations of Europe, when the baronial proprietors of the soil, toostrong for their sovereigns, committed the same cruelties, found thesame willing instruments in their retainers, and members of the sameclass of landed proprietors, to screen, shelter, and encourage themin their iniquities. They acquiesce in the atrocities committed by one who is in armedresistance to the Government to-day, and aid him in his enterprisesopenly or secretly, because they know that they may be in the samecondition, and require the same aid from him to-morrow--that the moresturdy the resistance made by one, the less likely will theGovernment officers be to rouse the resistance of others. They do notsympathise with those who suffer from his depredations, or aid theGovernment officers in protecting them, because they know that theycould not support the means required to enable them to contendsuccessfully with their Sovereign, and reduce him to terms, withoutplundering and occasionally murdering the innocent of all ages andboth sexes, and that they may have to raise the same means in asimilar contest to-morrow. They are satisfied, therefore, if they cansave their own tenants from pillage and slaughter. They find, moreover, that the sufferings of others enable them to getcultivators and useful tenants of all kinds upon their own estates, on more easy terms, and to induce the smaller allodial or khalsaproprietors around, to yield up their lands to them, and become theirtenants with less difficulty. It was in the same manner that thegreat feudal barons aggrandised themselves in England, and all theother countries of Europe, in the MIDDLE AGES. In Oude all these great landholders look upon the Sovereign and hisofficers--except when they happen to be in collusion with them forthe purpose of robbing or coercing others--as their natural enemies, and will never trust themselves in their power without undoubtedpledges of personal security. The great feudal tenants of the Crownin England, and the other nations of Europe, did the same, exceptwhen they were in collusion with them for the purpose of robbingothers of their rights; or fought under their banners for the purposeof robbing or destroying the subjects and servants of some otherSovereign whom he chose to call his enemy. Only one of these sources of union between the Sovereign and hisgreat landholders is in operation in Oude. Some of them are everyyear in collusion with the governors of districts for the purpose ofcoercing and robbing others; but the Sovereign can never unite themunder his banners for the purpose of invading and plundering anyother country, and thereby securing for himself and them present_glory_, wealth, and high-sounding titles, and the admiration andapplause of future generations. The strong arm of the BritishGovernment is interposed between them and all surrounding countries;and there is no safety-valve for their unquiet spirits in foreignconquests. They can no longer do as Ram did two thousand sevenhundred years ago--lead an army from Ajodheea to Ceylone. They musteither give up fighting, or fight among themselves, as they appear tohave been doing ever since Ram's time; and there are at present nosigns of a disposition to send out another "Sakya Guntama" fromLucknow, or Kapila vastee to preach peace and good-will to "all thenations of the earth. " They would much rather send out fifty thousandmore brave soldiers to fight "all the nations of the east, " under thebanners of the Honourable East India Company. An English statesman may further ask how it is that so much disordercan prevail in a small territory like Oude without the gangs, towhich it must give rise, passing over the border to depredate uponthe bordering districts of its neighbours. The conterminous districtson three sides belong to the British Government, and that on thefourth or north belongs to Nepaul. The leaders of these gangs know, that if the British Government chose to interpose and aid the OudeGovernment with its troops, it could crush them in a few days; andthat it would do so if they ventured to rob and murder within itsterritory. They know, also, that it would do the same if theyventured to cross the northern border, and rob and murder within theNepaul territory. They therefore confine their depredations to theOude territory, seeing that, as long as they do so, the BritishGovernment remains quiet. CHAPTER VI. Adventures of Maheput Sing of Bhowaneepoor--Advantages of a good roadfrom Lucknow to Fyzabad--Excellent condition of the artillerybullocks with the Frontier Police--Get all that Government allows forthem--Bred in the Tarae--Dacoits of Soorujpoor Bareyla--The Amilconnives at all their depredations, and thrives in consequence--TheAmil of the adjoining districts does not, and ruined in consequence--His weakness--Seetaram, a capitalist--His account of a singular_Suttee_--Bukhtawar Sing's notions of _Suttee_, and of the reason whyRajpoot widows seldom become _Suttees_--Why local authorities carryabout prisoners with them--Condition of prisoners--No taxes on mango-trees--Cow-dung cheaper than wood for fuel--Shrine of "Shaikh Salar"at Sutrik--Bridge over the small river Rete--Recollection of theascent of a balloon at Lucknow--End of the pilgrimage. Poorae Chowdheree, of Kuchohee, held a share in the lands of thevillage of Bhanpoor in Radowlee. He mortgaged it in 1830, to a co-sharer, who transferred the mortgage to _Meherban Sing_, ofGuneshpoor. Poorae disliked the arrangement, and made all thecultivators desert the village of Bhanpoor, and leave the landswaste. Meherban attacked the village of Kuchohee in consequence, killed Porae, and seized upon all the lands of Bhanpoor for himself. Rajah Ram, one of the ousted co-sharers in these lands, attacked andkilled Meherban in 1832, and seized upon all the lands of Bhanpoor. After the death of his first wife, Meherban had attacked the house ofBhowanee Sing, Rajpoot, of Teur, carried off his daughter, who hadbeen affianced to another, and forcibly made her his wife. By her hehad one daughter and one son, named _Maheput Sing_, who now inheritedfrom his father a fifteenth part of one of the six and half sharesinto which the lands of Guneshpoor were divided. He, by degrees, murdered, or drove out of the village, all his co-sharers, saveGunbha Sing and Chungha Sing, joint proprietors of a small part ofone of the shares, known by the name of the Kunnee Puttee. From theyear 1843, Maheput Sing became a robber by profession, and the leaderof a formidable gang; and in three years, by a long series ofsuccessful enterprises, he acquired the means of converting hisresidence, on the border of the town of Guneshpoor, into a strongfort, among the deep ravines of the Goomtee river. This fort hecalled _Bhowaneegur_, after Bhowanee, the patroness of the trade ofmurder and robbery, which he had adopted. I shall now mention, more circumstantially, a few of the manyatrocities committed by him and his gang, during the last few yearsof his career, as illustrative of the state of society in Oude. Bulbhudder Sing, a subadar of the 45th Regiment of Bengal NativeInfantry, resided at Rampoor Sobeha, in the Dureeabad district. Bydegrees he purchased thirteen-sixteenths of the lands of these twosmall villages, which adjoin each other, out of the savings from hispay, and those of his nephew, Mugun Sing, havildar of the 43rdRegiment Bengal Native Infantry. On his being transferred to theinvalid establishment, the subadar resided with his family inRampoor, and in May, 1846, his nephew, Mugun Sing, came home onfurlough to visit him. Gujraj, an associate of Maheput Sing's, heldthe other three-sixteenths of the lands of these two villages; and bythe murder of the subadar and all his family, he thought he should beable to secure for himself the possession of the whole estate inperpetuity. The family consisted of the subadar and his wife, --MugunSing, the son of his deceased brother, Man Sing, and his wife; andhis son Bijonath and his wife, --Dwarka Sing, son of Ojagur Sing, another deceased brother of the subadar, --Mahta Deen, the son ofChundun Sing, another deceased brother of the subadar, and his wifeand young son, Surubjeet Sing, seven years of age, --Kulotee Sing, sonof Gobrae, another deceased brother of the subadar, --Bag Sing, arelative, --Bechun Sing, a servant, --Seo Deen, the gardener, --JeeawunSing, the barber, and the widow of Salwunt Sing, another son of MugunSing, havildar. When the family were all assembled, Maheput Sing, with Gujraj andother associates, and a gang of one hundred and fifty armedfollowers, proceeded to the village at midnight, and carefullyreconnoitred the premises. It was, after consultation, determined todefer the attack till daybreak, as the subadar and his nephews wereknown to be brave and well-armed men, who kept watch till towardsmorning, and would make a desperate resistance, unless taken bysurprise. They remained concealed within the enclosure of Gujraj'shouse, till just before daylight, when they quietly surrounded thesubadar's house. As day dawned the subadar got up, opened the doorand walked out, as usual, to breathe the fresh air, thinking allsafe. He was immediately shot down, and on Mugun Sing's rushing outto assist his uncle, he received a shot in the eye, and fell dead onhis body. The robbers then rushed in, cut down Jeeawun, the barber, while attempting to shut the door, and wounded Kulotee Sing, * BagSing, and others of the party. Finding that they could no longerstand against the numbers, rushing in at the doors and windows, thedefenders climbed from the inside to the flat roof of the house, overthe apartments of the men, fired down upon the robbers, who werestill inside, and shot one of them. The robbers, finding they couldnot otherwise dislodge them, set fire to that part of the house, andthe men were obliged to leap off to save themselves. In doing this, Bag Sing hurt his spine, and Seo Deen sprained his ankle, and bothlay where they fell, pretending to be dead, till night. The othersall went off in search of succour. [* Kulotee Sing was murdered, a few days afterwards, by Maheput andGujraj, as he was superintending the cultivation of his lands. ] The robbers found the boy, Surubjeet, lying sick on his bed, attendedby his mother. They seized him and dashed his head against theground; and when he still showed signs of life, Gujraj cut him topieces with his sword. They then seized and stripped the femalesnaked, and sprinkled boiling oil over their bodies, till they pointedout all the property concealed in the house. Seventeen hundred rupeeswere found buried in the floor; and the rest of the property inclothes, gold and silver ornaments, and brass utensils, amounted toabout ten thousand rupees. About noon, while the robbers were still in the house, the Amil ofMohlara came with a large force and one gun, and surrounded them; butstood at a safe distance, whence he kept up for some time a fire fromhis gun and his matchlocks, which had no effect whatever. The robbersfired in return from the house, merely to show that they were not tobe frightened from their booty in that way. This went on till afterdark in the evening, when the robbers all retired to the jungles withtheir booty, unmolested by the Amil. Byjonath, who had brought the Amil to the spot, urged him on as muchas he could to save the property and females, and avenge the death ofthose who had fallen, and he killed one man and seized another, theson of one of the leaders; but he was obliged to give him up to theAmil as an hostage, for the recovery of the property, and a witnessto the robbery. The Amil kept him for six months, and then let him goon the largest ransom he could get for him from his father. Thecircumstances were all represented, through the Resident, to theDurbar, and redress prayed for, but none was ever obtained. * [* When the Resident visited this place, in his tour, in January, 1850, Dwarka Sing and other members of the family described all thecircumstances of this attack, and they were taken down; and have beenconfirmed since by a judicial investigation. ] In May 1846, Maheput attacked the house of Seobuksh, a gardener, andafter plundering it, he seized and carried off to the jungle thegardener's brother, Puroutee, and tortured him to death with hotirons, because he could not raise the sum demanded for his ransom. In August 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house ofMeherban Tewaree, subadar of the Gwalior Contingent, in the villageof Hareehurpoor, in the district of Rodowlee. It was about ten atnight, and the whole family were asleep. The subadar lay on his cotbelow, near the door, his brother, Angud Tewaree, slept on the upperstory. Some placed ladders and entered the upper story through awindow; Maheput, with others, broke open the door, near which thesubadar slept below. The brother got a sword-cut in the hand, andcalled out from the upper story as loud as he could for help; buttheir neighbours were all too much alarmed to come to their aid. Maheput seized and bound the subadar with his own waistband, andcommanded his brother to come down, saying, that he need not call forhelp, as the villagers all knew him too well to molest him; and if hedid not come down instantly he would set fire to the house. Seeing nochance of help, he came down, and was bound with his own waistband inthe same manner. When the subadar remonstrated against thistreatment, Maheput struck him over the face. They then plundered thehouse of all the property it contained, to the value of six hundredand fifty rupees; and took the subadar and his brother to thejungles; and, in the morning, demanded a ransom of one thousandrupees. At last they came down to four hundred rupees and the horse, which the subadar kept for his own riding. The subadar consented, andhis brother was released to get the money and horse. He borrowed themoney and sent it with the horse through Bhowanee Deen Tewaree, landholder of Ladeeka Poorwa, and the subadar was released. Hepresented three petitions, through the Resident, and orders were sentfrom the Durbar to the local authorities, Hurdut Sing and Monna Lal, but they were both in league with the robbers, and tried to get thesubadar made away with, to save further trouble, and he soughtsecurity with his regiment. * [* Meherban Tewaree, subadar, was present, as a witness at thesubsequent trial of Maheput and Gujraj, who were sentenced totransportation beyond seas for life. ] In January 1847, Maheput and his gang attacked the village ofBahapoor, in the Rodowlee district; and after plundering all thehouses, seized and carried off among others Seetul, the spirit-dealer, and the two sons of Reehta, the widow of Bhosoo, one twenty-two years of age, and the other eighteen. They tortured them withred-hot irons, and tied bamboos round their necks every day forfifteen days. Maheput then shot the eldest son, and cut his body topieces with his sword. The younger son, at night, made his escapewhile they were asleep, and returned to tell the tale of hisbrother's murder to his mother. Seetul, the Kalwar, got his uncle tolend him twenty-eight rupees, for which he was released. In April 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house ofRamoutar, Brahmin, of the Brahmin village of Guneshpoor, in Rodowlee;plundered it of properly valued at one hundred rupees, and then boundRamoutar, his father and two sons, and took them off to the jungles;and there tortured them all for seven days. He then had the two boys, one nine years old and the other five, suspended to a tree andflogged; and Ramoutar himself tied to a thorny tree and beaten tillthe blood flowed down and drenched his waistband, because he couldpay nothing, and would not sign a bond to pay two thousand rupees. His sufferings and the sight of those of his two sons made him atlast sign one for one thousand rupees. He was flogged again till hisfriends brought four hundred out of the thousand, and Cheyt Sing, Thakoor, a respectable landholder of Koleea, in Rodowlee, consentedto give security for the payment of two hundred and forty-two rupeesmore. Ramoutar and his family were then released, after they had beenconfined and tortured for thirty-six days, and they went off andresided at Bookcheyna in Khundasa. A year after his house was thereattacked by Maheput Sing and his gang, and plundered of all itcontained; and his brother Seetul, and his youngest son were seizedand taken off to his fort at Bhowaneegur, and there tortured andstarved for six months. Ramoutar then borrowed one hundred and sixtyrupees, and obtained the release of his brother Seetul, and a yearafter he was able to raise forty-seven rupees more, with which heransomed his son. In May 1847, Maheput Sing attacked the house of Seolal Tewaree ofTorsompoor, in Rodowlee, at midnight; and after plundering it andstripping his mother and wife, and the wife of his brother, JurbundunSing, of all the clothes and ornaments they had, he bound and carriedoff to the jungle the two brothers, Seolal and Jurbundun. They wereflogged, and had hot irons applied to their bodies every day fortwenty days, and had only a little flour to eat and water to drink, once in three days. After twenty days they contrived to make theirescape one dark and stormy night, and got home; but three days afterhe again attacked their house and burnt it to the ground, with allthey possessed. He, at the same time, burnt down the house of theiruncle, in the same village, and that of one of their ploughmen; andtwo cows and one bullock were burnt to death in the flames. In July 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house of ChubbeeLal, Brahmin, in the village of Bunnee, in the Rodowlee district, andafter plundering it of property to the value of five hundred rupees, he bound and took the old Brahmin off to the jungles, and demandedfrom him a ransom of eight thousand rupees. This sum the old mancould not pay, and he was flogged with thorns, and had red-hot ironsapplied to his body every day. Maheput then sent a letter to the oldman's son, Dwarka, desiring him to send the eight thousand rupees ifhe wished his father to live. The house having been plundered, thefamily had nothing left, and could persuade no one to lend them. Onreceiving a reply to this effect, Maheput had the old man's bodyplastered all over with moist gunpowder, and made him stand in thesun till it was dry. He then set fire to the powder, and the poor manwas burnt all over. He then cut off both his hands at the wrists, andhis nose, and sent them to his family, and in this condition beafterwards sent the poor man to his home upon a cot. The son met hisfather at the door, but the old man died as soon as his son hadembraced him. Maheput carried off Pem, the son of Teeka, at the same time, andtortured him till his family paid the ransom demanded. He was witnessto the tortures of the old Brahmin. In August 1847, Maheput and his gang attacked the house of Bichook, aBrahmin, in the village of Torsompoor, in Rodowlee, at midnight, while he was sleeping, and bound and carried him off to the jungle. The next day, when he was about to have him tortured for a ransom, one of his followers interceded for him, and he was released. But amonth after, Maheput and his gang again attacked his house, and afterplundering it of all it contained, they burnt it to the ground. Bichook had run off on hearing their approach, and he escaped toSyudpoor. In November, 1846, Maheput Sing attacked the house of Sook Allee, inGuneshpoor, at midnight, with a gang of one hundred men; and, afterplundering it of all the property it contained, to the amount of fourhundred rupees, he burnt it to the ground, and bound and carried offSook Allee to the house of his friend, Byjonath Bilwar, a landholderin the village of Kholee, eight miles distant. He there demanded aransom of five hundred rupees; and on his declaring that he neitherhad nor could borrow such a sum, he had him tortured with hot irons, and flogged in the usual way. He kept him for two months at Kholee, and then took him to Tukra, in the Soorajpoor purgunnah, where hekept him for another month, torturing, and giving him half a mealevery other day. At the end of three months, Akber Sing and BhowaneeDeen, Rajpoot landholders of Odemow, contrived to borrow two hundredrupees for Sook Allee, and he was released on the payment of thissum. The marks of the hot irons, applied to his body by Maheput Sing, with his own hands, are still visible, and will remain so as long ashe lives. * [* I saw these marks on the sufferer. ] About the same time--the latter end of 1846--Maheput Sing sent toSheik Sobratee, of the same place, a message through a pausee, namedBhowanee Deen, demanding twenty-five rupees. This sum was sent; butsix weeks had not elapsed, before Sheik Sobratee received anotherdemand for the same amount, through the same person. He had no money, but promised to send the sum in ten days. At midnight, on the fourthday after this, Maheput and his gang attacked his house, andplundered it of all they could find, female ornaments, and clothes, and brass utensils. Sobratee was that night sleeping at the house ofhis friend Peree, the wood-dealer, in the same town. Maheput tried tomake his mother and wife point out where he was, by torturing them, but they either would not or could not do so. After some search, however, they discovered him, and bound and took him off, withhandcuffs, and an iron collar round his neck, to the Kurseea jungle, in the Hydergur pergunnah. His son, a boy, had escaped. Aftertorturing him in the usual way for eight days, they sent a message tohis mother by Maheput's servant, Salar, to say, that unless she senta ransom of five hundred rupees, her son's nose and hands should becut off and sent to her as those of _Chubbee Lal_, Brahmin, ofBunnee, had been. She prevailed upon Baroonath Gotum to lend themoney; and Maheput sent Sobratee to him, accompanied by one of hisarmed retainers, with orders to make him over to the Gotum, if hepledged himself in due form to pay. He did so, and Sobratee was madeover to him, and the next day sent home to his wife and mother. Somemonths after, however, when he had completed his fort of Bhowneegur, Maheput sent to demand two hundred rupees more from Sobratee, andwhen he found he could not pay, he had his house pulled, down, andtook away all the materials to his fort. What he did not require hecaused to be burnt. He got from Sobratee, in ransom and plunder, morethan three thousand rupees; and he has been ever since reduced togreat poverty and distress. In November 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang seized and carried offKhosal, a confectioner, of Talgon, in Rodowlee, who had gone to hissister at Buhapoor, near Guneshpoor, to attend a marriage--took himto the jungle, and tortured and starved him in the usual way for fiveweeks. He had him burnt with red-hot irons, flogged and ducked in atank every day, and demanded a ransom of two hundred rupees. At last, his brother, Davey Deen, borrowed thirty-three rupees from Rambuksh, a merchant of Odermow, and offered to pay it for his ransom. Maheputsent Khosal, with his agent, Bhowanee Deen, to Rambuksh, and hereleased him on getting the money. He still bears on his body themarks of the stripes and burnings. * [* These marks I have seen. ] In December 1847, Maheput and his gang attacked the house of MoteeLal Misser, a Brahmin, in the village of------, and after robbing itof all that it contained, he seized and carried off his nephew, RamDeen, a boy of seven years of age, and tortured him for a month inthe jungle. He then cut off his left ear and the forefinger of hisright hand, and sent them to the uncle in a letter, stating, that ifhe did not send him one thousand rupees, he would send the boy's headin the same manner. The boy's father had died, and his uncle, withgreat difficulty, prevailed upon his friends and neighbours to lendhim two hundred and twenty rupees, which he sent to Maheput, and hisnephew was released. The boy declares to me that Maheput cut off hisear and finger with his own hands. * [* This boy was present, as a witness, at the trial of Maheput. ] In June 1848, Forsut Pandee, of Resalpandee-ka-Poorwa, in Rodowlee, accompanied Girwar Sing, a Rajpoot of Bowra, in Rodowlee, toGuneshpoor, on some business. They were smoking and talking togetherat the house of Mungul Sing, Thakoor, a large landholder of thatplace, when five of Maheput's armed men came up, and told ForsutPandee to attend them to their master. Girwar Sing remonstrated anddeclared that his honour had been pledged for Forsut Pandee'spersonal safety. Mungul Sing, Thakoor, however, told him, that hemust offer no opposition, as they seized all travellers who came thatway, and it was dangerous to oppose them. He was taken to MaheputSing, in his fort at Bhowaneegur, situated half a mile fromGuneshpoor. Maheput told him that he had heard of his having a goodflint gun, and a shawl in his house, and that he must have them. Forsut Pandee swore on the Ganges that he had no such things. He thenhad him tied up to a tree and flogged him with his own hands withthorny bushes, the scars of which are still visible. He then demandeda ransom of three hundred rupees, and had him flogged and torturedevery day for a month, while he gave him to eat only half a pound offlour every two or three days. The prisoner's brother, Bhoree Pandee, sold all the clothes and ornaments of his family, utensils, andfurniture, and their hereditary mango and mhowa grove, and raised twohundred and six rupees, which he sent to Maheput, through BaldanSing, a landholder of Bharatpoor, two miles from Guneshpoor. On thereceipt of this Forsut Pandee was released. In October 1848, Maheput Sing sent ten of his gang to seize acultivator, by name Khosal, who was engaged in cultivating his landin a hamlet, one mile south of the town of Syudpoor. They seized andbound him and took him off to their leader, Maheput, who had himtortured for a month in the usual way. He had him tied up to a ladderand flogged. He had red-hot irons applied to different parts of hisbody--he put dry combustibles on the open palms of his hands and setfire to them, so that he has lost the use of his fingers for life. For the whole month he gave him only ten pounds of flour to eat; buthis friends contrived to convey a little more to him occasionally, which he ate by stealth. He was reduced, by hunger and torture, tothe last stage, when his family, by the sale of all they had in theworld, and the compassion of their friends, raised the sum of onehundred and twenty-six rupees, which they sent to Maheput, by ThakoorPersaud, a landholder of the village of Somba, and obtained hisrelease. The tortures have rendered him a cripple, and the family arereduced to a state of great wretchedness. * [* This man was a witness at the trial of Maheput, and I saw thesigns of his sufferings. ] The village of Guneshpoor yielded a revenue to Government of twenty-one thousand rupees a-year, and was divided into six and half shareseach, held by a different person. One belonged to Omrow Sing, Rajpoot, the father of Hunmunt Sing, a corporal in the 44th RegimentBengal Native Infantry, and descended to Omrow Sing's eldest son, Davey Sing. One share was held, jointly, by Maheput Sing and ChoteeSing, when, in October 1848, Maheput assembled a gang of about twohundred men, and attacked the house of Davey Sing, while his brotherHunmunt Sing was at home on recruiting service. There were in thehouse the corporal and his three brothers, and all mounted, withtheir friends, to the top of the house, with their swords and spears, but without fire-arms. The robbers, unable to ascend from theoutside, broke open the doors, but the brothers descended anddefended the passage so resolutely, that the gang was obliged toretire and watch for a better opportunity. Three months after, in January 1849, Maheput attacked the houseagain, with a gang of five hundred men and good scaling-ladders. Someascended to the top on the ladders, while others broke open the doorsand forced their way in. The brothers and the other male members ofthe family defended themselves resolutely. One of the brothers, Esuree Sing, his uncle, Runjeet Sing, sipahee of the 11th RegimentBengal Native Infantry, his cousin, Beetul Sing, sipahee of the 8thRegiment Bombay Native Infantry, were all killed, and hacked topieces by Maheput and his gang. No person came to the assistance ofthe family, and the robbers retired with their booty, consisting offive hundred and ten rupees in money, four muskets, and four swords, and twelve hundred maunds of corn, and all the clothes, ornaments, and utensils that could be found. They burnt down the house, anddispossessed the family of their share in the estate, and plunderedall the cultivators. Davey Sine the eldest brother, went to reside atBhanpoor, in the neighbourhood. While he was engaged in cutting afield of pulse, in the morning, about seven o'clock, in the month ofMarch following, Maheput Sing, with a gang of two hundred men, attacked his house, killed his two brothers, Gordut and Hurdut Sing, and their servant, Omed, and shot down his nephew, Gorbuksh Sing. Ramsahae, the nephew of Maheput Sing, ran up to despatch him with hissword, but Gorbuksh rose, cut him down, and killed him