A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. BY ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. XVII. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH: AND T. CADELL, LONDON. MDCCCXXIV. A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS, ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER: FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE, BY SEA AND LAND, FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THEPRESENT TIME. BY ROBERT KERR, F. R. S. & F. A. S. EDIN. ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS. VOL. XVII. EDINBURGH: _Printed by James Ballantyne & Co_. FOR WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH;J. MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET; BALDWIN, CRADOCK ANDJOY, AND GALE AND FENNER, PATERNOSTER-ROW, LONDON; AND J. CUMMING, DUBLIN. 1816. CONTENTS TO VOL. XVII. CHAP. V. _Continued_. Captain King's Journal of the Transactions onreturning to the Sandwich Islands. SECT. VI. General Account of the Sandwich Islands. Their Number, Names, and Situation. OWHYHEE. Its Extent, and Division into Districts. Account of its Coasts, and the adjacent Country. Volcanic Appearances. Snowy Mountains. Their Height determined. Account of a Journey into the Interior Parts of the Country. MOWEE. TAHOOHOWA. MOROTOI. RANAI. WOAHOO. ATOOI. ONEEHEOW. OREEHOUA. TAAOORA. Climate. Winds. Currents. Tides. Animals and Vegetables. Astronomical Observations. VII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued. Of the Inhabitants. Their Origin. Persons. Pernicious effects of the Ava. Numbers. Disposition and Manners. Reasons for supposing them not Cannibals. Dress and Ornaments. Villages and Houses. Food. Occupations and Amusements. Addicted to Gaming. Their extraordinary Dexterity in Swimming. Arts and Manufactures. Curious Specimens of their Sculpture. Kipparee, or Method of Painting Cloth. Mats. Fishing Hooks. Cordage. Salt Pans. Warlike Instruments. SECT. VIII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued. Government. People divided into three Classes. Power of Erreetaboo. Genealogy of the Kings of Owhyhee and Mowee. Power of the Chiefs. State of the inferior Class. Punishment of Crimes. Religion. Society of Priests. The Orono. Their Idols. Songs chanted by the Chiefs, before they drink Ava. Human Sacrifices. Custom of Knocking out the fore Teeth. Notions with regard to a future State. Marriages. Remarkable Instance of Jealousy. Funeral Rites. CHAP. VI. Transactions during the second Expedition to the North, by the way ofKamtschatka; and on the Return Home by the way of Canton and the Cape ofGood Hope. SECT. I. Departure from Oneheeow. Fruitless Attempt to discover Modoopapappa. Course steered for Awatska Bay. Occurrences during that Passage. Sudden Change from Heat to Cold. Distress occasioned by the Leaking of the Resolution. View of the Coast of Kamtschatka. Extreme Rigour of the Climate. Lose Sight of the Discovery. The Resolution enters the Bay of Awatska. Prospect of the Town of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Party sent ashore. Their Reception by the Commanding-Officer of the Port. Message dispatched to the Commander at Bolcheretsk. Arrival of the Discovery. Return of the Messengers from the Commander. Extraordinary mode of Travelling. Visit from a Merchant and a German Servant belonging to the Commander. II. Scarcity of Provisions and Stores at the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; A Party set out to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk. Passage up the River Awatska. Account of their Reception by the Toion of Karatchin. Description of Kamtschadale Dress. Journey on Sledges. Description of this Mode of Travelling. Arrival at Natcheekin. Account of Hot Springs. Embark on Bolchoireka. Reception at the Capital. Generous and hospitable Conduct of the Commander and the Garrison. Description of Bolcheretsk. Presents from the Commander. Russian and Kamtschadale Dancing. Affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk. Return to Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the Ship. Generosity of the Sailors. Dispatches sent by Major Behm to Petersburg. His Departure and Character. III. Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St Peter and St Paul. Abundance of Fish. Death of a Seaman belonging to the Resolution. The Russian Hospital put under the Care of the Ship's Surgeons. Supply of Flour and Cattle. Celebration of the King's Birth-day. Difficulties in Sailing out of the Bay. Eruption of a Volcano. Steer to the Northward. Cheepoonskoi Noss. Errors of the Russian Charts. Kamptschatskoi Noss. Island of St. Laurence. View, from the same Point, of the Coasts Asia and America, and the Islands of St. Diomede. Various Attempts to get to the North, between the two Continents. Obstructed by impenetrable Ice. Sea-horses and White Bears killed. Captain Clerke's Determination and future Designs. IV. Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through Ice to the North-West. Dangerous Situation of the Discovery. Sea-horses killed. Fresh Obstructions from the Ice. Report of Damages, received by the Discovery. Captain Clerke's Determination to proceed to the Southward. Joy of the Ships' Crews on that Occasion. Pass Serdze Kamen. Return through Beering's Strait. Enquiry into the Extent of the North-East Coast of Asia. Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map of the Promontory of the Tschutski. Reasons for believing the Coast does not reach a higher Latitude than 70-2/3° North. General Observations on the Impracticability of a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean. Comparative View of the Progress made in the Years 1778 and 1779. Remarks on the Sea and Sea-coasts, North of Beering's Strait. History of the Voyage resumed. Pass the Island of St. Laurence. The Island of Mednoi. Death of Captain Clerke. Short Account of his Services. V. Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Promotion of Officers. Funeral of Captain Clerke. Damages of the Discovery repaired. Various other Occupations of the Ships' Crews. Letters from the Commander. Supply of Flour and Naval Stores from a Russian Galliot. Account of an Exile. Bear-hunting and Fishing Parties. Disgrace of the Serjeant. Celebration of the King's Coronation Day, and Visit from the Commander. The Serjeant reinstated. A Russian Soldier promoted at our Request. Remarks on the Discipline of the Russian Army. Church at Paratounca. Method of Bear-hunting. Farther Account of the Bears and Kamtschadales. Inscription to the Memory of Captain Clerke. Supply of Cattle. Entertainments on the Empress's Name Day. Present from the Commander. Attempt of a Marine to desert. Work out of the Bay. Nautical and Geographical Description of Awatska Bay. Astronomical Tables and Observations. VI. General Account of Kamtschatka. Geographical Description. Rivers. Soil. Climate. Volcanoes. Hot Springs. Productions. Vegetables. Animals. Birds. Fish. VII. General Account of Kamtschatka, continued. Of the Inhabitants. Origin of the Kamtschadales. Discovered by the Russians. Abstract of their History. Numbers. Present State. Of the Russian Commerce in Kamtschatka. Of the Kamtschadale Habitations, and Dress. Of the Kurile Islands. The Koreki. The Tschutski. VIII. Plan of our future Proceedings. Course to the Southward, along the Coast of Kamtschatka. Cape Lopatka. Pass the Islands Shoomska and Paramousir. Driven to the Eastward of the Kuriles. Singular Situation with respect to the pretended Discoveries of former Navigators. Fruitless Attempts to reach the Islands North of Japan. Geographical Conclusions. View of the Coast of Japan. Run along the East Side. Pass two Japanese Vessels. Driven off the Coast by contrary Winds. Extraordinary Effect of Currents. Steer for the Bashees. Pass large Quantities of Pumice Stone. Discover Sulphur Island. Pass the Pratas. Isles of Lema, and Ladrone Island. Chinese Pilot taken on board the Resolution. Journals of the Officers and Men secured. IX. Working up to Macao. A Chinese Comprador. Sent on Shore to visit the Portuguese Governor. Effects of the Intelligence we received from Europe. Anchor in the Typa. Passage up to Canton. Bocca Tygris. Wampu. Description of a Sampane. Reception at the English Factory. Instance of the suspicious Character of the Chinese. Of their Mode of trading. Of the City of Canton. Its Size. Population. Number of Sampanes. Military Force. Of the Streets and Houses. Visit to a Chinese. Return to Macao. Great Demand for the Sea-Otter Skins. Plan of a Voyage for opening a Fur-Trade on the Western Coast of America, and prosecuting further Discoveries in the Neighbourhood of Japan. Departure from Macao. Price of Provisions in China. X. Leave the Typa. Orders of the Court of France respecting Captain Cook. Resolutions in consequence thereof. Strike Soundings on the Macclesfield Banks. Pass Pulo Sapata. Steer for Pulo Condore. Anchor at Pulo Condore. Transactions during our Stay. Journey to the principal Town. Receive a Visit from a Mandarin. Examine his Letters. Refreshments to be procured. Description, and present State of the Island. Its Produce. An Assertion of M. Sonnerat refuted. Astronomical and Nautical Observations. XI. Departure from Pulo Condore. Pass the Straits of Banca. View of the Island of Sumatra. Straits of Sunda. Occurrences there. Description of the Island of Cracatoa. Prince's Island. Effects of the Climate of Java. Run to the Cape of Good Hope. Transactions there. Description of False Bay. Passage to the Orkneys. General Reflections. Vocabulary of the Language of Nootka, or King George's Sound. April, 1778. Table to shew the Affinity between the Languages Spoken at Oonalashka andNorton Sound, and those of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux. APPENDIX, No. I. BYRON'S NARRATIVE. The Author's Preface. Chapter I. Account of the Wager and her Equipment. Captain Kid's Death. Succeeded by Captain Cheap. Our Disasters commence with our Voyage. We lose Sight of our Squadron in a Gale of Wind. Dreadful Storm. Ship strikes. II. We land on a wild Shore. No Appearance of Inhabitants. One of our Lieutenants dies. Conduct of a Part of the Crew who remained on the Wreck. We name the Place of our Residence Mount Misery. Narrative of Transactions there. Indians appear in Canoes off the Coast. Description of them. Discontents amongst our People. III. Unfortunate Death of Mr Cozens. Improper Conduct of Captain Cheap. The Indians join us in a friendly Manner, but depart presently on account of the Misconduct of our Men. Our Number dreadfully reduced by Famine. Description of the various Contrivances used for procuring Food. Further Transactions. Departure from the Island. IV. Occurrences on our Voyage. We encounter bad Weather and various Dangers and Distresses. Leave a Part of our Crew behind on a desert Shore. A strange Cemetry discovered. Narrow Escape from Wreck. Return to Mount Misery. We are visited by a Chanos Indian Cacique, who talks Spanish, with whom we again take our Departure from the Island. V. Navigation of the River. One of our Men dies from Fatigue. Inhumanity of the Captain. Description of our Passage through a horrible and desolate Country. Our Conductor leaves us, and a Party of our Men desert with the Boat. Dreadful Situation of the Remainder. The Cacique returns. Account of our Journey Overland. Kindness of two Indian Women. Description of the Indian Mode of Fishing. Cruel Treatment of my Indian Benefactress by her Husband. VI. The Cacique's Conduct changes. Description of the Indian Mode of Bird-fowling. Their Religion. Mr Elliot, our Surgeon, dies. Transactions on our Journey. Miserable Situation to which we are reduced. VII. We land on the Island of Chiloe. To our great Joy we at length discover Something having the Appearance of a House. Kindness of the Natives. We are delivered to the Custody of a Spanish Guard. Transactions with the Spanish Residents. Arrival at Chaco. Manners of the Inhabitants. VIII. Adventure with the Niece of an old Priest at Castro. Superstition of the People. The Lima Ship arrives, in which we depart for Valparaiso, January 1743. Arrival at and Treatment there. Journey to Chili. Arrival at St. Jago. Generous Conduct of a Scotch Physician. Description of the City and of the People. IX. Account of the Bull Feasts and other Amusements. Occurrences during nearly two Years Residence. In December, 1744, we embark for Europe in the Lys French Frigate. The Vessel leaky. Dangerous Voyage. Narrow Escape from English Cruizers. Arrival in England. Conclusion APPENDIX, No. II. BULKELEY'S NARRATIVE. A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS. PART III. BOOK III. (CONTINUED. ) CHAPTER V. CONTINUED. CAPTAIN KING'S JOURNAL OF THE TRANSACTIONS ON RETURNING TO THE SANDWICHISLANDS. SECTION VI. General Account of the Sandwich Islands. --Their Number, Names, andSituation. --OWHYHEE. --Its Extent, and Division into Districts. --Account ofits Coasts, and the adjacent Country. --Volcanic Appearances. --SnowyMountains. --Their Height determined. --Account of a Journey into theInterior Parts of the Country. --MOWEE. --TAHOOROWA. --MOROTOI. --RANAI. --WOAHOO. --ATOOI. --ONEEHEOW. --OBEEHOUA. --TAHOORA. --Climate. --Winds. --Currents. --Tides. --Animals and Vegetables. --AstronomicalObservations. [1] As we are now about to take our final leave of the Sandwich Islands, itwill not be improper to introduce here some general account of theirsituation and natural history, and of the manners and customs of theinhabitants. This subject has indeed been, in some measure, preoccupied by persons farmore capable of doing it justice than I can pretend to be. Had Captain Cookand Mr Anderson lived to avail themselves of the advantages which weenjoyed by a return to these islands, it cannot be questioned, that thepublic would have derived much additional information from the skill anddiligence of two such accurate observers. The reader will therefore lamentwith me our common misfortune, which hath deprived him of the labours ofsuch superior abilities, and imposed on me the task of presenting him withthe best supplementary account the various duties of my station permittedme to furnish. This group consists of eleven islands, extending in latitude from 18° 54'to 22° 15' N. , and in longitude from 199° 36' to 205° 06' E. They arecalled by the natives, 1. Owhyhee. 2. Mowee. 3. Ranai, or Oranai. 4. Morotinnee, or Morokinnee. 5. Kahowrowee, or Tahoorowa. 6. Morotoi, orMorokoi. 7. Woahoo, or Oahoo. 8. Atooi, Atowi, or Towi, and sometimesKowi. [2] 9. Neeheehow, or Oneeheow. 10. Oreehona, or Reehoua; and, 11. Tahoora; and are all inhabited, excepting Morotinnee and Tahoora. Besidesthe islands above enumerated, we were told by the Indians, that there isanother called Modoopapapa, [3] or Komodoopapapa, lying to the W. S. W. OfTahoora, which is low and sandy, and visited only for the purpose ofcatching turtle and sea-fowl; and, as I could never learn that they knew ofany others, it is probable that none exist in their neighbourhood. They were named by Captain Cook the _Sandwich Islands_, in honour ofthe EARL OF SANDWICH, under whose administration he had enriched geographywith so many splendid and important discoveries; a tribute justly due tothat noble person for the liberal support these voyages derived from hispower, in whatever could extend their utility, or promote their success;for the zeal with which he seconded the views of that great navigator; and, if I may be allowed to add the voice of private gratitude, for the generousprotection, which, since the death of their unfortunate commander, he hasafforded all the officers that served under him. Owhyhee, the easternmost, and by much the largest of these islands, is of atriangular shape, and nearly equilateral. The angular points make thenorth, east, and south extremities, of which the northern is in latitude20° 17' N. , longitude 204° 02' E. ; the eastern in latitude 19° 34' N. , longitude 205° 06' E. ; and the southern extremity in latitude 18° 54' N. , longitude 204° 15' E. Its greatest length, which lies in a direction nearlynorth and south, is 23-1/2 leagues; its breadth is 24 leagues; and it isabout 255 geographical, or 293 English miles in circumference. The wholeisland is divided into six large districts; Amakooa and Aheedoo, which lieon the north-east side; Apoona and Kaoo on the south-east; Akona andKoaarra on the west. The districts of Amakooa and Aheedoo are separated by a mountain calledMounah Kaah (or the mountain Kaah), which rises in three peaks, perpetuallycovered with snow, and may be clearly seen at 40 leagues distance. To the north of this mountain the coast consists of high and abrupt cliffs, down which fall many beautiful cascades of water. We were once flatteredwith the hopes of meeting with a harbour round a bluff head, in latitude20° 10' N. , and longitude 204° 26' E. ; but, on doubling the point, andstanding close in, we found it connected by a low valley, with another highhead to the north-west. The country rises inland with a gentle ascent, isintersected by deep narrow glens, or rather chasms, and appeared to be wellcultivated and sprinkled over with a number of villages. The snowy mountainis very steep, and the lower part of it covered with wood. The coast of Aheedoo, which lies to the south of Mouna Kaah, is of amoderate height, and the interior parts appear more even than the countryto the north-west, and less broken by ravines. Off these two districts wecruised for almost a month; and, whenever our distance from shore wouldpermit it, were sure of being surrounded by canoes laden with all kinds ofrefreshments. We had frequently a very heavy sea, and great swell on thisside of the island; and as we had no soundings, and could observe much foulground off the shore, we never approached nearer the land than two or threeleagues, excepting on the occasion already mentioned. The coast to the north-east of Apoona, which forms the eastern extremity ofthe island, is low and flat; the acclivity of the inland parts is verygradual, and the whole country covered with cocoa-nut and bread-fruittrees. This, as far as we could judge, is the finest part of the island, and we were afterward told that the king had a place of residence here. Atthe south-west extremity the hills rise abruptly from the sea side, leavingbut a narrow border of low ground toward the beach. We were pretty near theshore at this part of the island, and found the sides of the hills coveredwith a fine verdure; but the country seemed to be very thinly inhabited. Ondoubling the east point of the island, we came in sight of another snowymountain, called Mouna Roa (or the extensive mountain), which continued tobe a very conspicuous object all the while we were sailing along the south-east side. It is flat at the top, making what is called by mariners table-land; the summit was constantly buried in snow, and we once saw its sidesalso slightly covered for a considerable way down; but the greatest part ofthis disappeared again in a few days. According to the tropical line of snow, as determined by Mr. Condamine, from observations taken on the Cordilleras, this mountain must be at least16, 020 feet high, which exceeds the height of the Pico de Teyde, or Peak ofTeneriffe, by 724 feet, according to Dr. Heberden's computation, or 3, 680, according to that of the Chevalier de Borda. The peaks of Mouna Kaahappeared to be about half a mile high; and as they are entirely coveredwith snow, the altitude of their summits cannot be less than 18, 400 feet. But it is probable that both these mountains may be considerably higher. For in insular situations, the effects of the warm sea air must necessarilyremove the line of snow in equal latitudes, to a greater height than wherethe atmosphere is chilled on all sides by an immense tract of perpetualsnow. The coast of Kaoo presents a prospect of the most horrid and dreary kind;the whole country appearing to have undergone a total change from theeffects of some dreadful convulsion. The ground is every where covered withcinders, and intersected in many places with black streaks, which seem tomark the course of a lava that has flowed, not many ages back, from themountain Roa to the shore. The southern promontory looks like the meredregs of a volcano. The projecting head-land is composed of broken andcraggy rocks, piled irregularly on one another, and terminating in sharppoints. Notwithstanding the dismal aspect of this part of the island, there aremany villages scattered over it, and it certainly is much more populousthan the verdant mountains of Apoona. Nor is this circumstance hard to beaccounted for. As these islanders have no cattle, they have consequently nouse for pasturage, and therefore naturally prefer such ground as eitherlies more convenient for fishing, or is best suited to the cultivation ofyams and plantains. Now amidst these ruins, there are many patches of richsoil, which are carefully laid out in plantations, and the neighbouring seaabounds with a variety of most excellent fish, with which, as well as withother provisions, we were always plentifully supplied. Off this part of thecoast we could find no ground, at less than a cable's length from theshore, with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line, excepting in a small bightto the eastward of the south point, where we had regular soundings of fiftyand fifty-eight fathoms over a bottom of fine sand. Before we proceed tothe western districts, it may be necessary to remark, that the whole eastside of the island, from the northern to the southern extremity, does notafford the smallest harbour or shelter for shipping. The south-west parts of Akona are in the same state with the adjoiningdistrict of Kaoo; but farther to the north, the country has been cultivatedwith great pains, and is extremely populous. In this part of the island is situated Karakakooa Bay, which has beenalready described. Along the coast nothing is seen but large masses ofslag, and the fragments of black scorched rocks; behind which, the groundrises gradually for about two miles and a half, and appears to have beenformerly covered with loose burnt stones. These the natives have taken thepains of clearing away, frequently to the depth of three feet and upward;which labour, great as it is, the fertility of the soil amply repays. Herein a rich ashy mould, they cultivate sweet potatoes and the cloth-plant. The fields are enclosed with stone-fences, and are interspersed with grovesof cocoa-nut trees. On the rising ground beyond these, the bread-fruittrees are planted, and flourish with the greatest luxuriance. Koaara extends from the westernmost point to the northern extremity of theisland; the whole coast between them forming an extensive bay, called Toe-yah-yah, which is bounded to the north by two very conspicuous hills. Toward the bottom of this bay there is foul corally ground, extendingupward of a mile from the shore, without which the soundings are regular, with good anchorage, in twenty fathoms. The country, as far as the eyecould reach, seemed fruitful and well inhabited, the soil being inappearance of the same kind with the district of Kaoo; but no fresh wateris to be got here. I have hitherto confined myself to the coasts of this island, and theadjacent country, which is all that I had an opportunity of beingacquainted with from my own observation. The only account I can give of theinterior parts, is from the information I obtained from a party, who setout on the afternoon of the 26th of January, on an expedition up thecountry, with an intention of penetrating as far as they could; andprincipally of reaching, if possible, the snowy mountains. Having procured two natives to serve them as guides, they left the villageabout four o'clock in the afternoon, directing their course a little to thesouthward of the east. To the distance of three or four miles from the bay, they found the country as before described; the hills afterward rose with amore sudden ascent, which brought them to the extensive plantations thatterminate the view of the country, as seen from the ships. These plantations consist of the tarrow[4], or eddy root, and the sweetpotatoe, with plants of the cloth tree, neatly set out in rows. The wallsthat separate them are made of the loose burnt stones, which are got inclearing the ground; and being entirely concealed by sugar-canes, plantedclose on each side, make the most beautiful fences that can be conceived. The party stopped for the night at the second hut they found amongst theplantations, where they judged themselves to be about six or seven milesfrom the ships. They described the prospect from this spot as verydelightful; they saw the ships in the bay before them; to the left acontinued range of villages, interspersed with groves of cocoa-nut trees, spreading along the sea-shore; a thick wood stretching out of sight behindthem; and to the right an extent of ground, laid out in regular and well-cultivated plantations, as far as the eye could reach. Near this spot, at a distance from any other dwelling, the natives pointedout to them the residence of a hermit, who, they said, had formerly been agreat chief and warrior, but had long ago quitted the shores of the island, and now never stirred from his cottage. They prostrated themselves as theyapproached him, and afterward presented to him a part of such provisions asthey had brought with them. His behaviour was easy and cheerful; he scarceshewed any marks of astonishment at the sight of our people, and thoughpressed to accept some of our curiosities, he declined the offer, and soonwithdrew to his cottage. He was described as by far the oldest person anyof the party had ever seen, and judged to be, by those who computed his ageat the lowest, upward of 100 years old. As our people had imagined the mountain not to be more than ten or twelvemiles from the bay, and consequently that they should reach it with easeearly the next morning, an error into which its great height had probablyled them, they were now much surprised to find the distance scarceperceptibly diminished. This circumstance, together with the uninhabitedstate of the country they were going to enter, made it necessary to procurea supply of provisions; and for that purpose they dispatched one of theirguides back to the village. Whilst they were waiting his return, they werejoined by some of Kaoo's servants, whom that benevolent old man had sentafter them, as soon as he heard of their journey, laden with refreshments, and authorised, as their route lay through his grounds, to demand and takeaway whatever they might have occasion for. Our travellers were much astonished to find the cold here so intense; buthaving no thermometer with them, could judge of it only by their feelings, which, from the warm atmosphere they had left, must have been a veryfallacious measure. They found it, however, so cold, that they could getbut little sleep, and the natives none at all; both parties beingdisturbed, the whole night, by continued coughing. As they could not, atthis time, be at any very considerable height, the distance from the seabeing only six or seven miles, and part of the road on a very moderateascent, this extraordinary degree of cold must be ascribed to the easterlywind blowing fresh over the snowy mountains. Early on the 27th they set out again, and filled their calibashes at anexcellent well about half a mile from their hut. Having passed theplantations, they came to a thick wood, which they entered by a path madefor the convenience of the natives, who go thither to fetch the wild orhorse-plantain, and to catch birds. Their progress now became very slow, and attended with much labour; the ground being either swampy, or coveredwith large stones; the path narrow, and frequently interrupted by treeslying across it, which it was necessary to climb over, the thickness of theunderwood on both sides making it impossible to pass round them. In thesewoods they observed, at small distances, pieces of white cloth fixed onpoles, which they supposed to be land-marks for the division of property, as they only met with them where the wild plantains grew. The trees, whichare of the same kind with those we called the spice-tree at New Holland, were lofty and straight, and from two to four feet in circumference. After they had advanced about ten miles in the wood, they had themortification to find themselves, on a sudden, within sight of the sea, andat no great distance from it; the path having turned imperceptibly to thesouthward, and carried them to the right of the mountain, which it wastheir object to reach. Their disappointment was greatly increased by theuncertainty they were now under of its true bearings, since they could not, at this time, get a view of it from the top of the highest trees. They, therefore, found themselves obliged to walk back six or seven miles to anunoccupied hut, where they had left three of the natives and two of theirown people, with the small stock that remained of their provisions. Herethey spent the second night; and the air was so very sharp, and so littleto the liking of their guides, that, by the morning, they had all departed, except one. The want of provisions now making it necessary to return to some of thecultivated parts of the island, they quitted the wood by the same path theyhad entered it; and, on their arrival at the plantations, were surroundedby the natives, of whom they purchased a fresh stock of necessaries; andprevailed upon two of them to supply the place of the guides that were goneaway. Having obtained the best information in their power, with regard tothe direction of their road, the party, being now nine in number, marchedalong the skirts of the wood for six or seven miles, and then entered itagain by a path that bore to the eastward. For the first three miles theypassed through a forest of lofty spice-trees, growing on a strong richloam; at the back of which they found an equal extent of low shrubby trees, with much thick underwood, on a bottom of loose burnt stones. This led themto a second forest of spice-trees, and the same rich brown soil, which wasagain succeeded by a barren ridge of the same nature with the former. Thisalternate succession may, perhaps, afford matter of curious speculation tonaturalists. The only additional circumstance I could learn relating to itwas, that these ridges appeared, as far as they could be seen, to run indirections parallel to the sea-shore, and to have Mouna Roa for theircentre. In passing through the woods they found many canoes half-finished, and hereand there a hut; but saw none of the inhabitants. Having penetrated nearthree miles into the second wood, they came to two huts, where theystopped, exceedingly fatigued with the day's journey, having walked notless than twenty miles, according to their own computation. As they had metwith no springs, from the time they left the plantation-ground, and beganto suffer much from the violence of their thirst, they were obliged, beforethe night came on, to separate into parties, and go in search of water;and, at last, found some left by rain in the bottom of an unfinished canoe, which, though of the colour of red wine, was to them no unwelcomediscovery. In the night, the cold was still more intense than they hadfound it before; and though they had wrapped themselves up in mats andcloths of the country, and kept a large fire between the two huts, theycould yet sleep but very little, and were obliged to walk about thegreatest part of the night. Their elevation was now probably prettyconsiderable, as the ground on which they had travelled had been generallyon the ascent. On the 29th, at day-break, they set out, intending to make their last andutmost effort to reach the snowy mountain; but their spirits were muchdepressed, when they found they had expended the miserable pittance ofwater they had found the night before. The path, which extended no fartherthan where canoes had been built, was now at an end; and they weretherefore obliged to make their way as well as they could; every now andthen climbing up into the highest trees, to explore the country round. Ateleven o'clock, they came to a ridge of burnt stones, from the top of whichthey saw the snowy mountain, appearing to be about twelve or fourteen milesfrom them. It was here deliberated, whether they should proceed any further, or restsatisfied with the view they now had of Mouna Rao. The road, ever since thepath ceased, had become exceedingly fatiguing; and every step they advancedwas growing still more so. The deep chinks, with which the ground was everywhere broken, being slightly covered with moss, made them stumble at almostevery step; and the intermediate space was a surface of loose burnt stones, which broke under their feet like potsherds. They threw stones into severalof these chinks, which, by the noise they made, seemed to fall to aconsiderable depth, and the ground sounded hollow under their feet. Besidesthese discouraging circumstances, they found their guides so averse togoing on, that they believed, whatever their own determinations might havebeen, they could not have prevailed on them to remain out another night. They therefore at last agreed to return to the ships, after taking a viewof the country, from the highest trees which the place afforded. From thiselevation they saw themselves surrounded, on all sides, with wood towardthe sea; they could not distinguish, in the horizon, the sky from thewater; and between them and the snowy mountain, was a valley about seven oreight miles broad, above which the mountain appeared only as a hill of amoderate size. They rested this night at a hut in the second wood, and, on the 30th, before noon, they had got clear of the first, and found themselves aboutnine miles to the north-east of the ships, toward which they directed theirmarch through the plantations. As they passed along, they did not observe asingle spot of ground that was capable of improvement left unplanted; andindeed it appeared, from their account, hardly possible for the country tobe cultivated to greater advantage for the purposes of the inhabitants, ormade to yield them a larger supply of necessaries for their subsistence. They were surprised to meet with several fields of hay; and, on enquiringto what uses it was applied, were told, it was designed to cover the youngtarrow grounds, in, order to preserve them from being scorched by the sun. They saw a few scattered huts amongst the plantations, which served foroccasional shelter to the labourers; but no villages at a greater distancethan four or five miles from the sea. Near one of them, about four milesfrom the bay, they found a cave, forty fathoms long, three broad, and ofthe same height. It was open at both ends; the sides were fluted, as ifwrought with a chisel, and the surface glazed over, probably by the actionof fire. Having given this account of the most material circumstances that occurredon the expedition to the snowy mountain, I shall now return to the otherislands that remain to be described. The island next in size and nearest in situation to Owhyhee, is Mowee, which lies at the distance of eight leagues N. N. W. From the, former, and isone hundred and forty geographical miles in circumference. A low isthmusdivides it into two circular peninsulas, of which that to the east iscalled Whamadooa, and is double the size of the western peninsula calledOwhyrookoo. The mountains in both rise to an exceeding great height, havingbeen seen by us at the distance of upward of thirty leagues. The northernshores, like those of Owhyhee, afford no soundings; and the countrypresents the same appearance of verdure and fertility. To the south-east, between this and the adjacent isles, we had regular depths with a hundredand fifty fathoms, with a sandy bottom. From the west point, which is low, runs a shoal, stretching out toward Ranai, to a considerable distance; andto the southward of this is a fine spacious bay, with a sandy beach, shadedwith cocoa-nut trees. It is probable that good anchorage might be foundhere, with shelter from the prevailing winds, and that the beach affords aconvenient place for landing. The country behind presents a most romanticappearance. The hills rise almost perpendicularly, in a great variety ofpeaked forms; and their steep sides, and the deep chasms between them, arecovered with trees, amongst which those of the bread-fruit were observedparticularly to abound. The tops of these hills are entirely bare, and of areddish brown colour. We were informed by the natives that there is aharbour to the southward of the east point, which they affirmed to besuperior to that of Karakakooa; and we were also told, that, on the north-west side, there was another harbour, called Keepookeepoo. Tahoorowa is a small island lying off the S. W. Part of Mowee, from which itis distant three leagues. This island is destitute of wood, and the soilseems to be sandy and barren. Between Tahowrowa and Mowee lies the smalluninhabited island Morrotinnee. Morotoi is only two leagues and a half from Mowee to the W. N. W. The south-western coast, which was the only part near which we approached, is verylow, but the land rises backward to a considerable height; and, at thedistance from which we saw it, appeared to be entirely without wood. Itsproduce, we are told, consists chiefly of yams. It may, probably, havefresh water, and on the south and west sides, the coast forms several baysthat promise good shelter from the trade-winds. Ranai is about three leagues distant from Mowee and Morotoi, and lies tothe S. W. Of the passage between these islands. The country to the S. Ishigh and craggy; but the other parts of the island had a better aspect, andappeared to be well inhabited. We were told that it produces very fewplantains and bread-fruit trees; but that it abounds in roots, such asyams, sweet potatoes, and tarrow. Woahoo lies to the N. W. Of Morotoi, at the distance of about seven leagues. As far as we could judge from the appearance of the N. E. And N. W. Parts, (for we saw nothing of the southern side, ) it is by far the finest islandof the whole group. Nothing can exceed the verdure of the hills, thevariety of wood and lawn, and rich cultivated vallies, which the whole faceof the country displayed. Having already given a description of the bay, formed by the N. And W. Extremities, in which we came to an anchor, I haveonly to observe, that in the bight of the bay, to the S. Of the anchoring-place, we found rocky foul ground, two miles from the shore. Should theground tackling of a ship be weak, and the wind blow strong from the N. , towhich quarter the road is entirely open, this circumstance might beattended with some danger; but with good cables there would be little risk, as the ground from the anchoring-place, which is opposite to the valleythrough which the river runs to the N. Point, is a fine sand. Atooi lies to the N. W. Of Woahoo, and is distant from it about twenty-fiveleagues. The face of the country to the N. E. And N. W. , is broken andragged, but to the S. It is more even; the hills rise with a gentle slopefrom the seaside, and, at some distance back, are covered with wood. Itsproductions are the same with those of the other islands; but theinhabitants far surpass all the neighbouring islanders in the management oftheir plantations. In the low grounds, adjoining to the bay where we lay atanchor, these plantations were divided by deep and regular ditches; thefences were made with a neatness approaching to elegance, and the roadsthrough them were thrown up and finished in a manner that would have donecredit to any European engineer. Oneeheow lies five leagues to the westward of Atooi. The eastern coast ishigh, and rises abruptly from the sea, but the rest of the island consistsof low ground, excepting a round bluff head on the S. E. Point. It producesabundance of yams, and of the sweet root called _Tee_, but we got fromit no other sort of provisions. Oreehow aad Tahoora are two small islands in the neighbourhood of Oneeheow. The former is a single high hummock, joined by a reef of coral rocks to thenorthern extremity of Oneeheow. The latter lies to the S. W. , and isuninhabited. The climate of the Sandwich islands differs very little from that of theWest India islands, which lie in the same latitude. Upon the whole, perhaps, it may be rather more temperate. The thermometer on shore inKarakakooa Bay, never rose higher than 88°, and that but one day; its meanheight at noon was 83°. In Wymoa Bay, its mean height at noon was 76°, andwhen out at sea 75°. The mean height of the thermometer at noon, inJamaica, is about 86°, at sea 80°. Whether they be subject to the same violent winds and hurricanes, we couldnot discover, as we were not there in, any of the stormy months. However, as the natives gave us no positive testimony of the fact, and no traces oftheir effects were any where visible, it is probable that, in this respect, they resemble the Society and Friendly islands, which are, in a greatmeasure, free from these dreadful visitations. During the four winter months that we remained amongst these islands, therewas more rain, especially in the interior parts, than usually falls duringthe dry season in the islands of the West Indies. We generally saw cloudscollecting round the tops of the hills, and producing rain to leeward; butafter they are separated from the land by the wind, they disperse and arelost, and others succeed in their place. This happened daily at Owhyhee;the mountainous parts being generally enveloped in a cloud; successiveshowers falling in the inland country, with fine weather, and a clear skyat the sea-shore. The winds in general were from E. S. E. To N. E. ; though they sometimes varieda few points each way to the N. And S, but these were light, and of shortduration. In the harbour of Karakakooa we had a constant land and sea-breeze every day and night. The currents seemed very uncertain, sometimes setting to windward, and atother times to leeward, without any regularity. They did not appear to begoverned by the winds, nor any other cause that I can assign; theyfrequently set to windward against a fresh breeze. The tides are very regular, flowing and ebbing six hours each. The floodcomes from the eastward; and it is high water, at the full and change ofthe moon, forty-five minutes past three, apparent time. Their greatest riseis two feet seven inches; and we always observed the water to be fourinches higher when the moon was above the horizon, than when it was below. The quadrupeds in these, as in all the other islands that have beendiscovered in the South Sea, are confined to three sorts, dogs, hogs, andrats. The dogs are of the same species with those of Otaheite, having shortcrooked legs, long backs, and pricked ears. I did not observe any varietyin them, except in their skins, some having long and rough hair, and othersbeing quite smooth. They are about the size of a common turnspit, exceedingly sluggish in their nature, though perhaps this may be more owingto the manner in which they are treated, than to any natural disposition inthem. They are in general fed and left to herd with the hogs; and I do notrecollect one instance in which a dog was made a companion in the manner wedo in Europe. Indeed the custom of eating them is an inseparable bar totheir admission into society; and, as there are neither beasts of prey inthe island, nor objects of chase, it is probable that the social qualitiesof the dog, its fidelity, attachment, and sagacity, will remain unknown tothe natives. The number of dogs in these islands did not appear to be nearly equal, inproportion, to those in Otaheite. But on the other hand, they abound muchmore in hogs; and the breed is of a larger and weightier kind. The supplyof provisions of this kind which we got from them was really astonishing. We were near four months, either cruising off the coast, or in harbour atOwhyhee. During all this time, a large allowance of fresh pork wasconstantly served to both crews, so that our consumption was computed atabout sixty puncheons of five hundred weight each. Besides this, and theincredible waste which, in the midst of such plenty, was not to be guardedagainst, sixty puncheons more were salted for sea-store. The greatest partof this supply was drawn from the island of Owhyhee alone, and yet we couldnot perceive that it was at all drained, or even that the abundance had anyway decreased. The birds of these islands are as beautiful as any we have seen during thevoyage, and are numerous, though not various. There are four, which seem tobelong to the _trochili_, or honey-suckers of Linnĉus; one of which issomething larger than a bullfinch; its colour is a fine glossy black, therump, vent, and thighs, a deep yellow. It is called by the natives_hoohoo_. Another is of an exceedingly bright scarlet colour; thewings black, and edged with white, and the tail black; its native name is_eeeeve_. A third, which seems to be either a young bird, or a varietyof the foregoing, is variegated with red, brown, and yellow. The fourth isentirely green, with a tinge of yellow, and is called _akaiearooa_. There is a species of thrush, with a grey breast, and a small bird of theflycatcher kind; a rail, with very short wings and no tail, which, on thataccount, we named _rallus ecaudatus_. Ravens are found here, but theyare very scarce; their colour is dark-brown, inclining to black, and theirnote is different from the European. Here are two small birds, both of one_genus_, that are very common; one is red, and generally seen aboutthe cocoa-nut trees, particularly when they are in flower, from whence itseems to derive great part of its subsistence, the other is green; thetongues of both are long and ciliated, or fringed at the tip. A bird with ayellow head, which, from the structure of its beak, we called a parroquet, is likewise very common. It however by no means belongs to that tribe, butgreatly resembles the _lexia flavicans_, or yellowish cross-bill ofLinnĉus. Here are also owls, plovers of two sorts, one very like the whistlingplover of Europe; a large white pigeon; a bird with a long tail, whosecolour is black, the vent and feathers under the wing (which is much longerthan is usually seen in the generality of birds, except the birds ofparadise) are yellow; and the common water or darker hen. Their vegetable productions are nearly the same with the rest of the SouthSea islands. I have before mentioned. That the _tarrow_ root is muchsuperior to any we had before tasted, and that we attributed thisexcellence to the dry method of cultivating it. The bread-fruit treesthrive here, not in such abundance, but produce double the quantity offruit they do on the rich plains of Otaheite. The trees are nearly of thesame height, but the branches begin to strike out from the trunk muchlower, and with greater luxuriance. Their sugar-canes are also of a veryunusual size. One of them was brought to us at Atooi, measuring eleveninches and a quarter in circumference, and having fourteen feet eatable. At Oneeheow they brought us several large roots of a brown colour, shapedlike a yam, and from six to ten pounds in weight. The juice, which ityields in great abundance, is very sweet, and of a pleasant taste, and wasfound to be an excellent substitute for sugar. The natives are very fond ofit, and use it as an article of their common diet; and our people alsofound it very palatable and wholesome. We could not learn to what speciesof plant it belonged, having never been able to procure the leaves; but itwas supposed, by our botanists, to be the root of some kind of fern. Agreeably to the practice of Captain Cook, I shall subjoin an abstract ofthe astronomical observations which were made at the observatory inKarakakooa Bay, for determining its latitude and longitude, and for findingthe rate and error of the time-keeper. To these are subjoined the meanvariation of the compass, the dip of the magnetic needle, and a table ofthe latitude and longitude of the Sandwich Islands. The latitude of the observatory, deduced from meridian zenith distances of the sun, eleven stars to the south, and four stars to the north of the zenith 19° 28' 0" N. The longitude of the observatory, deduced from 253 sets of lunar observations; each set consisting of six observed distances of the moon from the sun or stars; 14 of the above sets were only taken at the observatory, 105 sets being taken whilst cruising off Owhyhee, and 134 sets when at Atooi and Oneeheow, all these being reduced to the observatory, by means of the timekeeper 204° 0' 0" E. The longitude of the observatory, by the time-keeper, on the 19th January, 1779, according to its rate, as found at Greenwich 214° 7' 15' E. The longitude of the observatory, by the time-keeper, on the 19th January, 1779, according to its rate, corrected at different places, and last at Samganoodha Harbour, in Oonalaschka 203° 37' 22" E. The daily rate of the time-keeper losing on mean time, was 9", 6; and, on the 2d February, 1779, it was 14^h 41' 1" too slow for mean time. The variation of the compass, by azimuths, observed on shore with four different compasses 8 6 0 E. The variation of the compass, by azimuths, observed on board the Resolution, with four different compasses 7 32 0 E. Dip of the north /Balanced needle\ 40 22 30 E. Pole of the magnetic | | needle on | Unbalanced, or | shore, with \ plain needle / 40 41 15 E. Dip of the north /Balanced needle\ 41 50 0 E. Pole of the magnetic | | needle on | Unbalanced | 40 30 5 E. Board, with \ needle / _A Table of the Latitude and Longitude of the Sandwich Islands_. Latitude. Longitude. /The north point 20° 17' 204° 2'Owhyhee | South point 18 55 204 15 | East point 19 35 205 6 \Karakakooa Bay 19 28 204 0 /East point 20 50 204 4Mowee < South point 20 34 203 48 \West point 20 54 203 24Morokinnee 20 39 203 33Tahoorowa 20 38 203 27Kanai. South point 20 46 203 8Morotoi. West point 21 10 202 46Woahoo. Anchoring-place. 21 43 202 9Atooi. Wymoa Bay 21 57 200 20Oneeheow. Anchoring-place. 21 50 199 45Oreehoua 22 2 199 52Tahoora 21 43 199 56 [1] The general account of the Sandwich Islands given by Captain King, has been substantially confirmed by subsequent voyagers. Some additional particulars, not by any means very important, have resulted from their enquiries, from which, of course, it had been easy to have enlarged the present and two following sections, by supplementary notes. But no good end would be answered by such a practice in the present case, as the description in the text is abundantly complete for every important purpose, and as it is probable, that, in the course of this work, there will occur opportunities of communicating whatever is valuable in the narratives of more recent voyagers. --E. [2] It is to be observed, that, among the windward islands, the _k_ is used instead of the _t_, as _Morokoi_ instead of _Morotoi_, &c. [3] _Modoo_ signifies island; _papapa_, flat. This island is called _Tammatapappa_ by Captain Cook. [4] Both the sweet potatoes, and the tarrow, are here planted four feet from each other; the former was earthed up almost to the top of the stalk, with about half a bushel of light mould; the latter is left bare to the root, and the mould round it is made in the form of a basin, in order to hold the rain-water, as this root requires a certain degree of moisture. It has been before observed, that the tarrow, at the Friendly and Society Islands, was always planted in low and moist situations, and generally where there was the convenience of a rivulet to flood it. It was imagined that this mode of culture was absolutely necessary; but we now found, that, with the precaution above-mentioned, it succeeds equally well in a drier situation; indeed, we all remarked, that the tarrow of the Sandwich Islands is the best we had ever tasted. The plantains are not admitted in these plantations: but grow amongst the bread-fruit trees. SECTION VII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands continued. --Of the Inhabitants. --Their Origin. --Persons. --Pernicious Effects of the Ava. --Numbers. --Disposition and Manners. --Reasons for supposing them not Cannibals. --Dressand Ornaments. --Villages and Houses. --Food. --Occupations and Amusements. --Addicted to Gaming. --Their extraordinary Dexterity in Swimming. --Arts andManufactures. --Curious Specimens of their Sculpture. --Kipparee, or Methodof Painting Cloth. --Mats. --Fishing Hooks. --Cordage. --Salt Pans. --WarlikeInstruments. The inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands are undoubtedly of the same racewith those of New Zealand, the Society and Friendly Islands, Easter Island, and the Marquesas; a race that possesses, without any intermixture, all theknown lands between the latitudes of 47° S. And 20° N. , and between thelongitudes of 184° and 260° E. This fact, which, extraordinary as it is, might be thought sufficiently proved by the striking similarity of theirmanners and customs, and the general resemblance of their persons, isestablished, beyond all controversy, by the absolute identity of theirlanguage. From what continent they originally emigrated, and by what steps they havespread through so vast a space, those who are curious in disquisitions ofthis nature, may perhaps not find it very difficult to conjecture. It hasbeen already observed, that they bear strong marks of affinity to some ofthe Indian tribes that inhabit the Ladrones and Caroline islands; and thesame affinity may again be traced amongst the Battas and Malays. When theseevents happened, is not so easy to ascertain; it was probably not verylately, as they are extremely populous, and have no tradition of their ownorigin, but what is perfectly fabulous; whilst, on the other hand, theunadulterated state of their general language, and the similarity whichstill prevails in their customs and manners, seem to indicate that it couldnot have been at any very distant period. [5] The natives of these islands are in general above the middle size, and wellmade; they walk very gracefully, run nimbly, and are capable of bearinggreat fatigue; though, upon the whole, the men are somewhat inferior, inpoint of strength and activity, to the Friendly islanders, and the womenless delicately limbed than those of Otaheite. Their complexion is ratherdarker than that of the Otaheitans, and they are not altogether so handsomea people. However, many of both sexes had fine open countenances, and thewomen, in particular, had good eyes and teeth, and a sweetness andsensibility of look, which rendered them very engaging. Their hair is of abrownish black, and neither uniformly straight, like that of the Indians ofAmerica, nor uniformly curling, as amongst the African negroes, but varyingin this respect like the hair of Europeans. One striking peculiarity in thefeatures of every part of this great nation, I do not remember to have seenany where mentioned; which is, that even in the handsomest faces, there isalways a fulness of the nostrils, without any flatness or spreading of thenose, that distinguishes them from Europeans. It is not improbable thatthis may be the effect of their usual mode of salutation, which isperformed by pressing the ends of their noses together. The same superiority that is observable in the persons of the _Erees_, through all the other islands, is found also here. Those whom we saw were, without exception, perfectly well formed; whereas the lower sort, besidestheir general inferiority, are subject to all the variety of make andfigure that is seen in the populace of other countries. Instances ofdeformity are more frequent here than in any of the other islands. Whilstwe were cruising off Owhyhee, two dwarfs came on board, one an old man, four feet two inches high, but exactly proportioned, and the other a woman, nearly of the same height. We afterward saw three natives who were hump-backed, and a young man born without hands or feet. Squinting is also verycommon amongst them; and a man who, they said, had been born blind, wasbrought to us to be cured. Besides these particular imperfections, theyare, in general, very subject to boils and ulcers, which we attributed tothe great quantity of salt they eat with their flesh and fish. The _Erees_are very free from these complaints, but many of them suffer still moredreadful effects from the immoderate use of the _ava_. Those who were themost affected by it, had their bodies covered with a white scurf, theireyes red and inflamed, their limbs emaciated, the whole frame trembling andparalytic, accompanied with a disability to raise the head. Though thisdrug does not appear universally to shorten life, as was evident from thecases of Terreeoboo, Kaoo, and some other chiefs, who were very old men, yet it invariably brings on an early and decrepid old age. It is fortunatethat the use of it is made one of the peculiar privileges of the chiefs. The young son of Terreeoboo, who was about twelve years old, used to boastof his being admitted to drink _ava_, and shewed us, with great triumph, asmall spot in his side that was growing scaly. There is something very singular in the history of this pernicious drug. When Captain Cook first visited the Society Islands, it was very littleknown among them. On his second voyage, he found the use of it veryprevalent at Ulietea, but it had still gained very little ground atOtaheite. When we were last there, the dreadful havoc it had made wasbeyond belief, insomuch, that the captain scarce knew many of his oldacquaintances. At the Friendly Islands, it is also constantly drunk by thechiefs, but so much diluted with water, that it does not appear to produceany bad effects. At Atooi, also, it is used with great moderation, and thechiefs are, in consequence, a much finer set of men there than in any ofthe neighbouring islands. We remarked, that, by discontinuing the use ofthis root, the noxious effects of it soon wore off. Our good friends, Kaireekeea and old Kaoo, were persuaded by us to refrain from it, and theyrecovered amazingly during the short time we afterward remained in theisland. It may be thought extremely difficult to form any probable conjecturesrespecting the population of islands, with many parts of which we are butimperfectly acquainted. There are, however, two circumstances that takeaway much of this objection; the first is, that the interior parts of thecountry are entirely uninhabited; so that, if the number of the inhabitantsalong the coast be known, the whole will be pretty accurately determined. The other is, that there are no towns of any considerable size; thehabitations of the natives being pretty equally dispersed in small villagesround all their coasts. It is on this ground that I shall venture at arough calculation of the number of persons in this group of islands. The bay of Karakakooa, in Owhyhee, is three miles in extent, and containsfour villages of about eighty houses each, upon an average, in all threehundred and twenty; besides a number of straggling houses, which may makethe whole amount to three hundred and fifty. From the frequentopportunities I had of informing myself on this head, I am convinced thatsix persons to a house is a very moderate allowance; so that, on thiscalculation, the country about the bay contains two thousand one hundredsouls. To these may be added fifty families, or three hundred persons, which I conceive to be nearly the number employed in the interior parts ofthe country amongst their plantations, making in all two thousand fourhundred. If, therefore, this number be applied to the whole extent of thecoast round the island, deducting a quarter for the uninhabited parts, itwill be found to contain one hundred and fifty thousand. By the same modeof calculation, the rest of the islands will be found to contain thefollowing numbers:-- Owhyhee 150, 000Mowee 65, 400Woahoo 60, 200Atooi 54, 000Moroloi 36, 000Oneeheow 10, 000Ranai 20, 400Preehoua 4, 000 Total of inhabitants 400, 000 I am pretty confident, that in this calculation I have not exceeded thetruth in the total amount. If we compare the numbers supposed to be inOwhyhee, with the population of Otaheite, as settled by Dr. Forster, thiscomputation will be found very low. The proportion of coast in the latterisland is to that of Owhyhee, only as one to three; the number ofinhabitants at Otaheite he states to be one hundred and twenty-one thousandfive hundred; though, according to his own principles, it should be doublethat amount. Again, if we compare it with the medium population of thecountries in Europe, the proportion will be in favour of the latter nearlyas two to one. [6] Notwithstanding the irreparable loss we suffered from the sudden resentmentand violence of these people, yet, in justice to their general conduct, itmust be acknowledged, that they are of the most mild and affectionatedisposition; equally remote from the extreme levity and fickleness of theOtaheitans, and the distant gravity and reserve of the inhabitants of theFriendly Islands. They appear to live in the utmost harmony and friendshipwith one another. The women, who had children, were remarkable for theirtender and constant attention to them; and the men would often lend theirassistance in those domestic offices, with a willingness that does creditto their feelings. It must however be observed, that they fall very short of the otherislanders, in that best test of civilization, the respect paid to thewomen. Here they are not only deprived of the privilege of eating with themen, but the best sorts of food are _tabooed_, or forbidden them. They arenot allowed to eat pork, turtle, several kinds of fish, and some species ofthe plantains; and we were told that a poor girl got a terrible beating forhaving eaten, on board our ship, one of these interdicted articles. Intheir domestic life, they appear to live almost entirely by themselves, andthough we did not observe any instances of personal ill treatment, yet itwas evident they had little regard or attention paid them. The great hospitality and kindness with which we were received by them, have been already frequently remarked; and indeed they make the principalpart of our transactions with them. Whenever we came on shore, there was aconstant struggle who should be most forward in making us little presents, bringing refreshments, or shewing some other mark of their respect. The oldpeople never failed of receiving us with tears of joy; seemed highlygratified with being allowed to touch us, and were constantly makingcomparisons between themselves and us, with the strongest marks ofhumility. The young women were not less kind and engaging, and till theyfound, notwithstanding our utmost endeavours to prevent it, that they hadreason to repent of our acquaintance, attached themselves to us without theleast reserve. In justice however to the sex, it must be observed, that these ladies wereprobably all of the lower class of the people; for I am strongly inclinedto believe, that excepting the few whose names are mentioned in the courseof our narrative, we did not see any woman of rank during our stay amongstthem. Their natural capacity seems, in no respect, below the common standard ofmankind. Their improvements in agriculture, and the perfection of theirmanufactures, are certainly adequate to the circumstances of theirsituation, and the natural advantages they enjoy. The eager curiosity withwhich they attended the armourer's forge, and the many expedients they hadinvented, even before we left the islands, for working the iron they hadprocured from us, into such forms as were best adapted to their purposes, were strong proofs of docility and ingenuity. Our unfortunate friend, Kaneena, possessed a degree of judicious curiosity, and a quickness of conception, which was rarely met with amongst thesepeople. He was very inquisitive after our customs and manners, asked afterour king, the nature of our government, our numbers, the method of buildingour ships, our houses, the produce of our country, whether we had wars, with whom, and on what occasions, and in what manner they were carried on, who was our God, and many other questions of the same nature, whichindicated an understanding of great comprehension. We met with two instances of persons disordered in their minds; the one aman at Owhyhee, the other a woman at Oneeheow. It appeared, from theparticular attention and respect paid to them, that the opinion oftheir being inspired by the Divinity, which obtains among most of thenations of the east, is also received here. Though the custom of eating the bodies of their enemies be not known, bypositive evidence, to exist in any of the South Sea islands, except NewZealand, yet it is extremely probable, that it was originally prevalent inthem all. The sacrificing human victims, which seems evidently to be arelic of this horrid practice, still obtains universally amongst theseislanders; and it is easy to conceive, why the New Zealanders should retainthe repast, which was probably the last act of these shocking rites, longerthan the rest of their, tribe, who were situated in more mild and fruitfulclimates. As the inhabitants of the Sandwich islands certainly bear anearer resemblance to those of New Zealand, both in their persons anddisposition, than to any other people of this family, so it was stronglysuspected by Mr. Anderson, that, like them, they still continue to feast onhuman flesh. The evidence on which he founds this opinion, has been statedvery fully in the tenth section of the third chapter; but, as I alwaysentertained great doubts of the justice of his conclusions, it may not beimproper to take this occasion of mentioning the grounds on which I ventureto differ from him. With respect to the information derived from thenatives themselves, I shall only observe, that great pains were taken, byalmost every officer on board, to come at the knowledge of so curious acircumstance; and that except in the two instances mentioned by Mr. Anderson, we found them invariably denying the existence of any such customamongst them. It must be allowed, that Mr. Anderson's knowledge of theirlanguage, which was superior to that of any other person in either ship, ought certainly to give his opinion great weight; at the same time, I mustbeg leave to remark, that being present when he examined the man who hadthe small piece of salted flesh wrapped in cloth, it struck me veryforcibly, that the signs he made use of meant nothing more, than that itwas intended to be eat, and that it was very pleasant or wholesome to thestomach. In this opinion I was confirmed, by a circumstance which came toour knowledge, after the death of my worthy and ingenious friend, viz. Thatalmost every native of these islands carried about with him, either in hiscalibash, or wrapped up in a piece of cloth, and tied about his waist, asmall piece of raw pork, pork, highly salted, which they considered as agreat delicacy, and used now and then to taste of. With respect to theconfusion the young lad was in, (for he was not more than sixteen oreighteen years of age, ) no one could have been surprised at it, who hadseen the eager and earnest manner in which Mr. Anderson questioned him. The argument drawn from the instrument made with sharks' teeth, and whichis nearly of the same form with those used at New Zealand for cutting upthe bodies of their enemies, is much more difficult to controvert. Ibelieve it to be an undoubted fact, that this knife, if it may be socalled, is never used by them in cutting the flesh of other animals. However, as the custom of offering human sacrifices, and of burning thebodies of the slain, is still prevalent here, it is not improbable that theuse of this instrument is retained in those ceremonies. Upon the whole, Iam strongly inclined to think, and particularly from this lastcircumstance, that the horrid practice in question, has but lately ceasedamongst these and other islands of the South Sea. Omai, when pressed onthis subject, confessed that in the rage and fury of revenge, they wouldsometimes tear the flesh of their enemies that were slain with their teeth;but positively denied that they ever eat it. This was certainly approachingas near the fact as could be; but, on the other hand, the denial is astrong proof that the practice has actually ceased; since in New Zealand, where it still exists, the inhabitants neyer made the smallest scruple ofconfessing it. [7] The inhabitants of these islands differ from those of the Friendly Isles, in suffering, almost universally, their beards to grow. There were indeed afew, amongst whom was the old king, that cut it off entirely; and othersthat wore it only upon the upper lip. The same variety, in the manner ofwearing the hair, is also observable here, as among the other islanders ofthe South Sea; besides which, as far as we know, they have a fashionpeculiar to themselves. They cut it close on each side the head, down tothe ears, leaving a ridge of about a small hand's breadth, running from theforehead to the neck; which, when the hair is thick and curling, has theform of the crest of the ancient helmet. Others wear large quantities offalse hair, flowing down their backs in long ringlets, like the figure ofthe inhabitants of Horn Island, as seen in Dalrymple's Voyages; and others, again, tie it into a single round bunch on the top of the head, almost aslarge as the head itself, and some into five or six distinct bunches. Theydaub their hair with a grey clay, mixed with powdered shells, which theykeep in balls, and chew into a kind of soft paste, when they have occasionto make use of it. This keeps the hair smooth, and in time changes it to apale yellow colour. Both sexes wear necklaces, made of strings of small variegated shells; andan ornament, in the form of the handle of a cup, about two inches long, andhalf an inch broad, made of wood, stone, or ivory, finely polished, whichis hung about the neck by fine threads of twisted hair, doubled sometimesan hundred fold. Instead of this ornament, some of them wear on theirbreast a small human figure made of bone, suspended in the same manner. The fan, or fly-flap, is also an ornament used by both sexes. The mostordinary kind are made of the fibres of the cocoa-nut, tied loose inbunches to the top of a smooth polished handle. The tail-feathers of thecock, and of the tropic-bird, are also used in the same manner; but themost valuable are those which have the handle made of the arm or leg bonesof an enemy slain in battle, and which are preserved with great care, andhanded down from father to son, as trophies of inestimable value. The custom of _tattowing_ the body, they have in common with the rest ofthe natives of the South Sea islands; but it is only at New Zealand and theSandwich Islands, that they _tattow_ the face. There is also thisdifference between the two last, that in the former it is done in elegantspiral volutes, and in the latter in straight lines, crossing each, otherat right angles. The hands and arms of the women are also very neatlymarked, and they have a singular custom amongst them, the meaning of whichwe could never learn, that of _tallowing_ the tip of the tongues of thefemales. From some information we received, relative to the custom of _tattowing_, we were inclined to think, that it is frequently intended as a sign ofmourning on the death of a chief, or any other calamitous event. For wewere often, told, that such a particular mark was in memory of such achief, and so of the rest. It may be here too observed, that the lowestclass are often _tattowed_ with a mark, that distinguishes them as theproperty of the several chiefs to whom they belong. [8] The dress of the men generally consists only of a piece of thick clothcalled the _maro_, about ten or twelve inches broad, which they passbetween the legs, and tie round the waist. This is the common dress of allranks of people. Their mats, some of which are beautifully manufactured, are of various sizes, but mostly about five feet long and four broad. Thesethey throw over their shoulders, and bring forward before; but they areseldom used, except in time of war, for which purpose they seem betteradapted than for ordinary use, being of a thick and cumbersome texture, andcapable of breaking the blow of a stone, or any blunt weapon. Their feetare generally bare, except when they have occasion to travel over the burntstones, when they secure them with a sort of sandal, made of cords, twistedfrom the fibres of the cocoa-nut. Such is the ordinary dress of theseislanders; but they have another, appropriated to their chiefs, and used onceremonious occasions, consisting of a feathered cloak and helmet, which, in point of beauty and magnificence, is perhaps nearly equal to that of anynation in the world. As this dress has been already described with greataccuracy and minuteness, I have only to add, that these cloaks are made ofdifferent lengths, in proportion to the rank of the wearer, some of themreaching no lower than the middle, others trailing on the ground. Theinferior chiefs have also a short cloak, resembling the former, made of thelong tail-feathers of the cock, the tropic and man-of-war birds, with abroad border of the small red and yellow feathers, and a collar of thesame. Others again are made of feathers entirely white, with variegatedborders. The helmet has a strong lining of wicker-work, capable of breakingthe blow of any warlike instrument, and seems evidently designed for thatpurpose. These feathered dresses seemed to be exceedingly scarce, appropriated topersons of the highest rank, and worn by the men only. During the wholetime we lay in Karakakooa Bay, we never saw them used but on threeoccasions; in the curious ceremony of Terreeoboo's first visit to theships; by some chiefs, who were seen among the crowd on shore when CaptainCook was killed, and afterward when Eappo brought his bones to us. The exact resemblance between this habit, and the cloak and helmet formerlyworn by the Spaniards, was too striking not to excite our curiosity toenquire, whether there were any probable grounds for supposing it to havebeen borrowed from them. After exerting every means in our power ofobtaining information on this subject, we found that they had no immediateknowledge of any other nation whatever, nor any tradition remaining amongthem of these islands having been ever visited before by such ships asours. But, notwithstanding the result of these enquiries, the uncommon formof this habit appears to me a sufficient proof of its European origin, especially when added to another circumstance, that it is a singulardeviation from the general resemblance in dress, which prevails amongst allthe branches of this tribe, dispersed through the South Sea. We were drivenindeed, by this conclusion, to a supposition of the shipwreck of someBuccaneer, or Spanish ship, in the neighbourhood of these islands. But whenit is recollected, that the course of the Spanish trade from Acapulco tothe Manillas is but a few degrees to the southward of the Sandwich Islandsin their passage out, and to the northward on their return, thissupposition will not appear in the least improbable. [9] The common dress of the women bears a close resemblance to that of the men. They wrap round the waist a piece of cloth, that reaches half way down thethighs; and sometimes in the cool of the evening they appeared with loosepieces of fine cloth, thrown over their shoulders, like the women ofOtaheite. The _pau_ is another dress very frequently worn by the youngerpart of the sex. It is made of the thinnest and finest sort of cloth, wraptseveral times round the waist, and descending to the leg, so as to haveexactly the appearance of a full short petticoat. The hair is cut shortbehind, and turned up before, as is the fashion among the Otaheiteans andNew Zealanders; all of whom differ, in this respect, from the women of theFriendly Islands, who wear their hair long. We saw, indeed, one woman inKarakakooa Bay, Whose hair was arranged in a very singular manner; it wasturned up behind, and brought over the forehead, and then doubled back, soas to form a sort of a shade to the face, like a small bonnet. Their necklaces are made of shells, or of a hard shining red berry. Besideswhich, they wear wreaths of dried flowers of the Indian mallow; and anotherbeautiful ornament called _eraie_, which is generally put about the neck, but is sometimes tied like a garland round the hair, and sometimes worn inboth these ways at once. It is a ruff, of the thickness of a finger, madein a curious manner, of exceedingly small feathers, woven so close togetheras to form a surface as smooth as that of the richest velvet. The groundwas generally of a red colour, with alternate circles of green, yellow, andblack. Their bracelets, which were also of great variety, and very peculiarkinds, have been already described. At Atooi, some of the women wore little figures of the turtle, neatlyformed of wood or ivory, tied on their fingers in the manner we wear rings. Why this animal is thus particularly distinguished, I leave to theconjectures of the curious. There is also an ornament, made of shells, fastened in rows on a ground of strong netting, so as to strike each otherwhen in motion; which both men and women, when they dance, tie either roundthe arm or the ankle, or below the knee. Instead of shells, they sometimesmake use of dog's teeth, and a hard red berry, resembling that of theholly. There remains to be mentioned another ornament (if such it may be called), which is a kind of mask, made of a large gourd, with holes cut in it forthe eyes and nose. The top was stuck full of small green twigs, which, at adistance, had the appearance of an elegant waving plume; and from the lowerpart hung narrow stripes of cloth, resembling a beard. We never saw thesemasks worn but twice, and both times by a number of people together in acanoe, who came to the side of the ship, laughing and drolling, with an airof masquerading. Whether they may not likewise be used as a defence for thehead against stones, for which, they seem best designed; or in some oftheir public games; or be merely intended for the purposes of mummery, wecould never inform ourselves. It has already been remarked, in a few instances, that the natives of theSandwich Islands approach nearer to the New Zealanders in their manners andcustoms, than to either of their less distant neighbours of the Society orFriendly Islands. This is in nothing more observable than in their methodof living together in small towns or villages, containing from about onehundred to two hundred houses, built pretty close together, without anyorder, and having a winding path leading through them. They are generallyflanked, toward the sea, with loose detached walls, which, probably, aremeant both for the purposes of shelter and defence. The figure of theirhouses has been already described. They are of different sizes, fromeighteen feet by twelve, to forty-five by twenty-four. There are some of alarger kind, being fifty feet long and thirty broad, and quite open at oneend. These, they told us, were designed for travellers or strangers, whowere only making a short stay. In addition to the furniture of their houses, which has been accuratelydescribed by Captain Cook, I have only to add, that at one end are mats onwhich they sleep, with wooden pillows, or sleeping stools, exactly likethose of the Chinese. Some of the better sort of houses have a courtyardbefore them, neatly railed in, with smaller houses built round it, fortheir servants. In this _area_ they generally eat, and sit during the day-time. In the sides of the hills, and among the steep rocks, we alsoobserved several holes or caves, which appeared to be inhabited; but as theentrance was defended with wicker-work, and we also found, in the only onethat was visited, a stone-fence running across it within, we imagine theyare principally designed for places of retreat, in case of an attack froman enemy. The food of the lower class of people consists principally of fish andvegetables, such as yams, sweet-potatoes, tarrow, plantains, sugar-canes, and bread-fruit. To these the people of a higher rank add the flesh of hogsand dogs, dressed in the same manner as at the Society Islands. They alsoeat fowls of the same domestic kind with ours; but they are neitherplentiful nor much esteemed by them. It is remarked by Captain Cook, thatthe bread-fruit and yams appeared scarce amongst them, and were reckonedgreat rarities. We found this not to be the case on our second visit; andit is therefore most probable, that, as these vegetables were generallyplanted in the interior parts of the country, the natives had not had timeto bring them down to us during the short stay we made at Wymoa Bay. Theirfish, they salt, and preserve in gourd-shells; not, as we at firstimagined, for the purpose of providing against any temporary scarcity, butfrom the preference they give to salted meats. For we also found, that the_Erees_ used to pickle pieces of pork in the same manner, and esteemed it agreat delicacy. Their cookery is exactly of the same sort with that already described inthe accounts that have been published of the other South Sea islands; andthough Captain Cook complains of the sourness of their tarrow puddings, yet, in justice to the many excellent meals they afforded us in KarakakooaBay, I must be permitted to rescue them from this general censure, and todeclare, that I never eat better even in the Friendly Islands. It ishowever remarkable, that they had not got the art of preserving the bread-fruit, and making the sour paste of it called _Maihee_, as at the SocietyIslands; and it was some satisfaction to as, in return for their greatkindness and hospitality, to have it in our power to teach them this usefulsecret. They are exceedingly cleanly at their meals; and their mode ofdressing both their animal and vegetable food was universally allowed to begreatly superior to ours. The chiefs constantly begin their meal with adose of the extract of pepper-root, brewed after the usual manner. Thewomen eat apart from the men, and are _tabooed_, or forbidden, as has beenalready mentioned, the use of pork, turtle, and particular kinds ofplantains. However, they would eat pork with us in private; but we couldnever prevail upon them to touch the two last articles. The way of spending their time appears to be very simple, and to admit oflittle variety. They rise with the sun; and, after enjoying the cool of theevening, retire to rest a few hours after sun-set. The making of canoes andmats forms the occupations of the _Erees_; the women are employed inmanufacturing cloth; and the _Towtows_ are principally engaged in theplantations and fishing. Their idle hours are filled up with variousamusements. Their young men and women are fond of dancing; and on moresolemn occasions, they have boxing and wrestling matches, after the mannerof the Friendly Islands; though, in all these respects, they are muchinferior to the latter. Their dances have a much nearer resemblance to those of the New Zealandersthan of the Otaheiteans or Friendly Islanders. They are prefaced with aslow, solemn song, in which all the party join, moving their legs, andgently striking their breasts, in a manner, and with attitudes, that areperfectly easy and graceful; and so far they are the same with the dancersof the other Society Islands. When this has lasted about ten minutes, boththe tune and motions gradually quicken, and end only by their inability tosupport the fatigue; which part of the performance is the exact counterpartof that of the New Zealanders; and (as it is among them) the person whouses the most violent action, and holds out the longest, is applauded asthe best dancer. It is to be observed, that, in this dance, the women onlytake a part; and that the dancing of the men is nearly of the same kindwith what we saw of the small parties at the Friendly Islands; and whichmay, perhaps, with more propriety, be called the accompaniment of songs, with corresponding and graceful motions of the whole body. Yet, as we werespectators of boxing exhibitions, of the same kind with those we wereentertained with at the Friendly Islands, it is probable that they hadlikewise their grand ceremonious dances, in which numbers of both sexesassisted. Their music is also of a ruder kind, having neither flutes nor reeds, norinstruments of any other sort, that we saw, except drums of various sizes. But their songs, which they sung in parts, [10] and accompany with a gentlemotion of the arms, in the same manner as the Friendly Islanders, had avery pleasing effect. It is very remarkable that the people of these islands are great gamblers. They have a game very much like our draughts; but if one may judge from thenumber of squares, it is much more intricate. The board is about two feetlong, and is divided into two hundred and thirty-eight squares, of whichthere are fourteen in a row; and they make use of black and white pebbles, which they move from square to square. There is another game, which consists in hiding a stone under a piece ofcloth, which one of the parties spreads out, and rumples in such a mannerthat the place where the stone lies is difficult to be distinguished. Theantagonist, with a stick, then strikes the part of the cloth where heimagines the stone to be; and as the chances are, upon the whole, considerably against his hitting it, odds, of all degrees, varying with theopinion of the skill of the parties, are laid on the side of him who hides. Besides these games, they frequently amuse themselves with racing matchesbetween the boys and girls; and here, again, they wager with great spirit. I saw a man in a most violent rage, tearing his hair, and beating hisbreast, after losing three hatchets at one of these races, which he hadjust before purchased from us with half his substance. Swimming is not only a necessary art, in which both their men and women aremore expert than any people we had hitherto seen, but a favourite diversionamongst them. One particular mode, in which they sometimes amusedthemselves with this exercise, in Karakakooa Bay, appeared to us mostperilous and extraordinary, and well deserving a distinct relation. The surf, which breaks on the coast round the bay, extends to the distanceof about one hundred and fifty yards from the shore, within which space thesurges of the sea, accumulating from the shallowness of the water, aredashed against the beach with prodigious violence. Whenever, from stormyweather, or any extraordinary swell at sea, the impetuosity of the surf isincreased to its utmost height, they choose that time for this amusement, which is performed in the following manner: Twenty or thirty of thenatives, taking each a long narrow board, rounded at the ends, set outtogether from the shore. The first wave they meet they plunge under, and, suffering it to roll over them, rise again beyond it, and make the best oftheir way, by swimming out into the sea. The second wave is encountered inthe same manner with the first; the great difficulty consisting in seizingthe proper moment of diving under it, which, if missed, the person iscaught by the surf, and driven back again with great violence; and all hisdexterity is then required to prevent himself from being dashed against therocks. As soon as they have gained, by these repeated efforts, the smoothwater beyond the surf, they lay themselves at length on their board, andprepare themselves for their return. As the surf consists of a number ofwaves, of which every third is remarked to be always much larger than theothers, and to flow higher on the shore, the rest breaking in theintermediate space, their first object is to place themselves on the summitof the largest surge, by which they are driven along with amazing rapiditytoward the shore. If, by mistake, they should place themselves on one ofthe smaller waves, which breaks before they reach the land, or should notbe able to keep their plank in a proper direction on the top of the swell, they are left exposed to the fury of the next, and, to avoid it, areobliged again to dive, and regain the place from which they set out. Thosewho succeed in their object of reaching the shore, have still the greatestdanger to encounter. The coast being guarded by a chain of rocks, with hereand there a small opening between them, they are obliged to steer theirboard through one of these, or, in case of failure, to quit it before theyreach the rocks, and, plunging under the wave, make the best of their wayback again. This is reckoned very disgraceful, and is also attended withthe loss of the board, which I have often seen, with great terror, dashedto pieces, at the very moment the islander quitted it. The boldness andaddress with which we saw them perform these difficult and dangerousmanoeuvres, were altogether astonishing, and is scarcely to becredited. [11] An accident, of which I was a near spectator, shews at how early a periodthey are so far familiarized to the water, as both to lose all fears of it, and to set its dangers at defiance. A canoe being overset, in which was awoman with her children, one of them an infant, who, I am convinced, wasnot more than four years old, seemed highly delighted with what hadhappened, swimming about at its ease, and playing a hundred tricks, tillthe canoe was put to rights again. Besides the amusements I have already mentioned, the young children haveone, which was much played at, and shewed no small degree of dexterity. They take a short stick, with a peg sharpened at both ends, running throughone extremity of it, and extending about an inch on each side; and throwingup a ball, made of green leaves, moulded together, and secured with twine, they catch it on the point of the peg; and immediately throwing it up againfrom the peg, they turn the stick round, and thus keep catching it on eachpeg alternately, without missing it, for a considerable time. They are notless expert at another game of the same nature, tossing up in the air, andcatching, in their turns, a number of these balls; so that we frequentlysaw little children thus keep in motion five at a time. With this latterplay the young people likewise divert themselves at the Friendly Islands. The great resemblance which prevails in the mode of agriculture andnavigation, amongst all the inhabitants of the South Sea Islands, leaves mevery little to add on those heads. Captain Cook has already described thefigure of the canoes we saw at Atooi. Those of the other islands wereprecisely the same; and the largest we saw was a double canoe, belonging toTerreeoboo, which measured seventy feet in length, three and a half indepth, and twelve in breadth; and each was hollowed out of one tree. The progress they have made in sculpture, their skill in painting cloth, and their manufacturing of mats, have been all particularly described. Themost curious specimens of the former, which we saw during our second visit, are the bowls in which the chiefs drink _ava_. These are usually abouteight or ten inches in diameter, perfectly round, and beautifully polished. They are supported by three, and sometimes four small human figures, invarious attitudes. Some of them rest on the hands of their supporters, extended over the head; others on the head and hands; and some on theshoulders. The figures, I am told, are accurately proportioned, and neatlyfinished, and even the anatomy of the muscles, in supporting the weight, well expressed. Their cloth is made of the same materials, and in the same manner, as atthe Friendly and Society Islands. That which is designed to be painted, isof a thick and strong texture, several folds being beat and incorporatedtogether; after which it is cut in breadths, about two or three feet wide, and is painted in a variety of patterns, with a comprehensiveness andregularity of design that bespeaks infinite taste and fancy. The exactnesswith which the most intricate patterns are continued is the moresurprising, when we consider that they have no stamps, and that the wholeis done by the eye, with pieces of bamboo-cane dipped in paint; the handbeing supported by another piece of the cane, in the manner practised byour painters. Their colours are extracted from the same berries, and othervegetable substances, as at Otaheite, which have been already described byformer voyagers. The business of painting belongs entirely to the women, and is called_kipparee_; and it is remarkable that they always gave the same name to ourwriting. The young women would often take the pen out of our hands, andshew us that they knew the use of it as well as we did; at the same timetelling us that our pens were not so good as theirs. They looked upon asheet of written paper as a piece of cloth striped after the fashion of ourcountry; and it was not without the utmost difficulty that we could makethem understand that our figures had a meaning in them which theirs hadnot. Their mats are made of the leaves of the _pandanus_; and, as well as theircloths, are beautifully worked in a variety of patterns, and stained ofdifferent colours. Some have a ground of pale green, spotted with squaresor rhomboids of red; others are of a straw colour, spotted with green; andothers are worked with beautiful stripes, either in straight or wavinglines of red and brown. In this article of manufacture, whether we regardthe strength, fineness, or beauty, they certainly excel the whole world. Their fishing-hooks are made of mother-of-pearl, bone, or wood, pointed andbarbed with small bones or tortoise-shell. They are of various sizes andforms, but the most common are about two or three inches long, and made inthe shape of a small fish, which serves as a bait, having a bunch offeathers tied to the head or tail. Those with which they fish for sharksare of a very large size, being generally six or eight inches long. Considering the materials of which these hooks were made, their strengthand neatness are really astonishing; and, in fact, we found them, upontrial, much superior to our own. The line which they use for fishing, for making nets, and for otherdomestic purposes is of different degrees of fineness, and is made of thebark of the _touta_, or cloth-tree; neatly and evenly twisted, in the samemanner as our common twine; and may be continued to any length. They have afiner sort, made of the bark of a small shrub, called _areemah_; and thefinest is made of human hair; but this last is chiefly used for things ofornament. They also make cordage of a stronger kind, for the rigging oftheir canoes, from the fibrous coatings of the cocoa-nuts. Some of this wepurchased for our own use, and found it well adapted to the smaller kindsof the running rigging. They likewise make another sort of cordage, whichis flat, and exceedingly strong, and used principally in lashing theroofing of their houses, or whatever they wish to fasten tight together. This last is not twisted like the former sorts, but is made of the fibrousstrings of the cocoa-nut's coat, plaited with the fingers, in the mannerour sailors make their points for the reefing of sails. The gourds, which grow to so enormous a size, that some of them are capableof containing from ten to twelve gallons, are applied to all manner ofdomestic purposes; and in order to fit them the better to their respectiveuses, they have the ingenuity to give them different forms, by tyingbandages