with his swordbefore he himself expired. The corporal, Hunmunt Sing, of the 44th Native Infantry, describedall these things in several petitions to the Resident, and prayedredress, but no redress was ever obtained. Saligram and otherrelatives of the corporal had been plundered and wounded by MaheputSing and his gang, and he describes many other atrocities committedby the same gang. His petition of the 27th September 1849, was sentto the King by the Resident, who was told, that the Amil of thedistrict of Dureeabad, Girdhara Lal, had been ordered to seizeMaheput Sing and his gang. This Amil was always in league with them. In December 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house of afemale, named Arganee, the widow of Sheik Rozae, in the village ofPertab Pahae. It was midnight, and she was sleeping with her twograndchildren, the sons of her son, who was a sipahee in the 66thRegiment of Bengal Native Infantry. They bound her hands: and leavingher young grandchildren alone, took her off to the jungle eight milesdistant. There Maheput demanded from her the seven hundred rupeeswhich she was said to have accumulated; and when she pleaded poverty, and said that the sipahee's pay was their only means of subsistence, he had her stripped naked and flogged in the usual way. For a monthhe had her stripped and flogged in the same manner every day. Shethen signed a bond to pay one hundred rupees on a certain day, andwas released. She sold all she had, and borrowed all she could, andon the fourth day sent him fifty, and the other fifty on thefifteenth day; but he afterwards had the poor widow's house pulleddown and all the wood-work carried to his fort of Bhowaneegur. In April 1849, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house ofSeodeen Misser, sipahee of the 63rd Regiment Bengal Native Infantry;and after plundering it, seized and carried off to the jungle hisbrother and that brother's two sons--one seven years of age and theother five--and his sister. He sold the two boys as slaves for twohundred rupees to a person named Davey Sookul, of Guneshpoor; andtortured the brother and sister till the sipahee and his friends soldall they had in the world for their ransom, when he released them. In the month of May 1849, Maheput Sing and his gang at midnightattacked the house of Eseree Sing, a Rajpoot of the Chouhan tribe, inthe village of Salpoor, in Dureeabad; and after stripping his motherand all the other females of the family of their clothes andornaments, plundering the house of all it contained, rupees, twenty-five in money, two handsome matchlocks, two swords, two spears, andtwo shields, and brass utensils, weighing one hundred and sixtypounds, he bound Eseree Sing himself, and took him off with hissister, four years of age, and his daughter, only three, to a jungle, four miles distant. He there released Eseree Sing himself, but tookon the girls, and made over his daughter to Akber, one of hisfollowers, and his sister to Bechoo, another of his gang, to beunited to them in marriage. It was at their instigation, and for thatpurpose chiefly, that he made the attack. * [* Akber and Bechoo are now in prison, with Maheput, at Lucknow. ] In August 1849, Maheput and his gang attacked the houses of Seetul, Gorbuksh, and Sook Lal, Brahmins, of Guneshpoor; and after plunderingthem, he carried off Gorbuksh and his son, Ram Deen, and Bhowanee, the son of Seetul, and Sook Lal, and murdered them. He carried offand tortured, in a shocking manner, Benee, of the same place, till hepaid a ransom; and Ongud, son of Khunmun, an invalid Khalasie, of the26th Regiment Native Infantry. In September 1849, Maheput attacked and plundered the house of OngudSing, sipahee of the 24th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry, andconfined the sipahee for some time. His petition was sent to the Kingon the 11th November 1849. On the 15th of December 1849, Monowur Khan, havildar of the 62ndRegiment Bengal Native Infantry, complained that Maheput Sing hadseized him as he was walking on the high road, and extorted elevenrupees from him. His petition was sent to the King, with a request, that all local authorities might be urged to aid in his arrest; andorders were again sent to the Frontier Police. On the 24th December 1849, Madho Sing, sipahee of the 11th RegimentBengal Native Infantry, complained that Maheput Sing had attacked andplundered his house twice, burnt it down, and cut down all the treeswhich the family had planted for generations, and turned them all outof the village--that in the second attack he had murdered hisdaughter, a girl of only nine years of age. His petition was sent tothe King, who, on the 13th of February 1850, replied that he hadproclaimed Maheput as a robber and murderer, and offered a reward ofthree thousand rupees for his arrest. On the 16th of March 1850, Goverdhun complained, that Maheput hadattacked and plundered his house, and carried off his father to thejungles, and extorted from him a ransom of one hundred and tenrupees. His petition was sent to the King, who, on the 27th March, replied, that he had given frequent and urgent orders for the arrestof Maheput Sing. Gunga Deen, a trooper of the Governor-General's body-guard, complained to the Resident, on the 9th of August 1844, that MaheputSing had attacked and killed with his own hand his agent, ThakoorSing, while he was taking seven hundred and seventy-four rupees tothe revenue-collector. On the 11th of September 1849, he againcomplained to the Resident, that Maheput Sing had plunderedBhurteemow and other villages, in Dureeabad, of property to the valueof six thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine rupees, and murderedfive men, besides Thakoor Sing, his servant, and had committednumerous robberies in other villages during the year 1848. Among themone in Bhurteemow, in which he killed Ramjeet and four other men--that he had soon after committed a robbery in which no less thantwenty-two persons were killed and wounded, and property to the valueof two thousand rupees was carried off. The King was frequentlypressed most earnestly to arrest this atrocious robber; and on the9th of December 1849, the Frontier Police was, at the Kings request, directed to do all in their power to seize him. In July 1847, Maheput Sing and his gang attacked the house of MungulSookul, a corporal of the 24th Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry, atmidnight, robbed it of property to the value of five hundred rupees, and so rent the ears of his little son, by the violence with which hetore the gold rings from them, that the boy was not likely to live. The commanding officer of the regiment sent the corporal's petitionfor redress, through the Resident, to the Durbar; and orders weresent to the local authorities to afford it, but they were unable orunwilling to do anything. Gunga Aheer, of Buroulee, in the district of Rodowlee, had been forthree years a sipahee in the 48th Regiment of Bengal Native Infantry, under the name of Mata Deen. Continued sickness rendered him unfitfor duty, and he obtained his discharge, and came home to his family. In March 1850, having been long without employment, and reduced, withhis family, to great distress, he went to his relation, Ramdhun, ofthe Intelligence Department, in the service of the King of Oude, andthen; on duty at Dureeabad, with the Amil. A reward of three thousandrupees having been offered by the King for the arrest of MaheputSing, the Amil ordered Ramdhun to try his best to trace him out, andhe took Gunga Aheer with him to assist, on a promise of securing forhim good service if they succeeded. They went to a jungle, about twomiles from Guneshpoor, and near the foot of Bhowaneegur. While theywere resting at a temple in the jungle, sacred to Davey, Maheput cameup, with twenty followers, to offer sacrifice; and as soon as theyrecognized the Harkara, Ramdhun, they seized both, and took them offin the evening to a jungle, four miles distant. In the hope offrightening Maheput, the Harkara pretended to be in the service ofthe Resident at Lucknow; but as the reward for his arrest had beenoffered on the requisition of the Resident, on the application ofinjured sipahees of the British army, this did not avail him. Theirhands were tied behind their backs, and as soon as it became dark, they took Ramdhun off to a distance of twenty paces from whereMaheput Sing sat, and made him stand in a circle of men with drawnswords. One man advanced, and at one cut with his sword, severed hisright arm from his body, and it fell to the ground. Another cut intothe side, under the stump, while a third cut him across the left sideof the neck with a back cut, he all the time calling out for mercy, but in vain. On receiving the cut across the neck he fell dead, andthe body was flung into the river Goomtee. Maheput sat looking onwithout saying a word. They then amused themselves for some time by flogging Gunga Aheerwith thorn bushes, while he in agony cried for mercy. The next day, by Maheput's orders, they laid him upon a bed of thorns and beat himagain, while he screamed from pain, and they laughed at his cries. One of the followers told Maheput, that they had been cautioned bythe outlaw, Jugurnath, the chuprassie, not to murder Ramdhun and hiscompanion, or the English would some day avenge them; but he laughedand said that spies must be punished, to deter others from pursuingthem. One of his followers then sat on Gunga's chest while anotherheld his arms, and a third his legs, while a fourth cut off his nose, and one of his hands at the wrist, and the fingers of the other hand. He became senseless, and Maheput and his followers all left him inthis state. In the evening a servant of Seochurn Chowdheree, ofBhowaneepoor, on his way to the jungle, saw him and reported hiscondition to his master, who sent people and had him taken to him ona litter. He had his wounds dressed by a village surgeon, and thenext day sent him home to his wife and mother. The landlord of thevillage reported the case to Captain Orr, of the Frontier Police, atFyzabad, who had Gunga taken off to the hospital at Lucknow, where heremained under the care of the Residency surgeon till he recovered. This poor man had to support his mother, wife, and daughter by hislabour. His mother came in with him, and attended him in hospital, while his wife and child remained at their village. While in hospital recovering, Maheput Sing was brought before him, bythe Frontier Police, to be recognized. As soon as he saw him all theterrible scene of Ramdhun's murder and his own torture came sovividly before him, that he trembled from head to foot, like a man inan ague fit, and was for some time unable to speak. At last, when hesaw the fetters on Maheput's legs, and the handcuffs on his wrists, and armed Government servants around him, he recovered his senses;and by degrees, recorded what he had witnessed and suffered at hishands. On the 25th March 1850, Rajah Maun Sing, under orders from theDurbar, with all the force he could muster, invested the fort ofBhowaneegur, while the force under Captains Weston, Thomas, Bunbury, and Magness, attacked the three forts belonging to Rajah Prethee Put, of Paska. Maheput Sing left the fort on the 27th, with elevenfollowers, to collect reinforcements and harass the besiegers, andthe garrison was commanded by his nephew. On the 28th, Maun Sing had three men killed and several wounded, fromthe fire of the garrison, and wrote for reinforcements to CaptainWeston, who was at Dureeabad, twelve miles distant. As soon as he gotthe letter, he mounted his horse, and leaving the force to follow, rode with his Assistant, Captain Orr, to the place, which is half amile from Guneshpoor south, and two hundred yards from the left bankof the Goomtee river north. They were attended by a few sowars, underSeo Sing, and they reached the place before daybreak, on the 29th;and as soon as day appeared, proceeded with Captain Magness, who hadgalloped on in advance of his regiment to reconnoitre the fort, andwere fired upon by the garrison wherever they were seen. Maun Sing'speople had retired after the loss of a few men, to the distance of amile, and lay scattered over the jungle. The Infantry came up before sunset, and the guns before it grew dark, and all were placed in position, and a fire opened upon the fort tillit grew too dark to point the guns. The garrison soon after attemptedto escape by the west side, and were fired upon by the parties postedon that quarter. Captain Weston, hearing the fire, collected all themen he could, and getting with difficulty into the fort, found itempty. In the attempt to cut their way through, the garrison had twomen killed and fifteen wounded and taken, and five managed to escape, under cover of the night, into the thick jungle. Bikhai, one of themost atrocious of Maheput's followers, was killed; but he killed twoof the besiegers, and wounded two more before he fell. Akber Sing, the most atrocious of all the gang, had his arm taken off by acannon-shot, and was seized. Maheput's nephew, the commandant of thegarrison, was taken, with one of Maheput's secretaries and advisers. Of Maun Sing's party, four were killed and thirteen wounded, andCaptain Magness had one havildar severely wounded. The fort waslevelled, and the jungle around cut down. The force then proceededand took possession of the forts of Futtehpoor, Oskamow, Sorrea, Dyeepoor, and Etonja, all belonging to Jugurnath Chuprassie, anotherleader of banditti of that district They were only a few milesdistant from Bhowaneegur, and were deserted by his gangs on theirseeing a British force and hearing the guns open upon Bhowaneegur. Two hundred head of stolen cattle were found in the forts ofJugurnath, and restored to their proper owners. Parties were sent inpursuit of Maheput Sing, and two of his followers were secured; buthe himself escaped for the time. The forts were all destroyed. Captain Orr, the Assistant Superintendent, in charge of the FrontierPolice at Fyzabad, had been long in pursuit of Maheput Sing, and hisparties, knowing all his haunts and associates, gave him no rest. Hissubadar, Seetul Sing, became acquainted with Prethee Paul, tallookdarof Ramnuggur, who had been deprived of his estate for defalcation, and become associated with Maheput Sing. The subadar persuaded thislandholder that it would be to his advantage to aid in the arrest ofso atrocious a robber and murderer; and when Maheput next came to himto seek some repose from his pursuers, and consult about futureplans, he sent intimation to Seetul Sing, whose detachment ofsipahees was at no great distance. On receiving the intimation, thesubadar marched forthwith, and reached the place at the dawn of day, on the morning of the 1st of July 1850. Maheput Sing had just leftthe house to perform his ablutions, but on seeing them, he suspectedtheir designs and re-entered the house. The subadar's party saw him, immediately surrounded the house, and demanded his surrender, MaheputSing begged Prethee Paul to join him in defending the house orcutting their way through; but Prethee Paul told him that he hadruined himself by his atrocities, and must now submit to his fate, since he could not involve himself and all his family in ruin merelyto assist him. Prethee Paul then took him by the arm, brought himout, and made him over to Seetul Sing, who had threatened to set fireto the house, forthwith unless he did so. He was then secured andtaken off, well guarded, and in all possible haste, to Captain Orr, lest his gang might collect and attempt a rescue. Captain Orr senthim off, under a strong guard and well fettered, to Lucknow, toCaptain Weston, the Superintendent of the Frontier Police. Prethee Paul, the tallookdar, for the good service, got back hisestate from the Oude sovereign, and an addition of five hundredrupees a-year to his nankar or personal allowance. Gunga Aheer is nowa pensioner on the Residency fund, and his family has been providedfor. Maheput Sing and his associate Gujraj were sentenced totransportation beyond seas, and sent off in October 1851. It is remarked by the people, that few of these baronial robbers everdie natural deaths--that they either kill each other, or are killedsooner or later by the servants of Government. More atrocious crimesthan those which they every month commit it is difficult to conceive. In the Bangor district, through which we passed last month, thisclass of landholders are certainly as strong and as much disposed towithhold the just dues of Government, and to resist its officers andtroops, as they are here, but they do not plunder and burn down eachother's villages, and murder and rob each other's tenants so often asthey do here. The coalition has introduced among them a kind of_balance of power_, which makes them respect each other's rights, andthe rights of each other's tenants, for the chiefs are dependent uponthe attachment and fidelity of their respective tenants. The abovelist contains only a part of the leaders of gangs, by which thedistricts of Dureeabad, Rodowlee, Sidhore, Pertabgunge, Deva, andJehangeerabad, are infested. We have seen no manufacture of anyexportable commodity in Oude, nor have we seen traffic on any road inOude, save that leading from Cawnpore to Lucknow. In consequence of some bad seasons, a good deal of the grain requiredat the Capital, and in the districts to the north-cast, comes fromCawnpore over this road. Were the road from Fyzabad to Lucknow goodand safe, a good deal of land produce would, in ordinary seasons, come over it from the Goruckpoor district, and those interveningbetween Lucknow and Fyzabad. It would, however, be useless to makethe road till the gangs which infest it are put down. A good andsecure road from Lucknow through Sultanpoor to Benares, would be ofstill greater advantage. _February 25_, 1850. --Halted at Dureeabad. I here saw the draft-bullocks attached to the guns, with Captain Orr's companies ofFrontier Police. They are of the best kind, and in excellentcondition. They have the same allowance of a seer and half of graina-day, which is drawn for every bullock attached to his Majesty'sartillery. The difference is that they get all that is paid for intheir name, while the others get one-third; and really got none whenon detached duty till lately. On Fridays, Captain Orr's bullocks getonly half; and this is, I believe, the rule with all the others thatget any at all. His bullocks are bred in the Nanpara, Nigasun, Dhorehra, and other districts in the Oude Tarae, and are of anexcellent quality for work. They cost from 40 to 75 rupees a-pair. Inthese districts of the Tarae forest, the cows are allowed to goalmost wild in large grass preserves, where they are defended fromtigers; and the calves are taken from them, when a year old, to betaken care of at home, till sold for the dairy or for work. CaptainOrr's bullocks have no grazing-ground, nor are they sent out at allto graze--they get nothing but bhoosa (chaff) and corn. Of bhoosathey get as much as they can eat, when on detached duty, as they takeit from the peasantry without payment; but when at Lucknow, they arelimited to a very small quantity, as Government has to pay for it. Onthe 15th of May, 1833, the King prohibited any one from taking bhoosawithout paying for it, either for private or public cattle; anddirected that bhoosa, for all the Artillery bullocks, should bepurchased at the harvests, and charged for in the public accounts;but the order was disregarded like that against the murder of femalechildren. _February 26_, 1850--Sidhore, sixteen miles, W. S. W. The country, aplain, covered as usual with spring crops and fine foliage; butintersected midway by the little river Kuleeanee, which causesundulations on each side. The soil chiefly doomut and light, butfertile. It abounds more in white ants than such light soil generallydoes. We passed through the estate of Soorujpoor Behreylee, in whichso many of the baronial robbers above described reside, and throughmany villages beyond it, which they had lately robbed and burnt down, as far as such villages can be burnt. The mud-walls and coverings areas good as bomb-proofs against the fire, to which they are alwaysexposed from these robbers. Only twenty days ago, Chundee Behraleeaand his party attacked the village of Siswae, through which we passeda few miles from this--plundered it, and killed three persons, andsix others perished in the flames. They served several others in theneighbourhood in the same manner; and have, within the same time, attacked and plundered the town of Sidhore itself several times. The boundary which separates the Dureeabad from the Sidhore districtwe passed some four miles back; and the greater part of the villageslately attacked are situated in the latter, which is under a separateAmil, Aga Ahmud, who is, in consequence, unable to collect hisrevenue. The Amil of Dureeabad, Girdhara Sing, * on the contrary, acquiesces in all the atrocities committed by these robbers, and is, in consequence, able to collect his revenue, and secure the favour ofthe Court. Some of the villages of the estate, held by the widow ofSingjoo, late Rajah of Soorujpoor, are under the jurisdiction of theSidhore Amil; and, as she would pay no revenue, the Amil took a forcea few days ago to her twelve villages of Sonowlee, within theDureeabad district, and seized and carried off some three hundred ofher tenants, men, women, and children, as hostages for the payment ofthe balance due, and confined them pell-mell, in a fort. The clamourof the rest of the population as I passed was terrible, all declaringthat they had paid their rents to the _Ranee_, and that she aloneought to be held responsible. She, however, resided at Soorujpoor, within the jurisdiction, and under the protection of the Amil ofDureeabad. [* Girdhara Sing's patron is Chundee Sahaee, the minister's deputy, whose influence is paramount at present. ] The Behraleea gangs have lately plundered the five villages ofSadutpoor, Luloopoor, Bilkhundee, and Subahpoor, belonging toSoorujbulee, the head Canoongo, or Chowdheree of Dureeabad, who hadnever offended them. Both the Amils were with me for the latter partof the road; and the dispute between them ran very high. It wasclear, however, that Girdhara Sing was strong in his league with therobbers, and conscious of being able to maintain his ground at Court;and Aga Ahmud was weak in his efforts to put them down, and consciousof his being unable much longer to pay what was required, and keephis post. He has with him two Companies of Nujeebs and two ofTelingas, and eight guns. The guns are useless and withoutammunition, or stores of any kind; and the Nujeebs and Telingascannot be depended upon. The best pay master has certainly the bestchance. It is humiliating and distressing to see a whole peoplesuffering such wrongs as are every day inflicted upon the villagecommunities and town's people of Dureeabad, Rodowlee, Sidhore, andDewa, by these merciless freebooters; and impossible not to feelindignant at a Government that regards them with so muchindifference. * [* Poor Aga Ahmud was put into gaol, for defalcation, at the end ofthe season; but Girdhara Sing was received with great favour by theCourt. The government of the district, for the next season, wasconfirmed, and the usual dress of honour was conferred upon him, butthe Resident deemed it to be his duty to interpose and insist uponhis not being sent out. The government of the district was, inconsequence, taken from him, and made over to Rajah Maun Sing. ] A respectable young agricultural capitalist from Biswa, Seetaram, rode along by my side this morning, and I asked him, "over whom thesesuttee tombs, near Biswa, and other towns were for the most partraised. "--"Sir, " said he, "they are chiefly over the widows ofBrahmins, bankers, merchants, Hindoo public officers, tradesmen, andshopkeepers. " "Are there many such tombs in Oude, over the widows ofRajpoot landholders?"--"I have not seen any, sir, and have rarelyheard of the widow of a Rajpoot landholder burning herself. " "No, sir, " said Bukhtawar Sing, "how should such women be worthy to becomesuttees? They dare not become suttees, sir, with the murder of somany innocent children on their heads. Sir, we Brahmins and otherrespectable Hindoos feel honoured in having daughters; and never feelsecure of a happy life hereafter till we see them respectablymarried. This, sir, is a duty the Deity demands from us, and theneglect of which we do not believe he can ever excuse. When thebridegroom comes sir, to fetch our daughter, the priest reads overthe marriage-service, and the parents of the girl wash her feet andthose of her bridegroom; and, as they sit together after theceremonies, put into her arms a tray of gold and silver jewels, andrich clothes, such as their condition in life enables them toprovide; and then invoke the blessing of God upon their union; andthen, and not till then, do they feel that they have done their dutyto their child. What can men and women, who murder their daughters assoon as they are born, ever hope for in this life or in a futurestate? What can widows, conscious of such crimes, expect fromascending the funeral pile, with the bodies of their deceasedhusbands who have caused them to commit such crimes?" "And you thinkthat there really is merit in such sacrifices on the part of widows, who have done their duties in this life?"--"Assuredly I do, sir; ifthere were none, why should God render them go insensible to the painof burning? I have seen many widows burn themselves in my time, andwatched them from the time they first declared their intention totheir death; and they all seemed to me to feel nothing whatever fromthe flames: nothing, sir, but support from above could sustain themthrough such trials. Depend upon it, sir, that no widow of a Rajpootmurderer of his own offspring would ever be so supported; they knewvery well that they would not be so; and, therefore, very wiselynever ventured to expose themselves to the trial: faithful wives andgood mothers only could so venture. The Rajpoots, sir, and theirwives were pleased at the prohibition, because others could no longerdo what they dared not do!" "What do you think, Seetarum?"--"I think, sir, that this crime of infanticide had its origin solely in familypride, which will make people do almost anything. These proudRajpoots did not like to put it into any man's power to call them_salahs_ or _sussoors_, * (brothers-in-law or fathers-in-law). [* These are terms of abuse all over India. To call a man sussoor orsalah, in abuse, is to say to him, I have dishonoured your daughteror your sister!] "I remember an instance of a woman burning herself at Lasoora, sixmiles from Biswa, when I was fifteen years of age, and I am nowtwenty-five. She certainly seemed to suffer no pain. One forenoon shetold her husband that in a former birth she had promised him thatwhen he should be born a _maha brahman_ at Biswa, she would uniteherself in marriage to him, and live with him as his wife for twelveyears; that these twelve years had now expired, and that she had thatnight received intimation from Heaven that her real husband, _RajahKirpah Shunker_, of Muthura, had died without having been married inthis birth; that she was in reality his wife, and had already burntherself five times with his body, and would now mix her ashes withhis for the sixth time, and he must forthwith send her to the villageof Lasoora, where she would become a suttee. The husband wasastounded, for they had always lived together on the best possibleterms, and out of the four children they had had two still survived. He and all their relations did all they could to dissuade her, butshe disregarded them, and ran off to the Sewala (temple) in Biswa, which was built by my father. Thence she sent a Brahmin, by nameGokurn, to call me and my elder brother, Morlee Munohur, thenseventeen years of age. We went, and she told us that she had beenour mother in a former birth, and wished to see us once more beforeshe died; she blessed us, and prayed that we might have each fivesons, and then told us to arrange for her funeral pile at Lasoora, asall her former five suttees had been performed at that place. "We thought she was delirious, and no one supposed that she wouldreally burn herself. She, however, left the temple and proceededtowards Lasoora on foot, followed by a party of women and children, and by her husband, who continued to implore her to return home withhim. He had a litter with him to take her, but she would not listento him or to any one else. We reached Lasoora about an hour and ahalf before sunset, and she ordered the people to collect a largepile of wood for her, and told them that she would light it with aflame from her own mouth. They seemed to regard her as an inspiredperson, and did so. She mounted the pile, and it soon took fire, howI know not! Many people said they saw the flame come from her month, and all seemed to believe that it did so. The flames ascended, for itwas in the month of March, and the wood was dry, and she seemed to bequite happy as she sat in the midst of them, and was burnt to death. Her husband told us, that she had lost one son some years before, andanother only four days before she burnt herself, and that she hadbeen much afflicted at his death. Whether there really had been sucha person as Rajah Kirpah Shunker, no one ever thought it necessary toinquire. Her suttee tomb still stands at Lasoora among many others. Our mother was alive, though our father had been dead many years, andshe used to say that the poor woman must have become deranged at thedeath of her child. The people all believed that she told the truth, and the husband was obliged to yield, though he seemed muchafflicted. Her two sons still live, and reside at Biswa. " * [* Moorlee Monowur, a very respectable agricultural capitalist, tellsme, that all that his younger brother, Seetaram, told me, about thesuttee, if strictly true, and can be proved by a reference to thepoor woman's husband and sons, who still survive, and to the peopleof Bilwa and Lasoora. ] I asked the Amil, "How he fed, clothed, and lodged his prisoners?" Hesaid, "We always take them with us in our marches, secured in stocksor fetters. We cannot leave them behind, because we have no gaols orother places to keep them in, and require all our troops to move withus. As to food and clothing, they are obliged to provide themselves, or get their families or friends to provide them, for Government willnot let us charge anything for their subsistence and clothing in theaccounts. " "I understand that you and all other public servants who have chargeof prisoners not only make them provide themselves with food andclothing, but make them pay for lamp-oil, whether they have a lampburning at night or not?"--"When they require a lamp they must ofcourse pay for it, sir; prisoners are always a source of much anxietyto us, for if we send them to Lucknow, they are almost sure to be letout soon, on occasions of thanksgiving, or on payment of gratuities, and enabled to punish all who have assisted us in the arrest; andwith hosts of robbers around us, we are always in danger of anattempt to rescue them, which may cost us many lives. " "If the gaoldarogahs at Lucknow had not the power to sell his prisoners, sir, "said Bukhtawar Sing, "how should he be able to pay so much as he doesfor his place? He is obliged to pay five hundred rupees or more forhis place, and is not sure of holding it a month after he has boughtit, so many are the candidates for a place so profitable!" "But hegets a share of the subsistence money, paid for the prisoners fromthe Treasury, does he not?"--"Yes, sir; of the four pice a-day paidfor them by the King, he takes two, and sends them to beg through thecity for what more they require. " "If they get more than what hethinks they require from the public or their friends, he takes thesurplus from them, I am told?"--"It is very true, sir, I believe. Fellows, sir, who have no substantial friends, and cannot and willnot beg, soon sink under this scanty supply of food. " _February 27_, 1850--Sutrick, sixteen miles west, over a plain ofmuteear soil, tolerably well cultivated, and very well studded withtrees of the finest kinds, single, in clusters and in groves. Themango-trees are in blossom, and promise well. The trees are said tobear only one season out of three, but some bear in one season, andothers in another, so that the market is always supplied, though insome seasons more abundantly than in others. A cloudy sky andeasterly wind, while the trees are in blossom, are said to be veryinjurious. A large landholder told me that they never took a tax uponany of the trees, not even the mhowa-trees, but the owner could not, except upon particular occasions, dispose of one to be cut down, without the permission of the zumeendar upon whose lands it stood. Hemight cut down one without his permission for building or repairinghis house, or for fuel, on any occasion of marriage in his family, but not otherwise. A good many fine trees were, he said, destroyed bythe local officers of Government. Having no tents, they collected theroofs of houses from a neighbouring village in hot or bad weather, cut away the branches to make rafters, and left the trunks as pillarsto support the roofs, and under this treatment they soon died. Hetold me that cow-dung was cheaper for fuel than wood in thisdistrict, and consequently more commonly used in cooking; but thatthey gathered cow-dung for fuel only during four months in the year, November, December, January, and February; all that fell during theother eight months was religiously left, or stored for manure. In thepits in which they stored it, they often threw some of the inferiorgreen crops of autumn, such as kodo and kotkee; but the manure mostesteemed among them was _pigs' dung_--this, he said, was commonlystored and sold by those who kept pigs. The best muteear and doomutsoils, which prevail in this district, are rented at two rupees akutcha beegah, without reference to the crop which the cultivatormight take from them; and they yielded, under good tillage, from tento fifteen returns of the seed in wheat, barley, gram, &c. There aretwo and half or three kutcha beegahs in a pucka beegah; and a puckabeegah is from 2750 to 2760 square yards. Sutrick is celebrated for the shrine of Shouk Salar, alias _BordaBaba_, the father of Syud Salar, whose shrine is at Bahraetch. Thisperson, it is said, was the husband of the sister of Mahmood, ofGhuznee. He is supposed to have died a natural death at this place, while leading the armies of his sovereign against the Hindoos. Hisson had royal blood in his veins, and his shrine is held to be themost sacred of the two. A large fair is held here in March, on thesame days that this fair takes place at Bahraetch. All our Hindoocamp followers paid as much reverence to the shrine as they passed asthe Mahommedans. It is a place without trade or manufactures; but agood many respectable Mahommedan families reside in it, and havebuilt several small but neat mosques of burnt bricks. There is littlethoroughfare in the wretched road that passes through it. The Hindoos worship any sign of manifested might or power, thoughexerted against themselves, as they consider all might and power tobe conferred by the Deity for some useful purpose, however much thatpurpose may be concealed from us. "These invaders, however mercilessand destructive to the Hindoo race, say they must have been sent ontheir mission by God for some great and useful purpose, or they couldnot possibly have succeeded as they did: had their proceedings notbeen sanctioned by Him, he could at any moment have destroyed themall, or have interposed to arrest their progress. " These, however, are the speculations of only the thinking portion. At the bottom ofthe respect shown to such Mahommedan shrines, by the mass of Hindoos, there is always a strong ground-work of _hope_ or _fear_: the soul orspirit of the savage old man, who had been so well supported onearth, must still, they think, have some influence at the Court ofHeaven to secure them good or work them evil, and they invoke orpropitiate him accordingly. They would do the same to the tomb ofAlexander, Jungez Khan, Tymour, or Nadir Shah, without any perplexinginquiries as to their creed or liturgy. _February 28_, 1850. --Chinahut, eleven miles west, over a plainintersected by several small streams, the largest of which is theRete, near Sutrick. There is a good deal of kunkur-lime in the groundover which we have passed today; but the tillage is good where theland is at all level, and the crops are fine. The plain is cut uphere and there by some ravines, but they are small and shallow, andrender but a small portion of the surface unfit for tillage. Thebanks of the small streams are, for the most part, cultivated up tothe water's edge. We passed the Rete over a nice bridge, built by Rajah Bukhtawar Singtwenty-five years ago, at a cost of twenty-five thousand rupees, outof his own purse. He told me that one morning, in the rains, he cameto the bank of this river, on his way to Lucknow from Jeytpoor, atown which we passed yesterday, and found it so swollen that he wasobliged to purchase some large earthen jars, and form a raft uponthem to take over himself and followers. While preparing his raft, which took a whole day, he heard that from five to ten persons weredrowned, in attempting to cross this little river, every year, andthat people were often detained upon the bank for four or five daystogether. He resolved to save people from all this evil; and as soonas he got home set about building this bridge, and got it readybefore the next rains. It is a substantial work, with three goodarches. About two miles on this side of the bridge he pointed out tome the single tree, near a mango-grove, where some eighteen or twentyyears ago he overtook a large balloon, which the King, Nuseer-od DeenHyder, had got made in the Dilkosha Park at Lucknow. It was made, hetells me, by a tall and slender young English gentleman, who visitedLucknow, with his uncle, for the special purpose of constructing andascending in this machine. "When it was all ready, sir, the young mangot into a small boat that was suspended under it, taking with him agun and some artificial fish. We asked him what he intended to dowith a gun in the clouds; and he told us, that in the sky he was indanger of meeting large birds that might hurt the balloon, and thegun was necessary to frighten them off. As the balloon began toascend the old gentleman's eyes filled with tears, and I asked himwhy. He told me, that this young man's father had fallen into thesea, and been drowned; and he was always afraid, when the son wentup, that he might never see him alive again. "The King was sitting at the window in the upper story of theDilkosha house, with some English gentlemen, when the balloon passedup close by, and the gentleman took off his hat and bowed gracefullyas he passed, at which the King seemed much pleased. I commanded aregiment of Dragoons, and the King told me to take a party of myboldest and best-mounted men and follow the balloon. I selectedseventeen, and we were all ready in our saddles. The balloon wentstraight up, and we lost sight of the man and the boat in which hesat. The machine, though it was sixty feet long, including boat andall, and twelve feet wide, seemed at last to be no larger than asmall water-jug. Below we had no wind, but we soon saw the balloondriven by an upper current to the eastward, along the Fyzabad road. We followed as fast as the horses could carry us, crossed the Goomteeriver over the old stone bridge, and passed many travellers on theroad staring at the extraordinary machine, for they had heard nothingabout it, and we had no time to tell them. When we had gone aboutseventeen miles, the balloon began to descend. It was in the month ofMarch, and the weather was hot, and I had lost three horses before itcame to the ground. The young man then began to let go his fish, andthey came fluttering down, while the oil-cloths about the balloonmade a noise like the growling of a wild beast. Seeing the enormousmachine going at this rate, followed by us at full speed, the peoplealong the road, who are always numerous in the morning, became sopanic-struck that a great many fell down senseless upon their faces, and some of them could not be got to rise for some hours afterwards. "We were not far from it when it approached the ground, and sweptalong on the border of this grove, on our left. Fortunately for theyoung man, it did not strike any trees. He was dressed all in black, and a very tall, handsome young man he was. As soon as he foundhimself near enough to the ground, he jumped out, holding one rope inhis hand, and tried to stop the balloon, calling out to the people onthe road, as loud as he could, _puckaro, puckaro!_--seize, seize! Wewere then within two hundred yards of it, and at full speed; and, instead of helping the young man, the people on the road, thinkingthe order was to seize them, fell down flat on their faces, unable tolook upon the balloon, or utter a word. They all thought that it wassome terrible demon from above come to seize and devour them. When wehad headed it a little, we all sprang from our saddles, joined theyoung man at the ropes, and lashed them round anything we could find, as we were being dragged along. The young man took out his penknife, and gave the balloon a gash in the side, to let out the _smoke_ thatinflated it, and it collapsed and stopped. The first thing, sir, thatthe young man did was to call for fire, take a cigar from hiswaistcoat pocket, and begin to smoke, while we went to the assistanceof the panic-struck travellers, many of whom were still lyingsenseless on the ground. We got water, and threw it in their faces;and when they were able to sit up, we mounted the young man upon oneof our horses, and took him back slowly to Lucknow. He told me thatit was so very cold above, that it gave him a severe headache, andthat he found a cigar a good thing to remove it. The King was veryglad when we brought him back, and he gave him several thousandrupees over and above the cost of making the balloon, and providinghim and his uncle during their stay. They soon after left Lucknow forLahore, and what became of them I know not. " Passing a Mahommedan village, I asked some of the landholders, whowalked along by the side of my elephant, to talk of their grievances, whether they ever used pigs' dung for manure. They seemed very muchsurprised and shocked, and asked how I could suppose that Mahommedanscould use such a thing. "Come, " said Bukhtawar Sing, "do not attemptto deceive the Resident. He has been all over India, and knows verywell that Mahommedans do not keep or eat pigs; but he knows, also, that there is no good cultivator in Oude who does not use the dung ofpigs for manure; and you know that there is no other manure, save'pigeons' dung, that is so good. " "We often purchase _manure_ fromthose who prepare it, " said the landholders, "and do not askquestions about what it may be composed of; but the greater part ofthe manure we use is the cow-dung which falls in the season of therains, and is stored exclusively for that purpose. In the dry months, sir, the dung of cows, bullocks, buffaloes, &c. , is gathered, formedinto cakes, and stacked for fuel; but in the rains it is all throwninto pits and stored for manure. " Chinahut is the point from which we set out on the 2nd of December, and here I was met by the prime minister, Nawab Allee Nakee Khan, andthe chancellor of the exchequer, Maharajah Balkrishun, to whom Iexplained my views as to the measures which ought to be adopted tosave the peaceful and industrious portion of his Majesty's subjectsfrom the evils which now so grievously oppress them. Here closes my pilgrimage of three months in Oude; and I can safelysay that I have learnt more of the state of the country, and thecondition and requirements of the people, than I could possibly havelearnt in a long life passed exclusively at the capital of Lucknow. Any general remarks that I may have to make on what I have seen andheard during the pilgrimage I must defer to a future period. At four in the afternoon, I left Chinahut, and returned to Lucknow. At the old race-stand, about three miles from the Residency, I wasmet by the heir-apparent, and drove with him, in his carriage, to theFurra Buksh Palace, where we alighted for a few minutes, to gothrough the usual tedious ceremonies of an Oriental Court. On the waywe were met by Mr. Hamilton, the chaplain, and his lady. Dr. And Mrs. Bell, and Captain Bird, the First Assistant, and his brother andguest. After the ceremony, I took leave of the Prince, and reachedthe Resident at six o'clock. My wife and children had left me atPeernuggur, to return, for medical advice, to the Residency, where Ihad the happiness to find them well, and glad to see me. Havingbroken my left thigh hone, near the hip joint, in a fall from myhorse, in April, 1849, I was unable to mount a horse during the tour, and went in a tonjohn the first half of the stage, and on an elephantthe last half, that I might see as much as possible of the countryover which we were passing. The pace of a good elephant is about thatof a good walker, and I had generally some of the landholders andcultivators riding or walking by my side to talk with. END OF THE TOUR. PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE RELATING TO THE ANNEXATION OF THE KINGDOM OF OUDE TO BRITISH INDIA. __________________________ Camp, Nawabgunge, 5th December, 1849. My Dear Bird, I had heard from Mahomed Khan what you mention regarding theimposition practised on the King by the singers; but from his havingconferred a khilaut on the knaves, they supposed that he had, asusual, pardoned all. If you have grounds to believe that the King isprepared to punish them, or to acquiesce in their punishment, prayask an audience and ascertain his Majesty's wishes. When we lastwent, I was in hopes that he would tell me that he wished to berelieved of their presence, and did all I could to encourage him todo so. If the King wishes to have them removed, encourage him to giveimmediate orders to the minister to confine them; and offer anyassistance that may be required to take them across the Ganges, orput them into safe custody. When it is done, it must be donepromptly. As to the Taj Mahal, I went on an order by Richmond, "that the Kingshould put a Mahaldarnee upon her if he wished. " I was told that suchwas Richmond's order, and I give mine in consequence. I will refer tothe Dufter for his order. But you must at once insist upon allsipahees being withdrawn from her house. This order was given by meand should be enforced by you. I said that the Mahaldarnee mightremain, but it must be alone, without sipahees, &c. On emergency, act of course on your own discretion I only wish thatthe King may be induced to consent to the removal of all the singers, and meddling eunuchs also. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Bird, First Assistant. Sadik Allee should be secured, and punished with the rest. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. __________________________ Camp, Bahraetch, 10th December, 1849. My Dear Bird, The conduct of the singers which exasperated the King had noreference to public matters with which he was pledged not to permitthem to interfere; and my only request was, that you should offeryour aid in removing them should his Majesty indicate any wish forit. The King said he would himself punish them for their conduct bybanishment across the Ganges, and he must be left to do so: it wasnot from any demand made by us, but from resentment for a personalaffront, or an affront to his understanding. We cannot call upon theKing to do what he said he would do under such circumstances, butmust leave it to himself. The removal of two out of a dozen fellowsof this description will be of no use--their places will soon befilled by others. Any attempt on your part to supply their places bybetter men will only tend to indispose the King towards them; and itis no part of our duty to dictate to his Majesty with whom he shallassociate in his private hours. I have had abundant proof that, to reduce the influence of thepresent favourites, has no tendency to throw the power into betterhands--no authority of any kind taken from them has, by the minister, been confided to better men; the creatures of one are not a whitbetter than the creatures of the other. If his Majesty were to rousehimself, and apply his own mind to business, we might hope for somegood, and I see little chance of this. You are not to order that the King fulfil his promise, because, as Ihave said, it was no pledge made on the requisition of our Governmenton the Resident. If he does not fulfil it, it is only one proof moreadded to a hundred of his exceeding weakness. There are at least adozen worse men now influencing all that the King and minister dothan Kotab Alee and Gholam Ruza. The last order given regarding TajMahal by me was, that she should admit a Mahaldarnee from the King, but that no sipahees should be forced upon her. I wrote to the Kingto this effect, and my order must be enforced. I am told by themoonshee, that when the King expressed a wish to have such guardiansupon many, Richmond replied that he might have one upon Taj Mahal, who had given such proof of profligacy. It was not a judicialdecision, to be referred to as a guide under all circumstances, but amere arrangement which might any day require to be altered. Taj Mahalis so profligate and insolent a woman, that if she refuses to obey myorder, and receive the King's Mahaldarnee, I shall withdraw theResidents. After what the Governor-General had told the King in November, 1847, regarding what our Government would feel itself bound to do, unlesshis Majesty conducted the duties of a sovereign better than he hadhitherto done; and after the experience we have since had of hisentire neglect of those duties, you should not, I think, have saidwhat you mention having said to him, that our Government had no wishto deprive him of one iota of the power he had. It was a declarationnot called for by the circumstances, or necessary on the occasion, and should have been avoided, as it is calculated to impair theimpression of his responsibility for the exercise of his power. Nosovereign ever showed a greater disregard for the duties andresponsibilities of his high office than he has done hitherto, and asour Government holds itself answerable to the people of Oude for abetter administration, he should not be encouraged in the notion thathe may always show the same disregard with impunity--that is, continue to retain every iota of his power whether he exercised itproperly or not. No man, I believe, ever felt more anxious for thewelfare of the King, his family, and country, than I do; but unlesshe exercises his fearful power better, I should be glad, for the sakeof all, to see the whole, or part of it, in better hands. The minister has his Motroussil with me, and I have dailycommunications of what is done or proposed to be done, and you may besure that I lose no occasion of admonition. I did not mentionanything you said regarding your interview with the King in yourletter to Mahomed Khan; but in a few hours after your letter came hegot the whole from the minister, and reported it to me. He wants usto undertake the work of turning out the King's favourites, that hemay get all the power they lose, without offending his master by anyappearance of moving in the matter. We go hence to-morrow; hope to be at Gonda on the 14th, and Fyzabadon the 18th. I have requested the post-master to send all our lettersto Fyzabad by the regular dawk from Thursday next, the 13th. FromFyzabad I will arrange for their coming to my camp. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Bird, &c. &c. __________________________ Camp, Ghunghole, 12th December, 1849. My Dear Bird, I got your letter of the 9th instant last night, at our last ground. In what you have done, you have not, I think, acted discreetly. Youasked me whether, in any case of emergency, you should act on yourdiscretion, and I told you in reply that you might do so; but surely, whether the King should have a dozen singers or only ten could not beconsidered one of such pressing emergency as not to admit of yourwaiting for instructions from me, or, at least, for a reply to yourletter. The King has told you truly, that the matter in which theoffenders had transgressed had reference to his house, and not to hisGovernment or ours. This is a distinction which you appear to havelost sight of from the first. If I demand reparation from another forwrong or insults suffered from his servants, and he promises topunish them by dismissal from his service but afterwards relents anddetains them, I consider it due to myself and my character to insistupon the fulfilment of his promise; but if I voluntarily visit anyfriend who has at last become sensible of the impositions of hisservants which had long been manifest to all his neighbours, with aview to encourage him in his laudable resolution to dismiss them fromhis service, and to offer my aid in effecting the object should herequire it, and he promises me not to swerve from it, but afterwardsrelents and retains the impostors, I pity his weakness, but I do notconsider it due to myself, or to my character, to insist upon hisfulfilling his promise. By considering two cases so very distinct, the same, you have placed yourself in a disagreeable situation, for Icannot support you; that is, I can neither demand that therequisitions made by you be complied with, nor can I tell the Kingthat I approve of them. Had you waited for my reply, which was sentoff from Bahraetch on the 10th, you would have saved yourself allthis annoyance and mortification. It has arisen from an overweeningconfidence in your personal influence over his Majesty; the fact is, I believe that no European gentleman ever has had or ever will haveany personal influence over him, and I very much doubt whether anyreal native gentleman will ever have any. He never has felt anypleasure in their society, and I fear never will. He has hithertofelt easy only in the society of such persons as those with whom henow exclusively associates, and to hope that he will ever feel easywith persons of a better class is vain. I am perfectly satisfied, inspite of the oath he has taken in the name of his God, and on thehead of his minister, that he made to you the promise you mention;and I am no less satisfied that the minister wished for the removalof the singers, provided it should be effected through us without hisappearing to his master to move in the matter, and that he wishedtheir removal solely with a view to acquire for himself the authoritythey had possessed. You should not have any more audiences with theKing without previous reference to me; nothing is likely to occur torequire it. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Bird, &c. &c. __________________________ Camp, Fyzabad, 18th December, 1819. My Dear Bird, I send you the letter which you wish to refer to. As you quote myfirst letter, pray let me see it. I kept no copy, but have a distinctrecollection of what I intended to say in it regarding this affair ofthe singers. It shall be sent back to you. The term "indiscreet" hadreference only to your second visit, and demand from the King of thefulfilment of his promise. I had no fault whatever to find with yourfirst visit. The term "private" must have had reference, not to thepromise or to the person to whom it was made, but to the offence withwhich the singers stood charged. It was an affront offered to theKing's understanding that he took affront at, and whether he had madea promise to resent it as such to me, or to you could make nodifference. If he did not fulfil it, we should pity this furtherinstance of his weakness, but could have no right to insist upon hisdoing so. Even had the offence been an interference in publicaffairs, and breach of the King's engagements, I should not havedemanded their banishment without a reference to the Governor-General, because the delay of waiting for instructions involved nodanger or serious inconvenience; that is, I should not have demandedit when the King was so strongly opposed to it. I must distinctlydeny that you demanded the King's fulfilment of his promise inconformity to any instructions received from me, or in accordancewith my views of what was right or expedient in this matter. Yoursecond visit and demand were neither in conformity to the one nor inaccordance with the other. You must have put a construction upon whatI wrote which it cannot fairly bear. By "requisitions" I mean yourrequirements that the two men should be banished by the King, according to his promise. No notice has been made to me of your visitby the Court, and I have therefore had no occasion to say anythingwhatever about it in my communications to the Court, nor shall I haveany I suppose. In your letter of the 4th instant, you say, withregard to the Taj Mahal's case, "Not knowing whether you do or do notwish me to act in any sudden emergency during your absence, Isuppose, therefore, that had you had any such wish you would haveinstructed me on the subject. " In reply, I requested that you wouldso act on your own discretion in any such sudden case of emergency. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Bird, &c. &c. __________________________ Camp, Mahomdee, 2nd February, 1850. My Dear Sir Erskine, Had it not been too late for you to join my camp conveniently, Ishould have asked you to run out and see a little of the country andpeople of Oude, after you had seen so much of those of the HonourableCompany's dominions. A few years of tolerable government would makeit the finest country in India, for there is no part of India with somany advantages from nature. I have seen no soil finer; the wholeplain of which it is composed is capable of tillage; it is everywhereintersected by rivers, flowing from the snowy chain of the Himmalaya, which keep the moisture near the surface at all times, withoutcutting up any of the land on their borders into deep ravines; it isstudded with the finest groves and single trees, as much as the loverof the picturesque could wish; it has the boldest and mostindustrious peasantry in India, and a landed aristocracy too strongfor the weak and wretched Government; it is, for the most part, wellcultivated; yet with all this, one feels, in travelling over it, asif he was moving among a people suffering under incurable physicaldiseases, from the atrocious crimes every day perpetrated withimpunity, and the numbers of suffering and innocent people whoapproach him, in the hope of redress, and are sent away in despair. I think your conclusion regarding the source of the signs you saw ofbeneficial interference in the north-west provinces a fair one. ALieutenant-Governor is able to see all parts of the country under hischarge every year, or nearly all; and while he is sufficiently"monarch of all he surveys" to feel an interest in, and to providefor the general good, he has a sufficient knowledge of the internalmanagement of particular districts to control the proceedings of thelocal officers. He is also well seconded in a very efficient Board ofRevenue. But I must not indulge in these matters any further, till Ihave the pleasure of meeting you where we can talk freely about them. I trust that all at Lucknow will be conducted to your satisfactionand that of Mrs. Erskine. I have this morning received a note fromMr. Erskine, who left you, it appears, before the little heir-apparent returned your visit. I expect to complete my tour and returnto Lucknow on the 20th, when I shall have seen all that I required tosee, to understand the working of the existing system, and theprobable effects of any suggested changes. With kind regards to Mrs. Erskine, Believe me, Yours very sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir Erskine Perry. P. S. --I must not omit to thank you for the expression of yourfavourable opinion of the "Rambles. " There is one thing of which Ican assure you, that the conversations mentioned in it are genuine, and give the real thoughts and opinions of the people on the subjectsthey embrace. W. H. S. __________________________ Lucknow, 26th April, 1850. My Dear Elliot, I did not send Weston's letters with the other papers, because theywere not written in an official form. He was the senior officer withthe force, and had authority from the Durbar to call upon all local, civil, and military authorities to co-operate in the work; but he didnot take upon himself the command, or write in official form. Heinspired all with harmony and energy, and brought the whole strengthof the little force to bear upon the right points at the right time. The head of Prethee Put of Paska was cut off by Captain Magness'ssipahees after his death, to be sent to the King as a trophy, butCaptain Weston would not let it come in. The body was offered to hisfamily and friends for interment, but none of the family or tribe(Kolhun's Rajpoots) would have anything to do with the funeralceremonies of a man who had murdered his eldest brother and the headof his tribe. The body was, with the head, put into a sheet, taken tothe river Ghagra, and committed to the stream, to flow to the Ganges, as the best interment for a Hindoo. These sipahees knew nothing ofthe man's history; but the people who saw the affair from the DhundeeFort mentioned that the body was thrown into the river at the preciseplace where he had thrown in that of his eldest brother, aftermurdering him in the boat with his own hands, as stated in theextract from my Diary; and all believe that this retribution arisesfrom an interposition from above. The eldest son of the murderedbrother will, I hope, be put into possession of the estate. The Governor-General may like to peruse these letters, and I sendthem. They give, perhaps, a fuller and better account of what wasdone, and the manner in which it was done, than more studiedcompositions, in an official form, would have given. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir H. M. Elliot, K. C. B. __________________________ Lucknow, 8th July, 1850. My Dear Sir James, I feel that my Indian career, which has now lasted forty years, mustbe drawing to a close, and I am anxious for the settlement in life ofmy only son, now between seventeen and eighteen years of age. Havingno personal claims upon any member of the Home Government of India, Isolicit the insertion of his name on his Grace the Duke ofWellington's list of candidates for a commission in the Dragoons; andhe is now preparing for his examination under the care of Mr. Yeatman, at Westow Hill, Norwood, Surrey, near London. But he isambitious to obtain an appointment to Bengal, where his father hasserved so long, and may, possibly, have friends and recollectionsthat might be useful to him in the early part of his career. It fallsto the lot of few to have the opportunities that I have had to carryout the benevolent views of Government in measures of great andgeneral benefit to the people, and to secure their gratitude andaffection to their rulers. All the measures which I have beenemployed to carry out have tended to display the benevolentsolicitude of the Government of India for the welfare of the peoplecommitted to its charge; the object of all has been the greatersecurity of life and property throughout the country, the greaterconfidence of the people in the wisdom and efficiency of our rule, and their greater feeling of interest in this stability. Thesemeasures, as far as they have been confided to my care, have allsucceeded; but, as I have stated (p. 79) in a printed report, a copyof which will be sent to you, they have neither flattered thevainglory of any particular nation, nor enlisted on their side theself-love of any influential class or powerful individual, and theyhave, in consequence, been attended with little _éclat_. They have, however, tended to secure to the Government the gratitude andaffection of the people of India, and are measures of which thatGovernment may justly feel proud. The stability of our Government inIndia must depend less upon our military victories than upon theconfidence and affection with which our civil and politicaladministration may inspire the great mass of the people. The generalbelief is, that our object is their substantial good, and that we areinstruments in the hands of Divine Providence to effect that object. In our military glory they can feel no sympathy, and in ourterritorial acquisitions little interest; but they can and doappreciate every measure which tends to improve the security of life, property, and industry through the land--to restore the bond of goodfeeling between the Government and governed, where it has for a timebeen severed or impaired by accident--to provide the people withworks tending to improve their comfort and convenience--to mitigatesufferings from calamities of season, and to encourage all to exertthemselves honestly in their proper sphere. In carrying out the viewsof Government in such measures, and such only, has my life in Indiabeen spent; and for doing so to the best of my humble ability I have, I believe, done much to make its rule revered throughout India. It isby such measures that the respect and confidence of the great mass ofthe people have been secured, so as to enable Europeans, male andfemale, to pass from one end of the country to the other with theassurance, not only that they will suffer no personal injury, but nomark of disrespect. Should anything occur to deprive us of thisconfidence and respect among the great mass of the people, therecollection of our victories, and assurance of our superior militaryorganization will avail us but little; and it is as one who haszealously and successfully aided Government in securing them, that Inow venture to address you, in the hope that you will--if you can doso consistently with your public duties and pledges to others--opento my son the same career of usefulness by conferring upon him anomination to the civil service of India. He is now five months aboveseventeen years of age; and by the time he is eighteen, he will, Ihope, under Mr. Yeatman's judicious care, be able to pass hisexamination for Haileybury, should he, through your means, obtainthis the utmost object of his ambition. Over and above the desire tofollow his father's footsteps in India, he is anxious to avoid thenecessity of encroaching so much upon the small means I have toprovide for his four sisters, by entering so expensive a branch ofthe public service as the Dragoons. I know the great nature of thefavour I ask from you. It is the first favour that I have ever askedfrom any member of the Home Government of India; and I solicit itfrom you solely on the ground of service rendered to the Governmentand people of India. I am told that I must address my application toan individual; and I address it to you, under the impression that youare the member with whom such ground is likely to meet with mostconsideration;--not that I think any member of the Honourable Courtwould disregard it; for I believe, after long and varied experiencein public affairs, and much thought and reading, that no bodyintrusted with the Government of a distant possession ever performedtheir duties with more earnest solicitude for its welfare than theCourt of Directors of the Honourable East India Company; but becauseyour public career has inspired me with more confidence than that ofany other member of the Court as now constituted. If you cannot grantme the favour I ask, you will, I know, pardon the liberty I havetaken in asking it. And believe me, with great respect, Yours faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart. __________________________ Lucknow, 20th September, 1850. My Dear Sir Charles, The papers give us reason to hope that it is your intention to visitLucknow on your way down from the hills, and if you can make itconvenient to come, I shall be rejoiced to have the opportunity ofshowing you all that is worth seeing, and be able to afford all whocome with you, ladies and gentlemen, accommodation. The only road to Lucknow for carriages is from Cawnpore, and if youcome that way, I will have carriages sent for you. If you come by anyother road, I will have elephants sent to whatever place you maymention, and tents if required. It has been usual, when theCommander-in-chief visits Lucknow, for Government to intimate theintention to the King through the Resident in Oude, that preparationmay be made for his reception in due form. I mention this that you may make known your wish or intention to theGovernor-General, in time for me to prepare the King and his Court. From Cawnpore to this is only a drive of six hours, the distancebeing fifty miles, and the road good. All officers, &c. , will be gladto have an opportunity of paying their respects to theirdistinguished Chief. Believe me, Yours very faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To his ExcellencySir Charles Napier, G. C. B. , &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 7th November, 1850. My Dear Allan, In the "Englishman" of the 28th, and the "Hurkara" of the 29th, thereare some strictures on Oude affairs. The editors of both papers are, I believe, sturdy, honest men; but their correspondents are notacquainted with the merits of the particular case referred to, orwith Oude affairs generally. I vouch for the truth of everythingstated in the enclosed paper, and shall feel obliged if you will giveit to the one most likely, in your opinion, to make a fair use of it. There can be no harm in putting an editor in possession of the realtruth in a question involving not only individual but nationalhonour; for he must be anxious to make his paper the vehicle of truthon all such questions. I do not like to address either of the editors, because Governmentexpect all their servants will abstain from doing so in their ownvindication, and will leave their honour in their keeping. I havedone so since 1843, and should now do so were I alone concerned inthis affair. You may mention my name as authority for what is stated, but pray let it be mentioned confidentially. Government has beeninformed of the truth, and it is well that the public should be so. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN To J. Allan, Esq. __________________________ Lucknow, 17th November, 1850. My Dear Sir James, I thank you for your very kind letter of the 7th ultimo: my son ispreparing for his examination, and expects his commission in someregiment of cavalry very soon. He has not only become reconciled toit, but would, I believe, now prefer remaining at home as a cavalryofficer to coming to India in any capacity. As I have only one son, and he has four sisters to look after, I should be unwilling to havehim sent out to India as a cadet, were he anxious to be so. A goodregiment is an excellent school for a young man, but no school couldbe worse than a bad regiment; and among so many, there must always besome bad. I have seen some of the sons of my old friends utterlyruined in character and constitution by being posted to suchregiments when too young to think for themselves. I feel, however, asgrateful to you for your very kind offer as I should be, were I toavail myself of it. If I return to England, I shall take advantage of the earliestopportunity to pay my respects and become personally acquainted withyou; but I have no intention to leave India as long as I feel that Ican perform efficiently the duties intrusted to me. I had a few days ago, in referring to Government an importantquestion that must some day come before you, occasion to mention animportant and interesting fact. During the last collision with theSeiks, I found that the Government securities kept up their valuehere, while in Calcutta they fell a good deal; and the merchants hereemployed agents in Calcutta to purchase largely for sale here. Paperto the value of more than three millions sterling, or three crores ofrupees, is held by people residing in the city of Lucknow, and thepeople had never the slightest doubt that we should be ultimatelytriumphant. The question was whether heirs and executors of personsdomiciled here and leaving property in Government securities, shouldapply to Her Majesty's Supreme Court in Calcutta, for probates towills and letters of administration, or whether an act should bepassed to render the decision of the highest Court at Lucknow, countersigned, by the Resident, as valid as the certificate of ajudge in our own provinces, as far as such property in Governmentsecurities might be concerned. A provision of this sort had beenomitted in Act 20 of 1841, which was considered applicable to allBritish India, of which the kingdom of Oude was held to form a part. We have now a fair prospect of long peace, during which I hope ourfinances will improve. The lavish life-pensions granted after wars inCentral and Southern India will be lapsing with the death of thepresent incumbents, many of whom are becoming old and infirm, and ourmeans of transit and irrigation will increase with the new workswhich are being formed, and we shall always have it in our power toaugment our revenue from indirect taxation, as wealth and industryincrease. Believe me, My Dear Sir James, Very faithfully and obligedly yours, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart. __________________________ Lucknow, 2nd March, 1851. My Lord, The mail of the 24th January has just come in, and I find my only sonHenry Arthur gazetted for the 16th Dragoons. He told me by the lastmail that he was to be so if he passed his examination on the 10th ofthat month, which he hoped to do; but I deferred writing to thank youfor your kind exertions in his behalf till his name should appear inthe "Gazette. " I pray your Lordship to accept my most gratefulacknowledgments for this act of kindness, added as it has been to themany others which I have received at your hands. It is not the lessvaluable that it is the only favour I have received from Englandsince I left it more than forty years ago, though, I believe, fewhave done more to benefit the people of its eastern dominions, and tosecure for it their esteem and affection. I trust that my son will never do anything to make your Lordshipregret the favour conferred upon me and him on this occasion. He is, I believe, in disposition, manners, and education a little gentleman;and in time he will, I hope, become a good officer. If I might take the liberty, I would pray your Lordship to offer, insuch terms as may appear to you suitable, my grateful acknowledgmentsfor the consideration I have received, to his Grace the Duke ofWellington, and to Lord Fitzroy Somerset. My London Agents, Messrs. Denay, Clark, and Co. , of Austin Friars, have been instructed to payfor my son's commission and outfit, and to provide him with the fundsindispensably necessary in addition to his pay. We shall now look with much interest to the Parliamentary discussionson Indian affairs, for we must expect some important changes on therenewal of the Charter. Whatever these changes may be for the home orlocal Government, I trust the benefit of the people of India will beconsidered the main point, and not the triumph of a party. Thestatesman who shall link India more closely with New Zealand will bea benefactor to both England and India, and that colony also. Itmight, with advantage to itself, take those children of Indianofficers who cannot find employment of any kind in India, and oughtnot to be thrown back upon the mother-country. With this view, itmight be useful to transfer our orphan institutions to that island, to direct that way our invalid and pensioned officers, who, whilesubsisting upon their pensions or stipends, would be able toestablish their children in a climate suitable to the preservation oftheir race, which that of India certainly is not. India is at present tranquil, and likely to remain so. We have nonative chiefs, or combination of native chiefs, to create uneasiness;and if we continue to satisfy the great body of the people that weare anxious, to the best of our ability, to promote their happinessand welfare, and are the most impartial arbitrators that they couldhave, we shall have nothing to fear. The moment that this mass isimpressed with the belief that we wish to govern India only forourselves, or as the French govern Algiers, from that moment we mustlose our vantage ground and decline. We may war against the nativechiefs of India, but we cannot war against the people--we need notfear what may be called political dangers, but we must guardcarefully against those of a social character which would uniteagainst us the members of all classes and all creeds. But I must no longer indulge in speculations of this sort, in whichyou can now feel little interest amidst the important changes whichare now taking place in the institutions and relations of Europeannations. With grateful recollections of kindness received, and greatrespect, I remain, Your Lordship's obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Right Hon. The Earl of Ellenborough. P. S. --Since writing the above, I have received your Lordship's letterof the 18th of January, and have been much gratified with thefavourable opinion you entertain of the commandant and officers. Itis the best assurance I could have of my boy being safe. Nothingcould be more auspicious than the opening of the lad's career, and Itrust he will profit by the advantage. __________________________ Lucknow, 18th March, 1851. My Dear Sir Erskine, I have read over with much interest the two small works you have doneme the favour to send me, the one on Buddhism, and the other on LawReform; but I have not ventured upon the Seventh Report of the Boardof Education yet, because I have had a good deal to do and thinkabout; and a good deal of it is in small print, very trying for myeyes, which are none of the strongest. I shall, however, soon readit. I concur in all your views about the necessity of throwing overboardthe whole system of special pleading, and have been amused with SirJ. P. Grant's horror of your proposed innovations. It is not lessthan that which he expressed at the little Macaulay Code, intended toblow up the whole pyramid raised by "the wisdom of our ancestors, " inwhich so many illustrious characters he entombed. He was, indeed, asyou say, "a great _laudator temporis acti_;" but the number of thoselike him at all times in England and its distant possessions isfearful. One likes to look to America in this as in all thingstending to advancement; but there the "damned spot" stares us in theface, blights our hopes, and crushes our sympathies--hideous slavery--hideous alike in the recollection of the past, the contemplation ofthe present, and the anticipation of the future. I wish two things--1. That you would write a work on the subject less "sketchy andperfunctory, " as you call it, so that any one not versed in Englishlaw and procedure might be able to understand it and appreciate itthoroughly. 2nd. That you would, when relieved from your presentoffice, come out as our law member of council, to press your views onour Government with effect. With these law reforms, as withrailroads, there were less impediments in India than in England; butthere is one thing that I would observe. In our own Indian Courts ourjudges would--for a time at least--want the aid of honest _masters_to condense and report upon cases under trial. Such men would be madein time; and in considering such things, we must recollect thatalmost the only persons in India who can send agents into all partsof it, with a perfect assurance of honest dealing, are the nativemerchants and bankers. But I won't dwell on this subject. I can'tfind amongst the numerous Buddhists here, one who knows anythingabout "Kapila vasta, " which you place near to Lucknow. I should liketo visit the birth-place of a man who did so much for mankind asSakeen Gantama. He would hardly have done as I have, placed my only son in the 16thLancers. However, I may console myself, for he may be in it a longtime without doing much mischief, for I do hope that the people ofthe nations of modern Europe are too strong and too wise to let theirsovereigns and ministers play such fantastic tricks as they were"wont to play, " when George the 3rd, and Edward the 3rd, and Henrythe 5th were kings. Property, good sense, and good business havegreatly increased and spread, and are every day producing goodfruits. Believe me, Yours very trusting, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir Erskine Perry, &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 31st March, 1851. My Dear Sir, I grieve to say that I can do nothing whatever for the son of my latefriend Colonel Ouseley, and have been obliged to write to him to thateffect, as to many other sons of old and valued friends whom I shouldbe glad to aid if I could. Tens of thousands of the most happy families I have seen in India oweall they have to the able and judicious management of the lateColonel Ouseley when in the civil charge of the districts ofHoushengabad and Baitool, in the Saugor territories; and no man'smemory is more dear to the people of those districts than his now is. The family of a man who had done so much to make his governmentbeloved and respected over so large a field should never want if Icould prevent it; but I have no situations whatever in my gift, norhave I any influence over any persons who have such situations tobestow. Believe me, Yours truly, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Harrington. __________________________ Lucknow, 24th November 1851. My Lord, Lucknow affairs are now in a state to require the assumption of theentire management of the country; and the principal question for yourLordship's consideration is, whether this shall be done by a newtreaty or by simple proclamation. Treaties not only justify butenjoin the measure; our pledges to the people demand it; and allIndia are, I believe, satisfied of its justice, provided we leave therevenues for the maintenance of the royal family in suitable dignity, and for the benefit of the people. We may disencumber our Government of the pay of two regiments of OudeLocal Infantry, and incorporate them with the Oude force to beraised, and of that of the officers of the residency, altogetherabout two lacs and a-half of rupees; and when things are settled downa little, the brigade now here--of three infantry regiments and acompany of artillery, costing some four lacs more--may be dispensedwith, perhaps. If I may be permitted to give an opinion as to the best mode of thetwo, I should say proclamation, as the more dignified. I have prepared all the information I believe your Lordship willrequire, and am ready to wait upon you with it when and where it mayseem most convenient. The treasury is exhausted, and fifty lacs are required to pay thestipendiaries of the royal family and establishments; and assuredlyall the members of that family, save the King's own household, arewishing for some great measure to place them under the guarantee ofthe British Government. The people all now wish for it, at least allthe well-disposed, for there is not a man of integrity or humanityleft in any office. The King's understanding has become altogetheremasculated; and though he would not willingly do harm to any one, heis unable to protect any one. He would now, I believe, willingly getrid of his minister; and, having exhausted the treasury, the ministerwould not much dislike to get rid of him. I shall do my best toprevent his being released from the responsibility of his misdoingstill I meet your Lordship. I should like, if possible, to meet yourLordship where there is likely to be the least crowd of expectantsand parade to take up your time and distract your attention. If atCawnpore, I hope you will permit me to have my camp on the Oude sideof the river, with a tent in your camp for business during the day. With your Lordship's commands to attend, it will be desirable to havean order to make over my treasury to the First Assistant, to preventdelay. Should you desire any memoranda to be sent, they shall beforwarded as soon as ordered. If any further public report upon thestate of Oude affairs appears to be required, I must pray yourLordship to let me know as soon as convenient. I shall not proposeany native gentlemen for the higher offices; but it will be necessaryto have a great many in the subordinate ones, to show that yourLordship wishes to open employment in all branches of the newadministration to educated native gentlemen. I remain, Your Lordship's obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, Governor-General, &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 18th March, 1852. My Lord, I was favoured with your Lordship's letter of the 24th ultimo in duecourse, and did not reply immediately as I had stated, or was aboutto state, in a public form, all that seemed to be required aboutCaptain Bird and Dr. Bell. Dr. Bell had apologised for indiscretionsin conversation, but denied ever having authorised Mr. Brandon tomake use of his name; and pretended utter ignorance of the intrigueswhich he was carrying on at the time that he was doing his utmost toconvey wrong impressions to the Durbar. I feel grateful for thesupport your Lordship has given me. I cared nothing about theintrigues of these very silly men while under the impression that itwas your intention to interpose effectually for the benefit of thepeople of Oude, because the new arrangements would have rendered themharmless; but when I found that you could not do so at present, itbecame necessary, for my own dignity and that of the Government, todo my best to put a stop to them. Most assuredly Captain Bird hadbeen trying hard to persuade the King and his minister that ourGovernment could not interfere, and that all the threats of theGovernor-General would continue to be what they had hitherto been, and might be disregarded. I find that your Lordship has departed slightly from your originalplan in regard to Burmah, by sending a detachment to make ademonstration upon Rangoon and Martaban. There is no calculating uponthe result of such a demonstration in dealing with a Government soimbecile, and so ignorant of our resources. The places are too farfrom the capital, and the war party may succeed in persuading theKing that in this demonstration we put forth all our strength. I canappreciate your motive--the wish to avoid, if possible, a war ofannexation, which a war upon any scale must be. We should have tomake use of a vast number of suffering people, whom we could notabandon to the mercy of the old Government. In the last war our great difficulties were the want of quick transitfor troops and stores by sea, the want of carriage cattle, andsickness. These three impediments will not now beset us. Our owndistricts on the coast will supply land-carriage, steam-vessels willcarry our troops and stores, and subsequent experience will enable usto avoid sources of endemial diseases. I have no map of the country;but some letters in the papers about the Busseya river interested memuch. Our strong point is steam; and the discovery of a river whichwould enable us to use it in getting in strength to the rear or flankwould be of immense advantage. There must be healthy districts;indeed Burmah generally must be a healthy country, or the populationwould not be so strong and intelligent as they are known to be. Inreligious feeling they are less opposed to us than any other peoplenot Buddhists. Indeed, from the people we should have