round them during their growth. Thus some of them are of a longcylindrical form, as best adapted to contain their fishing-tackle; othersare of a dish form, and these serve to hold their salt and saltedprovisions, their puddings, vegetables, &c. Which two sorts have neat closecovers, made likewise of the gourd; others, again, are exactly in the shapeof a bottle with a long neck, and in these they keep their water. They havelikewise a method of scoring them with a heated instrument, so as to givethem the appearance of being painted in a variety of neat and elegantdesigns. Amongst their arts, we must not forget that of making salt, with which wewere amply supplied during our stay at these islands, and which wasperfectly good of its kind. Their salt-pans are made of earth, lined withclay; being generally six or eight feet square, and about eight inchesdeep. They are raised upon a bank of stones near to high-water mark, fromwhence the salt-water is conducted to the foot of them in small trenches, out of which they are filled, and the sun quickly performs the necessaryprocess of evaporation. The salt we procured at Atooi and Oneeheow, on ourfirst visit, was of a brown and dirty sort; but that which we afterward gotin Karakakooa Bay was white, and of a most excellent quality, and in greatabundance. Besides the quantity we used in salting pork, we filled all ourempty casks, amounting to sixteen puncheons, in the Resolution only. Their instruments of war are spears, daggers, called _pahooas_, clubs, andslings. The spears are of two sorts, and made of a hard solid wood, whichhas much the appearance of mahogany. One sort is from six to eight feet inlength, finely polished, and gradually increasing in thickness from theextremity till within about half a foot of the point, which taperssuddenly, and is furnished with four or six rows of barbs. It is notimprobable that these might be used in the way of darts. The other sort, with which we saw the warriors at Owhyhee and Atooi mostly armed, aretwelve or fifteen feet long, and, instead of being barbed, terminate towardthe point like their daggers. The dagger, or _pahooa_, is made of heavy black wood, resembling ebony. Itslength is from one to two feet, with a string passing through the handle, for the purpose of suspending it to the arm. The clubs are made indifferently of several sorts of wood. They are of rudeworkmanship, and of a variety of shapes and sizes. The slings have nothing singular about them; and in no respect differ fromour common slings, except that the stone is lodged on a piece of mattinginstead of leather. [5] The nice and highly interesting subject now adverted to, it is evident, will require a very extensive and cautious enquiry, and cannot possibly be discussed in the small compass allotted to notes. See Forster's Observations. But additional information has been obtained since the time of that author. --E. [6] There is good reason to imagine that most of the early voyagers into the South Sea, have exaggerated the numbers of the inhabitants in the various groups of islands they met with. The present calculation, most readers will believe, is beyond the truth. Certain however it is, that almost all the recent accounts are at variance with such astonishing estimates as were formerly made. But, on the other hand, Mr. Pinkerton's assertion, that "it is probable there are not above 300, 000 souls in all Australasia and Polynesia, " (Geog. 3d ed. 2d vol. P. 172, ) must appear so extraordinary when considered in opposition to them, as at once to convey the notion of a bold adventure. Yet even this admits of some degree of probability, from the account formerly given, of the immense decrease in the population of Otaheite. Altogether the subject is imperfectly understood, and labours under peculiar difficulties; we ought to listen with some hesitation, therefore, to all assertions respecting it. --E. [7] We have elsewhere had occasion to take notice of the fact of human sacrifices and cannibalism, forming an essential particular in the history of all the South Sea islanders. It is unnecessary to occupy a moment's attention in farther enquiry respecting it, as perhaps no question, in the circle of philosophical research, has received more complete solution by the testimony of credible witnesses. He that shall attempt to controvert their evidence, will have need of all the effrontery and invincibility to truth that ever stamped the forehead or hardened the heart of a polemist. --E. [8] Here, then, we have two reasons for the practice of tattowing, in addition to those which we enumerated in the account of Cook's first voyage, provided only that Captain King's information can he relied on. The first of these, it may be remarked, is so extremely similar to the practice of wounding or cutting the body for the dead, which has prevailed so extensively, that we can have no difficulty in allowing the full force of the observation. But, with respect to the second, one may incline to demur, on the ground of the improbability that such a state of servitude as it implies, could exist in so apparently primitive a condition of society. This, however, is not difficult of explanation, as the reader will find in the following section, from which one may safely infer, that the government of the Sandwich islands is by no means one which requires for its exhibition, the innocence, the liberty, and equality of the golden age. Some conclusion may hence be drawn as to the probable origin and antiquity of these islanders. But it is obvious that we are far from possessing sufficient data to enable us to enter satisfactorily on the discussion of the topic. --E. [9] Mr Playfair in his Geography, vol. Vi. P. 839, asserts, that the Sandwich islands were first discovered by Gaetano, a Spanish navigator, in 1542; but he does not assign his authority, or give any clue for which the position may be verified. The fact is certainly probable, as Captain King seems to admit; and supposing it so, we can easily conceive that the distance of time from the period of the discovery above stated, would be quite sufficient to account for the natives having no tradition of such a visit. Even a much shorter period would be adequate for the total loss of almost any event in the current history of a people, who had no other method of preserving it than the impression it made on the senses, and to whom there was no excitement to impress it on the memories of succeeding generations, arising from the importance of the circumstances connected with it. The possession of iron, indeed, supposing it traced to this source, may be alleged too valuable, to have admitted such total forgetfulness of the event which occasioned it. But this difficulty readily resolves into a general remark, that even in more fortunate situations, the authors and occasions of many discoveries and inventions are soon lost sight of, in the more interesting experience of the utility that commends them. Men, in fact, are always much more anxious to avail themselves of the advantages which genius or accident has presented to their notice, than careful to testify gratitude by ascertaining and perpetuating the original sources to which they have been indebted. A case, not indeed quite parallel, instantly occurs to recollection. How few persons are there in this island, who have the smallest conception, to whom it is they are indebted for the introduction of that valuable vegetable the potatoe? The incident, no doubt, is recorded in the history of our country. But is there one in a thousand to whom the article is so familiar, that knows whence it came; or is it conceivable, that, without such a record, any individual of the present generation would have doubted for a moment that it was indigenous to Britain? We might multiply such examples almost without end. But the reader may like better to amuse himself with an enquiry into the extent of common ignorance and indifference. --E. [10] As this circumstance, of their _singing in parts_, has been much doubted by persons eminently skilled in music, and would be exceedingly curious if it were clearly ascertained, it is to be lamented that it cannot be more positively authenticated. Captain Burney, and Captain Phillips, of the marines, who both have a tolerable knowledge of music, have given it as their opinion, that they did sing in parts; that is to say, that they sung together in different notes, which formed a pleasing harmony. These gentlemen have fully testified, that the Friendly Islanders undoubtedly studied their performances before they were exhibited in public; that they had an idea of different notes being useful in harmony; and also, that they rehearsed their compositions in private, and threw out the inferior voices, before they ventured to appear before those who were supposed to be judges of their skill in music. In their regular concerts each man had a bamboo, which was of a different length and gave a different tone; these they beat against the ground, and each performer, assisted by the note given by this instrument, repeated the same note, accompanying it by words, by which means it was rendered sometimes short and sometimes long. In this manner they sing in chorus, and not only produced octaves to each other, according to their different species of voice, but fell on concords, such as were not disagreeable to the ear. Now, to overturn this fact, by the reasoning of persons who did not hear these performances, is rather an arduous task. And yet there is great improbability, that any uncivilized people should, by accident, arrive at this degree of perfection in the art of music, which, we imagine, can only be attained by dint of study, and knowledge of the system and theory upon which musical composition is founded. Such miserable jargon as our country psalm-singers practise, which may be justly deemed the lowest class of counterpoint, or singing in several parts, cannot be acquired, in the coarse manner in which it is performed in the churches, without considerable time and practice. It is therefore scarcely credible, that a people, semi-barbarous, should naturally arrive at any perfection in that art, which it is much doubted, whether the Greeks and Romans, with all their refinements in music, ever attained, and which the Chinese, who have been longer civilized than any people on the globe, have not yet found out. If Captain Burney (who, by the testimony of his father, perhaps the greatest musical theorist of this or any other age, was able to have done it) had written down, in European notes, the concords that these people sing; and if these concords had been such as European ears could tolerate, there would have been no longer doubt of the fact; but, as it is, it would, in my opinion, be a rash judgment to venture to affirm, that they did or did not understand counterpoint; and therefore I fear that this curious matter must be considered as still remaining undecided. [11] An amusement somewhat similar to this, at Otaheite, has been elsewhere described. SECTION VIII. General Account of the Sandwich Islands, continued. --Government. --Peopledivided into three Classes, --Power of Erreetaboo. --Genealogy of the Kingsof Owhyhee and Mowee. --Power of the Chiefs. --State of the inferior Class. --Punishment of Crimes. --Religion. --Society of Priests. --The Orono. --TheirIdols. --Songs chanted by the Chiefs, before they drink Ava. --HumanSacrifices. --Custom of knocking out the fore Teeth. --Notions with regard toa future State. --Marriages. --Remarkable Instance of Jealousy. --FuneralRites. The people of these islands are manifestly divided into three classes. Thefirst are the _Erees_, or chiefs, of each district, one of which issuperior to the rest, and is called at Owhyhee _Eree-taboo_, and _Eree-moee_. By the first of these words they express his absolute authority; andby the latter, that all are obliged to prostrate themselves (or putthemselves to sleep, as the word signifies) in his presence. The secondclass are those who appear to enjoy a right of property without authority. The third are the _towtows_, or servants, who have neither rank norproperty. It is not possible to give any thing like a systematical account of thesubordination of these classes to each other, without departing from thatstrict veracity, which, in works of this nature, is more satisfactory thanconjectures, however ingenious. I will, therefore, content myself withrelating such facts as we were witnesses to ourselves, and such accounts aswe thought could be depended upon; and shall leave the reader to form fromthem his own ideas of the nature of their government. The great power and high rank of Terreeoboo, the _Eree-taboo_ of Owhyhee, was very evident, from the manner in which he was received at Karakakooa, on his first arrival. All the natives were seen prostrated at the entranceof their houses; and the canoes, for two days before, were _tabooed_, orforbidden to go out, till he took off the restraint. He was at this timejust returned from Mowee, for the possession of which he was contending infavour of his son Teewarro, who had married the daughter and only child ofthe late king of that island, against Tabeeterree, his surviving brother. He was attended, in this expedition, by many of his warriors; but whethertheir service was voluntary, or the condition on which they hold their rankand property, we could not learn. That he collects tribute from the subordinate chiefs, we had a verystriking proof in the instance of Kaoo, which has been already related inour transactions of the 2d and 3d of February. I have before mentioned, that the two most powerful chiefs of theseislands, are, Terreeoboo of Owhyhee, and Perreeorannee of Wohahoo; the restof the smaller isles being subject to one or other of these; Mowee, and itsdependencies, being at this time claimed, as we have just observed, byTerreeoboo, for Teewarro, his son and intended successor; Atooi andOneeheow being governed by the grandsons of Perreorannee. The following genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee kings, which I collectedfrom the priests, during our residence at the _morai_, in Karakakooa Bay, contains all the information I could procure relative to the politicalhistory of these islands. This account reaches to four chiefs, predecessors of the present; all ofwhom they represent to have lived to an old age. Their names andsuccessions are as follows: First, Poorahoo Awhykaia was king of Owhyhee, and had an only son calledNeerooagooa. At this time Mowee was governed by Mokoakea, who had also anonly son, named Papikaneeou. Secondly, Neerooagooa had three sons, the eldest named Kahavee; andPapikaneeou, of the Mowee race, had an only son, named Kaowreeka. Thirdly, Kahavee had an only son, Kayenewee a mummow; and Kaowreeka, theMowee king, had two sons, Maiha-maiha, and Taheeterree; the latter of whomis now, by one party, acknowledged chief of Mowee. Fourthly, Kayenewee a mummow had two sons, Terreeoboo and Kaihooa; andMaiha-maiha, king of Mowee, had no son, but left a daughter called Roaho. Fifthly, Terreeoboo, the present king of Owhyhee, had a son, namedTeewarro, by Rora-rora, the widow of Maiha-maiha, late king of Mowee; andthis son has married Roaho, his half-sister, in whose right he claims Moweeand its appendages. Taheeterree, the brother of the late king, supported by a considerableparty, who were not willing that the possessions should go into anotherfamily, took up arms, and opposed the rights of his niece. When we were first off Mowee, Terreeoboo was there with his warriors, tosupport the claims of his wife, his son, and daughter-in-law, and hadfought a battle with the opposite party, in which Taheeterree was worsted. We afterwards understood that matters had been compromised, and thatTaheeterree is to have the possession of the three neighbouring islandsduring his life; that Teewarro is acknowledged the chief of Mowee, and willalso succeed to the kingdom of Owhyhee on the death of Terreeoboo; and alsoto the sovereignty of the three Islands contiguous to Mowee, on the deathof Taheeterree. Teewarro has been lately married to his half-sister, and, should he die without issue, the government of these islands descends toMaiha-maiha, whom we have often had occasion to mention, he being the sonof Kaihooa, the deceased brother of Terreeoboo. Should he also die withoutissue, they could not tell who would succeed; for the two youngest sons ofTerreeoboo, one of whom he appears to be exceedingly fond of, being born ofa woman of no rank, would, from this circumstance, be debarred all right ofsuccession. We had not an opportunity of seeing queen Rora-rora, whomTerreeoboo had left behind at Mowee; but we have already had occasion totake notice, that he was accompanied by Kanee-kabareea, the mother of thetwo youths, to whom he was much attached. From this account of the genealogy of the Owhyhee and Mowee monarchs, it ispretty clear that the government is hereditary; which also makes it veryprobable, that the inferior titles, and property itself, descend in thesame course. With regard to Perreeorannee, we could only learn that he isan _Ere-taboo_; that he was invading the possession of Taheeterree, but onwhat pretence we were not informed; and that his grandsons governed theislands to leeward. The power of the _Erees_ over the inferior classes of people appears to bevery absolute. Many instances of this occurred daily during our stayamongst them, and have been already related. The people, on the other hand, pay them the most implicit obedience; and this state of servility hasmanifestly had a great effect in debasing both their minds and bodies. Itis, however, remarkable, that the chiefs were never guilty, as far at leastas came within my knowledge, of any acts of cruelty or injustice, or evenof insolent behaviour toward them; though, at the same time, they exercisedtheir power over one another in the most haughty and oppressive manner. Ofthis I shall give two instances. A chief of the lower order had behavedwith great civility to the master of the ship, when he went to examineKarakakooa Bay, the day before the ship first arrived there; and, inreturn, I afterward carried him on board, and introduced him to CaptainCook, who invited him to dine with us. While we were at table, Pareeaentered, whose face but too plainly manifested his indignation at seeingour guest in so honourable a situation. He immediately seized him by thehair of the head, and was proceeding to drag him out of the cabin, when thecaptain interfered, and, after a great deal of altercation, all theindulgence we could obtain, without coming to a quarrel with Pareea, was, that our guest should be suffered to remain, being seated upon the floor, whilst Pareea filled his place at the table. At another time, whenTerreeoboo first came on board the Resolution, Maiha-maiha, who attendedhim, finding Pareea on deck, turned him out of the ship in the mostignominious manner; and yet Pareea we certainly knew to be a man of thefirst consequence. How far the property of the lower class is secured against the rapacity anddespotism of the great chiefs, I cannot say, but it should seem that it issufficiently protected against private theft, or mutual depredation; fornot only their plantations, which are spread over the whole country, butalso their houses, their hogs, and their cloth, were left unguarded, without the smallest apprehensions. I have already remarked, that they notonly separate their possessions by walls in the plain country, but that, inthe woods likewise, wherever the horse-plantains grow, they make use ofsmall white flags, in the same manner, and for the same purpose ofdiscriminating property, as they do bunches of leaves at Otaheite. Allwhich circumstances, if they do not amount to proofs, are strongindications that the power of the chiefs, where property is concerned, isnot arbitrary, but at least so far circumscribed and ascertained, as tomake it worth the while for the inferior orders to cultivate the soil, andto occupy their possessions distinct from each other. With respect to the administration of justice, all the information we couldcollect was very imperfect and confined. Whenever any of the lowest classof people had a quarrel amongst themselves, the matter in dispute wasreferred to the decision of some chief, probably the chief of the district, or the person to whom they appertained. If an inferior chief had givencause of offence to one of a higher rank, the feelings of the latter at themoment seemed the only measure of his punishment. If he had the goodfortune to escape the first transports of his superior's rage, he generallyfound means, through the mediation of some third person, to compound forhis crime by a part or the whole of his property and effects. These werethe only facts that came to our knowledge on this head. The religion of these people resembles, in most of its principal features, that of the Society and Friendly Islands. Their _morais_, their _whattas_, their idols, their sacrifices, and their sacred songs, all of which theyhave in common with each other, are convincing proofs that their religiousnotions are derived from the same source. In the length and number of theirceremonies, this branch indeed far exceeds the rest; and though in allthese countries there is a certain class of men, to whose care theperformance of their religious rites is committed, yet we never met with aregular society of priests, till we discovered the cloisters of Kakooa inKarakakooa Bay. The head of this order was called _Orono_; a title which weimagined to imply something highly sacred, and which, in the person ofOmeeah, was honoured almost to adoration. It is probable, that theprivilege of entering into this order (at least as to the principal officesin it) is limited to certain families. Omeeah, the _Orono_, was the son ofKaoo, and the uncle of Kaireekeea, which last presided, during the absenceof his grandfather, in all religious ceremonies at the _morai_. It was alsoremarked, that the child of Omeeah, an only son, about five years old, wasnever suffered to appear without a number of attendants, and such othermarks of care and solicitude as we saw no other like instance of. Thisseemed to indicate that his life was an object of the greatest moment, andthat he was destined to succeed to the high rank of his father. It has been mentioned, that the title of _Orono_, with all its honours, wasgiven to Captain Cook; and it is also certain that they regarded usgenerally as a race of people superior to themselves, and used often to saythat great _Eatoua_ dwelled in our country. The little image, which we havebefore described as the favourite idol on the _morai_ in Karakakooa Bay, they call _Koonooraekaiee_, and said it was Terreeoboo's god, and that healso resided amongst us. There are found an infinite variety of these images both on the _morais_, and within and without their houses, to which they give different names;but it soon became obvious to us in how little estimation they were held, from their frequent expressions of contempt of them, and from their evenoffering them to sale for trifles. At the same time there seldom failed tobe some one particular figure in favour, to which, whilst this preferencelasted, all their adoration was addressed. This consisted in arraying it inred cloth, beating their drums, and singing hymns before it, laying bunchesof red feathers, and different sorts of vegetables, at its feet, andexposing a pig or a dog to rot on the _whatta_, that stood near it. In a bay to the southward of Karakakooa, a party of our gentlemen wereconducted to a large house, in which they found the black figure of a man, resting on his fingers and toes, with his head inclined backward, the limbswell formed, and exactly proportioned, and the whole beautifully polished. This figure the natives call _Maee_; and round it were placed thirteenothers of rude and distorted shapes, which they said were the _Eatooas_ ofseveral deceased chiefs, whose names they recounted. The place was full of_whattas_, on which lay the remains of their offerings. They likewise givea place in their houses to many ludicrous and some obscene idols, like thePriapus of the ancients. It hath been remarked by former voyagers, that, both among the Society andFriendly Islanders, an adoration is paid to particular birds; and I am ledto believe that the same custom prevails here; and that, probably, theraven is the object of it, from seeing two of these birds tame at thevillage of Kakooa, which they told me were _Eatooas_; and, refusing everything I offered for them, cautioned me, at the same time, not to hurt oroffend them. Amongst their religious ceremonies may be reckoned the prayers andofferings made by the priests before their meals. Whilst the _ava_ ischewing, of which they always drink before they begin their repast, theperson of the highest rank takes the lead in a sort of hymn, in which he ispresently joined by one, two, or more of the company; the rest moving theirbodies, and striking their hands gently together, in concert with thesingers. When the _ava_ is ready, cups of it are handed about to those whodid not join in the song, which they keep in their hands till it is ended;when, uniting in one loud response, they drink off their cup. Theperformers of the hymn are then served with _ava_, who drink it after arepetition of the same ceremony; and if there be present one of a verysuperior rank, a cup is, last of all, presented to him, which, afterchanting some time alone, and being answered by the rest, and pouring alittle out on the ground, he drinks off. A piece of the flesh that isdressed is next cut off, without any selection of the part of the animal, which, together with some of the vegetables, being deposited at the foot ofthe image of the _Eatooa_, and a hymn chanted, their meal commences. Aceremony of much the same kind is also performed by the chiefs, wheneverthey drink _ava_ between their meals. Human sacrifices are more frequent here, according to the account of thenatives themselves, than in any other islands we visited. These horridrites are not only had recourse to upon the commencement of war, andpreceding great battles and other signal enterprises, but the death of anyconsiderable chief calls for a sacrifice of one or more _Towtows_, according to his rank; and we were told, that ten men were destined tosuffer on the death of Terreeoboo. What may, if any thing possibly can, lessen, in some small degree, the horror of this practice is, that theunhappy victims have not the most distant intimation of their fate. Thosewho are fixed upon to fall, are set upon with clubs wherever they happen tobe, and, after being dispatched, are brought dead to the place, where theremainder of the rites are completed. The reader will here call to hisremembrance the skulls of the captives that had been sacrificed at thedeath of some great chief, and which were fixed on the rails round the topof the _morai_ at Kakooa. We got a farther piece of intelligence upon thissubject at the village of Kowrowa; where, on our enquiring into the use ofa small piece of ground, inclosed with a stone-fence, we were told that itwas an _Here-eere_, or burying-ground of a chief; and there, added ourinformer, pointing to one of the corners, lie the _tangata_ and _waheenetaboo_, or the man and woman who were sacrificed at his funeral. To this class of their customs may also be referred that of knocking outtheir fore-teeth. Scarce any of the lower people, and very few of thechiefs, were seen, who had not lost one or more of them; and we alwaysunderstood that this voluntary punishment, like the cutting off the jointsof the finger at the Friendly Islands, was not inflicted on themselves fromthe violence of grief on the death of their friends, but was designed as apropitiatory sacrifice to the _Eatooa_, to avert any danger or mischief towhich they might be exposed. We were able to learn but little of their notions with regard to a futurestate. Whenever we asked them whither the dead were gone? we were alwaysanswered, that the breath, which they appeared to consider as the soul, orimmortal part, was gone to the _Eatooa_; and, on pushing our enquiriesfarther, they seemed to describe some particular place, where they imaginedthe abode of the deceased to be; but we could not perceive that theythought, in this state, either rewards or punishments awaited them. Having promised the reader an explanation of what was meant by the word_taboo_, I shall, in this place, lay before him the particular instancesthat fell under our observation of its application and effects. On ourenquiring into the reasons of the interdiction of all intercourse betweenus and the natives, the day preceding the arrival of Terreeoboo, we weretold that the bay was _tabooed_. The same restriction took place, at ourrequest, the day we interred the bones of Captain Cook. In these twoinstances the natives paid the most implicit and scrupulous obedience, butwhether on any religious principle, or merely in deference to the civilauthority of their chiefs, I cannot determine. When the ground near ourobservatories, and the place where our masts lay, were _tabooed_, bysticking small wands round them, this operated in a manner not lessefficacious. But though this mode of consecration was performed by thepriests only, yet still, as the men ventured to come within the space, wheninvited by us, it should seem that they were under no religiousapprehensions, and that their obedience was limited to our refusal only. The women could, by no means, be induced to come near us; but this wasprobably on account of the _morai_ adjoining, which they are prohibited, atall times, and in all the islands of those seas, from approaching. Mentionhath been already made, that women are always _tabooed_, or forbidden toeat certain kind of meats. We also frequently saw several at their meals, who had the meat put into their mouths by others; and, on our asking thereason of this singularity, were told that they were _tabooed_, orforbidden to feed themselves. This prohibition, we understood, was alwayslaid on them after they had assisted at any funeral, or touched a deadbody, and also on other occasions. It is necessary to observe, that onthese occasions they apply the word _taboo_ indifferently both to personsand things. Thus they say, the natives were _tabooed_, or the bay was_tabooed_, and so of the rest. This word is also used to express any thingsacred, or eminent, or devoted. Thus the king of Owhyhee was called _Eree-taboo_, a human victim _tangata-taboo_; and, in the same manner, among theFriendly Islanders, Tonga, the island where the king resides, is named_Tonga-taboo_. Concerning their marriages, I can afford the reader little farthersatisfaction than informing him, that such a relation or compact existsamongst them. I have already had occasion to mention, that at the timeTerreeoboo had left his queen Rora-rora at Mowee, he was attended byanother woman, by whom he had children, and to whom he was very muchattached; but how far polygamy, properly speaking, is allowed, or how farit is mixed with concubinage, either with respect to the king, the chiefs, or among the inferior orders, too few facts came to our knowledge tojustify any conclusions. It hath also been observed, that, exceptKaneekabareea, and the wife of the Orono, with three women whom I shallhave occasion hereafter to mention, we never saw any female of high rank. From what I had an opportunity of observing of the domestic concerns of thelowest class, the house seemed to be under the direction of one man andwoman, and the children in the like state of subordination as in civilizedcountries. It will not be improper, in this place, to take notice, that we were eye-witnesses of a fact, which, as it was the only instance we saw of any thinglike jealousy among them, shews, at the same time, that not only fidelity, but a degree of reserve, is required from the married women of consequence. At one of the entertainments of boxing, Omeeah was observed to rise fromhis place two or three times, and to go up to his wife with strong marks ofdispleasure, ordering her, as it appeared to us from his manner, towithdraw. Whether it was, that being very handsome, he thought she drew toomuch of our attention, or without being able to determine what other reasonhe might have for his conduct, it is but justice to say, that there existedno real cause of jealousy. However, she kept her place, and when theentertainment was over, joined our party, and, soliciting some triflingpresents, was given to understand that we had none about us, but that ifshe would accompany us toward our tent, she should return with such as sheliked best. She was accordingly walking along with us, which Omeeahobserving, followed in a violent rage, and seizing her by the hair, beganto inflict, with his fists, a severe corporeal punishment. This sight, especially as we had innocently been the cause of it, gave us much concern;and yet we were told, that it would be highly improper to interfere betweenman and wife of such high rank. We were, however, not left without theconsolation of seeing the natives at last interpose, and had the farthersatisfaction of meeting them together the next day, in perfect good humourwith each other; and, what is still more singular, the lady would notsuffer us to remonstrate with her husband on his treatment of her, which wewere much inclined to do, and plainly told us, that he had done no morethan he ought. Whilst I was ashore at the observatory at Karakakooa Bay, I had twice anopportunity of seeing a considerable part of their funeral rites. Intelligence was brought me of the death of an old chief in a house nearour observatories, soon after the event happened. On going to the place, Ifound a number of people assembled, and seated round a square area, fronting the house in which the deceased lay, whilst a man, in a red-feathered cap, advanced from an interior part of the house to the door, and, putting out his head, at almost every moment uttered a most lamentablehowl, accompanied with the most singular grimaces and violent distortionsof his face that can be conceived. After this had passed a short time, alarge mat was spread upon the area, and two men and thirteen women came outof the house, and sate themselves down upon it, in three equal rows; thetwo men and three of the women being in front. The necks and hands of thewomen were decorated with, feathered ruffs; and broad green leaves, curiously scolloped, were spread over their shoulders. At one corner ofthis _area_, near a small hut, were half a dozen boys, waving small whitebanners, and the tufted wands, or _taboo_ sticks which, have been oftenmentioned, who would not permit us to approach them. This led me to imaginethat the dead body might be deposited in this little hut; but I afterwardsunderstood, that it was in the house where the man in the red cap openedthe rites, by playing his tricks at the door. The company just mentionedbeing seated on the mat, began to sing a melancholy tune, accompanied witha slow and gentle motion of the body and arms. When this had continued sometime, they raised themselves on their knees, and, in a posture betweenkneeling and sitting, began by degrees to move their arms and their bodieswith great rapidity, the tune always keeping pace with their motions. Asthese last exertions were too violent to continue long, they resumed, atintervals, their slower movements; and, after this performance had lastedan hour, more mats were brought and spread upon the area, and four or fiveelderly women, amongst whom I was told was the dead chief's wife, advancedslowly out of the house, and seating themselves in the front of the firstcompany, began to cry and wail most bitterly; the women in the three rowsbehind joining them, whilst the two men inclined their heads over them in avery melancholy and pensive attitude. At this period of the rites, I wasobliged to leave them to attend at the observatory; but returning withinhalf an hour, found them in the same situation. I continued with them tilllate in the evening, and left them proceeding, with little variation, asjust described; resolving, however, to attend early in the morning, to seethe remainder of the ceremony. On my arrival at the house, as soon as itwas day, I found, to my mortification, the crowd dispersed, and every thingquiet; and was given to understand, that the corpse was removed; nor couldI learn in what manner it was disposed of. I was interrupted in makingfarther enquiries for this purpose, by the approach of three women of rank, who, whilst their attendants stood near them with their fly-flaps, sat downby us, and, entering into conversation, soon made me comprehend that ourpresence was a hindrance to the performance of some necessary rites. I hadhardly got out of sight, before I heard their cries and lamentations; andmeeting them a few hours afterward, I found they had painted the lower partof their faces perfectly black. The other opportunity I had of observing these ceremonies, was in the caseof an ordinary person; when, on hearing some mournful female cries issuefrom a miserable-looking hut, I ventured into it, and found an old womanwith her daughter, weeping over the body of an elderly man, who had butjust expired, being still warm. The first step they took was to cover thebody with cloth, after which, lying down by it, they drew the cloth overthemselves, and then began a mournful kind of song, frequently repeating, _Aweh medooah! Aweh tanee!_ Oh my father! Oh my husband! A younger daughterwas also at the same time lying prostrate, in a corner of the house, covered over with black cloth, repeating the same words. On leaving thismelancholy scene, I found at the door a number of their neighbourscollected together, and listening to their cries with profound silence. Iwas resolved not to miss this opportunity of seeing in what manner theydispose of the body; and, therefore, after satisfying myself before I wentto bed that it was not then removed, I gave orders that the sentries shouldwalk backward and forward before the house, and, in case they suspected anymeasures were taking for the removal of the body, to give me immediatenotice. However, the sentries had not kept a good look-out, for in themorning I found the body was gone. On enquiring what they had done with it, they pointed toward the sea; indicating most probably thereby, that it hadbeen committed to the deep, or perhaps that it had been carried beyond thebay, to some burying-ground in another part of the country. The chiefs areinterred in the _morais_, or _He-ree-erees_, with the men sacrificed on theoccasion, by the side of them; and we observed that the _morai_, where thechief had been buried, who, as I have already mentioned, was killed in thecave after so stout a resistance, was hung round with red cloth. CHAPTER VI. TRANSACTIONS DURING THE SECOND EXPEDITION TO THE NORTH, BY THE WAY OFKAMTSCHATKA; AND ON THE RETURN HOME BY THE WAY OF CANTON AND THE CAPE OFGOOD HOPE. SECTION I. Departure from Oneeheow--Fruitless Attempt to discover Modoopapappa. --Course steered for Awatska Bay. --Occurrences during that Passage. --SuddenChange from Heat to Cold. --Distress occasioned by the leaking of theResolution. --View of the Coast of Kamtschatka. --Extreme Rigour of theClimate. --Lose Sight of the Discovery. --The Resolution enters the Bay ofAwatska. --Prospect of the Town of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. --Party sentashore. --Their Reception by the Commanding-Officer of the Port. --Messagedispatched to the Commander at Bolcheretsk. --Arrival of theDiscovery. --Return of the Messengers from the Commander. --ExtraordinaryMode of Travelling. --Visit from a Merchant and a German Servant belongingto the Commander. On the 15th of March, at seven in the morning, we weighed anchor, andpassing to the north of Tahoora, stood on to the south-west, in hopes offalling in with the island of Modoopapappa, which, we were told by thenatives, lay in that direction, about five hours sail from Tahoora. At fourin the afternoon, we were overtaken by a stout canoe, with ten men, whowere going from Oneeheow to Tahoora, to kill tropic and man-of-war birds, with which that place was said to abound. It has been mentioned before, that the feathers of these birds are in great request, being much used inmaking their cloaks and other ornamental parts of their dress. At eight, having seen nothing of the island, we hauled the wind to thenorthward till midnight, and then tacked, and stood on a wind to the south-east till day-light next morning, at which time Tahoora bore E. N. E. , fiveor six leagues distant. We afterward steered W. S. W, and made theDiscovery's signal to spread four miles upon our starboard-beam. At noonour latitude was 21° 27', and our longitude 198° 42'; and having stood ontill five, in the same direction, we made the Discovery's signal to comeunder our stern, and gave over all hopes of seeing Modoopapappa. Weconceived that it might probably lie in a more southerly direction fromTahoora, than that in which we had steered; though, after all, it ispossible that we might have passed it in the night, as the islandersdescribed it to be very small, and almost even with the surface of the sea. The next day we steered west; it being Captain Clerke's intention to keepas near as possible in the same parallel of latitude, till we should makethe longitude of Awatska Bay, and afterward to steer due north for theharbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul in that bay, which was also appointedfor our rendezvous in case of separation. This track was chosen on accountof its being, as far as we knew, unexplored; and we were not without hopesof falling in with some new island on our passage. We had scarcely seen a bird since our losing sight of Tahoora, till the18th in the afternoon, when, being in the latitude of 21° 12', and thelongitude of 194° 45', the appearance of a great many boobies, and someman-of-war birds, made us keep a sharp look-out for land. Toward eveningthe wind lessened, and the north-east swell, which, on the 16th and 17th, had been so heavy as to make the ships labour exceedingly, was much abated. The next day we saw no appearance of land; and at noon, we steered a pointmore to the southward, viz. W. By S. , in the hopes of finding the trade-winds, (which blew almost invariably from the E. By N. , ) fresher as weadvanced within the tropic. It is somewhat singular that, though we saw nobirds in the forenoon, yet toward evening we had again a number of boobiesand man-of-war birds about us. This seemed to indicate that we had passedthe land from whence the former flights had come, and that we wereapproaching some other low island. [12] The wind continued very moderate, with fine weather, till the 23d, when itfreshened from the N. E. By E. , and increased to a strong gale, which splitsome of our old sails, and made the running rigging very frequently giveway. This gale lasted twelve hours; it then became more moderate, andcontinued so till the 25th at noon, when we entirely lost it, and had onlya very light air. On the 26th, in the morning, we thought we saw land to the W. S. W. ; but, after running about sixteen leagues in that direction, we found ourmistake; and night coming on, we again steered W. Our latitude, at thistime, was 19° 45', which was the greatest southing we made in this run; ourlongitude was 183°, and variation 12° 45' E. We continued in this course, with little alteration in the wind, till the 29th, when it shifted to theS. E. And S. S. E. , and, for a few hours in the night, it was in the W. ; theweather being dark and cloudy, with much rain. We had met, for some dayspast, several turtles, one of which was the smallest I ever saw, notexceeding three inches in length. We were also accompanied by man-of-warbirds, and boobies of an unusual kind, being quite white, except the tip ofthe wing, which was black, and easily mistaken, at first sight, forgannets. The light winds which we had met with for some time past, with the presentunsettled state of the weather, and the little appearance of any change forthe better, induced Captain Clerke to alter his plan of keeping within thetropical latitudes; and accordingly, at six this evening, we began to steerN. W. By N. , at which time our latitude was 20° 23', and our longitude 180°40'. During the continuance of the light winds, which prevailed almostconstantly ever since our departure from the Sandwich Islands, the weatherwas very close, and the air hot and sultry; the thermometer being generallyat 80°, and sometimes at 83°. All this time we had a considerable swellfrom the N. E. ; and in no period of the voyage did the ships roll and strainso violently. In the morning of the 1st of April, the wind changed from the S. E. To theN. E. By E. , and blew a fresh breeze till the morning of the 4th, when italtered two points more to the E. , and by noon increased to a strong gale, which lasted till the afternoon of the 5th, attended with hazy weather. Itthen again altered its direction to the S. E. , became more moderate, and wasaccompanied by heavy showers of rain. During all this time, we keptsteering to the N. W. Against a slow, but regular current from that quarter, which caused a constant variation from our reckoning by the log, of fifteenmiles a day. On the 4th, being then in the latitude 26° 17', and longitude173° 30', we passed prodigious quantities of what sailors call Portuguesemen-of-war (_holothuria physalis_), and were also accompanied with a greatnumber of sea-birds, amongst which we observed, for the first time, thealbatross and sheerwater. On the 6th, at noon, we lost the trade-wind, and were suddenly taken aback, with the wind from the N. N. W. At this time our latitude was 29° 50', andour longitude 170° l'. As the old running ropes were constantly breaking inthe late gales, we reeved what new ones we had left, and made such otherpreparations as were necessary for the very different climate with which wewere now shortly to encounter. The fine weather we met with between thetropics had not been idly spent. The carpenters found sufficient employmentin repairing the boats. The best bower-cable had been so much damaged bythe foul ground in Karakakooa Bay, and whilst we were at anchor offOneeheow, that we were obliged to cut forty fathoms from it; in convertingof which, with other old cordage into spunyarn, and applying it todifferent uses, a considerable part of the people were kept constantlyemployed by the boatswain. The airing of sails and other stores, which, from the leakiness of the decks and sides of the ships, were perpetuallysubject to be wet, had now become a frequent as well as a laborious andtroublesome part of our duty. Besides these cares, which had regard only to the ships themselves, therewere others, which had for their object the preservation of the health ofthe crews, that furnished a constant occupation to a great number of ourhands. The standing orders, established by Captain Cook, of airing thebedding, placing fires between deck, washing them with vinegar, and smokingthem with gunpowder, were observed without any intermission. For some timepast, even the operation of mending the sailors' old jackets had risen intoa duty both of difficulty and importance. It may be necessary to informthose who are unacquainted with the disposition and habits of seamen, thatthey are so accustomed in ships of war to be directed in the care ofthemselves by their officers, that they lose the very idea of foresight, and contract the thoughtlessness of infants. I am sure, that if our peoplehad been left to their own discretion alone, we should have had the wholecrew naked, before the voyage had been half finished. It was natural toexpect, that their experience, during our voyage to the north last year, would have made them sensible of the necessity of paying some attention tothese matters; but if such reflections ever occurred to them, theirimpression was so transitory, that upon our return to the tropicalclimates, their fur-jackets, and the rest of their cold country clothes, were kicked about the decks as things of no value; though it was generallyknown in both ships, that we were to make another voyage toward the Pole. They were of course picked up by the officers; and being put into casks, restored about this time to the owners. In the afternoon we observed some of the sheathing floating by the ship;and on examination found that twelve or fourteen feet had been washed offfrom under the larboard bow, where we supposed the leak to have been, whichever since our leaving Sandwich Islands, had kept the people almostconstantly at the pumps, making twelve inches water an hour. This day wesaw a number of small crabs, of a pale blue colour; and had again, incompany, a few albatrosses and sheerwaters. The thermometer in the night-time sunk eleven degrees; and although it remained as high as 59°, yet wesuffered much from the cold, our feelings being as yet by no meansreconciled to that degree of temperature. The wind continued blowing fresh from the N. Till the 8th in the morning, when it became more moderate, with fair weather, and gradually changed itsdirection to the E. , and afterward to the S. On the 9th, at noon, our latitude was 32° 16', our longitude 166° 40', andthe variation 8° 30' E. And on the 10th, having crossed the track of theSpanish galleons from the Manillas to Acapulco, we expected to have fallenin with the island of Rica de Plata, which, according to De Lisle's chart, in which the route of those ships is laid down, ought to have been insight; its latitude, as there given, being 33° 30' N. , and its longitude166° E. Notwithstanding we were so far advanced to the northward, we sawthis day a tropic-bird, and also several other kinds of sea-birds, such aspuffins, sea-parrots, sheerwaters, and albatrosses. On the 11th, at noon, we were in latitude 35° 30', longitude 165° 45'; andduring the course of the day, had sea-birds as before, and passed severalbunches of sea-weed. About the same time, the Discovery passed a log ofwood; but no other signs of land were seen. The next day the wind came gradually round to the east, and increased to sostrong a gale, as obliged us to strike our top-gallant yards, and broughtus under the lower sails, and the main top-sail close-reefed. Unfortunatelywe were upon that tack, which was the most disadvantageous for our leak. But as we had always been able to keep it under with the hand-pumps, itgave us no great uneasiness till the 13th, about six in the afternoon, whenwe were greatly alarmed by a sudden inundation, that deluged the wholespace between decks. The water, which had lodged in the coal-hole, notfinding a sufficient vent into the well, had forced up the platforms overit, and in a moment set every thing afloat. Our situation was indeedexceedingly distressing; nor did we immediately see any means of relievingourselves. A pump, through the upper decks into the coal-hole, could answerno end, as it would very soon have been choaked up by the small coals; andto bale the water out with buckets was become impracticable, from thenumber of bulky materials that were washed out of the gunner's store-roominto it, and which, by the ship's motion, were tossed violently from sideto side. No other method was therefore left, but to cut a hole through thebulk-head (or partition) that separated the coal-hole from the fore-hold, and by that means to make a passage for the body of water into the well. However, before that could be done, it was necessary to get the casks ofdry provisions out of the forehold, which kept us employed the greatestpart of the night; so that the carpenters could not get at the partitiontill the next morning. As soon as the passage was made, the greatest partof the water emptied itself into the well, and enabled us to get out therest with buckets. But the leak was now so much increased, that we wereobliged to keep one half of the people constantly pumping and baling, tillthe noon of the 15th. Our men bore with great cheerfulness this excessivefatigue, which was much increased by their having no dry place to sleep in;and on this account we began to serve their full allowance of grog. The weather now becoming more moderate, and the swell less heavy, we wereenabled to clear away the rest of the casks from the fore-hold, and to opena sufficient passage for the water to the pumps. This day we saw a greenishpiece of drift-wood, and fancying the water coloured, we sounded, but gotno bottom with a hundred and sixty fathoms of line. Our latitude at noonthis day was 41° 52', longitude 161° 15', variation 6° 30' E. ; and the windsoon after veering to the northward, we altered our course three points tothe west. On the 16th at noon, we were in the latitude of 42° 12', and in thelongitude of 160° 5'; and as we were now approaching the place where agreat extent of land is said to have been seen by De Gama, we were glad ofthe opportunity which the course we were steering gave, of contributing toremove the doubts, if any should be still entertained, respecting thefalsehood of this pretended discovery. For it is to be observed, that noone has ever yet been able to find who John de Gama was, when he lived, orwhat year this pretended discovery was made. According to Mr Muller, the first account of it given to the public was ina chart published by Texeira, a Portuguese geographer, in 1649, who placesit ten or twelve degrees to the north-east of Japan, between the latitudesof 44° and 45°; and announces it to be _land seen by John de Gama, theIndian, in a voyage from China to New Spain_. On what grounds the Frenchgeographers have since removed it five degrees to the eastward, does notappear; except we suppose it to have been done in order to make room foranother discovery made by the Dutch, called _Company's Land_; of which weshall have occasion to speak hereafter. During the whole day the wind was exceedingly unsettled, being seldomsteady to two or three points, and blowing in fresh gusts, which weresucceeded by dead calms. These were not unpromising appearances; but afterstanding off and on the whole of this day, without seeing anything of theland, we again steered to the northward, not thinking it worth our while tolose time in search of an object, the opinion of whose existence had beenalready pretty generally exploded. Our people were employed the whole ofthe 16th, in getting their wet things dry, and in airing the ships below. We now began to feel very sharply the increasing inclemency of the northernclimate. In the morning of the 18th, our latitude being 45° 40', and ourlongitude 160° 25', we had snow and sleet, accompanied with strong galesfrom the S. W. This circumstance will appear very remarkable, if we considerthe season of the year, and the quarter from which the wind blew. On the19th, the thermometer in the day-time remained at the freezing point, andat four in the morning fell to 29°. If the reader will take the trouble tocompare the degree of heat, during the hot sultry weather we had at thebeginning of this month, with the extreme cold which we now endured, hewill conceive how severely so rapid a change must have been felt by us. In the gale of the 18th, we had split almost all the sails we had bent, which being our second best suit, we were now reduced to make use of ourlast and best set. To add to Captain Clerke's difficulties, the sea was ingeneral so rough, and the ships so leaky, that the sail-makers had no placeto repair the sails in, except his apartments, which in his declining stateof health was a serious inconvenience to him. On the 20th at noon, being in latitude 49° 45' N. , and longitude 161° 15'E. , and eagerly expecting to fall in with the coast of Asia, the windshifted suddenly to the north, and continued in the same quarter thefollowing day. However, although it retarded our progress, yet the fairweather it brought was no small refreshment to us. In the forenoon of the21st we saw a whale and a land-bird; and in the afternoon the water lookingmuddy, we sounded, but got no ground with an hundred and forty fathoms ofline. During the three preceding days, we saw large flocks of wild fowl, ofa species resembling ducks. This is usually considered as a proof of thevicinity of land, but we had no other signs of it since the 16th, in whichtime we had run upwards of an hundred and fifty leagues. On the 22d the wind shifted to the N. E. , attended with misty weather. Thecold was exceedingly severe, and the ropes were so frozen that it was withdifficulty we could force them through the blocks. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 51° 38', longitude 160° 7'; and on comparing our presentposition with that given to the southern parts of Kamtschatka in theRussian charts, Captain Clerke did not think it prudent to run on towardthe land all night. We therefore tacked at ten, and having found, hadground agreeably to our conjectures, with seventy fathoms of line. On the 23d, at six in the morning, being in latitude 52° 09', and longitude160° 07', on the fog clearing away, the land appeared in mountains coveredwith snow; and extending from N. 3/4 E. , to S. W. ; a high conical rock, bearing S. W. , 3/4 W. , at three or four leagues distance. We had no soonertaken this imperfect view, than we were again covered with a thick fog. Being now, according to our maps, only eight leagues from the entrance ofAwatska Bay, as soon as the weather cleared up we stood in to take a nearerview of the land; and a more dismal and dreary prospect I never beheld. Thecoast appears strait and uniform, having no inlets or bays; the ground fromthe shore rises in hills of a moderate elevation, behind which are rangesof mountains, whose summits were lost in the clouds. The whole scene wasentirely covered with snow, except the sides of some of the cliffs whichrose too abruptly from the sea for the snow to lie upon them. The wind continued blowing very strong from the N. E. , with thick hazyweather and sleet, from the 24th to the 28th. During the whole time, thethermometer was never higher than 30 1/2°. The ship appeared to be acomplete mass of ice; the shrowds were so incrusted with it, as to measurein circumference more than double their usual size; and, in short, theexperience of the oldest seaman among us had never met with any thing likethe continued showers of sleet, and the extreme cold which we nowencountered. Indeed, the severity of the weather, added to the greatdifficulty of working the ships, and the labour of keeping the pumpsconstantly going, rendered the service too hard for many of the crew, someof whom were frostbitten, and others laid up with bad colds. We continuedall this time standing four hours on each tack, having generally soundingsof sixty fathoms, when about three leagues from the land, but none at twicethat distance. On the 25th we had a transient view of the entrance ofAwatska Bay; but, in the present state of the weather, we were afraid ofventuring into it. Upon our standing off again we lost sight of theDiscovery; but, as we were now so near the place of rendezvous, this gaveus no great uneasiness. On the 28th in the morning, the weather at last cleared, and the wind fellto a light breeze from the same quarter as before. We had a fine warm day;and, as we now began to expect a thaw, the men were employed in breakingthe ice from off the rigging, masts, and sails, in order to prevent itsfalling on our heads. At noon, being in the latitude of 52° 44', and thelongitude of 159°, the entrance of Awatska Bay bore N. W. , distant three orfour leagues; and, about three in the afternoon, a fair wind sprung up fromthe southward, with which we stood in, having regular soundings, fromtwenty-two to seven fathoms. The mouth of the bay opens in a N. N. W. Direction. The land, on the southside, is of a moderate height; to the northward it rises into a bluff head, which is the highest part of the coast. In the channel between them, nearthe N. E. Side, lie three remarkable rocks; and farther in, near theopposite coast, a single detached rock of a considerable size. On the northhead there is a look-out house, which, when the Russians expect any oftheir ships, upon the coast, is used as a light-house. There was a flag-staff on it, but we saw no sign of any person being there. Having passed the mouth of the bay, which is about four miles long, weopened a large circular bason of twenty-five miles in circumference; and, at half past four, came to an anchor in six fathoms water, being afraid ofrunning foul on a shoal, or some sunk rocks, which are said by Muller[13]to lie in the channel of the harbour of St Peter and St Paul. The middle ofthe bay was full of loose ice, drifting with the tide; but the shores werestill entirely blocked up with it. Great flocks of wild-fowl were seen ofvarious species; likewise ravens, eagles, and large flights of Greenlandpigeons. We examined every corner of the bay with our glasses, in search ofthe town of St Peter and St Paul; which, according to the accounts given usat Oonalashka, we had conceived to be a place of some strength andconsideration. At length we discovered on a narrow point of land to theN. N. E. , a few miserable log-houses, and some conical huts, raised on poles, amounting in all to about thirty; which, from their situation, notwithstanding all the respect we wished to entertain for a Russian_ostrog_, we were under the necessity of concluding to be Petropaulowska. However, in justice to the generous and hospitable treatment we found here, I shall beg leave to anticipate the reader's curiosity, by assuring himthat our disappointment proved to be more of a laughable than a seriousnature. For, in this wretched extremity of the earth, situated beyond everything that we conceived to be most barbarous and inhospitable, and, as itwere, out of the very reach of civilization, barricadoed with ice, andcovered with summer snow, in a poor miserable port, far inferior to themeanest of our fishing towns, we met with feelings of humanity, joined to agreatness of mind, and elevation of sentiment, which would have done honourto any nation or climate. During the night much ice drifted by us with the tide, and at day-light Iwas sent with the boats to examine the bay, and deliver the letters we hadbrought from Oonalashka to the Russian commander. We directed our coursetoward the village I have just mentioned, and having proceeded as far as wewere able with the boats, we got upon the ice, which, extended near half amile from the shore. Mr Webber, and two of the seamen, accompanied me, whilst the master took the pinnace and cutter to finish the survey, leavingthe jolly-boat behind to carry us back. I believe the inhabitants had not yet seen either the ship or the boats;for even after we had got on the ice, we could not perceive any signs of aliving creature in the town. By the time we had advanced a little way onthe ice, we observed a few men hurrying backward and forward, and presentlyafter a sledge drawn by dogs, with one of the inhabitants in it, came downto the sea-side, opposite to us. Whilst we were gazing at this unusualsight, and admiring the great civility of this stranger, which we imaginedhad brought him to our assistance, the man, after viewing us for some timevery attentively, turned short round, and went off with great speed towardthe _ostrog_. We were not less chagrined than disappointed at his abruptdeparture, as we began to find our journey over the ice attended not onlywith great difficulty, but even with danger. We sunk at every step almostknee-deep in the snow, and though we found tolerable footing at the bottom, yet the weak parts of the ice not being discoverable, we were constantlyexposed to the risk of breaking through it. This accident at last actuallyhappened to myself; for, stepping on quickly over a suspicious spot, inorder to press with less weight upon it, I came upon a second, before Icould stop myself, which broke under me, and in I fell. Luckily I roseclear of the ice, and a man that was a little way behind with a boat-hook, throwing it to me, I laid it across some loose pieces near me, and by thatmeans was enabled to get upon firm ice again. As we approached the shore, we found the ice, contrary to our expectations, more broken than it had been before. We were, however, again comforted bythe sight of another sledge coming toward us; but instead of proceeding toour relief, the driver stopt short, and began to call out to us. Iimmediately held up to him Ismyloff's letters; upon which he turned about, and set off back again full speed; followed, I believe, not with theprayers of any of our party. Being at a great loss what conclusions to drawfrom this unaccountable behaviour, we continued our march toward the_ostrog_, with great circumspection, and when we had arrived within aquarter of a mile of it, we perceived a body of armed men marching towardus. That we might give them as little alarm, and have as peaceable anappearance as possible, the two men who had boat-hooks in their hands, wereordered into the rear, and Mr Webber and myself marched in front. TheRussian party, consisting of about thirty soldiers, was headed by a decent-looking person with a cane in his hand. He halted within a few yards of us, and drew up his men in a martial and good order. I delivered to himIsmyloff's letters, and endeavoured to make him understand, as well as Icould (though I afterward found in vain), that we were English, and hadbrought the papers from Oonalashka. After having examined us attentively, he began to conduct us toward the village, in great silence and solemnity, frequently halting his men, to form them in different manners, and makethem perform several parts of their manual exercise, probably with a viewto shew us, that if we had the temerity to offer any violence, we shouldhave to deal with men who were not ignorant of their business. Though I was all this time in my wet clothes, shivering with cold, andsufficiently inclined to the most unconditional submission, without havingmy fears violently alarmed, yet it was impossible not to be diverted withthis military parade, notwithstanding it was attended with the mostunseasonable delay. At length we arrived at the house of the commanding-officer of the party, into which we were ushered; and after no small stirin giving orders, and disposing of the military without doors, our hostmade his appearance, accompanied by another person, whom we understood tobe the secretary of the port. One of Ismyloff's letters was now opened, andthe other sent off by a special messenger to Bolcheretsk, a town on thewest side of the peninsula of Kamtschatka, where the Russian commander ofthis province usually resides. It is very remarkable, that they had not seen the ship the preceding day, when we came to anchor in the bay, nor indeed this morning, till our boatswere pretty near the ice. The panic with which the discovery had struckthem, we found had been very considerable. The garrison was immediately putunder arms. Two small field-pieces were placed at the entrance of thecommander's house, and pointed toward our boats; and shot, powder, andlighted matches, were all ready at hand. The officer, in whose house we were at present entertained, was a serjeant, and the commander of the _ostrog_. Nothing could exceed the kindness andhospitality of his behaviour, after he recovered from the alarm occasionedby our arrival. We found the house insufferably hot, but exceedingly neatand clean. After I had changed my clothes, which the serjeant's civilityenabled me to do, by furnishing me with a complete suit of his own, we wereinvited to sit down to dinner, which I have no doubt was the best he couldprocure; and, considering the shortness of time he had to provide it, wasmanaged with some ingenuity. As there was not time to prepare soup and_bouilli_, we had in their stead some cold beef, sliced, with hot waterpoured over it. We had next a large bird roasted, of a species with which Iwas unacquainted, but of a very excellent taste. After having eaten a partof this, it was taken off, and we were served with fish dressed twodifferent ways; and soon after the bird again made its appearance, insavory and sweet _pates_. Our liquor, of which I shall have to speakhereafter, was of the kind called by the Russians _quass_, and was much theworst part of the entertainment. The serjeant's wife brought in several ofthe dishes herself, and was not permitted to sit down at table. Havingfinished our repast, during which it is hardly necessary to remark, thatour conversation was confined to a few bows, and other signs of mutualrespect, we endeavoured to open to our host the cause and objects of ourvisit to this port. As Ismyloff had probably written to them on the samesubject, in the letters we had before delivered, he appeared very readilyto conceive our meaning; but as there was unfortunately no one in the placethat could talk any other language except Russian or Kamtschadale, we foundthe utmost difficulty in comprehending the information he meant to conveyto us. After some time spent in these endeavours to understand one another, we conceived the sum of the intelligence we had procured to be, that thoughno supply, either of provisions or naval stores, was to be had at thisplace, yet that these articles were in great plenty at Bolcheretsk; thatthe commander would most probably be very willing to give us what wewanted; but that till the serjeant had received orders from him, neither henor his people, nor the natives, could even venture to go on board theship. It was now time for us to take our leave; and, as my clothes were still toowet to put on, I was obliged to have recourse again to the serjeant'sbenevolence, for his leave to carry those I had borrowed of him on board. This request was complied with very cheerfully; and a sledge, drawn by fivedogs, with a driver, was immediately provided for each of our party. Thesailors were highly delighted with this mode of conveyance; and whatdiverted them still more was, that the two boat-hooks had also a sledgeappropriated to themselves. These sledges are so light, and theirconstruction so well adapted to the purposes for which they are intended, that they went with great expedition, and perfect safety, over the ice, which it would have been, impossible for us, with all our caution, to havepassed on foot. On our return, we found the boats towing the ship toward the village; andat seven we got close to the ice, and moored with the small bower to theN. E. , and best bower to the S. W. ; the entrance of the bay bearing S. By E. , and S. 3/4 E. ; and the _ostrog_ N. , 1/4 E. , distant one mile and a half. The next morning the casks and cables were got upon the quarter-deck, inorder to lighten the ship forward; and the carpenters were set to work tostop the leak, which had given us so much trouble daring our last run. Itwas found to have been occasioned by the falling of some sheathing from thelarboard-bow, and the oakum between the planks having been washed out. Thewarm weather we had in the middle of the day, began to make the ice breakaway very fast, which, drifting with the tide, had almost filled up theentrance of the bay. Several of our gentlemen paid their visits to theserjeant, by whom they were received with great civility; and CaptainClerke sent him two bottles of rum, which he understood would be the mostacceptable present he could make him, and received in return some finefowls of the grouse kind, and twenty trouts. Our sportsmen met with but badsuccess; for though the bay swarmed with flocks of ducks of various kinds, and Greenland pigeons, yet they were so shy that they could not come withinshot of them. In the morning of the 1st of May, seeing the Discovery standing into thebay, a boat was immediately sent to her assistance; and in the afternoonshe moored close by us. They told us, that after the weather cleared up onthe 28th, they found themselves to leeward of the bay; and that when theygot abreast of it the following day, and saw the entrance choked up withice, they stood off, after firing guns, concluding we could not be here;but finding afterward it was only loose drift ice, they had ventured in. The next day the weather was so very unsettled, attended with heavy showersof snow, that the carpenters were not able to proceed in their work. Thethermometer stood at 28° in the evening, and the frost was exceedinglysevere in the night. The following morning, on our observing two sledges drive into the village, Captain Clerke sent me on shore, to enquire whether any message was arrivedfrom the commander of Kamtschatka, which, according to the serjeant'saccount, might now be expected, in consequence of the intelligence that hadbeen sent of our arrival. Bolcheretsk, by the usual route, is about onehundred and thirty-five English miles from Saint Peter and Saint Paul's. Our dispatches were sent off in a sledge drawn by dogs, on the 29th, aboutnoon. And the answer arrived, as we afterward found, early this morning; sothat they were only a little more than three days and a half in performinga journey of two hundred and seventy miles. The return of the commander's answer was, however, concealed from us forthe present; and I was told, on my arrival at the serjeant's, that weshould hear from him the next day. Whilst I was on shore, the boat whichhad brought me, together with another belonging to the Discovery, were setfast in the ice, which a southerly wind had driven from the other side ofthe bay. On seeing them entangled, the Discovery's launch had been sent totheir assistance, but shared the same fate; and in a short time the ice hadsurrounded them near a quarter of a mile deep. This obliged us to stay onshore till evening, when, finding no prospect of getting the boats off, some of us went in sledges to the edge of the ice, and were taken off byboats sent from the ship, and the rest staid on shore all night. It continued to freeze hard during the night; but before morning, on the4th, a change of wind drifted away the floating ice, and set the boats atliberty, without their having sustained the smallest damage. About ten o'clock in the forenoon, we saw several sledges driving down tothe edge of the ice, and sent a boat to conduct the persons who were inthem on board. One of these was a Russian merchant, from Bolcheretsk, namedFedositch, and the other a German, called Port, who had brought a letterfrom Major Behm, the commander of Kamtschatka, to Captain Clerke. When theygot to the edge of the ice, and saw distinctly the size of the ships, whichlay within about two hundred yards from them, they appeared to beexceedingly alarmed; and, before they would venture to embark, desired twoof our boat's crew might be left on shore as hostages for their safety. Weafterward found, that Ismyloff, in his letter to the commander, hadmisrepresented us, for what reasons we could not conceive, as two smalltrading boats; and that the serjeant, who had only seen the ships at adistance, had not in his dispatches rectified the mistake. When they arrived on board, we still found, from their cautious andtimorous behaviour, that they were under some unaccountable apprehensions;and an uncommon degree of satisfaction was visible in their countenances, on the German's finding a person amongst us with whom he could converse. This was Mr Webber, who spoke that language perfectly well; and at last, though with some difficulty, convinced them that we were Englishmen andfriends. Mr Port, being introduced to Captain Clerke, delivered to him thecommander's letter, which was written in German, and was merelycomplimental, inviting him and his officers to Bolcheretsk, to which placethe people who brought it were to conduct us. Mr Port, at the same timeacquainted him, that the major had conceived a very wrong idea of the sizeof the ships, and of the service we were engaged in; Ismyloff, in hisletter, having represented us as two small English packet boats, andcautioned him to be on his guard; insinuating, that he suspected us to beno better than pirates. In consequence of this letter, he said there hadbeen various conjectures formed about us at Bolcheretsk; that the majorthought it most probable we were on a trading scheme, and for that reasonhad sent down a merchant to us; but that the officer, who was second incommand, was of opinion we were French, and come with some hostileintention, and was for taking measures accordingly. It had required, headded, all the major's authority to keep the inhabitants from leaving thetown, and retiring up into the country, to so extraordinary a pitch hadtheir fears risen from their persuasion that we were French. Their extreme apprehensions of that nation were principally occasioned bysome circumstances attending an insurrection that had happened atBolcheretsk, a few years before, in which the commander had lost his life. We were informed, that an exiled Polish officer, named Beniowski, takingadvantage of the confusion into which the town was thrown, had seized upona galliot, then lying at the entrance of the Bolchoireka, and had forced onboard a number of Russian sailors, sufficient to navigate her; that he hadput on shore a part of the crew at the Kourile Islands, and among the rest, Ismyloff, who, as the reader will recollect, had puzzled us exceedingly atOonalashka, with the history of this transaction; though, for want ofunderstanding his language, we could not often make out all thecircumstances attending it; that he passed in sight of Japan; made Luconia;and was there directed how to steer to Canton; that arriving there, he hadapplied to the French, and had got a passage in one of their India ships toFrance; and that most of the Russians had likewise returned to Europe inFrench ships, and had afterward found their way to Petersburg. We met withthree of Beniowski's crew in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; andfrom them we learnt the circumstances of the above story. On our arrival at Canton, we received a farther corroboration, of the factsfrom the gentlemen of the English factory; who told us, that a person hadarrived there in a Russian galliot, who said he came from Kamtschatka, andthat he had been furnished by the French factory with a passage toEurope. [14] We could not help being much diverted with the fears and apprehensions ofthese good people, and particularly with the account Mr Port gave us of theserjeant's wary proceedings the day before. On seeing me come on shore, incompany with some other gentlemen, he had made him and the merchant, whoarrived in the sledges we had seen come in the morning, hide themselves inhis kitchen, and listen to our conversation with one another, in hopes thatby this means they might discover whether we were really English or not. As we concluded, from the commission and dress of Mr Port, that he mightprobably he the commander's secretary, he was received as such, andinvited, with his companion, the merchant, to dine with Captain Clerke; andthough we soon began to suspect, from the behaviour of the latter towardhim, that he was only a common servant, yet this being no time to sacrificeour little comforts to our pride, we prevented an explanation, by notsuffering the question to be put to him; and, in return for thesatisfaction we reaped from his abilities as a linguist, we continued tolet him live on a footing of equality with us. [12] It is highly probable that there are several small islands or rocks in the vicinity of this track, the discovery of which would at least benefit navigation. Thus we are told by Captain Krusenstern, an authority to which we are always glad to appeal, that he saw in latitude 17°, and longitude 169° 30', an extraordinary number of birds, that hovered round his ship in flocks of upwards of a hundred, from which he inferred his having passed near some island, which served as a resting place for them. In confirmation of this opinion, he informs us, that La Perouse in 1786, and an English merchantman in 1796, discovered west of the Sandwich Islands, the first in the parallel of 22°, and the latter in that of 18°, two small rocky islands both extremely dangerous; and that the Nero in her passage from America to China in 1805, found near this place a very dangerous sand island, viz. In 173° 35' 45" W. , and 26° 2' 48" N. It is perhaps to be regretted, that Krusenstern, who, a few days after the date of the remark now quoted, crossed Captain Clerke's course, should have so resolutely endeavoured, as he says he did, and that too with tolerable success, not to approach the track of that officer nearer than by a hundred or a hundred and twenty miles. It is evident, that, within a smaller distance, he might have made some useful discovery, without, in any measure, endangering his own reputation, as a mere follower in the footsteps of others. Here it may be added, that his course was more northerly than Clerke's, and that he did not experience any of those swells so soon complained of by Captain King. --E. [13] Voyages made by the Russians from Asia to America, &c. , translated from the German, by T. Jeffereys, p. 37. [14] It hath since appeared, from the Account of Kerguelen's Voyage, that this extraordinary person, who had entered into the French service, was commander of a new settlement at Madagascar, when Kerguelen touched there in 1774. SECTION II. Scarcity of Provisions and Stores at the Harbour of Saint Peter and SaintPaul. --A Party set out to visit the Commander at Bolcheretsk. --Passage upthe River Awatska. --Account of their Reception by the Toion of Karatchin. --Description of a Kamtschadale Dress. --Journey on Sledges. --Description ofthis Mode of Travelling. --Arrival at Natcheekin. --Account of HotSprings. --Embark on the Bolchoireka. --Reception at the Capital. --Generousand hospitable Conduct of the Commander and the Garrison. --Description ofBolcheretsk. --Presents from the Commander. --Russian and KamtschadaleDancing. --Affecting Departure from Bolcheretsk. --Return to Saint Peter andSaint Paul's, accompanied by Major Behm, who visits the Ships. --Generosityof the Sailors. --Dispatches sent by Major Behm to Petersburg. --HisDeparture, and Character. Being now enabled to converse with the Russians, by the aid of ourinterpreter, with tolerable facility, our first enquiries were directed tothe means of procuring a supply of fresh provisions and naval stores; fromthe want of which latter article, in particular, we had been for some timein great distress. On enquiry, it appeared, that the whole stock of livecattle, which the country about the bay could furnish, amounted only to twoheifers; and these the serjeant very readily promised to procure us. Ourapplications were next made to the merchant, but we found the terms uponwhich he offered to serve us so exorbitant, that Captain Clerke thought itnecessary to send an officer to visit the commander at Bolcheretsk, and toenquire into the price of stores at that place. As soon as thisdetermination was communicated to Mr Port, he dispatched an express to thecommander to inform him of our intentions, and at the same time to clear usfrom the suspicions that were entertained with respect to the designationand purposes of our voyage. Captain Clerke having thought proper to fix on me for this service, Ireceived orders, together with Mr Webber, who was to accompany me asinterpreter, to be ready to set out the next day. It proved, however, toostormy, as did also the 6th, for beginning a journey through so wild anddesolate a country; but on the 7th, the weather appearing more favourable, we set out early in the morning in the ship's boats, with a view to reachthe entrance of the Awatska at high water, on account of the shoals withwhich the mouth of that river abounds; here the country boats were to meetus, and carry us up the stream. Captain Gore was now added to our party, and we were attended by MessrsPort and Fedositsch, with two cossacks, and were provided by our conductorswith warm furred clothing; a precaution which we soon found very necessary, as it began to snow briskly just after we set out. At eight o'clock, beingstopped by shoal water, about a mile from the mouth of the river, somesmall canoes, belonging to the Kamtschadales, took up us and our baggage, and carried us over a spit of sand, which is thrown up by the rapidity ofthe river, and which they told us was continually shifting. When we hadcrossed this shoal, the water again deepened, and here we found acommodious boat, built and shaped like a Norway yawl, ready to convey us upthe river, together with canoes for our baggage. The mouth of the Awatska is about a quarter of a mile broad, and, as weadvanced, it narrowed very gradually. After we had proceeded a few miles, we passed several branches, which, we were told, emptied themselves intoother parts of the bay; and that some of those on the left hand flowed intothe Paratounca river. Its general direction from the bay, for the first tenmiles, is to the north, after which it turns to the westward; this bendexcepted, it preserves for the most part a straight course; and the countrythrough which it flows, to the distance of near thirty miles from the sea, is low and flat, and subject to frequent inundations. We were pushedforward by six men, with long poles, three at each end of the boat, two ofwhom were cossacks, the others Kamtschadales, and advanced against a strongstream, at the rate, as well as I could judge, of about three miles anhour. Our Kamtshadales bore this severe labour with great stoutness for tenhours, during which we stopped only once, and that for a short time, whilstthey took some little refreshment. As we had been told, at our firstsetting out in the morning, that we should easily reach an _ostrog_, calledKaratchin, the same night, we were much disappointed to find ourselves, atsunset, fifteen miles from that place. This we attributed to the delayoccasioned in passing the shoals we had met with, both at the entrance ofthe river, and in several other places as we proceeded up it; for our boatbeing the first that had passed up the river, the guides were notacquainted with the situation of the shifting sand-banks, and unfortunatelythe snow not having yet begun to melt, the shallowness of the river was atits extreme. The fatigue our men had already undergone, and the difficulty of navigatingthe river, which would have been much increased by the darkness of thenight, obliged us to give up all thoughts of continuing our journey thatevening. Having therefore found a place tolerably sheltered, and cleared itof the snow, we erected a small _marquée_, which we had brought with us;and, by the assistance of a brisk fire, and some good punch, passed thenight not very unpleasantly. The only inconvenience we laboured under was, the being obliged to make the fire at some distance from us. For, althoughthe ground was to all appearance dry enough before, yet when the fire wasalighted, it soon thawed all the parts round it into an absolute puddle. Weadmired much the alertness and expedition with which the Kamtschadaleserected our _marquée_, and cooked our provisions; but what was mostunexpected, we found they had brought with them their tea-kettles;considering it as the greatest of hardships not to drink tea two or threetimes a day. We set out as soon as it was light in the morning, and had not advancedfar, before we were met by the _Toion_, or chief of Karatchin, who had beenapprised of our coming, and had provided canoes that were lighter, andbetter contrived for navigating the higher parts of the river. A commodiousvessel, consisting of two canoes, lashed close together with cross spars, lined with bear-skins, and furnished with fur-cloaks, was also provided forus. We now went on very rapidly, the _Toion's_ people being both stout andfresh, and remarkable for their expertness in this business. At ten we gotto the _ostrog_, the seat of his command, where we were received at thewater-side by the Kamtschadale men and women, and some Russian servantsbelonging to Fedositsch, who were employed in making canoes. They were alldressed out in their best clothes. Those of the women were pretty and gay, consisting of a full loose robe of white nankeen, gathered close round theneck, and fastened with a collar of coloured silk. Over this they wore ashort jacket without sleeves, made of different-coloured nankeens, andpetticoats of a slight Chinese silk. Their shirts, which had sleeves downto the wrist, were also of silk; and coloured silk handkerchiefs were boundround their heads, concealing entirely the hair of the married women, whilst those who were unmarried brought the handkerchief under the hair, and suffered it to flow loose behind. This _ostrog_ was pleasantly situated by the side of the river, andconsisted of three log-houses, three _jourts_, or houses made under ground, and nineteen _balagans_, or summer habitations. We were conducted to thetent of the _Toion_, who was a plain decent man, born of a Russian woman, by a Kamtschadale father. His house, like all the rest in this country, wasdivided into two apartments. A long narrow table, with a bench round it, was all the furniture we saw in the outer; and the household stuff of theinner, which was the kitchen, was not less simple and scanty. But the kindattention of our host, and the hearty welcome we received, more thancompensated for the poverty of his lodgings. His wife proved an excellent cook, and served us with fish and game ofdifferent sorts, and various kinds of heath-berries, that had been keptsince the last year. Whilst we were at dinner in this miserable hut, theguests of a people, with whose existence we had before been scarceacquainted, and at the extremity of the habitable globe, a solitary, half-worn pewter spoon, whose shape was familiar to us, attracted our attention;and, on examination, we found it stamped on the back with the word_London_. I cannot pass over this circumstance in silence, out of gratitudefor the many pleasant thoughts, the anxious hopes, and tender remembrancesit excited in us. Those who have experienced the effects that long absenceand extreme distance from their native county produce on the mind, willreadily conceive the pleasure such trifling incidents can give. To thephilosopher and politician they may perhaps suggest reflections of adifferent nature. [15] We were now to quit the river, and perform the next part of our journey onsledges; but the thaw had been too powerful in the day-time to allow us toset out till the cold of the evening had again made the surface of the snowhard and firm. This gave us an opportunity of walking about the village, which was the only place we had yet seen free from snow since we landed inthis country. It stood upon a well-wooded flat, about a mile and a half incircumference. The leaves were just budding, and the verdure of the wholescene was strongly contrasted with the sides of the surrounding hills, which were still covered with snow. As the soil appeared to me very capableof producing all the common sorts of garden vegetables, I was greatlysurprised not to find the smallest spot any where cultivated. If to this weadd, that none of the inhabitants were possessed of cattle of any sort, nothing can be well conceived more wretched than their situation must beduring the winter months. [16] They were at this time removing from their_jourts_ into their _balagans_, which afforded us an opportunity ofexamining both these sorts of habitations; and they will be hereafter moreparticularly described. The people invited us into their houses with greatgood humour; a general air of cheerfulness and content was every wherevisible, to which the approaching change of season might probably not alittle contribute. On our return to the _Toion's_, we found supper prepared for us, whichdiffered in nothing from our former repast; and concluded with our treatingthe _Toion_ and his wife with some of the spirits we had brought with us, made into punch. Captain Gore, who had great generosity on all occasions, having afterward made them some valuable presents, they retired to thekitchen, leaving us in possession of the outward room, where, spreading ourbear-skins on the benches, we were glad to get a little repose, havingsettled with our conductors to resume our journey as soon as the groundshould be judged fit for travelling. About nine o'clock the same evening we were awakened by the melancholyhowlings of the dogs, which continued all the time our baggage was lashingupon the sledges; but as soon as they were yoked, and we were all preparedto set out, this changed into a light cheerful yelping, which, entirelyceased the instant they marched off. But before we set out, the reader mayexpect to be made more particularly acquainted with this curious mode oftravelling. The body of the sledge is about four feet and a half long, and a foot wide, made in the form of a crescent, of light tough wood, strongly boundtogether with wicker-work; which, in those belonging to the better sort ofpeople, is elegantly stained of a red and blue colour, and the seat coveredwith bear-skins, or other furs. It is supported by four legs, about twofeet high, which rest on two long flat pieces of wood, five or six inchesbroad, extending a foot at each end beyond the body of the sledge. Theseare turned up before in the manner of a skate, and shod with the bone ofsome sea-animal. The fore-part of the carriage is ornamented with thongs ofleather and tassels of coloured cloth; and from the cross-bar, to which theharness is joined, are hung links of iron, or small bells, the jingling ofwhich they conceive to be encouraging to the dogs. They are seldom used tocarry more than one person at a time, who sits aside, resting his feet onthe lower part of the sledge, and carrying his provisions and othernecessaries, wrapped up in a bundle, behind him. The dogs are usually fivein number, yoked two and two, with a leader. The reins, not being fastenedto the head of the dogs, but to the collars, have little power over them, and are therefore generally hung upon the sledge, whilst the driver dependsentirely on their obedience to his voice for the direction of them. Withthis view, the leader is always trained up with a particular degree of careand attention; some of them rising to a most extraordinary value on accountof their docility and steadiness; insomuch, that for one of these, I amwell assured, forty roubles (or ten pounds) was no unusual price. Thedriver is also provided with a crooked stick, which answers the purposeboth of whip and reins; as, by striking it into the snow, he is enabled tomoderate the speed of the dogs, or even to stop them entirely; and whenthey are lazy, or otherwise inattentive to his voice, he chastises them bythrowing it at them. Upon these occasions their dexterity in picking it upagain is very remarkable, and forms the principal difficulty of their art. But it is indeed not surprising that they should labour to be skilful in apractice upon which their safety so materially depends. For they say, thatif the driver should happen to lose his stick, the dogs will instantlyperceive it; and unless their leader be of the most sober and resolutekind, they will immediately run a-head full speed, and never stop till theyare quite spent. But as that will not be the case