nothing tofear; and the army must be insignificant in numbers as well asequipments. I am very glad to find that so able and well-trained astatesman as Fox Maule has been put at the head of the Board ofControl; and trust that your Lordship will remain at our head tillthe Burmah affair is thoroughly settled. The little affair of the Moplars, on the Malabar coast, may grow intoa very big one unless skilfully managed. A brother of the Conollys isthe magistrate, I believe. We can learn nothing of the cause of thestrong feeling of discontent that prevails among this fanaticalpeople. No such strong feeling can exist in India without some"canker-worm" to embitter the lives and unite the sympathies of largeclasses against their rulers or local governors, and make them thinkthat they cannot shake it off without rebelling and becoming martyrs. I must pray your Lordship to excuse this long rambling letter, and Believe me, with great respect, Your obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, Governor-General, Calcutta. __________________________ Lucknow, 4th April, 1852. My Dear Sir James, Your present of the cadetship for her son made the poor widow's heartglad, and I doubt not that she has written to express her gratefulfeelings. The young man will, I hope, prove himself deserving of thefavour you have conferred upon him so gracefully. The Court hascalled for a copy of my Diary of the tour I made through Oude soonafter I took charge of my office; and I have sent off two copies, onefor Government and the other for the Court. I purchased a small pressand type for the purpose of printing it in my own house, that no onebut myself and the compositor might see it. I will send home twocopies for yourself and the chairman as soon as they can be bound inCalcutta. The Diary contains a faithful picture of Oude, itsGovernment, and people, I believe. I have printed only a few copies, and they will not be distributed till I learn that the Court considerthem unobjectionable. In spirit they will be found so. I intend, if Ican find time, to give the history of the reigning family in a thirdvolume. My general views on Oude affairs have been given in myletters to Government, which will, I conclude, be before the Court. Aruler so utterly regardless of his high duties and responsibilities, and of the sufferings of the people under his rule, as the presentKing, I have never seen; nor have I ever seen ministers soincompetent and so unworthy as those whom he employs in the conductof his affairs. We have threatened so often to interpose for thebenefit of the poor people, without doing anything, that they havelost all hope, and the profligate and unprincipled Government havelost all fear. The untoward war with Burmah prevents our presentGovernor-General from doing what he and I believe the HonourableCourt both wish. We certainly ought not any longer to incur the odiumof supporting such a Government in its iniquities, pledged as we areby treaties to protect the people from them. I do not apprehend anyserious change in the constitution of the Court of Directors in thenew charter. No ministers would hazard such a change in the presentstate of Europe. The Court is India's only safeguard. No foreignpossession was ever so governed for itself as India has been, andthis all foreigners with whom I have conversed, admit. The Governor-General of the Netherlands India was with me lately on his way home. He is a first-rate statesman, and he declared to me that he wasimpressed and delighted to see a country so governed, and apparentlyso sensible of the benefits conferred upon it by our paternal rule. He will tell you the same thing if you ever meet him. His name isRochasson. The people appreciate the value of the Court of Directors, and no act, as far as it is known to them, has tended more tostrengthen their confidence in it than that which has broughtretribution on the great sinner in Scinde, Allee Murad. No punishmentwas ever more just or merited. Scinde, however, is too remote for thepeople in general to feel much interest in its affairs or families. Our weak points in the last Burmese war were:--1. The want oftransport for troops and stores; 2. The want of carriage by land, forarms and stores; 3. Sickness. All these things have been remedied, and the war, when begun in earnest, can last but a short time. Weknow more of the country and shall avoid the sources of endemialdisease; our steam provides for the rapid transport of troops andstores; and draft-cattle will be supplied from our own districts onthe coast. Where our Government has no representative as Resident orConsul, all Europeans should be told that they remain entirely ontheir own responsibility. Unless this is done, the Governments mustbe eternally in collision. If war be carried on in earnest, it mustbe one of annexation: we must make use of persons whom we cannotabandon to the mercy of the Burmese Government. We have nothing tofear from the people: they have no religious feeling against us, being all Buddhists; and they have seen too much of the benefitsconferred by us on the territories taken during the last war to haveany dead of our dominion. Lord Dalhousie has, I believe, been mostanxious to avoid a war--it has been forced upon him. Believe me, Yours very faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James W. Hogg, Deputy Chairman, India House. __________________________ Lucknow, 6th April, 1842. My Dear Mr. Halliday, We are all wrong here in the Martiničre institution, and you have nowan admirable opportunity of setting all right and doing an infinitedeal of good with little trouble. I know how little you have of timeand attention to devote to such things, and conclude that Mr. Devereux cannot have much more, and you may feel assured that I shalldo all in my power to assist you. We are here attempting to give theeducation of gentlemen to beggar-boys, who must always depend upontheir daily work for their daily bread. The senior boys are indespair, for they find that they have learnt hardly anything to fitthem for the only employments open to them, and this tends todiscourage the younger ones. The Roorkee Civil Engineering Schoolseems to have been eminently successful, and a fine field is open toall who are taught in it. We shall no doubt have a similar field openin Oude when Government interposes in behalf of the suffering people, and we might prepare for it by converting the Martiničre into asimilar school or college. The committee has just expressed to you ahope that Mr. Crank, the officiating principal, may be able to passan examination in the native languages. This hope can never berealised; and if he does I shall have to record my opinion that he isotherwise unfitted. The power of nominating a principal restsentirely with the trustees; and if you concur in my views you mightat once prepare for the change by getting a man from England orelsewhere, such as Mr. Maclagan, the late superintendent of theRoorkee school, fitted to teach civil engineering in all itsbranches. You have the command of funds to provide him withassistants of all kinds; and we have accommodations and funds toraise more, and provide machinery, books, &c. The thing might be setgoing at once, after you send a competent man to superintend it; andthe work will be honourable to our Government and ourselves, and ofvast benefit to the boys brought up at this Martiničre, and to theirparents and families. If you think favourably of the proposed change, and will direct the committee to take it into consideration, I willdo my best to make it respond cordially to your call; or if youdirect the measure to be adopted at once, I will see that it isworked out as it should be. Mr. Crank has a good knowledge ofmathematics and mechanics, and will make a good second under a goodfirst; but he would be quite unfit for a first. Mr. Maclagan intendedgoing home, via Bombay, as soon as relieved by Captain Oldfield, andhas embarked by this time. He might be written to, to send out acompetent person and the required machinery. Constantia is admirablyadapted for such an establishment; the river Goomtee flows closeunder it; the grounds are ample, open, and level, and the climatefine. It would interest the whole of the Oude aristocracy, and inducethem to send their sons there for instruction. It would be gratifyingto the Judges of the Supreme Court to know that the funds availablewere devoted to a purpose so highly useful; and you would carry homewith you the agreeable recollection of having engrafted so useful abranch upon the almost useless old trunk of the Martiničre. Yours very truly, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To F. J. Halliday, Esq. Secretary to Government, Calcutta. Mr. Maclagan is a Lieutenant of Engineers, and lives in Edinburgh. __________________________ Lucknow. 10th April, 1852. My Lord, In September 1848, I took the liberty to mention to your Lordship myfears that the system of annexing and absorbing native States--sopopular with our Indian service, and so much advocated by a certainclass of writers in public journals--might some day render us toovisibly dependent upon our native army; that they might see it, andthat accidents might occur to unite them, or too great a portion ofthem, in some desperate act. My only anxiety about Burmah arises fromthe same fears. Our native army has been too much _petted_ of late;and they are liable to get into their heads the notion that we wantthem more than they want us. Had the 38th been at first ordered tomarch to Aracan, they would, in all probability, have begged theirEuropean officers to pray Government to permit them to go by water. We committed a great mistake in not long ago making all new leviesgeneral service corps; and we have committed one not less grave inrestricting the admissions into our corps to high-caste men: andencouraging the promotion of high-caste men to the prejudice of menequally deserving but of lower caste. The Brahmins in regiments havetoo much influence, and they are at the bottom of all the mischiefthat occurs. The Rajpoots are too numerous, because they are underthe influence of the Brahmins, and feel too strong from theirnumbers. We require stronger and braver men than the Madras Presidency canafford, with all their readiness for general service. The time maynot be distant when England will have to call upon India for troopsto serve in Egypt; and the troops from Madras, or even from Bombay, will not do against Europeans. Men from Northern or Western Indiawill be required, and, in order to be prepared, it would be well tohave all new corps--should new corps be required--composed of menfrom the Punjaub or the Himmalayah chain, and ready for any service. Into such corps none but Seiks, Juts, Goojurs, Gwalas, Mussulmans, and Hillmen should be enlisted. Too much importance is attached toheight, merely that corps may look well on parade. Much more work canbe got out of moderate sized than tall men in India. The tall men inregiments always fail first in actual service--they are fit only fordisplay at reviews and on parades: always supposing that themoderate-sized men are taken from Western and Northern India, wherealone they have the strength and courage required. No recruit should henceforward be taken except on condition ofgeneral service; and by-and-by the option may be given to allsipahees, of a certain standing or period of service, to put theirnames down for general service, or retire. This could not, of course, be done at present. No commanding officer can say, at present, whathis regiment will do if called upon to aid the Government in any waynot _specified in their bond_. They have too commonly favourites, whopersuade them, for their own selfish purposes, that their regimentswill do anything to meet their wishes, at the very time that theseregiments are watching for an occasion to disgrace these favouritesby refusal. I have known many occasions of this. None but generalservice corps or volunteers should be sent to Burmah from Bengalduring this campaign, or we shall hazard a disaster. There are, Ibelieve, several that your Lordship has not yet called upon. Theyshould be at hand as soon as possible, and their present placessupplied by others. In the mean time, corps of Punjaubies and Hillmenshould be raised for general service. Not only can no commandingofficer say what his corps will do under circumstances in which theirreligion or prejudices may afford a pretext for disobedience, but noofficers can say how far their regiments sympathise with therecusant: or discontented, corps, and are prepared to join them. In case it should ever be proposed to make all corps general servicecorps, in the way I mention, a donation would, of course, be offeredto all who declined of a month's pay for every year of past service, or of something of that kind. A maximum might be fixed of four, five, or six months. It would not cost much, for but few would go. I mustpray your Lordship to excuse the liberty I take in obtruding mynotions on this subject, but it really is one of vital importance inthe present state of affairs in India, as well as in Europe. With great respect, I remain, &c. , (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Moat NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. Governor-General of India, Calcutta. __________________________ _Memorandum_. In the year 1832 or 1833 the want of bamboos of large size, for yokesfor artillery bullocks, was much felt at Saugor and the stations ofthat division; and the commissariat officer was authorised to form abamboo grove, to be watered by the commissariat cattle, in order tosupply the deficiency for the future. Forty beegas, or about twentyacres of land, were assigned for the purpose, and Government went tothe expense of forming twelve pucka-wells, as the bamboos wereplanted upon the black cotton-soil of Central India, in which kutcha-wells do not stand. The first outlay was, therefore, greater thanusual, being three thousand rupees. The establishment kept upconsisted of one gardener, at five rupees a month, and two assistantsat three rupees each. The bamboos were watered by the artillerybullocks and commissariat servants. In a few years the bamboos became independent of irrigation, and nooutlay has since been incurred upon them. The bamboos are now betweenforty and fifty feet high, and between four and five inches indiameter. They are used by the commissariat and ordnance departmentsat Saugor, but are not, I believe, required for yokes for theartillery bullocks. There is a grove of sesum trees near the Lucknow cantonments formedin the same way, but with little or no outlay in irrigation. Thetrees were planted, and all the cost incurred has been in the peopleemployed to protect them from trespass. In a dryer climate they mightrequire irrigation for a few years. Groves of saul, _alias_ sukhootrees, might be formed in the same manner in the vicinity of allstations where there are artillery bullocks; and the bullocksthemselves would benefit by being employed in the irrigation. Theestablishments kept up for the bullocks would be able to do all thework required. The complement of bullocks for a battery of 6 guns, 6 waggons, and 2store carts, is 106. The number yoked to each gun and waggon is 61, [transcriber's note, should be 6], and to each cart 4, leaving asurplus of 26 for accidents. There would, therefore, be always asufficient number of bullocks available for the irrigation of suchgroves where such a battery is kept up. These bullocks are taken careof by 4 sirdars and 59 drivers; and an European sergeant of artilleryis appointed as bullock-sergeant to each battery, to superintend thefeeding, cleaning, &c. &c. The officer on duty sees the bullocksoccasionally, and the commanding officer sometimes. Such groves mightbe left to the care of the commandant of artillery at small stations, and to the commissariat officer at large ones. At every large station there might be a grove of sesum, one ofsakhoo, and one of bamboos, each covering a hundred acres; and at allstations with a battery, three groves of the same kind, covering eachtwenty acres or more. For the convenience of carriage by water, suchgroves might be formed chiefly in the vicinity of rivers, or in thatof the places where the timber is most likely to be required; but nobattery should be without such groves. The men and bullocks wouldboth benefit by the employment such groves would give them. The men, to interest them, might each have a small garden within the grovewhich he assists in watering. Such groves would tend to improve the salubrity of the stations wherethey are formed, and become agreeable and healthful promenades forofficers and soldiers. In most stations, kutcha-wells, formed at acost of from 20 to 50 rupees, would suffice for watering such groves. They might be lined, like those of the peasantry, by twisted cablesof straw and twigs; and the men who attend the bullocks might beusefully employed in weaving them, as all should learn to makefascines and gabions. Willows should be planted near all the wells, to supply twigs for making the cables for lining the wells, and themanure of the artillery draft-bullocks should be appropriated to thegroves. [Submitted to the Governor-General through the Private Secretary, inMarch, 1852, with reference to a conversation which I had with hisLordship in his camp. ] __________________________ Lucknow, 23rd August, 1852. My Lord, Permit me to offer my congratulations, not only on the success whichhas hitherto attended your Lordship's arrangements in Burmah, but onthe very favourable impression which that success has made upon theSovereign and people of England. It has enabled you to show that thewar is not with the people of Burmah, but with a haughty, insolent, and incompetent Government, with whom that people has no longer anysympathy; and that, should circumstances render the annexation of anyportion of its territory necessary, the people of that portion wouldconsider the measure a blessing, and be well pleased to live inharmony under the efficient protection of the new rule. They are not in any way opposed to us from either religions orpolitical feelings, for they seem to consider Christianity as abranch only of their own great system of Buddhism, which includesalmost half of the human race; and they are evidently weary of thepolitical institutions under which they now live, and which haveceased to afford them protection of any kind. In the annexation ofPegu--should it be forced upon your Lordship--there would be nothingrevolting to the feelings of its people or to those of the people ofEngland; on the contrary, both would be satisfied, after thedisposition the people of Pegu have manifested towards us, that themeasure was alike necessary to their security and to the honour andinterest of our Government. Nor do I think that there would be any ground to apprehend that theresources of the territory taken would not, after a time, besufficient to defray the costs of the establishments required toretain and govern it. Among the people of Pegu we should find menable and willing to serve us faithfully and efficiently in both ourcivil and military establishments, and the drain for the maintenanceof foreigners would not be large. I have heard the mental andphysical powers of the men of Pegu spoken of in the highest terms bypersons who have spent the greater part of their lives among them;and a country which produces such men cannot be generallyinsalubrious. This early demonstration has enabled your Lordship toascertain and expose the determination of the Government of Ava notto grant the redress justly demanded for wrongs suffered, so as toenlist on our side the sympathy of all civilized nations, and at thesame time to discover the real weakness of the enemy and thefacilities offered to us, in their fine rivers, for the use of ourstrong arm--the steam navy. Not a single "untoward event" has yetoccurred to dispirit our troops, or give confidence to the enemy, orto prejudice the people of Burmah against us: and there certainly isnothing in this war to make us apprehend "that our politicaldifficulties will begin when our military successes are complete. " Itis not displeasing to perceive the strong tendency to an early onwardmove, while your Lordship has so prudent a leader in General Godwinto restrain it within due bounds. I remain, &c. , (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. Governor-General of India. Calcutta. __________________________ Lucknow, September, 1852. My Lord, The longer the present King reigns, the more unfit he becomes toreign, and the more the administration and the country deteriorate. The State must have become bankrupt long ere this, but the King, andthe knaves by whom he is governed, have discontinued paying thestipends of all the members of the royal family, save those of hisown father's family, for the last three years; and many of them arereduced to extreme distress, and without the hope of ever gettingtheir stipends again unless our Government interferes. The females ofthe palaces of former sovereigns ventured to clamour for theirsubsistence, and they were, without shame or mercy, driven into thestreets to starve, beg, or earn their bread by their labour. Thisdeters all from complaining, and they are in a state of utter dismay. No part of the people of Oude are more anxious for the interpositionof our Government than the members of the royal family; for there isreally no portion more helpless and oppressed: none of them can everapproach the King, who is surrounded exclusively by eunuchs, fiddlers, and poetasters worse than either; and the minister and hiscreatures, who are worse than all. They appropriate at least one-halfof the revenues of the country to themselves, and employ nothing butknaves of the very worst kind in all the branches of theadministration. The King is a crazy imbecile, who is led about bythese people like a child, and made to do whatever they wish him todo, and to give whatever orders may best suit their privateinterests. At present, the most powerful of the favourites areDecanut od Doula and Husseen od Doula, two eunuchs; Anees od Doulaand Mosahib od Doula, two fiddlers; two poetasters, and the ministerand his creatures. The minister could not stand a moment without theeunuchs, fiddlers, and poets, and he is obliged to acquiesce in allthe orders given by the King for their benefit. The fiddlers havecontrol over the administration of civil justice; the eunuchs overthat of criminal justice, public buildings, &c. The minister has theland revenue; and all are making enormous fortunes. The present Kingought not certainly to reign: he has wilfully forfeited all right todo so; but to set him aside in favour of his eldest, or indeed anyother son, would give no security whatever for any permanent goodgovernment A well-selected regency would, no doubt, be a vastimprovement upon the present system; but no people would invest theircapital in useful works, manufactures, and trades, with the prospectof being handed over a few years hence to a prince brought upprecisely in the same manner the present King was, and as all hissons will be. What the people want, and most earnestly pray for is, that our Government should take upon itself the responsibility ofgoverning them well and permanently. All classes, save the knaves, who now surround and govern the King, earnestly pray for this--theeducated classes, because they would then have a chance ofrespectable employment, which none of them now have; the middleclasses, because they find no protection or encouragement, and nohope that their children will be permitted to inherit the propertythey may leave, not invested in our Government securities; and thehumbler classes, because they are now abandoned to the mercilessrapacity of the starving troops, and other public establishments, andof the landholders, driven or invited into rebellion by the presentstate of misrule. There is not, I believe, another Government inIndia so entirely opposed to the best interest's and most earnestwishes of the people as that of Oude now is; at least I have neverseen or read of one. People of all classes have become utterly wearyof it. The people have the finest feelings towards our Government andcharacter. I know no part of India, save the valley of the Nurbuddah, where the feeling towards us is better. All, from the highest to thelowest, would, at this time, hail the advent of our administrationwith joy; and the rest of India, to whom Oude misrule is well known, would acquiesce in the conviction, that it had become imperative forthe protection of the people. With steamers to Fyzabad, and arailroad from that place to Cawnpore, through Lucknow, the Nepaulpeople would be for ever quieted, with half of the force we now keepup to look after them; and the N. W. Provinces become more closelyunited to Bengal, to the vast advantage of both. I mentioned that weshould require a considerable loan to begin with; but I think that anissue of paper money, receivable in Oude in revenue, and payable topublic establishments in Oude, might safely be made to cover all theoutlay required to pay off odd establishments and commence the newwork. Little money goes out of Oude, and the increased circulatingmedium, required for the new public works and new establishments, would soon absorb all the paper issued. It might be issued at littleor no cost by the financial department of the new administration. Though everybody knows that the King has become crazy and imbecile, it would be difficult to get judicial proof that he is so, where thelife and property of every one are at his mercy and that of theknaves who now govern him. His every-day doings sufficiently manifestit. There is not the slightest ground for hope that he will ever beany other than what he now is, or that his children will be better. There are too many interested in depriving them of all capacity for apart in public affairs that they may retain the reins in their ownhands when the children come of age to admit of their ever becomingbetter than their father is. I have not lately made the reports whichLord Hardinge directed the Resident to make periodically, but shallbe prepared to resume them whenever your Lordship may direct. Isuspended them on account of hostilities with Burmah. I have printedeighteen copies of the establishments, as they are and were lastyear, and as I proposed for the new system. I shall not let any onehave a copy till your Lordship permits it, and they are all at yourdisposal if required. This, and the "Substantive Code, " are the onlypapers connected with Oude, except the Diary that I have had printed, or shall have printed, unless ordered by you. I remain, with great respect, Your Lordship's obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. P. S. --I believe that it is your Lordship's wish that the whole of therevenues of Oude should be expended for the benefit of the royalfamily and people of Oude, and that the British Government shoulddisclaim any wish to derive any pecuniary advantages from assuming toitself the administration. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. Governor-General, &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 21st September, 1852. My Dear Sir, I will reply to the queries contained in your letter of the 16thinstant to the best of my recollection. I was in Calcutta in January, 1838, when the late Dyce Sombre was there, and about to embark forEngland. I had seen a good deal of him at Sirdhanah, in March 1836, soon after the Begum Sumroo's death, and he afterwards spent a shorttime with me at Mussoorie, and consulted me a good deal on thesubject of a dispute with his father. Colonel James Skinner and Dr. Drener were, I believe, executors tohis will. Colonel Skinner was at Delhi, and Dr. Drener had eithergone home or was going, I forget which, and Dyce Sombre asked me toconsent to become one of his trustees, for the conduct of his affairsin this country. I consented, and I think the circumstance wasinserted in a codicil or memorandum added to his will or deed; but myrecollection on this point is not distinct. I had, however, nothing to do with the conduct of his affairs in thiscountry until the death of Colonel James Skinner, which took place inDecember, 1841, when Mr. Reghilini, the overseer or agent atSirdhanah, got my sanction to the outlay for establishments, &c. Atthis time I corresponded with Dyce Sombre, and continued to do sountil his affairs were thrown into Chancery. I then sought a lawyer'sopinion as to my proper course, and refused to give Mr. Reghilini anyfurther orders. The opinion was, "that my only safe course was to donothing whatever in the conduct of his affairs;" and I neverafterwards did anything. I never heard of any Colonel Sheerman, andhis name may have been inserted by mistake for mine; but I was then(1838) only a major, and was not promoted until 1843. I never heardof any desire on the part of Dyce Sombre, or the Begum Sumroo, tofound a college other than as an appendage to the Sirdhanah church, nor of his having given the residue of his property for the purpose;at least, I have no recollection of having heard of such desire. Ialways hoped, and expected, until I heard of his marriage, that hewould return and reside at Sirdhanah. Dyce Sombre always spoke to me of Mrs. Troup and Mrs. Soloroli as hissisters: he regarded them alike as such, and so did the Begum Sumroo. I always understood them to be the children of the same mother; butthe question was never mooted before me, and I have always heard thatMrs. Troup was very like Dyce Sombre in appearance, and that Mrs. Soloroli was not so. Mr. Reghilini, who is, I believe, still at Sirdhanah, may knowwhether a Colonel Sheerman was appointed executor or not. Dr. Drenermust know. The notes which passed between me and Dyce Sombre, afterhe left India, were on the ordinary topics of the day, and weredestroyed as soon as read. I have none of them to refer to, nor wouldthey furnish any confirmation on the matter in question if I had. Believe me, yours, very truly, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. Charles Prinsep, Esq. , Barrister-at-Law, Calcutta. __________________________ _To Messrs. Molloy, Mackintosh, and Poe, Calcutta_. Dear Sirs, In reply to your letter of the 16th instant, I enclose the copy of aletter addressed by me on the 21st ultimo to Mr. Charles Prinsep, inreply to similar queries. To what I stated in that letter I can addbut little. Dyce Sombre always spoke to me of Mrs. Soloroli and Mrs. Troup as hissisters, and of the former as the eldest of the two; and Mrs. Troupspoke of Mrs. Soloroli as her eldest sister. They were always treatedby the Begum Sumroo as his sisters; and when Dyce Sombre went toEngland I think he left the same provision for both in addition towhat they had received from the Begum. I was introduced to Mrs. Troup by her husband as an old friend on myway back from Mussoorie in November, 1837, but I did not see Mrs. Soloroli, though she and her husband were at the same place, Sirdhanah, at that time. They both lived under the curtain, secludedfrom the sight of men, after the Hindoostanee fashion, as long asthey remained in India, I think; and I was introduced to Mrs. Troupas a friend of the family, whom all might require to consult. Herhusband only was present during the interview. Dyce Sombre had leftthe place for Calcutta. I never heard a doubt expressed of theirbeing sisters by the same mother and father till the new will cameunder discussion at the end of last year. I may refer you to pages 378 and 396 of the second volume of a workby me, entitled "Rambles and Recollections, " in which you will findit mentioned that the grandmother of Dyce Sombre died insane atSirdhanah in 1838. She must have been insane for more than fortyyears up to her death. Her son Zuffer Yab Khan was a man of weakintellect, and he was the father of Dyce Sombre's mother, of whom Iknow nothing whatever. Dyce Sombre, showed no symptoms of derangement of mind while I knewhim; but he inherited from his grandmother a predisposition toinsanity, which I apprehended might become developed by any verystrong feelings of excitement; and I urged him to return and settleat Sirdhanah, when he had seen all he wished to see in Europe. He saw a good deal of English society in India, and understood wellthe freedom which English wives enjoy in general society; but Idoubted whether he could ever thoroughly shake off his earlypredilections for keeping them secluded. It would, I thought, bealways to him a source of deep humiliation to see his wife mix withother men in the manner in which English married ladies areaccustomed to do. Since his affairs were put into Chancery I havealways felt persuaded that this must have been the principal"exciting cause" acting upon the predisposition derived from hisgrandmother, which led to it. I have never had the slightest doubtthat he suffered under an aberration of mind upon this point, thoughhe never mentioned the subject in any of his short letters to me fromEngland, nor did he in any of them show signs of such aberration. Believe me, yours, faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. 26th October, 1852. __________________________ Lucknow, 28th October, 1852. My Dear Sir James, Your letter of the 6th ultimo reached me by the last mail, and Itrust we shall see your hopes of an early renewal of the Charter withfew alterations realised. I entirely concur with you in opinion thatthe power of recall is indispensable to the due authority of theCourt; and was much surprised to find Maddock opposed to it. Manythinking men at home have been of opinion that the Ministers wouldsecure for the Queen the nomination of a certain number to theDirection, on the ground that many of the best men from India aredeterred from becoming candidates by the time and pledges required inthe canvass. The late elections, however, seem to have come in timeto increase the Jealousy of ministerial influence, and prevent such ameasure. Hostilities with Burmah have prevented my making public periodicalreports to Government about Oude affairs since I submitted my Diary. I took the liberty to send, through my London agents copy to yourselfand the Deputy Chairman. Things have not improved since it waswritten. The King is as regardless of his high duties andresponsibilities as ever: he is, indeed, an imbecile in the hands ofa few fiddlers, eunuchs, and poetasters, and the minister, who is nobetter than they are, and obliged to provide for all these men out ofthe revenues and patronage of the country, and sundry women about theCourt, also, to secure their influence in his favour. The King contrives to get the stipends of those immediately abouthim, and of his mother, brothers, and sisters, paid out of therevenues; but is indifferent about those of his more distantrelatives, and hardly any of them have had any stipends for the lasttwo and even three years. Those who happen not to have a littleCompany's paper given to them by former Sovereigns, or pensionsguaranteed by our Government and paid out of our Treasury, arestarving, and pray for the day when our Government may interpose inthe administration. The expenditure is much above the income, and thereserved treasury is exhausted; but the King has his jewels and somepersonal property in Government notes, derived from his father andgrandmothers. He thinks himself the best of kings and the best ofpoets, and nothing will induce him willingly to alter his course ormake room for a better ruler or better system. If our Government interpose, it must not be by negotiation andtreaty, but authoritatively on the ground of existing treaties andobligations to the people of Oude. The treaty of 1837 gives ourGovernment ample authority to take the whole administration onourselves, in order to secure what we have often pledged ourselves tosecure to the people; but if we do this we must, in order to standwell with the rest of India, honestly and distinctly disclaim allinterested motives, and appropriate the whole of the revenues for thebenefit of the people and royal family of Oude. If we do this, allIndia will think us right, for the sufferings of the people of Oude, under the present system, have been long notorious throughout India;and so have our repeated pledges to relieve the people from thesesufferings, unless the system should be altered. Fifty years of sadexperience have shown to us and to all India, that this system isincapable of improvement under the present dynasty; and that the onlyalternative is for the paramount power to take the administrationupon itself. Under the treaty of 1801, we took one-half of the territory of Oude, and that half yields to us above two crores of rupees; though, whentaken, it was estimated at one hundred and thirty-three lacs. Thehalf retained by the Oude Sovereign was estimated at the same; but itnow yields to the Sovereign only one crore. The rest is absorbed bythe knaves employed in the administration and their patrons at Court. All that is now so absorbed would come to the Treasury under us, andbe employed in the maintenance of efficient establishments, and theconstruction of useful public works; and we should have ample meansfor providing for all the members of the royal family of Oude. We should derive substantial benefit from the measure, without in anydegree violating our declaration of disinterestedness. We nowmaintain five regiments of Infantry, and a company of Artillery, at acost of from five to six lacs a-year. We maintain the Residency andall its establishments at a cost of more than one lac of rupees a-year. All these would become fairly chargeable to the Oude revenuesunder the new administration; and we might dispense with half themilitary forces now kept up at Cawnpore and Dinapore on the Ganges, as the military force in Oude would relieve us from all apprehensionas to Nepaul. Oude would be covered with a network of fine macadamised roads, overwhich the produce of Oude and our own districts would pass freely tothe benefit of the people of both; and we should soon have the riverGhagra, from near Patna on the Ganges, to Fyzabad in Oude, navigablefor steamers: with a railroad from Fyzabad, through Lucknow toCawnpore, to the great benefit of the North-West Provinces and thoseof Bengal. Were we to take advantage of the occasion to _annex_ or _confiscate_Oude, or any part of it, our good name in India would inevitablysuffer; and that good name is more valuable to us than a dozen ofOudes. We are now looked up to throughout India as the only impartialarbitrators that the people generally have ever had, or can ever hopeto have without us; and from the time we cease to be so looked up to, we must begin to sink. We suffered from our conduct in Scinde; butthat was a country distant and little known, and linked to the restof India by few ties of sympathy. Our Conduct towards it was precededby wars and convulsions around, and in its annexation there wasnothing manifestly deliberate. It will be otherwise with Oude. Herethe giant's strength is manifest, and we cannot "use it like a giant"without suffering in the estimation of all India. Annexation orconfiscation are not compatible with our relations with this littledependent state. We must show ourselves to be high-minded, and abovetaking advantage of its prostrate weakness, by appropriating itsrevenues exclusively to the benefit of the people and royal family ofOude. We should soon make it the finest garden in India, with thepeople happy, prosperous, and attached to our rule and character. We have at least forty thousand men from Oude in the armies of thethree Residencies, all now, rightly or wrongly, cursing theoppressive Government under which their families live at their homes. These families would come under our rule and spread our good name aswidely as they now spread the bad one of their present ruler. Soldiers with a higher sense of military honour, and duty to _theirsalt_, do not exist, I believe, in any country. To have them bound tous by closer ties than they are at present, would of itself be animportant benefit. I can add little to what I have said in the latter end of the fourthchapter of my Diary (from p. 187*, vol. Ii. ), on the subject of ourrelations with the Government of Oude; and of our rights and dutiesarising out of those relations. The diaries political, which I sendevery week or fortnight to the Government of India, are formed out ofthe reports made every day to the Durbar, by their local ordepartmental authorities. The Residency News-writer has the privilegeof hearing these reports read as they come in; and though the reportsof many important events are concealed from him, they may generallybe relied upon as far as they go. The picture they give of affairs isbad enough, though not so bad as they deserve. [* Transcriber's note. From the text "By the treaty of 1801 we boundourselves....... "--to the end of the chapter IV in vol. Ii] There are so many worthless and profligate people about the Court, interested in smothering any signs of common sense and good feelingon the part of the heir apparent to the throne, in order to maintaintheir ascendancy over him as he grows up, that he has not theslightest chance of becoming fit to take any part in the conduct ofpublic affairs when he comes of age. The present King has three orfour sons, all very young, but it is utterly impossible for any oneof them to become a man of business; and it would be folly to expectany one of them to make a better Sovereign than their father. He isnow only twenty-eight or twenty-nine years of age; but hisunderstanding has become quite emasculated by over-indulgencies ofall kinds. He may live long, but his habits have become tooinveterate to admit of his ever becoming better than he now is or fitto be intrusted with the government of a country. I shall recommend that all establishments, military, civil, andfiscal, be kept entirely separate from those of our own Government, that there may be no mistake as to the disinterestedness of ourintentions towards Oude. The military establishments being likeScindiah's contingent, in the Gwalior state, or the Hydrabadcontingent in the Nizam's. I estimate the present expenditure at, civil and fiscal establishments, and stipendiaries, 38 lacs. Militaryand police, 55. King's household, 30. Total, 123 lacs. Establishmentsrequired for an efficient administration--civil and fiscal--at 22lacs. Military, 26 lacs. Families and dependents of former Sovereigns, 12 lacs. Household of the Sovereign, his sons, brothers, and sisters, 15 lacs. Total, 75 lacs. This would leave an abundant store for public works, military stores, contingent charges, pension establishments for the civil and militaryofficers employed under us, &c. To pay off all the present heavyarrears of stipends, salaries, to provide arms, ammunition, andstores, and to commence upon all the public works, our Governmentwould have either to give or guarantee a loan; or to sanction theissue of a certain amount of paper money, to circulate exclusively inOude, by making it receivable in the Oude Treasuries in taxes. The revenues would be at once greatly increased, by our taking forthe treasury all that is now intercepted and appropriated by publicofficers and Court favourites for their own private purposes, by ourmaking the great landholders pay a due portion of their assets to thestate, and by our securing the safe transit of raw produce andmanufactured goods to their proper markets. By adopting a simple system of administration, to meet the wishes ofa simple people, we should secure the goodwill of all classes ofsociety in Oude; and no class would be more pleased with the changethan the members of the royal family themselves, who depend upontheir stipends for their subsistence, and despair of ever againreceiving them under the present Sovereign and system. I hope a happy termination of the present war with Burmah will soonleave Lord Dalhousie free to devote his attention to Oude affairs. Asfar as I am consulted, I shall advocate, as strongly as may becompatible with my position, the measures above described, because Ithink they will be found best calculated to benefit the people ofOude, to meet the wishes of the home Government, and to sustain hisLordship's own reputation, and that of the nation which he representsthroughout our Eastern empire. You are aware of some of the difficulties that I have had to contendwith, in carrying out important measures beneficial to the people, and honourable to the Government of India; but in no situation inlife have I ever had to struggle with so many as here, in pursuing anhonest and steady course of policy, calculated to secure the respectof all classes for the Government which I represent. Such a scene ofintrigue, corruption, depravity, neglect of duty, and abuse ofauthority, I have never before been placed in, and hope never againto undergo; and I have had to contend with bitter hostility where Ihad the best right to expect support. I have never yet failed in theperformance of any duty that Government has intrusted to me, and, under Providence, I hope that I shall ultimately succeed in theperformance of that which I have committed to me here. Lucknow is an overgrown city, surrounding an overgrown Court, whichhas, for the last half century, exhausted all the resources of thisfine country; and so alienated the feelings of the great body of thepeople that they, and the Sovereign, and his officers, look upon eachother as irreconcileable enemies. Between the city, the pamperedCourt and its functionaries, and the people of the country beyond, there is not the slightest feeling of sympathy; and if our troopswere withdrawn from the vicinity of Lucknow, the landholders andsturdy peasantry of the country would, in a few days, rush in andplunder and destroy it as a source of nothing but intolerable evil tothem. Though I have written a long letter, I may have omitted many thingswhich you wished me to notice. In that case I must rely upon yourletting me know; and in the mean time, I shall continue to writewhenever I have anything to communicate that is likely to interestyou. Believe me, dear Sir James, Yours very faithfully, W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart. &c. &c. &c. P. S. By treaty, we are bound to keep up a certain force near thecapital for the protection of the Sovereign; and we should beobliged, till things were quite settled under the new system, toretain the brigade we now have of our regular troops in thecantonments, which are three miles from the city. W. H. SLEEMAN. __________________________ Lucknow, 20th November, 1852. My Dear Sir James, To be prepared for accidents, I deem it right to send a duplicate ofthe letter which I sent to you by the last mail, addressed to thecare of my London agents, Messrs. Denny and Clark, Austin Friars. Ihave nothing new or interesting to communicate from Oude. The Burmesewar seems likely to divert the Governor-General's attention from Oudeand Hydrabad affairs for some time to come; and the death of the Dukeof Wellington, and probable changes in the ministry at home, mayprevent him from venturing upon any important change in the Oudeadministration when that war closes. The war is an "untoward event, " arising from a very small cause; andit should prevent our ever guaranteeing British subjects in countrieswhere we have no accredited agents to conduct our relations with theGovernment. All such subjects, and all the subjects of our Europeanand American allies, should in future be made to understand that theyenter such countries entirely upon their own responsibility. Withoutsome such precaution we must always be liable to be involved in warwith bordering countries by adventurers of one land or another; andas war is almost always followed by annexation or confiscation, ourIndian empire, like that of the Romans, must soon sink from its ownweight. The people will think that we are perpetually seekingpretexts for war in order to get new territories, and the general oruniversal impression will be dangerous. When the public press of England abuse those who have to conduct thepresent war for delay, they do not sufficiently consider ourignorance of the state of the rivers and of the military resources ofthe country in which it was to be carried on when we entered upon it. We did not know that the rivers were navigable, nor did we know howthey were defended; nor did we know what forces Burmah could muster, nor how they were distributed. It was not intended to commence thewar till after the rains, when it would be safe to move troops overthe country; for it was not reasonable to suppose that the Governmentof the country could be so haughty and insolent without militaryforce to support its pretensions, and we have often had sadexperience of the danger of underrating the power of an enemy. Theobject of the earlier movement was merely to secure some points ofsupport, at which to concentrate our forces as they came up, and notto advance at once on the capital or into the country at a seasonwhen no troops could move by land. Our strong arm was, no doubt, the steam flotilla; but it would havebeen madness in us, with our ignorance of the rivers and resources ofthe country, to have calculated upon conquering Ava by steamersalone. With what we now know, people may safely say that GeneralGodwin has failed to make all the use he might of the flotilla, asLord Gough failed to make all the use he might of his "strong arm, "the artillery, in the battles of the Punjaub; but Lord Gough was notignorant of the country in which he had to operate, nor of theresources of the country he had to contend with. According toprevious calculations, the war ought not to have begun till thismonth. The earlier movement has, however, been of great advantage--ithas taught us what the rivers and resources of the country are; and, what is of still more importance, what the people and their feelingstowards their Government and ours are. It is manifest that they fullyappreciate the value of the protection which the people, under ourrule, enjoy; and that they have neither religious nor politicalfeelings of hostility towards us; and that the people of Pegu, atleast, would hail the establishment of our rule as a blessing. You were so kind as to express a wish to see my son. He is now withhis regiment, the 16th Lancers, in Ireland, and has lately obtainedhis Lieutenancy. He will be twenty years of age in January. I willmake known to him your kind wish, and doubt not that he will pay hisrespects when he visits London. Believe me, My Dear Sir James, Yours very faithfully, W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart, &c. &c. &c. P. S. --In page 217, line 4, vol. I. , of my Diary, the printer has put"months" for weeks. Pray do me the favour to have this corrected. --W. H. S. __________________________ My Lord, Your Lordship's wishes in regard to the papers on Oude affairs shallbe strictly attended to. They are locked up in my box, and no oneshall see them. I had no wish to print any but those I mentioned inmy last letter, and they are locked up with the others, which I havenot looked at since I left your Lordship's camp; the Diary, excepted. Things in Oude are just as they were; and the King's ambition seemsto be limited to the reputation of being the best drum-beater, dancer, and poet of the day. He is utterly unfit to reign; but he ishimself persuaded that no man can be more fit than he is foranything, and he will never willingly consent to make over the reinsof Government to any one. It would be impossible to _persuade_ him toabdicate even in favour of his own son, much less to resign hissovereignty in perpetuity. If our Government interpose, it must be bythe exercise of a right derived from the existing relations betweenthe two Governments, or from our position as the paramount power inIndia. Of this your Lordship will have to consider and decide when your mindis relieved from Burmese affairs, which appear to be drawing very_quietly_ to a close. I shall not write publicly about Oude affairsgenerally till I have your Lordship's commands to do so. The Diarywill continue to be transmitted regularly; but the Periodical GeneralReport will be suspended. Mr. Bushe remained a few days at Lucknow. He has since seen Agra, Bhurtpoor, and other places, and is now on his way back to Calcutta, well pleased with his tour. With great respect, Your Lordship's obedient Servant, W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. , Governor-General of India. __________________________ Lucknow, 2nd January, 1853. My Dear Sir James, I enclose two sets of Tables of Errata for the Diary, and must prayyou to do me the favour to have one set put into the two volumes ofthe copy you have, and the other sent to the Deputy-Chairman forinsertion in his copy. I did not take the liberty to send a copy tothe President of the Board of Control, but if you think I should doso, I will. The King of Oude is becoming more and more imbecile and crazy, andhis servants continue more and more to abuse their power and neglecttheir duty. The King, every day manifests his utter unfitness toreign, in some new shape. He, on several occasions during theMohurrum ceremonies which took place lately, went along the streetsbeating a drum tied round his neck, to the great scandal of hisfamily and the amusement of his people. The members of his familyhave not been paid their stipends for from two to three years, andmany of them have been reduced to the necessity of selling theirclothes to purchase food. All classes, save the knaves who surroundhim, and profit by his folly, are become disgusted with and tired ofhim. I do not interfere, except to protect our pledges and guarantees; andto conduct the current duties of the Residency in such a manner as tosecure the respect of all classes for the Government which Irepresent. While the present King reigns, or has anything whatever todo with the Government, no interference could produce any substantialand permanent reform. The minister is a weak man and a great knave;but he has an influence over his master, obtained by being entirelysubservient to his vices and follies, to the sacrifice of his ownhonour; and by praising all that he does, however degrading to him asa man and a sovereign. Though the King pays no attention whatever to public affairs or tobusiness of any kind, and aims at nothing but the reputation of beingthe best dancer, best versifier, and best drummer in his dominions, it would be impossible to persuade him that any man was ever more fitto reign than he is. Nothing would ever induce him willingly toabdicate even in favour of his own son, much less to make himwillingly abdicate in perpetuity in favour of our Government, or makeover the conduct of the administration to our Government. If, therefore, our Government does interfere, it must be in the exerciseof a right arising out of the existing relations between the twoStates, or out of our position as the paramount power in India. Theserelations, under the Treaty of 1837, give our Government the _right_to take upon itself the administration, under present circumstances;and, indeed, imposes, upon our Government the _duty_ of taking it:but, as I have already stated, neither these relations nor ourposition, as the paramount power, gives us any right to _annex_ or to_confiscate_ the territory of Oude. We may have a right to taketerritory from the Nizam of Hyderabad in payment for the money heowes us; but Oude owes us no money, and we have no right to taketerritory from her. We have only the right to interpose to secure forthe suffering people that better Government which their Sovereignpledged himself to secure for them, but has failed to secure. The Burmese war still prevents the Governor-General from devoting hisattention to Oude and Hyderabad. In the last war we did not march ourarmies to the capital because we were not prepared to supply a newGovernment for the one which we should thereby destroy; andinsurrection and civil war must have followed. Our conduct in thatwas wise and benevolent. When we moved our armies to Rangoon thistime, we upset one Government without providing the people withanother. The Governor-General could not provide for the CivilGovernment, because he could not know that the Government of Avawould force us to keep possession of any portion of its dominions;and taking upon ourselves the civil administration would compromisethe people, should he have to give them up again to their old rulers. The consequence has been great suffering to a people who hailed us asdeliverers. The folly of supposing that any country can be taken bysteamers on their rivers alone has now become sufficiently manifest. The Governor-General has however, adopted the best possible measuresfor securing ultimate good government to Pegu. It would have beenmore easily effected had they been taken earlier, but thiscircumstance prevented. There is a school in India, happily not yet much patronised by theHome Government nor by the Governor-General, but always strugglingwith more or less success for ascendancy. It is characterised byimpatience at the existence of any native State, and its strong andoften insane advocacy of their absorption--by honest means, ifpossible--but still, their absorption. There is no pretext, howeverweak, that is not sufficient, in their estimation, for the purpose;and no war, however cruel, that is not justifiable, if it has onlythis object in view. If you know George Clerk or Mr. Robertson, bothformerly Governors of our North-West Provinces, they will describe toyou the school I mean. They, I believe, with me, strongly deprecatethe doctrines of this school as more injurious to India and to ourinterest in it, than those of any other school that has ever existedin India. Mr. George Campbell is one of the disciples of thisschool. --See the 4th chapter of his "Modern India. " The "Friend ofIndia" is another, and all those whom that paper lauds most are alsodisciples of the same school. The Court of Directors will have towatch these doctrines carefully; and I wish you would speak to GeorgeClerk and Mr. Robertson about them. They are both men of large viewsand sound judgment. Believe me, My Dear Sir James, Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Sir James Weir Hogg, &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 12th January, 1853. My Dear Sir James, I wrote to you on the 23rd October, 20th November, and the 2nd ofthis month; I mention this lest any of my letters miscarry; of thefirst letter I sent a duplicate on the 2nd, but I shall not sendduplicates of the last two, or of this. I now write chiefly to callyour attention to a rabid article in the "Friend of India, " of the6th of this month, written by Mr. Marshman, when about to proceed toEngland, to become, it is said, one of the writers in the London"Times. " Of coarse, he will be engaged to write the Indian articles;and you will find him advocating the doctrines of the schoolmentioned in my last letter of the 2nd of this month. I considertheir doctrines to be prejudicial to the stability of our rule inIndia, and to the welfare of the people, which depends on it. TheCourt of Directors is our only safeguard against these Machiavelliandoctrines; and it may be rendered too powerless to stem them by thenew arrangements for the Government of India. The objects which theypropose for attainment--religion, commerce, &c. --are plausible; andthe false logic by which they attempt to justify the means requiredto attain them, however base, unjust, and cruel, is no less so. I wasasked by Dr. Duff, the editor of the "Calcutta Review, " before hewent home to write some articles for that journal, to expose thefallacies, and to counteract the influences of the doctrines of thisschool; but I have for many years ceased to contribute to theperiodical papers, and have felt bound by my position not to writefor them. Few old officers of experience, with my feelings andopinions on this subject, now remain in India; and the influence ofthis school is too great over the rising generation, whose hopes andaspirations they tend so much to encourage. Mr. Elphinstone, Mr. Robertson, and George Clerk will be able to explain their danger toyou. India must look to the Court of Directors alone for safetyagainst them, and they will require the exertion of all its wisdomand strength. Mr. Robertson will be able to tell you that, when I was sent toBundelcund, in 1842, the feelings of the people of that province wereso strongly against us, under the operation of the doctrines of thisschool, that no European officer could venture, with safety, beyondthe boundary of a cantonment of British troops; and their servantswere obliged to disguise themselves in order to pass from onecantonment to another. In a brief period, I created a feelingentirely different, and made the character of British officersrespected and beloved. In the Gwalior territories the same result wasobtained by the same means. However impulsive on other occasions, Lord Ellenborough behaved magnanimously after his victories over theGwalior troops; but in sparing the State, he acted, I believe, against the feelings of his Council, amongst whom the doctrines ofthe absorbing, annexing, and confiscating schools prevailed; and the"Friend of India" condemned him, though the invasion was neverjustified, except on the ground of expediency. Had I, on theseoccasions, adopted the doctrines of the absorbing school, I mighthave become one of the most popular and influential men in India; butI should, at the same time, have rendered our rule and characterodious to the people of India, and so far have injured our permanentinterest in the country. I mention all this merely to show that myopposition to the doctrines of this school is not new, nor in theoryonly, but of long standing and practice, as far as my influence hasextended. I deem them to be dangerous to our rule in India, andprejudicial to the best interests of the country. The people see thatthese annexations and confiscations go on, and that rewards andhonorary distinctions are given for them, and for the victories whichlead to them, and for little else; and they are too apt to infer thatthey are systematic, and encouraged, and prescribed from home. Thenative States I consider to be breakwaters, and when they are allswept away, we shall be left to the mercy of our native army, whichmay not always be sufficiently under our control. Such a feeling asthat which pervaded Bundelcund and Gwalior in 1842 and 1843, must, sooner or later, pervade all India, if these doctrines are carriedout to their full extent; and our rule could not, probably, existunder it. With regard to Oude, I can only say that the King pursuesthe same course, and every day shows that he is unfit to reign. Hehas not the slightest regard for the duties or responsibilities ofhis high position; and the people, and even the members of his ownfamily, feel humiliated at his misconduct, and grow weary of hisreign. The greater part of these members have not received theirstipends for from two to three years, and they despair of everreceiving them as long as he reigns. He is neither tyrannical norcruel, but altogether incapable of devoting any of his time orattention to business of any kind, but spends the whole of his timewith women, eunuchs, fiddlers, and other parasites. Should he be setaside, as he deserves to be, three courses are open: 1. To appoint aregency during the minority of the heir-apparent, who is now abouteleven years of age, to govern with the advice of the Resident; 2. Tomanage the country by European agency during the regency, or inperpetuity, leaving the surplus revenue to the royal family; 3. Toconfiscate and annex the country, and pension the royal family. Thefirst plan was prescribed by Lord Hardinge, in case of accident tothe King; the second is what was done at Nagpore, with so muchadvantage, by Sir Richard Jenkins in 1817; the third is what theabsorbing school would advocate, but I should most deprecate. Itwould be most profitable for us, in a pecuniary point of view, butmost injurious, I think, in a political one. It would tend toaccelerate the crisis which the doctrines of that school must, sooneror later, bring upon us. Which course the Governor-General may preferI know not. Believe me, My Dear Sir James, Yours very faithfully (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN To Sir James Weir Hogg, Bart. , &c. &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 12th January, 1853. My Dear Sir, I shall send you by this mail a copy of my Diary under cover, addressed, as you suggest, to Mr. Secretary Melvill. It is coarselybound, as I could find no good binder here. I printed eighteencopies, and have sent one to Government, in Calcutta, for itself, andone for the Court of Directors; one to the Governor-General, and oneeach to the Chairman and Deputy-Chairman. I have also sent one to abrother, and one to each of my five children. All to whom I have sentit of my family have been enjoined to consider it as private andconfidential, and they will do so. Government may publish any portionof it they please. A memorandum of errata has been added to the copyto be sent to you. Over and above what you justly observe as to the cultivation andpopulation not being much diminished, and the State not havingincurred any public debt, I may mention the fact noticed, I believe, somewhere in the Diary, that the landed aristocracy of the half ofOude, reserved in 1801, has been better preserved than that of thehalf made over to us. Had they not combined generally against theGovernment, they would all have been crushed ere this, as ours havebeen. This makes me mention a school of too much influence in India, of whose doctrines I have a great abhorrence. They are best expoundedby the so-called "Friend of India, " in the last number of which (6thJanuary, 1851) there is a rabid article on the subject worthy of yourperusal, and that of all men interested in the welfare of India andthe stability of our rule over it. It is in the true Machiavellianspirit, which justifies, or would persuade the world to justify, every means, however base, dishonest, and cruel, required to attainany object which they have persuaded themselves to be desirable forourselves. This school is impatient at the existence of any nativeprincipality in India, however related to or dependent upon us. Mr. George Campbell is a disciple of this school, almost as rabid as the"Friend of India, " as you will see in the fourth chapter of his bookon "Modern India. " If Mr. Marshman is to write the Indian articlesfor the "Times, " as reports give out, you will see these doctrinesadvocated in that influential journal. The Court of Directors is theonly safeguard of India, and of our stability in it, against thosedoctrine which, in my opinion, tend strongly to the injury of both;and its power may be rendered too powerless to shun them. Believe me, My Dear Sir, Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Colonel Sykes, Director Hon. East India Company, London. P. S. --I have felt much interested in the geology of Central andSouthern India; and if you have seen any satisfactory account of theorigin of the stratum which caps the basaltic plateau, shall feelobliged if you will point it out to me. __________________________ Lucknow, 24th April, 1853. My Dear Sir, By the last mail I received from a friend in London two articles, whose merits had been much canvassed at the clubs, one from theLondon "Times, " of the 9th February, and the other from the "DailyNews, " a Manchester paper. The "Times" article must have been writtenby Mr. J. Marshman, or one of the most rabid members of the school ofwhich he is the great organ, and whose chief characteristic isimpatience at the existence of any native territorial chief or greatlandholder in India. The other article is a reply to it, andgenerally supposed to have been written by Sir George Clerk. I feelquite sure that it was written either by him or by Mr. T. C. Robertson, who preceded him in the government of our North-WestProvinces. The article from the "Times" has been noticed in most ofthe Indian papers--the "Friend of India, " April 7th, 1853, and the"Englishman, " 15th April. But I have not seen that in the "DailyNews" noticed in any Indian papers, though admirably written. Iintended to send it to you, but have mislaid it. I think you canadvocate the cause it adopts more consistently, more powerfully, andmore wisely than any other editor now in India. I hope you will doso; for I consider the doctrines of the "Times" disgraceful to ourmorality, and dangerous to the stability of our rule. As I considerthe welfare of the people of India to depend upon the stability ofour rule, I am very anxious to see the fallacies of the atrociousdoctrines which endanger it ably exposed. In no publication are thesefallacies more obvious or more numerous than in Mr. George Campbell's"Modern India, " chapter fourth, with, perhaps, the exception of the"Friend of India. " With the "Friend, " the theory of confiscation andannexation has become a disease, and he cannot praise or eventolerate any public officer or statesman who is not known to be aconvert to the doctrines of this school. I forget the date of the "Daily News" in which Sir George Clerk'sarticle appeared, but it was immediately after the article appearedin the London "Times" of the 9th February. I hope you will give thearticle a prominent place in your paper, for it really deserves to beprinted in letters of gold. Though I feel that the character of ournation, and our safety in India, are compromised by the open avowalof such atrocious doctrines in our leading journals, still the ordersagainst officers in political employ writing in the papers are sostrict, that I dare not attempt to expose the fallacies on which theyare based, or express the indignation which they excite in me, in anypublic paper. To my superiors, and in the discharge of my publicduties, I shall never cease to express my abhorrence of suchdoctrines, for I look upon them as worse than any that Machiavelliever wrote. Believe me, Yours very sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To G. Buist, Esq. P. S. --Of course, this note will be considered as confidential. (Signed) W. H. S. __________________________ Lucknow, 24th April, 1853. Dear Sir, An article in your paper of the 15th instant, on the subject of theinternational law of India, has interested and pleased me much. Ithas reference to an article in the London "Times" of the 9th Februarylast; and I write to invite your attention to an article whichappeared in the "Daily News, " a Manchester paper, in reply to it, written by Sir G. Clerk, lately Governor of Bombay. Both thesearticles have been much discussed at the London clubs, and themorality of the "Daily News" article has been very favourablycontrasted with that of the article in the "Times. " The article inthe "Times" is supposed to have been penned by Mr. J. Marshmanhimself, or by one of the most rabid members of the school whoseMachiavellian doctrine he advocates. These doctrines are considered by some of our wisest statesmen to beas dangerous to the stability of our rule in India as they aredisgraceful to our morality; and as these statesmen consider thewell-being of the people of India to depend upon that stability, theyare always glad to see their fallacies exposed and their iniquitiesindignantly denounced by the moat able and steady of our publicjournalists. I hope you will be able to find the able article in the"Daily News" to which I refer, and consent to give it a prominentplace in the "Englishman. " It was sent to me by a friend in London, but I have, unfortunately, mislaid it. This note will, of course, beconsidered as confidential. Yours sincerely, W. H. SLEEMAN. To W. C. Harry, Esq. __________________________ Lucknow, 5th June, 1853. My Lord, I have read with great interest in the English journals yourLordship's able Minute on the Burmese war, and am glad that it hasbeen published, as it cannot fail to disabuse the public mind athome, and bring about a reaction in the feeling of the people excitedby some very unfair articles in the London "Times. " I attributedthese articles to the Napiers, who, however talented, are almostalways wrong-headed. I am persuaded that the new Sovereign will acquiesce in yourpossession of Pegu, and that he would not have ceded it by treatyunder any circumstances. The old Sovereign might have done it, thoughat great risk, but the new Sovereign could not dare to do it. Our own history affords us instances enough of powerful ministersanxious, for the public good, to get rid of conquered, but expensiveand useless possessions, but deterred from proposing the measure bythe dread of popular odium, which ambitious and factious rivals arealways ready to excite. There is one argument against the advance which I do not think thatyour Lordship has urged with the force of the rest. While the newSovereign remains undisturbed in the rest of his dominions he willmaintain his authority over them, and do his best to prevent our newfrontier from being disturbed, knowing that we can advance to hiscapital and punish him if he does not. But, were he to be driven fromhis capital, all the rest of his dominions would soon fall into astate of anarchy, and our frontiers would soon be disturbed byleaders of disorderly bands, anxious to carve out principalities forthemselves, and having no other means than plunder to maintain theirfollowers. For the acts of such men we could hold no one responsible, after we had driven their Sovereign from his capital to the hills andjungles; and half a century might elapse before order could berestored. In the mean time, wealth would be growing up within ourborder to invite their aggression, while they would become poorer andpoorer from disorders, and more and more anxious to seize upon it. With regard to an advance upon Amarapoora, it will not be difficultafter the rains, if circumstances render it necessary. The Madrascattle are much better for hard work and all climates than those ofBengal, and sufficient could be collected for the occasion by sea. Your Lordship's reasons for not trusting to steamers alone areunanswerable, and it seems impossible for a land and river force toact jointly. In this, we almost realize the contest between the windsand the moschettoes before the court of the genii in the Arabiantale: when the winds appeared, the moschettoes could not, and whenthey appeared, the winds could not. For the prestige of our own namein the rest of India, to advance to the capital and then give therest of the country to the Sovereign might, perhaps, be the best; butfor the security of our new acquisition, and that of the people ofthe rest of Burmah, it would certainly be better to stay where weare. The benefits of our rule might, by degrees, be imparted to thatof the rest of Burmah. The Government would be obliged to treat theirpeople better than they have done in order to keep them. Here everything still is what I have described it to be so often;that is, as bad as it can be. The King is the same, and the officersand favourites whom he employs are the same. I shall not write publicreports on the state of affairs till I learn that your Lordshipwishes it, which will be, I conclude, when you have carried out yourarrangements in Burmah. The terrible war of races in China, to which I have been lookingforward for some years, seems to be coming slowly on. I wrote to SirH. M. Elliot about it some two or three years ago, and recommendedhim to write a better life than we have of Jungez Khan, in order toshow what the Tartars now really are. When he led his swarms of themover China, Central Asia, and a great part of Europe, they worshippedthe god of war; they now worship the god of peace: but there aremillions of Lamas in Tartary who would change their crosiers for thesword at the call of a kindred genius, and are now impatient to doso, and prophesying his advent, just at the time that the rebelsthreaten the capital of China and the extinction of the Tartardynasty. That dynasty will throw itself upon Tartary, and a new onewill be raised by the successful leader. Your Lordship's faithful and obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. , Governor-General. __________________________ Lucknow, 24th June, 1853. Dear Sir, Your letter of the 20th instant perplexes me a good deal. I have noplace in my own office to offer you, and I never recommended any onefor employment to the King. You cannot, according to rules laid downfor our guidance, act as an advocate in any case before the Residentor his assistants. All landholders in Oude, except the few whoseestates are included in what is called the Hozoor Tuhseel, transacttheir business through the Amils, Chuckladars, and Nazims ofdistricts, and have nothing to do directly with the Durbar atLucknow. Having nothing to do with their affairs, I cannot haveanything to say with the employment by them of wakeels, or advocates. They, the landholders, generally employ native wakeels, who arewilling to bear a good deal of ill-treatment on the part of Durbarofficials for the sake of very small salaries. Your situation as awakeel on their part would be ill remunerated and exceedinglyhumiliating. If the son of Ghalib Jung has offered to introduce you to theminister, and to assist in getting employment for you at Lucknow, hemust, I think, do so in the hope of being able to make use of you insome intrigue; for those only who can aid in such intrigues arefostered and paid at Lucknow. Honest men can get nothing, and find noemployment about the Court. If you secure employment about the Court, I cannot hold any communication with you. I should compromise myselfby doing so. In your situation, I would rather be a section writer inCalcutta, or at Agra, than hold any employment in the Oude Durbarthat you can get by honest means. One of the tasks imposed on youwould be, I conclude, to praise bad persons and things, and abusegood, in the newspapers. This, of course, you would not do, and youwould be punished accordingly. I strongly advise you to have nothingto do with Oude at present. Yours very truly, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To G. Norton, Esq. , Azimgurh. __________________________ Lucknow, 11th August, 1853. My Dear Sir, Your brother, the late Lieut. -Colonel Ouseley, was a valued friend ofmine. Before his appointment as Governor-General's Agent of thesouth-eastern frontier districts, he had for many years held thecivil charge of different districts in the Sangor and Nerbuddaterritories. I had for many years the civil charge of districtsbordering on those under his charge, and abundant opportunity ofseeing how much he had made himself beloved, and the character of hisGovernment respected, by the manner in which he conducted the dutiesconfided to him. When I became Commissioner over those territories in 1844, I passedthrough the districts which had so long been under his charge, and Ican honestly say that I have never known a man who had made himselfmore beloved and revered by the people. Thousands of happy familieswere proud to acknowledge that they owed all their happiness to thecareful and liberal revision of the settlement of the land-revenuemade by him, in which he had provided for the interests of the higherand middle classes connected with the land, while he secured therights of the humblest. I visited at the same time the districts of those territories whichbordered upon his then charge of the south-east frontier, andcommuned with many people from that quarter. They all spoke of him asbeloved and respected by all classes as much in his then charge as hehad been in his old one. In a country where it is the duty of everyEnglishman to make the character of his Government and his nationrespected and beloved, one cannot but feel proud to hear a countrymanand fellow-labourer spoken of by tens of thousands of respectable, contented, and happy people as your brother was and still is. I knowno part of India where the people of all classes and all grades areso attached to our character and our Government as that of the Saugorand Nerbudda territories, and I believe that no man did more toestablish that fine feeling than your brother. Your brother's temper was warm, and he was not always happy inputting his thoughts and feelings to paper. Hence arose occasionalmisunderstandings with his official superiors. But while thosesuperiors were men who could understand and appreciate his noblenature, such occasional misunderstandings never led to seriousconsequences. In the bitterness of his anguish, after his removalfrom the south-east frontier, he wrote to me; and it was most painfulto me to feel that I was not in a position, or in circumstances, toadvocate his cause, and describe the value of such a man as therepresentative of the Government and the national character among awild and half-civilized people like those over whom he had beenplaced. I think it was on the representation of the late Mr. Launcelot Wilkinson, one of the most able and estimable members ofthe India Civil Service, that he was sent to the south-east frontier. He had seen his value in the Saugor and Nerbudda districts while hewas political agent at Bhopaul, which bordered on the districts underyour brother's charge. It has been to me a source of much regret that I have not had it inmy power to aid his son in getting employment in India. Believe me, Yours very truly, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Major Ouseley, &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 14th September, 1853. Dear Sir, The King of Oude will certainly not assist you to get up a newspaperat Lucknow; and you will certainly be disappointed if you come inexpectation of such assistance from him. If you can get into hisservice in any other capacity, I am not aware of any objections toit, but as I have already told you and many others, I cannotrecommend any one for employment under him. The humiliations to whichhonest and respectable Christians have to submit in his service, fromthe jealousies of influential persons about the Durbar, are such asfew can or ought to submit to; and I certainly would not advise anyone to enter such a service. Under whatever pledge or whateverinfluence they might enter it, their tenure of office and their paywould be altogether precarious, and the Resident would be unable toassist them in retaining the one or recovering the other. Yours faithfully, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To G. Norton, Esq. P. S. --The King of Oude and his family are in no danger from theBritish Government, on whose good faith they repose. I only wish thathis honest and industrious subjects were as safe from the officerswhom he employs in all branches of the administration, and from whomthey are nowhere safe I fear. (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. __________________________ Lucknow, 27th September, 1853. My Dear James, Under the circumstances you mention, I see but one course open toyou; and that is, to recommend to the Government of Bombay to do asLord William Bentinck did in the Bengal Presidency under similarcircumstances, appoint a special Commissioner for the trial ofoffenders under Acts XX. [_sic_] of 1836, and XXIV. Of 1843; or forthe revision of trials under these Acts, conducted by Sessions'Judges. The first would be the best if feasible; but the second would do, since the Sessions' Judges seem now to be disposed to give their aidto Government in putting down the evil, and the Sudder Judges do not. Formerly, I believe, the Sudder Judges were so disposed, and theSessions Judges not. In my reply to the Government of Bombay, youwill see reference made to Lord William's appointment of Mr. Stockwell as special Commissioner. He was at the time Commissioner ofthe Allahabad division, and the work was imposed upon him in additionto his other duties. If the Bombay Government does not think it has authority to appointsuch a special Commission, they may apply to the Legislative Councilto pass an Act authorising the Government of every Presidency toappoint such a Commission when circumstances may render it necessary. This will be better and safer than to frame and enforce new rules ofevidence for the guidance of existing Judicial Courts. The one wouldbe for a special emergency, and temporary; and Government would notbe very averse to it; but the other they certainly would not ventureupon, particularly at this time. A great fuss would be made about ithere and at home; and lawyers are too influential in both places. You can show that there is no alternative--that this system of crimemust be left to prosper in the Bombay Presidency, where alone it nowprevails, or such a Commission must be appointed; and as the Acts andthe machinery for giving effect to them have succeeded in putting itdown in all the rest, it would be hard to leave the people of Bombayexposed to all the evils arising from the want of such a specialCommission. Such Commissions have been adopted to relieve the peoplefrom the hardships of the resumption laws, which affected but a smallportion of the community; and you hope it would not be consideredunreasonable in you to propose one for the relief of the wholecommunity; for the life and property of no family will be safe anhour, if these classes of offenders by hereditary profession areassured that they may carry on their trade with impunity, as theymust be if your agency be withdrawn, and all the prisoners bereleased. If you make a forcible representation to the Bombay Government inthis strong case, they will adopt the measure if they have the power, or ask the power from the supreme Government; and I think the supremeGovernment will give it. I would say a special Commission for thetrial of commitments under XXX. Of 1836, and XXIV. Of 1843, or aspecial Commission for the revision of trials under these Acts, asmay seem best to Government; but you can say that you think the firstwould answer the purpose best in the Bombay Presidency. You may offerto run down to Bombay and submit your views to the Government inCouncil if required. They would not think it necessary, but would bepleased with the offer. Where men are committed on the generalcharge, it has always been thought necessary to show that the gangcommitted a murder or a robbery, though it is not so to show whatpart the prisoners took in them. If your assistant has not done this, he has failed in a material point. He should be very cautious indealing with whole classes. The fault of our Bombay assistants hasalways been a disposition to make offenders of whole classes, whenonly some of the members are so. You must make your best of the present case--show the necessity ofthe remedy clearly, and urge it respectfully without pretending tofind fault with the Judges; merely say that their interpretation ofthe laws of evidence laid down for their guidance, howeverconscientious, forms an insurmountable obstacle to the conviction ofoffenders by hereditary profession, whose system has been foundedupon the experience of their ancestors in the most successful modesof defeating these laws, and the technicalities of ordinary JudicialCourts. This is, I think, all that I can say on the subject atpresent. The Moncktons leave us this evening, and Amelie intends toset out for the hills on the 6th proximo. Yours affectionately, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain J. Sleeman. __________________________ Lucknow, 28th September, 1853. My Dear James, On further consideration, I think that you should say nothing aboutthe second proposal of a special Commissioner to revise the trials ofoffenders tried by Sessions Judges. You should suggest the