soon, it generallyhappens that either the carriage is overturned, and dashed to piecesagainst the trees, or they hurry down some precipice, and are all buried inthe snow. The accounts that were given us of the speed of these dogs, andof their extraordinary patience of hunger and fatigue, were scarcelycredible, if they had not been supported by the best authority. We wereindeed ourselves witnesses of the great expedition with which themessenger, who had been dispatched to Bolcheretsk with the news of ourarrival, returned to the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, though thesnow was at this time exceedingly soft. But I was informed, by thecommander of Kamtschatka, that this journey was generally performed in twodays and a half; and that he had once received an express from the latterplace in twenty-three hours. The dogs are fed, during the winter, on the offals of dried and stinkingfish; but are always deprived of this miserable food a day before they setout on a journey, and never suffered to eat before they reach the end ofit. We were also told, that it was not unusual for them to continue thusfasting two entire days, in which time they would perform a journey of onehundred and twenty miles. [17] These dogs are in shape somewhat like thePomeranian breed, but considerably larger. As we did not choose to trust to our own skill, we had each of us a man todrive and guide the sledge, which, from the state the roads were now in, proved a very laborious business. For, as the thaw had advanced veryconsiderably in the vallies, through which our road lay, we were under thenecessity of keeping along the sides of the hills; and this obliged ourguides, who were provided with snow-shoes for that purpose, to support thesledges, on the lower side, with their shoulders, for several milestogether. I had a very good-humoured cossack to attend me, who was, however, so very unskilful in his business, that we were overturned almostevery minute, to the great entertainment of the rest of the company. Ourparty consisted in all of ten sledges. That in which Captain Gore wascarried, was made of two lashed together, and abundantly provided with fursand bear-skins; it had ten dogs, yoked four a-breast; as had also some ofthose that were heavy laden with baggage. When we had proceeded about four miles it began to rain; which, added tothe darkness of the night, threw us all into confusion. It was at lastagreed, that we should remain where we were till day-light; and accordinglywe came to anchor in the snow, (for I cannot better express the manner inwhich the sledges were secured, ) and wrapping ourselves up in our furs, waited patiently for the morning. About three o'clock we were called on toset out, our guides being apprehensive, that if we waited longer we mightbe stopped by the thaw, and neither be able to proceed nor to return. Afterencountering many difficulties, which were principally occasioned by thebad condition of the road, at two in the afternoon we got safe to an_ostrog_, called Natcheekin, situated on the side of a small stream whichfalls into the Bolchoireka, a little way below the town. The distancebetween Karatchin and Natcheekin is thirty-eight wersts (or twenty-fivemiles;) and had the hard frost continued, we should not, by their account, have been more than four hours in performing it; but the snow was so soft, that the dogs, almost at every step, sunk up to their bellies; and I wasindeed much surprised at their being at all able to overcome thedifficulties of so fatiguing a journey. Natcheekin is a very inconsiderable _ostrog_, having only one log-house, the residence of the _Toion_; five _balagans_, and one _jourt_. We werereceived here with the same formalities, and in the same hospitable manner, as at Karatchin; and in the afternoon we went to visit a remarkable hot-spring, which is near this village. We saw at some distance the steamrising from it as from a boiling cauldron; and as we approached, perceivedthe air had a strong sulphureous smell. The main spring forms a bason ofabout three feet in diameter; besides which there are a number of lessersprings, of the same degree of heat, in the adjacent ground; so that thewhole spot, to the extent of near an acre, was so hot, that we could notstand two minutes in the same place. The water flowing from these springsis collected in a small bathing pond, and afterwards forms a littlerivulet, which, at the distance of about an hundred and fifty yards, fallsinto the river. The bath, they told us, had wrought great cures in severaldisorders, such as rheumatisms, swelled and contracted joints, andscorbutic ulcers. In the bathing place the thermometer stood at 100°, orblood heat; but in the spring, after being immersed two minutes, it was 1°above boiling spirits. The thermometer in the air, at this time was 34°; inthe river 40°; and in the _Toion's_ house 64°. The ground where thesesprings break out is on a gentle ascent; behind which there is a green hillof a moderate size. I am sorry I was not sufficiently skilled in botany toexamine the plants, which seemed to thrive here with great luxuriance; thewild garlic, indeed, forced itself on our notice, and was at this timespringing up very vigorously. The next morning we embarked on the Bolchoireka in canoes; and having thestream with us, expected to be at our journey's end the day following. Thetown of Bolcheretsk is about eighty miles from Natcheekin; and we wereinformed, that, in the summer season, when the river has been full andrapid, from the melting of snow on the mountains, the canoes had often gonedown in a single day; but that, in its present state, we should probably bemuch longer, as the ice had broken up only three days before we arrived;and that ours would be the first boat that had attempted to pass. Thisintelligence proved but too true. We found ourselves greatly impeded by theshallows; and though the stream in many places ran with great rapidity, yetin every half mile we had ripplings and shoals, over which we had to haulthe boats. [18] The country on each side was very romantic, but unvaried;the river running between mountains of the most craggy and barren aspect, where there was nothing to diversify the scene but now and then the sightof a bear, and the flights of wild fowl. So uninteresting a passage leavesme nothing farther to say, than that this, and the following night, weslept on the banks of the river, under our _marquée_, and suffered verymuch from the severity of the weather, and the snow, which still remainedon the ground. At day-light, on the 12th, we found we had got clear of the mountains, andwere entering a low extensive plain, covered with shrubby trees. About ninein the forenoon, we arrived at an _ostrog_, called Opatchin, which iscomputed to be fifty miles from Natcheekin, and is nearly of the same sizeas Karatchin. We found here a serjeant, with four Russian soldiers, who hadbeen two days waiting for our arrival, and who immediately dispatched alight boat to Bolcheretsk, with intelligence of our approach. We were nowput into the trammels of formality; a canoe, furnished with skins and furs, and equipped in a magnificent manner, was prepared for our reception, inwhich we were accommodated much at our ease, but to the exclusion of therest of our fellow-travellers. It was with much regret we found ourselvesobliged to separate from our old companion Monsieur Port, whom we hadobserved to grow every day more shy and distant as we drew nearer the endof our journey. Indeed, he had himself told us, before we set out, that wepaid him a respect he had no title to; but as we had found him a verymodest and discreet man, we had insisted on his living with us during thewhole of our journey. The remainder of our passage was performed with greatfacility and expedition, the river growing more rapid as we descended, andless obstructed by shoals. As we approached the capital, we were sorry to observe, from an appearanceof much stir and bustle, that we were to be received in form. Decentclothes had been for some time a scarce commodity amongst us; and ourtravelling dresses were made up of a burlesque mixture of European, Indian, and Kamtschadale fashions. We therefore thought it would be too ridiculousto make a parade in this trim through the metropolis of Kamtschatka; and, as we saw a crowd collected on the banks of the river, and were told thecommander would be at the water-side to receive us, we stopped short, at asoldier's house, about a quarter of a mile from the town, from whence wesent Port, with a message to his excellency, acquainting him, that themoment we had put off our travelling dresses, we would pay our respects tohim at his own house; and to beg he would not think of waiting to conductus. Finding, however, that he persisted in his intentions of paying us thiscompliment, we lost no farther time in attiring ourselves, but made all thehaste in our power to join him at the entrance of the town. I observed mycompanions to be as awkward as I felt myself in making our firstsalutations; bowing and scraping being marks of good breeding, that we hadnow, for two years and a half, been totally unaccustomed to. The manner inwhich we were received by the commander, was the most engaging that couldbe conceived, and increased my mortification at finding that he had almostentirely forgot the French language; so that the satisfaction of conversingwith him was wholly confined to Mr Webber, who spoke the German, his nativetongue. In company with Major Behm was Captain Shmaleff, the second in command, andanother officer, with the whole body of the merchants of the place. Theyconducted us to the commander's house, where we were received by his ladywith great civility, and found tea and other refreshments prepared for us. After the first compliments were over, Mr Webber was desired to acquaintthe major with the object of our journey, with our want of naval stores, flour, and fresh provisions, and other necessaries for the ship's crews, and at the same time to assure him, that we were sensible, from what we hadalready seen of the condition of the country about Awatska Bay, we couldnot expect much assistance from him in that quarter; that the impossibilityof sending heavy stores across the peninsula during the present season ofthe year, was but too apparent, from the difficulties we had met with inour journey; and that, long before any material change could take place, weshould be under the necessity of proceeding on our voyage. We were hereinterrupted by the commander, who observed, that we did not yet know whatthey were capable of doing; that, at least, it was not his business tothink of the difficulties of supplying our wants, but only to learn whatwere the articles we stood in need of, and the longest time we could allowhim for procuring them. After expressing our sense of his obligingdisposition, we gave him a list of our naval stores, the number of cattle, and the quantity of flour we were directed to purchase, and told him thatwe purposed recommencing our voyage about the 5th of June. Our conversation afterward turned upon different subjects; and it willnaturally be supposed that our enquiries were principally directed to theobtaining some information respecting our own country. Having now beenabsent three years, we had flattered ourselves with the certainty ofreceiving intelligence from Major Behm, which could not fail of beinginteresting; and I cannot express the disappointment we felt, on findingthat he had no news to communicate of a much later date than that of ourdeparture from England. About seven o'clock the commander, conceiving we might be fatigued with ourjourney, and desirous of taking some repose, begged he might conduct us toour lodgings. It was in vain that we protested against a compliment whichwe had certainly no title to expect, but that of being strangers; acircumstance which seemed, in the opinion of this generous Livonian, tocounterbalance every other consideration. In our way we passed by twoguard-houses, where the men were turned out under arms, in compliment toCaptain Gore; and were afterward brought to a very neat and decent house, which the major gave us to understand was to be our residence during ourstay. Two sentinels were posted at the doors, and, in a house adjoining, there was a serjeant's guard. Having shewn us into our apartments, themajor took his leave, with a promise to see us the next day: and we wereleft to find out at our leisure all the conveniences that he had most amplyprovided for us. A soldier, called a _putpropersckack_, whose rank isbetween that of a serjeant and a corporal, along with our fellow-travellerPort, were appointed to be our male domestics; besides whom, there was ahousekeeper and a cook, who had orders to obey Port's directions indressing us a supper according to our own mode of cookery. We received manycivil messages in the course of the evening from the principal people ofthe town, purporting, that they would not add to our fatigues by payingtheir respects to us at that time, but would wait upon us in the morning. Such well-supported politeness and attention, in a country so desolate anduncultivated, formed a contrast exceedingly favourable to its inhabitants;and, to finish the piece as it began, at sun-set the serjeant came with thereport of his guard to Captain Gore. Early in the morning we received the compliments of the commander, ofCaptain Shmaleff, and of the principal inhabitants of the town, who allhonoured us with visits soon after. The two first, having sent for Port, after we were gone to rest, and enquired of him what articles we seemed tobe most in want of on board the ships, we found them prepared to insist onour sharing with the garrison under their command, in what little stock ofprovisions they had remaining. At the same time they lamented that we hadarrived at a season of the year, when there was always the greatestscarcity of every thing amongst them, the sloops not being yet arrived, with their annual supply, from Okotsk. We agreed to accept the liberality of these hospitable strangers, with thebest grace we could; but on condition that we might be made acquainted withthe price of the articles we were to be supplied with, and that CaptainClerke should give bills to the amount upon the Victualling Office inLondon. This the major positively refused; and whenever it was afterwardsurged, stopped us short, by telling us, he was certain that he could notoblige his mistress more than in giving every assistance in his power toher good friends and allies the English; and that it would be a particularsatisfaction to her to hear, that, in so remote a part of the world, herdominions had afforded any relief to ships engaged in such services asours; that he could not therefore act so contrary to the character of hisempress as to accept of any bills; but that to accommodate the matter, hewould take a bare attestation of the particulars with which we might befurnished, and that this he should transmit to his court, as a certificateof having performed his duty. I shall leave, he continued, to the twocourts all farther acknowledgments, but cannot consent to accept of anything of the kind alluded to. When this matter was adjusted, he began to enquire about our private wants, saying, he should consider himself as ill used if we had any dealings withthe merchants, or applied to any other person except himself. In return for such singular generosity, we had little to bestow but ouradmiration and our thanks. Fortunately, however, Captain Clerke had sent byme a set of prints and maps, belonging to the last voyage of Captain Cook, which he desired me to present in his name to the commander; who being anenthusiast in every thing relating to discoveries, received it with asatisfaction which shewed, that, though a trifle, nothing could have beenmore acceptable. Captain Clerke had likewise entrusted me with adiscretionary power of shewing him a chart of the discoveries made in thepresent voyage; and as I judged that a person in his situation, and of histurn of mind, would be exceedingly gratified by a communication of thissort, though, out of delicacy, he had forborn to ask more than a fewgeneral questions on the subject, I made no scruple to repose in him aconfidence, of which his whole conduct shewed him to be deserving. I had the pleasure to find, that he felt this compliment as I hoped hewould, and was much struck at seeing, in one view, the whole of that coast, as well on the side of Asia as on that of America, of which his countrymenhad been so many years employed in acquiring a partial and imperfectknowledge. [19] Excepting this mark of confidence, and the set of prints I have alreadymentioned, we had brought nothing with us that was in the least worth hisacceptance; for it scarce deserves noticing, that I prevailed on his son, ayoung boy, to accept of a silver watch I happened to have about me; and Imade his little daughter very happy with two pair of ear-rings of Frenchpaste. Besides these trifles, I left with Captain Shmaleff the thermometerI used on my journey; and he promised me, to keep an exact register of thetemperature of the air for one year, and to transmit it to Mr Muller, withwhom he had the pleasure of being acquainted. We dined this day at the commander's, who, studious on every occasion togratify our curiosity, had, besides a number of dishes dressed in our ownway, prepared a great variety of others, after the Russian and Kamtschadalemanner. The afternoon was employed in taking a view of the town and theadjacent country. Bolcheretsk is situated in a low swampy plain, thatextends to the sea of Okotsk, being about forty miles long, and of aconsiderable breadth. It lies on the north side of the Bolchoireka, orgreat river, between the mouth of the Gottsofka and the Bistraia, whichhere empty themselves into this river; and the peninsula, on which itstands, has been separated from the continent by a large canal, the work ofthe present commander; which has not only added much to its strength as afortress, but has made it much less liable than it was before toinundations. Below the town the river is from six to eight feet deep, andabout a quarter of a mile broad. It empties itself into the sea of Okotsk, at the distance of twenty-two miles; where, according to Krascheninikoff, it is capable of admitting vessels of a considerable size. There is notcorn, of any species, cultivated in this part of the country; and MajorBehm informed me, that his was the only garden that had yet been planted. The ground was, for the most part, covered with snow; that which was freefrom it appeared full of small hillocks, of a black turfy nature. I sawabout twenty or thirty cows, And the major had six stout horses. These andtheir dogs are the only tame animals they possess; the necessity they areunder, in the present state of the country, of keeping great numbers of thelatter, making it impossible to bring up any cattle that are not in sizeand strength a match for them. For, during the summer season, their dogsare entirely let loose, and left to provide for themselves, which makesthem so exceedingly ravenous, that they will sometimes even attack thebullocks. The houses in Bolcheretsk are all of one fashion, being built of logs, andthatched. That of the commander is much larger than the rest, consisting ofthree rooms of a considerable size, neatly papered, and which might havebeen reckoned handsome, if the _talc_ with which the windows were covered, had not given them a poor and disagreeable appearance. The town consists ofseveral rows of low buildings, each consisting of five or six dwellings, connected together, with a long common passage running the length of them, on one side of which is the kitchen and store-house, and on the other thedwelling apartments. Besides these are barracks for the Russian soldiersand cossacks, a well-looking church, and a court-room, and at the end ofthe town a great number of _balagans_, belonging to the Kamtschadales. Theinhabitants, taken all together, amount to between five and six hundred. Inthe evening the major gave a handsome entertainment, to which the principalpeople of the town of both sexes were invited. The next morning we applied privately to the merchant, Fedositsch, topurchase some tobacco for the sailors, who had now been upward of atwelvemonth without this favourite commodity. However, this, like all ourother transactions of the same kind, came immediately to the major'sknowledge; and we were soon after surprised to find in our house four bagsof tobacco, weighing-upward of a hundred pounds each, which he begged mightbe presented, in the name of himself and the garrison under his command, toour sailors. At the same time they had sent us twenty loaves of fine sugar, and as many pounds of tea, being articles they understood we were in greatwant of, which they begged to be indulged in presenting to the officers. Along with these Madame Behm had also sent a present for Captain Clerke, consisting of fresh-butter, honey, figs, rice, and some other little thingsof the same kind, attended with many wishes that, in his infirm state ofhealth, they might be of service to him. It was in vain we tried to opposethis profusion of bounty, which I was really anxious to restrain, beingconvinced that they were giving away, not a share, but almost the wholestock of the garrison. The constant answer the major returned us on thoseoccasions was, that we had suffered a great deal, and that we must needs bein distress. Indeed the length of time we had been out since we touched atany known port, appeared to them so very incredible, that it required thetestimony of our maps, and other corroborating circumstances, to gain theirbelief. Amongst the latter was a very curious fact which Major Behm relatedto us this morning, and which, he said, but for our arrival, he should havebeen totally at a loss to account for. It is well known that the Tschutski are the only people of the north ofAsia who have maintained their independence, and resisted all the attemptsthat have been made by the Russians to reduce them. The last expeditionagainst them was undertaken in the year 1750, and terminated, after varioussuccess, in the retreat of the Russian forces, and the loss of thecommanding officer. Since that time the Russians had removed their frontierfortress from the Anadir to the Ingiga, a river that empties itself intothe northern extremity of the sea of Okotsk, and gives its name to a gulfsituated to the west of that of Penshinsk. From this fort Major Behm hadreceived dispatches the day of our arrival at Bolcheretsk, containingintelligence that a tribe, or party of the Tschutski, had arrived at thatplace with propositions of friendship, and a voluntary offer of tribute;that on enquiring into the cause of this unexpected alteration in theirsentiments, they had informed his people, that toward the latter end of thelast summer they had been visited by two very large Russian boats; thatthey had been treated by the people who were in them with the greatestkindness, and had entered into a league of friendship and amity with them;and that relying on this friendly disposition, they were now come to theRussian fort in order to settle a treaty on such terms as might beacceptable to both nations. This extraordinary history had occasioned muchspeculation, both at Ingiginsk and Bolcheretsk; and, had we not furnishedthem with a key to it, must have remained perfectly unintelligible. We feltno small satisfaction in having, though accidentally, shewn the Russians, in this instance, the only true way of collecting tribute and extendingtheir dominions; and in the hopes that the good understanding which thisevent hath given rise to, may rescue a brave people from the futureinvasions of such powerful neighbours. We dined this day with Captain Shmaleff, and in the afternoon, in order tovary our amusements, he treated us with an exhibition of the Russian andKamtschadale dancing. No description can convey an adequate idea of thisrude and uncouth entertainment. The figure of the Russian dance was muchlike those of our hornpipes, and was danced either single, or by two orfour persons at a time. Their steps were, short and quick, with the feetscarce raised from the ground; the arms were fixed close to the sides, thebody being all the while kept upright and immovable, excepting when theparties passed each other, at which time the hand was raised with a quickand awkward motion. But if the Russian dance was, at the same time, bothunmeaning and ridiculous, the Kamtschadale joined to the latter quality themost whimsical idea that ever entered into any people's heads. It isintended to represent the awkward and clumsy gestures of the bear, whichthese people have frequent opportunities of observing in a great variety ofsituations. It will scarcely be expected that I should give a minutedescription of all the strange postures which were exhibited on theseoccasions; and I shall therefore only mention, that the body was alwaysbowed, and the knees bent, whilst the arms were used in imitating thetricks and attitudes of that animal. As our journey to Bolcheretsk had taken up more time than we expected, andwe were told that our return might prove still more difficult and tedious, we were under the necessity of acquainting the commander this evening withour intention of setting out the next day. It was not without the utmostregret we thought of leaving our new acquaintance, and were therefore mostagreeably surprised when the major told us, that if we could stay oneday longer, he would accompany us. He had, he said, made up his dispatches, and resigned the command of Kamtschatka to his successor Captain Shmaleff, and had prepared every thing for his departure to Okotsk, which was to takeplace in a few days; but that he should feel great pleasure in putting offhis journey a little longer, and returning with us to Saint Peter andPaul's, that be might himself be a witness of every thing being done for usthat it was in their power to do. In return for the few trifles I had given to the children of Major Behm, Iwas next morning, the 15th, presented by his little boy with a mostmagnificent Kamtschadale dress, which shall be described in its properplace. It was of the kind worn by the principal _Toions_ of the country onoccasions of great ceremony; and, as I was afterward told by Fedositsch, could not have been purchased for one hundred and twenty roubles. At thesame time I had a present from his daughter of a handsome sable muff. We afterward dined with the commander, who, in order to let us see as muchof the manners of the inhabitants, and of the customs of the country, asour time would permit, invited the whole of the better sort of people inthe village to his house this evening. All the women appeared verysplendidly dressed after the Kamtschadale fashion. The Wives of CaptainShmaleff and the other officers of the garrison, were prettily dressed, half in the Siberian and half in the European mode; and Madame Behm, inorder to make the strongest contrast, had unpacked part of her baggage, andput on a rich European dress. I was much struck with the richness andvariety of the silks which the women wore, and the singularity of theirhabits. The whole was like some enchanted scene in the midst of the wildestand most dreary country in the world. Our entertainment again consisted ofdancing and singing. The next morning being fixed for our departure, we retired early to ourlodgings, where the first things we saw were three travelling dresses, madeafter the fashion of the country, which the major had provided for us, whocame himself to our house soon after, to see all our things packed up andproperly taken care of. Indeed, what with his liberal presents, and thekindness of Captain Shmaleff, and many other individuals, who all begged tothrow in their mite, together with the ample stock of provisions he hadsent us for our journey, we had amassed no inconsiderable load of baggage. Early in the morning, every thing being ready for our departure, we wereinvited to call on Madame Behm in our way to the boats, and take our leaveof her. Impressed, as our minds were, with sentiments of the warmestgratitude, by the attentive, benevolent, and generous treatment we had metwith at Bolcheretsk, they were greatly heightened by the affecting scenewhich presented itself to us on leaving our lodgings; All the soldiers andcossacks belonging to the garrison were drawn up on one hand, and the maleinhabitants of the town, dressed out in their best clothes, on the other;and, as soon as we came out of the house, the whole body of the peoplejoined in a melancholy song, which the major told us it was usual in thatcountry to sing on taking leave of their friends. In this manner we marcheddown to the commander's house, preceded by the drums and music of thegarrison, where we were received by Madame Behm, attended by the ladies, who were dressed in long silk cloaks, lined with very valuable furs ofdifferent colours, which made a most magnificent appearance. Afterpartaking of some refreshment that was prepared for us, we went down to thewater-side, accompanied by the ladies, who now joined the song with therest of the inhabitants; and, as soon as we had taken leave of Madame Behm, and assured her of the grateful sense we should ever retain of thehospitality of Bolcheretsk, we found ourselves too much affected not tohasten into the boats with all the expedition we could. When we put off, the whole company gave us three cheers, which we returned from the boat;and, as we were doubling a point, where, for the last time, we saw ourfriendly entertainers, they took their farewell in another cheer. We found the stream on our return so exceedingly rapid, that, notwithstanding the cossacks and Kamtschadales used their utmost exertions, we did not reach the first village, Opatchin, till the evening of the 17th, which was at the rate of about twenty miles a day. We got to Natcheekin onthe 19th; and, on the 20th, we crossed the plain to Karatchin. We found theroad much better than when we had passed it before, there having been asmart frost on the night of the 19th. On the 21st, we proceeded down theAwatska river; and, before it was dark, got over the shoals which lie atthe entrance of the bay. During the whole course of our journey we weremuch pleased with the great good-will with which the _Toions_ and theirKamtschadales afforded us their assistance at the different _ostrogs_through which we passed; and I could not but observe the pleasure thatappeared in their countenances on seeing the major, and their strongexpressions of sorrow, on hearing he was so soon going to leave them. We had dispatched a messenger to Captain Clerke from Bolcheretsk, with anaccount of our reception, and of the major's intention of returning withus, at the same time apprising him of the day he might probably expect tosee us. We were therefore very well pleased to observe, as we approachedthe harbour, all the boats of the two ships coming towards us, the menclean, and the officers as well dressed as the scarcity of our clothingwould permit. The major was much struck at the robust and healthyappearance of the boats' crews, and still more at seeing most of themwithout any other covering than a shirt and trowsers, although at the verymoment it actually snowed. As Major Behm had expressed his intentions of visiting the ships before helanded, as soon as we arrived off the town, I desired to receive hiscommands; when remarking, that from the account we had given of the verybad state of Captain Clerke's health, it might be imprudent to disturb himat so late an hour, (it being now past nine o'clock, ) he thought it, hesaid, most advisable to remain that night on shore. Accordingly, afterattending him to the serjeant's house, I took my leave for the present, andwent on board to acquaint Captain Clerke with my proceedings atBolcheretsk. It was with the utmost concern I found, that, in the fortnightwe had been absent, this excellent officer was much altered for the worse, instead of reaping that advantage we flattered ourselves he might from therepose of the harbour, and the milk and vegetable diet with which he wassupplied. As soon as I had dispatched this business, I returned to the major, and thenext morning conducted him to the ships; where, on his arrival, he wassaluted with thirteen guns, and received with every other mark ofdistinction that it was in our power to pay him. He was attended by thecommander of one of the Russian galliots, the master of a sloop that lay inthe harbour, two merchants from Bolcheretsk, and the priest of theneighbouring village of Paratounca, for whom he appeared to entertain thehighest respect, and whom I shall hereafter have occasion to mention, onaccount of his great kindness to Captain Clerke. After visiting the captain, and taking a view of both the ships, hereturned to dinner on board the Resolution; and, in the afternoon, thevarious curiosities we had collected in the course of our voyage were shewnhim, and a complete assortment of every article presented to him by CaptainClerke. On this occasion I must not pass over an instance of greatgenerosity and gratitude in the sailors of both ships; who, when they weretold of the handsome present of tobacco that was made them by the major, desired, entirely of their own accord, that their grog might be stopped, and their allowance of spirits presented, on their part, to the garrison ofBolcheretsk, as they said they had reason to conclude that brandy wasscarce in the country, and would be very acceptable to them, since thesoldiers on shore had offered four roubles a bottle for it. We, who knewhow much the sailors always felt whenever their allowance of grog wasstopped, which was generally done in warm weather, that they might have itin a greater proportion in cold, and that this offer would deprive them ofit during the inclement season we had to expect in our next expedition tothe north, could not but admire so extraordinary a sacrifice; and, thatthey might not suffer by it, Captain Clerke, and the rest of the officers, substituted in the room of the very small quantity the major could beprevailed on to accept, the same quantity of rum. This, with a dozen or twoof Cape wine, for Madame Behm, and such other little presents as were inour power to bestow, were accepted in the most obliging manner. The nextmorning the tobacco was divided between the crews of the two ships, threepounds being allotted to every man that chewed or smoked tobacco, and onepound to those that did not. I have before mentioned that Major Behm had resigned the command ofKamtschatka, and intended to set out in, a short time for Petersburg; andhe now offered to charge himself with any dispatches we might trust to hiscare. This was an opportunity not to be neglected, and accordingly CaptainClerke acquainted him, that he would take the liberty of sending by himsome papers relating to our voyage, to be delivered to our ambassador atthe Russian court. Our first intentions were to send only a small journalof our proceedings; but, afterward, Captain Clerke being persuaded that thewhole account of our discoveries might safely be trusted to a person whohad given such striking proofs both of his public and private virtues; andconsidering that we had a very hazardous part of the voyage still toundertake, determined to send by him the whole of the journal of our latecommander, with that part of his own which completed the period of CaptainCook's death till our arrival at Kamtschatka, together with a chart of allour discoveries. Mr Bayly and myself thought it also proper to send ageneral account of our proceedings to the Board of Longitude; by whichprecautions, if any misfortune had afterward befallen us, the Admiraltywould have been in possession of a complete history of the principal factsof our voyage. It was also determined that a smaller packet should be sentby an express from Okotsk, which, the major said, if he was fortunate inhis passage to that port, would reach Petersburg by December, and that hehimself should be there in February or March. During the three following days the major was entertained alternately inthe two ships in the best manner we were able. On the 25th he took hisleave, and was saluted with thirteen guns; and the sailors, at their owndesire, gave him three cheers. The next morning, Mr Webber and myselfattended him a few miles up the Awatska river, where we met the Russianpriest, his wife and children, who were waiting to take the last farewellof their commander. It was hard to say, whether the good priest and his family, or ourselves, were most affected on taking leave of Major Behm. Short as our acquaintancehad been, his noble and disinterested conduct had inspired us with thehighest respect and esteem for him; and we could not part with a person towhom we were under such obligations, and whom we had little prospect ofever seeing again, without feeling the most tender concern. The intrinsicvalue of the private presents we received from him, exclusive of the storeswhich might be carried to a public account, must have amounted, accordingto the current price of articles in that country, to upward of two hundredpounds. But this generosity, extraordinary as it must appear in itself, wasexceeded by the delicacy with which all his favours were conferred, and theartful manner in which he endeavoured to prevent our feeling the weight ofobligations, which he knew we had no means of requiting. If we go a stepfurther, and consider him as supporting a public character, and maintainingthe honour of a great sovereign, we shall find a still higher subject ofadmiration, in the just and enlarged sentiments by which he was actuated. "The service in which you are employed, " he would often say, "is for thegeneral advantage of mankind, and therefore gives you a right, not merelyto the offices of humanity, but to the privileges of citizens, in whatevercountry you may be thrown. I am sure I am acting agreeably to the wishes ofmy mistress, in affording you all the relief in our power; and I cannotforget either her character, or my own honour, so much, as to barter forthe performance of my duty. " At other times he would tell us, that he wasparticularly desirous of setting a good example to the Kamtschadales, who, he said, were but just emerging from a state of barbarism; that they lookedup to the Russians as their patterns in every thing; and that he had hopesthey might in future look upon it as a duty incumbent upon them to assiststrangers to the utmost of their power, and believe that such was theuniversal practice of civilized nations. To all this must be added, thatafter having relieved, to the utmost of his abilities, all our presentdistresses, he shewed himself not much less mindful of our future wants;and as he supposed it more than probable we should not discover the passagewe were in search of, and therefore should return to Kamtschatka in thefall of the year, he made Captain Clerke give him a list of what cordageand flour we should want, and promised they should be sent from Okotsk, andwait our arrival. For the same purpose, he gave Captain Clerke a paper, enjoining all the subjects of the empress, whom we might happen to meet, togive us every assistance in their power. [20] [15] Mr Dugald Stewart has not neglected to avail himself of this incident, to illustrate his observations on the power which certain perceptions or impressions on the senses possess to awaken associations. --E. [16] Even so lately as Captain Krusenstern's visit, the number of horned cattle at Saint Peter and Saint Paul's amounted to no more than ten cows and as many young heifers; of course, he remarks, there was no butter, and very little milk. But it is his opinion, that it would be extremely easy to support some hundred head there, as the place abounds in the finest grass. Elsewhere he informs us, that it is calculated there are about six hundred cattle in the whole of Kamtschatka; a number which, for obvious reasons, he thinks may and ought to be increased. --E. [17] Extraordinary as this may appear, Krascheninikoff, whose account of Kamtschatka, from every thing that I saw, and had an opportunity of comparing it with, seems to me to deserve entire credit, and whose authority I shall, therefore, frequently have recourse to, relates instances of this kind that are much more surprising. "Travelling parties, " says he, "are often overtaken with dreadful storms of snow, on the approach of which they drive with the utmost precipitation into the nearest wood, and there are obliged to stay till the tempest, which frequently lasts six or seven days, is over; the dogs remaining all this while quiet and inoffensive; except that sometimes, when prest by hunger, they will devour the reins and the other leathern parts of the harness. "--_History and Description of Kamtschatka, by Krascheninikof_. [18] Captain King does not seem to have heard or inferred any thing as to the danger usually encountered in the summer excursions on the river, from the nature of the vessels employed. This, according to Krusenstern, infinitely more resembles a trough than a boat, being, in fact, the hollow trunk of a tree, and exceedingly apt to be upset by the rapidity of the stream. Thus, he says, scarcely a year passes in which several people are not drowned, both in the Kamtschatka river and the Awatscha; a serious loss any where, no doubt; but in this country, where population is so scanty, and so uncertain, incomparably more important in a political point of view. --E. [19] On this occasion Major Behm permitted us to examine all the maps and charts that were in his possession. Those relating to the peninsula of the Tschutski, were made in conformity to the information collected by Plenishner, between the years 1760 and 1770. As the charts of Plenishner were afterwards made use of, according to Mr Coxe, in the compilation of the General Map of Russia, published by the Academy in 1776, it may be necessary to observe, that we found them exceedingly erroneous; and that the compilers of the General Map seem to have been led into some mistakes on his authority. Those in which the islands on the coast of America were laid down, we found to contain nothing new, and to be much less accurate than those we saw at Oonalashka. [20] The reader need scarcely be reminded, that mention is made in the introduction to this voyage, of an honourable testimony of British gratitude for the extraordinary services of this generous man. Of his subsequent history, we regret to say, we are entirely ignorant. --E. SECTION III. Continuation of Transactions in the Harbour of St Peter and StPaul. --Abundance of Fish. --Death of a Seaman belonging to theResolution. --The Russian Hospital put under the Care of the Ship'sSurgeons. --Supply of Flour and Cattle. --Celebration of the King'sBirth-day. --Difficulties in Sailing out of the Bay. --Eruption of aVolcano. --Steer to the Northward. --Cheepoonskoi Noss. --Errors of theRussian Charts. --Kamptschatskoi Noss. --Island of St Laurence. --View, fromthe same Point, of the Coasts of Asia and America, and the Islands of StDiomede. --Various Attempts to get to the North, between the twoContinents. --Obstructed by Impenetrable Ice. --Sea-horses and White Bearskilled. --Captain Clerke's Determination and future Designs. Having concluded the last section with an account of our return fromBolcheretsk, accompanied by Major Behm, the commander of Kamtschatka, andof his departure, I shall proceed to relate the transactions that passed inthe harbour of St Peter and St Paul during our absence. On the 7th of May, soon after we had left the bay, a large piece of ice drove across the cut-water of the Resolution, and brought home the small bower-anchor. Thisobliged them to weigh the other anchor, and moor again. The carpenters whowere employed in stopping the leak, were obliged to take off a great partof the sheathing from the bows, and found many of the trunnels so veryloose and rotten, as to be easily drawn out with the fingers. On the 11th, they had heavy gales from the N. E. , which obliged both theships to strike yards and topmasts; but in the afternoon the weather beingmore moderate, and the ice having drifted away as far as the mouth of theharbour of St Peter and St Paul, they warped close to the shore for thegreater convenience, of watering and wooding, and again moored as before;the town bearing N. 1/2 W. , half a mile distant, and the mouth of the bayshut in by the southernmost point of Rakowina harbour, S. The next day a party was sent on shore to cut wood, but made littleprogress on account of the snow, which still covered the ground. Aconvenient spot was cleared away abreast of the ships, where there was afine run of water; and a tent being erected for the cooper, the empty caskswere landed, and the sail-makers sent on shore. On the 15th, the beach being clear of ice, the people were sent to haul theseine, and caught an abundant supply of fine flat fish for both the ships'companies. Indeed from this time, during the whole of our stay in theharbour, we were absolutely overpowered with the quantities of fish whichcame in from every quarter. The _Toions_, both of this town, and ofParatounca, a village in the neighbourhood, had received orders from MajorBehm to employ all the Kamtschadales in our service; so that we frequentlycould not take into the ships the presents that were sent us. Theyconsisted in general of fish, cod, trout, and herring. These last, whichwere in their full perfection, and of a delicious flavour, were exceedinglyabundant in this bay. The Discovery's people surrounded at one time sogreat a quantity in their seine, that they were obliged to throw a vastnumber out, lest the net should be broken to pieces; and the cargo theylanded was afterward so plentiful, that besides a sufficient store forimmediate use, they filled as many casks as they could spare for salting;and after sending to the Resolution a sufficient quantity for the samepurpose, they left several bushels behind on the beach. The snow now began to disappear very rapidly, and abundance of wild garlic, celery, and nettle-tops, were gathered for the use of the crews; whichbeing boiled with wheat and portable soup, made them a wholesome andcomfortable breakfast; and with this they were supplied every morning. Thebirch-trees were also tapped, and the sweet juice, which they yielded ingreat quantities, was constantly mixed with the men's allowance of brandy. The next day a small bullock, which had been procured for the ship'scompany by the serjeant, was killed; and weighed two hundred and seventy-two pounds. It was served out to both crews for their Sunday's dinner, being the first piece of fresh beef they had tasted since our departurefrom the Cape of Good Hope, in December 1776, a period of near two yearsand a half. This evening died John Macintosh, the carpenter's mate, after havinglaboured under a dysentery ever since our departure from the Sandwichislands; he was a very hard working quiet man, and much regretted by hismessmates. He was the fourth person we lost by sickness during the voyage;but the first who could be said, from his age and the constitutional habitsof his body, to have had on our setting out an equal chance with the restof his comrades; Watman, we supposed to be about sixty years of age, andRoberts and Mr Anderson, from the decay which had evidently commencedbefore we left England, could not, in all probability, under anycircumstances, have lived a greater length of time than they did. I have already mentioned, that Captain Clerke's health continued daily todecline, notwithstanding the salutary change of diet which the country ofKamtschatka afforded him. The priest of Paratounca, as soon as he heard ofthe infirm state he was in, supplied him every day with bread, milk, freshbutter, and fowls, though his house was sixteen miles from the harbourwhere we lay. On our first arrival, we found the Russian hospital, which is near the townof St Peter and St Paul, in a condition truly deplorable. All the soldierswere, more or less, affected by the scurvy, and a great many in the laststage of that disorder. The rest of the Russian inhabitants were also inthe same condition; and we particularly remarked, that our friend theserjeant, by making too free with the spirits we gave him, had brought onhimself, in the course of a few days, some of the most alarming symptoms ofthat malady. In this lamentable state, Captain Clerke put them all underthe care of our surgeons, and ordered a supply of sourkrout, and malt, forwort, to be furnished for their use. It was astonishing to observe thealteration in the figures of almost every person we met on our return fromBolcheretsk; and I was informed by our surgeons, that they attributed theirspeedy recovery principally to the effects of the sweetwort. [21] On the 1st of June we got on board two hundred and fifty poods, or ninethousand pound weight of rye-flour, with which we were supplied from thestores of St Peter and St Paul; and the Discovery had a proportionalquantity. The men were immediately put on full allowance of bread, whichthey had not been indulged in since our leaving the Cape of Good Hope. Thesame day our watering was completed, having got on board sixty-five tons. On the 4th we had fresh breezes and hard rain, which disappointed us in ourdesign of dressing the ships, and obliged us to content ourselves withfiring twenty-one guns in honour of the day, and celebrating it in otherrespects in the best manner we were able. Port, who was left with us onaccount of his skill in languages, behaved himself with so much modesty anddiscretion, that as soon as his master was gone, he was no longer JeanPort, but Monsieur Port, the interpreter; and partook, as well as theserjeant (in his capacity of commander of the place), of the entertainmentof the day. Our worthy friend, the priest of Paratounca, having gotintelligence of its being our king's birth-day, gave also a sumptuousfeast; at which some of our gentlemen were present, who seemed highlydelighted with their entertainment, which consisted of abundance of goodeating and drinking, together with dancing. On the 6th, twenty head of cattle were sent us by the commander's orders, from the Verchnei _ostrog_, which is situated on the river Kamtschatka, atthe distance of near a hundred miles from this place, in a direct line. They were of a moderate size; and, notwithstanding the Kamtschadales hadbeen seventeen days in driving them down to the harbour, arrived in goodcondition. The four following days were employed in making ready for sea;and on the 11th, at two in the morning, we began to unmoor; but before wehad got one anchor up, it blew so strong a gale from the N. E. , that we keptfast, and moored again; conjecturing, from the position of the entrance ofthe bay, that the current of wind would set up the channel. Accordingly, the pinnace being sent out to examine the passage, returned with anaccount, that the wind blew strong from the S. E. , with a great swellsetting into the bay, which would have made any attempt to get to sea veryhazardous. Our friend Port now took his leave of us, and carried with him the box withour Journals, which was to go by the major, and the packet that was to besent express. On the 12th, the weather being more moderate, we began tounmoor again; but, after breaking the messenger, and reeving a runningpurchase with a six-inch hawser, which also broke three times, we wereobliged at last to heave a strain at low water, and wait for the flowing ofthe tide to raise the anchor. This project succeeded; but not withoutdamaging the cable in the wake of the hawse. At three we weighed the bestbower, and set sail; and at eight having little wind, and the tide makingagainst us, we dropped anchor again in ten fathoms, off the mouth ofRakowina harbour; the _ostrog_ bearing N. By E. 1/2 E. , two miles and ahalf distant; the Needle Rocks on the east side of the passage, S. S. E. 1/2E. ; and the high rock, on the west side of the passage, S. On the 13th, at four in the morning, we got under way with the ebb tide;and there being a dead calm, the boats were sent ahead to tow the ships. Atten the wind springing up from the S. E. By S. , and the tide having turned, we were again obliged to drop anchor in seven fathoms; the Three NeedleRocks bearing S. 1/2 E. ; and the _ostrog_ N. 1/2 E. , at the distance of onemile from the nearest land. After dinner I went with Captain Gore on shoreon the east side of the passage, where we saw, in two different places, theremains of extensive villages; and on the side of the hill an old ruinedparapet, with four or five embrasures. It commanded the passage up themouth of the bay; and in Beering's time, as he himself mentions, had gunsmounted on it. Near this place were the ruins of some caverns under ground, which we supposed to have been magazines. At six in the afternoon we weighed with the ebb tide, and turned towindward; but at eight a thick fog arising, we were obliged to bring-to, asour soundings could not afford us a sufficient direction for steeringbetween several sunk rocks, which lie on each side of the passage we had tomake. In the morning of the 14th, the fog clearing away, we weighed as soonas the tide began to ebb, and having little wind, sent the boats ahead totow; but at ten o'clock, both the wind and tide set in so strong from thesea, that we were again obliged to drop anchor in thirteen fathoms, thehigh rock bearing W. 1/4 S. , distant three quarters of a mile. We remainedfast for the rest of the day, the wind blowing fresh into the mouth of thebay; and toward evening, the weather had a very unusual appearance, beingexceedingly dark and cloudy, with an unsettled shifting wind. Before day-light, on the 15th, we were surprised with a rumbling noise, resembling distant hollow thunder; and when the day broke, we found thedecks and sides of the ships covered with a fine dust like emery, near aninch thick. The air at the same time continued loaded and darkened withthis substance, and toward the _volcano_ mountain, situated to the north ofthe harbour, it was so thick and black, that we could not distinguish thebody of the hill. About twelve o'clock, and during the afternoon, theexplosions became louder, and were followed by showers of cinders, whichwere in general about the size of peas; though many were picked up from thedeck larger than a hazel-nut. Along with the cinders fell several smallstones, which had undergone no change from the action of fire. In theevening we had dreadful thunder and lightning, which, with the darkness ofthe atmosphere, and the sulphureous smell of the air, produced altogether amost awful and terrifying effect. We were at this time about eight leaguesfrom the foot of the mountain. On the 16th, at day-light, we again weighed anchor, and stood out of thebay; but the ebb tide setting across the passage upon the eastern shore, and the wind falling, we were driven very near the Three Needle Rocks, which lie on that side of the entrance, and obliged to hoist out the boats, in order to tow the ships clear of them. At noon we were two leagues fromthe land, and had soundings with forty-three fathoms of line, over a bottomof small stones, of the same kind with those which fell on our decks afterthe eruption of the _volcano_; but whether they had been, left there by thelast, or by some former eruptions, we were not able to determine. The aspect of the country was now very different from what it had been onour first arrival. The snow, excepting what remained on the tops of somevery high mountains, had disappeared; and the sides of the hills, which inmany parts were well wooded, were covered with a beautiful verdure. As it was Captain Clerke's intention to keep as much in sight of the coastof Kamtschatka as the weather would permit, in order to determine itsposition, we continued steering to the N. N. E, with light and variable windstill the 18th. The _volcano_ was still seen throwing up immense volumes ofsmoke, and we had no soundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms, at thedistance of four leagues from the shore. On the 18th, the wind freshening from the south, the weather became sothick and hazy, as to make it imprudent to attempt any longer to keep insight of the land. But that we might be ready to resume our survey, whenever the fogs should disperse, we ran on in the direction of the coast, as laid down in the Russian charts, and fired signal guns for the Discoveryto steer the same course. At eleven o'clock, just before we lost sight ofthe land, Cheepoonskoi Noss, so called by the Russians, (a description ofwhich, as well as the coast between it and Awatska Bay, will be given, hereafter), bore N. N. E. , distant seven or eight leagues. On the 20th, at three in the morning, the weather having cleared up, westood in toward the land; and in an hour's time saw it ahead, extendingfrom N. W. To N. N. E. , distant about five leagues. The north part we took tobe Kronotskoi Noss; its position in the Russian charts agreeing nearly withour reckoning as to its latitude, which was 54° 42'; but in longitude wediffered from them considerably, they placing it 1° 48' E. Of Awatska;whereas our reckoning, corrected by the time-keepers and lunarobservations, makes it 3° 34' eastward of that place, or 162° 17' E. FromGreenwich. The land about this cape is very high, and the inland mountainswere still covered with snow. The shore breaks off in steep cliffs, and thecoast is without appearance of inlets or bays. We had not been longgratified with this sight of the land, when the Wind freshened from theS. W. , and brought on a thick fog, which obliged us to stand off to theN. E. By E. The weather clearing up again at noon, we steered toward theland, expecting to fall in with Kamtschatskoi Noss, and had sight of it atday-break of the 21st. The southerly wind was soon after succeeded by a light breeze blowing offthe land, which prevented our approaching the coast sufficiently near todescribe its aspect, or ascertain with accuracy its direction. At noon ourlatitude, by observation, was 55° 52', and longitude (deduced from acomparison of many lunar observations, taken near this time, with the time-keepers), 163° 50'; the extremities of the land bearing N. W. By W. 3/4 W. , and N. By W. 3/4 W. , the nearest part about eight leagues distant. At nineo'clock in the evening, having approached about two leagues nearer thecoast, we found it formed a projecting peninsula, extending about twelveleagues in a direction nearly north and south. It is level, and of amoderate height, the southern extremity terminating in a low sloping point;that to the north forming a steep bluff head; and between them, about fourleagues to the southward of the northern cape, there is a considerablebreak in the land. On each side of this break the land is quite low; beyondthe opening rises a remarkable saddle-like hill; and a chain of highmountains, covered with snow, ranges along the back of the whole peninsula. As the coast runs in an even direction, we were at a great loss where toplace Kamtschatskoi Noss, which, according to Muller, forms a projectingpoint about the middle of the peninsula, and which certainly does notexist; but I have since found, that in the general map published by theAcademy of Petersburgh in 1776, that name is given to the southern cape. This was found, by several accurate observations, to be in latitude 56° 3', longitude 163° 20'; the difference, in longitude, from the Russian charts, being the same as at Kronotskoi Noss. The variation of the compass at thistime was 10° E. To the southward of this peninsula, the great riverKamtschatka falls into the sea. As the season was too far advanced to admit of our making an accuratesurvey of the coast of Kamtschatka, it was Captain Clerke's plan, in ourrun to Beering'a Strait, to determine principally the positions of theprojecting points of the coast. We therefore directed our course across anextensive bay, laid down between Kamtschatskoi Noss and Olutorskoi Noss, intending to make the latter; which, according to the Russian geographers, terminates the peninsula called Kamtschatka, and becomes the southernboundary of the Koriaki country. On the 22d we passed a dead whale, which emitted a horrid stench, perceivable at upward of a league's distance; it was covered with a greatnumber of sea-birds, that were feasting on it. On the 24th, the wind, which had varied round the compass the threepreceding days, fixed at S. W. , and brought clear weather, with which wecontinued our course to the N. E. By N. Across the bay, without any land insight. This day we saw a great number of gulls, and were witnesses to thedisgusting mode of feeding of the arctic gull, which has procured it thename of the parasite; and which, if the reader is not already acquaintedwith it, he will find in the note below. [22] On the 25th, at one o'clock in the afternoon, being in latitude 59° 12', longitude 168° 35', the wind freshening from the same quarter, a thick fogsucceeded; and this unfortunately just at the time we expected to seeOlutorskoi Noss, which, if Muller places it right in latitude 59° 3O', andin longitude 167°36', could only have then been twelve leagues from us; atwhich distance, land of a moderate height might easily have been seen. Butif the same error in longitude prevails here, which we have hithertoinvariably found, it would have been much nearer us, even before the fogcame on; and as we saw no appearances of land at that time, it must eitherhave been very low, or there must be some mistake of latitude in Muller'saccount. We tried soundings, but had no ground with one hundred and sixtyfathoms of line. The weather still thickening, and preventing a nearer approach to the land, at five we steered E. By N. , which is somewhat more easterly than theRussian charts lay down the trending of the coast from Olutorskoi Noss. Thenext day we had a fresh gale from the S. W. , which lasted till the 27th atnoon, when the fogs clearing away, we stood to the northward, in order tomake the land. The latitude at noon, by observation, was 59° 49', longitude175° 43'. Notwithstanding we saw shags in the forenoon, which are supposednever to go far from land, yet there was no appearance of it this day; buton the 28th, at six in the morning, we got sight of it to the N. W. Thecoast shews itself in hills of a moderate height; but inland, others areseen to rise considerably. We could observe no wood, and the snow lyingupon them in patches, gave the whole a very barren appearance. At nine wewere about ten miles from the shore, the southern extremity bearing W. ByS. , six leagues distant, beyond which the coast appeared to trend to thewestward. This point being in latitude 61° 48', longitude 174°, 48', lies, according to the Russian charts, near the mouth of the river Opuka. At thesame time the northern extreme bore N. By W. ; between which and a hillbearing N. W. By W. 1/4 W. , and at this distance appearing to us like anisland, the coast seemed to bend to the westward, and form a deep bay. About eight miles from land, we perceived ourselves in a strong rippling;and being apprehensive of foul ground, we bore away to the N. E. , along theshore; notwithstanding, on heaving the lead, we found regular soundings oftwenty-four fathoms, over a gravelly bottom; from whence we concluded, thatthis appearance was occasioned by a tide, at that time running to thesouthward. At noon, the extremes of the land bearing W. S. W. 3/4 W. , andN. N. E. 3/4 E. , distant from the nearest shore four leagues, we were abreastof the low land, which we now perceived to join the two points, where wehad before expected to find a deep bay. The coast bends a little to thewestward, and has a small inlet, which may probably be the mouth of sometrifling stream. Our latitude, by observation, was 61° 56', and longitude175° 43', and the variation of the compass 17° 30' E. We continued during the afternoon to run along the shore, at the distanceof four or five leagues, with a moderate westerly breeze, carrying regularsoundings from twenty-eight to thirty-six fathoms. The coast presented thesame barren aspect as to the southward; the hills rising considerablyinland, but to what height, the clouds on their tops put it out of ourpower to determine. At eight in the evening, land was thought to have beenseen to the E. By N. , on which, we steered to the southward of E. ; but itturned out to be only a fog-bank. At midnight, the extreme point bearingN. E. 1/4 E. , we supposed it to be Saint Thadeus's Noss; to the southward ofwhich the land trends to the westward, and forms a deep bight, wherein, according to the Russian charts, lies the river Katirka. On the 29th, the weather was unsettled and variable, with the wind from theN. E. At noon of the 30th, our latitude, by observation, was 61° 48', andlongitude 180° 0'; at which time Saint Thadeus's Noss bore N. N. W. , twenty-three leagues distant, and beyond it we observed the coast stretchingalmost directly N. The most easterly point of the Noss is in latitude 62°50', and longitude 179° 0', being 3-1/2° more to the E. Than what theRussians make it. The land about it must be of a considerable height, fromits being seen at so great a distance. During the two last days, we sawnumbers of whales, large seals, and sea-horses; also gulls, sea-parrots, and albatrosses. We took the advantage of a little calm weather to try forfish, and caught abundance of fine cod. The depth of water from sixty-fiveto seventy-five fathoms. On the 1st of July at noon, Mr Bligh having moored a small keg with thedeep-sea lead, in seventy-five fathoms, found the ship made a course N. ByE. , half a mile an hour. This he attributed to the effect of a longsoutherly swell, and not to that of any current. The wind freshening fromthe S. E. Toward evening, we shaped our course to the N. E. By E. , for thepoint called in Beering's chart Tschukotskoi Noss, which we had observed onthe 4th of September last year, at the same time that we saw, to the S E. , the island of Saint Laurence. This cape, and Saint Thadeus's Noss, form theN. E. And S. W. Extremities of the large and deep gulph of Anadir, into thebottom of which the river of that name empties itself, dividing as itpasses the country of the Koriacs from that of the Tschutski. On the 3d at noon, the latitude, by observation, was 63° 33', and thelongitude 186° 45'; half an hour after which we got sight of theTschukotskoi Noss, bearing N. 1/2 W. , thirteen or fourteen leagues distant;and at five in the afternoon saw the island of Saint Laurence, bearing E. 3/4 N. ; and another island a little to the eastward of it, which wesupposed to be between Saint Laurence and Anderson's Island, about sixleagues E. S. E. Of the former. As we had no certain accounts of this island, Captain Clerke was desirous of a nearer prospect, and immediately hauledthe wind toward it; but unfortunately we were not able to weather theisland of Saint Laurence, and were therefore under the necessity of bearingup again, and passing them all to the leeward. We had a better opportunity of settling the longitude of the island SaintLaurence, when we last saw it than now. But seeing it at that time butonce, and to the southward, we could only determine its latitude so far aswe could judge of distances; whereas now the noon observations enabled usto ascertain it correctly, which is 63° 47'. Its longitude was found to be188° 15' as before. This island, if its boundaries were at this time withinour view, is about three leagues in circuit. The north part may be seen atthe distance of ten or twelve leagues; but as it falls in lowland to thesouth-east, the extent of which we could not see, some of us conjecturedthat it might probably be joined to the land to the eastward of it; this, however, the haziness of the weather prevented our ascertaining. Theseislands, as well as the land about the Tschukotskoi Noss, were covered withsnow, and presented us with a most dreary picture. At midnight, SaintLaurence bore S. S. E. , five or six miles distant; and our depth of water waseighteen fathoms. We were accompanied by various kinds of sea-fowl, and sawseveral small crested hawks. The weather still continuing to thicken, we lost all sight of land till the5th, when it appeared both to the N. E. And N. W, Our latitude, by account, was at this time 65° 24', longitude 189° 14'. As the islands of SaintDiomede, which lie between the two continents in Beering's strait, weredetermined by us last year to be in latitude 65° 48', we could notreconcile the land to the N. E. , with the situation of these islands. Wetherefore stood toward the land till three in the afternoon, when we werewithin four miles of it, and finding it to be two islands, were pretty wellsatisfied of their being the same; but the weather still continuing hazy, to make sure of our situation, we stood over to the coast of Asia tillseven in the evening; at which time we were within two or three leagues ofthe east cape of that continent. This cape is a high round head of land, extending four or five miles fromnorth to south, forming a peninsula, and connected with the continent by anarrow neck of low land. Its shore is bold, and off its north part arethree high, detached, spiral rocks. At this time it was covered with snow, and the beach surrounded with ice. We were now convinced, that we had beenunder the influence of a strong current, setting to the north, that hadcaused an error in our latitude at noon of twenty miles. In passing thisstrait the last year, we had experienced the same effect. Being at length sure of our position, we held on to the N. By E. At ten atnight the weather becoming clear, we had an opportunity of seeing, at thesame moment, the remarkable peaked hill, near Cape Prince of Wales, on thecoast of America, and the east cape of Asia, with the two connectingislands of Saint Diomede between them. [23] At noon on the 6th, the latitude, by account, was 67° N. , and the longitude191° 6' E. Having already passed a considerable number of large masses ofice, and observed that it still adhered in several places to the shore onthe continent of Asia, we were not much surprised to fall in, at three inthe afternoon, with an extensive body of it, stretching away to thewestward. This sight gave great discouragement to our hopes of advancingmuch farther northward this year, than we had done the preceding. Having little wind in the afternoon, we hoisted out the boats in pursuit ofthe sea-horses, which were in great numbers on the detached pieces of ice;but they soon returned without success; these animals being exceedinglyshy, and before they could come within gun-shot always making their retreatinto the water. At seven in the evening we hoisted in the boats, and the wind fresheningfrom the southward, we stood on to the N. E. , with a view of exploring thecontinent of America, between the latitudes of 68° and 69°, which, owing to the foggy weather last year, we had not been able to examine. Inthis attempt we were again in part disappointed. For on the 7th, at six inthe morning, we were stopped by a large field of ice, stretching from N. W. To S. E. ; but soon after, the horizon becoming clear, we had sight of thecoast of America, at about ten leagues distance, extending from N. E. By E. To E. , and lying, by observation, between the 68° and 68° 20' of latitude. As the weather was clear, and the ice not high, we were enabled to see overa great extent of it. The whole presented a solid and compact surface, notin the smallest degree thawed; and appeared to us likewise to adhere to theland. The weather soon after changing to hazy, we saw no more of the land; andthere not remaining a possibility of approaching nearer to it, we stood tothe N. N. W. , keeping the ice close on board, and got round its westernextremity by noon, when we found it trending nearly N. Our latitude at thistime was, by account, 68° 22', and longitude 192° 34'. We continued ourcourse to the N. N. E. , along the edge of the ice, during the remaining partof the day, passing through many loose pieces that had been broken, offfrom the main body, and against which, notwithstanding all our caution, theships were driven with great violence. At eight o'clock in the evening, wepassed some drift-wood; and at midnight the wind shifted to the N. W. , thethermometer fell from 38° to 31', and we had continued showers of snow andsleet. On the 8th at five in the morning, the wind coming still more to thenorthward, we could no longer keep on the same tack, on account of the ice, but were obliged to stand to the westward. At this time our soundings haddecreased to nineteen fathoms, from which, on comparing it with ourobservations on the depth of water last year, we concluded that we were notat a greater distance from the American shore than six or seven leagues;but our view was confined within a much shorter compass, by a violent fallof snow. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 21', longitude 192°42'. At two in the afternoon the weather cleared up, and we found ourselvesclose to an expanse of what appeared from the deck solid ice; but, from themast-head, it was discovered to be composed of huge compact bodies, closeand united toward the outer edge, but in the interior parts severalpieces were seen floating in vacant spaces of the water. It extended fromN. E. By the N. To W. S. W. We bore away by the edge of it to the southward, that we might get into clearer water; for the strong northerly winds haddrifted down such quantities of loose pieces, that we had been for sometime surrounded by them, and could not avoid striking against several, notwithstanding we reefed the topsails, and stood under an easy sail. On the 9th we had a fresh gale from the N. N. W. , with heavy showers of snowand sleet. The thermometer was in the night time 28°, and at noon 30°. Wecontinued to steer W. S. W. , as before, keeping as near the large body of iceas we could, and had the misfortune to rub off some of the sheathing fromthe bows against the drift pieces, and to damage the cutwater. Indeed, theshocks we could not avoid receiving, were frequently so severe, as to beattended with considerable danger. At noon, the latitude, by account, was69° 12', . And longitude 188° 5'. The variation in the afternoon was foundto be 29° 30' E. As we had now sailed near forty leagues to the westward, along the edge ofthe ice, without seeing any opening, or a clear sea to the northward beyondit, and had therefore no prospect of advancing farther N. For the present, Captain Clerke resolved to bear away to the S. By E. (the only quarter thatwas clear), and to wait till the season was more advanced, before he madeany farther efforts to penetrate through the ice. The intermediate time heproposed to spend in examining the bay of Saint Laurence, and the coast tothe southward of it; as a harbour so near, in case of future damage fromthe ice, would be very desirable. We also wished to pay another visit toour Tschutski friends; and particularly since the accounts we had heard ofthem from the commander of Kamtschatka. We therefore stood on to the southward, till the noon of the 10th, at whichtime we passed great quantities of drift-ice, and the wind fell to aperfect calm. The latitude, by observation, was 68° 1', longitude 188° 30'. We passed several whales in the forenoon, and in the afternoon hoisted outthe boats, and sent them in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in greatnumbers on the pieces of ice that surrounded us. Our people were moresuccessful than they had been before, returning with three large ones and ayoung one; besides killing and wounding several others. The gentlemen whowent on this party were witnesses of several remarkable instances ofparental affection in those animals. On the approach of our boats towardthe ice, they all took their cubs under their fins, and endeavoured toescape with them into the sea. Several, whose young were killed or wounded, and left floating on the surface, rose again, and carried them down, sometimes just as our people were going to take them up into the boat; andmight be traced bearing them to a great distance through the water, whichwas coloured with their blood; we afterward observed them bringing them attimes above the surface, as if for air, and again diving under it with adreadful bellowing. The female, in particular, whose young had beendestroyed, and taken into the boat, became so enraged, that she attackedthe cutter, and struck her two tusks through the bottom of it. At eight in the evening, a breeze sprang up to the eastward, with which westill continued our course to the southward, and at twelve fell in withnumerous large bodies of ice. We endeavoured to push through them with aneasy sail, for fear of damaging the ship; and having got a little fartherto the southward, nothing was to be seen but one compact field of ice, stretching to the S. W. , S. E. , and N. E. , as far as the eye could reach. Thisunexpected and formidable obstacle put an end to Captain Clerke's plan ofvisiting the Tschutski; for no space remained open, but back again to thenorthward. Accordingly, at three in the morning of the 11th, we tacked, andstood to that quarter. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 67° 49', and longitude 188° 47'. On the 12th, we had light winds, with thick hazy weather; and on trying thecurrent, we found it set to the N. W. , at the rate of half a knot an hour. We continued to steer northward, with a moderate southerly breeze and fairweather till the 13th, at ten in the forenoon, when we again foundourselves close in with a solid field of ice, to which we could see nolimits from the mast-head. This at once dashed all our hopes of penetratingfarther, which had been considerably raised, by having now advanced nearten leagues through a space, which on the 9th we had found occupied byimpenetrable ice. Our latitude at this time was 69° 37'; our positionnearly in the mid-channel between tween the two continents; and the fieldof ice extending from E. N. E. To W. S. W. As there did not remain the smallest prospect of getting farther north inthe part of the sea where we now were, Captain Clerke resolved to make onemore and final attempt on the American coast, for Baffin's Bay, since wehad been able to advance the farthest on this side last year. Accordinglywe kept working the remaining part of the day to the windward, with a fresheasterly breeze. We saw several fulmars and arctic gulls, and passed twotrees, both appearing to have lain in the water a long time. The larger wasabout ten feet in length, and three in circumference, without either barkor branches, but with the roots remaining attached. On the 14th, we stood on to the eastward, with thick and foggy weather, ourcourse being nearly parallel to that we steered the 8th and 9th, but sixleagues more to the northward. On the 15th, the wind freshened from thewestward, and having in a great measure dispersed the fog, we immediatelystood to the northward, that we might take a nearer view of the ice; and inan hour were close in with it, extending from N. N. W. To N. E. We found it tobe compact and solid; the outer parts were ragged, and of differentheights; the interior surface was even, and we judged from eight to tenfeet above the level of the sea. The weather becoming moderate for theremaining part of the day, we directed our course according to the trendingof the ice, which in many parts formed deep bays. In the morning of the 16th the wind freshened, and was attended with thickand frequent showers of snow. At eight in the forenoon, it blew a stronggale from the W. S. W. , and brought us under double-reefed top-sails; whenthe weather clearing a little, we found ourselves embayed, the ice havingtaken a sudden turn to the S. E. , and in one compact body surrounding us onall sides, except on the south quarter. We therefore hauled our wind to thesouthward, being at this time in latitude 70° 8' N. , and in twenty-sixfathoms water; and, as we supposed, about twenty-five leagues from thecoast of America. The gale increasing, at four in the afternoon we closereefed the fore and main top-sails, furled the mizen-top-sail, and got thetop-gallant-yards down upon deck. At eight, finding the depth of water haddecreased to twenty-two fathoms, which we considered as a proof ofour near approach to the American coast, we tacked and stood to the north. We had blowing weather, accompanied with snow, through the night; but nextmorning it became clear and moderate, and at eight in the forenoon we gotthe top-gallant yards across, and made sail with the wind still at W. S. W. At noon we were in latitude, by observation, 69° 55', longitude 194° 30'. Toward evening the wind slackened, and at midnight it was a calm. On the 18th, at five in the morning, a light breeze sprung up from theE. N. E. , with which we continued our course to the north, in order to regainthe ice as soon as possible. We passed some small logs of drift-wood, andsaw abundance of sea-parrots, and the small ice-birds, and likewise anumber of whales. At noon the latitude, by observation, was 70° 26', andlongitude 194° 54'; the depth of water twenty-three fathoms; the icestretched from N. To E. N. E. , and was distant about three miles. At one inthe afternoon, finding that we were close in with a firm united field ofit, extending from W. N. W. To E. , we tacked, and the wind coming round tothe westward, stood on to the eastward, along its edge, till eleven atnight. At that time a very thick fog coming on, and the water shoaling tonineteen fathoms, we hauled our wind to the south. The variation observedthis day was 31° 20' E. It is remarkable, that though we saw no sea-horseson the body of the ice, yet they were in herds, and in greater numbers onthe detached fragments, than we had ever observed before. About nine in theevening, a white bear was seen swimming close by the Discovery; itafterward made to the ice, on which were also two others. On the 19th, at one in the morning, the weather clearing up, we againsteered to the N. E. Till two, when we were a second time so completelyembayed, that there was no opening left but to the south; to which quarterwe accordingly directed our course, returning through a remarkably smoothwater, and with very favourable weather, by the same way we had come in. Wewere never able to penetrate farther north than at this time, when ourlatitude was 70° 33'; and this was five leagues short of the point to whichwe advanced last season. We held on to the S. S. W. , with light winds fromthe N. W. , by the edge of the main ice, which lay on our left hand, andstretched between us and the continent of America. Our latitude, byobservation at noon, was 70° 11', our longitude 196° 15', and the depth ofwater sixteen fathoms. From this circumstance, we judged that the Icy Capewas now only at seven or eight leagues distance; but though the weather wasin general clear, it was at the same time hazy in the horizon; so that wecould not expect to see it. [24] In the afternoon we saw two white bears in the water, to which weimmediately gave chase in the jolly-boat, and had the good fortune to killthem both. The larger, which probably was the dam of the younger, beingshot first, the other would not quit it, though it might easily haveescaped on the ice whilst the men were reloading, but remained swimmingabout, till after being fired upon several times, it was shot dead. The dimensions of the larger were as follow: Ft. In. From the snout to the end of the tail 7 2From the snout to the shoulder-bone 2 3Height of the shoulder 4 3Circumference near the fore-legs 4 10Breadth of the fore-paw 10 lb. Weight of the four quarters 436Weight of the four quarters of the smallest 256 On comparing the dimensions of this with Lord Mulgrave's white bear, theywere found almost exactly the same, except in the circumference, whereour's fell exceedingly short. These animals afforded us a few excellent meals of fresh meat. The fleshhad, indeed, a strong filthy taste, but was, in every respect infinitelysuperior to that of the sea-horse; which nevertheless our people were againpersuaded, without much difficulty, to prefer to their salted provisions. At six in the morning of the 20th, a thick fog coming on, we lost sight ofthe ice for two hours; but the weather clearing, we saw the main body againto the S. S. E. , when we hauled our wind, which was easterly, toward it, inthe expectation of making the American coast to the S. E. , and which weeffected at half past ten. At noon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 33', and longitude 194° 53', and the depth of water nineteen fathoms. The landextended from S. By E. To S. S. W. 1/2 W. , distant eight or ten leagues, being the same we had seen last year; but it was now much more covered withsnow than at that time, and to all appearance the ice adhered to the shore. We continued in the afternoon sailing through a sea of loose ice, andstanding toward the land, as near as the wind, which was E. S. E. , wouldadmit. At eight the wind lessening, there came on a thick fog, and onperceiving a rippling in the water, we tried the current, which we found toset to the E. N. E. , at the rate of a mile an hour, and therefore determinedto steer during the night before the wind, in order to stem it, and tooppose the large fragments of loose ice that were setting us on toward theland. The depth of the water at midnight was twenty fathoms. At eight in the morning of the 21st, the wind freshening, and the fogclearing away, we saw the American coast to the S. E. , at the distance ofeight or ten leagues, and hauled in for it; but were stopped again by theice, and obliged to bear away to the westward, along the edge of it. Atnoon, the latitude, by account, was 69° 34', and longitude 193°, and thedepth of water twenty-four fathoms. Thus a connected solid field of ice, rendering every effort we could maketo a nearer approach to the land fruitless, and joining as we judged to it, we took a last farewell of a N. E passage to Old England. I shall beg leaveto give, in Captain Clerke's own words, the reasons of this his finaldetermination, as well as of his future plans; and this the rather, as itis the last transaction his health permitted him to write down. "It is now impossible to proceed the least farther to the northward uponthis coast (America); and it is equally as improbable that this amazingmass of ice should be dissolved by the few remaining summer-weeks whichwill terminate this season; but it will continue, it is to be believed, asit now is, an insurmountable barrier to every attempt we can possibly make. I therefore think it the best step that can be taken, for the good of theservice, to trace the sea over to the Asiatic coast, and to try if I canfind any opening, that will admit me farther north; if not, to see whatmore is to be done upon that coast; where I hope, yet cannot much flattermyself, to meet with better success; for the sea is now so choaked withice, that a passage, I fear, is totally out of the question. " [21] Krusenstern substantially admits the correctness of Captain King's statement respecting the Russian hospital, &c. By saying, expressively enough, things are not quite so bad at present. It is evident, however, from his remarks, that the change to the better is almost to the full amount of being imperceptible, notwithstanding the zeal of some individuals whose exertions he is anxious to eulogize, and his own disposition to believe that their well-meant exertions have not been entirely fruitless. The change, it would seem, consists in the greater quantities of medicine sent to Kamtschatka, and not in the greater practicability of judiciously applying them. This, most persons of discernment will shrewdly suspect, is several degrees worse than problematically a change to the better. At least one could scarcely help desiring rather to accept peaceably the warrant of a natural death, than to risk the enhancement of a conflict on the doubtful aid of a bungling doctor, whose chief recommendation, perhaps, if he would but allow himself to be favoured by it, consisted in his avowed ignorance securing his neutrality. In such a case, indeed, and it seems on the whole to be almost the very one which K. Describes, it is obvious enough that the medicines can at least do no more harm than the bottles and boxes that contain them; but then one cannot easily perceive wherein consists the merit or utility of having provided them, unless, as in the instance of fire-arms hung over the chimney never to be loaded or fired, or in that of idols of wood and stone which adorn the temples of pagans, but which can neither receive nor bestow favours, we shall suppose that the imagination of some potential advantages is quite equivalent to the reality of their operation. Krusenstern has some sensible remarks on the proper method of supplying Kamtschatka with well-qualified physicians, but they are of course foreign to this place, and cannot, therefore, properly be introduced. --E. [22] This bird, which is somewhat larger than the common gull, pursues the latter kind whenever it meets them; the gull, after flying for some time, with loud screams, and evident marks of great terror, drops its dung, which its pursuer immediately darts at, and catches before it falls into the sea. [23] The distance betwixt the two remarkable points now specified, it will be proper for the reader to remember, is estimated at 13 leagues, or about 40 miles, being the nearest approach of the two continents of Asia and America yet ascertained. --E. [24] Captain Cook then must still be allowed to have succeeded in getting farther towards the north in this ocean, than any other navigator. For, from the date of this voyage up to the present period, so far at least as has been published, no one has surpassed the limit of his examination. But it is obvious, from the very circumstance of the difference betwixt the two attempts recorded in this voyage, that a considerable variation in the state and intensity of the obstructing cause may occur in various years. There is a probability then, that a still greater difference might be experienced, affording a practicable opportunity of getting still more towards the north than in either of them. How far this probability, not a great one, as Captain King afterwards suggests, ought to be considered, or how far the expectation of any benefit arising from it, ought to influence in directing another similar undertaking, it is not the province of this work to speculate. But one cannot help remarking, that the Russian government at least, might not be injudiciously employed in ordering one or more vessels, properly fitted up, to be kept in readiness at some port in this distant region of the empire, to take advantage of any season more suitable than another, for prosecuting the enterprise. Nay, is it not far from being romantic to imagine, that the two friendly powers of Russia and Great Britain might actually find a reward, in the promotion of their mutual interest, by a joint and well-concerted plan for opening up a communication by any means betwixt the North Pacific and North Atlantic Oceans? Both of them, one should suppose, must be sensible, that the zeal of their intermediate neighbour (if the expression may be used) the Americans, to discover the practicability of a connexion, and of course to establish one betwixt the opposite sides of the new continent, is not likely to prove altogether fruitless, though perhaps there are still more formidable difficulties in the way of its exercise. A little time will probably demonstrate, that these politic republicans have not in vain emulated the enterprising spirit, or commercial sagacity of the parent state; and that neither of the other governments just now mentioned, has fully profited of all the advantages which its possessions have continued to hold out. --E. SECTION IV. Fruitless Attempts to penetrate through the Ice to the North-West. --Dangerous Situation of the Discovery. --Sea-horses killed. --FreshObstructions from the Ice. --Report of Damages received by the Discovery. --Captain Clerke's Determination to proceed to the Southward. --Joy of theShips' Crews on that Occasion. --Pass Serdze Kamen. --Return throughBeering's Strait. --Enquiry into the Extent of the North-East Coast ofAsia. --Reasons for rejecting Muller's Map of the Promontory of theTschutski. --Reasons for believing the Coast does not reach a higherLatitude than 70-1/2° North. --General Observations on the Impracticabilityof a North-East or North-West Passage from the Atlantic into the PacificOcean. --Comparative View of the Progress made in the Years 1778 and1779. --Remarks on the Sea and Sea-coasts, North of Beering'sStrait. --History of the Voyage resumed. --Pass the Island of StLaurence. --The Island of Mednoi. --Death of Captain Clerke. --Short Accountof his Services. Captain Clerke having determined, for the reasons assigned, to give up allfarther attempts on the coast of America, and to make his last efforts insearch of a passage on the coast of the opposite continent, we continuedduring the afternoon of the 21st of July, to steer to the W. N. W. , throughmuch loose ice. At ten at night, discovering the main body of it throughthe fog, right ahead, and almost close to us, and being unwilling to take asoutherly course so long as we could possibly avoid it, we hauled our wind, which was easterly, and stood to the northward; but in an hour after, theweather clearing up, and finding ourselves surrounded by a compact field ofice on every side, except to the S. S. W. , we tacked and stood on in thatdirection, in order to get clear of it. At noon of the 22d, our latitude, by observation, was 69° 30', andlongitude 187° 30'. In the afternoon we again came up with the ice, whichextended to the N. W. And S. W. , and obliged us to continue our course to thesouthward, in order to weather it. It may be remarked, that, since the 8th of this month, we had twicetraversed this sea, in lines nearly parallel with the run we had just nowmade; that in the first of those traverses we were not able to penetrate sofar north, by eight or ten leagues, as in the second; and that in the lastwe had again found an united body of ice, generally about five leagues tothe southward of its position in the preceding run. As this proves that thelarge compact fields of ice, which we saw, were moveable, or diminishing, at the same time, it does not leave any well-founded expectations ofadvancing much farther in the most favourable seasons. At seven in the evening, the weather being hazy, and no ice in sight, webore away to the westward; but at half past eight the fog dispersing, wefound ourselves in the midst of loose ice, and close in with the main body;we therefore stood upon a wind, which was still easterly, and kept beatingto windward during the night, in hopes of weathering the loose pieces, which the freshness of the wind kept driving down upon us in suchquantities, that we were in manifest danger of being blocked up by them. In the morning of the 23d, the clear water, in which we continued to standto and fro, did not exceed a mile and a half, and was every instantlessening. At length, after using our utmost endeavours to clear the looseice, we were driven to the necessity of forcing the passage to thesouthward, which at half past seven we accomplished, but not withoutsubjecting the ship to some very severe shocks. The Discovery was lesssuccessful. For at eleven, when they had nigh got clear out, she became soentangled by several large pieces, that her way was stopped, andimmediately dropping bodily to leeward, she fell broadside foremost, on theedge of a considerable body of ice; and having at the same time an open seato windward, the surf caused her to strike violently upon it. This mass atlength either so far broke, or moved, as to set them at liberty to makeanother trial to escape; but unfortunately before the ship gathered wayenough to be under command, she again fell to leeward on another fragment;and the swell making it unsafe to lie to windward, and finding no chance ofgetting clear, they pushed into a small opening, furled their sails, andmade fast with ice-hooks. In this dangerous situation we saw them at noon, about three miles from us, bearing N. W. , a fresh gale from the S. E. Driving more ice to the N. W. , andincreasing the body that lay between us. Our latitude, by account, was 69°8', the longitude 187° and the depth of water twenty-eight fathoms. To addto the gloomy apprehensions which began to force themselves on us, at halfpast four in the afternoon, the weather becoming thick and hazy, we lostsight of the Discovery; but that we might be in a situation to afford herevery assistance in our power, we kept standing on close by the edge of theice. At six, the wind happily coming round to the north, gave us some hopesthat the ice might drift away and release her; and in that case, as it wasuncertain in what condition she might come out, We kept firing a gun everyhalf hour, in order to prevent a separation. Our apprehensions for hersafety did not cease till nine, when we heard her guns in answer to ours;and soon after being hailed by her, were informed that upon the change ofwind the ice began to separate; and that setting all their sails, theyforced a passage through it. We learned farther, that whilst they wereencompassed by it, they found the ship drift with the main body to theN. E. , at the rate of half a mile an hour. We were sorry to find that theDiscovery had rubbed off a great deal of the sheathing from her bows, andwas become very leaky, from the strokes she had received when she fell uponthe edge of the ice. On the 24th we had fresh breezes from the S. W. , with hazy weather, and keptrunning to the S. E. Till eleven in the forenoon, when a large body of looseice, extending from N. N. E. Round by the E. , to S. S. E. , and to which (thoughthe weather was tolerably clear) we could see no end, again obstructed ourcourse. We therefore kept working to windward, and at noon our latitude, byobservation, was 68° 53', longitude 188°; the variation of the compass 22°30' E. At four in the afternoon it became calm, and we hoisted out theboats in pursuit of the sea-horses, which were in prodigious herds on everyside of us. We killed ten of them, which were as many as we could make useof for eating, or for converting into lamp-oil. We kept on with the windfrom the S. W. , along the edge of the ice, which extended in a directionalmost due E. And W. , till four in the morning of the 25th, when observinga clear sea beyond it to the S. E. , we made sail that way, with a view offorcing through it. By six we had cleared it, and continued the remainderof the day running to the S. E. , without any ice in sight. At noon, ourlatitude, by observation, was 68° 38', longitude 189° 9', and the depth ofwater thirty fathoms. At midnight we tacked and stood to the westward, witha fresh gale from the S. ; and at ten in the forenoon, of the 26th, the iceagain shewed itself, extending from N. W. To S. It appeared loose, anddrifting by the force of the wind to the northward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 68° N. , longitude 188° 10' E. ; and we had soundingswith twenty-eight fathoms. For the remaining part of the day, and till noonof the 27th, we kept standing backward and forward, in order to clearourselves of different bodies of ice. At noon we were in latitude, byobservation, 67° 47', longitude 188°. At two in the afternoon, we saw thecontinent to the S. By E. ; and at four, having run since noon with a S. S. E. Wind to the S. W. , we were surrounded by loose masses of ice, with the firmbody of it in sight, stretching in a N. By W. And a S. By E. Direction, asfar as the eye could reach; beyond which we saw the coast of Asia, bearingS. And S. By E. As it was now necessary to come to some determination with respect to thecourse we were next to steer, Captain Clerke sent a boat, with thecarpenters, on board the Discovery, to enquire into the particulars of thedamage she had sustained. They returned in the evening, with the report ofCaptain Gore, and of the carpenters of both ships, that the damages theyhad received were of a kind that would require three weeks to repair; andthat it would be necessary, for that purpose, to go into some port. Thus, finding a farther advance to the northward, as well as a nearerapproach to either continent, obstructed by a sea blocked up with ice, wejudged it both injurious to the service, by endangering the safety of theships, as well as fruitless, with respect to the design of our voyage, tomake any farther attempts toward a passage. This, therefore, added to therepresentations of Captain Gore, determined Captain Clerke not to lose moretime in what he concluded to be an unattainable object, but to sail forAwatska Bay, to repair our damages there; and before the winter should setin, and render all other efforts toward discovery impracticable, to explorethe coast of Japan. I will not endeavour to conceal the joy that brightened the countenance ofevery individual, as soon as Captain Clerke's resolutions were made known. We were all heartily sick of a navigation full of danger, and in which theutmost perseverance had not been repaid with the smallest probability ofsuccess. We therefore turned our faces toward home, after an absence ofthree years, with a delight and satisfaction, which, notwithstanding thetedious voyage we had still to make, and the immense distance we had torun, were as freely entertained, and perhaps as fully enjoyed, as if we hadbeen already in sight of the Land's-end. On the 28th, we kept working to windward with a fresh breeze from the S. E. , having the coast of Asia still in sight. At four in the morning, the cape, which, on the authority of Muller, we have called Serdze Kamen, boreS. S. W. , distant six or seven leagues. We saw in different places, upon thetops of the hills, which rise inland on both sides of the cape, protuberances of a considerable height, which had the appearance of hugerocks, or pillars of stone. On the 29th, the wind still continuing contrary, we made but slow progressto the southward. At midnight we had thick foggy weather, accompanied witha breeze from the N. N. W. , with which we directed our course to the S. S. E. Through the strait, and had no land in sight till seven in the evening ofthe 30th, when the fog clearing away, we saw Cape Prince of Wales bearingS. By E. , distant about six leagues; and the island St Diomede, S. W. By W. We now altered our course to the W. , and at eight made the east cape, whichat midnight bore W. By N. , distant four leagues. In the night we steered tothe S. S. W. , with a fresh west-north-westerly breeze; and at four in themorning of the 31st, the east cape bore N. N. E. ; and the N. E. Part of thebay of St Laurence (where we anchored the last year) W. By S. , its distancebeing four leagues. As we could not have worked up to windward without agreater waste of time than the object appeared to deserve, we ran acrossthe bay, regretting much, as we passed along, the loss of this opportunityof paying a second visit to the Tschutski. At noon, our latitude, byobservation, was 65° 6', and longitude 189°. The south point of the bay ofSt Laurence bore N. By W. 1/4 W. , and was distant seven or eight leagues. In the afternoon, the variation was found to be 22° 50' E. Having now passed Beering's Strait, and taken our final leave of the N. E. Coast of Asia, it may not be improper, on this occasion, to state thegrounds on which we have ventured to adopt two general conclusionsrespecting its extent, in opposition to the opinions of Mr Muller. Thefirst, that the promontory named East Cape, is actually the easternmostpoint of that quarter of the globe; or, in other words, that no part of thecontinent extends in longitude beyond 190° 22' E. ; the second, that thelatitude of the north-easternmost extremity falls to the southward of 70°N. With respect to the former, if such land exist, it must necessarily beto the N. Of latitude 69°, where the discoveries made in the present voyageterminate; and, therefore, the probable direction of the coast, beyond thispoint, is the question I shall endeavour, in the first place, toinvestigate. As the Russian is the only nation that has hitherto navigated these seas, all our information respecting the situation of the coast to the northwardof Cape North, must necessarily be derived from the charts and journals ofthe persons who have been employed at various times in ascertaining thelimits of that empire; and these are for the most part so imperfect, soconfused, and contradictory, that it is not easy to form any distinct ideaof their pretended, much less to collect the amount of their realdiscoveries. It is on this account, that the extent and form of thepeninsula, inhabited by the Tschutski, still remains a point on which theRussian geographers are much divided. Mr Muller, in his map, published inthe year 1754, supposes this country to extend toward the N. E. , to the 75°of latitude, and in longitude 190° E. Of Greenwich, and to terminate in around cape, which he calls Tschukotskoi Noss. To the southward of this capehe conceives the coast to form a bay to the westward, bounded in latitude67° 18', by Serdze Kamen, the northernmost point seen by Beering in hisexpedition in the year 1728. The map published by the academy of StPetersburgh, in the year 1776, gives the whole peninsula entirely a newform, placing its north-easternmost extremity in the latitude of 73°, longitude 178° 30'. The easternmost point in latitude 65° 30', longitude189° 30'. All the other maps we saw, both printed and in manuscript, varybetween these two, apparently more according to the fancy of the compiler, than on any grounds of more accurate information. The only point in whichthere is a general coincidence, without any considerable variation, is inthe position of the east cape in latitude 66°. The form of the coast, bothto the S. And N. Of this cape, in the map of the academy, is exceedinglyerroneous, and may be totally disregarded. In that of Mr Muller, the coastto the northward bears a considerable resemblance to our survey, as far asthe latter extends, except that it does not trend sufficiently to thewestward, receding only about 5° of longitude, between the latitude of 66°and 69°; whereas in reality it recedes near ten. Between the latitude of69° and 74°, he makes the coast bend round to the N. And N. E. , and to forma considerable promontory. On what authority now remains to be examined. Mr Coxe, whose accurate researches into this subject give his opinion greatweight, is persuaded that the extremity of the Noss in question was neverpassed but by Deshneff and his party, who sailed from the river Kovyma inthe year 1648, and are supposed to have got round it into the Anadir. Asthe account of this expedition, the substance of which the reader will findin Mr Coxe's Account of Russian Discoveries, contains no geographicaldelineation of the coast along which they sailed, its position must beconjectured from incidental circumstances; and from these it appears verymanifest, that the Tschukotskoi Noss of Deshneff is no other than thepromontory called by Captain Cook the East Cape. Speaking of the Noss, hesays, "One might sail from the isthmus to the river Anadir, with a fairwind, in three days and three nights. " This exactly coincides with thesituation of the East Cape, which is about one hundred and twenty leaguesfrom the mouth of the Anadir; and as there is no other isthmus to thenorthward between that and the latitude of 69°, it is obvious that, by thisdescription, he must intend either the cape in question, or some other tothe southward of it. In another place he says, "Over against the isthmusthere are two islands in the sea, upon which were seen people of theTschutski nation, through whose lips were run pieces of the teeth of thesea-horse. " This again perfectly agrees with the two islands situated tothe S. E. Of the East Cape. We saw indeed no inhabitants on them, but it isnot at all improbable that a party of the Americans from the oppositecontinent, whom this description accurately suits, might, at that time, have been accidentally there; and whom it was natural enough for him tomistake for a tribe of the Tschutski. [25] These two circumstances are of so striking and unequivocal a nature, thatthey appear to me conclusive on the point of the Tschukotskoi Noss, notwithstanding there are others of a more doubtful kind, which we havefrom the same authority, and which now remain to be considered. "To go, "says Deshneff in another account, "from the Kovyma to the Anadir, a greatpromontory must be doubled, which stretches very far into the sea;" andafterwards, "this promontory stretches between N. And N. E. " It was probablyfrom the expressions contained in these passages, that Mr Muller wasinduced to give the country of the Tschutski the form we find in his map;but had he been acquainted with the situation of the east cape, asascertained by Captain Cook, and the remarkable coincidence between it andthis promontory or isthmus, (for it must be observed, that Deshneff appearsto be all along speaking of the same thing), in the circumstances alreadymentioned, I am confident he would not have thought those expressions, merely by themselves, of sufficient weight to warrant him in extending thenorth-eastern extremity of Asia, either so far to the north or to theeastward. For, after all, these expressions are not irreconcilable with theopinion we have adopted, if we suppose Deshneff to have taken thesebearings from the small bight which lies to the westward of the cape. The deposition of the Cossack Popoff, taken at the Anadirskoi ostrog; inthe year 1711, seems to have been the next authority on which Mr Muller hasproceeded; and beside these two, I am not acquainted with any other. ThisCossack, together with several others, was sent by land to demand tributefrom the independent Tschutski tribes, who lived about the Noss. The firstcircumstance in the account of this journey that can lead to the situationof Tschukotskoi Noss, is its distance from Anadirsk; and this is stated tobe ten weeks' journey with loaded rein-deer; on which account, it is added, their day's journey was but very small. It is impossible to conclude muchfrom so vague an account; but, as the distance between the east cape andthe ostrog is upward of two hundred leagues in a straight line, andtherefore may be supposed to allow twelve or fifteen miles a day, itssituation cannot be reckoned incompatible with Popoff's calculation. Thenext circumstance mentioned in this deposition is, that their route lay bythe foot of a rock called Matkol, situated at the bottom of a great gulf. This gulf Muller supposes to be the bay he had laid down between latitude66° and 72°; and accordingly places the rock Matkol in the centre of it;but it appears equally probable, even if we had not so many reasons todoubt the existence of that bay, that it might be some part of the gulf ofAnadir, which they would undoubtedly touch upon in their road from theostrog to the east cape. But what seems to put this matter beyond all dispute, and to prove that thecape visited by Popoff cannot be to the northward of 69° latitude, is, thatpart of his deposition, which I have already quoted, relative to the islandlying off the Noss, from whence the opposite continent might be seen. Foras the two continents in latitude 69°, have diverged so far as to be morethan three hundred miles distant, it is highly improbable that the Asiaticcoast should again trend in such a manner to the eastward, as to comenearly within sight of the coast of America. If these arguments should be deemed conclusive against the existence of thepeninsula of the Tschutski, as laid down by Muller, it will follow that theeast cape is the Tschukotskoi Noss of the[26] more early Russiannavigators; and, consequently, that the undescribed coast from the latitudeof 69° to the mouth of the river Kovyma, must uniformly trend more or lessto the westward. As an additional proof of this, it may be remarked, thatthe Tschukotskoi Noss is always represented as dividing the sea of Kovymafrom that of Anadir, which could not be the case, if any considerable capehad projected to the N. E. In the higher latitudes. Thus, in the depositionstaken at Anadirsk, it is related, "that opposite the Noss, on both sides, as well in the sea of Kovyma, as in that of Anadir, an island is said to beseen at a great distance, which the Tschutski call a large country; and saythat people dwell there who have large teeth put in their mouths thatproject through their cheeks. " Then follows a description of these peopleand their country, exactly corresponding with our accounts of the oppositecontinent. The last question that arises is, to what degree of northern latitude thiscoast extends, before it trends more directly to the westward. If thesituation of the mouth of the Kovyma, both with respect to its latitude andlongitude, were accurately determined, it would perhaps not be verydifficult to form a probable conjecture upon this point. Captain Cook wasalways strongly of opinion that the northern coast of Asia, from theIndigirka eastward, has hitherto been generally laid down more than twodegrees to the northward of its true position; and he has, therefore, onthe authority of a map that was in his possession, and on the informationhe received at Oonalashka, placed the mouth of the river Kovyma, in hischart of the N. W. Coast of America, and the N. E. Coast of Asia, in thelatitude of 68°. Should he be right in this conjecture, it is probable, forthe reasons that have been already stated, that the Asiatic coast does notany where exceed 70°, before it trends to the westward; and consequently, that we were within 1° of its north-eastern extremity. For, if thecontinent be supposed to stretch any where to the northward of ShelatskoiNoss, it is scarcely possible that so extraordinary a circumstance shouldnot have been mentioned by the Russian navigators; and we have alreadyshewn that they make mention of no remarkable promontory between the Kovymaand the Anadir, except the east cape. Another circumstance, related byDeshneff, may, perhaps, be thought a further confirmation of this opinion, namely, that he met with no impediment from ice in navigating round theN. E. Extremity of Asia; though, he adds, that this sea is not always sofree from it, as indeed is manifest from the failure of his firstexpedition, and since that, from the unsuccessful attempts of Shalauroff, and the obstacles we met with, in two different years, in our presentvoyage. [27] The continent left undetermined in our chart between Cape North, and themouth of the Kovyma is, in longitudinal extent, one hundred and twenty-fiveleagues. One-third, or about forty leagues, of this distance, from theKovyma eastward, was explored in the year 1723, by a _sinbo-jarskoi_ ofJakutz, whose name was Feodor Amossoff, by whom Mr Muller was informed, that its direction was to the eastward. It is said to have been sinceaccurately surveyed by Shalauroff, whose chart makes it trend to the N. E. By E. , as far as the Shelatskoi Noss, which he places about forty-threeleagues to the eastward of the Kovyma. The space between this Noss and CapeNorth, about eighty-two leagues, is therefore the only part of the Russianempire that now remains unascertained. But if the river Kovyma be erroneously situated with respect to itslongitude, as well as in its latitude, a supposition for which probablegrounds are not wanting, the extent of the unexplored coast will becomeproportionably diminished. The reasons which incline me to believe that themouth of this river is placed in the Russian charts much too far to thewestward, are as follow: First, because the accounts that are given of thenavigation of the Frozen Sea from that river, round the N. E. Point of Asiato the gulf of Anadir, do not accord with the supposed distance betweenthose places. Secondly, because the distance over land from the Kovyma tothe Anadir is represented by the early Russian travellers as a journeyeasily performed, and of no very extraordinary length. Thirdly, because thecoast from the Shelatskoi Noss of Shalauroff[28] seems to trend directlyS. E. To the East Cape. If this be so, it will follow, that as we wereprobably not more than 1° to the southward of Shelatskoi Noss, only sixtymiles of the Asiatic coast remain unascertained. [29] Had Captain Cook lived to this period of our voyage, and experienced, in asecond attempt, the impracticability of a N. E. Or N. W. Passage from thePacific to the Atlantic Ocean, he would doubtless have laid before thepublic, in one connected view, an account of the obstacles which defeatedthis, the primary object of our expedition, together with his observationson a subject of such magnitude, and which had engaged the attention anddivided the opinions of philosophers and navigators for upward of twohundred years. I am very sensible how unequal I am to the task of supplyingthis deficiency; but that the expectations of the reader may not be whollydisappointed, I must beg his candid acceptance of the followingobservations, as well as of those I have already ventured to offer him, relative to the extent of the N. E. Coast of Asia. The evidence that has been so fully and judiciously stated in theintroduction, amounts to the highest degree of probability that a N. W. Passage from the Atlantic into the Pacific Ocean, cannot exist to thesouthward of 65° of latitude. If then there exist a passage, it must beeither through Baffin's Bay, or round by the north of Greenland, in thewestern hemisphere, or else through the Frozen Ocean, to the northward ofSiberia, in the eastern; and on whichever side it lies, the navigator mustnecessarily pass through Beering's Strait. The impracticability ofpenetrating into the Atlantic on either side, through the strait, istherefore all that remains to be submitted to the consideration of thepublic. As far as our experience went, it appears, that the sea to the north ofBeering's Strait is clearer of ice in August than in July, and perhaps in apart of September it may be still more free. But after the equinox the daysshorten so fast, that no farther thaw can be expected; and we cannotrationally allow so great an effect to the warm weather in the first halfof September, as to imagine it capable of dispersing the ice from the mostnorthern parts of the American coast. But admitting this to be possible, itmust at least be granted, that it would be madness to attempt to run fromthe Icy Cape to the known parts of Baffin's Bay, (a distance of fourhundred and twenty leagues), in so short a time as that passage can besupposed to continue open. [30] Upon the Asiatic side, there appears still less probability of success, both from what came to our own knowledge, with respect to the state of thesea to the southward of Cape North, and also from what we learn from theexperience of the[31] lieutenants under Beering's direction, and thejournal of Shalauroff, in regard to that on the north of Siberia. The voyage of Deshneff, if its truth be admitted, proves undoubtedly thepossibility of passing round the N. E. Point of Asia; but when the readerreflects that near a century and a half has elapsed since the time of thatnavigator, during which, in an age of great curiosity and enterprize, noman has yet been able to follow him, he will not entertain very sanguineexpectations of the public advantages that can be derived from it. But letus even suppose, that in some singularly favourable season a ship has founda clear passage round the coast of Siberia, and is safely arrived at themouth of the Lena, still there remains the Cape of Taimura, stretching tothe 78° of latitude, which the good fortune of no single voyager hashitherto doubled. It is, however, contended, that there are strong reasons for believing thatthe sea is more free from ice the nearer we approach to the Pole; and thatall the ice we saw in the lower latitudes was formed in the great rivers ofSiberia and America, the breaking up of which had filled the intermediatesea. But even if that supposition be true, it is equally so, that there canbe no access to those open seas, unless this great mass of ice is so fardissolved in the summer as to admit of a ship's getting through it. If thisbe the fact, we have taken a wrong time of the year for attempting to findthis passage, which should have been explored in April and May, before therivers were broken up. But how many reasons may be given against such asupposition? Our experience at Saint Peter and Saint Paul enabled us tojudge what might be expected farther north; and upon that ground we hadreason to doubt whether the continents might not in winter be even joinedby the ice; and this agreed with the stories we heard in Kamtschatka, thaton the Siberian coast they go out from the shore in winter upon the ice togreater distances than the breadth of the sea is in some parts from onecontinent to the other. In the depositions referred to above, the following remarkable circumstanceis related. Speaking of the land seen from the Tschukotskoi Noss, it issaid, "that in summer time they sail in one day to the land in baidares, asort of vessel constructed of whale-bone, and covered with seal-skins; andin winter time, going swift with rein-deer, the journey may be likewisemade in one day. " A sufficient proof that the two countries were usuallyjoined together by the ice. The account given by Mr Muller of one of the expeditions undertaken todiscover a supposed island in the Frozen Sea, is still more remarkable. "Inthe year 1714, a new expedition was prepared from Jakutzk, for the sameplace, under the command of Alexei Markoff, who was to sail from the mouthof the Jana; and if the _Schitiki_ were not fit for sea-voyages, he was toconstruct, at a proper place, vessels fit for prosecuting the discoverieswithout danger. "On his arrival at Ust-janskoe Simovie, the port at which he was to embark, he sent an account, dated February 2, 1715, to the Chancery of Jakutzk, mentioning that it was impossible to navigate the sea, as it wascontinually frozen both in summer and winter; and that consequently theintended expedition was no otherwise to be carried on but with sledgesdrawn by dogs. In this manner he accordingly set out, with nine persons, onthe 10th of March the same year, and returned on the 3d of April, to Ust-janskoe Simovie. The account of his journey is as follows: That he wentseven days as fast as his dogs could draw him, (which, in good ways andweather, is eighty or a hundred wersts in a day) directly towards thenorth, upon the ice, without discovering any island; that it had not beenpossible for him to proceed any farther, the ice rising there in the sealike mountains; that he had climbed to the top of some of them, whence hewas able to see to a great distance round about him, but could discern noappearance of land; and that at last wanting food for his dogs, many ofthem died, which obliged him to return. " Besides these arguments, which proceed upon an admission of the hypothesis, that the ice in those seas comes from the rivers, there are others whichgive great room to suspect the truth of the hypothesis itself. CaptainCook, whose opinion respecting the formation of ice had formerly coincidedwith that of the theorists we are now controverting, found abundant reason, in the present voyage, for changing his sentiments. We found the coast ofeach continent to be low, the soundings gradually decreasing toward them, and a striking resemblance between the two; which, together with thedescription Mr Hearne gives of the copper-mine river, afford reason toconjecture, that whatever rivers may empty themselves into the Frozen Sea, from the American continent, are of the same nature with those on theAsiatic side, which are represented to be so shallow at the entrance, as toadmit only small vessels; whereas the ice we have seen rises above thelevel of the sea to a height equal to the depth of those rivers, so thatits entire height must be at least ten times greater. The curious reader will also, in this place, be led naturally to reflect onanother circumstance, which appears very incompatible with the opinion ofthose who imagine land to be necessary for the formation of ice; I mean thedifferent state of the sea about Spitsbergen, and to the north of Beering'sStrait. It is incumbent on them to explain how it comes to pass, that inthe former quarter, and in the vicinity of much known land, the navigatorannually penetrates to near 80° N. Latitude; whereas, on the other side, his utmost efforts have not been able to carry him beyond 71°; where, moreover, the continents diverge nearly E. And W. , and where there is noland yet known to exist near the Pole. For the farther satisfaction of thereader on this point, I shall beg leave to refer him to _Observations madeduring a Voyage round the World_, by Dr Forster, where he will find thequestion of the formation of ice fully and satisfactorily discussed, andthe probability of open polar seas disproved by a variety of powerfularguments. [32] I shall conclude these remarks with a short comparative view of theprogress we made to the northward, at the two different seasons we wereengaged in that pursuit, together with a few general observations relativeto the sea, and the coasts of the two continents, which lie to the north ofBeering's Strait. It may be observed, that in the year 1778 we did not meet with the ice tillwe advanced to the latitude of 70°, on August 17th, and that then we foundit in compact bodies, extending as far as the eye could reach, and of whicha part or the whole was moveable, since, by its drifting down, upon us, wenarrowly escaped being hemmed in between it and the land. Afterexperiencing both how fruitless and dangerous it would be to attempt topenetrate farther north, between the ice and the land, we stood over towardthe Asiatic side, between the latitude 69° and 70°, frequently encounteringin this tract large and extensive fields of ice; and though, by reason, ofthe fogs and thickness of the weather, we were not able absolutely andentirely to trace a connected line of it across, yet we were sure to meetwith it before we reached the latitude of 70°, whenever we attempted tostand to the northward. On the 26th of August, in latitude 69-3/4°, andlongitude 184°, we were obstructed by it in such quantities, as made itimpossible for us to pass either to the north or west, and obliged us torun along the edge of it to the S. S. W. , till we saw land, which weafterward found to be the coast of Asia. With the season thus far advanced, the weather setting in with snow and sleet, and other signs of approachingwinter, we abandoned our enterprize for that time. In this second attempt we could do little more than confirm theobservations we had made in the first; for we were never able to approachthe continent of Asia higher than the latitude 67°, nor that of America inany parts, excepting a few leagues between the latitude of 68° and 68° 20', that were not seen the last year. We were now obstructed by ice 3° lower, and our endeavours to push farther to the northward were principallyconfined to the mid-space between the two coasts. We penetrated near 3°farther on the American side than on the Asiatic, meeting with the ice bothyears sooner, and in greater quantities on the latter coast. As we advancedN. , we still found the ice more compact and solid; yet, as in our differenttraverses from side to side, we passed over spaces which had, before beencovered with it, we conjectured that most of what we saw was moveable. Itsheight, on a medium, we took to be from eight to ten feet, and that of thehighest to have been sixteen or eighteen. We again tried the currentstwice, and found them unequal, but never to exceed one mile an hour. Bycomparing the reckoning with the observations, we also found the current toset different ways, yet more from the S. W. Than any other quarter; butwhatever their direction might be, their effect was so trifling, that noconclusions respecting the existence of any passage to the northward couldbe drawn from them. We found the month of July to be infinitely colder thanthat of August. The thermometer in July was once at 28°, and very commonlyat 30°; whereas the last year, in August, it was very rare to have it solow as the freezing point. In both seasons we had some high winds, all ofwhich came from the S. W. We were subject to fogs whenever the wind wasmoderate, from whatever quarter, but they attended southerly winds moreconstantly than contrary ones. [33] The straits between the two continents, at their nearest approach inlatitude 66°, were ascertained to be thirteen leagues, beyond which theydiverge to N. E. By E. And W. N. W. ; and in latitude 69°, they become 14° oflongitude, or about one hundred leagues asunder. A great similarity isobservable in the appearance of the two countries, to the northward of thestraits. Both are destitute of wood. The shores are low, with mountainsrising to a great height farther up the country. The depth of water in themid-way between them was twenty-nine and thirty fathoms, decreasinggradually as we approached either continent, with the difference of beingsomewhat shoaler on the American than on the Asiatic coast, at the samedistance from land. The bottom in the middle was a soft slimy mud, and ondrawing near to either shore, a brown sand, intermixed with small fragmentsof bones, and a few shells. We observed but little tide or current; whatthere was came from the westward. But it is now time to resume the narrative of our voyage, which was brokenoff on the 31st of July, on which day at noon we had advanced eighteenleagues to the southward of the East Cape. We had light airs from the S. W. , till noon of the 1st of August, at whichtime our latitude, by observation, was 64° 23', longitude 189° 15'; thecoast of Asia extended from N. W. By W. To W. 1/2 S, distant about twelveleagues; and the land to the eastward of St Laurence bore S. 1/2 W. On the2d, the weather becoming clear, we saw the same land at noon, bearing fromW. S. W. 1/2 W. To S. E. , making in a number of high hummocks, which had theappearance of separate islands; the latitude, by observation, was 64° 3', longitude 189° 28', and depth of water seventeen fathoms. We did notapproach this land sufficiently near to determine whether it was oneisland, or composed to a cluster together. Its westernmost part we passedJuly 3d, in the evening, and then supposed to be the island of St Laurence;the easternmost we ran close by in September last year, and this we namedClerke's Island, and found it to consist of a number of high cliffs, joinedtogether by very low land. Though we mistook the last year those cliffs forseparate islands, till we approached very near the shore, I should stillconjecture that the island Saint Laurence was distinct from Clerke'sIsland, since there appeared a considerable space between them, where wecould not perceive the smallest rising of ground. [34] In the afternoon wealso saw what bore the appearance of a small island to the N. E. Of the landwhich was seen at noon, and which, from the haziness of the weather, we hadonly sight of once. We estimated its distance to be nineteen leagues fromthe island of St Laurence, in a N. E. By E. 1/2 E. Direction. On the 3d, wehad light variable winds, and directed our course round the N. W. Point ofthe island of Saint Laurence. On the 4th, at noon, our latitude by accountwas 64° 8', longitude 188°; the island Saint Laurence bearing S. 1/4 E. , distant seven leagues. In the afternoon, a fresh breeze springing up fromthe E. , we steered to the S. S. W. , and soon lost sight of Saint Laurence. Onthe 7th, at noon, the latitude by observation was 59° 38', longitude 183°. In the afternoon it fell calm, and we got a great number of cod in seventy-eight fathoms of water. The variation was found to be 19° E. From this timeto the 17th, we were making the best of our way to the S. , without anyoccurrence worth remarking, except that the wind coming from the westernquarter, forced us farther to the eastward than we wished, as it was ourintention to make Beering's Island. On the 17th, at half-past four in the morning, we saw land to the N. W. , which we could not approach, the wind blowing from that quarter. At noon, the latitude by observation was 53° 49', longitude 168° 5', and variation10° E. The land in sight bore N. By W. Twelve or fourteen leagues distant. This land we take to be the island Mednoi, laid down in the Russian chartsto the S. E. Of Beering's Island. It is high land, and appeared clear ofsnow. We place it in the latitude 54° 28', longitude 167° 52'. We got nosoundings with one hundred and fifty fathoms of line. Captain Clerke was now no longer able to get out of his bed; he thereforedesired that the officers would receive their orders from me, and directedthat we should proceed with all speed to Awatska Bay. The wind continuingwesterly, we stood on to the S. , till early on the morning of the 19th, when, after a few hours rain, it blew from the eastward, and freshened to astrong gale. We accordingly made the most of it whilst it lasted, bystanding to the westward under all the sail we could carry. On the 20th, the wind shifting to the S. W. , our course was to the W. N. W. At noon, thelatitude by observation was 53° 7', longitude 162° 49'. On the 21st, athalf-past five in the morning, we saw a very high peaked mountain on thecoast of Kamtschatka, called Cheepoonskoi Mountain, from its lying behindthe Noss, bearing N. W. By N. , twenty-five or thirty leagues distant. Atnoon, the coast extended from N. By E. To W. , with a very great hazinessupon it, and distant about twelve leagues. We had light airs the remainingpart of this and the following day, and got no soundings with one hundredand forty fathoms of line. On the 22d of August, 1779. At nine o'clock in the morning, departed thislife Captain Charles Clerke, in the thirty-eighth year of his age. He diedof a consumption, which had evidently commenced before he left England, andof which he had lingered during the whole voyage. His very gradual decayhad long made him a melancholy object to his friends; yet the equanimitywith which he bore it, the constant flow of good spirits which continued tothe last hour, and a cheerful resignation to his fate, afforded them someconsolation. It was impossible not to feel a more than common degree ofcompassion for a person whose life had been a continued scene of thosedifficulties and hardships to which a seaman's occupation is subject, andunder which he at last sank. He was brought up to the navy from hisearliest youth, and had been in several actions during the war which beganin 1756, particularly in that between the Bellona and Courageux, where, being stationed in the mizen-top, he was carried overboard with the mast, but was taken up without having received any hurt. He was midshipman in theDolphin, commanded by Commodore Byron, on her first voyage round the world, and afterward served on the American station. In 1768, he made his secondvoyage round the world in the Endeavour, as master's mate, and by thepromotion which took place during the expedition, he returned a lieutenant. His third voyage round the world was in the Resolution, of which he wasappointed the second lieutenant; and soon after his return in 1775, he waspromoted to the rank of master and commander. When the present expeditionwas ordered to be fitted out, he was appointed to the Discovery, toaccompany Captain Cook; and, by the death of the latter, succeeded, as hasbeen already mentioned, to the chief command. It would be doing his memory extreme injustice not to say, that during theshort time the expedition was under his direction, he was most zealous andanxious for its success. His health, about the time the principal commanddevolved upon him, began to decline very rapidly, and was every way unequalto encounter the rigours of a high northern climate. But the vigour andactivity of his mind had, in no shape, suffered by the decay of his body;and though he knew, that by delaying his return to a warmer climate, he wasgiving up the only chance that remained for his recovery, yet, careful andjealous to the last degree, that a regard to his own situation should neverbias his judgment to the prejudice of the service, he persevered in thesearch of a passage, till it was the opinion of every officer in both shipsthat it was impracticable, and that any farther attempts would not only befruitless but dangerous. [25] From the circumstance, related in the last volume, that gave name to Sledge Island, it appears that the inhabitants of the adjacent continents visit occasionally the small islands lying between them, probably for the conveniency of fishing, or in pursuit of furs. It appears also from Popoff's deposition, which I shall have occasion to speak of more particularly hereafter, that the general resemblance between the people, who are seen in these islands, and the Tschutski, was sufficient to lead Deshneff into the error of imagining them to be the same. "Opposite to the Noss, " he says, "is an island of moderate size, without trees, whose inhabitants _resemble in their exterior the Tschutski, although they are quite another nation_; not numerous, indeed, yet speaking their own particular language. " Again, "One may go in a baidare from the Noss to the island in half a day; beyond is a great continent, which can be discovered from the island in serene weather. When the weather is good, one may go from the island to the continent in a day. _The inhabitants of the continent are similar to the Tschutski, excepting that they speak another language_. " [26] I mention the more early Russian navigators, because Beering, whom we have also followed, and after him all the late Russian geographers, have given this name to the S. E. Cape of the peninsula of the Tschutski, which was formerly called the Anadirskoi Noss. [27] It ought, however, to be recollected, that though Shalauroff is conceived never to have doubled Shelatskoi Noss, he nevertheless does not appear to have considered there was any particular difficulty in doing so. In his first attempt to sail from the Kovyma to the Eastern Ocean, he was necessitated, by contrary winds, and the too far advanced season of the year, to seek for a watering-place, before having reached that cape. In the following year, again, he was frustrated by want of provisions, and a mutiny of his crew, which forced him to return to the Lena. The progress of his last enterprise is somewhat uncertain, as neither he nor any of his crew ever returned. But there are tolerably good reasons for believing, that, at all events, he had surmounted the navigation of this cape, if not for the opinion, that he actually accomplished the chief object of his voyage, by bringing his vessel to the mouth of the Anadir, where, it is on the whole, most probable, they were killed by the Tschutski. This last circumstance, however, it is to be allowed Mr Coxe, affords no decisive proof that they had doubled the eastern extremity of Asia, for it is possible they might have reached the Anadir by a journey over land. After all, then, we are forced to revert to Deshneff's voyage as the solitary evidence, and that too but imperfectly elucidated, of the practicability of reaching the Eastern Ocean from the north coast of Asia. --E. [28] See chart in Coxe's Account of Russian Discoveries. [29] Here, it is not unlikely, some readers will feel regret, that a greater sacrifice was not made, or a longer continued effort practised, or a renewed attempt hazarded, in order to overcome so inconsiderable a space, and so to double Shelatskoi Noss, whence, it may be thought, there could have been comparatively little difficulty in prosecuting the object of the voyage. The feeling is not unreasonable, provided it be not made the basis of any thing like censure on the management of the undertaking; in which case, it must soon give way to the conviction of the superior good sense, and the higher interest (excluding altogether, which is manifestly inhuman, every concern for the persons immediately engaged in the enterprise) displayed by the determination to abandon the attempt. To the force of this conviction, it may be necessary to add the very material consideration, that, even had it been any way practicable to double the cape in question, and to reach the Lena in the same track as Shalauroff, there would have still remained the space betwixt that river and Archangel, which, though undoubtedly to a great degree explored, does not appear to have been ever altogether navigated. To the merely fanciful caviller at the result of this attempt, it would be a prostitution of time and patience, even if one had both in the requisite quantity, to offer a reply. But the observations which Captain King immediately makes on this subject, will probably obviate any objection which the most sanguine mind will be disposed to entertain, and perhaps there was little occasion to subjoin a single remark to his opinion. --E. [30] This is the only point on which, it seems possible, to question the reasoning of Captain King, and that altogether on the ground of Mr McKenzie's discovery, which of course was not known to that officer. In virtue of that discovery, it seems obvious enough, that the implied necessity of the run from the Icy Cape to Baffin's Bay in one short season, according to the above argument, is reduced; though it would be erroneous, to say, that the importance of the discovery is such as very materially to modify the occasion for so great a navigation at one stretch. But enough perhaps has been said on a subject, which can scarcely be expected to claim more attention than it has done already, or which, if it be yet destined to prompt to farther undertakings, will do so for some such reasons, and on such grounds, as were formerly adverted to. --E. [31] See Gmelin, pages 369, 374. [32] The reader may recollect that his attention was formerly directed to the same work, and for the same reason. It ought now to be remarked, that the subject has very recently attracted much attention by the additional enquiries and observations of Mr Scoresby, as communicated to the Wernerian Society of Edinburgh, and which are likely to lead to some important results. --E. [33] It is worth while to remember that a corresponding observation as to the comparative prevalence of fogs during a northerly wind, was made in Cook's second voyage when navigating in a high south latitude. --E. [34] But this opinion is not admitted by Mr Arrowsmith, who has given but one island in this position, as we have already mentioned. --E. SECTION V. Return to the Harbour of Saint Peter and St Paul. --Promotion of Officers. --Funeral of Captain Clerke. --Damages of the Discovery repaired. --Variousother Occupations of the Ships' Crews. --Letters from the Commander. --Supplyof Flour and Naval Stores from a Russian Galliot. --Account of an Exile. --Bear-hunting and fishing Parties. --Disgrace of the Serjeant. --Celebrationof the King's Coronation Day, and Visit from the Commander. --The Serjeantreinstated. --A Russian Soldier promoted at our Request. --Remarks on theDiscipline of the Russian Army. --Church at Paratounca. --Method of Bear-hunting--Farther Account of the Bears and Kamtschadales. --Inscription tothe Memory of Captain Clerke. --Supply of Cattle. --Entertainments on theEmpress's Name Day. --Present from the Commander. --Attempt of a Marine todesert. --Work out of the Bay. --Nautical and Geographical Description ofAwatska Bay. --Astronomical Tables and Observations. I sent Mr Williamson to acquaint Captain Gore with the death of CaptainClerke, and received a letter from him, ordering me to use all myendeavours to keep in company with the Discovery; and, in case of aseparation, to make the best of my way to the harbour of Saint Peter andSaint Paul. At noon, we were in latitude 53° 8' N. , longitude 160° 40' E. , with Cheepoonskoi Noss bearing W. We had light airs in the afternoon, whichlasted through the forenoon of the 23d. At noon, a fresh breeze springingup from the eastward, we stood in for the entrance of Awatska Bay; and, atsix in the evening, saw it bearing W. N. W. 1/2 W. , distant five leagues. Ateight, the light-house, in which we now found a good light, bore N. W. ByW. , three miles distant. The wind about this time died away; but the tidebeing in our favour, we sent the boats ahead, and towed beyond the narrowparts of the entrance; and, at one o'clock in the morning of the 24th, theebb tide setting against us, we dropped anchor. At nine we weighed, andturned up the bay with light airs, and the boats still ahead till one;when, by the help of a fresh breeze, we anchored before three in theafternoon in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, with our ensignhalf staff up, on account of our carrying the body of our late captain, andwere soon after followed by the Discovery. We had no sooner anchored than our old friend the serjeant, who was stillthe commander of the place, came on board with a present of berries, intended for our poor deceased captain. He was exceedingly affected when wetold him of his death, and shewed him the coffin that contained his body. And as it was Captain Clerke's particular request to be buried on shore, and, if possible, in the church of Paratounca, we took the presentopportunity of explaining this matter to the serjeant, and consulting withhim about the proper steps to be taken on the occasion. In the course ofour conversation, which, for want of an interpreter, was carried on butimperfectly, we learned that Professor De L'lsle and several othergentlemen who died here, had been buried in the ground near the barracks atthe _ostrog_ of Saint Peter and Saint Paul's; and that this place would bepreferable to Paratounca, as the church was to be removed thither the nextyear. It was therefore determined that we should wait for the arrival ofthe priest of Paratounca, whom the serjeant advised us to send for, as theonly person that could satisfy our enquiries on this subject. The serjeanthaving, at the same time, signified his intention of sending off an expressto the commander at Bolcheretsk, to acquaint him with our arrival, CaptainGore availed himself of that occasion of writing him a letter, in which herequested that sixteen head of black cattle might be sent with all possibleexpedition. And because the commander did not understand any languageexcept his own, the nature of our request was made known to the serjeant, who readily undertook to send, along with our letter, an explanation of itscontents. We could not help remarking, that, although the country was much improvedin its appearance since we were last here, the Russians looked, ifpossible, worse now than they did then. It is to be owned, they observed, that this was also the case with us; and, as neither party seemed to liketo be told of their bad looks, we found mutual consolation in throwing theblame upon the country, whose green and lively complexion, we agreed, casta deadness and sallowness upon our own. The eruption of the _volcano_, which was so violent when we sailed out ofthe bay, we found had done no damage here, notwithstanding stones hadfallen at the _ostrog_ of the size of a goose's egg. This was all the newswe had to enquire after, and all they had to tell, excepting that of thearrival of Soposnikoff from Oonalashka, who took charge of the packetCaptain Cook had sent to the Admiralty, and which, it gave us muchsatisfaction to find, had been forwarded. In the morning of the 25th, Captain Gore made out the new commissions, inconsequence of Captain Clerke's death, appointing himself to the command ofthe Resolution, and me to the command of the Discovery; and Mr Lanyan, master's mate of the Resolution, who had served in that capacity on boardthe Adventure in the former voyage, was promoted to the vacant lieutenancy. These promotions produced the following farther arrangements: LieutenantsBurney and Rickman were removed from the Discovery to be first and secondlieutenants of the Resolution; and lieutenant Williamson was appointedfirst lieutenant of the Discovery. Captain Gore also permitted me to takeinto the Discovery four midshipmen, who had made themselves useful to me inastronomical calculations, and whose assistance was now particularlynecessary; as we had no _ephemeris_ for the present year. And, thatastronomical observations might continue to be made in both ships, MrBayley took my place in the Resolution. The same day we were visited by thePope Romanoff Vereshagen, the worthy priest of Paratounca. He expressed hissorrow at the death of Captain Clerke in a manner that did honour to hisfeelings, and confirmed the account given by the serjeant respecting theintended removal of the church to the harbour, adding, that the timber wasactually preparing, but leaving the choice of either place entirely toCaptain Gore. The Discovery, as has been mentioned, had suffered great damage from theice, particularly on the 23d day of July; and having ever since beenexceedingly leaky, it was imagined that some of her timbers had started. Captain Gore therefore sent the carpenters of the Resolution to assist ourown in repairing her; and, accordingly, the forehold being cleared, tolighten her forward, they were set to work, to rip the damaged sheathingfrom the larboard bow. This operation discovered, that three feet of thethird strake, under the wale, were staved and the timbers within started. Atent was next erected for the accommodation of such of our people as wereemployed on shore; and a party were sent a mile into the country, to thenorthward of the harbour, to fell timber. The observatories were erected atthe west end of the village, near a tent in which Captain Gore and myselftook up our abode. The farther we proceeded in removing the sheathing, the more we discoveredof the decayed state of the ship's hull. The next morning, eight feet of aplank in the wale were found to be so exceedingly rotten, as to make itnecessary to shift it. This left us for some time at a stand, as nothingwas to be found in either ship wherewith to replace it, unless we chose tocut up a top-mast, an expedient not to be had recourse to, till all othersfailed. The carpenters were, therefore, sent on shore in the afternoon, insearch of a tree big enough for the purpose. Luckily they found a birch, which I believe was the only one of sufficient size in the wholeneighbourhood of the bay, and which had been sawed down by us when we werelast here; so that it had the advantage of having lain some time to season. This was shaped on the spot, and brought on board the next morning. As the season was now so far advanced, I was fearful lest any delay orhindrance should arise, on our parts, to Captain Gore's farther views ofdiscovery, and therefore gave orders that no more sheathing should beripped off than was absolutely necessary for repairing the damagessustained by the ice. This I did, being apprehensive of their meeting withmore decayed planks, which, I judged, had much better remain in that state, than be filled up with green birch, upon a supposition that such was to behad. All hands were at present busily employed in separate duties, thatevery thing might be in readiness for sea against the time our carpentersshould have finished their work. We set apart four men to haul the seinefor salmon, which were caught in great abundance, and found to be of anexcellent quality. After supplying the immediate wants of both ships, wesalted down near a hogshead a day. The invalids, who were four in number, were employed in gathering greens, and in cooking for the parties on shore. Our powder was also landed, in order to be dried; and the seahorse blubber, with which both ships, in our passage to the north, (as has been beforerelated, ) had stored themselves, was now boiled down for oil, which wasbecome a necessary article, our candles having long since been expended. The cooper was fully engaged in his department; and in this manner wereboth ships' companies employed in their several occupations, till Saturdayafternoon, which was given up to all our men, except the carpenters, forthe purpose of washing their linen, and getting their clothes in somelittle order, that they might make a decent appearance on Sunday. In the afternoon of that day, we paid the last offices to Captain Clerke. The officers and men of both ships walked in procession to the grave, whilst the ships fired minute-guns; and the service being ended, themarines fired three vollies. He was interred under a tree which stands onrising ground, in the valley to the north side of the harbour, where thehospital and store-houses are situated; Captain Gore having judged thissituation most agreeable to the last wishes of the deceased, for thereasons above-mentioned; and the priest of Paratounca having pointed out aspot for his grave, which, he said, would be, as near as he could guess, inthe centre of the new church. This reverend pastor walked in the processionalong with the gentleman who read the service; and all the Russians in thegarrison were assembled, and attended with great respect and solemnity. On the 30th, the different parties returned to their respectiveemployments, as mentioned in the course of the preceding week; and, on the2d of September, the carpenters having shifted the rotten and damagedplanks, and repaired and caulked the sheathing of the larboard bow, proceeded to rip off the sheathing that had been injured by the ice, fromthe starboard side. Here again they discovered four feet of a plank, in thethird strake under the wale, so shaken, as to make it necessary to bereplaced. This was accordingly done, and the sheathing repaired on the 3d. In the afternoon of the same day, we got on board some ballast, unhung therudder, and sent it on shore, the lead of the pintles being found entirelyworn away, and a great part of the sheathing rubbed off. As the carpentersof the Resolution were not yet wanted, we got this set to rights the nextday, but finding the rudder out of all proportion heavy, even heavier thanthat of the Resolution, we let it remain on shore in order to dry andlighten. The same day an ensign arrived from Bolcheretsk with a letter from thecommander to Captain Gore, which we put into the serjeant's hands, and, byhis assistance, were made to understand, that orders had been given aboutthe cattle, and that they might be expected here in the course of a fewdays; and, moreover, that Captain Shmaleff, the present commander, wouldhimself pay us a visit immediately on the arrival of a sloop which wasdaily expected from Okotzk. The young officer who brought the letter wasthe son of the Captain-lieutenant Synd, who commanded an expedition ondiscovery, between Asia and America, eleven years ago, and resided at thistime at Okotzk. [35] He informed us, that he was sent to receive ourdirections, and to take care to get us supplied with whatever our servicemight require; and that he should remain with us till the commander washimself able to leave Bolcheretsk; after which he was to return, that thegarrison there might not be left without an officer. On the 5th, the parties that were on shore returned on board, and wereemployed in scrubbing the ship's bottom, and getting in eight tons ofshingle ballast. We also got up two of our guns that had been stowed in thefore-hold, and mounted them on the deck, being now about to visit nations, our reception amongst whom might a good deal depend on the respectabilityof our appearance. The Resolution hauled on shore on the 8th, to repair some damage which shehad also received among the ice, in her cut-water, and our carpenters intheir turn, were sent to her assistance. About this time we began to brew a strong decoction of a species of dwarf-pine that grows here in great abundance, thinking that it might hereafterbe useful in making beer, and that we should probably be able to procuresugar or molasses to ferment with it at Canton. At all events I was sure itwould be serviceable as a medicine for the scurvy; and was moreparticularly desirous of supplying myself with as much of it as I couldprocure, because most of the preventatives we had brought out were eitherused, or spoiled by keeping. By the time we had prepared a hogshead of it, the ship's copper was discovered to be very thin, and cracked in manyplaces. This obliged me to desist, and to give orders that it should beused as sparingly for the future as possible. It might, perhaps, be anuseful precaution for those who may hereafter be engaged in long voyages ofthis kind, either to provide themselves with a spare copper, or to see thatthe copper usually furnished be of the strongest kind. The various extra-services, in which it will be found necessary to employ them, andespecially the important one of making antiscorbutic decoctions, seemabsolutely to require some such provision; and I should rather recommendthe former, on account of the additional quantity of fuel that would beconsumed in heating thick coppers. In the morning of the 10th, the boats from both ships were sent to tow intothe harbour a Russian galliot from Okotzk. She had been thirty-five days onher passage, and had been seen from the light-house a fortnight ago, beating up toward the mouth of the bay. At that time the crew had senttheir only boat on shore for water, of which they now began to be in greatwant; and the wind freshening, the boat was lost on its return, and thegalliot, being driven out to sea again, had suffered exceedingly. There were fifty soldiers in her, with their wives and children, andseveral other passengers, besides the crew, which consisted of twenty-five, so that they had upward of an hundred souls on board. A great number for avessel of eighty tons; and that was also heavy laden with stores andprovisions. Both this galliot, and the sloop we saw here in May, are builtlike the Dutch doggers. Soon after she had come to anchor, we received avisit from a _put-parouchick_, or sub-lieutenant, who was a passenger inthe galliot, and sent to take the command of this place. Part of thesoldiers, we understood, were also designed to reinforce the garrison; andtwo pieces of small cannon were landed, as an additional defence to thetown. It should seem, from these circumstances, that our visit here haddrawn the attention of the Russian commanders in Siberia, to thedefenceless situation of the place; and I was told by the honest serjeant, with many significant shrugs, that, as we had found our way into it, othernations might do the same, some of whom might not be altogether sowelcome. [36] Next morning the Resolution hauled off from the shore, having repaired thedamages she had sustained by the ice; and, in the course of the day, we gotfrom the galliot a small quantity of pitch, tar, cordage, and twine; canvaswas the only thing we asked for, with which their scanty store did not putit into their power to supply us. We also received from her an hundred andforty skins of flour, amounting to 13, 782 pounds English, after deductingfive pounds for the weight of each bag. We had a constant course of dry weather till this day, when there came on aheavy rain, accompanied with strong squalls of wind, which obliged us tostrike our yards and topmasts. The 12th, being Sunday, was kept as a day of rest; but the weatherunfortunately continuing foul, our men could not derive the advantage fromit we wished, by gathering the berries that grew in great quantities andvarieties on the coast, and taking other pastime on shore. The same dayEnsign Synd left us to return to Bolcheretsk with the remainder of thesoldiers that came in the galliot. He had been our constant guest duringhis stay. Indeed we could not but consider him, on his father's account, asin some measure belonging to us, and entitled, as one of the family ofdiscoverers, to a share in our affections. We had hitherto admitted the serjeant to our tables, in consideration ofhis being commander of the place; and, moreover, because he was a quick, sensible man, and comprehended better than any other, the few Russian wordswe had learned. Ensign Synd had very politely suffered him to enjoy thesame privileges during his stay; but, on the arrival of the new commanderfrom Okotzk, the serjeant, for some cause or other, which we could notlearn, fell into disgrace, and was no longer suffered to sit down in thecompany of his own officers. It was in vain to think of making any attemptto obtain an indulgence, which, though it would have been highly agreeableto us, was doubtless incompatible with their discipline. On Wednesday we had finished the stowage of the holds, got on board all ourwood and water, and were ready to put to sea at a day's notice. It ishowever necessary to observe, that though every thing was in this degree ofreadiness on board, the cattle were not yet arrived from Verchnei; and asfresh provisions were the most important article of our wants, and in agreat measure necessary for the health of the men, we could not think oftaking our departure without them. We therefore thought this a favourable, opportunity (especially as there was an appearance of fine weather) oftaking some amusement on shore, and acquiring a little knowledge of thecountry. Accordingly Captain Gore proposed a party of bear-hunting, whichwe all very readily came into. We did not set out on this expedition till Friday the 17th, in order togive a day's rest to the Hospodin Ivaskin, a new acquaintance, that was tobe of our party, and who came down here on Wednesday. This gentleman who, we understood, usually resides at Verchnei, had been desired by Major Behmto attend us on our return to the harbour, in order to be our interpreter;and the accounts we had heard of him before his arrival had excited in us agreat curiosity to see him. He is of a considerable family in Russia. His father was a general in theempress's service; and he himself, after having received his educationpartly in France, and partly in Germany, had been page to the EmpressElizabeth, and an ensign in her guards. At the age of sixteen he was_knowted_, had his nose slit, and was banished first to Siberia, andafterward to Kamtschatka, where he had now lived thirty-one years. He was avery tall thin man, with a face all over furrowed with deep wrinkles; andbore in his whole figure the strongest marks of old age, though he hadscarcely reached his fifty-fourth year. To our very great disappointment he had so totally forgotten both hisGerman and French, as not to be able to speak a sentence, nor readily tounderstand what was said to him in either of these languages. We foundourselves thus unfortunately deprived of what we flattered ourselves wouldhave turned out a favourable opportunity of getting farther informationrelative to this country. We had also promised ourselves much pleasure fromthe history of this extraordinary man, which he probably would have beeninduced to relate to strangers, who might perhaps be of some little serviceto him, but who could have no inducement to take advantage from any thinghe might say to do him an injury. No one here knew the cause of hisbanishment, but they took it for granted that it must have been forsomething very atrocious, particularly as two or three commanders ofKamtschatka have endeavoured to get him recalled since the presentempress's reign; but far from succeeding in this, they have not been evenable to get the place of his banishment changed. He told us that for twentyyears he had not tasted bread, nor had been allowed subsistence of any kindwhatsoever; but that during this period he had lived among theKamtschadales on what his own activity and toil in the chase had furnished:That afterward he had a small pension granted; and that, since Major Behmcame to the command, his situation had been, infinitely mended. The noticethat worthy man had taken of him, and his having often invited him tobecome his guest, had been the occasion of others following his example;besides which, he had been the means of getting his pension increased toone hundred roubles a year, which is the common pay of an ensign in allparts of the empress's dominions, except in this province, where the pay ofall the officers is double. Major Behm told us that he had obtainedpermission to take him to Okotzk, which was to be the place of hisresidence in future; but that he should leave him behind for the present, on an idea that he might, on our return to the bay, be useful to us as aninterpreter. [37] Having given orders to the first lieutenants of both ships, to let therigging have such a repair as the supply of stores we had lately receivedwould permit, we set out on our hunting party, under the direction of thecorporal of the Kamtschadales, intending, before we began to look for ourgame, to proceed straight to the head of Behm's Harbour. It is an inlet onthe west side of the bay, (which we had named after that officer, from itsbeing a favourite place of his, and having been surveyed by himself, ) andis called by the natives Tareinska. In our way toward this harbour we met the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and SaintPaul in a canoe, with his wife and two children, and another Kamtschadale. He had killed two seals upon a round island, that lies in the entrance ofthe harbour, with which, and a great quantity of berries that he hadgathered, he was returning home. As the wind had veered to the S. W. , we nowchanged our route by his advice; and, instead of going up the harbour, directed our course to the northward, toward a pool of water that lies nearthe mouth of the river Paratounca, and which was a known haunt of thebears. We had scarce landed, when unfortunately the wind changed to theeastward, and a second time destroyed all hopes of coming up with our game;for the Kamtschadales assured us, that it was in vain to expect to meetwith bears, whilst we were to the windward, owing to their being possessedof an uncommon acuteness in scenting their pursuers, which enabled them, under such circumstances, to avoid the danger, whilst it is yet at a verygreat distance. We returned therefore to the boat, and passed the night onthe beach, having brought a tent with us for that purpose, and the nextday, by the advice of our guides, crossed the bay, and went to the head ofRakoweena Harbour. Having here secured the boats, we proceeded with all our luggage on foot, and, after a walk of five or six miles, came to the sea-side, a league tothe northward of the light-house head. From hence, as far as we could seetoward Cheepoonskoi Noss, there is a continued narrow border of low levelground adjoining to the sea, which is covered with heath, and producesgreat abundance of berries, particularly those called partridge and crowberries. We were told we should not fail to meet with a number of bearsfeeding upon those berries; but that the weather being showery, wasunfavourable for us. Accordingly we directed our course along this plain, and, though we sawseveral bears at a distance, we could never, with all our management, contrive to get within shot of them. Our diversion was therefore changed tospearing of salmon, which we saw pushing in great numbers through the surfinto a small river. I could not help observing how much inferior ourKamtschadales were, at this method of fishing, to the people at Oonalashka;nor were their instruments, although pointed with iron, near so good forthe purpose, nor to be compared in neatness to those of the Americans, though pointed only with bone. On enquiring into the reason of thisinferiority, I was informed by the corporal, who had lived many yearsamongst the Americans, that formerly the Kamtschadales made use of the samekind of darts and spears with the Americans, headed and barbed with bone, and were not less dexterous in the management of them than the latter. Wecould not understand one another sufficiently for me to learn the cause ofthis change; probably it was one of the not unusual effects of a forced andimperfect state of improvement. It fell out very opportunely that the waterafforded us a little prey; for, besides our ill success in the chase byland, we had also been disappointed in our expectations of shooting wildfowl, on a supply of which we had in some measure depended for oursubsistence; and, on its failure, began to think that we had been full longabsent from head quarters. Our Kamtschadales now discovered that the want of success in not meetingwith game, was owing to the party being too large, and to the unavoidablenoise that was the consequence of it. We therefore agreed to separate, Ivaskin, the corporal, and myself, forming one party, Captain Gore, and therest of the company, the other. Accordingly, after passing the night under our tent, we set out on themorning of the 19th, by different routes, meaning to take a circuit roundthe country, and meet at Saint Peter and Saint Paul. The party to which Ibelonged took the course of the river, at the mouth of which we had fishedfor the salmon; and, after being thoroughly soaked by the heavy rains thatfell all the morning, we came about three in the afternoon to some old_balagans_, where a Kamtschadale village had been formerly situated, without meeting with a single bear during the whole of a long and tediouswalk. It was our first intention to have remained here all night, in orderto have resumed our chase early the next morning; but the weather clearing, and, at the same time, a fresh breeze springing up from a quarterunfavourable to our designs, the Hospodin, whom former sufferings had madevery unfit to bear much fatigue, and who seemed at present moreparticularly distressed from having emptied his snuff-box, began to be veryimportunate with us to return home. It was some time before the oldcorporal consented, alleging, that we were at a great distance from theharbour, and that, on account of the badness of the way, the night wouldprobably overtake us before we reached the end of our journey. At length, however, he yielded to Ivaskin's entreaties, and conducted us along theside of a number of small lakes, with which the flat part of this countryseems much to abound. These lakes are from half a mile to two miles inlength, and about half a mile broad; the water is fresh and clear, and theyare full of a red-coloured fish, resembling, both in shape and size, asmall salmon; of which a more particular description will be givenhereafter. The banks of these lakes were covered with fragments of fishthat the bears had half eaten, and which caused an intolerable stench. Weoften came upon the spots which the bears had just left, but were neverable even to come within sight of them. It was night before we reached the ships, and we had then been twelve hoursupon our legs. Poor Ivaskin found himself exceedingly tired and overcomewith fatigue; probably he was more sensible of it for want of a supply ofsnuff; for every step he took his hand dived mechanically into his pocket, and drew out his huge empty box. We had scarcely got into the tent, whenthe weather set in exceedingly rough and wet. We congratulated ourselvesthat we had not staid out another day, the Hospodin's box was replenished, and we forgot the fatigues and ill success of our expedition over a goodsupper. I was exceedingly sorry, on being told the next day, that our friend theserjeant had undergone corporal punishment during our absence, by commandof the old _Putparouchick_. None of our people had been able to learn, whatwas the cause of his displeasure; but it was imagined to have arisen fromsome little jealousy subsisting between them, on account of the civilitywhich we had shewn to the former. However, having every reason to believethat the offence, whatever it might be, did not call for so disgraceful achastisement, we could not help being both sorry and much provoked at it, as the terms on which we had lived with him, and the interest we were knownto take in his affairs, made the affront, in some measure, personal toourselves; for it has not yet been mentioned, that we had consulted withthe late worthy commander, Major Behm, who was also his friend, by whatmeans we might be most likely to succeed in doing him some service for thegood order he had kept in the _ostrog_ during our stay, and for hisreadiness on all occasions to oblige us. The major advised a letter ofrecommendation to the governor-general, which Captain Clerke hadaccordingly given him, and which, backed with his own representations, hehad no doubt would get the serjeant advanced a step higher in hisprofession. We did not choose to make any remonstrance on this subject till the arrivalof Captain Shmaleff. Indeed our inability, from the want of language, toenter into any discussion of the business, made it advisable to come tothis determination. However, when the _Putparouchick_ paid us his nextvisit, we could not help testifying our chagrin by receiving him verycoolly. The 22d being the anniversary of his majesty's coronation, twenty-one gunswere fired, and the handsomest feast our situation would allow of, wasprepared, in honour of the day. As we were sitting down to dinner, thearrival of Captain Shmaleff was announced. This was a most agreeablesurprise; in the first place, because he arrived so opportunely to partakeof the good fare and festivity of the occasion; and, in the next, because, in our last accounts of him, we were given to understand, that the effectsof a severe illness had made him unequal to the journey. We were glad tofind this had been merely an excuse; that, in fact, he was ashamed ofcoming empty-handed, knowing we must be in great want of tea, sugar, &c. &c. ; and that therefore he had deferred his setting out, in dailyexpectation of the sloop from Okotzk; but having no tidings of her, anddreading lest we should sail, without his having paid us a visit, he wasdetermined to set out, though with nothing better to present to us thanapologies for the poverty of Bolcheretsk. At the same time he acquaintedus, that our not having received the sixteen head of black cattle we haddesired might be sent down, was owing to the very heavy rains at Verchnei, which had prevented their setting out. We made the best answer we were ableto so much politeness and generosity; and the next day, on coming on boardthe Resolution, he was saluted with eleven guns. Specimens of all ourcuriosities were presented to him, and Captain Gore added to them a goldwatch and a fowling-piece. The next day he was entertained on board the Discovery, and on the 25th hetook leave of us to return to Bolcheretsk. He could not be prevailed uponto lengthen his visit, having some expectations, as he told us, that thesub-governor-general, who was at this time making a tour through all theprovinces of the Governor-general of Jakutzk, might arrive in the sloopthat was daily expected from Okotzk. Before his departure, and without anyinterference of ours, he reinstated the serjeant in the command of thisplace, having determined to take the _Putparouchick_ along with him; at thesame time we understood that he was highly displeased with him on accountof the punishment that had been inflicted on the serjeant, and for whichthere did not appear to be the slightest foundation. Captain Shmaleff's great readiness to give us every possible proof of hisdesire to oblige us, encouraged us to ask a small favour for another of ourKamtschadale friends. It was to requite an old soldier, whose house hadbeen at all times open to the inferior officers, and who had done both themand all the crew a thousand good offices. The captain most obliginglycomplied with our request, and dubbed him (which was all he wished for) acorporal upon the spot, and ordered him to thank the English officers forhis great promotion. It may not here be improper to observe, that in theRussian army the inferior class of officers enjoy a degree of pre-eminenceabove the private men, with which we, in our service, are in a greatmeasure unacquainted. It was no small astonishment to us, to see a serjeantkeep up all the state, and exact all the respect from all beneath himbelonging to a field-officer. It may be farther remarked, that there aremany more gradations of rank amongst them than are to be met with in othercountries. Between a serjeant and a private man, there are not less thanfour intermediate steps; and I have no doubt, but that the advantagesarising from this system are found to be very considerable. The salutaryeffects of little subordinate ranks in our sea-service cannot bequestioned. It gives rise to great emulation, and the superior officers areenabled to bestow, on almost every possible degree of merit, a rewardproportioned to it. Having been incidentally led into this subject, I shall beg leave to addbut one observation more, namely, that the discipline of the Russian army, though at this distance from the seat of government, is of the strictestand severest kind, from which even the commissioned officers are notexempt. The punishment of the latter for small offences is imprisonment, and a bread and water diet. An ensign, a good friend of ours at this place, told us, that, for having been concerned in a drunken riot, he was confinedin the black hole for three months, and fed upon bread and water; which, hesaid, so shattered his nerves, that he had never since had spirits for acommon convivial meeting. I accompanied Captain Shmaleff to the entrance of Awatska River; and havingbid him farewell, took this opportunity of paying a visit to the priest ofParatounca. On Sunday, the 26th, I attended him to church. The congregationconsisted of his own family, three Kamtschadale men, and three boys, whoassisted in singing part of the service; the whole of which was performedin a very solemn and edifying manner. The church is of wood, and by far thebest building either in this town or that of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. Itis ornamented with many paintings, particularly with two pictures of SaintPeter and Saint Paul, presented by Beering; and which, in the real richnessof their drapery, would carry off the prize from the first of our Europeanperformances; for all the principal parts of it are made of thick plates ofsolid silver, fastened to the canvas, and fashioned into the variousfoldings of the robes with which the figures were clothed. The next day, I set on foot another hunting party, and put myself under thedirection of the clerk of the parish, who was a celebrated bear-hunter. Wearrived by sun-set, at the side of one of the larger lakes. The next stepwas to conceal ourselves as much as possible; and this we were able to doeffectually, among some long grass and brushwood, that grew close to thewater's edge. We had not lain long in ambush, before we had the pleasure tohear the growlings of bears in different parts round about us; and ourexpectations were soon gratified, by the sight of one of them in the water, which seemed to be swimming directly to the place where we lay hid. Themoon, at this time, gave a considerable light; and when the animal hadadvanced about fifteen yards, three of us fired at it, pretty nearly at thesame time. The beast immediately turned short on one side, and set up anoise, which could not properly be called roaring, nor growling, noryelling, but was a mixture of all three, and horrible beyond description. We plainly saw that it was severely wounded, and that with difficulty itgained the bank, and retreated to some thick bushes at a little distance. It still continued to make the same loud and terrible noise; and though theKamtschadales were persuaded it was mortally wounded, and could get nofarther, yet they thought it most advisable not to rouse it again for thepresent. It was at this time past nine o'clock; and the night becomingovercast, and threatening a change of weather, we thought it most prudentto return home, and defer the gratification of our curiosity till morning, when we returned to the spot, and found the bear dead, in the place towhich it had been watched. It proved to be a female, and beyond the commonsize. As the account of our first hunting-party will be apt to give the reader awrong idea of the method in which this sport is usually conducted, it maynot be amiss to add a few more words on the subject; and which I am thebetter able to do since this last expedition. When the natives come to the ground frequented by the bears, which theycontrive to reach about sun-set, the first step is to look for theirtracks; to examine which are the freshest, and the best situated with aview to concealment; and taking aim at the beast, either as he is passingby, or advancing in front, or going from them. These tracks are found inthe greatest numbers, leading from the woods down to the lakes, and amongthe long sedgy grass and brakes by the edge of the water. The place ofambuscade being determined upon, the hunters next fix in the ground thecrutches, upon which their firelocks are made to rest, pointing them in thedirection they mean to make their shot. This done, they kneel, or lie down, as the circumstances of the cover require; and, with their bear-spears bytheir side, wait for their game. These precautions, which are chiefly takenin order to make sure of their mark, are, on several accounts, highlyexpedient. For, in the first place, ammunition is so dear at Kamtschatka, that the price of a bear will not purchase more of it than is sufficient toload a musquet four or five times; and, what, is more material, if the bearbe not rendered incapable of pursuit by the first shot, the consequencesare often fatal. He immediately makes toward the place from whence thenoise and smoke issue, and attacks his adversaries with great fury. It isimpossible for them to reload, as the animal is seldom at more than twelveor fifteen yards distance when he is fired at; so that if he does not fall, they immediately put themselves in a posture to receive him upon theirspears; and their safety greatly depends on their giving him a mortal stab, as he first comes upon them. If he parries the thrust, (which, by theextraordinary strength and agility of their paws, they are often enabled todo, ) and thereby breaks in upon his adversaries, the conflict becomes veryunequal, and it is well if the life of one of the party alone suffice topay the forfeit. [38] There are two seasons of the year when this diversion, or occupation, as itmay be rather called, is more particularly dangerous; in the spring, whenthe bears first come forth, after having subsisted, as is universallyasserted here, on sucking their paws through the winter; and especially ifthe frost happen to be severe, and the ice not to be broken up in the lakeat that time, by which means they are deprived of their ordinary andexpected food. Under these circumstances, they soon become exceedinglyfamished, and fierce and savage in proportion. They will pursue the nativesby the scent; and as they now prowl about out of their usual tracks, frequently come upon them unawares; and when this happens, as theKamtschadales have not the smallest notion of shooting flying, nor even atan animal running, or in any way except with their piece on a rest, thebear-hunters often fall a sacrifice to their hunger. The other season inwhich it is dangerous to come in their way, is at the time of theircopulation, which is generally about this time of the year. An extraordinary instance of natural affection in these animals has beenalready mentioned. The chace affords a variety of a similar nature, and notless affecting; many of which were related to me. The Kamtschadales derivegreat advantage in hunting from this circumstance. They, never venture tofire upon a young bear, when the mother is near; for if the cub drop, shebecomes enraged to a degree little short of madness; and if she get sightof the enemy, will only quit her revenge with her life. On the contrary, ifthe dam be shot, the cubs will not leave her side, even after she has beendead a long time, but continue about her, shewing, by a variety ofaffecting actions and gestures, marks of the deepest affliction, and thusbecome any easy prey to the hunters. Nor is the sagacity of the bears, if the Kamtschadales are to be credited, less extraordinary, or less worthy to be remarked, than their naturalaffection. Of this they have a thousand stories to relate. I shall contentmyself with mentioning one instance, which the natives speak of as a well-known fact, and that is, the stratagem they have recourse to in order tocatch the bareins, which are considerably too swift of foot for them. Theseanimals keep together in large herds; they frequent mostly the low grounds, and love to browse at the feet of rocks and precipices. The bear hunts themby scent, till he come in sight, when he advances warily, keeping abovethem, and concealing himself amongst the rocks, as he makes his approaches, till he gets immediately over them, and nigh enough for his purpose. Hethen begins to push down with his paws pieces of the rock amongst the herdbelow. This manoeuvre is not followed by any attempt to pursue, until hefind he has maimed one of the flock, upon which a course immediatelyensues, that proves successful, or otherwise, according to the hurt thebarein has received. [39] I cannot conclude this digression, without observing, that theKamtschadales very thankfully acknowledge their obligations to the bearsfor what little advancement they have hitherto made either in the sciencesor polite arts. They confess that they owe to them all their skill both tophysic and surgery; that, by remarking with what herbs these animals rubthe wounds they have received, and what they have recourse to when sick andlanguid, they have become acquainted with most of the simples in use amongthem, either in the way of internal medicine, or external application. But, what will appear somewhat more singular, is, they acknowledge the bearslikewise for their dancing-masters. Indeed, the evidence of one's sensesputs this out of dispute; for the bear-dance of the Kamtschadales is anexact counterpart of every attitude and gesture peculiar to this animal, through its various functions; and this is the foundation and groundwork ofall their other dances, and what they value themselves most upon. I returned to the ships on the 28th, very well pleased with my excursion, as it had afforded me an opportunity of seeing a little more of thecountry, and of observing the manners and behaviour of the Kamtschadales, when freed from that constraint which they evidently lie under in thecompany of the Russians. No occurrence worth mentioning took place till the 30th, when Captain Gorewent to Paratounca, to put up in the church there an escutcheon, preparedby Mr Webber, with an inscription upon it, setting forth Captain Clerke'sage and rank, and the object of the expedition in which he was engaged atthe time of his decease. We also affixed to the tree under which he wasburied, a board, with an inscription upon it to the same effect. [40] Before his departure, Captain Gore left orders with me to get the ships outof the harbour into the bay, to be in readiness to sail. We were preventedfrom doing this by a violent gale of wind, which lasted the whole day ofthe 1st of October. However, on the 2d, both ships warped out of theharbour, clear of the narrow passage, and came to anchor in seven fathoms, a quarter of a mile from the _ostrog_. The day before we went out of the harbour the cattle arrived from Verchnei;and, that the men might receive the full benefit of this capital and much-longed-for supply, by consuming it fresh, Captain Gore came to adetermination of staying five or six days longer. Nor was this time idlyemployed. The boats, pumps, sails, and rigging of both ships, therebyreceived an additional repair. And Captain Gore sparing me some molasses, and the use of the Resolution's copper, I was enabled to brew a fortnight'sbeer for the crew, and to make a farther provision of ten puncheons ofstrong spruce essence. The present supply was the more acceptable, as ourlast cask of spirits, except a small quantity left in reserve for cases ofnecessity, was now serving out. The 3d was the name-day of the Empress, and we could want no inducement toshew it every possible respect. Accordingly, Captain Gore invited thepriest of Paratounca, Ivaskin, and the serjeant, to dinner; and anentertainment was also provided for the inferior officers of the garrison;for the two _Toions_ of Paratounca and Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and forthe other better sort of Kamtschadale inhabitants. The rest of the natives, of every description, were invited to partake with the ships' companies, who had a pound of good fat beef served out to each man; and what remainedof our spirits was made into grog, and divided amongst them. A salute oftwenty-one guns was fired at the usual hour; and the whole was conducted(considering the part of her dominion it was in) in a manner not unworthyso renowned and magnificent an empress. On the 5th, we received from Bolcheretsk a fresh supply of tea, sugar, andtobacco. This present had met Captain Shmaleff on his return, and wasaccompanied by a letter from him, in which he informed us, that the sloopfrom Okotzk had arrived during his absence; and that Madame Shmaleff, whowas entirely in our interests, had lost no time in dispatching a courierwith the few presents, of which our acceptance was requested. The appearance of foul weather on the 6th and 7th, prevented our unmooring;but on the morning of the 8th, we sailed out toward the mouth of the bay, and hoisted in all the boats, when the wind, veering to the southward, stopped our farther progress, and obliged us to drop anchor in ten fathoms;the _ostrog_ bearing due north, half a league distant. The weather being foggy, and the wind from the same quarter during theforenoon of the 9th, we continued in our station. At four in the afternoonwe again unmoored; but whilst we were with great difficulty weighing ourlast anchor, I was told that the drummer of the marines had left the boatwhich had just returned from the village, and that he was last seen with aKamtschadale woman, to whom his messmates knew he had been much attached, and who had often been observed persuading him to stay behind. Though thisman had been long useless to us, from a swelling in his knee, whichrendered him lame, yet this made me the more unwilling he should be leftbehind, to become a miserable burden both to the Russians and himself. Itherefore got the serjeant to send parties of soldiers, in differentdirections, in search of him, whilst some of our sailors went to a well-known haunt of his in the neighbourhood, where they found him with hiswoman. On the return of this party, with our deserter, we weighed, andfollowed the Resolution out of the bay. Having at length taken our leave of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, I shallconclude this section with a particular description of Awatska Bay, and thecoast adjoining; not only because (its three inlets included) itconstitutes, perhaps, the most extensive and safest harbour that has yetbeen discovered, but because it is the only port in this part of the worldcapable of admitting ships of any considerable burden. The term Bay, indeed, is perhaps not applicable, properly speaking, to a place so wellsheltered as Awatska; but, then, it must be observed, that, from the looseundistinguishing manner in which navigators have denominated certainsituations of sea and land, with respect to each other, bays, roads, sounds, harbours, &c. We have no defined and determinate ideas affixed tothese words, sufficient to warrant us in changing a popular name for onethat may appear more proper. The entrance into this bay is in 52° 51' north latitude, and 158° 48' eastlongitude, and lies in the bight of another exterior bay, formed byCheepoonskoi Noss to the N. , and Cape Gavareea to the S. The former ofthese head lands bears from the latter N. E. By N. 3/4 E. , and is distantthirty-two leagues. The coast from Cape Gavareea to the entrance of AwatskaBay, takes a direction nearly N. , and is eleven leagues in extent. Itconsists of a chain of high ragged cliffs, with detached rocks frequentlylying off them. This coast, at a distance, presents in many parts anappearance of bays or inlets, but, on a nearer approach, the head-landswere found connected by low ground. Cheepoonskoi Noss bears, from the entrance of the bay, E. N. E. 1/4 E, and istwenty-five leagues distant. On this side the shore is low and flat, withhills rising behind to a considerable height. In the latitude of CapeGavareea there is an error of twenty-one miles in the Russian charts, itstrue latitude being 52° 21'. This striking difference of the land on each side Awatska Bay, with theirdifferent bearings, are the best guides to steer for it in coming from thesouthward; and, in approaching it from the northward, Cheepoonskoi Nosswill make itself very conspicuous; for it is a high projecting head-land, with a considerable extent of level ground lower than the Noss, uniting itto the continent. It presents the same appearance, whether viewed from thenorth or south, and will warn the mariner not to be deceived in imaginingAwatska Bay to lie in the bight which the coast forms to the northward ofthis Noss, and which might be the case, from the striking resemblance thereis between a conical hill within this bight or bay, and one to the south ofAwatska Bay. I have been thus particular in giving a minute description of this coast, from our own experience of the want of it. For had we been furnished with atolerable account of the form of the coast on each side of Awatska Bay, weshould, on our first arrival upon it, have got safely within the bay twodays before we did, and thereby have avoided part of the stormy weatherwhich came on when we were plying off the mouth of the harbour. Besides, from the prevalence of fogs in these seas, it must frequently happen, thatan observation for ascertaining the latitude cannot be got; to which we mayadd, that the deceptive appearances land makes when covered with snow, andwhen viewed through an hazy atmosphere, both which circumstances prevailhere during the greatest part of the year, render the knowledge of avariety of discriminating objects the more necessary. Should, however, the weather be clear enough to admit a view of themountains on the coast in its neighbourhood, these will serve to point outthe situation of Awatska Bay, with a great deal of precision. For to thesouth of it are two high mountains; that which is nearest to the bay, isshaped like a sugar-loaf; the other, which is farther inland, does notappear so high, and is flat at the top. To the north of the bay, are threevery conspicuous mountains; the westernmost is, to appearance, the highest;the next is the _volcano_ mountain, which may be known from the smoke thatissues from its top, and likewise from some high table-hills connected withit, and stretching to the northward; these two are somewhat peaked. Thethird, and the most northerly, might perhaps be more properly called acluster of mountains, as it presents to the sight several flat tops. When the navigator has got within the capes, and into the outward bay, aperpendicular head-land, with a lighthouse erected upon it, will point outthe entrance of the bay of Awatska to the northward. To the eastward ofthis head-land lie many sunken rocks, stretching into the sea, to thedistance of two or three miles; and which will shew themselves, if there bebut a moderate sea or swell. Four miles to the south of the entrance lies asmall round island, very distinguishable from being principally composed ofhigh pointed rocks, with one of them strikingly remarkable, as being muchlarger, more peaked and perpendicular than the rest. It is no way necessary to be equally particular in the description of thebay itself, as of its approaches and environs; since no words can give themariner a perfect idea of it. The entrance is at first near three mileswide, and in the narrowest part one mile and a half, and four miles long, in a N. N. W. Direction. Within the mouth is a noble bason of twenty-fivemiles circuit, with the capacious harbours of Tareinska to the W. , ofRakoweena to the E. , and the small one of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, wherewe lay, to the N. Tareinska harbour is about three miles in breadth, and twelve in length; itstretches to the E. S. E. , and is separated from the sea, at the bottom, by anarrow neck of land. The road into this harbour is perfectly free fromrocks or shoals. We had never less than seven fathoms water, as far as oursurvey extended; for we were not able to get to the bottom of the harbouron account of the ice. The harbour of Rakoweena would deserve the preference over the other two, if its entrance were not impeded by a shoal lying in the middle of thechannel; which, in general, will make it necessary to warp in, unless therebe a leading wind. It is from one mile to half a mile in width, and threemiles long, running at first in a S. E. , and afterward in an easterlydirection. Its depth is from thirteen to three fathoms. Saint Peter and Saint Paul's is one of the most convenient little harboursI ever saw. It will hold conveniently half a dozen ships, moored head andstern; and is fit for giving them any kind of repairs. The south side isformed by a low sandy neck, exceedingly narrow, on which the _ostrog_ isbuilt; and whose point may almost be touched by ships going in, havingthree fathoms water close in with it. In the mid channel, which is no morethan two hundred and seventy-eight feet across, there are six fathoms and ahalf; the deepest water within is seven fathoms; and in every part over amuddy bottom. We found some inconvenience from the toughness of the ground, which constantly broke the messenger, and gave us a great deal of troublein getting up the anchors. There is a watering-place at the head of theharbour. The plan we drew points out the shoal to be avoided, lying off the easternharbour, as well as the spit within the entrance, stretching from the S. W. Shore, and over which there are only three fathoms water. In order to steerclear of the latter, a small island, or perhaps it may rather be called alarge detached rock, lying on the west shore of the entrance, is to be shutin with the land to the south of it; and to steer clear of the former, theThree Needle Rocks, which lie on the east shore of the entrance near thelight-house head, are to be kept open with the head-lands (or bluff-heads)that rise to the northward of the first small bay, or bending, observableon the east side of the entrance. When arrived to the north of the northhead-land of the eastern harbour, the shoal is past. In sailing into the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, and approachingthe village, it is necessary to keep in close to the eastern shore, inorder to avoid a spit which runs from the head-land to the S. W. Of thetown. [41] Before I proceed to give a table of the result of our astronomicalobservations at this place, it may be proper to acquaint the reader, thatthe time-keeper we had on board the Resolution, which was an exact copy ofthat invented by Mr Harrison, and executed by Mr Kendal, stopped on the27th of April, a few days before we first came into Awatska Bay. It hadbeen always kept with the most scrupulous care during the voyage, havingnever been trusted for a moment into any other hands than those of CaptainCook and mine. No accident could therefore have happened to it, to which wecould attribute its stopping; nor could it have arisen from the effects ofintense cold, as the thermometer was very little below the freezing point. As soon as the discovery was made, I consulted with Captain Clerke whatcourse it was best to pursue; whether to let it remain as it was, entirelyuseless to us, for the purpose of satisfying the curious at home, where itwas sure of being examined by proper judges, or suffer it to be inspectedby a seaman on board, who had served a regular apprenticeship to awatchmaker in London, and appeared sufficiently knowing in the business, from his success in cleaning and repairing several watches since we hadbeen out. The advantages we had derived from its accuracy, made usextremely unwilling to be deprived of its use during the remaining part ofthe voyage; and that object appeared to us to be of much greater importancethan the small degree of probability, which we understood was all thatcould be expected, of obtaining any material knowledge respecting itsmechanism, by deferring the inspection of it. At the same time, it shouldbe remembered, that the watch had already a sufficient trial, both in theformer voyage and during the three years we had now had it on board toascertain its utility. On these considerations, we took the opportunity ofthe first clear day, after our arrival in Awatska Bay, of opening thewatch, which was done in the captain's cabin, and in our presence. Thewatchmaker found no part of the work broken; but not being able to set ita-going, he proceeded to take off the cock and balance, and cleaned boththe pivot-holes, which he found very foul, and the rest of the work ratherdirty; he also took off the dial-plate; and, between two teeth of the wheelthat carries the second-hand, found a piece of dirt, which he imagined tobe the principal cause of its stopping. Having afterward put the worktogether, and oiled it as sparingly as possible, the watch appeared to gofree and well. Having received orders the next day to go to Bolcheretsk, the time-keeperwas left in the care of Mr Bayley, to compare it with his watch and clock, in order to get its rate. On my return, I was told it had gone for somedays with tolerable regularity, losing only from fifteen to seventeenseconds a-day, when it stopped a second time. It was again opened, and thecause of its stopping appeared to be owing to the man having put some partof the work badly together when he first opened it. Being again adjusted, it was found to gain above a minute a-day; and, in the attempt to alter theregulator and balance-spring, he broke the latter. He afterward made a newspring; but the watch now went so irregularly, that we made no farther useof it. The poor fellow was not less chagrined than we were at our badsuccess; which, however, I am convinced, was more owing to the miserabletools he was obliged to work with, and the stiffness his hands hadcontracted from his ordinary occupation, than to his want of skill. For the satisfaction of those who may wish to have a general view of itsrate of going, I have added the following table. The first and second columns contain the dates when, and the names of theplaces where its rate was observed. The third column contains the dailyerror of its rate, so found from mean time. The fourth column has thelongitude of each place, according to the Greenwich rate; that is, calculated on a supposition that the time-keeper had not varied its ratefrom the time it left Greenwich. But as we had frequent opportunities ofascertaining the variation of its daily error, or finding its new rate, thefifth column has the longitude according to its last rate, calculated fromthe true longitude of the place last departed from. The sixth is the truelongitude of the place deduced from astronomical observations made byourselves, and compared with those made by others, whenever such could beobtained. The seventh column shews the difference between the fourth columnand the sixth in space; and the eighth the same difference in time. Theninth shews the number of months and days in which the error, thusdetermined, had been accumulating. The difference between the fifth andsixth columns is found in the tenth, and shews the error of the time-keeper, according to its rate last found, in space; and the eleventh thesame error in time. The twelfth contains the time elapsed in sailing fromthe place where the rate was last taken, to the place whose longitude islast determined. The thirteenth and fourteenth contain the state of the airat the time of each observation. As persons, unaccustomed to calculations of this sort, may find somedifficulty in comprehending the nature of the table, the two followinginstances will more clearly explain it. Thus, on the 24th October, 1776, (first column, ) at the Cape of Good Hope(second column, ) we found the daily error, in the rate of its going, to be2", 26 (third column. ) The longitude of that place, calculated on asupposition that the rate of the time-keeper had continued the same fromthe time of our leaving Greenwich, that is, had a regular daily error of1", 21, is found to be 18° 26' 30" east (fourth column. ) And as its rate atGreenwich is, in this instance, its latest rate, the longitude thus foundis the same (fifth column. ) The true longitude of the place is 18° 23' 15"(sixth column. ) From whence it appears, that in our run from Greenwich tothe Cape, the watch would have led us into an error only of 3' 15" (seventhcolumn, ) or three miles one quarter; or had varied 13" of time (eighthcolumn, ) in four months twenty-three days (ninth column, ) the periodbetween our leaving Greenwich and our arrival at the Cape. As the Greenwichis the latest error, the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth columns, will be thesame with the seventh and ninth. But, on the 23d of February, 1777, (first column, ) at Queen Charlotte'sSound, New Zealand, (second column, ) the daily error of its rate was foundto be 2", 91, (third column. ) The longitude of this place, according to theGreenwich rate, is 175° 25', (fourth column. ) But having found at the Cape, that it had altered its rate from a daily error of 1", 21, to 2", 26, thelongitude corrected by this new rate is found to be 174° 44' 23", (fifthcolumn. ) The true longitude of the place being 174° 23' 31", (sixthcolumn;) it appears that, in our run from Greenwich to New Zealand, theerror would have been only 1° 1' 29", (seventh column, ) or sixty-one milesand a half, even if we had not had an opportunity of correcting its dailyerror; or, in other words, that the watch had varied 4' 5", 3, (eighthcolumn, ) in nine months four days, (ninth column. ) But the longitude, asgiven by its new rate, leaves an error of only 30' 54", (tenth column, )near thirty-one miles, or, in time, 2' 3", 6, (eleventh column, ) which hasbeen accumulating during our run from the Cape to New Zealand, or in fourmonths nine days, (twelfth column. ) The thirteenth and fourteenth columnsrequire no explanation. TABLE of the Rate and Error of Mr Kendall's Watch on Board the Resolution. I. | II. | III. | IV. | V. | VI. |-------|---------------|--------|-------------------------------| | | | | | | | |Error of|Longitude |Longitude|True | TIME. | PLACE. | Daily |by Green- | by |Longitude. | | | Rate. |wich Rate. |New Rate. | | | | | | | | | | | | | |-------|---------------|--------|----------|---------|----------| | | " | ° ' " | ° ' " | ° ' " | 1776. | |--------|----------|---------|----------|June 11|Greenwich |-1, 21 | 0 0 0E | 0 0 0E| 0 0 0E |Oct. 24|Cape of Good |-2, 26 | 18 26 30 | 18 26 30| 18 23 15 | | Hope | | | | | 1777. | | | | | |Feb. 22|Queen Char- | | | | | | lotte's Sound, |-2, 91 |175 25 0 |174 54 25|174 23 31 | | New Zealand | | | | |May 7|Anamooka |+0, 52 |186 13 26 |186 13 15|185 11 18 |June 7|Anamooka |-0, 54 |186 8 28 |186 12 43|185 11 18 |July 1|Tongataboo |-1, 78 |185 48 50 |184 53 0|184 55 18 |Sept. 1|Otaheite |-1, 54 |211 41 26 |210 39 8|210 22 28 |Oct. 17|Huaheine |-2, 30 |210 14 52 |208 50 24|208 52 24 |Nov. 7|Ulietea |-1, 52 |209 42 54 |208 25 22|208 25 22 | 1778. | | | | | |Apr. 16|Nootka |-7, 0 |235 32 45 |233 56 0|233 17 8 |Oct. 14|Samganoodha |-8, 8 |197 44 15 |193 12 35|193 31 20 | 1779. | | | | | |Feb. 2|Owhyhee |-9, 6 |214 7 35 |203 37 22|204 0 0 |May 1|Saint Peter and| T. K. | | | | | Saint Paul, | stopt. |173 86 0 |159 20 0|158 43 16 | | Kamtschatka | | | | |----------------------------------------------------------------- | VII. | VIII. | IX. | X. | XI. | XII. |XIII. | XIV. ||-----------------------------------------------|------|---------|-------||Accumulated Error by| |Error by New Rate. | |Thermo- | B || Greenwich Rate. |Length| |Length| meter. | a ||--------------------| of |-------------------| of |---------| r || | | Time. | | | Time. | | o || In | In | | In | In | |Gr. Least| m || Space. | Time. | | Space. | Time. | | Height. | e ||---------|----------|------|---------|---------|------|---------| t || ° ' "|H. ' " |Mo Da | ° ' "| H ' " | Mo Da| | | er. ||---------|----------|------|---------|---------|------|----|----|-------|| | | | | | | | | ||+ 0 3 15|0 0 13, 0 | 4 23 |+ 0 3 15|0 0 13, 0| 4 23| 84| 63| 30, 0|| | | | | | | | | || | | | | | | | | || | | | | | | | | || 1 1 29|0 4 5, 9 | 9 4 |+ 0 30 54|0 2 3, 6| 4 9| 73| 53| 30, 0|| | | | | | | | | || 1 2 8|0 4 8, 5 |11 22 |+ 1 1 57|0 4 7, 8| 2 18| 83| 74| 30, 1|| 0 57 10|0 3 48, 6 |12 25 |+ 1 1 25|0 4 5, 6| 1 3| 79| 73| 30, 15|| 0 53 32|0 3 34, 1 |13 21 |- 0 2 18|0 0 9, 2| 0 24| 85| 69| 30, 15|| 1 18 58|0 5 15, 8 |15 27 |+ 0 16 40|0 1 6, 6| 2 6| 90| 70| 30, 1|| 1 22 28|0 5 29, 8 |17 17 |- 0 2 0|0 0 8, 0| 1 18| 90| 72| 29, 9|| 1 17 32|0 5 10, 1 |18 10 | 0 0 0|0 0 0, 0| 0 21| 92| 70| 29, 7|| | | | | | | | | || 2 15 27|0 9 1, 8 |24 2 |+ 0 28 42|0 2 34, 8| 5 20| 65| 41| 30, 0|| 4 12 55|0 16 51, 6 |30 15 |- 0 18 45|0 1 15, 0| 6 13| 57| 36| 20, 15|| | | | | | | | | || 10 7 35|0 40 30, 3 |34 14 |- 0 22 38|0 1 30, 5| 3 27| 88| 70| 29, 8|| | | | | | | | | || 14 52 44|0 59 30, 9 |37 18 |- 0 36 44|0 2 16, 9| 3 4| | | || | | | | | | | | |-------------------------------------------------------------------------- From this view of the time-keeper it appears, that for near two years italtered its rate very inconsiderably, and therefore that its error, according to the Greenwich rate, if we had had no opportunities ofcorrecting it, amounted only to 2-1/4°. That afterward, at King George'sSound, or Nootka, it was found to have varied exceedingly; of course, thelongitude, by its Greenwich rate, was becoming considerably erroneous. About this time, it should be remarked, the thermometer was varying from65° to 41°. The greatest alteration we ever observed in the watch was, during the three weeks we were cruising to the N. ; in which interval, itgave the longitude of the East Cape with a difference of twenty-eightmiles, I have marked the longitude of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, as givenby the time-keeper, notwithstanding it stopped a few days before we arrivedthere; this I was enabled to do, from comparing the longitude it gave theday before it stopped, with that given by Mr Bayley's watch, and allowingfor the error of the latter. The use of so accurate a measure of time is sufficiently evident, from itsfurnishing in itself the means of approximating to the longitude at sea, asmay be seen in the above table. But, besides this, we were enabled, by thesame means, to give a degree of accuracy to the lunar observations, whichthey cannot otherwise pretend to; and, at the same time, by reducing anumber of those observations to one time, obtain results approaching stillnearer to the truth. In surveying coasts, and ascertaining the trueposition of capes and head-lands, it reaches the utmost degree of practicalexactness. On the other hand, it is to be observed, that lunarobservations, in their turn, are absolutely necessary, in order to reap thegreatest possible advantages from the time-keeper; since, by ascertainingthe true longitude of places, they discover the error of its rate. Theoriginal observations that were made in the course of this voyage, havebeen published by order of the Board of Longitude, and to those I mustrefer the reader, for his further information on this subject. N. B. The observatories were placed on the west side of the village of SaintPeter and Saint Paul. Latitude deduced from meridian zenith distances of the sun, and of five stars to the S. , and five to the N. Of the zenith 53° 0' 38" N. Longitude deduced from one hundred and forty-six sets of lunar observations 158 43 16 E. Longitudy by time-keeper, according to its Greenwich rate 173 36 0Longitude by time-keeper, according to its rate found at Owhyhee 159 20 0Variation of the compass, by azimuths taken with three compasses, made by Knight, Gregory, and Martin 6 18 40 E. Dip of the North Pole of the magnetic needle, being a mean of the observations taken in June and September 63 5 0 It was high water, on the full and change of the moon, at thirty-sixminutes past four, and the greatest rise was five feet eight inches. Thetides were very regular every twelve hours. On the coast, near the bay, theflood came from the S. , and the time of high water was near two hourssooner than in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. [35] See all that is known of this voyage, and a chart of discoveries, in Mr Coxe's Account of Russian-Discoveries between Asia and America. We were not able to learn from the Russians in Kamtschatka, a more perfect account of Synd than we now find is given by Mr Coxe; and yet they seemed disposed to communicate all that they really knew. Major Behm could only inform us, in general, that the expedition had miscarried as to its object, and that the commander had fallen under much blame. It appeared evidently that he had been on the coast of America, to the southward of Cape Prince of Wales, between the latitudes 64° and 65° and it is most probable that his having got too far to the northward to meet with sea-otters, which the Russians, in all their attempts at discoveries, seem to have principally, in view, and his returning without having made any that promised commercial advantages, was the cause of his disgrace, and of the great contempt with which the Russians always spoke of this officer's voyage. The cluster of islands placed in Synd's chart, between the latitudes of 61° and 65°, is undoubtedly the same with the island called by Beering St Laurence's, and those we named Clerke's, Anderson's, and King's Islands; but their proportionate size, and relative situation, are exceedingly erroneous. [36] By some strange anomaly in human nature, it would seem as if, in many cases, the apprehension of danger is in the inverse proportion of the amount of evil to be dreaded, or of the probability of its happening. Thus, the good people at Saint Peter and Saint Paul, who have but very little more reason to expect the intrusion of enemies, than if they dwelt in the regions of the North Pole, exhibit a remarkable degree of unnecessary suspicion on the occurrence of the most harmless, nay the most beneficial events. In addition to what is recorded in this voyage, we may mention an evidence of it in the case of Captain Krusenstern's last arrival among them, which happened sooner than they had looked for, notwithstanding his having previously intimated it. On the appearance of his vessel, the people immediately concluded it was an enemy, and some families began to fly with their effects to the neighbouring mountains. To them it seemed more natural, that some hostile power should send a vessel half round the globe in order to conquer a miserable spot, whose only riches was a few dried fish, and where a crew could scarcely subsist for two months, than that the ship in sight should belong to a friend whose arrival they had been instructed to expect. Nor were their fears quieted, till the solemn and strongly urged opinion of the soldier on duty, who, from his having been a companion of Captain Billing's, had the reputation of much knowledge in such matters, induced them to believe, that the form and rigging of the ship could be no other than those of their old acquaintance the Nadeshda!--E. [37] The singular personage here spoken of, was living near Saint Peter and Saint Paul in 1805, when Captain Krusenstern arrived there. He was at that time eighty-six years old, and had but lately obtained his liberty from the present emperor, who, besides other bounty, granted him a sum of money to cover his travelling expenses, if he chose to return to St Petersburg. The old man, however, was unable to bring his mind to undertake the journey, or even to venture the sea with Krusenstern; and in all probability, therefore, would end his days in the land of his captivity. We learn from the same authority, that Iwashkin had been banished in consequence of a report, apparently an unfounded one, that he had been engaged in a conspiracy against the Empress Elizabeth; and he is said to have been afterwards refused a pardon by Catharine, because he had been accused of murdering a man in the heat of passion. But for this circumstance, according to K. , "the terms in which he is mentioned in Cook's voyage are such, as would not fail to meet with attention in Russia. " These few additional particulars may add to whatever of interest is felt in Captain Kind's account of this exile. And even this may be enhanced to the susceptible mind by the remark, that old and worn out as Iwashkin appeared to Captain King, he nevertheless survived him at least twenty years, as the latter died at Nice, in Italy, in 1784. --E. [38] It may not be ill-timed to mention here, what Captain Krusenstern says as to the scarcity of gunpowder in Kamtschatka, to which Captain King alludes in his account of bear-hunting. It is owing to the deficiency of this article, that the inhabitants are so seldom provided with certain luxuries of the table, as the wild sheep, or _argalis_, rein- deer, hares, ducks, and geese, with most or all of which the country is tolerably well stocked. The conveyance of this most useful material from the provinces of European Russia, is both difficult and exposed to different accidents; such as getting wet, or, what is still worse, taking fire; in consequence of which latter occurrence, it is said, whole villages have been destroyed. To prevent this mischief, as much as possible, we are informed, that gunpowder is now forbidden to be brought for private sale. This prohibition, as is usual in all such cases, is often evaded, and, by augmenting the price of the article, of course excites the stronger disposition on the part of the merchant to introduce it. The Kamtschadale, therefore, purchases powder secretly, and at a very high price; he uses it sparingly, and that only for defence against bears; or to kill some animal, whose skin he knows will repay the cost of getting it. As, in many respects, it is an article of indispensable necessity, and as therefore the people must have it in some way or other, Captain Krusenstern recommends, that, with many other commodities, it should be sent from Cronstadt. --E. [39] The reader will probably not dislike to see another instance of the bear's cunning, in the mode of catching a peculiar sort of fish called _kachly_, which abounds in Kamtschatka, and of which he is exceedingly fond. We are told by Krusenstern, that as soon as this animal perceives the shoals of _kachly_ going up the river, he places himself in the water, within a short distance of the bank, and in such a position of his legs, as that the fish, which always goes straight forward, may have just space enough to pass between them. He then watches his opportunity, when a good many have entered the snare, to press his legs together, so as to inclose his prey, with which, at one spring, he jumps on shore, where he devours them at his leisure. This practice is much to be commended for the spirit of independence it indicates; but not so another one, which some authors have charged against these sagacious animals, viz. Dragging the fishermen's nets out of the water, during their absence, and then robbing them of the fish they contained. Mr Bingley's Animal Biography, where this piece of pilfering is mentioned, may be advantageously consulted for several amusing notices respecting the habits and capabilities of this creature, which are quite in unison with Captain King's account. --E. [40] The interest of the following passage, from the account of Krusenstern's voyage, will form the only apology necessary for the largeness of the space it occupies. "As it was evident, upon our arrival, that the many things necessary to be done on board, would occupy a space of not less than four or five weeks, the officers of the ship had formed a plan of renewing the monument which had been erected to Captain Clerke. From Cook's and La Perouse's voyage, it is well known that Clerke was buried in the town of Saint Peter and St Saint Paul, under a large tree, to which a board, with an inscription, was affixed, mentioning his death, his age and rank, and the object of the expedition, in which he lost his life. We found the escutcheon, painted by Webber, the draughtsman of the Resolution, and suspended by Captain King in the church at Paratunka, in the portico of Major Krupskoy's house, nor did any one appear to know what connection it had with this painted board; and as there has been no church for many years either in Paratunka or Saint Peter and Saint Paul, it was very fortunate that the escutcheon was not entirely lost. La Perouse, finding the board on the tree rotting very fast, had the inscription copied on a plate of copper, adding, that it had been restored by him; and as this inscription is not given in Cook's voyage, and every thing relative to him and his companion must be interesting to all, I cannot avoid transcribing it here from La Perouse's copy. "At The Root Of This Tree Lies The Body Of Captain Charles Clerke, Who Succeeded To The Command Of His Britannic Majesty's Ships, The Resolution And Discovery, On The Death Of Captain James Cook, Who Was Unfortunately Killed By The Natives At An Island In The South Sea On The 14TH Of February In The Year 1779, And Died At Sea Of A Lingering Consumption The 22ND August In The Same Year, Aged 38. * * * * * "Copié sur l'inscription Angloise par ordre de M^r le C^{te} de la Perouse chef d'Escadre, en 1787. "This plate La Perouse caused to be nailed on the wooden monument. We found it there, although it had more than once been removed. The monument itself, however, appeared to promise but short duration; for the tree, which was more than half decayed, could not stand above a few years longer, and it was become necessary to raise a more durable one to Cook's companion. We also found the coffin, containing the remains of De Lisle de la Croyère, as we were digging up the ground, a few paces from Clerke's tomb, after having long sought for it in vain. La Perouse had erected a monument to him also; and, upon a copper- plate, had engraved an inscription, containing a few of the particulars of his life. Of this there was not the least vestige remaining, though no longer space than eighteen years had since elapsed. The _memento_ of these two persons, equally skilled in the science of navigation, and who had both lost their lives in one of the most inhospitable quarters of the globe, could now be united in one monument; and, for this purpose, a durable pedestal of wood was erected as near as possible to the old tree, in order still to preserve the locality; and over this a pyramid; on one side of which, the plate, which La Perouse had engraved, was fastened; and on the opposite side, a copy of Captain Clerke's escutcheon, made for the occasion by M. Tilesius. On the other two sides were the following inscriptions, in Russian: 'In the first voyage round the world, undertaken by the Russians, under the command of Captain Krusenstern, the officers of the ship Nadeshda erected this monument to the memory of the English captain, Clerke, on the 15th September 1805. ' "And on the side facing the south: 'Here rest the ashes of De Lisle de la Croyère, the astronomer attached to the expedition commanded by Commodore Behring, in the year 1741. ' "This monument was constructed under the direction of Lieutenant Ratmanoff; and his anxiety to complete it previous to our departure, made him overcome every difficulty in the way of such an undertaking in Kamtschatka. It would have been an injustice in me not to have supported and contributed by all the means in my power to its completion; and as I gave them not only workmen, but also such materials as we had on board the ship, we had the satisfaction of seeing it entirely completed previous to our departure. A deep ditch surrounded the whole; and, in order to screen it against any accidental injury, it was inclosed in a high paling, the door of which was to be kept constantly locked, and the key to remain in the hands of the governor of Saint Peter and Saint Paul. " Every heart that is capable of humane emotions will respect this labour infinitely beyond either the magnitude or the importance of its effects, and will gladly applaud the virtuous sentiment that prompts generous minds, in defiance of the narrow and perishable distinction of name and nation, to reverence the kindred excellence and the common lot of their fellow creatures. --E. [41] Every reader will be pleased to learn, that Krusenstern bears ample testimony to the general accuracy of Captain King's drawings and descriptions of the bay, &c. This intimation is probably sufficient for most persons, without any special exemplification of the coincidences betwixt these two writers. --F. SECTION VI. General Account of Kamtschatka. --Geographical Description. --Rivers. --Soil. --Climate. --Volcanoes. --Hot Springs. --Productions. --Vegetables. --Animals. --Birds. --Fish. [42] Kamtschatka is the name of a peninsula situated on the eastern coast ofAsia, running nearly N. And S. , from 52° to 6l° N. Latitude; the longitudeof its southern extremity being 156° 45' E. The isthmus, which joins it tothe continent on the N. , lies between the Gulf of Olutorsk and the Gulf ofPenshinsk. Its southern extremity is Cape Lopatka, a word signifying theblade bone of a man, and is so called from its supposed resemblance to it. The shape of the whole peninsula is not unlike that of a shoe, wideningfrom the toe (which we may suppose to be Cape Lopatka) toward the middle, and narrowing again toward the heel, the neck of land above mentionedconnecting it with the continent. Its greatest breadth is from the mouth ofthe river Tigil to that of Kamtschatka, and is computed to be two hundredand thirty-six miles, from whence it narrows very gradually toward eachextremity. It is bounded on the N. By the country of the Koriacks; to the S. And E. , by the North Pacific Ocean; and to the W. , by the sea of Okotzk. A chain ofhigh mountains stretches the whole length of the country, from N. To S. , dividing it nearly into two equal parts, from whence a great number ofrivers take their rise, and empty themselves, on each side, into thePacific Ocean and the sea of Okotzk. There are three rivers of much greater magnitude than the rest; theBolchoireka, or great river, so called from bolchoia, which signifiesgreat, and reka, a river; the river Kamtschatka, and the Awatska. The firstempties itself into the sea of Okotzk, and is navigable for the Russiangalliots upwards of five leagues from its mouth, or within nine miles ofBolcheretsk, a town situated at the conflux of the Goltsoffka and theBistraia, which here lose themselves in the Bolchoireka. The Bistraiaitself is no inconsiderable river. It derives its source from the samemountain with the river Kamtschatka, and, by taking a direct contrarycourse, affords the Kamtschadales the means of transporting their goods bywater in small canoes, almost across the whole peninsula. The riverKamtschatka, after maintaining a course of near three hundred miles from S. To N. . Winds round to the eastward; in which direction it empties itselfinto the ocean, a little to the southward of Kamtschatkoi Noss. Near themouth of the Kamtschatka to the N. W. , lies the great lake called Nerpitsch, from nerpi, a Kamtschadale word, signifying a seal, with which this lakeabounds. About twenty miles up the river, reckoning from the mouth of thelake, is a fort called Nishnei Kamtschatka ostrog, where the Russians havebuilt an hospital and barracks; and which, we were informed, is become theprincipal mart in this country. The river Awatska rises from the mountains situated between the Bolchoirekaand the Bistraia, and running, from N. W. To S. E. , a course of one hundredmiles, falls into the bay of Awatska. The Tigil is likewise a river ofconsiderable size, rising amidst some very high mountains, which lie underthe same parallel with Kamtschatkoi Noss, and running in an even coursefrom S. E. To N. W. , falls into the sea at Okotzk. All the other rivers ofthis peninsula, which are almost infinite in number, are too small todeserve a particular enumeration. If I may judge of the soil, from what I saw of its vegetable productions, Ishould not hesitate in pronouncing it barren in the extreme. Neither in theneighbourhood of the bay, nor in the country I traversed on my journey toBolcheretsk, nor in any of our hunting expeditions, did I ever meet withthe smallest spot of ground that resembled what in England is called a goodgreen turf; or that seemed as if it could be turned to any advantage, either in the way of pasturage, or other mode of cultivation. The face ofthe country in general was thinly covered with stunted trees, having abottom of moss, mixed, with low weak heath. The whole bore a more strikingresemblance to Newfoundland, than to any other part of the world I had everseen. It must however be observed, that I saw at Paratounca three or four stacksof sweet and very fine-looking hay; and Major Behm informed me, that manyparts of the peninsula, particularly the banks of the river Kamtschatka andthe Bistraia, produce grass of great height and strength, which they cuttwice in the summer; and that the hay is of a succulent quality, andparticularly well adapted to the fattening of cattle. Indeed it shouldappear, from the size and fatness of the thirty-six head that were sentdown to us from the Verchnei ostrog, and which, we were told, were bred andfattened in the neighbourhood, that they must have had the advantage ofboth good pastures and meadows. For it is worth our notice, that the firstsupply we received, consisting of twenty, came to us just at the close ofthe winter, and before the snow was off the ground, and therefore probablyhad tasted nothing but hay for the seven preceding months. And this agreeswith what is related by Krascheninnikoff, that there is no part of thecountry equal in fertility to that which borders on the river Kamtschatka;and that to the N. And S. It is much inferior both in point of soil andclimate. He relates, that repeated experiments have been made in theculture of oats, barley, and rye, in different quarters near this river, which have generally succeeded; that, in particular, some persons belongingto the convent of Jakutzk, who had settled in that part of the country, hadsown barley there, which had yielded an extraordinary increase; and he hasno doubt but that wheat, in many parts, particularly near the source of theBistraia and Kamtschatka, would grow as well as in the generality ofcountries situated in the same latitude. Perhaps the superior fertility ofthe country here spoken of, may, in a great measure, be accounted for, fromits lying in that part of the peninsula which is by much the widest, andconsequently farthest removed from the sea, on each side. The moistchilling fogs and drizzling weather which prevail almost perpetually alongthe coast, must necessarily render the parts adjacent very unfit for allthe purposes of agriculture. [43] It is natural to suppose, that the severity of the climate must be in dueproportion to the general sterility of the soil, of which it is probablythe cause. The first time we saw this country was in the beginning of May, 1779, when the whole face of it was covered with snow, from six to eightfeet deep. On the 6th we had snow, with the wind from the N. E. On the 8thof May, at noon, the thermometer stood at 32°; and the same day some of ourmen were sent on shore to try to cut wood, but the snow was still so deepon the ground, as to render all their attempts fruitless. Nor was it foundpracticable to proceed in this necessary business, with all the efforts ofa very stout party, till the 12th, at which time the thaw began to advancegradually. The sides of the hills were now in some places free from snow;and, by the beginning of June, it was generally melted from the low lands. On the 15th of June, the day we sailed out of the harbour, the thermometerhad never risen higher than 58°, nor the barometer than 30° 04'. The windsblew almost invariably from the eastward during our stay, and the S. E. Wasmore prevalent than any other. On our return, the 24th of August, the foliage of the trees, and all othersorts of vegetation, seemed to be in the utmost state of perfection. Forthe remainder of this month, and through September, the weather was verychangeable, but in no respect severe. The winds at the beginning of themonth were for the most part easterly, after which they got round to the W. The greatest height of the thermometer was 65°, the lowest 40°. Thebarometer's greatest height 30°, its lowest 29, 3. So that upon the whole, during this month, an equal and moderate degree of temperature prevailed. But at the beginning of October, the tops of the hills were again coveredwith new-fallen snow, the wind continuing westerly. In computing the seasons, the spring ought certainly not to be taken intothe account. From the middle of June to the middle of September, may beproperly said to constitute the summer. October may be considered as anautumnal month; from thence, to the middle of June, it is perfect winter. It was toward the end of May that we made our journey between Bolcheretskand Awatska, over the snow in sledges. It is said, that the climate in the country adjoining to the riverKamtschatka, is not less serene and temperate, than in many parts ofSiberia that are under the same latitude. This variation is probably owingto the same causes, to which the superior fertility of the soil in thoseparts has been before attributed. But it is not in the sterility of theground alone, that the Kamtschadales feel the unfavourable temperature oftheir climate. The uncertainty of the summer season sometimes preventstheir laying up a sufficient stock of dried fish for their winter'sprovision, and the moisture of the air causes worms to breed in them, whichnot unfrequently destroy the greatest part. I do not remember that we had either thunder or lightning during our stay, excepting on the night of the eruption of the volcano; and, from theaccount of the inhabitants, they are very seldom troubled with storms ofthis kind, and never but in a slight degree. The general severity of thewinter, as well as the dreadful hurricanes of wind and snow that seasonbrings along with it, cannot be questioned, from the subterraneoushabitations the natives are under a necessity of retiring to, for warmthand security. Major Behm told us, that the cold and inclemency of thewinter of 1779 was such, that for several weeks all intercourse between theinhabitants was entirely stopped, every one being afraid to stir even fromone house to another, for fear of being frost-bitten. This extraordinaryrigour of climate, in so low a latitude, may be accounted for from itsbeing situated to the east of an immense uncultivated tract of country, andfrom the prevalence of the westerly winds, blowing over so extensive andcold a continent. The extraordinary violence and impetuosity of the windsis attributed to the subterraneous fires, the sulphureous exhalations, andthe general volcanic disposition of the country. This peninsula abounds in volcanos, of which only three have, for some timepast, been subject to eruptions. We have already mentioned that which issituated in the neighbourhood of Awatska. Besides this, there are othersnot less remarkable, according to the account given of them byKrascheninnikoff. The volcano of Tolbatchick is situated on a neck of ground between theriver of Kamtschatka and Tolbatchick. The mountain, from the summit ofwhich, the eruptions proceed, is of a considerable height, and terminatedin pointed rocks. In the beginning of the year 1739, there issued from it awhirlwind of flames, which reduced to ashes the forests of the neighbouringmountains. This was succeeded by a cloud of smoke, which spread over anddarkened the whole country, till it was dissipated by a shower of cinders, that covered the ground to the distance of thirty miles. MrKrascheninnikoff, who was at this time on a journey from Bolchoireka to theKamtschatka ostrog, at no great distance from the mountain, relates thatthe eruption was preceded by an alarming sound in the woods, which hethought the forerunner of some dreadful storm or hurricane, till threeshocks of an earthquake, at about a minute's interval of each, convincedhim of its real cause; but that he was hindered from approaching nearer themountain, by the cinders that fell, and prevented him from proceeding onhis journey. The third volcano is on the top of the mountain of Kamtschatka, which ismentioned as by far the highest in the peninsula. A thick smoke neverceases to ascend from its summit, and it has frequent eruptions, of themost violent and dreadful kind; some of which were much talked of, andseemed to be fresh in the memories of the Kamtschadales. The country is likewise said to contain numerous springs of hot water. Theonly one that I had an opportunity of seeing was at Natcheekin ostrog, andhath been already described. Krascheninnikoff makes mention of severalothers, and also of two very extraordinary pits, or wells, at the bottom ofwhich the water is seen to boil as in a cauldron, with prodigious force andimpetuosity; at the same time a dreadful noise issues out of them, and sothick a vapour, that a man cannot see through it. Of the trees which fell under our notice, the principal are the birch, thepoplar, the alder, (with the bark of which they stain their leather, ) manyspecies of the willow, but all small; and two kinds of dwarfish pines orcedars. [44] One of these grows upon the coast, creeping along the ground, and seldom exceeds two feet in height. It was of this sort we made ouressence for beer, and found it excellent for the purpose. The other growson the mountains, to a greater height, and bears a small nut, or apple. Wewere told by the old _Toion_ at Saint Peter and Saint Paul, that Beering, during the time he lay in that harbour, first taught them the use of thedecoction of these pines, and that it proved a most excellent remedy forthe scurvy; but, whether from the great scarcity of sugar, or from whatother cause, we could not learn, we were sorry to find that it was nolonger in use amongst them. The birch was by far the most common tree we saw; and of this we remarkedthree sorts. Two of them fit for timber, and differing only in the textureand colour of the bark; the third of a dwarfish kind. This tree is appliedto a great variety of uses by the inhabitants. The liquor which, ontapping, it yields in great abundance, they drink without mixture, or anypreparation, as we had frequent opportunities of observing upon our journeyto Bolcheretsk; and found it ourselves pleasant and refreshing, butsomewhat purgative. The bark they convert into vessels, for almost alltheir domestic and kitchen purposes; and it is of the wood of this tree thesledges and canoes are also made. [45] The birch, and every other kind of tree in the neighbourhood of the bay, were small and stunted; and they are obliged to go many miles up into thecountry, for wood of a proper size to work into canoes, for the principaltimbers of their _balagans_, and the like uses. Besides the trees above-mentioned, Krascheninnikoff relates, that the larchgrows on the banks of the river Kamtschatka, and of those that fall intoit, but no where else; and that there are firs in the neighbourhood of theriver Berezowa; that there is likewise the service-tree (_padus foliisannuis_;) and two species of the white thorn, one bearing a red, the othera black berry. Of the shrub kind, as junipers, the mountain-ash, wild rose-trees, andraspberry bushes, the country produces great abundance; together with avariety of berries; blue berries of two sorts, round and oval; partridge-berries, cranberries, crow-berries, and black-berries. These the nativesgather at proper seasons, and preserve, by boiling them into a thick jam, without sugar. They make no inconsiderable part of their winter provisions, and are used as sauce to their dried and salt fish; of which kind of foodthey are unquestionably excellent correctives. They likewise eat them bythemselves in puddings and various other ways, and make decoctions of themfor their ordinary liquor. We met with several wholesome vegetables in a wild state, and in greatquantities; such as wild celery, angelica, chervil, garlic, and onions. Upon some few patches of ground in the vallies, we found excellent turnipsand turnip-radishes. Their garden cultivation went no farther; yet fromhence I am led to conclude, that many of the hardy sorts of vegetables, (such at least as push their roots downward, ) like as carrots; parsnips, and beet, and perhaps potatoes, would thrive tolerably well. Major Behmtold me, that some other sorts of kitchen vegetables had been tried, butdid not answer; that neither any of the cabbage or lettuce kind would everhead; and that peas and beans shot up very vigorous stalks, flowered andpodded, but the pods never filled. He likewise told me, that in theexperiments made by himself at Bolcheretsk, with different sorts offarinaceous grain, there generally came up a very high and strong blade, which eared, but that the ears never yielded flour. This short account of the vegetable production reaches to such parts of thecountry only as fell within our notice, In the neighbourhood of theKamtschatka river, where (as has been observed) both the soil and climateare by much the best in the whole peninsula, garden culture is attended to, and probably with great success, as appears from our having received, atthe same time with the second drove of cattle from Verchnei, a present ofcucumbers, of very large fine turnips, celery, and some other garden-stuff, of which I do not recollect the kinds. There are two plants, which, from the great use made of them, merit aparticular mention and description. The first is called by the natives_sarana_, and by botanists, _Lilium Kamtskatiense flore atro rubente_. [46]The stem is about the thickness of that of the tulip, and grows to theheight of five inches, is of a purple colour toward the bottom, and greenhigher up, and hath growing from it two tier of leaves of an oval figure, the lowest consisting of three leaves, the uppermost of four, in the formof a cross; from the top of the stalk grows a single flower, of anexceedingly dark red colour, in shape resembling the flower, of thenarcissus, only much smaller; from the centre of the flower rises a styleof a triangular form, and obtuse at the end, which is surrounded by sixwhite stamina, whose extremities are yellow. The root is of the bulbouskind, and resembles in shape that of garlic, being much of the same size, but rounder, and having, like that, four or five cloves hanging together. The plant grows wild, and in considerable abundance; the women are employedin collecting the roots at the beginning of August, which are afterwarddried in the sun, and then laid up for use. On our second arrival, thisharvest was just over, and had fallen much short of its usual produce. Itis a common observation amongst the Kamtschadales, that the bounty ofProvidence never fails them, for that such seasons as are most hurtful tothe _sarana_, are always the most favourable for fishing; and that, on thecontrary, a bad fishing month is always made up by the exuberance of the_sarana_ harvest. It is used in cookery in various ways. When roasted inembers, it supplies the place of bread better than any thing the countryaffords. After being baked in an oven and pounded, it becomes an excellentsubstitute for flour and meal of every sort; and in this form is mixed inall their soups, and most of their other dishes. It is esteemed extremelynourishing, has a pleasant bitter taste, and may be eaten every day withoutcloying. We used to boil these roots, and eat them as potatoes, eitheralone, or with our meat, and found them very wholesome and pleasant. It hasbeen already mentioned, that this useful plant grows also at Oonalashka, where the roots of it are used, and constitute a considerable part of theirfood, in like manner as in Kamtschatka. The other plant alluded to is called the sweet grass; the botanicaldescription is _Heracleum Sibericum foliis pinnatis, foliolis quinis, intermediis sessilibus, corollulis uniformibus_. Hort. Upsal. 65. The time, I took particular notice of it, was in May, when it was about a foot and ahalf high, had much the appearance of sedge, and was covered with a whitedown, or dust, which looked exceedingly like the hoar frost hanging uponit, and might be rubbed off; it tasted as sweet as sugar; but was hot andpungent. The stalk is hollow, and consists of three or four joints; fromeach of which arise large leaves, and when at its full growth, is six feethigh. This plant was formerly a principal ingredient in the cookery of most ofthe Kamtschadale dishes; but since the Russians got possession of thecountry, it has been almost entirely appropriated to the purpose ofdistillation. The manner in which it is gathered, prepared, and afterwarddistilled, is as follows:--Having cut such stalks as have leaves growing onthem, of a proper age, (the principal stem, by the time the plant hasattained its full growth, having become too dry for their purpose, ) andscraped off with shells the downy substance on their surface, they are laidin small heaps, till they begin to sweat and smell. On growing dry again, they put them into sacks, made of matting; where, after remaining a fewdays, they are gradually covered with a sweet saccharine powder, whichexudes from the hollow of the stalk. From thirty-six pounds of the plant inthis state, they obtain no more than a quarter of a pound of powder. Thewomen, whose province it is to collect and prepare the materials, areobliged to defend their hands with gloves whilst they are scraping thestalks; the rind they remove, being of so acrid a quality as to blister, and even ulcerate, whatever it touches. The spirit is drawn from the plant in this state by the followingprocess:--After steeping bundles of it in hot water, they promote itsfermentation in a small vessel, by the help of berries of the_gimolost_, [47] or of the _golubitsa_, [48] being careful to close up wellthe mouth of the vessel, and to keep it in a warm place whilst thefermentation is going on, which is generally so violent as to occasion aconsiderable noise, and to agitate the vessel in which it is contained. After drawing off this first liquor, they pour on more hot water, and makea second in the same manner. They then pour both liquor and herbs into acopper still, and draw off the spirit after the usual method. The liquorthus obtained is of the strength of brandy; and is called by the natives_raka_. Two pood (seventy-two pounds) of the plant yield generally onevedro (twenty-five pints) of _raka_. Steller says, that the spirit distilled from this plant, unscraped, isexceedingly prejudicial to the health, and produces the most sudden andterrible nervous effects. Besides these, Krascheninnikoff mentions a variety of other plants, fromwhence the inhabitants prepare several decoctions; and which, being mixedwith their fish, make palatable and wholesome ragouts. Such as the_kipri_, [49] with which is brewed a pleasant common beverage; and, byboiling this plant and the sweet herb together, in the proportion of one tofive of the latter, and fermenting the liquor in the ordinary way, isobtained a strong and excellent vinegar. The leaves of it are used insteadof tea, and the pith is dried and mixed in many of their dishes; the_morkovai_, [50] which is very like angelica; the _kotkorica, [51] the rootof which they eat indifferently, green or dried; the _ikoum_, [52] the_utchichlei_, [53] which is much eaten with fish; with many others. It is said, that the Kamtschadales (before their acquaintance with fire-arms) poisoned their spears and arrows with the juice of the root of the_zgate_;[54] and that wounds inflicted by them are equally destructive toland and marine animals. The Tschutski are reported to use the same drugfor this purpose at present. I shall conclude this part of the natural history of Kamtschatka with anaccount, from the same author, of three plants, which furnish the materialsof all their manufactures. The first is the _triticum radice perennispiculis binis lanuginosis_, [55] which grows in abundance along the coast. Of the straw of this grass they make a strong sort of matting, which theyuse not only for their floors, but for sacks, bedclothes, curtains, and avariety of other domestic purposes. Of the same materials they also makevery neat little bags and baskets, of different forms, and for varioususes. The plant called _bolotnaia_, which grows in the marshes, and resembles_cyperoides_, is gathered in the autumn, and carded like wool, with a combmade of the bones of the sea-swallow; with this, in lieu of linen andwoollen clothes, they swathe their new-born infants, and use it for acovering next the skin whilst they are young. It is also made into a kindof wadding, and used for the purpose of giving additional warmth to variousparts of their clothing. There remains still a vulgar and well-known plant, which, as it contributesmore effectually to their subsistence, than all the rest put together, mustnot be passed over in silence. This is the nettle, which, as the countryproduces neither, hemp nor flax, supplies the materials of which are madetheir fishing-nets, and without which they could not possibly subsist. Forthis purpose they cut it down in August; and, after hanging it up inbundles in the shade, under their _balagans_, the remainder of the summer, treat it like hemp. They then spin it into thread with their fingers, andtwist it round a spindle; after which they twine several threads together, according to the different purposes for which It may be designed. Though there is little doubt but that many parts of this peninsula wouldadmit of such cultivation as might contribute considerably to the comfortof the inhabitants, yet its real riches must always consist in the numberof wild animals it produces; and no labour, can ever be turned to so goodaccount as what is employed upon their furrieries. The animals thereforewhich supply these come next to be considered; and these are, the commonfox, the stoat, or ermine, the zibeline, or sable, the isatis, or arcticfox, the varying hare, the mountain rat, or earless marmot, the weasel, theglutton, or wolverene, the argali, or wild sheep, rein-deer, bears, wolves, dogs. The fox[56] is the most general object of the chase; and they are found ingreat numbers, and of variety of colours. The most common is the same inspecies with the European, with this variation, that the colours are morebright and shining; some are of a dark chesnut, others are striped withdark-coloured bars, others have the belly black, and the rest of the bodyof a light chesnut. Some again are of a very dark brown, some black, othersof a stone colour; and there are a few quite white, but these last are veryscarce. Their fur is exceedingly thick and fine, and of a quality muchsuperior to those either of Siberia or America. A variety of artifices aremade use of by the hunters to catch this animal, which in all climates seemto preserve the same character of craftiness and cunning. Traps ofdifferent sorts, some calculated to fall upon them, others to catch them bythe feet, others by the head, are amongst the most common; to which may beadded, several ingenious contrivances for taking them in nets. Poisonedbaits are likewise in use; and the _nux vomica_ is the drug principallyemployed for this purpose. Before their knowledge of the Russians, by whichthey became acquainted with fire-arms, they also carried bows and arrows tothe chase. But since that period, almost every Kamtschadale is providedwith a rifle-barrel gun; and, though far from being dexterous in the use ofit, its superiority over the former instruments he is ready to acknowledge. The sables[57] of Kamtschatka are said to be considerably larger than thoseof Siberia, and their fur much thicker and brighter, though not of so gooda black as those in the neighbourhood of the Olekma and the Vitime, [58] acircumstance which depreciates their value much more than their superiorityin other respects enhances it. The sables of the Tigil and Ouka are countedthe best in Kamtschatka; and a pair of these sometimes sell for thirtyroubles (five pounds sterling). The worst are those of the southernextremity. The apparatus of the sable hunters consist of a rifle-barrel gunof an exceedingly small bore, a net, and a few bricks; with the first theyshoot them when they see them on the trees; the net is to surround thehollow trees, in which, when pursued, they take refuge; and the bricks areheated, and put into the cavities, in order to smoke them out. I must refer the reader for an account of the isatis, [59] or arctic fox, toMr Pennant's Arctic Zoology, as I never saw either the animal or the skin, which I understand they set no value upon. The varying hare[60] is alsoneglected on the same account. They are in great abundance; and, as isalways the case with this species, turn quite white during the winter. Ourshooting parties saw several of this colour the beginning of May, but foundthem so shy, that they were not able to get within gun-shot. The mountain-rat, or earless marmot, [61] is a beautiful little animal, considerably smaller than a squirrel, and, like it, feeds upon roots, berries, the cedar-apple, &c. Which it eats sitting upon its hind-legs, andholding them up to its mouth with the paws. Its skin is much valued by theKamtschadales, is both warm and light, and of a bright shining colour, forming, like the plumage of some birds, various colours when viewed indifferent lights. The stoat, or ermine, [62] is here held in no estimation, and consequentlynever engages the attention of the hunters; because, as I have heard, itsfur is of an ordinary kind. I saw many of these little animals runningabout; and we bought several of their skins, which were of a bad white, andof a dirty yellow toward the belly. The common weasel[63] is alsoneglected, and for the same reason. On the contrary, the skin of the glutton, or wolverene, [64] is here in thehighest repute; insomuch, that a Kamtschadale looks upon himself as mostrichly attired, when a small quantity of this fur is seen upon him. Thewomen adorn their hair with its pats, which are white, and considered as anextraordinary piece of finery; and they have a superstitious opinion, thatthe angels are clad with the skins of those animals. It is said, that thiscreature is easily tamed, and taught a number of pleasant tricks. [65] Having already had occasion to speak, as fully as my own knowledge enablesme, of the bears, and the method of killing them, I shall only hereobserve, that all those I saw were of a dun brown colour; that they aregenerally seen in companies of four or five together; that the time theyare most abroad is during the season that the fish (which is theirprincipal food) are pushing up from the sea into the rivers, and that theyare seldom visible in the winter months. [66] Their skins are exceedingly useful. They make both excellent warm matressesand coverings for their beds; comfortable bonnets and gloves, and goodcollars for the dogs' harness. Their flesh, and particularly the fat, areconsidered as great delicacies. The wolves are only seen in the winter; at which season they prowl about, as I was told, in large companies, in search of prey. There are rein-deer, both wild and tame, in several parts of the peninsula;but none in the neighbourhood of Awatska. It is somewhat singular, thatthis nation should never have used the rein-deer for the purposes ofcarriage, in the same manner as their neighbours, both to the north and theeastward. Their dogs, indeed, seem fully sufficient for all the demands ofthe natives in their present state; and the breed of Russian horses willprobably increase with the future necessities of the country. But when itis recollected, that the use of dogs, in a great measure, precludes themfrom the advantage of bringing up any other domestic animals, it willappear the more extraordinary, that they should not have adopted theservices of an animal so much more gentle as well as powerful. The argali, or wild mountain-sheep, [67] an animal, I believe, unknown inEurope, (except in Corsica and Sardinia, ) is here in great plenty. Its skinis like the deer's, but in gait and general appearance, it partakes more ofthe goat. It has two large twisted horns, sometimes weighing, when at fullgrowth, from twenty-five to thirty pounds, which in, running it rests uponits back. These creatures are exceedingly, nimble and swift, haunt only themost craggy and mountainous parts, and make their way among the steepestrocks with an agility that is astonishing. The natives work their hornsinto spoons, and small cups and platters; and have frequently one of asmaller size hanging to a belt, which serves them to drink out of in theirhunting expeditions. This animal is gregarious. I frequently tasted theflesh of them, and thought it had a very sweet and delicate flavour; butnever had an opportunity of seeing one alive. I must, therefore, refer thereader for a particular description of this beautiful animal, (for such itis said to be, ) to the Memoirs of the Academy of Petersburg, tom. Iv. Tab. Xiii. I have already observed, that the dogs of this country are, in shape andmien, exceedingly like the Pomeranian, with this difference, that they area great deal larger, and the hair somewhat coarser. They are of a varietyof colours; but the most general is a light dun, or dirty cream-colour. Toward the end of May they are all turned loose, and left to provide forthemselves through the summer, being sure to return to their respectivehomes when the snow begins to fall. Their food, in the winter, consistsentirely of the head, entrails, and back-bones of salmon; which are putaside, and dried for that purpose; and with this diet they are fed butsparingly. The number of dogs must needs be very great, since five areyoked to a sledge, and a sledge carries but one person; so that on ourjourney to Bolcheretsk, we required no fewer than an hundred and thirty-nine, at the two stages of Karatchin and Natcheekin. It is also to beremarked, that they never make use of bitches for the draft, nor dogs, butthose that are cut. The whelps are trained to this business, by being tiedto stakes with light leathern thongs, which, are made to stretch, andhaving their victuals placed at a proper distance out of their reach; sothat by constantly pulling and labouring, in order to come at their food, they acquire both the strength of limbs, and the habit of drawing, that arenecessary for their future destination. The coasts and bays of this country are frequented by almost every kind ofnorthern sea-fowl; and amongst the rest are the sea-eagles, but not, as atOonalashka, in great numbers. The rivers inland (if I may judge from what Isaw in our journey to Bolcheretsk) are stored with numerous flocks of wild-ducks of various species; one kind of which, in particular, has a mostbeautiful plumage, and is called by the natives _a-an-gitche_; a wordintended to express its cry, which is not less singular than agreeable, consisting of three distinct notes, rising, at equal intervals, above eachother. [68] There is another species, called the mountain-duck, [69] which, Stellersays, is peculiar to Kamtschatka. The drake is covered with plumage ofextraordinary beauty. Besides these, we observed a variety of other water-fowl, which, from their size, seemed to be of the wild-goose kind. In the woods through which we passed, were seen several eagles of aprodigious size; but of what species they were I cannot pretend todetermine. These are said to be of three different sorts; the black eagle, with a white head, tail, and leg;[70] of which the eaglets are as white assnow; the white eagle, so called, though in fact it is of a light grey; andthe lead, or stone-coloured eagle, [71] which is the most common; andprobably those I saw were of this sort. Of the hawk, falcon, and bustardkind, there are great numbers. This country likewise affords woodcocks, snipes, and two sorts of grouse, or moor-game. Swans are also said to be in great plenty; and in theirentertainments, generally to make a part of the repast, though I do notremember to have seen one on any occasion. The vast abundance of wild-fowlwith which the country is stored, was manifest from the numerous presentswe received from the _Toion_ of Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and whichsometimes consisted of twenty brace. We met with no amphibious sea-animals on the coast, except seals, withwhich the bay of Awatska swarmed; as they were at this time in pursuit ofthe salmon that were collecting in shoals, and ready to ascend the rivers. Some of them are said to pursue the fish into the fresh water, and to befound in most of the lakes which communicate with the sea. The sea-otters[72] are exactly the same with those we met with at NootkaSound, which have been already fully described, and where they are in greatplenty. They are also said to have been formerly in equal abundance here;but, since the Russians have opened a trade for their skins to China, wherethey are sold at a price much beyond that of any other kind of fur, theyhave been hunted almost entirely out of the country. Amongst the KurileIslands they are still caught, though in no great numbers; but are of asuperior quality to those of Kamtschatka, or the American coast. We are informed, that on Mednoi and Beering's Island, scarce a sea-otter isnow to be found; though it appears from Muller, [73] that in his time theywere exceedingly plentiful. The Russian voyagers make mention of a great variety of amphibious sea-animals, which are said to frequent these coasts; the reason why we saw noother kinds might be, that this was the season of their migration. Not having it in my power to treat these articles more fully, I concludethem with the less regret, since the ingenious Mr Pennant has a work, almost ready for publication, entitled, "Arctic Zoology;" in which thelearned will receive full information concerning the animals of thispeninsula. This gentleman has very obligingly communicated to me hisCatalogue of Arctic Animals, with reference to his work, and permission toinsert it. It will be found at the end of this section; and I feel myselfextremely happy in laying it before the reader, and thereby presenting himwith, what could have been furnished from no other quarter, one entire viewof Kamtschadale zoology. [74] Fish may be considered as the staple article of food with which Providencehath supplied the inhabitants of this peninsula; who, in general, mustnever expect to draw any considerable part of their sustenance either fromgrain or cattle. It is true, the soil, as has been remarked, affords somegood and nourishing roots, and every part of the country abounds inberries; but though these alone would be insufficient for the support ofthe people, yet, at the same time, they are necessary correctives of theputrescent quality of their dried fish. In short, fish may, with muchgreater justice, be here called the staff of life, than bread is in othercountries; since it appears, that neither the inhabitants, nor the onlydomestic animal they have, the dog, could exist without it. Whales are frequently seen, both in the sea of Okotzk, and on the side ofthe eastern ocean, and, when caught, are turned to a variety of uses. Ofthe skin they make the soles of their shoes, and straps and thongs forvarious other purposes. The flesh they eat, and the fat is carefullystored, both for kitchen use, and for their lamps. The whiskers are foundto be the best materials for sewing together the seams of their canoes;they likewise make nets of them for the larger kind of fish; and with theunder-jaw-bones their sledges are shod. They likewise work the bones intoknives; and formerly the chains with which their dogs are tied, were madeof that material, though at present iron ones are generally used. Theintestines they clean, then blow and dry like bladders and it is in thesetheir oil and grease is stored; and of the nerves and veins, which are bothstrong and slip readily, they make excellent snares; so that there is nopart of the whale which here does not find its use. From the middle of May, till our departure on the 24th of June, we caughtgreat quantities of excellent flat-fish, trout, and herrings. Upward ofthree hundred of the former, besides a number of sea-trout, were draggedout at one haul of the seine, the 15th of May. These flat-fish are firm, and of a good flavour, studded upon the back with round prickly knobs, liketurbot, and streaked with dark-brown lines, running from the head towardthe tail. About the end of May the first herring season begins. Theyapproach in great shoals, but do not remain long on the coast. They hadentirely left the bay before we sailed out of it the first time, but werebeginning to revisit it again in October. It has been already mentioned, that the herrings were remarkably fine and large, and that we filled agreat part of our empty casks with them. The beginning of June largequantities of excellent cod were taken; a part of which were likewisesalted. We caught too, at different times, numbers of small fish, muchresembling a smelt, and once drew out a wolf-fish. Notwithstanding this abundance of flat-fish, cod, and herring, it is on thesalmon-fishery alone that the Kamtschadales depend for their winterprovisions. Of these, it is said by naturalists, there are to be found onthis coast all the different species that are known to exist, and which thenatives formerly characterized by the different months in which they ascendthe rivers. They say, too, that though the shoals of different sorts areseen to mount the rivers at the same time, yet they never mix with eachother; that they always return to the same river in which they were bred, but not till the third summer; that neither the male nor female live toregain the sea; that certain species frequent certain rivers, and are neverfound in others, though they empty themselves nearly at the same place. The first shoals of salmon begin to enter the mouth of the Awatska aboutthe middle of May; and this kind, which is called by the Kamtschadales_Tchavitsi_, is the largest and most valued. Their length is generallyabout three feet and a half; they are very deep in proportion, and theiraverage weight is from thirty to forty pounds. The tail is not forked, butstraight. The back is of a dark blue, spotted with black; in other respectsthey are much like our common salmon. They ascend the river withextraordinary velocity, insomuch that the water is sensibly agitated bytheir motion; and the Kamtschadales, who are always on the watch for themabout the time they are expected, judge of their approach by thiscircumstance, and immediately let drop their nets before them. We werepresented with one of the first that was caught, and given to understandthat it was the greatest compliment that could be paid us. Krascheninnikoffrelates, that formerly the Kamtschadales made a point of eating the firstfish they took with great rejoicings, and a variety of superstitiousceremonies; and that, after the Russians became their masters, it was for along time a constant subject of quarrel between them, to whom the firstshould belong. The season for fishing for this species lasts from themiddle of May till the end of June. The other sort is of a smaller kind, weighing only from eight to sixteenpounds. They are known by the general name of the red fish, and begin tocollect in the bays and at the mouths of the rivers the beginning of June;from, which time till the end of September, they are caught in greatquantities, both upon the eastern and western coast, where any fresh waterfalls into the sea, and likewise all along the course of the rivers totheir very source. The manner in which they draw their nets within the bayof Awatska is as follows: They tie one end of the net to a large stone atthe water's edge; they then push off in a canoe about twenty yards in aright line, dropping their net as they advance, after which they turn andrun out the remainder of the net in a line parallel to the shore. In thisposition they wait, concealing themselves very carefully in the boat, andkeeping a sharp look-out for the fish, which always direct their courseclose in with the shore, and whose approach is announced by a rippling inthe water, till they find that the shoal has advanced beyond the boat, whenthey shoot the canoe to shore in a direct line, and never fail of inclosingtheir prey. Seldom more than two men are employed to a net, who haul withfacility, in this manner, seines larger than ours, to which we appoint adozen. We at first met with very poor success in our own method of hauling, but after the Kamtschadales had very kindly put us in the way, we were notless successful than themselves. In the rivers, they shoot one net across, and haul another down the stream to it. The lakes that have a communication with the sea, which was the case of allthose that I saw, abound with fish that have very much the resemblance ofsmall salmon, and are from four to six pounds weight. I could notunderstand that the inhabitants thought it worth their while to fish forthem. As these lakes are not deep, they become an easy prey to the bearsand dogs during the summer; and, if I might judge from the quantity ofbones to be seen upon, the banks, they devour vast numbers of them. The inhabitants, for the most part, dry their salmon, and salt very littleof it. Each fish is cut into three pieces, the belly-piece being firsttaken off, and afterward a slice along each side the back-bone. The formerof these are dried and smoked, and esteemed the finest part of the fish, and sold, when we were at Saint Peter and Saint Paul's, at the rate of onehundred for a rouble. The latter are dried in the air, and either eatenwhole as bread, or reduced to powder, of which they make paste and cakes, that are not unpleasant to the taste. The head, tail, and bones are hungup, and dried for winter provision for the dogs. _List of Animals found in Kamtschadale, communicated by Mr Pennant_. [75] *Argali, wild sheep, Arct. _Capra ammon_, Lin. Syst. 97 Zool. Vol. I. P. 12. Ibex, _or_ wild goat 16 _Capra ibex_. 90*Rein 22 _Cervus tarandus_. 93*Wolf 38 _Canis lupus_. 53*Dog 40*Arctic fox 42 _Canis lagopus_. 59*European fox 45 _Canis vulpes_. 59* a. Black 46 b. Cross ib. *Polar bear, in the Frozen Sea _Ursus Arctos_. 69 only 55*Bear 57 _Ursus arctos_. *Wolverene 66 _Ursus luscus_. 71*Common weasel 75 _Mustela nivalis_. 69*Stoat, _or_ ermine ib. _Mustela erminea_. 68*Sable 79 _Mustela zibellina_. 68 Common otter 86 _Mustela lutra_. 66*Sea otter 88 _Mustela lutris_. 66*Varying hare 94 _Lepus timidus_. Alpine hare 97*Earless marmot 113 _Mus citellus_. 113 Bobak marmot 115 Water rat 130 _Mus amphibius_. 82 Common mouse 131 _Mus Musculus_. 83 OEconomic mouse 134 Red mouse 136 Ichelag mouse 138 Foetid shrew 139 _Sorex araneus_. 74*Walrus. Icy sea 144 _Trichecus rosmarus_. 49*Common seal 151 _Phoca vitulina_ 56 Great seal 159 Leporine seal 161 Harp seal 163 Rubbon seal. Kurile Isles 165 Ursine seal ib. _Phoca ursina_ 58 Leonine seal 172*Whale-tailed manati 177 There were no domestic animals in Kamtschatka till they were introduced bythe Russians. The dogs, which seem to be of wolfish descent, areaboriginal. BIRDS. LAND BIRDS. I. Sea eagle. Vol. II. P. 194 _Falco ossifragus_ . .. .. 124 *Cinereous eagle . .. .. . 2l4 _Vultur albiulla_ . .. .. . 123 *White-headed eagle . .. 196 _Falco leucocephalus_ . . Ib. Crying eagle . .. .. .. .. 215 (Latham, I. 38. ) Osprey . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 199 _Falco haliĉtus_ . .. .. .. 129 Peregrine falcon . .. .. 202 (Latham, I. 73. [76]) Goshawk . .. .. .. .. .. .. . 204 _Falco palumbarius_. .. .. 130II. Eagle owl . .. .. .. .. .. . 228 _Strix bubo_ . .. .. .. .. .. 131 Snowy owl . .. .. .. .. .. . 233 _Strix nyctea_. .. .. .. .. . 132III Raven . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. . 246 _Corvus corax_. .. .. .. .. . 155 Magpye . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 147 _Corvus pica_ . .. .. .. .. . 157 Nutcracker . .. .. .. .. .. 252 _Corvus caryocatactes_. . Ib. IV. Cuckoo . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 266 _Cuculus canorus_ . .. .. . 168V. Wryneck . .. .. .. .. .. .. . 267 _Jynx torquilla_ . .. .. .. 172VI. Nuthatch . .. .. .. .. .. .. 281 _Sitta Europea_ . .. .. .. 177VII. White grous . .. .. .. .. . 308 _Tetrao lagopus_ . .. .. .. 274 Wood grous . .. .. .. .. .. 312 _Tetrao urogallus_ . .. .. 273VIII. Water ouzel . .. .. .. .. . 332 _Sturnus cinclus_IX. Fieldfare . .. .. .. .. .. . 340 _Turdus pilaris_ . .. .. . 291 Redwing thrush . .. .. .. 341 _Turdus iliacus_ . .. .. . 291 Kamtschatkan . .. .. .. .. 343 (Latham, III. 23. )X. Greenfinch . .. .. .. .. .. 353 _Loxia chloris_ . .. .. .. . 304XI. Golden bunting . .. .. .. 367 (Latham, II. 201. )XII. Lesser red-headed \ linnet . .. .. .. .. .. .. . 379/ (Latham, II. 305. )XIII. Dun flycatcher . .. .. .. 390 (Latham, II. 351. )XIV. Sky-lark . .. .. .. .. .. .. 394A. _Alauda arsensis_ . .. .. 287 Wood-lark . .. .. .. .. .. . 395B. _Alauda arborea_ . .. .. . Ib. XV. White wagtail . .. .. .. . 396E. _Motacilla alba_ . .. .. . 331 Yellow wagtail . .. .. .. Ib. F. _Motacilla flava_ . .. .. Ib. Tschutski wagtail . .. . 397H. (Latham, IV. 403. )XVI. Yellow wren . .. .. .. .. . 413 _Motacilla trochilus_. 338 Redstart . .. .. .. .. .. .. 416 _Motacilla phĉnicurus_. 335 Longbilled . .. .. .. .. .. 420 Stapazina . .. .. .. .. .. . 421 _Motacilla stapazina_. 331 Awatska . .. .. .. .. .. .. . 422XVII. Marsh titmouse . .. .. .. 427 _Paras palustris_ . .. .. 341XVIII. Chimney swallow . .. .. . 429 _Hirundo rustica_ . .. .. 343 Martin . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 430 _Hirundo urbica_ . .. .. 344 Sand martin . .. .. .. .. . Ib. _Hirundo riparia_ . .. . Ib. XIX. European goatsucker . .. 437 _Caprimulgus Europeus_. 346 WATER FOWL. _Cloven-footed Water Fowl_. Crane P. 453 A. _Ardeagrus_ 334Curlew P. 462 A. _Scolopax arquata_ 242Whimbrel P. 462 B. _Scolopax phĉopus_ 243Common sandpiper No 388 _Tringa hypoleucos_ 250Gambet No 394 _Tringa gambetta_ 248Golden plover No 399 _Charadrius pluvialis_ 254Pied oyster-catcher No _Hĉmatopus ostralegus_ 257 _With pinnated Feet_. Plain phalarope. _With webbed Feet_. Wandering albatross No 423 _Diomedea exulans_ 214Razor-bill hawk No 425 _Alca torda_ 210Puffin No 427 _Alca arctica_ 211Antient No 430Pygmy No 431Tufted No 432Parroquet No 433Crested No 434Dusky No 435Foolish guillemot No 436 _Colymbus troille_ 220Black guillemot No 437 _Colymbus grylle_. Ib. Marbled guillemot No 438Imber diver No 440 _Colymbus immer_ 222Speckled diver No 441Red-throated diver No 443 _Colymbus septentrionalis_ 220Great tern No 448 _Sterna hirundo_. Kamtschatkan P. 525 A. Black-headed gull No 455 _Larus ridibundus_ 225Kittiwake gull No 456 _Larus rissa_ 224Ivory gull No 457Arctic gull No 459Tarrock P. 533D. _Larus tridactylus_. Ib. Red-legged P. 533 E. Fulmar petrel No 464 _Procellaria glacialis_ 213Stormy petrel No 464 _Procellaria pelagica_ 212Kurile petrel P. 536 A. Blue petrel. [77] Preface. Goosander merganser No 465 _Mergus merganser_ 208Smew No 468 _Mergus albellus_ 209Whistling swan No 469 _Anas Cygnus ferus_ 194 A. Great goose P. 570Chinese goose P. 571 _Anas cygnoides_ 194 B. Snow goose No 477Brent goose No 478 _Anas bernicla_ 198Eider duck No 480 _Anas molitsima_ ib. Black duck No 483 _Anas spectabilis_ 195Velvet duck No 481 _Anas fusca_ 196Shoveler No 485 _Anas clypeata_ 200Golden eye No 486 _Anas clangula_ 201Harlequin No 490 _Anas histrionica_ 204Mallard No 494 _Anas boschas_ 205* Western No 497Pintail No 500 _Anas acuta_ 202* Longtailed No 501 _Anas glacialis_ 203Morillon P. 573 F. _Anas glaucion_ 201Shieldrake P. 572 D. _Anas tadorna_ 195Tufted P. 573 G. _Anas fuligula_ 207Falcated P. 574 I. Garganey P. 576 O. _Anas querquedula_ 263Teal P. 577 P. _Anas crecia_ 204Corvorant No 509 _Pelecanus carbo_ 216Violet corvorant P. 584 B. Red-faced corvorant P. 584 C. [42] Some doubt may be entertained of the propriety with which Captain King has occupied so large a portion of his volume as two chapters, or sections, with a subject, respecting which it is most certain, his knowledge must have resulted from almost any thing else than his own personal observation. There is force in the objection. But it must be allowed on the other hand, that there was no inconsiderable inducement to supply the public with a tolerable share of information concerning a country which, distant and uncultivated as it was, seemed notwithstanding to be entitled to more regard than had usually been paid to it. Steller's work, of which he has properly availed himself, had been but recently published, viz. In 1774, and in all probability had not hitherto occupied much attention. The earlier accounts, whether published separately as that of Krascheninnikof, an English translation of which appeared at Gloucester in 1764, or contained in other works, as an article in Pallas's New Memoirs of the North, were perhaps still less consulted. Captain King's description, therefore, supposing the subject in any degree entitled to notice, was neither unnecessary nor unprofitable. It has been generally employed as the basis of the subsequent accounts which have been inserted in gazetteers and treatises of geography. But there have been several works, entitled to the consideration of being original, published since its appearance, from which some additions might be obtained, or which point out reasons for correction, --not so much however, it is proper to remark, because of errors committed by Captain K. , as because of alterations occurred in the country since his time. A few of these, unfortunately not much for the better, have been stated, or will be so, on the authority of one of the last visitors to Kamtschatka, Captain Krusenstern. This gentleman, however, it ought to be understood, admits the general accuracy of the previous accounts given by Krascheninnikof, Steller, and King, and therefore, avoiding repetition, restricts himself almost entirely to the mention of the most material changes which have taken place during the last thirty years. This will readily be allowed enough for our present purpose, exclusive of any attention to the other productions which have treated of Kamtschatka, in the intermediate period. --E. [43] It is in the vicinity of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, Krusenstern allows, that the climate is so unfavourable, and the soil, in consequence, so ungrateful. But he specifies reasons for believing that the middle provinces of Kamtschatska are equal, if not superior, to many in European Russia, in respect of natural advantages, though certainly far less indebted to the hand of man. He tells us, however, that in the interior, several species of corn are brought to perfection and many kinds of vegetables are cultivated. In his opinion the climate is not so bad as it has generally been represented, and he is convinced that the indolence of the inhabitants, and the incapacity occasioned by the immoderate use of spirits, are far more in fault as to the deficiency or unproductiveness of the soil, than the frequent fogs which are so much complained of, or any other unkindness on the part of nature. In proof of this, he maintains that the officers who are garrisoned here, have laid out gardens for themselves, which, by proper care, yield almost every kind of vegetable necessary for the table, and that too in quantities beyond the usual demand. Besides the materially efficient checks already mentioned, this gentleman specifies a very unreasonable notion, pretty commonly entertained, which has operated extensively in limiting the productions of the earth, and from which not even the officers who had been successful in their particular pursuits were altogether exempt. The notion to which he alludes is, that it would be useless to commence cultivating their gardens before the month of July, although, to his certain knowledge, June was _as beautiful as it can possibly be in the most favoured climate_, and though, according to Captain King, wild garlic, cellery, and nettles, were gathered for his crew in the month of May. The inference from this last circumstance seems obviously correct. "If, " says Krusenstern, "in the middle of May so much is already produced without any cultivation at all, I think I do not assert too much in saying they ought to begin to lay out their gardens in this month. " This conclusion appears still more importantly authoritative from what he relates on his own experience. "I passed all the summer months in Kamtschatka, " says he, "during the two years of my absence; that is to say, the whole of June, a part of July, and the whole of August and September, and can affirm with confidence, that, in these four months, there are just as many pleasant cheerful days as in any other place under the same latitude. " On the whole then, one may readily concur in sentiment with this intelligent officer, that did the government adopt very different measures from those which have hitherto been in force, and were certain practices and prejudices abolished, Kamtschatka might afford as good and cheap living as many other provinces of the Russian empire. To most readers, it is probable, this will seem no very mighty recommendation. Relatively, however, to the person who makes it, and to those to whom it is addressed, it must be allowed to possess a virtue of no common magnitude or efficacy. Perhaps it is necessary to state for the credit of this writer, that some of the immediately following remarks of Captain King, much as they seem at first sight to oppose one of his opinions above approved of, will be found on attentive consideration perfectly reconcileable with them, more particularly if it be remembered that in other countries where much snow falls during the winter, nothing is more usual than to find, on its disappearance, that the earth is covered with a rich and healthy vegetation which a thick coating of that substance, known to be a bad conductor of heat, had preserved from the rigors of the season. --E. [44] Krascheninnikoff says, that the tree here spoken of is a dwarf cedar, for that there is not a pine in the peninsula. [45] Krascheninnikoff says, that the natives likewise convert the bark into a pleasant wholesome food, by stripping it off whilst it is young and green, and cutting it into long narrow stripes, like _vermicelli_, drying it, and stewing it afterward along with their _caviar_. [46] Gmelin, p. 41. Steller enumerates five different species of this plant. [47] Lonicera pedunclis bifloris, floribus infundibili formis, bacciâ solitariâ, oblongâ, angulosâ. Gmel. Flor. Sib. [48] Myrtillus grandis cĉruleus. [49] Epilobium. [50] Chĉrephyllum seminibus levibus. [51] Tradescantia fructu molli edulo. [52] Bistorta foliis ovatis, oblongis, acuminatis. [53] Jacobea foliis cannabis. Steller. [54] Anemonoides et ranunculus. [55] Gmel. Sib. Tom. I. P. 119. Tab. XXV. [56] Canis vulpes. [57] Mustela zibellina. [58] Rivers emptying themselves into the Lena, near its source. [59] Canis lagopus. [60] Lepus timidus. [61] Mus citellus. [62] Mustela erminea. [63] Mustela nivalis. [64] Ursus luseus. [65] Krascheninnikoff relates, that this small animal frequently destroys deer, and the wild mountain sheep, in the following way: They scatter at the bottom of trees bark and moss, which those animals are fond of; and whilst they are picking it up, drop suddenly upon them, and, fastening behind the head, suck out their eyes. [66] The Koriacks make use of a very simple method of catching bears. They suspend, between the forks of a tree, a running noose; within which they fasten a bait, which the animal, endeavouring to pull away, is caught sometimes by the neck, and sometimes by the paw. [67] Capra ammon, or wild sheep. Arct, Zool. I. P. 12. [68] Mr Steller has made the following scale of its cry: [Illustration: F-A- C |F-A- C a-an-gitche a-an-gitche. ] For a further account of this bird, I must refer the reader to Krascheninnikoff, vol. Ii. Part 4. [69] Anas picta, capita pulchrè fasciato. Steller. [70] Falco leucocephalus. [71] Vultur albiulla. [72] Mustela lutris. [73] English translation, p. 59. [74] Few readers, it is probable, will require the information, that the work of Mr Pennant, here alluded to, was published not very long after the appearance of this voyage, viz. In 1784. In consequence of this circumstance, it might be thought unnecessary to insert the table or catalogue of animals now spoken of. But, on the whole, there appeared more propriety in risking the offence of repetition with those who possess Mr P. 's work, than in disappointing those who do not. --E. [75] The quadrupeds and birds mentioned in this part of the voyage are marked in this list with an asterisk. [76] The birds, which are not described by Linnĉus's, are referred to the History of Birds, published by Mr Latham, surgeon in Dartford, Kent. [77] I never saw this, but it is mentioned by Mr Ellis. I had omitted it in my zoologic part. SECTION VII. General Account of Kamtschatka, continued. --Of the Inhabitants. --Origin ofthe Kamtschadales. --Discovered by the Russians. --Abstract of theirHistory. --Numbers. --Present State. --Of the Russian Commerce inKamtschatka. --Of the Kamtschadale Habitations, and Dress. --Of the KurileIslands. --The Koreki. --The Tschutski. The present inhabitants of Kamtschatka are of three sorts. The natives, orKamtschadales; the Russians and Cossacks; and a mixture of these two bymarriage. Mr Steller, who resided sometime in this country, and who seems to havetaken great pains to gain information on this subject, is persuaded, thatthe true Kamtschadales are a people of great antiquity, and have for manyages inhabited this peninsula; and that they are originally descended fromthe Mungallians, and not either from the Tungusian Tartars, as some, or theJapanese, as others have imagined. The principal arguments, by which he supports these opinions, are, Thatthere exists not among them the trace of a tradition of their havingmigrated from any other country; that they believe themselves to have beencreated and placed in this very spot by their god Koutkou; that they arethe most favoured of his creatures; the most fortunate and happy of beings;and that their country is superior to all others, affording means ofgratification far beyond what are any where else to be met with; that theyhave a perfect knowledge of all the plants of their country, their virtuesand uses, which could not be acquired in a short time; that theirinstruments and household utensils differ greatly from those of any othernation, and are made with an extraordinary degree of neatness anddexterity, which implies that they are both of their own invention, andhave been long in arriving at so great perfection; that, antecedently tothe arrival of the Russians and Cossacks among them, they had not thesmallest knowledge of any people, except the Koreki; that it is but of latethey had an intercourse with the Kuriles, and still later (and happened bymeans of a vessel being shipwrecked on their coast) that they knew anything of the Japanese; and, lastly, that the country was very populous atthe time the Russians first got footing in it. The reasons he alleges for supposing them to be originally descended fromthe Mungalians, are, That many words in their language have terminationssimilar to those of the Mungalian Chinese, such as, ong, ing, oing, tching, tcha, tchoing, ksi, ksung, &c. ; and, moreover, that the same principle ofinflexion or derivation obtains in both languages; that they are in generalunder-sized, as are the Mungalians; that their complexion, like theirs, isswarthy; that they have black hair, little beard, the face broad, the noseshort and flat, the eyes small and sunk, the eye-brows thin, the bellypendant, the legs small; all which are peculiarities that are to be foundamong the Mungalians. From the whole of which he draws this conclusion, that they fled for safety to this peninsula, from the rapid advances of theEastern conquerors; as the Laplanders, the Samoides, &c. Were compelled toretreat to the extremities of the north by the Europeans. The Russians having extended their conquests, and established posts andcolonies along that immense extent of coast of the Frozen Sea, from theJenesei to the Anadir, appointed commissaries for the purpose of exploringand subjecting the countries still farther eastward. They soon becameacquainted with the wandering Koriacs, inhabiting the north and north-eastcoast of the sea of Okotzk, and, without difficulty, made them tributary. These being the immediate neighbours of the Kamtschadales, and likewise inthe habits of bartering with them, a knowledge of Kamtschatka followed ofcourse. The honour of the first discovery is given to Feodot Alexeieff, a merchant, who is said to have sailed from the river Kovyma, round the peninsula ofthe Tschutski, in company with seven other vessels, about the year 1648. The tradition goes, that, being separated from the rest by a storm, nearthe Tschukotskoi Noss, he was driven upon the coast of Kamtschatka, wherehe wintered; and the summer following coasted round the promontory ofLopatka, into the sea of Okotzk, and entered the mouth of the Tigil; butthat he and his companions were cut off by the Koriacs, in endeavouring topass from thence by land to the Anadirsk. This, in part, is corroborated bythe accounts of Simeon Deshneff, who commanded one of the seven vessels, and was thrown on shore at the mouth of the Anadir. Be this as it may, since these discoverers, if such they were, did not live to make any reportof what they had done, Volodimir Atlassoff, a Cossack, stands for the firstacknowledged discoverer of Kamtschatka. [78] This person was sent, in the year 1697, from the fort Jakutzk to theAnadirsk, in the quality of commissary, with instructions to call in theassistance of the Koriacs, with a view to the discovery of countries beyondtheirs, and to the subjecting them to a tribute. In 1699, he penetrated, with about sixty Russian soldiers, and the same number of Cossacks, intothe heart of the peninsula; gained the Tigil; and from thence levying atribute in furs, in his progress crossed over to the river Kamtschatka, onwhich he built the higher Kamtschatka ostrog, called Verchnei, where heleft a garrison of sixteen Cossacks, and returned to Jakutzk in 1700, withan immense quantity of rare and valuable tributary furs. These he had thegood sense and policy to accompany to Moscow; and, in recompence for hisservices, was appointed commander of the fort of Jakutzk, with fartherorders to repair again to Kamtschatka; having first drawn from the garrisonat Tobolsk a reinforcement of a hundred Cossacks, with ammunition, andwhatever else could give efficacy to the completion and settlement of hislate discoveries. Advancing with this force toward the Anadirsk, he fell inwith a bark on the river[79] Tunguska. Laden with Chinese merchandize, which he pillaged; and, in consequence of a remonstrance from the sufferersto the Russian court, he was seized upon at Jakutzk, and thrown intoprison. In the mean time, Potop Serioukoff, who had been left by Atlassoff, keptpeaceable possession of the garrison of Verchnei; and though he had not asufficient force to compel the payment of a tribute from the natives, yet, by his management and conciliating disposition, he continued to carry on anadvantageous traffic with them as a merchant. On his return to theAnadirsk, with the general good-will of the natives of Kamtschatka, himselfand party were attacked by the Koriacs, and unfortunately all cut off. Thishappened about 17O3; and several other successive commissaries were sentinto Kamtschatka, with various success, during the disgrace and trial ofAtlassoff. In 1706, Atlassoff was reinstated in his command, and appointed to conducta second expedition into Kamtschatka, with instructions to gain upon thenatives by all peaceable means, but on no pretence to have recourse toforce and compulsion; but, instead of attending to his orders, he not only, by repeated acts of cruelty and injustice, made the natives exceedinglyhostile and averse to their new governors, but likewise so far alienatedthe affections of his own people, that it ended in a mutiny of theCossacks, and their demand of another commander. The Cossacks havingcarried their point, in displacing Atlassoff, seized upon his effects; and, after once tasting the sweets of plunder, and of living without disciplineor controul, in vain did his successors attempt to reduce them to militarydiscipline and subjection. Three successive commanders were assassinated intheir turn; and the Cossacks being thus in open rebellion to the Russiangovernment, and with arms in their hands, were let loose upon the natives. The history of this country from that period, till the grand revolt of theKamtschadales in 1731, presents one unvaried detail of massacres, revolts, and savage and sanguinary rencounters between small parties, from one endof the peninsula to the other. What led to this revolt, was the discovery of a passage from Okotzk to theBolchoireka, which was first made by Cosmo Sokoloff, in the year 1715. Hitherto the Russians had no entrance into the country but on the side ofAnadirsk; so that the natives had frequent opportunities of both plunderingthe tribute, as it was carried by so long a journey out of the peninsula, and harassing the troops in their march into it. But by the discovery ofthis communication, there existed a safe and speedy means, as well ofexporting the tribute, as of importing the troops and military stores intothe very heart of the country; which the natives easily saw gave theRussians so great an advantage, as must soon confirm their dominion, andtherefore determined them to make one grand and immediate struggle fortheir liberty. The moment resolved upon for carrying their designs intoexecution, was when Beering should have set sail, who was at this time onthe coast with a small squadron, and had dispatched all the troops thatcould well be spared from the country, to join Powloutski, in an expeditionagainst the Tschutski. The opportunity was well chosen; and it isaltogether surprising, that this conspiracy, which was so general, thatevery native in the peninsula is said to have had his share in it, was atthe same time conducted with such secrecy, that the Russians had not thesmallest suspicion that any thing hostile to their interests was inagitation. Their other measures were equally well taken. They had a strongbody in readiness to cut off all communication with the fort Anadirsk; andthe eastern coast was likewise lined with detached parties, with a view ofseizing on any Russians that might by accident arrive from Okotzk. Thingswere in this state, when the commissary Cheekhaerdin marched from Verchneiwith his tribute, escorted by the troops of the fort, for the mouth of theKamtschatka river, where a vessel was lying to convey them to the Anadir. Besides waiting for the departure of Beering, the revolt was to besuspended till this vessel should be out at sea, notice of which was to begiven to the different chiefs. Accordingly, the moment she was out ofsight, they began to massacre every Russian and Cossack that came in theirway, and to set fire to their houses. A large body ascended the riverKamtschatka; made themselves masters of the fort and _ostrog_ thecommissary had just quitted; put to death all that were in it, and, exceptthe church and the fort, reduced the whole to ashes. Here it was that theyfirst learned that the Russian vessel, in which the commissary hadembarked, was still on the coast, which, determined them to defendthemselves in the fort. The wind fortunately soon brought the vessel backto the harbour; for had she proceeded in her voyage, nothing probably couldhave prevented the utter extirpation of the Russians. The Cossacks finding, on their landing, that their houses had been burnt to the ground, and theirwives and children either massacred or carried off prisoners, were enragedto madness. They marched directly to the fort, which they attacked withgreat fury, and the natives as resolutely defended, till at length thepowder-magazine taking fire, the fort was blown up, together with most ofthose that were in it. Various rencounters succeeded to this event, inwhich much blood was spilled on both sides. At length, two of the principalleaders being slain, and the third, (after dispatching his wife andchildren, to prevent their falling into the enemy's hand, ) having put anend to himself, peace was established. From that period every thing went on very peaceably till the year 1740, when a few Russians lost their lives in a tumult, which was attended withno farther consequences; and, except the insurrection at Bolcheretsk, in1770, (which, has been already noticed, ) there has been no disturbancesince. Though the quelling the rebellion of 1731 was attended with the loss of agreat number of inhabitants, yet I was informed that the country hadrecovered itself, and was become more populous than ever, when, in the year1767, the small-pox, brought by a soldier from Okotzk, broke out among themfor the first time, marking its progress with ravages not less dreadfulthan the plague, and seeming to threaten their entire extirpation. Theycompute that near twenty thousand died of this disorder in Kamtschatka, theKoreki country, and the Kurile Islands. The inhabitants of whole villageswere swept away. Of this we had sufficient proofs before our eyes. Thereare no less than eight ostrogs scattered about the bay of Awatska, allwhich, we were informed, had been fully inhabited, but are now entirelydesolate, except Saint Peter and Saint Paul; and even that contains no morethan seven Kamtschadales, who are tributary. At Paratounca ostrog there arebut thirty-six native inhabitants, men, women, and children, which, beforeit was visited by the small-pox, we were told contained three hundred andsixty. In our road to Bolcheretsk, we passed four extensive ostrogs, withnot an inhabitant in them. In the present diminished state of the natives, with fresh supplies of Russians and Cossacks perpetually pouring in, andwho intermix with them by marriage, it is probable, that in less than halfa century there will be very few of them left. By Major Behm's account, there are not now more than three thousand who pay tribute, the Kurileislanders included. [80] I understood that there are at this time, of the military, in the fiveforts of Nichnei, Verchnei, Tigil, Bolcheretsk, and Saint Peter and SaintPaul, about four hundred Russians and Cossacks, and near the same number atIngiga, which, though to the north of the peninsula, is, I learned, atpresent under the commander of Kamtschatka; to these may be added theRussian traders and emigrants, whose numbers are not very considerable. The Russian government, established over this country, is mild andequitable, considered as a military one, in a very high degree. The nativesare permitted to choose their own magistrates from among themselves, in theway, and with the same powers, they had ever been used. One of these, underthe title of _Toion_, presides over each ostrog; is the referee in alldifferences; imposes fines, and inflicts punishments for all crimes andmisdemeanours; referring to the governor of Kamtschatka such only as hedoes not choose, from their intricacy or heinousness, to decide uponhimself. The Toion has likewise the appointment of a civil officer, calleda corporal, who assists him in the execution of his office, and in hisabsence acts as his deputy. [81] By an edict of the empress, no crime whatsoever can be punished with death. But we were informed, that in cases of murder (of which there are veryfew), the punishment of the knout is administered with such severity, thatthe offender, for the most part, dies under it. The only tribute exacted (which can be considered as little more than anacknowledgment of the Russian dominion over them) consists, in somedistricts, of a fox's skin; in others, of a sable's; and in the KurileIsles, of a sea-otter's; but as this is much the most valuable, one skinserves to pay the tribute of several persons. The Toions collect thetribute in their respective districts. Besides the mildness of theirgovernment, the Russians have a claim to every praise for the pains theyhave bestowed, and which have been attended with great success, inconverting them to Christianity, there remaining at present very fewidolaters among them. If we may judge of the other missionaries, from thehospitable and benevolent pastor of Paratounca (who is a native on themother's side), more suitable persons could not be set over this business. It is needless to add, that the religion taught is that of the Greekchurch. [82] Schools are likewise established in many of the ostrogs, wherethe children of both the natives and Cossacks are gratuitously instructedin the Russian language. The commerce of this country, as far as concernsthe exports, is entirely confined to furs, and carried on principally by acompany of merchants, instituted by the empress. This company originallyconsisted of twelve, and three have been lately added to it. They areindulged with certain privileges, and distinguished by wearing a goldenmedal, as a mark of the empress's encouragement and protection of the fur-trade. Besides these, there are many inferior traders (particularly of theCossacks) scattered through the country. The principal merchants for thetime they are here, reside at Bolcheretsk, or the Nichnei ostrog, in whichtwo places the trade almost wholly centers. Formerly this commerce wasaltogether carried on in the way of barter, but of late years every articleis bought and sold for ready money only; and we were surprised at thequantity of specie in circulation in so poor a country. The furs sell at ahigh price, and the situation and habits of life of the natives call forfew articles in return. Our sailors brought a great number of furs withthem from the coast of America, and were not less astonished than delightedwith the quantity of silver the merchants paid down for them; but onfinding neither gin-shops to resort to, nor tobacco, nor any thing elsethat they cared for, to be had for money, the roubles soon becametroublesome companions; and I often observed them kicking about the deck. The merchant I have already had occasion to mention, gave our men at firstthirty roubles for a sea-otter's skin, and for others in proportion; butfinding that they had considerable quantities to dispose of, and that hehad men to deal with who did not know how to keep up the market, heafterward bought them for much less. The articles of importation are principally European, but not confined toRussian manufactures; many are English and Dutch; several likewise comefrom Siberia, Bucharia, the Calmucks, and China. They consist of coarsewoollen and linen clothes, yarn-stockings, bonnets, and gloves; thinPersian silks; cottons, and pieces of nankeen, silk and cottonhandkerchiefs; brass coppers and pans, iron-stoves, files, guns, powder, and shot; hardware, such as hatchets, bills, knives, scissars, needles;looking-glasses, flour, sugar; tanned hides, boots, &c. We had anopportunity of seeing a great many of these articles in the hands of amerchant, who came in the empress's galliot from Okotzk; and I shall onlyobserve generally, that they sold for treble the price they might have beenpurchased for in England. And though the merchants have so large a profitupon these imported goods, they have a still larger upon the furs atKiachta, upon the frontiers of China, which is the great market for them. The best sea-otter skins sell generally in Kamtschatka for about thirtyroubles a-piece. The Chinese merchant at Kiachta purchases them at morethan double that price, and sells them again at Pekin at a great advance, where a farther profitable trade is made with some of them to Japan. If, therefore, a skin is worth thirty roubles in Kamtschatka, to be transportedfirst to Okotzk, thence to be conveyed by land to Kiachta, a distance ofone thousand three-hundred and sixty-four miles; and thence on to Pekin, seven hundred and sixty miles more; and after this to be transported toJapan, what a prodigiously advantageous trade might be carried on betweenthis place and Japan, which is about a fortnight's, or at most three weeks, sail from it? All furs exported from hence across the sea of Okotzk, pay a duty of tenper cent. , and sables a duty of twelve. And all sorts of merchandise, ofwhatever denomination, imported from Okotzk, pay half a rouble for everypood. [83] The duties arising from the exports and imports, of which I could not learnthe amount, are paid at Okotzk; but the tribute is collected atBolcheretsk; and, I was informed by Major Behm, amounted in value to tenthousand roubles annually. There were six vessels (of from forty to fifty tons burthen) employed bythe empress between Okotzk and Bolcheretsk; five of which are appropriatedto the transporting of stores and provisions from Okotzk to Bolcheretsk;except that once in two or three years, some of them go round to Awatskaand the Kamtschatka river; the sixth is only used as a packet-boat, andalways kept in readiness, and properly equipped for conveying dispatches. Besides these, there are about fourteen vessels employed by the merchantsin the fur-trade, amongst the islands to the eastward. One of these wefound frozen up in the harbour of Saint Peter and Saint Paul, which was tosail on a trading voyage to Oonalashka, as soon as the season wouldpermit. [84] It is here to be observed, that the most considerable and valuable part ofthe fur-trade is carried on with the islands that lie between Kamtschatkaand America. These were first discovered by Beering, in 1741, and beingfound to abound with sea-otters, the Russian merchants became exceedinglyeager in searching for the other islands seen by that navigator, to theS. E. Of Kamtschatka, called in Muller's map the islands of Seduction, StAbraham, &c. In these expeditions they fell in with three groups ofislands; the first about fifteen degrees to the east of Kamtschatka, in 53°N. Latitude; the second about twelve degrees to the eastward of the former;and the third, Oonalashka, and the islands in its neighbourhood. Thesetrading adventurers advanced also as far east as Shumagin's Islands (socalled by Beering), the largest of which is named Kodiak. But here, as wellas on the continent at Alashka, they met with so warm a reception in theirattempts to compel the payment of a tribute, that they never afterwardventured so far. However they conquered, and made tributary the threegroups before mentioned. In the Russian charts, the whole sea between Kamtschatka and America iscovered with islands; for the adventurers in these expeditions frequentlyfalling in with land, which they imagined did not agree with the situationof others laid down by preceding voyagers, immediately concluded it must bea new discovery, and reported it as such on their return; and, since thevessels employed in these expeditions were usually out three or four years, and oftentimes longer, these mistakes were not in the way of being soonrectified; It is, however, now pretty certain, that the islands alreadyenumerated are all that have yet been discovered by the Russians in thatsea, to the southward of 60° of latitude. It is from these islands that the sea-otter skins, the most valuablearticle of the fur-trade, are for the most part drawn; and as they arebrought completely under the Russian dominion, the merchants havesettlements upon them, where their factors reside, for the purpose ofbartering with the natives. It was with a view to the farther increase andextension of this trade, that the admiralty of Okotzk fitted out anexpedition for the purpose of making discoveries to the N. And N. E. Of theislands above-mentioned, and gave the command of it, as I have alreadyobserved, to Lieutenant Synd. This gentleman, having directed his coursetoo far to the northward, failed in the object of his voyage; for as wenever saw the sea-otter to the northward of Bristol Bay, it seems probable, that they shun those latitudes where the larger kind of amphibious sea-animals abound. This was the last expedition undertaken by the Russians forprosecuting discoveries to the eastward; but they will undoubtedly make aproper use of the advantages we have opened to them, by the discovery ofCook's River. [85] Notwithstanding the general intercourse that for the last forty years hathtaken place between the natives, the Russians, and Cossacks, the former arenot more distinguished from the latter by their features and generalfigure, than by their habits and cast of mind. Of the persons of thenatives, a description hath been already given, and I shall only add, thattheir stature is much below the common size. This Major Behm attributes, ina great measure, to their marrying so early; both sexes generally enteringinto the conjugal state at the age of thirteen or fourteen. Their industryis abundantly conspicuous, without being contrasted with the laziness oftheir Russian and Cossack inmates, who are fond of intermarrying with them, and, as it should seem, for no other reason, but that they may be supportedin sloth and inactivity. To this want of bodily exertion may be attributedthose dreadful scorbutic complaints, which none of them escape; whilst thenatives, by constant exercise and toil in the open air, are entirely freefrom them. [86] Referring the reader for an account of the manners, customs, andsuperstitions of the Kamtschadales, at the time the Russians became firstacquainted with this country, to Krascheninnikoff, I shall proceed to adescription of their habitations and dress. The houses (if they may be allowed that name) are of three distinct sorts, _jourts_, _balagans_, and _loghouses_, called here _isbas_. The first aretheir winter, the second their summer habitations; the third are altogetherof Russian introduction, and inhabited only by the better and wealthiersort. The _jourts_, or winter-habitations, are constructed in the followingmanner: An oblong square, of dimensions proportioned to the number ofpersons for whom it is intended, (for it is proper to observe, that severalfamilies live together in the same _jourt_, ) is dug in the earth to thedepth of about six feet. Within this space strong posts, or wooden pillars, are fastened in the ground, at proper distances from each other, on whichare extended the beams for the support of the roof, which is formed byjoists, resting on the ground with one end, and on the beams with theother. The interstices between the joists are filled up with a strongwicker-work, and the whole covered with turf; so that a _jourt_ hasexternally the appearance of a round squat hillock. A hole is left in thecentre, which serves for chimney, window, and entrance, and the inhabitantspass in and out by means of a strong pole (instead of a ladder), notchedjust deep enough to afford a little holding to the toe. There is likewiseanother entrance in the side, even with the ground, for the convenience ofthe women; but if a man makes use of it, he subjects himself to the samedisgrace and derision as a sailor would who descends through lubbers hole. The _jourt_ consists of one apartment, of the form of an oblong square. Along the sides are extended broad platforms made of boards, and raisedabout six inches from the ground, which they use as seats, and on whichthey go to rest, after strewing them with mats and skins. On one side isthe fire-place, and the side opposite is entirely set apart for the stowageof provisions and kitchen-utensils. At their feasts, and ceremoniousentertainments, the hotter the _jourts_ are made for the reception of theguests, the greater the compliment. We found them at all times so hot, asto make any length of stay in them to us intolerable. They betakethemselves to the _jourts_ the middle of October; and, for the most part, continue in them till the middle of May. The _balagans_ are raised upon nine posts, fixed into the earth in threerows, at equal distances from one another, and about thirteen feet highfrom the surface. At the height of between nine and ten feet, rafters arepassed from post to post, and firmly secured by strong ropes. On theserafters are laid the joists, and the whole being covered with turf, constitutes the platform or floor of the _balagan_. On this is raised aroof of a conical figure, by means of tall poles, fastened down to therafters at one end, and meeting together in a point at the top, andthatched over with strong coarse grass. The _balagans_ have two doorsplaced opposite each other, and they ascend to them by the same sort ofladders they use in the _jourts_. The lower part is left entirely open; andwithin it they dry their fish, roots, vegetables, and other articles ofwinter consumption. The proportion of _jourts_ and _balagans_, is as one tosix; so that six families generally live together in one _jourt_. The loghouses (_isbas_) are raised with long timbers piled horizontally, the ends being let into one another, and the seams caulked with moss. Theroof is sloping like that of our common cottage-houses, and thatched withcoarse grass or rushes. The inside consists of three apartments. At one endis what may be called the entry, which runs the whole width and height ofthe house, and is the receptacle of their sledges, harness, and other morebulky gears and household stuff. This communicates with the middle and bestapartment, furnished with broad benches, for the purpose, as hath beenabove-mentioned, of both eating and sleeping upon. Out of this is a doorinto the kitchen; one half of which is taken up by the oven or fire-place, so contrived, by being let into the wall that separates the kitchen and themiddle apartment, as to warm both at the same time. Over the middleapartment and kitchen are two lofts, to which they ascend by a ladderplaced in the entry. There are two small windows in each apartment, made oftalc, and in the houses of the poorer sort of fish-skin. The beams andboards of the cieling are dubbed smooth with a hatchet (for they areunacquainted with the plane), and from the effects of the smoke are asblack and shining as jet. A town of Kamtschatka is called an _ostrog_, and consists of several of thethree sorts of houses above described; but of which _balagans_ are much themost numerous; and I must observe, that I never met with a house of anykind detached from an _ostrog_. Saint Peter and Saint Paul consists ofseven loghouses, or _isbas_, nineteen _balagans_, and three _jourts_. Paratounca is of about the same size. Karatchin and Natcheekin containfewer loghouses, but full as many _jourts_ and _balagans_ as the former;from whence I conclude, that such is the usual size of the _ostrogs_. [87] Having already had occasion to mention the dress of the Kamtschadale women, I shall here confine myself to a description of that of the men. The outermost garment is of the shape of a carter's frock. Those worn insummer are of nankeen; in winter they are made of skins, most commonly ofthe deer or dog, tanned on one side, the hair being left on the other, which is worn innermost. Under this is a close jacket of nankeen, or othercotton stuffs; and beneath that a shirt of thin Persian silk, of a blue, red, or yellow colour. The remaining part of their dress consists of a pairof tight trowsers, or long breeches, of leather, reaching down to the calfof the leg; of a pair of dog or deer-skin boots, with the hair innermost;and of a fur-cap, with two flaps, which are generally tied up close to thehead, but in bad weather are let to fall round the shoulders. The fur-dress presented to me by a son of Major Behm (as alreadymentioned), is one of those worn by the Toions, on ceremonious occasions. The form exactly resembles that of the common exterior garment justdescribed. It is made of small triangular pieces of fur, chequered brownand white, and joined so neatly as to appear to be one skin. A border ofsix inches breadth, wrought with threads of different coloured leather, andproducing a rich effect, surrounds the bottom, to which is suspended abroad edging of the sea-otter skin. The sleeves are turned up with the samematerials; and there is likewise an edging of it round the neck, and downthe opening at the breast. The lining is of a smooth white skin. A cap, apair of gloves, and boots, wrought with the utmost degree of neatness, andmade of the same materials, constitute the remainder of this suit. TheRussians in Kamtschatka wear the European dress; and the uniform of thetroops quartered here, is of a dark-green, faced with red. As the people, situated to the north and south of this country are yetimperfectly known, I shall conclude the account of Kamtschatka with suchinformation concerning the Kurile Islands, and the Koreki and Tschutski, asI have been able to acquire. The chain of islands, running in a S. W. Direction from the southernpromontory of Kamtschatka to Japan, extending from latitude 51° to 45°, arecalled the Kuriles. They obtained this name from the inhabitants of theneighbourhood of Lopatka, who being themselves called Kuriles, gave theirown name to these islands, on first becoming acquainted with them. Theyare, according to Spanberg, twenty-two in number, without reckoning thevery small ones. The northernmost, called Shoomska, is not more than threeleagues from the Promontory Lopatka, and its inhabitants are a mixture ofnatives and Kamtschadales. The next to the south, called Paramousir, ismuch larger than Shoomska, and inhabited by the true natives; theirancestors, according to a tradition among them, having come from an islanda little farther to the south, called Onecutan. These two islands werefirst visited by the Russians in 1713, and at the same time brought undertheir dominion. The others, in order, are at present made tributary, downto Ooshesheer inclusive, as I am informed by the worthy pastor ofParatounca, who is their missionary, and visits them once in three years, and speaks of the islanders in terms of the highest commendation, representing them as a friendly, hospitable, generous, humane race ofpeople, and excelling their Kamtschadale neighbours, not less in theformation of their bodies, than in docility and quickness of understanding. Though Ooshesheer is the southernmost island that the Russians have yetbrought under their dominion, yet I understand that they trade to Ooroop, which is the eighteenth; and according to their accounts, the only onewhere there is a good harbour for ships of burthen. Beyond this, to thesouth, lies Nadeegsda, which was represented to us by the Russians asinhabited by a race of men remarkably hairy, and who, like those of Ooroop, live in a state of entire independence. [88] In the same direction, but inclining something more to the westward, lies agroup of islands, which the Japanese call Jeso; a name which they also giveto the whole chain of islands between Kamtschatka and Japan. Thesouthernmost, called Matmai, hath been long subject to the Japanese, and isfortified and garrisoned on the side toward the continent. The two islandsto the north-east of Matmai, Kunachir, and Zellany, and likewise the threestill farther to the north-east, called the Three Sisters, are perfectlyindependent. A trade of barter is carried on between Matmai and the islands lastmentioned; and between those again and the Kuriles to the northward; inwhich, for furs, dried fish, and oil, the latter get silk, cotton, iron, and Japanese articles of furniture. [89] The inhabitants of as many of the islands as are brought under the Russiandominion, are at present converted to Christianity. And probably the timeis not very distant, when a friendly and profitable intercourse will bebrought about between Kamtschatka and the whole of this chain of islands;and which will draw after it a communication with Japan itself. This mayeventually be greatly facilitated by a circumstance related to me by MajorBehm, that several Russians, who had been taught the Japanese language, bytwo men belonging to a vessel of that nation, which had beenshipwrecked[90] on the coast of Kamtschatka, had been sent among thoseislands. The advantages that would accrue to the Russians by an immediate trade toJapan, have been already adverted to, and are too many, and too obvious, toneed insisting upon. [91] The Koreki country includes two distinct nations, called the Wandering andFixed Koriacs. The former inhabit the northern part of the isthmus of Kamtschatka, and thewhole coast of the eastern ocean; from thence to the Anadir. The country of the Wandering Koriacks stretches along the north-east of thesea of Okotzk to the river Penskina, and westward toward the river Kovyma. The Fixed Koriacks have a strong resemblance to the Kamtschadales; and, like them, depend altogether on fishing for subsistence. Their dress andhabitations are of the same kind. They are tributary to the Russians, andunder the district of the Ingiga. The Wandering Koriacs occupy themselves entirely in breeding and pasturingdeer, of which they are said to possess immense numbers; and that it is nounusual thing for an individual chief to have a herd of four or fivethousand. They despise fish, and live entirely on deer. They have nobalagans; and their only habitations are like the Kamtschadale jourts, withthis difference, that they are covered with raw deer-skins in winter, andtanned ones in summer. Their sledges are drawn by deer, and never by dogs;which, like the latter, are likewise always spayed, in order to be trainedto this business. The draft-deer pasture in company with the others; andwhen they are wanted, the huntsmen make use of a certain cry, which theyinstantly obey, by coming out of the herd. The priest of Paratounca informed me, that the two nations of the Koriacs, and the Tschutski, speak different dialects of the same language; and thatit bears not the smallest resemblance to the Kamtschadale. The country of the Tschutski is bounded on the south by the Anadir, andextends along the coast to the Tschutskoi Noss. Like the WanderingKoriacks, their attention is principally confined to their deer, of whichtheir country affords great numbers, both tame and wild. They are a stout, well-made, bold, warlike race of people; redoubtable neighbours to bothnations of the Koriacs, who often feel the effects of their depredatoryincursions. The Russians have for many years been using their endeavours tobring them under their dominion; and, after losing a great many men intheir different expeditions for this purpose, have not been able to effectit. I shall here conclude this article, since all we can say of this people, onour own knowledge, hath been laid before the reader in the precedingvolume. [78] It is proper to remark, that Atlassoff sent an advanced party, under the command of a subaltern, called Lucas Moloskoff, who certainly penetrated into Kamtschatka, and returned with an account of his success before Atlassoff set out, and is therefore not unjustly mentioned as the discoverer of Kamtschatka. [79] This river empties itself into the Jenesei. [80] Captain Krusenstern informs us, that the people in Kamtschatska, and more especially the Kamtschadales, are decreasing in number very rapidly, and from different causes. They are subject to several epidemic complaints; one of which, he says, carried off upwards of five thousand persons in the years 1800 and 1801. But the principal causes of depopulation, which, if not speedily removed, threaten the total extinction of the inhabitants, are not dependent on the severity, or even any peculiar maladies of the climate. It is to the excessive use of spirits, and an extraordinary disproportion in the number of females, that this serious evil is to be chiefly imputed. The great moral defect in the character of the native Kamtschadale, is his propensity to drunkenness; in which, it will readily be believed, he finds companions amongst his neighbours; and in which, still more unfortunately, he is absolutely encouraged, for the most fraudulent purposes, by the petty agents of the American Company, and the other merchants in Kamtschatka. Nothing can be more infamous than what is related by Krusenstern on this subject. Let the following description suffice. It is applied by K. Indeed to a state of matters which formerly existed without controul, but which the government, he would have us believe, has lately endeavoured to destroy. How far this interference has availed, or is likely to avail, may be conjectured, though not without some very painful emotions, from the circumstance admitted by K. Himself, that there are few Kamtschadales remaining on whom its benefits can operate; and the opinion he has also given, that before many years have elapsed, these few will perhaps have entirely disappeared. "With no other wares, " says this candid man, "than a large quantity of very bad gin, the merchants travelled about the country to procure furs. As soon as one of them arrived in an ostrog, he treated his host with a glass of spirits. The Kamtschadales are all so unfortunately attached to strong liquors, that it is absolutely impossible for them to resist the pleasure of getting intoxicated. As soon as he has drank a glass of gin, which he receives for nothing, he instantly begs another, for which, however, he must pay; then a second, a third, and so on. Still, however, he has had his spirits unadulterated; but the moment he begins to be intoxicated, instead of pure spirits, they give it him mixed with water; and in order that the deception may be carried on with the more security, the merchants have the vessels, destined for the spirits, called _fliäga_, divided into two parts; in the smaller one of which they carry their unmixed spirits, and in the other the mixed. The merchant now continues to ply the Kamtschadale with the weaker liquor, until he becomes perfectly senseless, and then takes possession of his whole stock of sables and other furs, alleging, that they are to pay for the quantity of spirits which he has drank. Thus, in an unfortunate moment, the Kamtschadale loses the reward of many months labour and cost; and, instead of providing himself with powder and shot, and other necessary and indispensable articles, such as would have contributed to his own and his family's comfort, he has exhausted all his wealth for one debauch, which only weakens him, and renders him more helpless and destitute for the future. This wretchedness is accompanied by a depression of spirits, which must have a pernicious influence on his body, already weakened by disease, and which, at length, from the total want of substantial food, and of medical assistance, becomes unable to resist such frequent attacks upon it. This appears to me the cause of their annual decrease, assisted by epidemical disorders, which sweep them off in great numbers. " But another cause has been assigned in addition to this very deplorable one, and this it may now be necessary to specify a little more particularly. Let the words of the same writer be taken in evidence, and we may say we have very little reason indeed to give ourselves any concern about the condition of the people in this distant settlement. --"The prospect of any increase of the inhabitants of Kamtschatka was very much diminished, not only by the smallness of the number of the remaining Russians and Kamtschadales, but by that of the women bearing no kind of proportion to the men. At Saint Peter and Saint Paul, where the number of inhabitants, including the military, amounts to one hundred and fifty, or one hundred and eighty persons, there are not five-and-twenty females. It frequently happens, that the company's ships and transports winter here, and the number of men is often increased to five hundred; while, on the other hand, that of the women remains always the same. The consequences of this pernicious disproportion are unproductive marriages, and a total decline of all morals. I do not remember to have seen more than five or six children at Kamtschatka, and these partly belonged to the officers, and partly to such of the inhabitants as had distinguished themselves by their exemplary conduct. All the marriages, with the exception of three or four, were entirely unproductive. " It is almost needless to remark, that if the suggestions which Krusenstern has given, have not been adopted and acted on, the superiority of the diminishing agents will have wrought such an effect since his visit, as may render it problematical whether or not this country ought to be reckoned amongst the inhabited regions of the earth. --E. [81] The Tayon, or Toyon, according to Krusenstern, is a person chosen from amongst the inhabitants, and has a character somewhat similar to that of _starost_, or elder, in the Russian villages. He has an officer under him, who bears the title of _jessaul_, the corporal of the tent, who, properly speaking, holds the executive authority of the ostrog, as the tayon seldom does more than deliver orders to him. When the tayon is absent, the jessaul assumes his place, and is supported by the eldest Kamtschadale in the ostrog, who, for the time being, becomes his substitute as jessaul. The power of the tayon is said to be considerable, extending to the infliction of corporal punishment, not, however, exceeding twenty lashes; and his duty, in addition to the internal administration of his ostrog, consists in collecting the best sables as a tribute to the government, and carrying them to town, where they are examined by certain magistrates, appointed for the purpose, and afterwards taxed by a person authorised by the crown. Enough has been already shewn, it may be thought, for calling in question the mildness, or at least the good policy, of the government established here. A circumstance is mentioned by Krusenstern, which seems to imply something very different, though lately modified, we are told, and not without reason, as, to use his own words, it is surprising that people could have endured it for a single hour. It may be explained in a few words. The capitation tax, which is common throughout the Russian empire, is levied according to a census, or revision, which is generally taken every twenty years. Where the population is on the increase, this is manifestly an advantage to the subjects, who would necessarily have more to pay, if the imposition were accurately adjusted to the annual augmentation of numbers. But the operation of the principle becomes peculiarly oppressive, where, on the contrary, as in Kamtschatka, the population has been gradually diminishing, and, during some years, had been rapidly reduced. Thus, in many of the ostrogs, we are told, that the inhabitants had declined from thirty or forty, to eight or ten; and yet the tribute continued to be levied on the remainder, according to the preceding census! This was, in reality, the _caput mortuum_ of taxation, and perhaps was never equalled, at least never surpassed, in absurdity, by the _ways and means_ of any other government. Had this system continued for any length of time, it is probable, that one or two individuals would at length have had the _supreme_ felicity of being in reality the representatives of a whole nation, and of course of paying for the extraordinary honour. This reminds one of a curious enough occurrence said to have happened after a battle in Germany, in which a regiment, belonging to the Earl of Tyrconnel, had been engaged. A general muster having taken place, his Lordship's regiment was of course called for, when a soldier, stepping from the ranks, immediately replied, "I am Lord Tyrconnel's regiment!" In fact, the poor fellow was the only responsible survivor. --E. [82] Krusenstern, who, as we have seen, is far from sparing the laity in the distribution of his censures, makes every bit as free with the clergy. "The priest of St Peter and St Paul, " says he, "was a scandal to his profession; in the interior, they are said to be no better, and to be particularly obnoxious to the Kamtschadales. " This is a serious evil, no doubt, but it may reasonably be expected to cease with the complaints of the parishioners, as it is very unlikely that at Kamtschatka as elsewhere, there should be found any shepherds without flocks. To be sure, in some other countries, where this occasionally happens, there is this important difference, that the pasture at least is worth looking after!--E. [83] Thirty-six pounds English. [84] This description, little as it may excite any high opinion of the prosperity of the place, is nevertheless nearly a contrast to that which Krusenstern has given. "The first prospect of St Peter and St Paul might raise in the mind of a person newly arrived, and ignorant of the history of this Russian establishment, the idea of its being a colony founded a few years before, but recently abandoned. Nothing is visible here that could at all persuade any one of its being inhabited by civilized people; not only Awatska Bay, but the three adjoining ones, are entirely forlorn and uninhabited; nor is the beautiful harbour of St Peter and St Paul enlivened by a single boat. Instead of this, the shores are strewed with stinking fish, among which a number of half-starved dogs are seen wallowing, and contending for possession. Two baidars belonging to the port, and hauled on shore at a low sandy point of land, would be an additional proof of the infancy of this colony; if, at the same time, you did not perceive the wreck of a three-masted ship, bearing evident marks of having been in its present condition for some years. This is the Slawa Rossi, the ship which Captain Billing commanded, but which, after the completion of his voyage, foundered in the harbour from want of care. The appearance immediately brings to mind the celebrated Behring, who, seventy years before, commenced his voyage of discovery from this port; But not only the two baidars, but the sinking of the ship itself, are too clear a proof that the nautical concerns of this colony are still in a state of infancy. " Krusenstern's descriptions, we see, come after King's, somewhat in the manner of Holbein's Dance of Death, after whatever was promising or agreeable!--E. [85] In Mr Coxe's work, we have accounts of three voyages subsequent to Synd's, viz. Those of Shelekof, of Ismaelof and Betsharoff, and of Billings, all of which were performed betwixt 1778 and 1792. The second of these, according to Mr Coxe's opinion, is by far the most interesting of any yet made by the Russians. The last, which was of very long continuance, and occasioned an enormous expence to the government, did not fully answer the expectations entertained of it. The commander, an Englishman, is not spoken highly of by Krusenstern, who tells us, indeed, that, among the Russian naval officers, there were many who would have conducted the expedition much more creditably than he did. This may, no doubt, be very true. But how comes it, that they were not known in time to be employed? Or, admitting that they were known for superiority of talents, but that some reasons, independent of any consideration of respective qualifications, decided against their being employed, who was to blame, it may be asked, in selecting an incompetent, or at least an inferior person, for the command of so important an undertaking? Captain Krusenstern may be a very able officer; indeed, no one can read his work without entertaining a high opinion of his moral and professional character. It is shrewdly to be suspected, however, that he is somewhat deficient in that prophetic eye of wise policy, which at one glance can ascertain the effects and consequences of one's own assertions and reasonings. It is not thought advisable to enter upon the consideration of the subject now adverted to by Captain King, as a fitter opportunity will in all probability present itself for the necessary discussion. --E. [86] Captain Krusenstern, as may have been already perceived, thinks very highly of the Kamtschadale character. In his judgment, the only objection to it applies to that superinduced propensity in which the avaricious merchant has so often found his account, though to the ruin of the unthinking individuals subjected to his temptations. Their honesty is greatly extolled; and a cheat is as rare among the Kamtschadales as a man of property. So great is the confidence placed in them in this respect, that it is quite usual, we are told, for travellers, on arriving at an ostrog, to give their whole effects, even their stock of _brandy_, &c. Into the hands of the tayon, and there is no instance of any one having been robbed to the smallest extent. "Lieutenant Koscheleff, " says K. , "with his accustomed simplicity, told me that he had once been sent by his brother, the governor, with thirteen thousand roubles to distribute among the different towns; that every evening he made over his box with the money to the tayon of the ostrog where he slept, and felt much easier, having so disposed of it, _than he would perhaps have done in any inn in St Petersburgh_. " No doubt, the superior purity of the country air would occasion some difference in his feelings! The hospitality of the Kamtschadales forms another topic of eulogium. With such moral virtues, then, in alliance with great industry, and considerable intelligence, it is not to be wondered, that Krusenstern should speak of the probable extinction of this race as a most alarming calamity. But we have seen that hitherto little care has been manifested to prevent its occurrence. The very subject we are now on presents us with another sample of the gross impolicy, not to speak of inhumanity or injustice, that has been shewn towards these most valuable people. The following passage from Krusenstern may be allowed to warrant the most severe opinion we can possibly form of any government, that could require such services from _its slaves_. "The necessity of the Kamtschadales in Kamtschatka is sufficiently proved, by their being every where the guides through the country, and by their conveying the mail, which they do likewise, free of expence. In the winter, they are obliged to conduct travellers and estafettes from one ostrog to another; they supply the dogs of those who travel with jukulla; they also lodge the travellers; this, however, they are not obliged to do. This hospitable people has, of its own accord, engaged to lodge every traveller, and to feed his dogs, without demanding any remuneration. In every ostrog there is a supply of fish set apart for this purpose. In general, the governor and all officers keep dogs, so that in this respect they are not burthen-some to the Kamtschadales; but a story is told of a magistrate high in office, having been here a short time since, who never travelled but in a sledge like a small house, drawn by an hundred dogs. Besides this, he is said to have journeyed with such rapidity, that at every station several of these animals belonging to the Kamtschadales expired, which he never paid for. In the summer, the Kamtschadale is obliged to be always ready with his boat to conduct the traveller either up or down the rivers; nor can the soldier be sent any where without having one of these people for his guide. Thus it frequently happens that they are absent a fortnight or more from their ostrog, and lose the best opportunity of providing themselves with fish for the winter, as, besides the mere act of taking the fish, it requires several days of fine summer weather to dry them. If the wet should set in, during this operation, the fish instantly becomes magotty, and the whole stock is rendered useless. From the great numbers of soldiers, (as, besides the cossacks, there is a battalion of five hundred men, and about twenty officers, quartered in Kamtschatka), and the small number of Kamtschadales, it must be sufficiently evident, that the latter are frequently taken from their work, and, it may be added, almost without remuneration; for the post-money allowed by the crown, which amounts to one kopeck the werst, considering the high price of every article, is, surely, not only an inconsiderable, but an insulting reward for the service performed, " Thus far K. To some readers, it may be necessary to mention, in order to their due understanding of this reward, that 100 kopecks make a rouble, the value of which varies according to the rate of exchange from 2s. 6d. To 4s. 2d. British, having been so low as the former rate in the year 1803, and that three wersts are about equal to two English miles, so that we may fairly enough estimate this insult, as K. Expresses it, at one half-penny per mile!--E. [87] Krusenstern's description of the houses and their contents is exactly in proportion to the other parts of his very unfavourable report. Even of two of them, which he says are the very ornament of Kamtschatka, the furniture is represented as most wretchedly deficient. "That of the anti-room consisted merely of a wooden stool, a table, and two or three broken chairs. There was neither earthen-ware nor porcelain table-service; no glasses, decanters, nor any thing else of a similar nature; two or three tea-cups, one glass, a few broken knives and forks, and some pewter spoons, constituted the wealth of the good people (two artillery officers) who were both married. But what most of all distressed me, was the condition of their windows; they had not double sashes, which, in a cold climate, are as necessary to health as to comfort; but such even as they had, were in a very wretched condition. The panes were of glass, but notwithstanding their extreme smallness, they were all of them broken, and made of pieces fitted together. They afforded no protection against the snow and frost; and I could not, without feelings of commiseration, behold the children, who, in no part of the world, are brought up so wretchedly as here. " If such were the condition of the best houses, we shall have little reason, for the sake of any pleasure at least, to make any enquiry as to those of an inferior kind, belonging to the other inhabitants. It is perhaps enough then to say in general terms, that they are all ill built, that they are so low, as to be entirely covered up with snow during the winter, and that in consequence of this circumstance, they are throughout that period completely deprived of the fresh air, to which want, and to the badness of their provisions, it is unquestionably with perfect truth that K. Ascribes the pallid hue of all the inhabitants, even, as he adds, of the youngest females. The construction of a house at St Peter and St Paul, we are further told, is very expensive, as there is no suitable timber in the neighbourhood of the town, and the people are consequently necessitated to bring it from the interior. It is in this manner that thirty or forty soldiers are employed, when any public building is to be erected. They are sent out under the command of an officer, and for several weeks, during which time, and at imminent risk, they fell the timber, and float it down the rivers. Thus says K. , "the whole garrison of Kamtschatka had been occupied during two years in building some barracks for ten or twelve men, nor were they even then completed; and the church, on which they had been several years employed, was in the same predicament!" It is, no doubt, a very natural consequence of such slow procedure, that, before a building is quite finished, some part of it falls to pieces. Some persons have suggested the use of bricks in place of timber, and it seems pretty obvious, from K. 's account, that this is quite practicable. It may well be doubted, however; if either the prejudices or the indolence of the people will yield to the innovation; and much more, indeed, may it be doubted, if the people in fact will ever require more houses than those which already exist. If they should, notwithstanding such weighty evidence as has been adduced to the contrary, the advice which K. Has given on the subject, would deserve the serious consideration of the government. --E. [88] Spanberg places the island here spoken of in 43° 50' N. Latitude, and mentions his having watered upon it; and that this watering-party brought off eight of the natives; of whom he relates the following circumstances: That their bodies were covered all over with hair; that they wore a loose striped silk gown, reaching as low as their ankles; and that some of them had silver rings pendant from the ears; that, on spying a live cock on deck, they fell down on their knees before it; and likewise, before the presents that were bronght out to them, closing and stretching forth their hands, and bowing their heads, at the same time, down to the ground; that, except the peculiarity of their hairiness, they resemble the other Kurile islanders in their features and figure, and spoke the same language. The journal of the ship Castricom also mentions this circumstance, of the inhabitants of the country discovered by them, and called Jeso, being hairy all over the body. [89] This accounts for what Krascheninnikoff says, that he got from Paramousir a japanned table and vase, a scymeter, and a silver ring, which he sent to the cabinet of her imperial majesty, at Petersburg. And if what Mr Steller mentions, on the authority of a Kurile, who was interpreter to Spanberg in his voyage to Japan, is to be credited, that nearly the same language is spoken at Kunashir and Paramousir, it cannot be questioned, that some intercourse has always subsisted between the inhabitants of this extensive chain of islands. [90] The vessel here spoken of was from Satsma, a port in Japan, bound for another Japanese port, called Azaka, and laden with rice, cotton, and silks. She sailed with a favourable wind; but, before she reached her destination, was driven out to sea by a violent storm, which carried away her masts and rudder. On the storm's abating, not one of the crew, which consisted of seventeen (having probably never made any other than coasting voyages), knew where they were, or what course to steer. After remaining in this situation six months, they were driven on shore near the promontory Lopatka; and having cast out an anchor, began to carry on shore such articles as were necessary to their existence. They next erected a tent, and had remained in it twenty-three days without seeing a human being; when chance conducted a cossack officer, called Andrew Chinnikoff, with a few Kamtschadales, to their habitation. The poor unfortunate Japanese, overwhelmed with joy at the sight of fellow creatures, made the most significant tenders, they were able, of friendship and affection; and presented their visitors with silks, sabres, and a part of whatever else they had brought from the ship. The treacherous Chinnikoff made reciprocal returns of kindness and good-will; and, after remaining with them long enough to make such observations as suited his designs, withdrew from them in the night. The Japanese, finding that their visitors did not return, knew not what course to take. In despair they manned their boat, and were rowing along the coast in search of a habitation, when they came up with their vessel, which had been driven ashore; and found Chinnikoff and his companions pillaging her, and pulling her in pieces for the sake of the iron. This sight determined them to continue their course, which Chinnikoff perceiving, ordered his men to pursue and massacre them. The unfortunate Japanese, seeing a canoe in pursuit, and which they could not escape, apprehended what was to follow. Some of them leaped into the sea; others, in vain, had recourse to prayers and entreaties. They were all massacred but two, by the very sabres they had presented to their supposed friends a few days before. One of the two was a boy about eleven years old, named Gowga, who had accompanied his father, the ship's pilot, to learn navigation; the other was a middle-aged man, the supercargo, and called Sosa. Chinnikoff soon met with the punishment due to his crimes. The two strangers were conducted to Petersburgh, where they were sent to the academy, with proper instructors and attendants; and several young men were, at the same time, put about them for the purpose of learning the Japanese language. They were thrown on the coast of Kamtschatka in 1730. The younger survived the absence from his country five, the other six years. Their portraits are to be seen in the cabinet of the empress at Petersburgh. --Vid. Krascheninnikoff, vol. Ii. Part 4. Fr. Ed. [91] Attempts have been made at different periods by the Russians to open up a trade with Japan; and, indeed, one purpose of the voyage which Captain Krusenstern undertook, was to conciliate the emperor or government of that island. No one, who is at all acquainted with the history of the people, will be surprised to learn that the Japanese did not think themselves honoured by the embassy; that they even refused the presents which had been carried out, and would not concede the favour of an alliance which was courted. The result of the whole, in fact, was rather a loss than a gain, as a permission which had been previously given to visit Nangasaky was withdrawn. Thus, says K. , "all communication is now at an end between Japan and Russia, unless some great change should take place in the ministry of Jeddo, or, indeed, in the government itself, and this is perhaps not to be expected. " We are told, however, in a note, that some revolution is understood actually to have taken place after this visit, and that too in consequence of this dismissal of the Russian embassy. This is said on the authority of a Lieutenant Chwostoff, who heard of it from the Japanese, when he visited the northern coast of Jesso in 1806 and 1807. But as no particulars are mentioned, and as, indeed, the thing is somewhat unlikely, one may be allowed to call in question the truth of the report. The Russians then, like, the Spaniards, Portugueze, English, and Americans, have utterly failed in establishing any commercial intercourse with Japan; and the Dutch alone, of any of the European nations, have continued, by virtue of their _bowing propensities_, &c. , to profit by a direct connection with it. --E. SECTION VIII. Plan of our future Proceedings. --Course to the Southward, alone the Coastof Kamtschatka. --Cape Lopatka. --Pass the Islands Shoomska and Paramousir. --Driven to the Eastward of the Kuriles. --Singular Situation with respect tothe pretended Discoveries of former Navigators. --Fruitless Attempts toreach the Islands North of Japan. --Geographical Conclusions. --View of theCoast of Japan. --Run along the East Side. --Pass two Japanese Vessels. --Driven off the Coast by contrary Winds. --Extraordinary Effect ofCurrents. --Steer for the Bashees. --Pass large Quantities of Pumice Stone. --Discover Sulphur Island. --Pass the Pratas. --Isles of Lema, and LadroneIsland. --Chinese Pilot taken on board the Resolution. --Journals of theOfficers and Men secured. [92] Our instructions from the Board of Admiralty having left a discretionarypower with the commanding-officer of the expedition, in case of failure inthe search of a passage from the Pacific into the Atlantic Ocean, to returnto England, by whatever route he should think best for the fartherimprovement of geography, Captain Gore demanded of the principal officerstheir sentiments, in writing, respecting the manner in which these ordersmight most effectually be obeyed. The result of our opinions, which he hadthe satisfaction to find unanimous, and entirely coinciding with his own, was, that the condition of the ships, of the sails, and cordage, made itunsafe to attempt, at so advanced a season of the year, to navigate the seabetween Japan and Asia; which would otherwise have afforded the largestfield for discovery; that it was therefore adviseable to keep to theeastward of that island, and in our way thither to run along the Kuriles, and examine more particularly the islands that lie nearest the northerncoast of Japan, which are represented as of a considerable size, andindependent of the Russian and Japanese governments. Should we be sofortunate as to find in these any safe and commodious harbours, weconceived they might be of importance, either as places of shelter for anyfuture navigators, who may be employed in exploring the seas, or as themeans of opening a commercial intercourse among the neighbouring dominionsof the two empires. Our next object was to survey the coast of the JapaneseIslands, and afterward to make the coast of China, as far to the northwardas we were able, and run along it to Macao. This plan being adopted, I received orders from Captain Gore, in case ofseparation, to proceed immediately to Macao; and at six o'clock in theevening of the 9th of October, having cleared the entrance of Awatska Bay, we steered to the S. E. , with the wind N. W. And by W. At midnight we had adead calm, which continued till noon of the 10th; the light-house at thistime bearing N. 1/2 W. , distant five leagues, and Cape Gavareea, S. By W. 1/2 W. Being luckily in soundings of sixty and seventy fathoms water, weemployed our time very profitably in catching cod, which were exceedinglyfine and plentiful; and at three in the afternoon, a breeze sprung up fromthe W. , with which we stood along the coast to the southward. A head-land, bearing S. By W. , now opened with Cape Gavareea, lying about seven leaguesbeyond it. Between them are two narrow, but deep inlets, which may probablyunite behind what appears to be an high island. The coast of these inletsis steep and cliffy. The hills break abruptly, and form chasms and deepvallies, which are well wooded. Between Cape Gavareea (which lies inlatitude 52° 21', longitude 158° 38') and Awatska Bay, there areappearances of several inlets, which at first sight may flatter the marinerwith hopes of finding shelter and safe anchorage; but the Russian pilotsassured us, that there are none capable of admitting vessels of thesmallest size, as the low land fills up the spaces that appear vacantbetween the high projecting head-lands. Toward evening, it again becamecalm; but at midnight we had a light breeze from the N. , which increasedgradually to a strong gale; and at noon the next day we found ourselves inlatitude 52° 4', longitude 158° 31', when Cape Gavareea bore N. By W. 1/4, W. ; the south extreme, S. W. 1/2 W. We were at this time distant from thenearest shore about three leagues, and saw the whole country inland coveredwith snow. A point of land to the southward, which we place in latitude 51°54', formed the north side of a deep bay, called Achachinskoi, in thedistant bottom of which we supposed a large river to empty itself, from theland behind being so unusually low. South of Achachinskoi Bay, the land isnot so rugged and barren as that part of the country which we had beforepassed. During the night we had variable winds and rain; but at four in the morningof the 12th, it began to blow so strong from the N. E. , as to oblige us todouble reef the top-sails, and make it prudent to stand more off the shore. At six, the weather becoming more moderate and fair, we again made sail, and stood in for the land. At noon, our latitude was 51° 0', longitude 157°25'. The northernmost land in sight, being the point we have mentioned asfirst opening with Cape Gavareea, bore N. N. E. A head-land, with a flat top, which is in latitude 51° 27', and makes the south point of an inlet, calledGirowara, bore N. 1/4 E. , . And the southernmost land in sight, W. 3/4 N. , distant six leagues. At this time we could just perceive low landstretching from the southern extreme; but the wind veering round to theN. W. , we could not get a nearer view of it. At six in the afternoon we saw, from the mast-head, Cape Lopatka, the southernmost extremity ofKamtschatka. It is a very low flat cape, sloping gradually from the highlevel land that we saw at noon, and bore W. N. , about five leagues distant;and the high land, N. W. By W. 1/2 W. As this point of land forms so markedan object in the geography of the eastern coast of Asia, we were glad to beable, by an accurate observation, and several good angles, to determine itsprecise situation, which is in latitude 51° 0', longitude 156° 45'. To theN. W. Of it we saw a remarkably high mountain, the top of which loses itselfin the clouds; and, at the same time, the first of the Kurile Islands, called Shoomska, appeared in sight, bearing W. 1/2 S. The passage betweenthis island and Cape Lopatka, the Russians describe as being three milesbroad, and very dangerous on account of the rapidity of the tides, and thesunk rocks that are off the cape. From Cape Gavareea to Lopatka, the coasttrends S. E. South of Achachinskoi, the land is not so high and broken asbetween that bay and the mouth of Awatska, being only of a moderateelevation toward the sea, with hills gradually rising farther back in thecountry. The coast is steep and bold, and full of white chalky patches. At noon, the weather falling again to a calm, afforded us an opportunity ofcatching some fine cod. We were, at this time, in forty fathoms water, andabout five or six leagues from Cape Lopatka. Both in the fore andafternoon, we had observations, with different compasses, for thevariation, and found it to be 5° 20' E. We stood on all night, under an easy sail, to the S. S. W. , having the windwesterly. At midnight we sounded, and had sixty fathoms; and, at day-breakof the 13th, we saw the second of the Kurile Islands, (called by theRussians Paramousir, ) extending from N. W. By W. To W. 1/2 S. This land isvery high, and almost entirely covered with snow. At noon, the extremesbore from N. N. W. 1/2 W. To W. N. W. 1/2 W. ; and a high peaked mountain, fromwhich some thought they saw smoke issuing, N. W. By W. 1/2 W. , about twelveor fourteen leagues distant. At this time our latitude, by observation, was49° 49', and our longitude 157° O'. In the course of the day we saw manygulls and albatrosses, and several whales. Paramousir is the largest of the Kuriles under the dominion of Russia, andwell deserves a more accurate survey, than we were at this time allowed totake. For, in the afternoon, the gale increasing from the W. , we were neverable to approach it nearer than we had done at noon; and were, therefore, obliged to be contented with endeavouring to ascertain its situation atthat distance. We place the S. End of the island in latitude 49° 58', theN. End in latitude 50° 46', and in longitude 10' W. Of Lopatka; and as thisposition is found not to differ materially from that given by the Russians, it is probably very near the truth. Whilst we were abreast of this island, we had a very heavy swell from the N. E. , though the wind had, for sometime, been from the westward, a circumstance which we have already remarkedmore than once during the course of our voyage. In the night we tried forsoundings, but found no ground with fifty fathoms of line. On the 14th and 15th, the wind blowing steadily and fresh from thewestward, we were obliged to stand to the southward; and consequentlyhindered from seeing any more of the Kurile Islands. At noon of the 16th, the latitude, by observation, was 45° 27', the longitude, deduced from anumber of lunar observations taken during the three days past, 155° 3O'. The variation 4° 30' E. In this situation, we were almost surrounded by thesupposed discoveries of former navigators, and uncertain to which we shouldturn ourselves. To the southward and the S. W. Were placed, in the Frenchcharts, a group of five islands, called the Three Sisters, Zellany andKunashir. We were about ten leagues, according to the same maps, to thewestward of the land of De Gama, which we had passed to the eastward inApril last, at a distance rather less than this, without seeing anyappearance of it; from which circumstance we may now conclude, that, ifsuch land exist at all, it must be an island of a very inconsiderablesize. [93] On the other hand, if we give credit to the original position ofthis land, fixed by Texiera, it lay to the W. By S. ; and as the Company'sLand, [94] Staten Island, [95] and the famous land of Jeso, [96] were alsosupposed to lie nearly in the same direction, together with the group firstmentioned, according to the Russian charts, we thought this course deservedthe preference, and accordingly hauled round to the westward, the windhaving shifted in the afternoon to the northward. During this day we sawlarge flocks of gulls, several albatrosses, fulmars, and a number of fish, which our sailors called grampuses; but, as far as we could judge, from theappearance of those that passed close by the ships, we imagined them to bethe _kasatka_, or sword-fish, described by Krascheninnikoff, to whom Irefer the reader, for a curious account of the manner in which they attackthe whales. In the evening, a visit from a small land-bird, about the sizeof a goldfinch, and resembling that bird in shape and plumage, made us keepa good look-out for land. However, at midnight, on trying for soundings, wefound no ground with forty-five fathoms of line. On the 17th, at noon, we were in latitude 45° 7', by observation, longitude154° 0'. The wind now again coming to the westward, obliged us to steer amore southerly course; and, at midnight, it blew from that quarter a freshgale, accompanied with heavy rain. In the morning, we saw another land-bird, and many flocks of gulls and peterels bending their course to theS. W. The heavy N. E. Swell, with which we had constantly laboured since ourdeparture from Lopatka, now ceased, and changed suddenly to the S. E. In theforenoon of the 18th; we passed great quantities of rock-weed, from which, and the flights of birds above-mentioned, we conjectured we were at nogreat distance from the southernmost of the Kuriles; and, at the same time, the wind coming round to the S. , enabled us to stand in for it. At two, weset studding-sails, and steered W. ; but the wind increasing to a gale, soonobliged as to double reef the top-sails; and, at midnight, we judged itnecessary to try for soundings. Accordingly we hove to; but, finding nobottom at seventy-five fathoms, we were encouraged to persevere, and againbore away W. , with the wind at S. E. This course we kept till two in themorning, when the weather becoming thick, we hauled our wind, and steeredto the S. W. Till five, when a violent storm reduced us to our courses. Notwithstanding the unfavourable state of the weather left us littleprospect of making the land, we still kept this object anxiously in view;and, at day-light, ventured to steer W. By S. , and continued to stand on inthis direction till ten in the forenoon, when the wind, suddenly shiftingto the S. W. , brought with it clear weather. Of this we had scarcely takenadvantage, by setting the top-sails, and letting out the reefs, when itbegan to blow so strong from this quarter, that we were forced to close-reef again; and, at noon, the wind shifting two points to the W. , renderedit vain to keep any longer on this tack. We therefore put about, andsteered to the southward. At this time, our latitude, by observation, was44° 12', and longitude 150° 40'; so that, after all our efforts, we had themortification to find ourselves, according to the Russian charts, upon ameridian with Nadeegsda, which they make the southernmost of the KurileIslands, and about twenty leagues to the southward. But, though the violent and contrary winds we had met with during the lastsix days, prevented our getting in with these islands, yet the course wehad been obliged to hold, is not without its geographical advantages. Forthe group of islands, consisting of the Three Sisters, Kunashir, andZellany, (which, in D'Anville's maps, are placed in the track we had justcrossed, ) being, by this means, demonstratively removed from thatsituation, an additional proof is obtained of their lying to the westward, where Spanberg actually places them, between the longitude 142° and 147°. But as the space is occupied, in the French charts, by part of the supposedland of Jeso and Staten Island, Mr Muller's opinion becomes extremelyprobable, that they are all the same lands; and, as no reasons appear fordoubting Spanberg's accuracy, we have ventured, in our general map, toreinstate the Three Sisters, Zellany, and Kunashir, in their propersituation, and have entirely omitted the rest. When the reader recollectsthe manner in which the Russians have multiplied the islands of theNorthern Archipelago, from the want of accuracy in determining their realsituation, and the desire men naturally feel of propagating newdiscoveries, he will not be surprised, that the same causes should producethe same effects. It is thus that the Jesoian lands, which appear, bothfrom the accounts of the Japanese, and the earliest Russian traditions, tobe no other than the Southern Kurile islands, have been supposed distinctfrom the latter. The land of De Gama is next on record; and was originallyplaced nearly in the same situation with those just mentioned, but wasremoved, as has been already suggested, to make room for Staten Island, andthe Company's Land; and as Jeso, and the southernmost of the Kuriles, hadalso possession of this space, that nothing might be lost, they wereprovided for, the former a little to the westward, and the latter to theeastward. As the islands of Zellany and Kunashir, according to the Russian charts, were still to the southward, we were not without hopes of being able tomate them, and therefore kept our head as much to the westward as the windwould permit. On the 20th, at noon, we were in latitude 43° 47', andlongitude 150° 30'; and steering W. By S. , with a moderate breeze fromS. E. , and probably not more than twenty-four leagues to the eastward ofZellany, when our good fortune again deserted us. For, at three o'clock inthe afternoon, the wind, veering round to the N. W. , began to blow sostrong, that we were brought under our foresail and mizen stay-sail. We hadvery heavy squalls and hard rain, during the next twenty-four hours; afterwhich, the horizon clearing a little, and the weather growing moderate, wewere enabled to set the top-sails; but the wind, still continuing to blowfrom the N. W. , baffled all our endeavours to make the land, and obliged us, at last, to give up all further thoughts of discovery to the N. Of Japan. We submitted to this disappointment with the greater reluctance, as theaccounts that are given of the inhabitants of these islands, mentioned atthe end of the last section, had excited in us the greater curiosity tovisit them. In the afternoon, the leach-rope of the Resolution's fore top-sail gaveway, and split the sail. As this accident had often happened to us inCaptain Cook's life-time, he had ordered the foot and leach ropes of thetopsails to be taken out, and larger fixed in their stead; and as thesealso proved unequal to the strain that was on them, it is evident, that theproper proportion of strength between those ropes and the sail isexceedingly miscalculated in our service. This day a land-bird perched onthe rigging, and was taken; it was larger than a sparrow, but, in otherrespects, very like one. The gale now abated gradually; so that, in the morning of the 22d, we letout the reefs of the topsails, and made more sail. At noon, we were inlatitude 40° 58', and longitude 148° 17', the variation 3° E. In theafternoon, another little wanderer from the land pitched on the ship, andwas so worn out with fatigue, that it suffered itself to be takenimmediately, and died a few hours afterward. It was not bigger than a wren, had a tuft of yellow feathers on its head, and the rest of its plumage likethat of the linnet. The sparrow, being stronger, lived a long time. Thesebirds plainly indicating, that we could not be at any great distance fromthe land, and the wind, after varying a little, fixing in the evening atN. , our hopes of making the land again revived, and we hauled up to theW. N. W. , in which direction, the southernmost islands seen by Spanberg, andsaid to be inhabited by hairy men, lay at the distance of about fiftyleagues. But the wind not keeping pace with our wishes, blew in such lightairs, that we made little way, till eight next morning, when we had a freshbreeze from the S. S. W. , with which we continued to steer W. N. W. Till theevening. At noon, we were in latitude 40° 35', longitude 146° 45'; thelatter deduced from several lunar observations taken during the night. Thevariation of the needle we found to be 17' E. In the evening, we had strongsqually gales attended with rain, and having passed, in the course of theday, several patches of green grass, and seen a shag, many small land-birds, and flocks of gulls, it was not thought prudent, with all thesesigns of the vicinity of land, to stand on during the whole night. Wetherefore tacked at midnight, and steered a few hours to the S. E. , and, atfour in the morning of the 24th, again directed our course to the W. N. W. , and carried a press of sail till seven in the evening, when the windshifted from S. S. W. To N. , and blew a fresh gale. At this time we were inthe latitude of 40° 57', and the longitude of 145° 20'. This second disappointment in our endeavours to get to the N. W. , togetherwith the boisterous weather we had met with, and the little likelihood, atthis time of the year, of its becoming more favourable to our views, wereCaptain Gore's motives for now finally giving up all farther search for theislands to the N. Of Japan, and for shaping a course W. S. W. , for the N. Part of that island. In the night, the wind shifted to the N. E. , and blew afresh gale, with hard rain, and hazy weather, which, by noon of the 25th, brought us to the latitude of 40° 18', in the longitude 144° 0'. To-day, wesaw flights of wild-ducks, a pigeon lighted on our rigging, and many birds, like linnets, flew about us with a degree of vigour that seemed to prove, they had not been long upon the wing. We also passed patches of long grass, and a piece either of sugar-cane or bamboo. These signs, that land was atno great distance, induced us to try for soundings; but we found no groundwith ninety fathoms of line, Toward evening, the wind by degrees shiftedround to the S. , with which we still kept on to the W. S. W. ; and at day-break of the 26th, we had the pleasure of descrying high land to thewestward, which proved to be Japan. At eight, it extended from N. W. To S. By W. , distant three or four leagues. A low flat cape bore N. W. 3/4 W. , andseemed to make the S. Part of the entrance of a bay. Toward the S. Extreme, a conical-shaped hill bore S. By W. 3/4 W. To the northward of this hillthere appeared to be a very deep inlet, the N. Side of the entrance intowhich is formed by a low point of land, and, as well as we could judge byour glasses, has a small island near it to the southward. We stood on till nine, when we were within two leagues of the land, bearingW. 3/4 S. , and had soundings of fifty-eight fathoms, with a bottom of veryfine sand. We now tacked and stood off; but the wind dying away, at noon wehad got no farther than three leagues from the coast, which extended fromN. W. By N. 3/4 W. To S. 1/2 E. , and was, for the most part, bold andcliffy. The low cape to the northward bore N. W. By W. , six leagues distant;and the N. Point of the inlet S. 3/4 W. The latitude, by observation, was40° 5', and longitude 142° 28'. The northernmost land in sight, we judgedto be the northern extremity of Japan. [97] It is lower than any other part;and, from the range of the high lands that were seen over it from the mast-head, the coast appeared evidently to incline round to the westward. The N. Point of the inlet we supposed to be Cape Nambu, and the town to besituated in a break of the high land, toward which the inlet seemed todirect itself[98]. The country is of a moderate height, consists of adouble range of mountains; it abounds with wood, and has a pleasing varietyof hills and dales. We saw the smoke of several towns or villages, and manyhouses near the shore, in pleasant and cultivated situations. During the calm, being willing to make the best use of our time, we put ourfishing lines overboard, in sixty fathoms water, but without any success. As this was the only amusement our circumstances admitted, thedisappointment was always very sensibly felt, and made us look back withregret to the cod-banks of the dreary regions we had left, which hadsupplied us with so many wholesome meals, and, by the diversion theyafforded, had given a variety to the wearisome succession of gales andcalms, and the tedious repetition of the same nautical observations. At twoin the afternoon, the breeze freshened from the southward, and, by four, had brought us under close-reefed topsails, and obliged us to stand off tothe S. E. In consequence of this course, and the haziness of the weather, the land soon disappeared. We kept on all night, and till eight the nextmorning, when the wind coming round to the N. , and growing moderate, wemade sail, and steered W. S. W. , toward the land; but did not make it tillthree in the afternoon, when it extended from N. W. 1/2 W. To W. Thenorthernmost extreme being a continuation of the high land, which was thesouthernmost we had seen the day before; the land to the W. We conceived tobe the Hofe Tafel Berg (the High Table Hill) of Jansen. Between the twoextremes, the coast was low and scarcely perceptible, except from the mast-head. We stood on toward the coast till eight, when we were about fiveleagues distant; and, having shortened sail for the night, steered to thesouthward, sounding every four hours, but never found ground with onehundred and sixty fathoms of line. On the 28th, at six in the morning, we again saw land, twelve leagues tothe southward of that seen the preceding day, extending from W. S. W. To W. By N. We steered S. W. Obliquely with the shore; and, at ten, saw more landopen to the S. W. To the westward of this land, which is low and flat, aretwo islands as we judged, though some doubts were entertained, whether theymight not be connected with the adjacent low ground. The hazy weather, joined to our distance, prevented us also from determining, whether thereare any inlets or harbours between the projecting points, which seem hereto promise good shelter. At noon, the N. Extreme bore N. W. By N. , and ahigh peaked hill, over a steep headland, W. By N. , distant five leagues. Our latitude at this time, by observation, was 38° 16', longitude 142° 9'. The mean of the variation, from observations taken both in the fore andafternoon, was 1° 20' E. At half-past three in the afternoon, we lost sight of the land; and, fromits breaking off so suddenly, conjectured, that what we had seen this dayis an island, or, perhaps, a cluster of islands, lying off the main land ofJapan; but as the islands, called by Jansen the Schildpads, and by MrD'Anville Matsima, though laid down nearly in the same situation, are notequal in extent to the land seen by us, we must leave this point undecided. Having kept a S. W. Course during the remaining part of the day, we foundourselves, at midnight, in seventy fathoms water, over a bottom of finedark-brown sand. We therefore hauled up to the eastward, till morning, whenwe saw the land again, about eleven leagues to the southward of that whichwe had seen the day before; and at eight, we were within six or seven milesof the shore, having carried, in regular soundings, from sixty-five totwenty fathoms, over coarse sand and gravel. Unluckily there was a hazeover the land, which hindered our distinguishing small objects on it. Thecoast is straight and unbroken, and runs nearly in a N, and S. Direction. Toward the sea the ground is low, but rises gradually into hills of amoderate height, whose tops are tolerably even, and covered with wood. At nine o'clock, the wind shifting to the southward, and the sky lowring, we tacked and stood off to the E. , and soon after, we saw a vessel, closein with the land, standing along the shore to the northward, and another inthe offing, coming down on us before the wind. Objects of any kind, belonging to a country so famous, and yet so little known, it will beeasily conceived, must have excited a general curiosity, and accordinglyevery soul on board was upon deck in an instant, to gaze at them. As thevessel to windward approached us, she hauled farther off shore; upon which, fearing that we should alarm them by the appearance of a pursuit, webrought the ships to, and she passed ahead of us, at the distance of abouthalf a mile. It would have been easy for us to have spoken with them; butperceiving, by their manoeuvres, that they were much frightened, CaptainGore was not willing to augment their terrors; and, thinking that we shouldhave many better opportunities of communication with this people, sufferedthem to go off without interruption. Our distance did not permit us toremark any particular regarding the men on board, who seemed to be aboutsix in number, especially as the haziness of the weather precluded the useof our glasses. According to the best conjectures we were able to form, thevessel was about forty tons burthen. She had but one mast, on which washoisted a square sail, extended by a yard aloft, the braces of which workedforward. Half-way down the sail, came three pieces of black cloth, at equaldistances from each other. The vessel was higher at each end than in themidship; and we imagined, from her appearance and form, that it wasimpossible for her to sail any otherwise than large. At noon, the wind freshened, and brought with it a good deal of rain; bythree, it had increased so much, that we were reduced to our courses; atthe same time, the sea ran as high as any one on board ever remembered tohave seen it. If the Japanese vessels are, as Kĉmpfer describes them, openin the stern, it would not have been possible for those we saw to havesurvived the fury of this storm; but, as the appearance of the weather, allthe preceding part of the day, foretold its coming, and one of the sloopshad, notwithstanding, stood far out to sea, we may safely conclude, thatthey are perfectly capable of bearing a gale of wind. Spanberg indeeddescribes two kinds of Japanese vessels; one answering to the abovedescription of Kĉmpfer, the other, which he calls busses, and in which, hesays, they make their voyages to the neighbouring islands, exactlycorresponds with those we saw. [99] At eight in the evening, the gale shifted to the W. , without abating theleast in violence, and by raising a sudden swell, in a contrary directionto that which prevailed before, occasioned the ships to strain and labourexceedingly. During the storm, several of the sails were split on board theResolution. Indeed they had been so long bent, and were worn so thin, thatthis accident had of late happened to us almost daily, in both ships;especially when, being stiff and heavy with the rain, they became less ableto bear the shocks of the violent and variable winds we at this timeexperienced. The gale at length growing moderate, and settling to the W. , we kept upon a wind to the southward; and, at nine in the morning of the30th, we saw the land, at the distance of about fifteen leagues, bearingfrom W. By N. To N. W. 1/4 W. It appeared in detached parts; but whetherthey were small islands, or parts of Japan, our distance did not enable usto determine. At noon, it extended from N. W. To W. , the nearest land beingabout thirteen leagues distant, beyond which the coast seemed to run in awesterly direction. The latitude, by observation, was 36° 41', longitude142° 6'. The point to the northward, which was supposed to be near thesouthernmost land seen the day before, we conjectured to be Cape de Kennis, and the break to the southward of this point, to be the mouth of theriver on which the town of Gissima is said to be situated. The next cape isprobably that called in the Dutch charts Boomtje's Point; and thesouthernmost, off which we were abreast at noon, we suppose to be near LowPoint, [100] and that we were at too great distance to see the low land, inwhich it probably terminates, to the eastward. In the afternoon, the wind veering round to the N. E. , we stood to thesouthward, at the distance of about eighteen leagues from the shore, tryingfor soundings as we went along, but finding none with one hundred andfifteen fathoms of line. At two the next morning, it shifted to W. , attended with rain and lightning, and blowing in heavy squalls. During thecourse of the day, we had several small birds of a brown plumage, resembling linnets, flying about us, which had been forced off the land bythe strong westerly gales; but toward the evening, the wind coming to theN. W. , we shaped our coarse, along with them, to W. S. W. , in order to regainthe coast. In the morning of the 1st of November, the wind again shifted toS. E. , and bringing with it fair weather, we got forty-two sets of distancesof the moon from the sun and stars, with four different quadrants, each setconsisting of six observations; these agreeing pretty nearly with eachother, fix our situation at noon the same day, with great accuracy, inlongitude 141° 32'; the latitude, by observation, was 35° 17', We found anerror of latitude, in our reckonings of the preceding day, of eight miles, and in this day's of seventeen; from whence, and from our being much moreto the eastward than we expected, we concluded, that there had been astrong current from the S. W. At two in the afternoon, we again made the land to the westward, at thedistance of about twelve leagues; the southernmost land in sight, which wesupposed to be White Point, [101], bore W. S. W. 1/2 W. ; a hummock to thenorthward, which had the appearance of being an island, bore N. N. W. 1/2 W. , within which we saw from the mast-head low land, which we took to be Sand-down Point. [102] We stood in toward the land, till half-past five, when wehauled our wind to the southward. At this time we saw a number of Japanesevessels, close in with the land, several seemingly engaged in fishing, andothers standing along shore. We now discovered to the westward a remarkablyhigh mountain, with a round top, rising far inland. There is no high groundnear it, the coast being of a moderate elevation, and, as far as we couldjudge, from the haziness of the horizon, much broken by small inlets. Butto the southward of the hummock island before mentioned, there appeared, ata great distance, within the country, a ridge of hills, stretching in adirection toward the mountain, and probably joining with it. As this is themost remarkable hill on the coast, we could have wished to have settled itssituation exactly; but having only had this single view, were obliged to becontented with such accuracy as our circumstances would allow. Its latitudetherefore we conceive to be 35° 20', its longitude, estimated by itsdistance from the ships, at this time fifteen leagues, 140° 26'. As the Dutch charts make the coast of Japan extend about ten leagues to theS. W. Of White Point, at eight we tacked, and stood off to the eastward, inorder to weather the point. At midnight, we again tacked to the S. W. , expecting to fall in with the coast to the southward, but were surprised, in the morning at eight, to see the hummock, at the distance only of threeleagues, bearing W. N. W. We began, at first, to doubt the evidence of oursenses, and afterward to suspect some deception from a similarity of land;but, at noon, we found ourselves, by observation, to be actually inlatitude 35° 43', at a time when our reckonings gave us 34° 48'. So that, during the eight hours in which we supposed we had made a course of nineleagues to the S. W. , we had in reality been carried eight leagues from theposition we left, in a direction diametrically opposite; which made, on thewhole, in that short space of time, a difference in our reckoning ofseventeen leagues. From this error, we calculated, that the current had setto the N. E. By N. , at the rate of at least five miles an hour. Ourlongitude, at this time, was 141° 16'. The weather having now the same threatening appearance as on the 29th ofOctober, which was followed by so sudden and severe a gale, and the windcontinuing at S. S. E. , it was thought prudent to leave the shore, and standoff to the eastward, to prevent our being entangled with the land. Nor werewe wrong in our prognostications; for it soon afterward began, andcontinued till next day, to blow a heavy gale, accompanied with hazy andrainy weather. In the morning of the 3d, we found ourselves, by ourreckoning, upward of fifty leagues from the land; which circumstance, together with the very extraordinary effect of currents we had beforeexperienced, the late season of the year, the unsettled state of theweather, and the little likelihood of any change for the better, madeCaptain Gore resolve to leave Japan altogether, and prosecute our voyage toChina; hoping, that as the track he meant to pursue had never yet beenexplored, he should be able to make amends, by some new discovery, for thedisappointments we had met with on this coast. If the reader should be of opinion that we quitted this object too hastily, in addition to the facts already stated it ought to be remarked, thatKĉmpfer describes the coast of Japan as the most dangerous in the wholeworld;[103] that it would have been equally dangerous, in case of distress, to run into any of their harbours, where we know, from the bestauthorities, that the aversion of the inhabitants to any intercourse withstrangers, has led them to commit the most atrocious barbarities; that ourships were in a leaky condition, that our sails were worn out, and unableto withstand, a gale of wind, and that the rigging was so rotten as torequire constant and perpetual repairs. As the strong currents, which set along the eastern coast of Japan, may beof dangerous consequence to the navigator, who is not aware of theirextraordinary rapidity, I shall take leave of this island, with a summaryaccount of their force and direction, as observed by us from the 1st to the8th of November. On the 1st, at which time we were about eighteen leaguesto the eastward of White Point, the current set N. E. And by N. , at the rateof three miles an hour; on the 2d, as we approached the shore, we found itcontinuing in the same direction, but increased its rapidity to five milesan hour; as we left the shore it again became more moderate, and inclinedto the eastward; on the 3d, at the distance of sixty leagues, it set to theE. N. E. , three miles an hour; on the 4th and 5th, it turned to thesouthward, and at one hundred and twenty leagues from the land, itsdirection was S. E. , and its rate not more than a mile and a half an hour;on the 6th and 7th, it again shifted round to the N. E. , its force graduallydiminishing till the 8th, when we could no longer perceive any at all. During the 4th and 5th, we continued our course to the S. E. , having veryunsettled weather, attended with much lightning and rain. On both days wepassed great quantities of pumice-stone, several pieces of which we tookup, and found to weigh from one ounce to three pounds. We conjectured thatthese stones had been thrown into the sea by eruptions of various dates, asmany of them were covered with barnacles, and others quite bare. At thesame time, we saw two wild ducks, and several small land-birds, and hadmany porpoises playing round us. On the 6th, at day-light, we altered our course to the S. S. W. ; but, ateight in the evening, we were taken back, and obliged to steer to the S. E. On the 7th, at noon, we saw a small land-bird, our latitude, byobservation, at this time, being 33° 52', and longitude 148° 42'. On the9th, we were in latitude 31° 46', longitude 146° 20', when we again saw asmall land-bird, a tropic bird, porpoises, flying fishes, and had a greatswell from the E. S. E. We continued our course to the S. W. , having the windsfrom the northward, without any remarkable occurrence, till the 12th, whenwe had a most violent gale of wind from the same quarter, which reduced usto the fore-sail and mizen stay-sail; and, as the weather was so hazy, thatwe were not able to see a cable's length before us, and many shoals andsmall islands are laid down in our charts, in this part of the ocean, webrought-to, with our heads to the S. W. At noon, the latitude by account was27° 36', longitude 144° 25'. In the morning of the 13th, the wind shiftinground to the N. W. , brought with it fair weather; but though we were, atthis time nearly in the situation given to the island of St Juan, we saw noappearance of land. We now bore away to the S. W. , and set the top-sails, the gale still continuing with great violence. At noon, the latitude, byobservation, was 26° 0', longitude 143° 40', and variation 3° 50' E. In theafternoon, we saw flying fish and dolphins, also tropic birds andalbatrosses. We still continued to pass much pumice-stone; indeed, theprodigious quantities of this substance which float in the sea, betweenJapan and the Bashee islands, seem to indicate, that some great volcanicconvulsion must have happened in this part of the Pacific Ocean; andconsequently give some degree of probability to the opinion of Mr Muller, which I have already had occasion to mention, respecting the separation ofthe continent of Jeso, and the disappearance of Company's Land and StatenIsland. At six in the afternoon, we altered our coarse to the W. S. W. , Captain Gorejudging it useless to steer any longer to the S. S. W. , as we were near themeridian of the Ladrones, or Marianne Islands, and at no great distancefrom the track of the Manilla ships. In the morning of the 14th, theweather became fine, and the wind, which was moderate, gradually shifted tothe N. E. , and proved to be the trade-wind. At ten, Mr Trevenen, one of theyoung gentlemen who came along with me into the Discovery, saw landappearing like a peaked mountain, and bearing S. W. At noon, the latitude, by observation, was 24° 37', longitude 142° 2'. The land, which we nowdiscovered to be an island, bore S. W. 1/2 W. , distant eight or ten leagues;and at two in the afternoon, we saw another to the W. N. W. This secondisland, when seen at a distance, has the appearance of two; the south pointconsisting of a high conical hill, joined by a narrow neck to the northernland, which is of a moderate height. As this was evidently of greaterextent than the island to the south, we altered our course toward it. Atfour, it bore N. W. By W. ; but, not having day-light sufficient to examinethe coast, we stood upon our tacks during the night. On the 15th, at six in the morning, we bore away for the south point of thelarger island, at which time we discovered another high island, bearing N. 3/4 W. , the south island, being on the same rhomb line, and the south pointof the island ahead, W. By N. At nine, we were abreast, and within a mileof the middle island, but Captain Gore, finding that a boat could not landwithout some danger from the great surf that broke on the shore, kept onhis course to the westward. At noon, our latitude, by observation, was 24°50', longitude 140° 56' E. This island is about five miles long, in a N. N. E. , and S. S. W. Direction. The south point is a high barren hill, flattish at the top, and, when seenfrom the W. S. W. , presents an evident volcanic crater. The earth, rock, orsand, for it was not easy to distinguish of which its surface was composed, exhibited various colours, and a considerable part we conjectured to besulphur, both from its appearance to the eye, and the strong sulphuroussmell which we perceived as we approached the point. Some of the officerson board the Resolution, which passed nearer the land, thought they sawsteams rising from the top of the hill. From these circumstances, CaptainGore gave it the name of _Sulphur Island_. A low, narrow neck of landconnects this hill with the south end of the island, which spreads out intoa circumference of three or four leagues, and is of a moderate height. Thepart near the isthmus has some bushes on it, and has a green appearance, but those to the N. E. Are very barren, and full of large detached rocks, many of which were exceedingly white. Very dangerous breakers extend twomiles and a half to the east, and two miles to the west, off the middlepart of the island, on which the sea broke with great violence. The north and south islands appeared to us as single mountains of aconsiderable height; the former peaked, and of a conical shape; the lattermore square and flat at the top. Sulphur Island we place in latitude 24°48', longitude 141° 12'. The north island in latitude 25° 14', longitude141° 10'. The south island in latitude 24° 22', and longitude 141° 26'. Thevariation observed was 3° 30' E. Captain Gore now directed his course to the W. S. W. , for the Bashee Islands, hoping to procure, at them, such a supply of refreshments as would help toshorten his stay in Macao. These islands were visited by Dampier, who givesa very favourable account, both of the civility of the inhabitants, and ofthe plenty of hogs and vegetables, with, which the country abounds; theywere afterwards seen by Byron and Wallis, who passed them without landing. In order to extend our view, in the day-time, the ships spread between twoand three leagues from each other, and during the night, we went under aneasy sail; so that it was scarcely possible to pass any land that lay inthe neighbourhood of our course. In this manner we proceeded, without anyoccurrence worth remarking, with a fresh breeze from the N. E. , till the22d, when it increased to a strong gale, with violent squalls of wind andrain, which brought us under close-reefed top-sails. At noon of the 23d, the latitude, by account, was 21° 5', and longitude123° 20'; at six in the evening, being now only twenty-one leagues from theBashee Islands, according to the situation in Mr Dalrymple's map, and theweather squally attended with a thick haze, we hauled our wind to theN. N. W. , and handed the fore top-sail. During the whole of the 24th it rained incessantly, and the wind still blewa storm; a heavy sea rolled down on us from the north, and in the afternoonwe had violent flashes of lightning from the same quarter. We continuedupon a wind to the N. N. W. Till nine o'clock, when we tacked, and stood tothe S. S. E. , till four in the morning of the 25th, and then wore. During thenight there was an eclipse of the moon, but the rain prevented our makingany observation; unfortunately, at the time of the greatest darkness, aseaman, in stowing the main-top-mast stay-sail, fell overboard, but layinghold of a rope, which providentially was hanging out of the fore-chainsinto the water, and the ship being quickly brought in the wind, he was goton board without any other hurt than a slight bruise on his shoulder. Ateight, the weather clearing, we bore away but the wind blew still sostrong, that we carried no other sail than the fore-sail, and the main-top-sail close-reefed. About this time we saw a land-bird resembling a thrush, and a sugar-cane; at noon, the latitude, by observation, was 21° 35', andlongitude 121° 35'. As our situation in longitude was now to the west of the Bashee, accordingto Mr Dalrymple's map, I perceived that Captain Gore was governed, in thecourse he was steering, by the opinions of Commodore Byron and CaptainWallis, with whom he sailed when they passed these islands. The formerplacing it near four degrees to the westward, or in longitude 118° 15'. Inconsequence of this opinion, at two, we stood to the southward, with a viewof getting into the same parallel of latitude with the islands, before weran down our longitude. At six, we were nearly in that situation, andconsequently ought to have been in sight of land, according to Mr Wallis'saccount, who places the Bashees near three degrees more to the eastwardthan Mr Byron. The gale, at this time, had not in the least abated; andCaptain Gore, still conceiving that the islands must undoubtedly lie to thewestward, brought the ships to, with their heads to the N. W. , under thefore-sail and balanced mizen. At six in the morning of the 26th, the wind having considerably abated, webore away west; set the top-sails, and let out the reefs. At noon, thelatitude, by observation, was 21° 12', and longitude 120° 25'. We saw, thisday, a flock of ducks, and many tropic-birds, also dolphins and porpoises, and still continued to pass several pumice-stones. We spent the night uponour tacks, and, at six in the morning of the 27th, again bore away west insearch of the Bashees. I now began to be a little apprehensive, lest, in searching for thoseislands, we should get so much to the southward as to be obliged to pass toleeward of the Pratas. In this case, it might have been exceedinglydifficult for such bad-sailing ships as ours to fetch Macao, particularlyshould the wind continue to blow, as it now did, from the N. N. E. And N. AsI had some doubts whether Mr Dalrymple's charts were on board theResolution, I made sail and hailed her; and having acquainted Captain Gorewith the position of these shoals, and my apprehensions of being driven tothe southward, he informed me that he should continue on his course for theday, as he was still in hopes of finding Admiral Byron's longitude right;and therefore ordered me to spread a few miles to the south. At noon, the weather became hazy; the latitude, by reckoning, was 21° 2', and longitude 118° 30'; and at six, having got to the westward of theBashees, by Mr Byron's account, Captain Gore hauled his wind to the N. W. , under an easy sail, the wind blowing very strong, and there being everyappearance of a dirty boisterous night. At four in the morning of the 28th, we saw the Resolution, then half a mile ahead of us, wear, and immediatelyperceived breakers close under our lee. At day-light, we saw the island ofPrata; and at half past six we wore again, and stood toward the shoal, andfinding we could not weather it, bore away, and ran to leeward. As wepassed the south side, within a mile of the reef, we observed tworemarkable patches on the edge of the breakers, that looked like wrecks. Atnoon, the latitude, found by double altitudes, was 20° 39', longitude 116°45'. The island bore N. 3/4 E. , distant three or four leagues. On thesouth-west side of the reef, and near the south end of the island, wethought we saw, from the mast-head, openings in the reef, which promisedsafe anchorage. The Prata shoal is of a considerable extent, being six leagues from northto south, and stretching three or four leagues to the eastward of theisland; its limit to the westward we were not in a situation to determine. The northeast extremity we place in latitude 20° 58', and longitude 117°;and the south-west in latitude 20° 45', and longitude 116° 44'. For the remaining part of the day we carried a press of sail, and kept thewind, which was N. E. By N. , in order to secure our passage to Macao. It wasfortunate, that toward evening the wind favoured us, by changing two pointsmore to the east; for had the wind and weather continued the same as duringthe preceding week, I doubt whether we could have fetched that port, inwhich case, we must have borne away for Batavia; a place we all dreadedexceedingly, from the sad havoc the unhealthiness of the climate had madein the crews of the former ships that had been out on discovery, and hadtouched there. In the forenoon of the 29th, we passed several Chinese fishing-boats, whoeyed us with great indifference; They fish with a large dredge-net, shapedlike a hollow cone, having a flat iron rim fixed to the lower part of itsmouth. The net is made fast with cords to the head and stern of the boat, which being left to drive with the wind, draws the net after it with theiron part dragging along the bottom. We were sorry to find the sea coveredwith the wrecks of boats that had been lost, as we conjectured, in the lateboisterous weather. At-noon, we were in latitude, by observation, 22° 1', having run one hundred and ten miles upon a north-west course since thepreceding noon. Being now nearly in the latitude of the Lema Islands, webore away W. By N. , and after running twenty-two miles, saw one of themnine or ten leagues to the westward. At six, the extremes of the islands insight bore N. N. W. 1/2 W. , and W. N. W. 1/2 W. ; distant from the nearest fouror five leagues; the depth of water twenty-two fathoms, over a soft muddybottom. We now shortened sail, and kept upon our tacks for the night. By MrBayly's time-keeper, the Grand Lema bore from the Prata Island, N. 60° W. , one hundred and fifty-three miles; and by our run, N. 57° W. , one hundredand forty-six miles. In the morning of the 30th, we ran along the Lema Isles, which, like allthe other islands on this coast, are without wood, and, as far as we couldobserve, without cultivation. At seven o'clock, we had precisely the sameview of these islands, as is represented in a plate of Lord Anson's voyage. At nine o'clock, a Chinese boat, which had been before with the Resolution, came alongside, and wanted to put on board us a pilot, which, however, wedeclined, as it was our business to follow our consort. We soon afterpassed the rock marked R in Lord Anson's plate; but, instead of hauling upto the northward of the Grand Ladrone Island, as was done in the Centurion, we proceeded to leeward. It is hardly necessary to caution the mariner not to take this course, asthe danger is sufficiently obvious; for should the wind blow strong, andthe current set with it, it will be extremely difficult to fetch Macao. Indeed, we might, with great safety, by the direction of Mr Dalrymple'smap, have gone either entirely to the north of the Lema Isles, or betweenthem, and made the wind fair for Macao. Our fears of missing this port, andbeing forced to Batavia, added to the strong and eager desires of hearingnews from Europe, made us rejoice to see the Resolution soon after fire agun, and hoist her colours as a signal for a pilot. On repeating thesignal, we saw an excellent race between four Chinese boats; and CaptainGore, having engaged with the man who arrived first, to carry the ship tothe Typa, for thirty dollars, sent me word, that, as we could easilyfollow, that expence might be saved to us. Soon after, a second pilotgetting on board the Resolution, insisted on conducting the ship, and, without farther ceremony, laid hold of the wheel, and began to order thesails to be trimmed. This occasioned a violent dispute, which at last wascompromised, by their agreeing to go shares in the money. At noon, thealtitude, by observation, was 21° 57' N. , and longitude 114° 2' E. ; theGrand Ladrone Island extending from N. W. 1/2 N. , to N. 1/2 W. , distant fourmiles. The land of which the bearings are here given, we conceived to beone island; but afterward found the western part to be the island marked Zin Mr Dalrymple's chart of part of the coast of China, &c. Which, at thattime, we unfortunately had not on board. In obedience to the instructions given to Captain Cook by the Board ofAdmiralty, it now became necessary to demand of the officers and men theirjournals, and what other papers they might have in their possession, relating to the history of our voyage. The execution of these orders seemedto require some delicacy, as well as firmness. I could not be ignorant, that the greatest part of our officers, and several of the seamen, hadamused themselves with writing accounts of our proceedings for their ownprivate satisfaction, or that of their friends, which they might beunwilling, in their present form, to have submitted to the inspection ofstrangers. On the other hand, I could not, consistently with theinstructions we had received, leave in their custody papers, which, eitherfrom carelessness or design, might fall into the hands of printers, andgive rise to spurious and imperfect accounts of the voyage, to thediscredit of our labours, and perhaps to the prejudice of officers, who, though innocent, might be suspected of having been the authors of suchpublications. As soon, therefore, as I had assembled the ship's company ondeck, I acquainted them with the orders we had received, and the reasonswhich, I thought, ought to induce them to yield a ready obedience. At thesame time, I told them, that any papers which they were desirous not tohave sent to the Admiralty, should be sealed up in their presence, and keptin my own custody, till the intentions of the Board, with regard to thepublication of the history of the voyage, were fulfilled; after which, theyshould faithfully be restored back to them. It is with the greatest satisfaction I can relate, that my proposals metwith the approbation, and the cheerful compliance both of the officers andmen; and I am persuaded, that every scrap of paper, containing anytransactions relating to the voyage, were given up. Indeed, it is doingbare justice to the seamen of this ship to declare, that they were the mostobedient and the best-disposed men I ever knew, though almost all of themwere very young, and had never before served in a ship of war. [92] As we have already exceeded the proportion of notes in the preceding pages, it would be improper, even if the importance of the remaining matter were more considerable than it is, to hazard farther commentary. The reader will find, as, indeed, he will naturally expect, that the condition of the vessels, &c. Did not admit of much more research that could benefit navigation or geography. This, therefore, renders it less necessary to occupy attention in the results. Some additions have been made to our knowledge of Jesso, the neighbouring seas and islands, since the date of this voyage, and in no small degree, especially by the expedition under Krusenstern, from whose remarks we have already enriched our work. The additional observations will properly fall to be considered hereafter. It may be necessary, however, to state at present, that the able navigator, just now named, had it in his power, from more favourable circumstances, to correct the positions of some of the islands seen by Captain Gore, and assigned to them in the following section, as Sulphur Island, North Island, &c. But the corrections, though important for nautical purposes, are not of so much consequence in a general point of view, as to justify any particular remarks on the text. It is enough, perhaps, to notice the circumstance here, and to take advantage of the improvements of Krusenstern or others on any map or chart it may be expedient to affix to a subsequent portion of this work. The result of K. 's labours, it may be remarked, will require a modification to no mean amount of all the maps and charts of the regions we are now contemplating. --E. [93] From Muller's account of the course steered by Captain Spanberg, in his route from Kamtschatka to Japan, it appears, that he must also undoubtedly have seen De Gama's Land, if it really has the extent given it in Mr D'Anville's maps. Walton, who commanded a vessel in the same expedition, seems also to have looked in vain for this land on his return from Japan; and three years afterward, on account of some doubts that had arisen respecting Spanberg's course, Beering went directly in search of it, as low as the latitude of 46°. --See _Voyages et Découvertes_, &c. P. 210, et seq. [94] This land was seen by the Dutchmen who sailed in the Castricom and Breskes, and imagined by them to be part of the continent of America. There now remains scarce any doubt of its being the islands of Ooroop and Nadeegsda. See the journals of the Castricom and Breskes, published by Wetzer. [95] This land was also discovered by the Castricom; and, from its situation, as described in the journal of that vessel, it appears to be the islands of the Three Sisters. [96] The country of Jeso, which has so long been a stumbling-block to our modern geographers, was first brought to the knowledge of Europeans by the Dutch vessels mentioned in the preceding notes. The name appears, from the earliest accounts, to have been well known, both to the Japanese and the Kamtschadales; and used by them, indiscriminately, for all the islands lying between Kamtschatka and Japan. It has since been applied to a large imaginary island, or continent, supposed to have been discovered by the Castricom and Breskes; and it may not, therefore, be improper to consider the grounds of this mistake, as far as can be collected from the journals of that expedition. The object of the voyage, in which those ships were engaged, was to explore the eastern shore of Tartary; but, being separated by a storm off the S. E. Point of Japan, they sailed in different tracks along the E. Side of the island; and, having passed its northern extremity, proceeded singly on their intended expedition. The Castricom, commanded by De Vries, steering northward, fell in with land on the third day, in latitude 42°. He sailed along the S. E. Coast about sixty leagues in a _constant fog_; and, having anchored in various places, held a friendly intercourse with the inhabitants. Thus far the journal. Now, as the islands of Matimai, Kunashir, and Zellany appear, from Captain Spanberg's discoveries, to lie exactly in this situation, there can be no doubt of their being the same land; and the circumstance of the fog sufficiently accounts for the error of De Vries, imagining them to be one continent; without having recourse to the supposition of an earthquake, by which Mr Muller, from his desire to reconcile the opinion generally received, with the later Russian discoveries, conceives the several parts to have been separated. The journal then proceeds to give an account of the discovery of Staten Island and Company's Land, of which I have already given my opinion, and shall have occasion to speak hereafter. Having passed through the Straits of De Vries, says the journal, they entered a vast, wild, and tempestuous sea, in which they steered, through mists and darkness, to the 48° N. Latitude; after which they were driven by contrary winds to the southward, and again fell in with land to the westward, in latitude 45°, which they unaccountably still imagined to be part of the continent of Jeso; whereas, whoever examines Jansen's map of their discoveries, (which appears to be exceedingly accurate, as far as his information went, ) will, I believe, have no doubt, that they were, at this time, on the coast of Tartary. Having traced this land four degrees to the northward, they returned to the southward through the Straits they had passed before. It is not necessary to trouble the reader with the journal of the Breskes, as it contains no new matter, and has been already republished, and very satisfactorily animadverted upon by Mr Muller. -- _Voyages from Asia to America_, &c. English Translation, p. 78. [97] The only authentic survey of the eastern coast of Japan, with which I am acquainted, is that published by Jansen in his Atlas, and compiled with great accuracy from the charts and journals of the Castricom and Breskes. I have therefore adopted, wherever the identity of the situations could be nearly ascertained, the names given in that map to the corresponding points and head-lands seen by us along the coast. Jansen places the northern extremity of Japan in latitude 40° 15'. The point seen by us was in latitude 40° 27'. [98] This town is called by Jansen, Nabo. [99] Vide Muller, Fr. Ed. Page 215. [100] _Lage Hoeck_, or Low Point, is placed by Jansen in latitude 36° 40'. [101] _Witte Hoeck_, placed by Jansen in latitude 35° 24'. [102] _Sanduynege Hoeck_, in latitude 35° 55'. Jansen. [103] See Kĉmpfer's Hist. Of Japan, vol. I. P 92, 93, 94, and 102. SECTION IX. Working up to Macao. --A Chinese Comprador. --Sent on Shore to visit thePortugueze Governor. --Effects of the Intelligence we received fromEurope. --Anchor in the Typa. --Passage up to Canton. --Bocca Tygris. --Wampu. --Description of a Sampane. --Reception at the English Factory. --Instance of the suspicious Character of the Chinese. --Of their Mode oftrading. --Of the City of Canton. --Its Size. --Population. --Number ofSampanes. --Military Force. --Of the Streets and Houses. --Visit to aChinese. --Return to Macao. --Great Demand for the Sea-Otter Skins. --Plan ofa Voyage for opening a Fur-Trade on the Western Coast of America, andprosecuting further Discoveries in the Neighbourhood of Japan. --Departurefrom Macao. --Price of Provisions in China. We kept working to windward till six in the evening, when we came toanchor, by the direction of the Chinese pilot on board the Resolution, whoimagined the tide was setting against us. In this, however, he was muchdeceived; as we found, upon making the experiment, that it set to thenorthward till ten o'clock. The next morning he fell into a similarmistake; for, at five, on the appearance of slack water, he gave orders toget under weigh; but the ignorance he had discovered, having put us on ourguard, we chose to be convinced, by our own observations, before weweighed; and, on trying the tide, we found a strong under-tow, whichobliged us to keep fast till eleven o'clock. From these circumstances, itappears that the tide had run down twelve hours. During the afternoon, we kept standing on our tacks, between the island ofPotoe, and the Grand Ladrone, having passed to the eastward of the former. At nine o'clock, the tide beginning to ebb, we again came to anchor in sixfathoms water; the town of Macao bearing N. W. , three leagues distant; andthe island of Potoe, S. 1/2 W. , two leagues distant. This island lies twoleagues to the N. N. W. . Of the island marked Z in Mr Dalrymple's chart, which we, at first, took to be part of the Grand Ladrone. It is small androcky; and, off the west end, there is said to be foul ground, though wepassed near it without perceiving any. In the forenoon of the 2d, one of the Chinese contractors, who are called_compradors_, went on board the Resolution, and sold to Captain Gore twohundred pounds weight of beef, together with a considerable quantity ofgreens, oranges, and eggs. A proportionable share of these articles wassent to the Discovery; and an agreement made with the man to furnish uswith a daily supply, for which, however, he insisted on being paid before-hand. Our pilot, pretending he could carry the ships no farther, Captain Gore wasobliged to discharge him, and we were left to our own guidance. At two in the afternoon, the tide flowing, we weighed, and worked towindward; and at seven, anchored in three and a half fathoms of water, Macao bearing W. , three miles-distant. This situation was, indeed, veryineligible, being exposed to the N. E. , and having shoal water, not morethan two fathoms and a half deep, to leeward; but as no nauticaldescription is given, in Lord Anson's voyage, of the harbour in which theCenturion anchored, and Mr Dalrymple's general map, which was the only oneon board, was on too small a scale to serve for our direction, the shipswere obliged to remain there all night. In the evening, Captain Gore sent me on shore to visit the Portuguezegovernor, and to request his assistance in procuring refreshments for ourcrews, which he thought might be done on more reasonable terms than the_comprador_ would undertake to furnish them. At the same time, I took alist of the naval stores, of which both vessels were greatly in want, withan intention of proceeding immediately to Canton, and applying to theservants of the East India Company, who were, at that time, resident there. On my arrival at the citadel, the fort-major informed me, that the governorwas sick, and not able to see company; but that we might be assured ofreceiving every assistance in their power. This, however, I understoodwould be very inconsiderable, as they were entirely dependent on theChinese, even for their daily subsistence. Indeed, the answer returned tothe first request I made, gave me a sufficient proof of the fallen state ofthe Portugueze power; for, on my acquainting the major with my desire ofproceeding immediately to Canton, he told me, that they could not ventureto furnish me with a boat, till leave was obtained from the _Hoppo_, orofficer of the customs; and that the application for this purpose must bemade to the Chinese government at Canton. The mortification I felt at meeting with this unexpected delay, could onlybe equalled by the extreme impatience with which we had so long waited foran opportunity of receiving intelligence from Europe. It often happens, that in the eager pursuit of an object, we overlook the easiest and mostobvious means of attaining it. This was actually my case at present; for Iwas returning under great dejection to the ship, when the Portuguezeofficer, who attended me, asked me, if I did not mean to visit the Englishgentlemen at Macao. I need not add with what transport I received theinformation this question conveyed to me; nor the anxious hopes and fears, the conflict between curiosity and apprehension, which passed in my mind, as we walked toward the house of one of our countrymen. In this state of agitation, it was not surprising, that our reception, though no way deficient in civility or kindness, should appear cold andformal. In our enquiries, as far as they related to objects of privateconcern, we met, as was indeed, to be expected, with little or nosatisfaction; but the events of a public nature, which had happened sinceour departure, and now, for the first time, burst all at once upon us, overwhelmed every other feeling, and left us, for some time, almost withoutthe power of reflection. For several days we continued questioning eachother about the truth of what we had heard, as if desirous of seeking, indoubt and suspense, for that relief and consolation, which the reality ofour calamities appeared totally to exclude. These sensations were succeededby the most poignant regret at finding ourselves cut off, at such adistance, from the scene where, we imagined, the fate of fleets and armieswas every moment deciding. [104] The intelligence we had just received of the state of affairs in Europe, made us the more exceedingly anxious to hasten our departure as much aspossible; and I, therefore, renewed my attempt to procure a passage toCanton, but without effect. The difficulty arising from the establishedpolicy of the country, I was now told, would probably be much increased byan incident that had happened a few weeks before our arrival. CaptainPanton, in the Seahorse, a ship of war of twenty-four guns, had been sentfrom Madras, to urge the payment of a debt owing by the Chinese merchantsof Canton to private British subjects in the East Indies and Europe, which, including the principal and compound interest, amounted, I understood, tonear a million sterling. For this purpose, he had orders to insist on anaudience with the Viceroy of Canton, which, after some delay, and notwithout recourse being had to threats, was, at length, obtained. The answer he received, on the subject of his mission, was fair andsatisfactory; but, immediately after his departure, an edict was stuck upon the houses of the Europeans, and in the public places of the city, forbidding all foreigners, on any pretence, to lend money to the subjectsof the emperor. This measure had occasioned very serious alarms at Canton. The Chinesemerchants, who had incurred the debt contrary to the commercial laws oftheir own country, and denied, in part, the justice of the demand, wereafraid that intelligence of this would be carried to Pekin; and that theemperor, who had the character of a just and rigid prince, might punishthem with the loss of their fortunes, if not of their lives. On the otherhand, the select committee, to whom the cause of the claimants was stronglyrecommended by the presidency of Madras, were extremely apprehensive, lestthey should embroil themselves with the Chinese government at Canton; and, by that means, bring, perhaps, irreparable mischief on the Company'saffairs in China. For I was further informed, that the _Mandarins_ werealways ready to take occasion, even on the slightest grounds, to put a stopto their trading; and that it was often with great difficulty, and neverwithout certain expence, that they could get such restraints taken off. These impositions were daily increasing; and, indeed, found it a prevailingopinion, in all the European factories, that they should soon be reducedeither to quit the commerce of that country, or to bear the sameindignities to which the Dutch are subjected in Japan. The arrival of the Resolution and Discovery, at such a time, could not failof occasioning fresh alarms; and, therefore, finding there was noprobability of my proceeding to Canton, I dispatched a letter to theEnglish supercargoes, to acquaint them with the cause of our putting intothe Typa, to request their assistance in procuring me a passport, and inforwarding the stores we wanted, of which I sent them a list, asexpeditiously as possible. The next morning I was accompanied on board by our countryman, who pointingout to us the situation of the Typa, we weighed at half past six, and stoodtoward it; but the wind failing, we came to, at eight, in three and a halffathoms water; Macao bearing W. N. W. , three miles distant; the Grand LadroneS. E. By S. The Resolution here saluted the Portugueze fort with elevenguns, which were returned by the same number. Early on the 4th, we againweighed, and stood into the Typa, and moored with the stream-anchor andcable to the westward. The _Comprador_, whom we at first engaged with, having disappeared with asmall sum of money, which had been given him to purchase provisions, wecontracted with another, who continued to supply both ships, during ourwhole stay. This was done secretly, and in the night-time, under pretence, that it was contrary to the regulations of the port; but we suspected allthis caution to have been used with a view either of enhancing the price ofthe articles he furnished, or of securing to himself the profits of hisemployment, without being obliged to share them with the _Mandarins_. On the 9th, Captain Gore received an answer from the committee of theEnglish supercargoes at Canton, in which they assured him, that their bestendeavours should be used to procure the supplies we stood in need of, asexpeditiously as possible; and that a passport should be sent for one ofhis officers, hoping at the same time, that we were sufficiently acquaintedwith the character of the Chinese government, to attribute any delays, thatmight unavoidably happen, to their true cause. The day following, an English merchant, from one of our settlements in theEast Indies, applied to Captain Gore for the assistance of a few hands tonavigate a vessel he had purchased at Macao, up to Canton. Captain Gorejudging this a good opportunity for me to proceed to that place, gaveorders that I should take along with me my second lieutenant, thelieutenant of marines, and ten seamen. Though this was not precisely themode in which I could have wished to visit Canton, yet as it was veryuncertain when the passport might arrive, and my presence might contributematerially to the expediting of our supplies, I did not hesitate to putmyself on board, having left orders with Mr Williamson, to get theDiscovery ready for sea as soon as possible, and to make such additions andalterations in her upper works, as might contribute to make her moredefensible. That the series of our astronomical observations might sufferno interruption by my absence, I entrusted the care of continuing them toMr Trevenen, in whose abilities and diligence I could repose an entireconfidence. We left the harbour of Macao on the 11th of December, and sailing round thesouth-eastern extremity of the island, we steered to the northward, leaving, as we passed along, Lantao, Lintin, and several smaller islands, to the right. All these islands, as well as that of Macao, which lie to theleft, are entirely without wood; the land is high and barren, anduninhabited, except occasionally by fishermen. As we approached the BoccaTygris, which is thirteen leagues from Macao, the Chinese coast appears tothe eastward in steep white cliffs; the two forts, commanding the mouth ofthe river, are exactly in the same state as when Lord Anson was there; thaton the left is a fine old castle, surrounded by a grove of trees, and hasan agreeable romantic appearance. We were here visited by an officer of the customs; on which occasion theowner of the vessel, being apprehensive that, if we were discovered onboard, it would occasion some alarm, and might be attended withdisagreeable consequences, begged us to retire into the cabin below. The breadth of the river above these forts is variable, the banks being lowand flat, and subject to be overflowed by the tide to a great extent. Theground on each side is level and laid out in rice-fields; but as weadvanced, it rose gradually into hills of considerable declivity, the sidesof which are cut into terraces, and planted with sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, yams, plantains, and the cotton-tree. We saw many lofty _pagodas_, scattered over the country, and several towns at a distance, some of whichappeared to be of a considerable size. We did not arrive at Wampû, which is only nine leagues from the BoccaTygris, till the 18th, our progress having been retarded by contrary winds, and the lightness of the vessel. Wampû is a small Chinese town, off whichthe ships of the different nations, who trade here, lie, in order to takein their lading. The river, higher up, is said by M. Sonnerat not to bedeep enough to admit heavy-laden vessels, even if the policy of the Chinesehad suffered the Europeans to navigate them up to Canton; but thiscircumstance I cannot take upon me to decide on, as no stranger, I believe, has been permitted to inform himself with certainty of the truth. The smallislands, that lie opposite to the town are allotted to the severalfactories, who have built warehouses for the reception of the merchandisethat is brought down from Canton. From Wampû, I immediately proceeded in a _sampane_, or Chinese boat, toCanton, which is about two leagues and a half higher up the river. Theseboats are the neatest and most convenient for passengers I ever saw. Theyare of various sizes, almost flat at the bottom, very broad upon the beam, and narrow at the head and stern, which are raised and ornamented; themiddle, where we sat, was arched over with a roof of bamboo, which may beraised or lowered at pleasure; in the sides were small windows withshutters, and the apartment was furnished with handsome mats, chairs, andtables. In the stern was placed a small waxen idol, in a case of giltleather, before which stood a pot, containing lighted tapers made of drychips, or matches, and gum. The hire of this boat was a Spanish dollar. I reached Canton a little after it was dark, and landed at the Englishfactory, where, though my arrival was very unexpected, I was received withevery mark of attention and civility. The select committee, at this time, consisted of Mr Fitzhugh, the president, Mr Bevan and Mr Rapier. Theyimmediately gave me an account of such stores as the India ships were ableto afford us; and though I have not the smallest doubt, that the commanderswere desirous of assisting us with every thing they could spare, consistently with a regard to their own safety, and the interest of theiremployers, yet it was a great disappointment to me to find in their listscarcely any articles of cordage or canvass, of both which we stoodprincipally in need. It was, however, some consolation to understand, thatthe stores were in readiness for shipping, and that the provisions werequired might be had at a day's notice. Wishing, therefore, to make mystay here as short as possible, I requested the gentlemen to procure junksor boats for me the next day, with an intention of leaving Canton thefollowing one; but I was soon informed, that a business of that kind wasnot to be transacted so rapidly in this country; that leave must be firstprocured from the viceroy; that the _Hoppo_, or principal officer of thecustoms, must be applied to for _chops_, or permits; and that these favourswere not granted without mature deliberation: in short, that patience wasan indispensable virtue in China; and that they hoped to have the pleasureof making the factory agreeable to me, for a few days longer than I seemedwilling to favour them with my company. Though I was not much disposed to relish this compliment, yet I could nothelp being diverted with an incident that occurred very opportunely toconvince me of the truth of their representations, and of the suspiciouscharacter of the Chinese. The reader will recollect, that it was now aboutfifteen days since Captain Gore had written to the factory, to desire theirassistance in procuring leave for one of his officers to pass to Canton. Inconsequence of this application, they had engaged one of the principalChinese merchants of the place, to interest himself in our favour, and tosolicit the business with the viceroy. This person came to visit thepresident, whilst we were talking on the subject, and with greatsatisfaction and complacency in his countenance acquainted him, that he hadat last succeeded in his applications, and that a passport for one of theofficers of the _Ladrone_ ship (or pirate) would be ready in a few days. The president immediately told him not to give himself any farther trouble, as the officer, pointing to me, was already arrived. It is impossible todescribe the terror which seized the old man on hearing this intelligence. His head sunk upon his breast, and the sofa on which he was sitting shook, from the violence of his agitation. Whether the _Ladrone_ ship was theobject of his apprehensions, or his own government, I could not discover;but after continuing in this deplorable state a few minutes, Mr Bevan badehim not despair, and recounted to him the manner in which I had passed fromMacao, the reasons of my journey to Canton, and my wishes to leave it assoon as possible. This last circumstance seemed particularly agreeable tohim, and gave me hopes, that I should find him equally disposed to hastenmy departure; and yet, as soon as he had recovered the courage to speak, hebegan to recount the unavoidable delays that would occur in my business, the difficulty of gaining admittance to the viceroy, the jealousies andsuspicions of the _Mandarins_, respecting our real designs, which hadrisen, he said, to an extraordinary height, from the strange account we hadgiven of ourselves. After waiting several days, with great impatience, for the event of ourapplication, without understanding that the matter was at all advancedtoward a conclusion, I applied to the commander of an English country ship, who was to sail on the 25th, and who offered to take the men and stores onboard, and to lie-to, if the weather should permit, off Macao, till wecould send boats to take them out of his ship. At the same time he apprisedme of the danger there might be of his being driven with them out to sea. Whilst I was doubting what measures to pursue, the commander of anothercountry ship brought me a letter from Captain Gore, in which he acquaintedme, that he had engaged him to bring us down from Canton, and to deliverthe stores we had procured, at his own risk, in the Typa. All ourdifficulties being thus removed, I had leisure to attend to the purchase ofour provisions and stores, which was completed on the 26th; and the dayfollowing, the whole stock was sent on board. As Canton was likely to be the most advantageous market for furs, I wasdesired by Captain Gore to carry with me about twenty sea-otters' skins, chiefly the property of our deceased commanders, and to dispose of them atthe best price I could procure; a commission which gave me an opportunityof becoming a little acquainted with the genius of the Chinese for trade. Having acquainted some of the English supercargoes with thesecircumstances, I desired them to recommend me to some Chinese merchant ofcredit and reputation, who would at once offer me a fair and reasonableprice. I was accordingly directed to a member of the _Hong_; a society ofthe principal merchants of the place; who being fully informed of thenature of the business, appeared sensible of the delicacy of my situation;assured me I might depend on his integrity; and that, in a case of thissort, he should consider himself merely as an agent, without looking forany profit to himself. Having laid my goods before him, he examined themwith great care, over and over again, and at last told me, that he couldnot venture to offer more than three hundred dollars for them. As I knew, from the price our skins had sold for in Kamtschatka, that he had notoffered me one-half their value, I found myself under the necessity ofdriving a bargain. In my turn, I therefore demanded one thousand; myChinese then advanced to five hundred; then offered me a private present oftea and porcelain, amounting to one hundred more; then the same sum inmoney; and, lastly, rose to seven hundred dollars, on which I fell to ninehundred. Here, each side declaring he would not recede, we parted; but theChinese soon returned with a list of India goods, which he now proposed Ishould take in exchange, and which, I was afterwards told, would haveamounted in value, if honestly delivered, to double the sum he had beforeoffered. Finding I did not choose to deal in this mode, he proposed as hisultimatum, that we should divide the difference, which, being tired of thecontest, I consented to, and received the eight hundred dollars. The ill health, which at this time I laboured under, left me little reasonto lament the very narrow limits within which the policy of the Chineseobliges every European at Canton to confine his curiosity. I shouldotherwise have fell exceedingly tantalized with living under the walls ofso great a city, full of objects of novelty, without being able to enterit. The accounts given on this place, by Peres le Comte and Du Halde, arein every one's hand. These authors have lately been accused of greatexaggeration by M. Sonnerat; for which reason, the following observations, collected from the information with which I have been obligingly furnishedby several English gentlemen, who were a long time resident at Canton, maynot be unacceptable to the public. Canton, including the old and new town, and the suburbs, is about ten milesin circuit. With respect to its population, if one may judge of the whole, from what is seen in the suburbs, I should conceive it to fall considerablyshort of an European town of the same magnitude. Le Comte estimated thenumber of inhabitants at one million five hundred thousand; Du Halde at onemillion; and M. Sonnerat says he has ascertained them to be no more thanseventy-five thousand;[105] but as this gentleman has not favoured us withthe grounds on which his calculation was founded, and, besides, appears asdesirous of depreciating every thing that relates to the Chinese, as theJesuits may be of magnifying, his opinion certainly admits of some doubt. The following circumstances may perhaps lead the reader to form a judgmentwith tolerable accuracy on this subject. A Chinese house, undoubtedly, occupies more space than is usually taken upby houses in Europe; but the proportion, suggested by M. Sonnerat, of fouror five to one, certainly goes much beyond the truth. To this should beadded, that a great many houses, in the suburbs of Canton, are occupied forcommercial purposes only, by merchants and rich tradesmen, whose familieslive entirely within the city. On the other hand, a Chinese family appearsto consist, on an average, of more persons than an European. A _Mandarin_, according to his rank and substance, has from five to twenty wives. Amerchant, from three to five. One of this class at Canton, had, indeed, twenty-five wives, and thirty-six children; but this was mentioned to me asa very extraordinary instance. An opulent tradesman has usually two; andthe lower class of people very rarely more than one. Their servants are atleast double in number to those employed by persons of the same conditionin Europe. If, then, we suppose a Chinese family one-third larger, and anEuropean house two-thirds less than each other, a Chinese city will containonly half the number of inhabitants contained in an European town of thesame size. According to these _data_, the city and suburbs of Canton mayprobably contain about one hundred and fifty thousand. With respect to the number of inhabited _sampanes_, I found differentopinions were entertained; but none placing them lower than forty thousand. They are moored in rows close to each other, with a narrow passage, atintervals, for the boats to pass up and down the river. As the Tygris, atCanton, is somewhat wider than the Thames at London; and the whole river iscovered in this manner for the extent of at least a mile, this account oftheir number does not appear to me in the least exaggerated; and if it beallowed, the number of inhabitants in the sampanes alone (for each of themcontains one family) must amount to nearly three times the number supposedby M. Sonnerat to be in the whole city. The military force of the province, of which Canton is the capital, amountsto fifty thousand men. It is said, that twenty thousand are stationed inand about the city; and, as a proof of this, I was assured, that, on theoccasion of some disturbance that had happened at Canton, thirty thousandmen were drawn together within the space of a few hours. The streets are long, and most of them narrow and irregular, but well pavedwith large stones, and, for the most part, kept exceedingly clean. Thehouses are built of brick, one story high, having generally two or threecourts backward, in which are the warehouses for merchandise, and, in thehouses within the city, the apartments for the women. A very few of themeanest sort are built of wood. The houses belonging to the European factors are built on an handsome quay, with a regular facade of two stories toward the river, and disposed within, partly after the European, and partly after the Chinese manner. Adjoiningto these are a number of houses belonging to the Chinese, and hired out tothe commanders of ships and merchants, who make an occasional stay. As noEuropean is allowed to bring his wife to Canton, the English supercargoeslive together at a common table, which is kept by the company, and haveeach a separate apartment, consisting of three or four rooms. The time oftheir residence seldom exceeds eight months annually; and as they arepretty constantly employed, during that time, in the service of thecompany, they may submit with the less regret to the restraints they arekept under. They very rarely pay any visits within the walls of Canton, except on public occasions. Indeed, nothing gave me so unfavourable an ideaof the character of the Chinese, as to find, that, amongst so many personsof liberal minds and amiable manners, some of whom have resided in thatcountry for near fifteen years together, they have never formed anyfriendship or social connection. As soon as the last ship quits Wampû, theyare all obliged to retire to Macao; but, as a proof of the excellent policeof the country, they leave all the money they possess in specie behindthem, which, I was told, sometimes amounted to one hundred thousand poundssterling, and for which they had no other security than the seals of themerchants of the hong, the viceroy, and mandarins. During my stay at Canton, I was carried, by one of the English gentlemen, to visit a person of the first consequence in the place. We were receivedin a long room or gallery, at the upper end of which stood a table, with alarge chair behind it, and a row of chairs extending from it on each sidedown the room. Being previously instructed, that the point of civilityconsisted in remaining as long unseated as possible, I readily acquittedmyself of this piece of etiquette; after which we were entertained with teaand some preserved and fresh fruits. Our host was very fat, with a heavydull countenance, and of great gravity in his deportment. He spoke a littlebroken English and Portuguese; and, after we had taken our refreshment, hecarried us about his house and garden; and having shewed us all theimprovements he was making, we took our leave. Having procured an account of the price of provisions at Canton, as settledfor the year 1780, which the reader will find at the end of this section, Ihave only to observe, that the different articles are supposed to be thebest of the kind; and that the natives purchase the same for nearly one-third less than the price, which, in the list, is fixed only for strangers. I had hitherto intended, as well to avoid the trouble and delay of applyingfor passports, as to save the unnecessary expence of hiring a sampane, which, I understood, amounted at least to twelve pounds sterling, to goalong with the stores to Macao, in the country merchant's ship I havebefore mentioned; but having received an invitation from two Englishgentlemen, who had obtained passports for four, I accepted, along with MrPhilips, their offer of places in a Chinese boat, and left Mr Lannyon totake care of the men and stores, which were to sail the next day. In theevening of the 26th, I took my leave of the supercargoes, having thankedthem for their many obliging favours; amongst which I must not forget tomention an handsome present of tea for the use of the ships' companies, anda large collection of English periodical publications. The latter we founda valuable acquisition; as they both served to amuse our impatience, duringour tedious voyage home, and enabled us to return not total strangers towhat had been transacting in our native country. At one o'clock the nextmorning we left Canton, and arrived at Macao about the same hour the dayfollowing, having passed down a channel, which lies to the westward of thatby which we had come up. During our absence, a brisk trade had been carrying on with the Chinese forthe sea-otter skins, which had every day been rising in their value. One ofour seamen sold his stock alone for eight hundred dollars; and a few primeskins, which were clean, and had been well preserved, were sold for onehundred and twenty each. The whole amount of the value, in specie andgoods, that was got for the furs, in both ships, I am confident, did notfall short of two thousand pounds sterling; and it was generally supposed, that at least two-thirds of the quantity we had originally got from theAmericans, were spoiled and worn out, or had been given away, and otherwisedisposed of in Kamtschatka. When, in addition to these facts, it isremembered, that the furs were at first collected without our having anyidea of their real value; that the greatest part had been worn by theIndians, from whom we purchased them; that they were afterward preservedwith little care, and frequently used for bed-clothes, and other purposes, during our cruise to the north; and that, probably, we had never got thefull-value for them in China; the advantages that might be derived from avoyage to that part of the American coast, undertaken with commercialviews, appear to me of a degree of importance sufficient to call for theattention of the public. The rage with which our seamen were possessed to return to Cook's river, and by another cargo of skins to make their fortunes, at one time was notfar short of mutiny; and I must own, I could not help indulging myself in aproject, which the disappointment we had suffered, in being obliged toleave the Japanese archipelago, and the northern coast of China, unexplored, first suggested; and, by what I conceived, that object mightstill be happily accomplished, through means of the East India Company, notonly without expence, but even with the prospect of very considerableadvantages. Though the situation of affairs at home, or perhaps greaterdifficulties in the execution of my scheme than I had foreseen, havehitherto prevented its being carried into effect, yet, as I find the planin my journal, and still retain my partiality for it, I hope it will not beentirely foreign to the nature of this work, if I beg leave to insert ithere. I proposed then, that the company's China ships should carry an additionalcomplement of men each, making in all one hundred. Two vessels, one of twohundred, and the other of one hundred and fifty tons, might, I was told, with, proper notice, be readily purchased at Canton; and, as victualling isnot dearer there than in Europe, I calculate, that they might be completelyfitted out for sea, with a year's pay and provision, for six thousandpounds, including the purchase. The expence of the necessary articles forbarter is scarcely worth mentioning. I would, by all means, recommend, thateach ship should have five tons of unwrought iron, a forge, and an expertsmith, with a journeyman and apprentice, who might be ready to forge suchtools as it should appear the Indians were most desirous of. For, thoughsix of the finest skins purchased by us, were got for a dozen large greenglass beads, yet it is well known, that the fancy of these people forarticles of ornament is exceedingly capricious; and that iron is the onlysure commodity for their market. To this might be added a few gross oflarge-pointed case-knives, some bales of coarse woollen cloth, (linen theywould not accept of from us, ) and a barrel or two of copper and glasstrinkets. I have here proposed two ships, not only for the greater security of theexpedition, but because I think single ships ought never to be sent out ondiscoveries. For where risks are to be run, and doubtful and hazardousexperiments tried, it cannot be expected that single ships should ventureso far, as where there is some security provided against untoward accident. The vessels being now ready for sea, will sail with the first south-westerly monsoon, which generally sets in about the beginning of April. With this wind they will steer to the northward, along the coast of China, beginning a more accurate survey from the mouth of the river Kyana, or theNankin River, in latitude 30°, which, I believe, is the utmost limit ofthis coast hitherto visited by European ships. As the extent of that deepgulf called Whang Hay, or the Yellow Sea, is at present unknown, it must beleft to the discretion of the commander, to proceed up it as far as he mayjudge prudent; but he must be cautious not to entangle himself too far init, lest he should want time for the prosecution of the remaining part ofhis enterprise. The same discretion must be used when he arrives in theStraits of Tessoi, with respect to the islands of Jeso, which, if the windand weather be favourable, he will not lose the opportunity of exploring. Having proceeded to the latitude of 51° 40', where he will make thesouthernmost point of the island of Sagaleen, beyond which the sea ofOkotzk is sufficiently known, he will steer to the southward, probably inthe beginning of June, and endeavour to fall in with the southernmost ofthe Kurile Islands. Ooroop, or Nadeschda, according to the accounts of theRussians, will furnish the ships with a good harbour, where they may woodand water, and take in such other refreshments as the place may afford. Toward the end of June, they will shape their course for the Shummagins, and from thence to Cook's River, purchasing, as they proceed, as many skinsas they are able, without losing too much time, since they ought to steeragain to the southward, and trace the coast with great accuracy from thelatitude of 56° to 50°, the space from which we were driven out of sight ofland by contrary winds. It should here be remarked, that I consider thepurchase of skins, in this expedition, merely a secondary object, fordefraying the expence; and it cannot be doubted, from our experience in thepresent voyage, that two hundred and fifty skins, worth one hundred dollarseach, may be procured without any loss of time; especially as it isprobable they will be met with along the coast to the southward of Cook'sRiver. Having spent three months on the coast of America, they will set out ontheir return to China early in the month of October, avoiding, in theirroute, as much as possible, the tracks of former navigators. I have nowonly to add, that if the fur trade should become a fixed object of Indiancommerce, frequent opportunities will occur of completing whatever may beleft unfinished, in the voyage of which I have here ventured to delineatethe outlines. The barter which had been carrying on with the Chinese for sea-otter skins, had produced a very whimsical change in the dress of all our crew. On ourarrival in the Typa, nothing could exceed the ragged appearance both of theyounger officers and seamen; for, as our voyage had already exceeded, bynear a twelvemonth, the time it was at first imagined we should remain atsea, almost the whole of our original stock of European clothes had beenlong worn Out, or patched up with skins and the various manufactures we hadmet with in the course of our discoveries. These were now again mixed andeked out with the gaudiest silks and cottons of China. On the 30th, Mr Lannyon arrived with the stores and provisions, which wereimmediately stowed, in due proportion, on board the two ships. The nextday, agreeably to a bargain made by Captain Gore, I sent our sheet-anchorto the country ship, and received in return the guns, which she before rodeby. Whilst we lay in the Typa, I was shewn, in a garden belonging to an Englishgentleman at Macao, the rock, under which, as the tradition there goes, thepoet Camoens used lo sit and compose his Lusiad. It is a lofty arch, of onesolid stone, and forms the entrance of a grotto, dug out of the risingground behind it. The rock is overshadowed by large spreading trees, andcommands an extensive and magnificent view of the sea, and the interspersedislands. On the 11th of January, two seamen, belonging to the Resolution, foundmeans to run off with a six-oared cutter, and, notwithstanding diligentsearch was made both that and the following day, we were never able tolearn any tidings of her. It was supposed, that these people had beenseduced by the prevailing notion of making a fortune, by returning to thefur islands. As we heard nothing, during our stay in the Typa, of the measurement of ourships, it may be concluded, that the point, so strongly contested by theChinese, in Lord Anson's time, has, in consequence of his firmness andresolution, never since been insisted on. The following nautical observations were made while we lay here: Harbour of Macao lat. 22° 12' 0" north. Long. 113 47 0 east. Anchoring-place in the lat. 22 9 20 north. Typa long. 113 48 34 east. Mean dip of the northpole of the magnetic 21 1 0needle Variation of the compass 0 19 0 west. On the full and change days it was high water in the Typa at 5^h 15^m, andin Macao harbour at 5^h 50^m. The greatest rise was six feet one inch. Theflood appeared to come from the south-eastward; but we could not determinethis point with certainty, on account of the great number of islands whichlie off the mouth of the river of Canton. _Prices of Provisions at Canton_, 1780. £. S. D. Annas 0 4 0 a score. Arrack 0 0 8 per bottle. Butter 0 2 0-4/5 per catty. [106]Beef, Canton 0 0 2-3/4Ditto, Macao 0 0 5-1/5Birds' nests 3 6 8Biscuit 0 0 4Beache de Mar 0 2 0-4/5Calf 1 6 9-3/5Caravances, dried 0 0 2-2/3Cabbage, Nankeen 0 0 4-4/5Curry stuff 0 4 4Coffee 0 1 4 per catty. Cocoa-nuts 0 0 4 each. Charcoal 0 3 4 per pecul. Coxice 0 1 4 per catty. Canton nuts 0 0 4Chesnuts 0 0 2-2/5Cockles 0 0 3-1/5Ducks 0 0 5-1/5Ditto, wild 0 1 0-4/5Deers' sinews 0 2 1-3/5Eels 0 0 6-2/5Eggs 0 2 0 per hundred. Fish, common 0 0 3-1/5 per catty. Ditto, best 0 0 6-2/5Ditto salted, Nankeen 0 0 9-3/5Fruit 0 0 1-3/5Ditto, Nankeen 0 2 0Frogs 0 0 6-2/5Flour 0 0 1-76/100Fowls, capons, &c. 0 0 7-1/5Fish-maws 0 2 1-3/5Geese 0 0 6-2/5Greens 0 0 1-3/4Grass 0 0 2-2/5 per bundle. Grapes 0 1 0-4/5 per catty. Ham 0 1 2-2/5Hartshorn 0 1 4Hogslard 0 0 7-1/5Hog, alive 0 0 4-3/4Kid, alive 0 0 4-3/4Limes 0 0 0-4/5 per catty. Litches, dried 0 0 2-2/5Locksoy 0 0 6-2/5Lobchocks 0 0 5-3/5Lamp-oil 0 0 5-3/5Lamp-wick 0 0 8Melons 0 0 4-4/5 each. Milk 0 0 1-1/4 per catty. Ditto, Macao 0 0 3-1/5Mustard seed 0 0 6-2/5Mushrooms, pickled 0 2 8Ditto, fresh 0 1 4Oysters 0 3 4 per pecul. Onions, dried 0 0 2-2/5 per catty. Pork 0 0 7-1/7Pig 0 0 5-3/5Paddy 0 0 0-4/5Pepper 0 1 0-4/5Pheasants 0 5 4 each. Partridges 0 0 9-1/5Pigeons 0 0 5-1/5Pomegranates 0 0 2-2/5Quails 0 0 1-3/5Rabbits 0 1 4Rice 0 0 2 per catty. Ditto, red 0 0 2-2/5Ditto, coarse 0 0 1-1/5Ditto, Japan 0 0 8Raisins 0 2 0Sheep 3 6 8 each. Snipes 0 0 1-1/2 per catty. Sturgeon 0 4 9-3/5Ditto, small 0 2 4-4/5Sugar 0 0 3-1/5Salt 0 0 1-3/5Saltpetre 0 2 1-3/5Soy 0 0 1-3/5Spices 0 16 8Sweetmeats 0 0 6-2/5Sago 0 0 3-1/5Sallad 0 0 2-2/5Sharks' fins 0 2 1-3/5Samsui soy 0 0 2-2/5Teal 0 0 6-2/5 each. Turtle 0 0 9-3/5 per catty. Tea 0 2 0Turmerick 0 0 2-2/5Tamarinds 0 0 8Vinegar 0 0 1-3/5Vermicelli 0 0 3-1/5Wax-candles 0 3 0Walnuts 0 0 4-4/5Wood 0 1 4 per pecul. Water 0 6 8 per 100 barrels. Rent of Poho Factory 400 0 0 per annum. Of Lunsoon 316 13 4Servant's rice 0 8 0 per month. Ditto wages 0 19 2-1/5 do. For resiants. _Doll_. Servant's wages for the season 20Steward's wages 80Butler's ditto 80 per annum. _Prices of Labour_. A coolee, or porter 0 0 8 per day. A tailor 0 0 5 and rice. A handicraftsman 0 0 8A common labourer, from 3d. To 5d. A woman's labour considerably cheaper. [104] It is scarcely necessary to inform any reader that Captain King here alludes to the American war, in which first the French and then the Spaniards took part against Great Britain. The passage is certainly a very striking evidence of that enthusiasm which animates our gallant seamen in all corners of the globe, to feel and to fight for Old England; and perhaps to this spirit, as well as to his eminent professional abilities in other respects, we may ascribe Captain King's appointment, not long after his return home, to the command of the Resistance man of war, sent on service to the West Indies. --E. [105] J'ai _verifié_ moi-même, avec plusieurs Chinois, la population de Canton, de la ville de Tartare, et de celie de Battaux, &c. --_Voyage aux Indes, &c_. Par M. Sonnerat, tom. Ii. P. 14. [106] A catty is 18 oz. --A pecul 100 catty. SECTION X. Leave the Typa. --Orders of the Court of France respecting Captain Cook. --Resolutions in consequence thereof. --Strike Soundings on the MacclesfieldBanks. --Pass Pulo Sapata. --Steer for Pulo Condore. --Anchor at PuloCondore. --Transactions during our Stay. --Journey to the principal Town. --Receive a Visit from a Mandarin. --Examine his Letters. --Refreshments to beprocured. --Description, and present State of the Island. --Its produce. --AnAssertion of M. Sonnerat refuted. --Astronomical and Nautical Observations. On the 12th of January, 1780, at noon, we unmoored, and scaled the guns, which, on board my ship, now amounted to ten; so that, by means of fouradditional ports, we could, if occasion required, fight seven on a side. Inlike manner, the Resolution had increased the number of her guns fromtwelve to sixteen; and, in both ships, a stout barricade was carried roundtheir upper works, and every other precaution taken to give our small forceas respectable an appearance as possible. We thought it our duty to provide ourselves with these means of defence, though we had some reason to believe that the generosity of our enemieshad, in a great measure, rendered them superfluous. We were informed atCanton, that the public prints, which had arrived last from England, mademention of instructions having been found on board all the French ships ofwar, captured in Europe, directing their commanders, in case of falling inwith the ships that sailed under the command of Captain Cook, to sufferthem to proceed on their voyage without molestation. The same orders werealso said to have been given by the American congress to the vesselsemployed in their service. As this intelligence was farther confirmed bythe private letters of several of the supercargoes, Captain Gore thoughthimself bound, in return for the liberal exceptions made in our favour, torefrain from availing himself of any opportunities of capture which theseseas might afford, and to preserve, throughout his voyage, the strictestneutrality. [107] At two in the afternoon, having got under sail, the Resolution saluted thefort of Macao with eleven guns, which was returned with the same number. Atfive, the wind dropping, the ship missed stays, and drove into shallowwater; but, by carrying out an anchor, she was hauled off without receivingthe smallest damage. The weather continuing calm, we were obliged to warpout into the entrance of the Typa, which we gained by eight o'clock, andlay there till nine the next morning; when, by the help of a fresh breezefrom the east, we stood to the southward, between Potoe and Wungboo. At noon, we were saluted by a Swedish ship, as she passed us, on her way toEurope. At four, the Ladrone bore E. , distant two leagues. We now steeredS. 1/2 E. , with a fresh breeze from the E. N. E. , without any occurrenceworth remarking, till noon of the 15th, when, being in latitude 18° 57', and longitude 114° 13', the wind veering to the N. , we directed our coursehalf a point more to the eastward, in order to strike soundings over theMacclesfield Bank. This we effected at eight in the evening of the 16th, and found the depth of water to be fifty fathoms, over a bottom of whitesand and shells. This part of the Macclesfield shoals we placed in latitude15° 51', and in longitude 114° 20'; which agrees very exactly with theposition given in Mr Dalrymple's map, whose general accuracy, if it stoodin need of any support, was confirmed, in this instance, by a great numberof lunar observations, which we had an opportunity of making every daysince we left the Typa. The variation was found to be, in the forenoon, 0°39' W. On the 17th, we had heavy gales from the E. By N. , with a rough tumblingsea, and the weather overcast and boisterous. On the 18th, the wind stillcontinuing to blow strong, and the sea to run high, we altered our courseto S. W. By S. ; and at noon, being in latitude 12° 34', longitude 112°, webegan to steer a point more to the westward for Pulo Sapata, which we sawon the 19th, at four in the afternoon, bearing N. W. By W. , about fourleagues distant. This small, high, barren island, is called _Sapata_, fromits resemblance of a shoe. Our observations, compared with Mr Bayley'stime-keeper, place it in latitude 10° 4' N. Longitude 109° 10' E. The galehad, at this time, increased with such violence, and the sea ran so high, as to oblige us to close-reef the topsails. During the last three days, theships had outrun their reckoning at the rate of twenty miles a-day, and aswe could not attribute the whole of this to the effects of a following sea, we imputed it in part to a current, which, according to my owncalculations, had set forty-two miles to the S. S. W. , between the noon ofthe 19th and the noon of the 20th; and is taken into the account indetermining the situation of the island. After passing Sapata, we steered to the westward; and at midnight sounded, and had ground with fifty fathoms of line, over a fine sandy bottom. In themorning of the 20th, the wind becoming more moderate, we let out the reefs, and steered W. By S. For Pulo Condore. At noon, the latitude was 8° 46' N. , longitude 106° 45' E. ; and at half-past twelve we got sight of the island, bearing W. At four, the extremes of Pulo Condore, and the islands that lieoff it, bore S. E. And S. W. By W. ; our distance from the nearest islandsbeing two miles. We kept to the N. Of the islands, and stood for theharbour on the S. W. End of Condore, which, having its entrance from theN. W. Is the best sheltered during the N. E. Monsoon. At six, we anchored, with the best bower, in six fathoms, veered away two-thirds of the cable, and kept the ship steady with a stream-anchor and cable to the S. E. Whenmoored, the extremes of the entrance of the harbour bore N. By W. , andW. N. W. 1/4 W. ; the opening at the upper end S. E. By E. 3/4 E. ; our distancefrom the nearest shore a quarter of a mile. As soon as we were come to anchor, Captain Gore fired a gun, with a view ofapprising the natives of our arrival, and drawing them toward the shore, but without effect. Early in the morning of the 21st, parties were sent tocut wood, which was Captain Gore's principal motive for coming hither. Inthe afternoon, a sudden gust of wind broke the stream-cable, by which theDiscovery was riding, and obliged us to moor with the bower-anchors. None of the natives having yet made their appearance, notwithstanding asecond gun had been fired, Captain Gore thought it adviseable to land, andgo in search of them, that no time might be lost in opening a trade forsuch provisions as the place could afford; with this view he appointed meto accompany him, in the morning of the 22d; and, as the wind at this timeblew strong from the E. , we did not think it prudent to coast in our boatsto the town, which is situated in the E. Side of the island, but rowedround the north point of the harbour. We had proceeded about two milesalong the shore, when, observing a road that led into a wood, we landed. Here I quitted Captain Gore, taking with me a midshipman and four armedsailors, and pursued the path which seemed to point directly across theisland. We proceeded through a thick wood, up a steep hill, to the distanceof a mile, when, after descending through a wood of the same extent, on theother side, we came out into a flat, open, sandy country, interspersed withcultivated spots of rice and tobacco, and groves of cabbage palm-trees andcocoa-nut trees. We here spied two huts, situated on the edge of the wood, to which we directed our course; and, before we came up to them, weredescried by two men, who immediately ran away from us, notwithstanding allthe peaceable and supplicating gestures we could devise. On reaching the huts, I ordered the party to stay without, lest the sightof so many armed men should terrify the inhabitants, whilst I entered andreconnoitred alone. I found, in one of the huts, an elderly man, who was ina great fright, and preparing to make off with the most valuable of hiseffects that he could carry. However, I was fortunate enough, in a verylittle time, so entirely to dispel his fears, that he came out, and calledto the two men, who were running away, to return. The old man and I nowsoon came to a perfect understanding. A few signs, particularly that mostsignificant one of holding out a handful of dollars, and then pointing to aherd of buffaloes, and the fowls that were running about the huts in greatnumbers, left him without any doubts as to the real objects of our visit. He pointed toward a place where the town stood, and made us comprehend, that, by going thither, all our wants would be supplied. By this time, theyoung men, who had fled, were returned; and the old man ordered one of themto conduct us to the town, as soon as an obstacle should be removed, ofwhich we were not aware. On our first coming out of the wood, a herd ofbuffaloes, to the number of twenty at least, came running toward us, tossing up their heads, snuffing the air, and roaring in a hideous manner. They had followed us to the huts, and stood drawn up in a body, at a littledistance; and the old man made us understand, that it would be exceedinglydangerous for us to move till they were driven into the woods; but soenraged were the animals grown at the sight of us, that this was noteffected without a good deal of time and difficulty. The men not being ableto accomplish it, we were surprised to see them, call to their assistance afew little boys, who soon drove them out of sight. Afterward, we hadoccasion to observe, that, in driving these animals, and securing them, which is done by putting a rope through a hole which is made in theirnostrils, little boys were always employed, who could stroke and handlethem with impunity, at times when the men durst not approach them. Havinggot rid of the buffaloes, we were conducted to the town, which was at amile's distance; the road to it lying through a deep white sand. It issituated near the sea-side, at the bottom of a retired bay, which mustafford a safe road-stead during the prevalence of the S. W. Monsoons. This town consists of between twenty and thirty houses, built closetogether; besides six or seven others that are scattered about the beach. The roof, the two ends, and the side fronting the country, are neatlyconstructed of reeds; the opposite side, facing the sea, is entirely open;but, by means of a sort of bamboo screens, they can exclude or let in asmuch of the sun or air as they please. We observed, likewise, other largescreens or partitions, for the purpose of dividing, as occasion required, the single room of which the house, properly speaking, consists, intoseparate apartments. We were conducted to the largest house in the town, belonging to theirchief, or, as they called him, their captain. This house had a room at eachend, separated by a partition of reeds from the middle space, which wasopen on both sides, and provided with partition screens like the others. Ithad, besides, a penthouse, projecting four or five feet beyond the roof, and running the whole length on each side. At each end of the middle roomwere hung some Chinese paintings, representing men and women in ludicrousattitudes. In this apartment we were civilly desired to seat ourselves onmats, and _betel_ was presented to us. By means of my money, and pointing at different objects in sight, I had nodifficulty in making a man, who seemed to be the principal person of thecompany, comprehend the main business of our errand; and I as readilyunderstood from him, that the chief, or captain, was absent, but would soonreturn; and that, without his consent, no purchases of any kind could bemade. We availed ourselves of the opportunity which this circumstanceafforded us, to walk about the town; and did not forget to search, thoughin vain, for the remains of a fort, which had been built by our countrymennear the spot we were now upon, in 17O2. [108] On returning to the captain's house, we were sorry to find that he was notyet arrived; and the more so, as the time was almost elapsed which CaptainGore had fixed for our return to the boat. The natives were desirous weshould lengthen our stay; they even proposed our passing the night there, and offered to accommodate us in the best manner in their power. I hadobserved, when we were in the house before, and now remarked it the more, that the man I have mentioned above frequently retired into one of the endrooms, and staid there some little time, before he answered the questionsthat were put to him; which led me to suspect that the captain was all thetime there, though, for reasons best known to himself, he did not choose toappear; and I was confirmed in this opinion, by being stopped as I wasattempting to go into the room. At length, it clearly appeared that mysuspicions were well founded; for, on our preparing to depart, the personwho had so often passed in and out, came from the room, with a paper in hishand, and gave it to me to read; and I was not a little surprised to findin it a sort of a certificate, in French, as follows: PIERRE JOSEPH GEORGE, Evêque d'Adran, Vicaire Apost. De Cochin China, &c. &c. Le petit _Mandarin_, porteur de cet écrit, est véritablement Envoyé de lacour à Pulo Condore, pour y attendre et recevoir tout vaisseau European quiauroit sa destination d'approcher ici. Le Capitaine, en consequence, pourroit se fier ou pour conduire le vaisseau au port, ou pour faire passerles nouvelles qu'll pourroit croire nécessaire. PIERRE JOSEPH GEORGE, Evêque d'Adran. A SAI-GON, 10 d'Août, 1779. We returned the paper, with many protestations of our being the_Mandarin_'s good friends, begging he might be informed that we hoped hewould do us the favour to visit the ships, that we might convince him ofit. We now took our leave, well satisfied on the whole with what hadpassed, but full of conjectures about this extraordinary French paper. Three of the natives offered their services to accompany us back, which wereadily accepted, and returned by the way we came. Captain Gore feltpeculiar satisfaction at seeing us; for, as we had exceeded our time nearan hour, he began to be alarmed for our safety, and was preparing to marchafter us. He and his party had, during our absence, been profitablyemployed, in loading the boat with the cabbage-palm, which abounds in thisbay. Our guides were made exceedingly happy, on our presenting them with adollar each for their trouble, and intrusting to their care a bottle of rumfor the _Mandarin_. One of them chose to accompany us on board. At two in the afternoon we joined the ships, and several of our shootingparties returned about the same time from the woods, having had littlesuccess, though they saw a great variety of birds and animals, some ofwhich will be hereafter noticed. At five, a _proa_, with six men, rowed up to the ship, from the upper endof the harbour, and a decent-looking personage introduced himself toCaptain Gore with an ease and good breeding, which convinced us his timehad been spent in other company than what this island afforded. He broughtwith him the French paper above transcribed, and said he was the _Mandarin_mentioned in it. He spoke a few Portuguese words; but, as none of us wereacquainted with this language, we were obliged to have recourse to a blackman on board, who could speak the Malay, which is the general language ofthese islanders, and was understood by the _Mandarin_. After a littleprevious conversation, he declared to us that he was a Christian, and hadbeen baptised by the name of Luco; that he had been, sent hither in Augustlast, from Sai-gon, the capital of Cochin China, and had since waited inexpectation of some French ships, which he was to pilot to a safe port, notmore than a day's sail hence, upon the coast of Cochin China. We acquaintedhim, that we were not French, but English, and asked him, whether he didnot know that these two nations were now at war with one another. He madeanswer in the affirmative; but, at the same time, signified to us, that itwas indifferent to him to what nation the ships he was instructed to waitfor belonged, provided their object was to trade with the people of CochinChina. He here produced another paper, which he desired us to read. Thiswas a letter sealed, and directed "To the captains of any European vesselsthat may touch at Condore. " Although we apprehended that this letter wasdesigned for French ships in particular, yet as the direction included allEuropean captains, and as Luco was desirous of our perusing it, we brokethe seal, and found it to be written by the bishop who wrote thecertificate. Its contents were as follows: "That having reason to expect, by some late intelligence from Europe, that a vessel would soon come toCochin China, he had, in consequence of this news, got the court to send a_Mandarin_ (the bearer) to Pulo Condore, to wait its arrival; that if thevessel should put in there, the commander might either send by the beareran account to him of his arrival, or trust himself to the _Mandarin_, whowould pilot him into a well-sheltered port in Cochin China, not more than aday's sail from Condore; that, should he choose to remain in Condore tillthe return of the messenger, proper interpreters would be sent back, andany other assistance, which a letter should point out, be furnished; thatit was unnecessary to be more particular, of which the captain himself mustbe sensible. " This letter had the same date as the certificate, and wasreturned to Luco again, without any copy being taken. From this letter, and the whole of Luco's conversation, there remainedlittle doubt, that it was a French ship he was to expect; at the same timewe found he would be glad not to lose his errand, and had no objection tobecome our pilot. We could not discover from the _Mandarin_, the exactobject and business which the vessel he was waiting for intended toprosecute in Cochin China. It is true, that our interpreter, the black, wasextremely dull and stupid, and I should therefore be sorry, with suchimperfect means of information, to run the risk of misleading the reader byany conjectures of my own, respecting the object of Luco's visit to thisisland. I shall only add, that he told us the French ships might perhapshave put into Tirnon, and from thence sail to Cochin China; and as he hadreceived no intelligence of them, he thought this most likely to have beenthe case. Captain Gore's enquiries were next directed to find out what supplies couldbe obtained from the island. Luco said, that he had two buffaloes of hisown, which were at our service; and that there were plenty on the island, which might be purchased for four or five dollars a head; but finding thatCaptain Gore thought that sum exceedingly moderate, and would willinglygive for them a much greater, the price was afterward raised upon us toseven and eight dollars. Early in the morning of the 23d, the launches of both ships were sent tothe town, to fetch the buffaloes which we had given orders to be purchased;but they were obliged to wait till it was high-water, as they could at noother time get through the opening at the head of the harbour. On theirarrival at the village, they found the surf breaking on the beach with suchforce, that it was with the utmost difficulty each launch brought abuffaloe on board in the evening, and the officers, who were sent on thisservice, gave it as their opinion, that between the violence of the surf, and the fierceness of the buffaloes, it would be extremely imprudent toattempt bringing any more off in this way. We had purchased eight, and werenow at a loss in what manner to proceed to get them on board. We could killno more than was just necessary for the consumption of one day, as in thisclimate meat will not keep till the next. After consulting with Luco, itwas concluded, that the remainder should be driven through the wood, andover the hill down to the bay, where Captain Gore and I had landed the daybefore, which being sheltered from the wind, was more free from surf. Thisplan was accordingly put in execution; but the untractableness andprodigious strength of the buffaloes, rendered it a tedious and difficultoperation. The method of conducting them was, by passing ropes throughtheir nostrils, and round their horns; but having been once enraged at thesight of our men, they became so furious, that they sometimes broke thetrees, to which we were often under the necessity of tying them; sometimesthey tore asunder the cartilage of the nostril, through which the ropesran, and got loose. On these occasions, all the exertions of our men torecover them would have been ineffectual, without the assistance of someyoung boys, whom these animals would permit to approach them, and by whoselittle managements their rage was soon appeased. And when, at length, theywere got down to the beach, it was by their aid, in twisting ropes roundtheir legs, in the manner they were directed, that we were enabled to throwthem down, and by that means to get them into the boats. A circumstance, respecting these animals, which I thought no less singular than thisgentleness toward, and, as it should seem, affection for little children, was, that they had not been twenty-four hours on board, before they becamethe tamest of all creatures. I kept two of them, a male and female, for aconsiderable time, which, became great favourites with the sailors, and, thinking that a breed of animals of such strength and size, some of themweighing, when dressed, seven hundred pounds weight, would be a valuableacquisition, I was inclined to have brought them with me to England; but myintention was frustrated by an incurable hurt that one of them received atsea. [109] It was not till the 28th, that the buffaloes were all got on board;however, there was no reason to regret the time taken up by this service, since, in the interim, two wells of excellent water had been discovered, ofwhich, as also of wood, part of the ships' companies had been employed inlaying in a good supply; so that a shorter stop would be necessary, forreplenishing our stock of these articles in the Strait of Sunda. A partyhad likewise been occupied in drawing the seine, at the head of theharbour, where they took a great many good fish; and another party, incutting down the cabbage palm, which was boiled and served out with themeat. Besides this, having been able to procure only a scanty supply ofcordage at Macao, the repairing of our rigging was become an object ofconstant attention, and demanded all our spare time. Pulo-Condore is high and mountainous, and surrounded by several smallerislands, some of which are less than one, and others two miles distant. Ittakes its name from two Malay words, _Pulo_, signifying an island, and_Condore_, a calabash, of which it produces great quantities. It is of theform of a crescent, extending near eight miles from the southernmost point, in a N. E. Direction; but its breadth nowhere exceeds two miles. From thewesternmost extremity, the land trends to the S. E. For about four miles;and opposite to this part of the coast there is an island, called, byMonsieur D'Apres, [110] _Little Condore_, which runs two miles in the samedirection. This position of the two islands affords a safe and commodiousharbour, the entrance into which is from the N. W. The distance between thetwo opposite coasts is three quarters of a mile, exclusive of a border ofcoral rock, which runs down along each side, extending about one hundredyards from the shore. The anchorage is very good, from eleven to fivefathoms water, but the bottom is so soft and clayey, that we found greatdifficulty in weighing our anchors. Toward the bottom of the harbour thereis shallow water for about half a mile, beyond which the two islandsapproach so near each other, as to leave only a passage at high water forboats. The most convenient place for watering is at a beach on the easternside, where there is a small stream which furnished us with fourteen orfifteen tons of water a day. This island, both with respect to animal and vegetable productions, isconsiderably improved since the time when Dampier visited it. Neither thatwriter, nor the compiler of the East India Directory, make mention of anyother quadrupeds than hogs, which are said to be very scarce, lizards, andthe guanoes; and the latter, on the authority of Monsieur Dedier, a Frenchengineer, who surveyed the island about the year 1720, says, that none ofthe fruits and esculent plants, so common in the other parts of India, areto be found here, except water-melons, a few potatoes, small gourds, _chibbolds_, (a small species of onion, ) and little black beans. Atpresent, besides the buffaloes, of which we understood there were severallarge herds, we purchased from the natives some remarkably fine fat hogs, of the Chinese breed. They brought us three or four of a wild sort; and oursportsmen reported, that they frequently met with their tracks in thewoods, which also abound with monkies and squirrels, but so shy, that itwas difficult to shoot them. One species of the squirrel was of a beautifulshining black colour; and another species striped brown and white. This iscalled the flying-squirrel, from being provided with a thin membrane, resembling a bat's wing, extended on each side the belly, from the neck tothe thighs; which, on stretching out their legs, spreads and enables themto fly from tree to tree, at a considerable distance. Lizards were in greatabundance; but I do not know that any of us saw the guano, and anotheranimal described by Dampier[111] as resembling the guano, only much larger. Amongst its vegetable improvements, I have already mentioned the fields ofrice we passed through; and plantains, various kinds of pompions, cocoa-nuts, oranges, shaddocks, and pomegranates, were also met with; though, except the plantains and shaddocks, in no great abundance. It is probable, from what has been already said, relative to the Bishop ofAdran, that the French have introduced these improvements into the island, for the purpose of making it a more convenient refreshing station for anyof their ships that may be bound for Cambodia, or Cochin China. Should theyhave made, or intend to make, any settlement in those countries, it iscertainly well situated for that purpose, or for annoying the trade oftheir enemies, in case of war. Our sportsmen were very unsuccessful in their pursuit of the featheredgame, with which the woods are well stocked. One of our gentlemen had thegood fortune to shoot a wild hen; and all the shooting parties agreed thatthey heard the crowing of the cocks on every side, which they described tobe like that of our common cock, but shriller; that they saw several ofthem on the wing, but that they were exceedingly shy. The hen that was shotwas of a speckled colour, and of the same shape, though not quite so large, as a full-grown pullet of this country. Monsieur Sonnerat has entered intoa long dissertation, to prove that he was the first person who determinedthe country to which this most beautiful and useful bird belongs, anddenies that Dampier met with it here. The land in the neighbourhood of the harbour is a continued high hill, richly adorned with a variety of fine tall trees, from the summit to thewater's edge. Among others, we observed what Dampier calls the tar-tree;[112] but observed none that were tapped, in the manner he describes. The inhabitants, who are fugitives from Cambodia and Cochin China, are notnumerous. They are of a short stature, and very swarthy, and of a weak andunhealthy aspect; but, as far as we could judge, of a gentle disposition. We remained here till the 28th of January; and, at taking leave of the_Mandarin_, Captain Gore, at his own request, gave him a letter ofrecommendation to the commanders of any other ships that might put in here;to which he added a handsome present. He likewise gave him a letter for theBishop of Adran, together with a telescope, which he begged might bepresented to him as a compliment for the services he had received, throughhis means, at Condore. The harbour at Pulo Condore is in latitude 8° 40' 00" N. Longitude, deduced from a great numberof lunar observations 105 18 46 E. Dip of the north pole of the magneticneedle 2 1 Variation of the compass 14 W. High water, at the full and changeof the moon 4^h 16^m apparent time. From this time the water continued, for twelve hours, without any visiblealteration, viz. Till 16^h 15^m apparent time, when it began to ebb; and at22^h 15^m apparent time it was low water. The change, from ebbing toflowing, was very quick, or in less than 5^m. The water rose and fell sevenfeet four inches perpendicular; and every day the same whilst we continuedthere. [107] On this subject we are presented with a communication in the Biog. Brit. , made on the authority and from the materials of Sir Joseph Banks. As that work is now probably in few hands, and as the information itself is extremely interesting, it would be injustice to the readers, in general, not to put them in possession of the facts of the case. But the writer, not wishing to "extenuate or set down aught in malice, " prefers a fair copy of the entire passage, to any imperfect, and perhaps scarcely unprejudiced abstract of its contents. "Not long after Captain Cook's death, an event occurred in Europe, which had a particular relation to the voyage of our Navigator, and which was so honourable to himself, and to the great nation from whom it proceeded, that it is no small pleasure to me to be able to lay the transaction somewhat at large before my readers. What I refer to is, the letter which was issued, on the 19th of March, 1779, by Monsieur Sartine, Secretary of the Marine Department at Paris, and sent to all the commanders of French ships. The rescript was as follows: 'Captain Cook, who sailed from Plymouth in July, 1776, on board the Resolution, in company with the Discovery, Captain Clerke, in order to make some discoveries on the coasts, islands, and seas of Japan and California, being on the point of returning to Europe; and such discoveries being of general utility to all nations, it is the king's pleasure, that Captain Cook shall be treated as a commander of a neutral and allied power, and that all captains of armed vessels, &c. Who may meet that famous Navigator, shall make him acquainted with the king's orders on this behalf; but, at the same time, let him know, that, on his part, he must refrain from all hostilities. ' By the Marquis of Condorcet we are informed, that this measure originated in the liberal and enlightened mind of that excellent citizen and statesman, Monsieur Turgot. 'When war, ' says the Marquis, 'was declared between France and England, M. Turgot saw how honourable it would be to the French nation, that the vessel of Captain Cook should be treated with respect at sea. He composed a memorial, in which he proved, that honour, reason, and even interest, dictated this act of respect for humanity; and it was in consequence of this memorial, the author of which was unknown during his life, that an order was given not to treat as an enemy, the common benefactor of every European nation. ' Whilst great praise is due to Monsieur Turgot, for having suggested the adoption of a measure which hath contributed so much to the reputation of the French government, it must not be forgotten, that the first thought of such a plan of conduct was probably owing to Dr Benjamin Franklin. Thus much, at least, is certain, that this eminent philosopher, when Embassador at Paris from the United States of America, preceded the court of France in issuing a similar requisition; a copy of which cannot fail of being acceptable to the reader. _'To all Captains and Commanders of Armed Ships, acting by Commission from the Congress of the United States of America, now in war with Great Britain_. 'Gentlemen, 'A ship having been fitted out from England before the commencement of this war, to make discoveries of new countries in unknown seas, under the conduct of that most celebrated Navigator and Discoverer, Captain Cook; an undertaking truly laudable in itself, as the increase of geographical knowledge facilitates the communication between distant nations, in the exchange of useful products and manufactures, and the extension of arts, whereby the common enjoyments of human life are multiplied and augmented, and science of other kinds increased, to the benefit of mankind in general. --This is therefore most earnestly to recommend to every one of you, that in case the said ship, which is now expected to be soon in the European seas on her return, should happen to fall into your hands, you should not consider her as an enemy, nor suffer any plunder to be made of the effects contained in her, nor obstruct her immediate return to England, by detaining her, or sending her into any other part of Europe, or to America; but that you would treat the said Captain Cook and his people with all civility and kindness, affording them, as common friends to mankind, all the assistance in your power, which they may happen to stand in need of. In so doing, you will not only gratify the generosity of your own dispositions, but there is no doubt of your obtaining the approbation of the Congress, and your other American owners. I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, Your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN, Minister Plenipotentiary from the Congress of the United States, at the Court of France. _At Passy, near Paris, this 10th day of March, 1779_. ' "It is observable, that as Dr Franklin acted on his own authority, he could only _earnestly recommend_ to the commanders of American armed vessels not to consider Captain Cook as an enemy; and it is somewhat remarkable, that he mentions no more than one ship; Captain Clerke not being noticed in the requisition. In the confidence which the Doctor expressed, with respect to the approbation of Congress, he happened to be mistaken. As the members of that assembly, at least with regard to the greater part of them, were not possessed of minds equally enlightened with that of their embassador, he was not supported by his masters in this noble act of humanity, of love to science, and of liberal policy. The orders he had given were instantly reversed; and it was directed by Congress, that especial care should be taken to seize Captain Cook, if an opportunity of doing it occurred. All this proceeded from a false notion, that it would be injurious to the United States for the English to obtain a knowledge of the opposite coast of America. The conduct of the court of Spain was regulated by similar principles of jealousy. It was apprehended by that court, that there was reason to be cautious of granting, too easily, an indulgence to Captain Cook; since it was not certain what mischiefs might ensue to the Spaniards from a northern passage to their American dominions. M. De Belluga, a Spanish gentleman and officer, of a liberal and a philosophical turn of mind, and who was a member of the Royal Society of London, endeavoured to prevail upon the count of Florida Blanca, and M. D'Almodavar, to grant an order of protection to the Resolution and Discovery; and he flattered himself, that the ministers of the king of Spain would be prevailed upon to prefer the cause of science to the partial views of interest; but the Spanish government was not capable of rising to so enlarged and magnanimous a plan of policy. To the French nation alone, therefore, was reserved the honour of setting an example of wisdom and humanity, which, I trust, will not, hereafter, be so uncommon in the history of mankind. " The illiberality of his contemporaries, it may be remarked, is not one of the least evils with which a mind advanced beyond their standard, has to contend; but he has always one consolation in which he may take refuge--the time will come when the gratitude of science and humanity will vindicate his views, though charity, perhaps, forbid their jealousy and prejudices to be remembered as a contrast. Nations never more injure themselves in opinion, which is so closely connected with their best interests, than when, from narrow policy and unfounded suspicions, they obstruct, or attempt to obstruct, the prosecution of undertakings which have the welfare of our common nature for their object. The best apology which it is possible to make for them in such cases, is, that they are too ignorant to comprehend how the general improvement of human concerns implies the enlargement of their own advantages. --E. [108] The English settled here in the year 17O2, when the factory of Chusan, on the coast of China, was broken up, and brought with them some Macassar soldiers, who were hired to assist in building a fort; but the president not fulfilling his engagement with them, they watched an opportunity, and one night murdered all the English in the fort. Those without the fort hearing a noise, took the alarm, and ran to their boats, very narrowly escaping with their lives, but not without much fatigue, hunger, and thirst, to the Johore dominions, where they were treated with great humanity. Some of these afterward went to form a settlement at Benjar-Massean, on the island of Borneo. - -_East India Directory_, p. 36. [109] Mr Bingley informs us, that buffaloes have been introduced into some of the countries of Europe, where they are now perfectly naturalized. Thus in Italy they are said to constitute an essential part both of the riches and the food of the poor. So far as the writer knows, they have not yet been brought into England, and, indeed, notwithstanding the high opinion entertained of their good qualities, he thinks it doubtful if they would prove any acquisition to it. --E. [110] Neptune Oriental. [111] Vid. Dampier, vol. I. P. 392. [112] Dampier, vol. I. P. 90. SECTION XI. Departure from Pulo Condore. --Passs the Straits of Banca. --View of theIsland of Sumatra. --Straits of Sunda. --Occurrences there. --Description ofthe Island of Cracatoa. --Prince's Island. --Effects of the Climate ofJava. --Run to the Cape of Good Hope, --Transactions there. --Description ofFalse Bay. --Passage to the Orkneys. --General Reflections. On the 28th day of January, 1780, we unmoored; and, as soon as we wereclear of the harbour, steered S. S. W. For Pulo Timoan. On the 30th, at noon, the latitude by observation, being 5° 0' N. , and longitude 104° 45' E. , wealtered our course to S. 3/4 W. , having a moderate breeze from the N. E. , accompanied by fair weather. At two in the morning of the 31st, we hadsoundings of forty-five fathoms, over a bottom of fine white sand; at whichtime our latitude was 4° 4' N. , longitude 104° 29' E. , and the variation ofthe compass 0° 31' E. At one in the afternoon, we saw Pulo Timoan; and, at three, it bore S. S. W. 3/4 W. , distant ten miles. This island is high and woody, and has severalsmall ones lying off to the westward. At five, Pulo Puissang was seenbearing S. By E. 3/4 E. ; and, at nine, the weather being thick and hazy, and having out-run our reckoning from the effect of some current, we wereclose upon Pulo Aor, in latitude 2° 46' N. , longitude 104° 37' E. , beforewe were well aware of it, which obliged us to haul the wind to the E. S. E. We kept this course till midnight, and then bore away S. S. E. For the Straitof Banca. On the 1st of February, at noon, our latitude by observation was 1° 20' N. , and the longitude, deduced from a great number of lunar observations takenin the course of the preceding twelve hours, 105° E. At the same time, thelongitude, by Mr Bayley's time-keeper corrected, was 105° 15' E. We nowsteered S. By E. ; and, at sun-set, having fine clear weather, saw PuloPanjung; the body of the island bearing W. N. W. , and the small islands, lying on the S. E. Of it, W. 1/2 S. , seven leagues distant. Our latitude, atthis time, was 0° 53' N. On the 2d, at eight in the morning, we tried for soundings, continuing todo the same every hour, till we passed the Strait of Sunda, and found thebottom with twenty-three fathoms of line. At noon, being in latitude, byobservation, 0° 22' S. , longitude 105° 14' E. , and our soundings twentyfathoms, we came in sight of the little islands called Dominis, which lieoff the eastern part of Lingen; and which bore from N. 62° W. To N. 80° W. , five leagues distant. At this time we passed a great deal of wood driftingon the sea; and, at one o'clock, we saw Pulo Taya, bearing S. W. By W. , distant seven leagues. It is a small high island, with two round peaks, andtwo detached rocks lying off to the northward. When abreast of this island, we had soundings of fifteen fathoms. During this and the preceding day, wesaw great quantities of a reddish-coloured scum or spawn, floating on thewater, in a southerly direction. At day-light, on the 3d, we came in sight of the Three Islands; and, soonafter, of Monopin Hill, on the island of Banca. At noon, this hill, whichforms the N. E. Point of the entrance of the Straits, bore S. E. 1/2 S. Distant six leagues; our latitude, by observation, being 1° 48' S. , andlongitude 105° 3' E. , the soundings seventeen fathoms, and no perceivablevariation in the compass. Having got to the westward of the shoal, called Frederick Endric, at half-past two we entered the Straits, and bore away to the southward; and, inthe afternoon, Monopin Hill bearing due E. , we determined its latitude tobe 2° 3' S. , the same as in Mons. D'Apres' map, and its longitude 105° 18'E. At nine, a boat came off from the Banca shore, and having rowed roundthe ships, went away again. We hailed her in the Malaye tongue to come onboard, but received no answer. At midnight, finding a strong tide againstus, we anchored in twelve fathoms, Monopin Hill bearing N. 29° W. On the 4th, in the morning, after experiencing some difficulty in weighingour anchors, owing to the stiff tenacious quality of the ground, weproceeded with the tide down the Straits; the little wind we had from thenorthward dying away as the day advanced. At noon, there being a perfectcalm, and the tide making against us, we dropt our anchor in thirteenfathoms water, about three miles from what is called the Third Point, onthe Sumatra shore, Monopin Hill bearing N. 54° W. The latitude, byobservation, was 2° 22' S. , longitude 105° 38' E. At three in the afternoonwe weighed, and stood on through the Straits with a light breeze; and ateight, were abreast of the Second Point, and passed it within two miles, inseventeen fathoms water; a sufficient proof that this Point may be borderedupon with safety. At midnight, we again came to anchor, on account of thetide, in thirteen fathoms, Mount Permissang, on the island of Banca, bearing N. 7° E, and the First Point S. 54° E. , distant about threeleagues. In the morning of the 5th, we weighed, and kept on to the S E; and at ten, passed a small shoal, lying in a line with Lusepara and the First Point, atthe distance of five miles from the latter. At noon, the island of Luseparabearing S. , 57° 1/2 E. , four miles distant, we determined its latitude tobe 3° 10' 1/2 S. , and its longitude 106" 15' E. The difference of longitudebetween the island Lusepara, which lies in the S. Entrance of the Strait ofBanca and Monopin Hill, which forms one side of the entrance from the N. , we found to be 55', which is only two miles less than what is given inD'Apres' chart. In passing this Strait, the coast of Sumatra may be approached somewhatcloser than that of Banca. At the distance of two or three miles from theshore, there are ten, eleven, twelve, or thirteen fathoms, free from rocksor shoals; however the lead is the surest guide. The country is coveredwith wood down to the water's edge, and the shores are so low, that the seaoverflows the land, and washes the trunks of the trees. To this flat andmarshy situation of the shore, we may attribute those thick fogs andvapours, which we perceived every morning, not without dread and horror, hanging over the island, till they were dispersed by the rays of the sun. The shores of Banca are much bolder, and the country inland rises to amoderate height, and appears to be well wooded throughout. We often sawfires on this island during the night-time; but none on the opposite shore. The tide runs through the Strait at the rate of between two and three knotsan hour. In the morning of the 6th, we passed to the westward of Lusepara, at thedistance of four or five miles; generally carrying soundings of five or sixfathoms water, and never less than four. We afterward steered S. By E. ; andhaving brought Lusepara to bear due N. , and deepened our water to sevenfathoms, we altered our course to S. By W. , keeping the lead going, andhauling out a little, whenever we shoaled our water. The soundings on theSumatra side we still found to be regular, and gradually shoaling as weapproached the shore. At five in the afternoon we saw the Two Sisters, bearing S. By W. 1/2 W. ; and at seven, we came to an anchor in ten fathoms, about eight miles to the N. Of the islands. The weather was close andsultry, with, light winds, generally from the N. W. ; but sometimes varyinground as far as the N. E. ; and, during the night, we observed much lightningover Sumatra. We weighed the next morning at five, and at eight were close in with theSisters. These are two very small islands, well covered with wood, lying inlatitude 5° 0' 1/2 S. , longitude 106° 12' E. , nearly N. And S. From eachother, and surrounded by a reef of coral rocks; the whole circumference ofwhich is about four or five miles. At noon we got sight of the island ofJava to the southward; the N. W. Extremity of which (Cape St Nicholas) boreS. ; North Island on Sumatra shore, S. , 27° W. , and the Sisters N. , 27° E. , distant four leagues; our latitude was 5° 21' S. , longitude 105° 57' E. At four in the afternoon we saw two sail in the Strait of Sunda; one lyingat anchor near the Mid-channel Island, the other nearer the Java shore. Notknowing to what nation they might belong, we cleared our ships for action;and at six came to an anchor in twenty-five fathoms, four miles E. By S. From North Island. Here we lay all night, and had very heavy thunder andlightning to the N. W. ; from which quarter the wind blew in light breezes, accompanied with hard rain. At eight o'clock the next morning we weighed, and proceeded through theStrait, the tide setting to the southward, as it had done all night; butabout ten, the breeze failing, we came to again in thirty-five fathoms; ahigh, island, or rather rock, called the Grand Toque, bearing S. By E. Wewere at this time not more than two miles from the ships, which nowhoisting Dutch colours, Captain Gore sent a boat on board for intelligence. The rain still continued, with thunder and lightning. Early in the afternoon the boat returned, with an account that the largeship was a Dutch East Indiaman, bound for Europe; and the other a packetfrom Batavia, with orders for the several ships lying in the Strait. It isthe custom for the Dutch ships, as soon as their lading is nearlycompleted, to leave Batavia on account of its extreme unwholesomeness, andproceed to some of the more healthy islands in the Strait, where they waitfor the remainder of their cargo and their dispatches. Notwithstanding thisprecaution, the Indiaman had lost, since her departure from Batavia, fourmen, and had as many more whose recovery was despaired of. She had lainhere a fortnight, and was now about to proceed to Cracatoa, having justreceived final orders by the packet. At seven in the morning of the 9th we weighed, and stood on through theStrait to the S. W. , keeping pretty close in with the islands on the Sumatrashore, in order to avoid a rock near Mid-channel Island, which lay on ourleft. At half after ten, I received orders from Captain Gore to make sailtoward a Dutch ship, which now hove in sight to the southward, and which wesupposed to be from Europe; and, according to the nature of theintelligence we could procure from her, either to join him at Cracatoa, where he intended to stop, for the purpose of supplying the ships witharrack, or to proceed to the S. E. End of Prince's Island, and there take inour water and wait for him. I accordingly bore down toward the Dutch ship, which, soon after, came toan anchor to the eastward; when the wind slackening, and the current stillsetting very strong through the Strait to the S. W. , we found it impossibleto fetch her, and having therefore got as near her as the tide wouldpermit, we also dropt anchor. I immediately dispatched Mr Williamson in thecutter with orders to get on board her, if possible; but as she lay near amile off, and, the tide ran with great rapidity, we soon perceived that theboat was dropping fast astern. We therefore made the signal to return, andimmediately began to veer away the cable, and sent out a buoy astern, inorder to assist him in getting on board again. Our poverty, in the articleof cordage, was here very conspicuous; for we had not a single coil of ropein the store-room to fix the buoy, but were obliged to set about unreevingthe studding-sail geer, the topsail-halliards and tackle-falls for thatpurpose; and the boat was at this time driving to the southward so fast, that it was not before we had veered away two cables, and almost all ourrunning-rigging, that she could fetch the buoy. I was under the necessity of waiting till the strength of the tide shouldabate, which did not happen till the next morning, when Mr Williamson goton board the ship, and learnt that she had been seven months from Europe, and three from the Cape of Good Hope; that before she sailed, France andSpain had declared war against Great Britain; and that she left Sir EdwardHughes, with a squadron of men of war, and a fleet of East India ships, atthe Cape. Mr Williamson having at the same time been informed, that thewater at Cracatoa was very good, and always preferred by the Dutch ships tothat of Prince's Island, I resolved to rejoin the Resolution at the formerplace; and a fair breeze springing up, we weighed and stood over toward theisland, where we soon after saw her at anchor; but the wind falling, andthe tide setting strong against us, I was obliged to drop anchor, at thedistance of about five miles from the Resolution, and immediately sent aboat on board, to acquaint Captain Gore with the intelligence we hadreceived. As soon as the Resolution saw us preparing to come to, she fired her guns, and hoisted an English jack at the ensign staff, the signal at sea to leada-head. This we afterward understood was intended to prevent our anchoring, on account of the foul ground, which the maps she had on board placed here. However, as we found none, having a muddy bottom, and good holding ground, in sixty fathoms water, we kept fast till the return of the boat, whichbrought orders to proceed the next morning to Prince's Island. We were atthis time two miles distant from the shore; the Peak of Cracatoa bore N. W. By N. ; Bantam Point E. N. E. 1/2 E. ; Prince's Island S. W. By W. The island of Cracatoa is the southernmost of a group situated in theentrance of the Strait of Sunda. It has a high peaked hill on the S. End, [113] which lies in the latitude 6° 9' S. , and longitude 105° 15' E. ;the whole circuit of the island is not more than three leagues. Off theN. E. End lies a small island, which forms the road where the Resolutionanchored; and within a reef that runs off the S. End of the latter, thereis good shelter against all northerly winds, with eighteen fathoms waternear the reef, and twenty-seven in the mid-channel. To the N. W. There is anarrow pass for boats between the two islands. The shore, which forms the western side of the road, is in a N. W. Direction, and has a bank of coral stretching into the sea, about one-thirdof a cable's length, which makes the landing difficult for boats, except athigh water; but the anchoring-ground is very good, and free from rocks. Theplace where the Resolution watered is a small spring, situated abreast ofthe S. End of the small island, at a short distance from the water-side. Alittle to the southward there is a very hot spring, which is used by thenatives as a bath. Whilst we were lying off the S. End of this island, wesent a boat with the master, on shore, to look for water; but, after havinglanded with some difficulty, he returned unsuccessful. Cracatoa is esteemed very healthy, in comparison of the neighbouringcountries. It consists of high land, rising gradually on all sides from thesea; and the whole is covered with trees, except a few spots which thenatives have cleared for rice-fields. The number of people on the island isvery inconsiderable. Their chief, as are those of all the other islands inthe Strait, is subject to the king of Bantam. The coral reefs afford plentyof small turtles, but other refreshments are very scarce, and sold at anenormous price. Latitude of the road where the Resolution anchored 8° 6' south. Longitude, by Mr Bayley's timekeeper 104 48 east. Ditto, by observation 105 36 east. Dip of the south end of the magnetic needle 26 3Variation of the compass 1 0 west. On the full and change days, it is high-water at 7h in the morning. Thewater rises three feet two inches perpendicular. At eight o'clock in the evening, it began to blow afresh from the westward, with violent thunder, lightning, and rain; and at three the next morning, we weighed and stood over for Prince's Island, but the westerly wind dyingaway, was succeeded by a breeze from the S. E. , and at the same time astrong tide setting to the S. W. , prevented our fetching the island, andobliged us, at two in the afternoon, to drop anchor in sixty-five fathoms, over a muddy bottom, at three leagues distance from it; the high hillbearing S. W. By S. , and the peak on Cracatoa N. By E. We had light airs andcalms till six next morning, when we weighed and made sail, having, in ourendeavours to heave the anchor out of the ground, twice broken the oldmessenger, and afterwards a new one, cut out of our best hawser. This, however, was entirely owing to the wretched state of our cordage; as thestrain was not very considerable, and we had besides assisted the cable incoming in, by clapping the cat-tackle on it. The wind continuing fair, atnoon we came to an anchor off the S. E. End of Prince's Island, in twenty-six fathoms, over a sandy bottom; the east end of the island bearingN. N. E. , the southernmost point in sight S. W. By S. , the high peak N. W. 1/2W. , distant from the nearest shore half a mile. As soon as we had come to anchor, Lieutenant Lannyon, who had been herebefore with Captain Cook, in the year 1770, was sent, along with themaster, to look for the watering-place. The brook from which, according tothe best of his recollection, the Endeavour had been supplied, was foundquite salt. Further inland, they saw a dry bed, where the water seemed tohave lodged in rainy seasons; and, about a cable's length below, anotherrun, supplied from an extensive pool, the bottom of which, as well, as thesurface, was covered with dead leaves. This, though a little brackish, being much preferable to the other, we began watering here early the nextmorning, and finished the same day. The natives, who came to us soon after we anchored, brought a plentifulsupply of large fowls, and some turtles; but the last were, for the mostpart, very small. In the course of the night we had heavy rain; and on the14th, at daylight, we saw the Resolution to the northward, standing towardthe island; and at two in the afternoon, she dropped anchor close to us. Inthe course of the day we heeled the ship, and scrubbed and hogged herbottom, which was very foul; and got ready for sea. The next day, Captain Gore not having completed his stock of water atCracatoa, sent his men on shore, who now found the brook that was firstmentioned rendered perfectly sweet by the rain, and flowing in greatabundance. This being too valuable a treasure to be neglected, I gaveorders, that the casks we had filled before should be started, andreplenished with the fresh water, which was accordingly done before noonthe next day; and in the evening we cleared the decks, and both ships wereready for sea. In the forenoon of the 18th we had heavy rains and variable winds, whichprevented our getting under way till two in the afternoon, when a lightwind sprung up from the northward; but this soon after leaving us, we wereobliged to drop our anchor again, at eight o'clock that night, in fiftyfathoms water, and wait till the same hour the next morning. At that time, being favoured by a breeze from the N. W. , we broke ground, to ourinexpressible satisfaction, for the last time in the Strait of Sunda, andthe next day had entirely lost sight of Prince's Island, This island having been already described by Captain Cook, in the historyof a former voyage, I shall only add, that we were exceedingly struck withthe great general resemblance of the natives, both in figure, colour, manners, and even language, to the nations we had been so much conversantwith in the South Seas. The effects of the Javanese climate, and I did notescape without my full share of it, made me incapable of pursuing thecomparison so minutely as I could have wished. The country abounds with wood to such a degree, that, notwithstanding thequantity cut down every year by the ships which put into the road, there isno appearance of its diminution. We were well supplied with small turtle, and fowls of a moderate size; the last were sold at the rate of ten for aSpanish dollar. The natives also brought us many hog-deer, and a prodigiousnumber of monkeys, to our great annoyance, as most of our sailors providedthemselves with one, if not two, of these troublesome animals. As we should have met with some difficulty in finding the watering-place, if Mr Lannyon had not been with us, it may be worth while, for the use offuture navigators, to describe its situation more particularly. The peakedhill on the island bears from it N. W. By N. ; a remarkable tree, growingupon a coral reef, and quite detached from the neighbouring shrubs, standsjust to the northward; and close by it there is a small plot of reedygrass, the only piece of the kind that can be seen hereabout. These markswill shew the place where the pool empties itself into the sea; but thewater here is generally salt, as well as that which is in the pool. Thecasks must therefore be filled about fifty yards higher up; where, in dryseasons, the fresh water that comes down from the hills is lost among theleaves, and must be searched for by clearing them away. The latitude of the anchoring-place at Prince's Island was 6° 36' 15" south. Longitude 105 17 30 east. Dip of the south pole of the magnetic needle 28 15 0Variation of the compass 0 54 0 west. Mean of the thermometer 83 1/2 From the time of our entering the Strait of Banca, we began to experiencethe powerful effects of this pestilential climate. Two of our people felldangerously ill of malignant putrid fevers; which, however, we preventedfrom spreading, by putting the patients apart from the rest in the mostairy births. Many were attacked with teazing coughs; others complained ofviolent pains in the head; and even the healthiest among us felt asensation of suffocating heat, attended by an insufferable languor, and atotal loss of appetite. But though our situation was for a time thus uneasyand alarming, we had at last the singular satisfaction of escaping fromthese fatal seas, without the loss of a single life; A circumstance whichwas probably owing in part to the vigorous health of the crews, when wefirst arrived here, as well as to the strict attention, now become habitualin our men, to the salutary regulations introduced amongst us by CaptainCook. On our leaving Prince's Island, and during the whole time of our run fromthence to the Cape of Good Hope, the crew of the Resolution was in a muchmore sickly state than that of the Discovery; for though many of uscontinued for some time complaining of the effects of the noxious climatewe had left, yet happily we all recovered from them. Of the two who hadbeen ill of fevers, one, after being seized with violent convulsions, onthe 12th of February, which made us despair of his life, was relieved bythe application of blisters, and was soon after out of danger. The otherrecovered, but more slowly. On board the Resolution, besides the obstinatecoughs and fevers under which they very generally laboured, a great manywere afflicted with fluxes, the number of whom, contrary to ourexpectations, continued increasmg till our arrival at the Cape. Captain Gore attributed this difference in part, and probably with somereason, to the Discovery having her fire-place between decks; the heat andsmoke of which, he conceived, might help to mitigate the bad effects of thedamp night air. But I am rather inclined to believe, that we escaped theflux by the precautions that were taken to prevent our catching it fromothers. For if some kinds of fluxes be, as I apprehend there is no doubtthey are, contagious, it is not improbable, that the Resolution caught thisdisorder from the Dutch ships at Cracatoa. In order to avoid this danger, when Mr Williamson was sent to the Indiaman in the entrance of the Straitof Sunda, he had the strictest orders not to suffer any of our people, onany account whatever, to go on board; and whenever we had afterwardoccasion to have any communication with the Resolution, the same cautionwas constantly observed. We were no sooner clear of Prince's Island, than we had a gentle breezefrom the W. N. W. ; but this did not last long; for the following day the windbecame again variable, and continued so till the noon of the 25th, when itgrew squally, and blew fresh from the north. On the 22d at noon, being in latitude 10° 28' S. , and longitude 104° 14', we saw great quantities of boobies, and other fowls, that seldom go farfrom land; from which we conjectured, that we were near some small unknownisland. In the evening of the 25th, the wind changed suddenly to the southward, accompanied with heavy rains, and began to blow with great violence. Duringthe night, almost every sail we had bent gave way, and most of them weresplit to rags; our rigging also suffered materially, and we were, the nextday, obliged to bend our last suit of sails, and to knot and splice therigging, our cordage being all expended. This sudden storm, we attributedto the change from the monsoon to the regular trade-wind; our latitude wasabout 13° 10' S. , and we had made by our reckoning about 4-1/2° oflongitude west from Java head. From the 26th of this month to the 28th of March, we had a regular trade-wind from the S. E. To E. By S. , with fine weather; and being in an oldbeaten track, met no occurrence that deserved the smallest notice. In the morning of the 28th of March, being in latitude 31° 42' S. , andlongitude 35° 26' E. , the trade-wind left us in a violent thunder-storm. From this time to the 3d of April, when our latitude was 35° 1' S. , andlongitude 26° 3' E. , the winds were moderate, and generally from the southquarter. A fresh breeze then sprung up from the eastward, which continuedtill the afternoon of the 4th; after which we had a calm that lasted thetwo following days. It had hitherto been Captain Gore's intention to proceed directly to StHelena, without stopping at the Cape; but the rudder of the Resolutionhaving been, for some time, complaining, and, on being examined, reportedto be in a dangerous state, he resolved to steer immediately for the Cape, as the most eligible place, both for the recovery of his sick, and forprocuring a new main-piece to the rudder. From the 21st of March, when we were in latitude 27° 22' S. , longitude 52°25' E. , to the 5th of April, when we had got into latitude 36° 12' S. , longitude 22° 7' E. , we were strongly affected by the currents, which setto the S. S. W. , and S. W. By W. , sometimes at the rate of eighty knots a day. On the 6th, having got under the lee of the African coast, we lost thementirely. In the morning of the 6th, a sail was seen to the S. W. Standing toward us;and, as the wind soon after rose from the same quarter, we cleared ourships for action. We now discovered, from the mast-head, five sail more onour lee-bow, standing to the eastward; but the weather coming on hazy, welost sight of them all in an hour's time. Our latitude at noon was 35° 49'S. , longitude 21° 32' E. At seven o'clock the next morning (the 7th), wemade the land to the northward at a considerable distance. On the 8th, the weather was squally, and blew fresh from the N. W. ; thefollowing day it settled to the W. , and we passed pretty close to the sailseen on the 6th, but did not hail her. She was clumsy in figure, and, toappearance, unskilfully managed; yet she outsailed us exceedingly. Thecolours which she hoisted were different from any we had seen; somesupposed them to be Portugueze, others Imperial. At day-light, the next morning, the land again appeared to the N. N. W. ; andin the forenoon, a snow was seen bearing down to us, which proved to be anEnglish East India packet, that had left Table Bay three days before, andwas cruising with orders for the China fleet, and other India ships. Shetold us, that, about three weeks before, Mons. Trongoller's squadron, consisting of six ships, had sailed from the Cape, and was gone to cruiseoff St Helena, for our East India fleet. This intelligence made usconjecture, that the five sail we had seen standing to the eastward musthave been the French squadron, who, in that case, had given over theircruise, and were probably proceeding to the Mauritius. Having informed thepacket of our conjectures, and also of the time we understood the Chinaships were to sail from Canton, we left them, and proceeded toward theCape. In the evening of the 10th, the Gunner's Quoin bore N. By E. , and FalseCape, E. N. E. ; but the wind being at S. W. , and variable, prevented ourgetting into False Bay, till the evening of the 12th, when we dropt anchorabreast of Simon's Bay. We found a strong current setting to the westward, round the Cape, which, for some time, we could but just stem, with a breezethat would have carried us four knots an hour. The next morning we stoodinto Simon's Bay; and at eight came to anchor, and moored a cable each way;the best bower to the E. S. E. , and small bower, W. N. W. ; the S. E. Point ofthe bay bearing S. By E. , Table Mountain, N. E. 1/2 N. ; distant from thenearest shore one-third of a mile. We found lying here, the Nassau andSouthampton East-Indiamen, waiting for convoy for Europe. The Resolutionsaluted the fort with eleven guns, and the same number was returned. Mr Brandt, the governor of this place, came to visit us, as soon as we hadanchored. This gentleman had conceived a great affection for Captain Cook, who had been his constant guest, the many times he had visited the Cape;and though he had received the news of his melancholy fate some timebefore, he was exceedingly affected at the sight of our ships returningwithout their old commander. He appeared much surprised to see our crew inso stout and healthy a condition, as the Dutch ship that had left Macao, onour arrival there, and had touched at the Cape some time before, reported, that we were in a most wretched state, having only fourteen hands left onboard the Resolution, and seven on board the Discovery. It is not easy toconceive the motive these people could have had for propagating so wantonand malicious a falsehood. On the 15th, I accompanied Captain Gore to Cape Town; and, the nextmorning, we waited on Baron Plettenberg, the governor, by whom we werereceived with every possible attention and civility. He had also conceiveda great personal affection for Captain Cook, as well as the highestadmiration of his character, and heard the recital of his misfortune, withmany expressions of unaffected sorrow. In one of the principal apartmentsof the governor's house, he shewed us two pictures, of Van Trump and deRuyter, with a vacant space left between them, which he said he meant tofill up with the portrait of Captain Cook; and, for that purpose, herequested our assistance when we should arrive in England, in purchasingone for him, at any price. We were afterward informed by the governor, that all the powers at thistime at war with England had given orders to their cruisers to let us passunmolested. This, as far as related to the French, we had sufficient reasonto think true; as Mr Brandt had already delivered to Captain Gore, a letterfrom Mr Stephens, inclosing a copy of Mons. De Sartine's orders, taken onboard the Licorne. With respect to the Americans, the matter still restedon report; but Baron Plettenberg assured us, that he had been expresslytold, by the commander of a Spanish ship, which had touched at the Cape, that he, and all the officers of his nation, had received orders to thesame effect. These assurances confirmed Captain Gore in the resolution hehad taken of maintaining, on his part, a neutral conduct; and accordingly, when on the arrival of the Sybil, to convoy the India ships home, it wasproposed to him to accompany them on their passage, he thought proper todecline an offer, the acceptance of which might, in case we had fallen inwith any of the enemy's ships, have brought him into a very difficult andembarrassing situation. During our stay at the Cape, we met with every proof of the most friendlydisposition toward us, both in the governor and principal persons of theplace, as well Africans as Europeans. At our first arrival, Colonel Gordon, the commander of the Dutch forces, with whom I had the happiness of beingon a footing of intimacy and friendship, was absent on a journey into theinterior parts of Africa, but returned before our departure. He had, onthis occasion, penetrated farther up the country than any other travellerhad done before him, and made great additions to the valuable collection ofnatural curiosities with which he has enriched the museum of the Prince ofOrange. Indeed, a long residence at the Cape, and the powerful assistancehe has derived from his rank and situation there, joined to an active andindefatigable spirit, and an eager thirst after knowledge, have enabled himto acquire a more intimate and perfect knowledge of this part of Africa, than could have fallen to the lot of any other person; and it is with greatpleasure I can congratulate the public on the information I have receivedof his intentions to give the world, from his own-hand, a history of histravels. [114] False Bay, situated to the eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, is frequentedby shipping during the prevalence of the N. W. Winds, which begin to blow inMay, and make it dangerous to lie in Table Bay. It is terminated on thewest by the Cape of Good Hope, and on the eastward by False Cape. The entrance of the bay is six leagues wide, the two capes bearing fromeach other due east and west. About eleven miles from the Cape of GoodHope, on the west side, is situated Simon's Bay, the only convenientstation for ships to lie in; for although the road without it affords goodanchorage, it is too open, and but ill circumstanced for procuringnecessaries, the town being small, and supplied with provisions from CapeTown, which is about twenty-four miles distant. To the N. N. E. Of Simon'sBay, there are several others, from which it may be easily distinguished, by a remarkable sandy way to the northward of the town, which makes astriking object. In steering for the harbour, along the west shore, thereis a small flat rock, called Noah's Ark, and about a mile to the north-eastof it, several others, called the Roman Rocks. These lie one mile and ahalf from the anchoring-place; and either between them, or to the northwardof the Roman Rocks, there is a safe passage into the bay. When the north-west gales are set in, the following bearings will direct the mariner to asafe and commodious berth: Noah's Ark, S. 51° E. , and the centre of thehospital, S. 53° W. , in seven fathoms. But if the south-east winds have notdone blowing, it is better to stay further out in eight or nine fathoms. The bottom is sandy, and the anchors settle considerably before they gethold. All the north part of the bay is low sandy land, but the east side isvery high. About six miles east of Noah's Ark lies Seal Island, the southpart of which is said to be dangerous, and not to be approached, withsafety, nearer than in twenty-two fathoms. Off the Cape of Good Hope aremany sunk rocks, some of which appear at low water; and others havebreakers constantly on them. The latitude of the anchoring-place in Simon's Bay, by observation 34°20'S. The longitude 18 29 E. Dip of the south end of the magnetic needle 46 47Variation of the compass 22 16 W. On the full and change days, it was high-water at 5^h 55^m apparent time;the tide rose and fell five feet five inches; at the neap tides, it rosefour feet one inch. From the observations taken by Mr Bayley and myself, on the 11th of thismonth, when the Cape of Good Hope bore due west, we found its latitude tobe 34° 23' S. , which is 4' to the northward of its position, as determinedby the Abbé de la Caille. Having completed our victualling, and furnished ourselves with thenecessary supply of naval stores, we sailed out of the bay on the 9th ofMay, and on the 14th, we got into the south-east trade-wind, and steered tothe westward of the islands of St Helena and Ascension. On the 31st, beingin latitude 12° 48' S. , longitude 15° 40' W. , the magnetic needle was foundto have no dip. On the 12th of June, we passed the equator for the fourth time during thisvoyage, in longitude 26° 16' W. We now began to perceive the effects of acurrent setting N. By E. , half a knot an hour. It continued in thisdirection till the middle of July, when it began to set a little to thesouthward of the west. On the 12th of August, we made the western coast of Ireland, and after afruitless attempt to get into Port Galway, from whence it was CaptainGore's intentions to have sent the journals and maps of our voyage toLondon, we were obliged, by strong southerly winds, to steer to thenorthward. Our next object was to put into Lough Swilly; but the windcontinuing in the same quarter, we stood on to the northward of LewisIsland; and on the 22d of August, at eleven in the morning, both ships cameto an anchor at Stromness. From hence, I was dispatched by Captain Gore, toacquaint the Board of Admiralty with our arrival; and on the 4th day ofOctober the ships arrived safe at the Nore, after an absence of four years, two months, and twenty-two days. On quitting the Discovery at Stromness, I had the satisfaction of leavingthe whole crew in perfect health; and at the same time, the number ofconvalescents on board the Resolution did not exceed two or three, of whomonly one was incapable of service. In the course of our voyage, theResolution lost but five men by sickness, three of whom were in aprecarious state of health at our departure from England; the Discovery didnot lose a man. An unremitting attention to the regulations established byCaptain Cook, with which the world is already acquainted, may be justlyconsidered as the principal cause, under the blessing of Divine Providence, of this singular success. But the baneful effects of salt provisions mightperhaps, in the end, have been felt, notwithstanding these salutaryprecautions, if we had not assisted them, by availing ourselves of everysubstitute, our situation at various times afforded. These frequentlyconsisting of articles, which our people had not been used to consider asfood for men, and being sometimes exceedingly nauseous, it required thejoint aid of persuasion, authority, and example, to conquer theirprejudices and disgusts. The preventives we principally relied on were sour krout and portable soup. As to the antiscorbutic remedies, with which we were amply supplied, we hadno opportunity of trying their effects, as there did not appear theslightest symptoms of the scurvy, in either ship, during the whole voyage. Our malt and hops had also been kept as a resource, in case of actualsickness; and on examination at the Cape of Good Hope, were found entirelyspoiled. About the same time, were opened some casks of biscuit, flour, malt, pease, oatmeal, and groats, which, by way of experiment, had been putup in small casks, lined with tin-trail, and found all, except the pease, in a much better state, than could have been expected in the usual mannerof package. I cannot neglect this opportunity of recommending to the consideration ofgovernment, the necessity of allowing a sufficient quantity of Peruvianbark, to such of his majesty's ships as may be exposed to the influence ofunwholesome climates. It happened very fortunately in the Discovery, thatonly one of the men that had fevers in the Straits of Sunda, stood in needof this medicine, as he alone consumed the whole quantity usually carriedout by surgeons, in such vessels as ours. Had more been affected in thesame manner, they would probably all have perished, from the want of theonly remedy capable of affording them effectual relief. Another circumstance attending this voyage, which, if we consider itsduration, and the nature of the service in which we were engaged, willappear scarcely less singular than the extraordinary healthiness of thecrews, was, that the two ships never lost sight of each other for a daytogether, except twice; which was owing, the first time, to an accidentthat happened to the Discovery off the coast of Owhyhee; and the second, tothe fogs we met with at the entrance of Awatska Bay. A stronger proofcannot be given of the skill and vigilance of our subaltern officers, towhom this share of merit almost entirely belongs. VOCABULARY OF THE LANGUAGE OF NOOTKA, OR KING GEORGE'S SOUND. _April_, 1778. _Nootka_. English. Opulszthl, _The sun_. Onulszthl, _The moon_. Nas, _or_ eenaeehl nas, _The sky_. Noohchai, _A mountain_, or _hill_. Mooksee, _Rocks_, or _the shore_. Tanass, _or_ tanas, _A man_. Oonook, _A song_. Eeneek, _or_ eleek, _Fire_. Nuhchee, _or_ nookchee _The land; a country_. Koassama, _The ground_. Mahtai, _A house_. Neit, _or_ neet, _A candle_, or _lamp light_. Neetopok, _The smoke of a lamp_. Tassyai, _A door_. Ai, _and_ aio, _Yes_. Wook, _or_ Wik, _No_. Wik ait, _None, not any_. Macook, _To barter_. Kaeeemai, _or_ kyomai _Give me some more of it_. Kootche, _or_ kotche _To paddle_. Aook, _or_ chiamis, _To eat, to chew_. Topalszthl, _or_ _The sea_. Toopilszthl, Oowhabbe, _A paddle_. Shapata, _or_ shapitz, _A canoe_. _or_ chapas, Tawailuck, _White bugle beads_. Seekemaile, _Iron_, or _metal of any sort_. Ahkoo, _or_ ahko, _This_. Kaa, _or_ kaa chelle, _Give it me, let me look at it_, or _examine it_?Wook hak _Will he not do it_?Ma, _or_ maa, _Take it_. Chakeuk, _A hatchet_, or _hacking tool_. Eetche, _or_ abeesh, _Displeasure_. Hahoome, _or_ haooma, _Food_. Takho, _Bad. This iron is bad_, takho seekemaile. Chelle, _I, me_. Kaeeo, _Broken_. Alle, _or_ alla, (Speaking to one) _Friend; hark ye_. Klao appe, _or_ klao, _Keep it; I'll not have it_. Asko, _Long_, or _large_. Iakooeshmaish, _Clothing in general_. Tahquoe, _or_ toohquoe, _A metal button_, or _ear-ring_. Wae, (Calling to one, perhaps) _you_!Weekeetateesh, _Sparkling sand, which they sprinkle on their faces_. Chauk, _Water_. Pacheetl, _or_ pachatl, _To give; give me_. Haweelsth, _or_ hawalth, _Friendship; friend_. Kleeseetl, _To paint_, or _mark with a pencil_. Abeetzle, _To go away_, or _depart_. Sheesookto, _To remain_, or _abide_. Seeaik, _A stone weapon, with a square point_. Suhyaik, _A spear, pointed with bone_. Taak, _The wood of the depending pine_. Luksheer, _or_ luksheetl, _To drink_. Soochis, _A tree, a wood_. Haieeaipt, _A broad leaf, shrub_, or _underwood_. Tohumbeet, _Variegated pine; silver pine_. Atheu, _The depending pine_; or _cypress_. Koeeklipt, _The Canadian pine_. Cho, _Go_. Sateu, _A pine-top_. Kleeteenek, _The little cloak that they wear_. Kleethak, _A bear's skin_. Klochimme, _Muscles_. Ohkullik, _A wooden box they hold things in_. Hislaiakasl, _or_ _Coarse mats of bark_. Slaikalzth, Eesee, _An instrument of bone to beat bark_. Chapuz koole, _The model of a canoe_. Klapatuketeel, _A bag made of mat_. Tahmis, _To spit; spittle_. Wasuksheet, _To cough_. Poop, _Common moss_. Okumha, _The wind_. Chutzquabeelsl, _A bag made of seal skin_. Konneeemis, _A kind of sea weed_. Quaookl, _or_ _To sit down_. Tookpeetl, Klukeeszthl, _or_ _To rise up_. Quoeelszlhl, Tsookeeats, _To walk_. Kummutchchutl, _To run_. Klutsklaee, _To strike, or beat_. Teeshcheetl, _To throw a stone_. Teelszhtee, _To rub_, or _sharpen metal_. Tsook, _To cleave_, or _strike hard_. Mahkatte, _A small liliaceous root, which they eat_. Eumahtame, _Fur of a sea-otter_. Cheemaine, _Their largest fishing-hooks_. Moostatte, _A bow_. Kahsheetl, _Dead_. Kleeshsheetl, _To shoot with a bow_. Tseehattee, _An arrow_. Katshak, _A flaxen garment, worn as their common dress_. Heshcheene, _A plain_ Venus _shell_. Koohminne, _A bag rattle_. Akeeuk, _A plain bone point for striking seals with_. Kaheita, _A barbed bone point for ditto_. Cheetakulheiwha, _Bracelets of white bugle beads_. Mittemulszth, _Thongs of skin worn about the wrist and neck_. Iaiopox, _Pieces of copper worn in the ear_. Neesksheetl, _To sneeze_. Suchkas, _A comb_. Seehl, _Small feathers which they strew on their heads_. Wamuhte, _Twisted thongs and sinews, worn about their ankles_. Kutseeoataia, _Veins under the skin_. Tookquuk, _The skin_. Muszthsle, _Pain_. Waeetch, _To sleep_. Siksaimaha, _To breathe_, or _pant_. Tuhsheetl, _To weep_. Matskoot, _A fly_. Matook, _To fly_. Kooees; _or_ _Snow_, or _hail_. Quoees, Aopk, _To whistle_. Asheeatksheetl, _To yawn_. Elsthltleek, _An instrument of two sticks standing from each other with barbs_. Cheeeeakis, _A scar of a wound_. Tchoo, _Throw it down_, or _to me_. Cheetkoohekai, _or_ _A wooden instrument, with many bone teeth, Cheetkoaik, to catch small fish with_. Kaenne, _or_ Koenai, _A crow; a bird_. Keesapa, _A fish; a white bream_. Klaamoo, _A bream striped with blue and gold colours_. Taaweesh, _or_ _A stone-weapon_, or _tomahawk, Tsuskeeah, with a wooden handle_. Kamaisthlik, _A kind of snare to catch fish, or other animals with_. Klahma, _Wing feathers of a red bird_. Seetsaennuk, _Anger; scolding_. Heeeai, _or_ Heeeee, _A brown streaked snake_. Klapissime, _A racoon_. Owatinne, _A white-headed eagle_. Kluhmiss, _Train oil; a bladder filled with it_. Oukkooma, _Large carved wooden-faces_. Kotyook, _or_ Hotyok, _A knife_. See eema, _A fishing net_. Weena, _A stranger_. Quahmiss, _Fish-roe strewed upon pine-branches and sea-weed_. Kaatl, _Give me_. Hooksquaboolsthl, _A whale-harpoon and rope_. Komook, _Chimĉra monstrosa_. Quotluk, _or_ _A sea-otter's skin_. Quotlukac, Maasenusthl, _An oblong wooden weapon, two feet long_. Hokooma, _A wooden mask of the human face_. Tooquacumilsthl, _A seal-skin_. Cha, _Let me see it_. Sooma, _A kind of haddock, of a reddish brown colour_. Aeea, _A sardine_. Koeetsak, _A wolf-skin dress_. Keepsleetokszl, _A woollen garment_. Isseu, _Pine-bark_. Wanshee, _Wildcat skin_(lynx brunneus). Chastimmetz, _A common, and also pine-martin_. Ookoomillszthl, _A little round wooden cup_. Koomitz, _A human skull_. Keehlwahmoot, _A skin-bladder used in fishing_. Tseeapoox, _A conic cap made of mat, worn on the head_. Summeto, _A squirrel; they also called a rat by this name_. Maalszthl, _A deer's horn_. Jakops, _A man, or male_. Kolsheetl, _or_ Kolsheat, _To sup with a spoon_. Achatla, _or_ Achaklak, _What is your name_?Achatlaha, _What is his name_?Akassheha, _or_ Akassche, _What is the name of that_?Haismussik, _A wooden sabre_. Maeetsalulsthl, _A bone weapon, like the Patoo_. Kookelixo, _A fish fin; the hand_. Natcha, _A fish tail_. Klihkleek, _The hoof of an animal_. Klaklasm, _A bracelet_. Ko, _An article, to give strength of expression to another word_. Nahei, _or_ Naheis, _Friendship_. Teelsthoop, _A large cuttle fish_. Pachas, _He gave it me_. Quaeeaitsaak, _A yellow, or red fox_. Atchakoe, _A limpet_. Aheita, _A sweet fern root they eat_. Kishkilltup, _The strawberry plant_. Akhmupt, _A narrow grass that grows on the rocks_. Klaiwahmiss, _A cloud_. Mollsthapait, _A feather_. Taeetcha, _Full, satisfied with eating_. Kaaitz, _A necklace of small volute shells_. Tahooquossim, _A carved human head of wood, decorated with hair_. Moowatche, _A caned wooden vizor, like the head of a Quebrentahuessos_. Mamat, _A black linnet with a white bill_. Klaokotl, _Give me something_. Pallszthpatl, _Glimmer (sheet)_. Pineetl, _The name they apply to a goat; probably of a deer_. Seeta, _The tail of an animal_. Seehsheetl, _To kill_. Ooolszth, _A sandpiper_. Saeemitz, _Chequered straw-baskets_. Chookwak, _To go up_, or _away_. Kloosasht, _Smoked herrings_. Keetsma, _Puncturation_. Mikeellzyth, _To fasten_, or _tie a thing_. Cheeteeakamilzsth, _White beads_. Kakkumipt, _A sea-weed_, or _grass, on which theystrew fish-roe_. Eissuk, _A sort of leek_; allium triquetrum. Kutskushilzsth, _To tear a thing_. Mitzsleo, _A knot_. Mamakeeo, _To tie a knot_. Kluksilzsth, _To loosen_, or _untie_. Klakaikom, _The leaf of a plant_. Sasinne, _or_ sasin, _A humming-bird_. Koohquoppa, _A granulated lily-root they eat_. Seeweebt, _Alder-tree_. Kaweebt, _Raspberry-bush_. Kleehseep, _The flower of a plant_. Klumma, _Large wooden images placed at one end of their houses_. Aiahtoop, _or_ _A porpoise_. Aiahtoopsh, Toshko, _A small brown spotted cod_. Aszlimupt, _or_ _Flaxen stuff, of which they make their Ulszthimipt, garments_. Wakash, _An expression of approbation_, or _friendship_. Kullekeea, _Troughs out of which they eat_. Kaots, _A twig-basket_. Sllook, _The roof of a house; boards_. Eilszthmukt, _Nettles_. Koeeklass, _A wooden stage_, or _frame, on which the fish-roe is dried_. Matlieu, _A withe of bark for fastening planks_. Nahass, _A circular hole that serves as a window_. Neetsoanimme, _Large planks of which their houses are built_. Chaipma, _Straw_. Haquanuk, _A chest, or large box_. Chahkots, _A square wooden bucket, to hold water_. Chahquanna, _A square wooden drinking-cup_. Klennut, _A wooden wedge_. Kolkolsainum, _A large chest_. Klieutsunnim, _A board to kneel on when they paddle_. Tseelszthook, _A frame of square poles_. Aminulszth, _A fish_. Natckkoa _and_ _The particular names of two of the Matseeta, monstrous images called Klumma_. Houa, _To go that way_. Achichil, _What does he say_?Aeek, _The oval part of a whale dart_. Aptsheetl, _To steal_. Quoeeup, _To break_. Uhshsapai, _To pull_. Tseehka, _A general song_. Apte, _or_ appe, _You_. Kai, _Thanks_Kotl, _Me; I_. Punihpunih, _A black beating-stone_. Nootka, _The name of the bay or sound_. Yatseenequoppe, Kakallakeeheelook, _The names of three men_. Nololokum, Satsuhcheek, _The name of a woman_. * * * * * * NAMES OF DIFFERENT PARTS OF THE BODY. Ooomitz, _The head_. Apsoop, _The hair of the head_. Uhpeukel, _or_ upuppea, _The forehead_. Cheecheetsh, _The teeth_. Choop, _The tongue_. Kussee, _or_ kassee, _The eye_. Neets, _The nose_. Papai, _The ear_. Aamiss, _The cheek_. Eehthlux, _The chin_. Apuxim, _The beard_. Tseekoomitz, _The neck_. Seekutz, _The throat_. Eslulszth, _The face_. Eethluxooth, _The lips_. Klooshkcoah, klah, tamai, _The nostrils_. Aeetchse, _The eye-brows_. Aapso, _The arm_. Aapsoonilk, _The arm-pit_. Eneema, _The nipple_. Kooquainux, _or_ _The fingers_. Kooquainuxoo, Chushehuh, _Nail of the finger_. Kleashklinno, _The thighs and leg_. Klahtimme, _The foot_. Alahkomeetz, _The thumb_. Kopeeak, _The fore finger_. Taeeai, _The middle finger_. Oatso, _or_ akhukluc, _The ring finger_. Kasleka, _The little finger_. TABLE to shew the Affinity between the Languages spoken at Oonalashka andNorton Sound, and those of the Green landers and Esquimaux. _Greenland_. English. _Oonalashka. Norton Sound. From Grants. Esquimaux_. _A man_ Chengan Angut. _A woman_ Anagogenach. _The head_ Kameak Ne-aw-cock. _The hair_ Emelach Nooit Newrock. _The eye-brow_ Kamlik Kameluk Coup-loot. _The eye_ Dhac Enga Ehich. _The nose_ Anosche Ngha Cring yauk. _The cheek_ Oolooeik Oollooak Ou-lu uck-cur. _The ear_ Tootoosh Shudeka Se-u-teck. _The lip_ Adhee Hashlaw. _The teeth_ Agaloo. _The tongue_ Agonoc. _The beard_ Engelagoong Oongai. _The chin_ Ismaloch Tamluk Taplou. _The neck_ Ooioc Coon-e-soke. _The breast_ Shimsen Suk-ke-uck. _The arm_ Toolak Dallek Telluck. _The hand_ Kedhachoonge Aishet Alguit. _The finger_ Atooch. _The nails_ Cagelch Shetooe. _The thigh_ Cachemac Kookdoshac. _The leg_ Ketac Kanaiak Ki-naw-auk. _The foot_ Ooleac Etscheak E-te-ket. _The sun_ Agadac Maje Suck-ki much. _The moon_ Toogedha. Tac-cock. _The sky_ Enacac. _A cloud_ Aiengich. _The wind_ Caitchee. _The sea_ Alaooch Emai Ut-koo-tuk- les. _Water_ Tangch Mooe. _Fire_ Keiganach E-ko-ma. _Wood_ Hearach. _A knife_ Kamelac. _A house_ Oolac Iglo Tope-uck. _A canoe_ Eakeac Caiac Kaiak Kirock. _A paddle_ Chasec Pangehon Pautik Pow. _Iron_ Comeleuch Shawik. Shaveck. _A bow_ Seiech. Petick sic. _Arrows_ Agadhok. Caukjuck. _Darts_ Ogwalook Aglikak. _A fish-hook_ Oochtac. _No_ Net Ena Nag. _Yes_, or _yea_ Ah Eh Illisve. _One_ Taradac Adowjak Attousek Attouset. _Two_ Alac Aiba Arlak Mardluk. _Three_ Canoogn Pingashook Pingaguah Pingasut. _Four_ Sechn Shetamik Sissamat Sissamat. _Five_ Chang Dallamix Tellimat Tellimat. _Six_ Atoo In counting Arbanget. More than five, they_Seven_ Ooloo repeat the / Arbanget. Same words \ Attausek. Over again. _Eight_ Kamching Arbanget mardik. _Nine_ Seching Kollin illoet. _Ten_ Haso Kollit. [113] The island of Tamarin, or Sambouricon, which lies about four leagues to the north of Cracatoa, may be easily mistaken for the latter, having a hill of nearly the same size and form, situated also near its southern extremity. [114] Query, Was this intention ever realized? The work, supposing it to have been published, was never heard of or seen by the writer. --E. APPENDIX TO THE CIRCUMNAVIGATIONS. No. I. NARRATIVE OF THE HON. JOHN BYRON; BEING AN ACCOUNT OF THE SHIPWRECK OF THEWAGER; AND THE SUBSEQUENT ADVENTURES OF HER CREW. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF. APPENDIX TO THE CIRCUMNAVIGATIONS. No. I. THE NARRATIVE OF THE HON. JOHN BYRON. THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE. As the greatest pain I feel in committing the following sheets to thepress, arises from an apprehension that many of my readers will accuse meof egotism, I will not incur that charge in my preface, by detaining themwith the reasons which have induced me, at this time, to yield to thedesire of my friends. It is equally indifferent to the public to be toldhow it happened, that nothing should have got the better of my indolenceand reluctance to comply with the same requests, for the space of twentyyears. I will employ these few introductory pages merely to shew what pretensionsthis work may have to the notice of the world, after those publicationswhich have preceded it. It is well known that the Wager, one of Lord Anson's squadron, was castaway upon a desolate island in the South-seas. The subject of this book isa relation of the extraordinary difficulties and hardships through which, by the assistance of Divine Providence, a small part of her crew escaped totheir native land; and a very small proportion of those made their way, ina new and unheard-of manner, over a large and desert tract of land, betweenthe western mouth of Magellanic Streight and the capital of Chili; acountry scarce to be paralleled in any part of the globe, in that itaffords neither fruits, grain, nor even roots proper for the sustenance ofman; and, what is still more rare, the very sea, which yields a plentifulsupport to many a barren coast, on this tempestuous and inhospitable shoreis found to be almost as barren as the land; and it must be confessed, thatto those who cannot interest themselves with seeing human nature labouring, from day to day, to preserve its existence under the continual want of suchreal necessaries, as food and shelter from the most rigorous climate, thefollowing sheets will afford but little entertainment. Yet, after all, it must be allowed there can be no other way ofascertaining the geography and natural history of a country, which isaltogether morass and a rock, incapable of products or culture, than bysetting down every minute circumstance which was observed in traversing it. The same may be said of the inhabitants, their manners, religion, andlanguage. What fruits could an European reap from a more intimateacquaintance with them, than what he will find in the following accidentalobservations? We saw the most unprofitable spot on the globe of the earth, and such it is described and ascertained to be. It is to be hoped, some little amends may be made by such an insight as isgiven into the interior part of the Country; and I find what I have putdown has had the good fortune to be pleasing to some of my friends;insomuch, that the only fault I have yet had laid to my papers is, that ofbeing too short in the article of the Spanish settlements. But here I mustsay, I have been dubious of the partiality of my friends; and, as I think, justly fearful lest the world in general, who may perhaps find compassionand indulgence for a protracted tale of distress, may not give the sameallowance to a luxurious imagination triumphing in a change of fortune, andsudden transition from the most dismal to the gayest scenes in theuniverse, and thereby indulging an egotism equally offensive to the enviousand censorious. I speak as briefly as possible of matters previous to our final separationfrom the rest of Lord Anson's squadron; for it is from this epocha that thetrain of our misfortunes properly commences: and though Mr Bulkeley, one ofthe warrant officers of the Wager, has, long since, published a Journal andAccount of the return of that part of the ship's company, which, dissentingfrom Captain Cheap's propoposal of endeavouring to regain their nativecountry by way of the great continent of South America, took their passagehome in the long-boat, through the Streights of Magellan, our transactionsduring our abode on the island have been related by him in so concise amanner, as to leave many particulars unnoticed, and others touched soslightly, that they appear evidently to have been put together with thepurpose of justifying those proceedings which could not be considered inany other light than that of direct mutiny. Accordingly, we find that themain substance of his Journal is employed in scrutinizing the conduct ofCaptain Cheap, and setting forth the conferences which passed between himand the seceders, relative to the way and measures they were to take fortheir return home. I have, therefore, taken some pains to review thoseearly passages of the unfortunate scene I am to represent, and to enterinto a detail, without which no sound judgment can be formed of anydisputed point, especially when it has been carried so far as to end inpersonal resentment. When contests and dissensions shall be found to havegone that length, it will be obvious to every reader, why a licentious crewshould hearken to any factious leader, rather than to the solidity of theircaptain's advice, who made it evident to every unprejudiced understanding, that their fairest chance for safety and a better fortune, was to proceedwith the long-boat till they should make prize of some vessel of the enemy, and thereby be enabled to bring to the commodore a supply of stout fellowsto assist in his conquests, and share in the honour and rewards. And yet it is but justice, even to this ungovernable herd, to explain, thatthough, as I have said above, they appeared in the light of mutineers, theywere not actually such in the eye of the law; for, till a subsequent act, made indeed on this occasion, the pay of a ship's crew ceased immediatelyupon her wreck, and consequently the officers' authority and command. Having explained the foregoing particulars, I hope I may flatter myself, there are few things in the following sheets which will not be readilyunderstood by the greatest part of my readers; therefore I will not detainthem any longer. [115] [115] Bulkeley's narrative above referred to, and which certainly deserves to be better known than it now is, will be found in this Appendix, No. 2. The impartial reader, it is believed, will hesitate to join with Byron in opinion as to the motives which occasioned its publication; nor is it unimportant for him to recollect, that Byron himself at one time sanctioned the chief measures and sentiments which Bulkeley and his associates adopted. --E. CHAPTER I. Account of the Wager and her Equipment. --Captain Kid's Death. --Succeeded byCaptain Cheap. --Our Disasters commence with our Voyage. --We lose Sight ofour Squadron in a Gale of Wind. --Dreadful Storm. --Ship strikes. The equipment and destination of the squadron fitted out in the year 1740, of which Commodore Anson had the command, being sufficiently known from theample and well-penned relation of it under his direction, I shall recite noparticulars that are to be found in that work. But it may be necessary, forthe better understanding the disastrous fate of the Wager, the subject ofthe following sheets, to repeat the remark, that a strange infatuationseemed to prevail in the whole conduct of this embarkation: For though itwas unaccountably detained till the season for its sailing was past, noproper use was made of that time, which should have been employed inproviding a suitable force of sailors and soldiery; nor was there a dueattention given to other requisites for so peculiar and extensive adestination. This neglect not only rendered the expedition abortive in its principalobject, but most materially affected the condition of each particular ship, and none so fatally as the Wager, who being an old Indiaman, bought intothe service upon this occasion, was now fitted out as a man of war: Butbeing made to serve as a store-ship, was deeply laden with all kinds ofcareening geer, military, and other stores, for the use of the other ships;and what is more, crowded, with bale-goods, and incumbered withmerchandize. A ship of this quality and condition could not be expected towork with that readiness and ease which was necessary for her security andpreservation in those heavy seas which she was to encounter. Her crewconsisted of men pressed from long voyages to be sent upon a distant andhazardous service; on the other hand, all her land-forces were no more thana poor detachment of infirm and decrepid invalids from Chelsea hospital, desponding under the apprehensions of a long voyage. It is not then to bewondered, that Captain Kid, under whose command this ship sailed out of theport, should in his last moments presage her ill success, though nothingvery material happened during his command. At his death he was succeeded by Captain Cheap, who still, without anyaccident, kept company with the squadron till we had almost gained thesouthernmost mouth of Straits Le Maire; when, being the sternmost ship, wewere, by the sudden shifting of the wind to the southward, and the turn ofthe tide, very near being wrecked upon the rocks of Staten Land; which, notwithstanding, having weathered, contrary to the expectation of the restof the squadron, we endeavoured all in our power to make up our lost way, and regain our station. This we effected, and proceeded in our voyage, keeping company with the rest of the ships for some time, when by a greatroll of a hollow sea we carried away our mizen-mast, all the chain-platesto windward being broken. Soon after, hard gales at west coming on with aprodigious swell, there broke a heavy sea in upon the ship, which stove ourboats, and filled us for some time. These accidents were the more disheartening, as our carpenter was on boardthe Gloucester, and detained there by the incessant tempestuous weather, and a sea impracticable for boats. In a few days he returned, and suppliedthe loss of a mizen-mast by a lower studding-sail boom; but this expedient, together with the patching up of our rigging, was a poor temporary reliefto us. We were soon obliged to cut away our best bower-anchor to ease thefore-mast, the shrouds and chain-plates of which were all broken, and theship in all parts in a most crazy condition. Thus shattered and disabled, a single ship, (for we had now lost sight ofour squadron) we had the additional mortification to find ourselves bearingfor the land on our lee-shore, having thus far persevered in the course weheld, from an error in conjecture: For the weather was unfavourable forobservation, and there are no charts of that part of the coast. When thoseofficers who first perceived their mistake endeavoured to persuade thecaptain to alter his course, and bear away, for the greater surety, to thewestward, he persisted in making directly, as he thought, for the island ofSocoro; and to such as dared from time to time to deliver their doubts ofbeing entangled with the land stretching to the westward, he replied, Thathe thought himself in no case at liberty to deviate from his orders, andthat the absence of his ship from the first place of rendezvous wouldentirely frustrate the whole squadron in the first object of their attack, and possibly decide upon the fortune of the whole expedition. For thebetter understanding the force of his reasoning, it is necessary toexplain, that the island of Socoro is in the neighbourhood of Baldivia, thecapture of which place could not be effected without the junction of thatship, which carried the ordnance and military stores. The knowledge of the great importance of giving so early and unexpected ablow to the Spaniards, determined the captain to make the shortest way tothe point in view; and that rigid adherence to orders, from which hethought himself in no case at liberty to depart, begot in him a stubborndefiance of all difficulties, and took away from him those apprehensionswhich so justly alarmed all such as, from ignorance of the orders, hadnothing present to their minds but the dangers of a lee-shore. [116] We had for some time been sensible of our approach to the land, from noother token than those of weeds and birds, which are the usual indicationsof nearing the coast; but at length we had an imperfect view of aneminence, which we conjectured to be one of the mountains of theCordilleras. This, however, was not so distinctly seen, but that manyconceived it to be the effect of imagination; but if the captain waspersuaded of the nearness of our danger, it was now too late to remedy it;for at this time the straps of the fore jeer blocks breaking, the fore-yardcame down, and the greatest part of the men being disabled through fatigueand sickness, it was some time before it could be got up again. The fewhands who were employed in this business now plainly saw the land on thelarboard beam, bearing N, W. , upon which the ship was driving bodily. Orders were then given immediately by the captain to sway the fore-yard up, and set the foresail; which done, we wore ship with her head to thesouthward, and endeavoured to crowd her off from the land; but the weather, from being exceedingly tempestuous, blowing now a perfect hurricane, andright in upon the shore, rendered our endeavours (for we were now onlytwelve hands fit for duty) entirely fruitless. The night came on, dreadfulbeyond description, in which, attempting to throw out our topsails to clawoff the shore, they were immediately blown from the yards. In the morning, about four o'clock, the ship struck. The shock we receivedupon this occasion, though very great, being not unlike a blow of a heavysea, such as in the series of preceding storms we had often experienced, was taken for the same; but we were soon undeceived by her striking moreviolently than before, which laid her upon her beam-ends, the sea making afair breach over her. Every person that now could stir was presently uponthe quarter-deck; and many even of those were alert upon this occasion thathad not shewed their faces upon deck for above two months before: Severalpoor wretches, who were in the last stage of the scurvy, and who could notget out of their hammocks, were immediately drowned. In this dreadful situation she lay for some little time, every soul onboard looking upon the present minute as his last, for there was nothing tobe seen but breakers all around us. However, a mountainous sea hove her offfrom thence; but she presently struck again, and broke her tiller. In thisterrifying and critical juncture, to have observed all the various modes ofhorror operating according to the several characters and complexionsamongst us, it was necessary that the observer himself should have beenfree from all impressions of danger. Instances there were, however, ofbehaviour so very remarkable, they could not escape the notice of any onewho was not entirely bereaved of his senses; for some were in thiscondition to all intents and purposes; particularly one, in the ravingsdespair brought upon him, was seen stalking about the deck flourishing acutlass over his head, and calling himself king of the country, andstriking every body he came near, till his companions, seeing no othersecurity against his tyranny, knocked him down. Some, reduced before bylong sickness and the scurvy, became on this occasion, as it were, petrified and bereaved of all sense, like inanimate logs, and were bandiedto and fro by the jerks and rolls of the ship, without exerting any effortsto help themselves. So terrible was the scene of foaming breakers aroundus, that one of the bravest men we had could not help expressing his dismayat it, saying, it was too shocking a sight to bear; and would have thrownhimself over the rails of the quarterdeck into the sea had he not beenprevented; but at the same time there were not wanting those who preserveda presence of mind truly heroic. The man at the helm, though both rudderand tiller were gone, kept his station; and being asked by one of theofficers if the ship would steer or not, first took his time to make trialby the wheel, and then answered with as much respect and coolness as if theship had been in the greatest safety, and immediately after applied himselfwith his usual serenity to his duty, persuaded it did not become him todesert it as long as the ship kept together. Mr Jones, mate, who nowsurvives not only this wreck, but that of the Litchfield man of war uponthe coast of Barbary, at the time when the ship was in the most imminentdanger, not only shewed himself undaunted, but endeavoured to inspire thesame resolution in the men, saying, "My friends, let us not be discouraged, did you never see a ship amongst breakers before? Let us endeavour to passher through them. Come, lend a hand: here is a sheet, and here is a brace, lay hold: I don't doubt but we may stick her yet near enough to the land tosave our lives. " This had so good an effect, that many who before were halfdead, seemed active again, and now went to work in earnest. This Mr Jonesdid purely to keep up the spirits of the people as long as possible; for heoften said afterwards, he thought there was not the least chance of asingle man's being saved. We now run in between an opening of the breakers, steering by the sheets and braces, when providentially we stuck fastbetween two great rocks; that to windward sheltered us in some measure fromthe violence of the sea. We immediately cut away the main and fore-mast, but the ship kept beating in such a manner, that we imagined she could nothold together but a very little while. The day now broke, and the weather, that had been extremely thick, cleared away for a few moments, and gave usa glimpse of the land not far from us. We now thought of nothing but savingour lives. To get the boats out, as our masts were gone, was a work of sometime, which when accomplished, many were ready to jump into the first, bywhich means they narrowly escaped perishing before they reached the shore. I now went to Captain Cheap, (who had the misfortune to dislocate hisshoulder by a fall the day before, as he was going forward to get the fore-yard swayed up) and asked him if he would not go on shore; but he told me, as he had done before, that he would be the last to leave the ship; and heordered me to assist in getting the men out as soon as possible. I had beenwith him very often from the time the ship first struck, as he desired Iwould, to acquaint him with every thing that passed; and I particularlyremarked, that he gave his orders at that time with as much coolness asever he had done during the former part of the voyage. The scene was now greatly changed, for many who but a few minutes beforehad shewn the strongest signs of despair, and were on their knees prayingfor mercy, imagining they were now not in that immediate danger, grew veryriotous, broke open every chest and box that was at hand, stove in theheads of casks of brandy and wine as they were borne up to the hatch-way, and got so drunk, that some of them were drowned on board, and lay floatingabout the decks for some days after. Before I left the ship, I went down tomy chest, which was at the bulk-head of the ward-room, in order to savesome little matters if possible; but whilst I was there the ship thumpedwith such violence, and the water came in so fast, that I was forced to getupon the quarter-deck again without saving a single rag but what was uponmy back. The boatswain and some of the people would not leave the ship solong as there was any liquor to be got at; upon which Captain Cheapsuffered himself to be helped out of his bed, put into the boat, andcarried on shore. [116] Captain Cheap has been suspected of a design of going on the Spanish coast without the commodore; but no part of his conduct seems to authorize, in the least, such a suspicion. The author who brings this heavy charge against him, is equally mistaken in imagining that Captain Cheap had not instructions to sail to this island, and that the commodore did neither go nor send thither to inform himself if any of the squadron were there. This appears from the orders delivered to the captains of the squadron the day before they sailed from St Catherine's (L. Anson's Voyage, vol. Xi, p. 267, ); from the orders of the council on board the Centurion in the bay of St Julian, (p. 276, ) and from the conduct of the commodore, (p. 305, ) who cruized (with the utmost hazard) more than a fortnight off the island of Socoro, and along the coast in its neighbourhood. It was the second rendezvous at Baldivia, and not that at Socoro, that the commodore was forced by necessity to neglect. CHAPTER II. We land on a wild Shore. --No Appearance of Inhabitants. --One of ourLieutenants dies. --Conduct of a Part of the Crew who remained on theWreck. --We name the Place of our Residence Mount Misery. --Narrative ofTransactions there. --Indians appear in Canoes off the Coast. --Descriptionof them. --Discontents amongst our People. It is natural to think, that to men thus upon the point of perishing byshipwreck, the getting to land was the highest attainment of their wishes;undoubtedly it was a desirable event; yet, all things considered, ourcondition was but little mended by the change. Which ever way we looked, ascene of horror presented itself; on one side the wreck, (in which was allthat we had in the world, to support and subsist us) together with aboisterous sea, presented us with the most dreary prospect; on the other, the land did not wear a much more favourable appearance: desolate andbarren, without sign of culture, we could hope to receive little otherbenefit from it than the preservation it afforded us from the sea. It mustbe confessed this was a great and merciful deliverance from immediatedestruction; but then we had wet, cold, and hunger to struggle with, and novisible remedy against any of those evils. Exerting ourselves, however, though faint, benumbed, and almost helpless, to find some wretched covertagainst the extreme inclemency of the weather, we discovered an Indian hutat a small distance from the beach, within a wood, in which as many aspossible, without distinction, crowded themselves, the night coming onexceedingly tempestuous and rainy. But here our situation was such as toexclude all rest and refreshment by sleep from most of us, for, besidesthat we pressed upon one another extremely, we were not without our alarmsand apprehensions of being attacked by the Indians, from a discovery wemade of some of their lances and other arms in our hut; and our uncertaintyof their strength and disposition gave alarm to our imagination, and keptus in continual anxiety. In this miserable hovel, one of our company, a lieutenant of invalids, diedthis night; and of those who for want of room took shelter under a greattree, which stood them in very little stead, two more perished by theseverity of that cold and rainy night. In the morning, the calls of hunger, which had been hitherto suppressed by our attention to more immediatedangers and difficulties, were now become too importunate to be resisted. We had most of us fasted eight-and-forty hours, some more; it was timetherefore to make enquiry among ourselves what store of sustenance had beenbrought from the wreck by dire providence of some, and what could beprocured on the island by the industry of others; but the produce of theone amounted to no more than two or three pounds of biscuit-dust preservedin a bag; and all the success of those who ventured abroad, the weatherbeing still exceedingly bad, was to kill one sea-gull and pick some wildsellery. These, therefore, were immediately put into a pot, with theaddition of a large quantity of water, and made into a kind of soup, ofwhich each partook as far as it would go; but we had no sooner thrown thisdown than we were seized with the most painful sickness at our stomachs, violent reachings, swoonings, and other symptoms of being poisoned. Thiswas imputed to various causes, but in general to the herbs we made use of, in the nature and quality of which we fancied ourselves mistaken; but alittle farther enquiry let us into the real occasion of it, which was noother than this: the biscuit-dust was the sweepings of the bread-room, butthe bag in which they were put had been a tobacco-bag, the contents ofwhich not being entirely taken out, what remained mixed with the biscuit-dust, and proved a strong emetic. We were in all about a hundred and forty who had got to shore, but some fewremained still on board, detained either by drunkenness or a view ofpillaging the wreck, among whom was the boatswain. These were visited by anofficer in the yawl, who was to endeavour to prevail upon them to join therest; but finding them in the greatest disorder and disposed to mutiny, hewas obliged to desist from his purpose and return without them. Though wewere very desirous, and our necessities required that we should take somesurvey of the land we were upon, yet being strongly prepossessed that thesavages were retired but some little distance from us, and waited to see usdivided, our parties did not make this day any great excursions from thehut; but as far as we went, we found it very morassy and unpromising. Thespot which we occupied was a bay formed by hilly promontories; that to thenorth so exceeding steep, that in order to ascend it (for there was nogoing round, the bottom being washed by the sea) we were at the labour ofcutting steps. This, which we call Mount Misery, was of use to us in takingsome observations afterwards when the weather would permit: the southernpromontory was not so inaccessible. Beyond this, I, with some others, having reached another bay, found driven ashore some parts of the wreck, but no kind of provision; nor did we meet with any shell-fish, which wewere chiefly in search of. We therefore returned to the rest, and for thatday made no other repast than what the wild sellery afforded us. Theensuing night proved exceedingly tempestuous; and, the sea running veryhigh, threatened those on board with immediate destruction by the partingof the wreck. They then were as solicitous to get ashore as they werebefore obstinate in refusing the assistance we sent them; and when theyfound the boat did not come to their relief at the instant they expectedit, without considering how impracticable a thing it was to send it them insuch a sea, they fired one of the quarter-deck guns at the hut, the ball ofwhich did but just pass over the covering of it, and was plainly heard bythe captain and us who were within. Another attempt, therefore, was made tobring these madmen to land; which, however, by the violence of the sea andother impediments, occasioned by the mast that lay alongside, provedineffectual. This unavoidable delay made the people on board outrageous;they fell to beating every thing to pieces that fell in the way; and, carrying their intemperance to the greatest excess, broke open chests andcabins for plunder that could be of no use to them; and so earnest werethey in this wantonness of theft, that one man had evidently been murderedon account of some division of the spoil, or for the sake of the share thatfell to him, having all the marks of a strangled corpse. One thing in thisoutrage they seemed particularly attentive to, which was, to providethemselves with arms and ammunition, in order to support them in puttingtheir mutinous designs in execution, and asserting their claim to a lawlessexemption from the authority of their