firstproposal of a special Commissioner to try all prisoners committed fortrial under Acts XXX. Of 1836, and XXIV. Of 1843, and perhaps alsoXI. Of 1841. See my Printed Report, page 357. You may mention that such Commissioner should be required to submithis sentences for the consideration and final orders of Government, as all political officers did till March, 1835; or merely for theinformation of Government, as political officers did after that time. On the 23rd of March, 1835, the Secretary to the Government of Indiaforwarded to the Resident of Lucknow, for his guidance, the copy of aletter addressed on that date to the Agent of the Governor-General inthe Saugor and Nerbudda territories, requesting that he would carryinto execution his sentences on Thugs, and not make any reference toGovernment for confirmation, but merely submit to Government abstractstatements of sentences; but desiring that the sanction of the Kingof Oude should be required before any capital sentence was carriedinto effect. No capital sentence was from that time passed. As allprisoners will be tried on the general charge, no capital sentencewill ever be passed by the special Commissioner, and the BombayGovernment may be disposed to give him the same orders. But theGovernor in Council at Bombay will be the best judge of that. Lord Falkland may possibly be deterred by apprehensions that lateevents may have altered the tone of feeling at home towards him; butI am persuaded that he would be glad to carry this measure intoeffect. I will send you a copy of the Government letter to theResident here; and you may get from the agent's office a copy of thatsent on the same date to him, though you may not readily find thatoffice under the new arrangements. You will, I think, have a strongcase, and I wish you success in it. Yours affectionately, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Captain Jas. Sleeman. __________________________ Lucknow, 4th November, 1853. My Dear Malcolm, I should recommend for the Baee a money stipend for life of fivethousand rupees a-month, with the understanding that if she adopted achild she would have to provide for him out of her savings from thisstipend, and out of her private property. All the Rajah's privateproperty, save what he may will away to others, will of course beleft to her, to be disposed of as she may think fit. But this stipendshould be independent of those to be continued to the stipendiariesof the Rajah. There are several who have nothing else to depend onbut the stipends which they now receive from the Rajah; and it mustbe borne in mind that they have no longer Bajee Rao, Benaek Rao, theJhansi and Saugor chief, to go to. This will be the last of theBrahmin dynasties founded in that part of the world by the Peshwas. Our Government should therefore be liberal in taking possession ofthe estate as an escheat. The Mahratta language in accounts should at once be done away with;but out of the revenues of the estate, Government should found a goodschool for English and Hindoo, and Persian; and, above all, for avery good hospital and dispensary, under well educated and triedsurgeons, native and European, capable of throwing out branches. All the public officers of the Rajah should have stipends oremployment, or both, in proportion to their period of service andrespectability. If they take employment the stipends should bededucted from their salaries while in office, as in our own service. In the case of the Baee Regent at Saugor, we continued a small partof her pension to her adopted son, --one thousand rupees a-month, --toenable him to provide for her non-pensioned dependents. We took themanagement long before her death, and left her only a private lady, with a large pension of, I think, eight thousand rupees a-month;besides pensions--too large--to the family of her manager, BenaekRao: this will be unnecessary at Jhansi. All the large hereditarylandholders of the Jhansi estate should have liberal settlements atfixed rates. They are all from the landed aristocracy of Bundelcund, and should be treated with consideration. The first settlement of theland revenue should be very moderate. The lands will lose the mostvaluable market for their produce in the breaking up of the Court andestablishment of the Rajah at the capital, and yield less money, &c. , than before. This must be borne in mind. You may freely use these my views as you think best on the Jhansiquestion. As to the management, I should make as little changes possible, tillthe final orders arrive from the Court of Directors, that you mayhave nothing to undo of what you have done. I would leave themanagement to Ellis, under your supervision, and interfere only onreferences in special cases, except, of course, on emergency. I knownot what the system is to be, or what system the Governor-General hasrecommended, except that there is to be one head, as in Rajpootana;and that all correspondence with Government is to go through thathead, In this state of the matter I know not what to suggest or say. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Major Malcolm, &c. &c. __________________________ Lucknow, 11th November, 1853. My Lord, I feel grateful for your Lordship's letter of the 27th ult. , butcannot say that I have any hope of discovering the instrumentsemployed, or the employer, in the late affair. The whole power of theGovernment is in the hands of men who are deeply interested inconcealing the truth, and making it appear that no attempt was reallymade. The minister has, by his intrigues, put himself so much in thepower of the knave whom I suspect, that he dares not do anything tooffend him. The man could at once ruin him by his exposures if hechose, and he would do so if he found it necessary for his ownsecurity. The man is biding his time, as he has often done withformer ministers; and the time would have come ere this had not theKing, to save himself, married one of the minister's prettydaughters. The King's chief consort; was the niece of the minister, and her sonis the heir-apparent; so that it was her interest, and that of heruncle, the minister, to get rid of the King as soon as possible. Sheis a profligate woman, and the King's mother is supposed to havegiven him a hint of his danger. He took a liking to one of thedaughters, and married her, in order to make it the minister'sinterest to keep him alive as long as possible. He now contrives tomake the King believe that neither his life nor reign can be in anydanger as long as he is in his present position. The night after this affair took place, a sipahee of the 35th NativeInfantry, standing sentry at one end of the house, fell asleep whilehe was leaning with his right wrist on the muzzle of his musket. Themusket went off; the ball passed through his wrist, grazed a largebeam above him, struck against a stone in the roof of the portico, and fell down flattened by the side of the sentry, as he layinsensible and bleeding on the ground below. The wrist wassahttered, [_sic_] and several of the arteries cut through. He bledprofusely, and when taken up he talked incoherently, declaring thatsome man had fired at him from behind the railing, twenty paces off. I have seen similar cases of incoherency, arising from a similarcause. As soon as day appeared the ball was found, and its marks onthe beam and stone above showed the real state of the case. His rightknee was probably leaning on the lock of the musket when he fellasleep. I have made no public or official report of this circumstanceto Government. I have now before me a curious instance of the difficulty of gettingat the truth when it is the interest of the minister and others aboutthis Court to prevent it. A wanton attack was made in April last byabout one hundred armed men, led by one of the King's collectors, ona native British subject coming from Cawnpore to visit a brother inOude. The man himself received a wound, from which he some daysafterwards died at Cawnpore; two of his attendants were killed, andtwenty thousand rupees were taken from him. I have investigated thecase myself, with the aid of my assistant, Captain Hayes, and withthe attendance of an assessor on the part of the King. The case is avery clear one, but they have produced about thirty witnesses toswear that no man of the poor merchant's party was hurt; and that, instead of being attacked, he invaded the Oude territory with morethan one hundred armed followers, and wantonly attacked the King'sparty of only fifteen unoffending men, while engaged in the dischargeof their duty in collecting the revenue. I have translated thedepositions with the prospect of having ultimately to submit the caseto Government, unless the King consents to punish the offenders andafford redress. The assessor, an old man, bewildered by theconflicting testimony, and anxious to escape from all responsibility, slept soundly through the greater part of the inquiry, which has beena very tedious one. I remain, your Lordship's Most obedient and humble servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most Noblethe Governor-General of India. __________________________ Lucknow, 28th December, 1853. My Dear Mr. Colvin, I was glad to see your handwriting again, and to find that time hadmade so little alteration in it. Oude affairs are, as you suppose, much as they used to be, save that the King is now persuaded by hisminister and favourite that, had his predecessors had men and womenabout them so wise as they are, they never would have acted as ifthey believed that the Government of India ever really intended tocarry into effect the penalty of misgovernment, so often threatened. Our Government has cried "wolf" so often that no one now listens toit. The King is an utter imbecile, from over-indulgences of allkinds; and the knaves whom he employs in his administration contriveto persuade him that the preservation of his life and throne dependsentirely upon their vigilance and his doing nothing. Had I come herewhen the treasury was full, and Naseer-od Doon Hyder was anxious tospend his money in the manner best calculated to do good and pleaseour Government, I might have covered Oude with useful public works, and much do I regret that I came here to throw away some of the bestyears of my life among such a set of knaves and fools as I have todeal with. I think you will do much good in your present charge in the subjectto which you refer. In the matter of discourtesy to the nativegentry, I can only say that Robert Martin Bird insulted them wheneverhe had the opportunity of doing so; and that Mr. Thomason was too aptto imitate him in this as in other things. Of course their examplewas followed by too many of their followers and admirers; but, likeyou, I have been delighted to see a great many of the elder membersof the civil service, in spite of these bad examples, treat thenative gentry with all possible courtesy, and show them that they hadtheir sympathy as long as they deserved it by their conduct. It has always struck me that Mr. Thomason, in his system, did all hecould to discourage the growth of a middle and upper class upon theland--the only kind of property on which a good upper and middleclass could be sustained in the present state of society in India. His village republics and the Ryutwar system of Sir Thomas Munro hadprecisely the same tendency to subdivide minutely property in land, and reduce all landholders to the common level of impoverishment. Theonly difference was that the impoverished tenants in the North-Western Provinces were supposed to manage their own affairs, whilethose at Madras had them managed by a very mischievous class ofnative public officers. He (Mr. Thomason) would have forced hisvillage republics upon any new country or jungle that came under hischarge, and thereby rendered improvement impossible. I would haveintroduced into all such new countries a system of paternalgovernment in imitation of our Government of India itself, whichwould have rendered improvement certain, and the growth of a middleand higher class no less so. He would have put the whole under ourjudicial courts, and thereby have created a middle class ofpettifogging attorneys to swallow up all the surplus produce of theland. I would have kept the whole of the land in the hands of ourfiscal courts, by making it all leasehold property, and maintainingthe law of primogeniture in all estates of villages. Mr. Thomason, Iam told, systematically set aside all the landed aristocracy of thecountry as a set of middlemen, superfluous and mischievous. The only part of our India in which I have seen a middle and higherclass maintained upon the land is the moderately-settled districts ofthe Saugor and Nerbudda territories; and there is no part of Indiawhere our Government and character are so much beloved and respected. You have sent Mr. Read to that part; and if he be bigoted to Mr. Thomason's system, he will upset all this, and, in my opinion, laythe foundation of much evil. We found a system of paternal governmentin every village, and maintained and improved it. They were alllittle principalities; and by the printed rules of the Sudder Boardof Revenue, which are very good, all the sub-tenants were effectuallysecured in their rights. In making a tour through Oude in the end of 1849 and beginning of1850 I had a good deal of talk with the people. Many of them hadsojourned in our territories in seasons of disturbance. The generalimpression was that they would be glad to see the country taken underBritish management, provided we could dispense with our tediousprocedure in civil cases. They all had a very unfavourable impressionof our civil courts, and of the cost and delay of the procedure. Mills and Harrington, to whom the duty, which was to have devolved onyou, has been confided, may do much good, and I hope will, for therereally is nothing in our system which calls so much for remedy. I ampersuaded that, if it were to be put to the vote among the people ofOude, ninety-nine in a hundred would rather remain as they are, without any feeling of security in life or property, than have oursystem introduced in its present complicated state; but that ninety-nine in a hundred would rather have our Government than live as theydo, if a more simple system, which they could understand, werepromised at the same time. In 1801, when the Oude territory was divided, and half taken by usand half left to Oude, the landed aristocracy of each were aboutequal. Now hardly a family of this class remains in our half, whilein Oude it remains unimpaired. Everybody in Oude believes thosefamilies to have been systematically crushed. If by-and-by we can getthe people to take an interest in our railroads, and outlays uponother great public works, it will tend to create the middle classupon which I set so much value, and to give that feeling of interestin the stability of our rule which we so much require. We shall thenhave objects of common interest to talk and think about, and becomemore united with them in feeling. Maddock is in Ceylon, but intends to return by the steamer which isto leave Calcutta on the 5th proximo. His speculations there havebeen failures. Had he looked after his estates there instead ofjoining the effete party of the Derbyites he might have done well. Hehas made great mistakes, and he now suffers for them. His support ofLord Torrington was his first. Believe me, Yours very sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Mr. Colvin. __________________________ Lucknow, 5th March, 1854. My Dear Low, I have to-day written to Government a letter, which you will ofcourse see, on the subject of a proposal made to me by Mr. B. Government will, I have no doubt, consider the reason assigned by mefor refusing to permit him to send an European agent to Lucknow, ostensibly to collect debts, sufficient; but whether it will consentto adopt my suggestion, and empower the Resident to assure the Kingthat it will not again consent to permit Mr. B. To return and resideat Lucknow, after he has been twice expelled for his misdeeds, I knownot. One thing is certain, that his residence at Cawnpore, under theassurance from the minister that he shall come back and be madewealthy if he can aid in getting rid of the Resident, is verymischievous. B. , Wasee Allee, and the Minister, succeeded in persuading the Kingthat Shurfod Dowla, and all the most respectable members of theLucknow aristocracy, had signed a memorial to the Government ofIndia, praying that it would set aside the present King as anincompetent fool, and put Mostafa Alee on the throne in his place. All this was reported by me to Government on the 2nd of March, 1853. The seals were all forged or filched here at Lucknow, but the paperswere written in Calcutta, under the agency, I believe, of Synd Jan, Sir H. E. 's moonshee, from Bilgram, where his family have longenjoyed an estate rent-free, for the aid he has given to the ministerin his intrigues. I have never been able to remove this delusion fromthe mind of the imbecile King; and it is the "_raw_" on which theseknaves have been ever since acting; for it enables the minister topersuade him that his vigilance-alone preserves his life and crown. The minister is aware that I know all this, and may some day be ableto show the King how he has been deluded and befooled by him; and hewould give all he is worth to get rid of me in any way. He would giveany sums to B. And his other agents to bribe editors to write againstme; but the only editors who have yielded have been those of the"Mofussilite, " before Mr. C. Took the management. Mr. B. Complains atCawnpore, that he gave Mr. L. A large sum to do his dirty work athome; but that he did nothing for it. This is not unlikely. That theminister and Wasee Alee got up the attempt at the Residency, eitherto make away with me, or to alarm me into going away, I am persuaded;but to get judicial proof of it I shall not attempt. It would be vainhere, where the minister has all the revenues of the State to workwith. All the native gentlemen whose seals were forged to this document, look to me for protection; and they have been ever since in a stateof great alarm. It was to keep up this alarm that they tried to turnShurfod Dowla out of Oude. I had rarely seen him before that time;and I have only seen him once since he went to the cantonments; andthen only for five minutes during my walk in the garden, to talkabout Mulki Jahan's affairs. They punish any one who ventures toapproach the King; and they would ruin any one who ventured toapproach the Resident if they could, lest he might open the eyes ofthe King to the iniquities they commit. The troops are starved, andalmost all the old members of the royal family, who had no Governmentpaper or guarantees, have been already starved or driven out. Oudehas never before been afflicted by a Sovereign so utterly imbecileand regardless of his duties and the sufferings of his people; norhas there ever been a minister so utterly regardless of his ownreputation and that of his master. He bribes with money, power, andpatronage, every one who has access to the King, to sound his praisein prose or verse; and the King is persuaded that his life and thronedepend upon his abstaining altogether, from interfering in theconduct of affairs. When I was in the Governor-Generals camp at Futtehgur, M. H. , the sonof S. A. K. , came there armed, I knew, with four lacs of rupees. Hewas an old acquaintance of E. 's, and he (E. ) told me that he hadasked for an interview, and asked me whether he ought to consent tosee him. I told him that, if he did see him, he must make up his mindto the man's persuading the King that he had given him the greaterpart of the money, though the man himself kept all that he did notgive to his moonshee. He refused to see the man; but he has eversince been with Mr. L. At Allahabad, intriguing with his people tochouse men out of their ancient possessions; or with the Oude people, to keep up the _raw_ they have established on the King's mind. TheKing, by over-indulgence, has reduced his intellect below thestandard of that of a boy of five years of age. It is painful to talkto a man with a mind so utterly emasculated. Our Government would be fully authorized at any time to enforce thepenalty prescribed in your treaty of 1837, and it incurs great odiumand obloquy for not enforcing it. But Lord D. Has, no doubt, solidreasons for not taking such responsibility upon himself at this time. I do all I can to save the people, and the people are sensible ofwhat I do, and grateful for it; for the Resident is the only personthey can look up to with any hope. If Government can comply with mywish to have the King assured that it will not permit Mr. B. Toreturn and reside at Lucknow again, it will be of great use to me andto the people, for the hopes held out to him are like a premiumoffered for my head, or for my ruin; and one never feels verycomfortable under such offers, at any time or in any country. Thereckless lies which this man gets adventurers at Cawnpore to writefor him, and careless or corrupt editors to publish, are apt tostagger those who do not know the vile character of the individual, or the true nature of the facts referred to. I am glad you saw W. He is a man of high character and first-rateability, and has abundance of sagacity and energy. I miss him verymuch. He will be a credit to his regiment if engaged on activeservice. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To Colonel Low, C. B. P. S. --I shall say nothing in this of your domestic bereavement, though I have felt much for you. W. H. S. In my public letter, I have referred to that of the Marquess of W. ToL. , when he was Resident. Do refer to it Page 388, Vol. 1. , "Despatches. " __________________________ Lucknow, 1st June, 1854. My Dear Low, In my letter of the 10th of November, 1853, I solicited permission toretain Weston with me for reasons stated therein. In reply, I wastold, in Mr. Dalrymple's letter of the 2nd of December, "that theGovernor-General in Council had every wish to consult my views, but, for the present at least, his Lordship in Council thinks thatLieutenant Weston must in fairness be required to join his regiment, like other officers. " I am so very anxious to have his services again in the office hefilled, that I have to-day ventured, in a public letter to theForeign Secretary, to request that he will submit my wishes to theGovernor-General in Council, should they deem the state of affairs inBurmah at present to be such as to admit of his being withdrawn fromhis regiment I have said, in my public letter, that should anyexigency arise he could, of course, quickly join his regiment onservice again. If you can give me any assistance in obtaining his services, I shallfeel very much indebted to you, for I have that confidence in hisabilities and high-mindedness which I cannot feel in those of his_locum tenens_; and I am very anxious to keep things in good trainhere till the end of the cold weather, when I must go on leave torecruit. I am really in a very difficult position here, not withregard to the King, for he has, I believe, entire confidence in me;but he has become so entangled with his minister, that he is afraidof him; and the minister would give all he has (and he has all therevenues of the country) to get me out of the way. I carried the Government orders regarding Shurfod Dowla into effect, and he is now, with his family, quiet and safe. The King behaved verywell, and resisted all the attempts of the minister to persuade himto remonstrate. I am to-day to submit Shurfod Dowla's letter ofgrateful thanks to Government. I hope Government will not write tohim in reply, as this might mortify and vex the King, since he is notwritten to by the Governor-General. I think I told you of the _raw_ the minister, Wasee Alee and Co. , hadestablished on the King's mind--the belief that a party of themembers of the royal family and native gentlemen at Lucknow had beentrying to persuade Government to set him aside, and put his reputedbrother, Mostafa Alee, on the throne. Whenever they want to make theKing angry with any one, they tell him that he is a leader in thiscabal. But the King is, by degrees, growing out of this folly. Therenever was on the throne, I believe, a man more inoffensive at heartthan he is; and he is quite sensible of my anxious desire to advisehim rightly, and see justice done in all cases. But I am a sadstumbling-block to the minister and the other bad and incompetentofficers employed in the administration. If you wish it, I will be more circumstantial about Weston's _locumtenens_, Lieut. B. , of the 1st Cavalry. For his own repute, and thatof the Government, I think the less he has to do with the politicaldepartment the better. He would be better in a military staffappointment than a political one. Yours sincerely, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Hon. Colonel Low, C. B. __________________________ Lucknow, 11th September, 1854. My Lord, The post which this morning brought me your Lordship's letter of the6th instant brought me also one from Bombay, which I enclose for yourLordship's perusal. Should you think it worth while, Colonel Outramwill be able to sift the matter to which it refers. I have long beenaware of the intrigue, and have taken care to let the King know thatI am so; but as I knew, at the same time, that the object was merelyto get money out of him, and to strengthen his confidence in hisminister, which had begun to give way, I did not think it necessaryto trouble your Lordship with any reference on the subject. I knewthat letters had been forged as from the King of Persia to the Kingof Oude, proposing to divide Hindoostan between them, and I thoughtit to be my duty to tell him so, in order to warn him; but, as hedenied ever having received such letters, I told him that I shouldtake the word of a King, and say no more about it. He is certainlynot of sound mind, and things must, ere long, come to a crisis. Hismind may have been of an average kind when he was young, but it haslong become emasculated by over-indulgence; and the minister and hisminions can make him believe or do what they please. They know thatit cannot last long, and they have agents in Bombay and Calcutta toassist them in fleecing the King of money on all manner of falsepretences. The minister, a consummate knave, and one of the most incompetent menof business that I have ever known, has all the revenues andpatronage of the country to distribute among those who have access tothe King exclusively--they are poets, fiddlers, eunuchs, andprofligate women; and every one of them holds, directly orindirectly, some court or other, fiscal, criminal, or civil, throughwhich to fleece the people. Anything so detestable as the GovernmentI have nowhere witnessed, and a man less competent to govern themthan the King I have never known. Had your Lordship left the choice of a successor to me, I should havepointed out Colonel Outram; and I feel very much rejoiced that he hasbeen selected for the office, and I hope he will come as soon aspossible. There are many honest men at Lucknow, and a finer peasantryno country can boast. But no honest man can obtain or retain officeunder Government with the present minister and heads of departments. But where the whole revenues of a fine country are available tosuborn witnesses to prove the King to be a _Solomon_, no Residentwould be able to find judicial proof of his being a fool; but that heis so I have had abundance of, to me, satisfactory evidence eversince I have been here. It must soon, however, become clear, withoutthe Resident's efforts to make it so. Where the Government of Indiais so solemnly pledged to see justice done to the people of acountry, it cannot fairly permit them to be reigned over much longerby so incompetent a Sovereign. Proofs enough of bad government andneglected duties were given in my Diary; and a picture more true was, I believe, never drawn of any country. The duty of remedying theevils, and carrying out your Lordship's views in Oude, whatever theymay be, must now devolve on another. No one of my present assistants knows anything whatever about Oude, its Government, or its people; and Colonel Outram will, therefore, labour under great disadvantages. I hope, therefore, that yourLordship will pardon the liberty I take in suggesting that he beallowed the aid of Captain Weston. He went over the whole of Oudewith me, and knows almost all who have made themselves prominent forgood or for evil within the last five years. I know that, as soon asI go, some of the most atrocious villains whom I have kept out ofoffice will try to purchase their way back; and there is no man toobad for the minister, provided he pays for his restoration. --Themurderer of the banker, mentioned in my Diary, vol. I. , p. 131, andthe murderer of thousands mentioned in the same volume. CaptainWeston is high minded, sagacious, energetic, hard-working, conciliatory and, to Colonel Outram, his services in the new chargewould be invaluable. I have the honour to remain, Your Lordship's faithful and obedient servant, (Signed) W. H. SLEEMAN. To the Most NobleThe Marquis of Dalhousie, K. T. Governor-General. THE END. LONDON: PRINTED BY W. CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET.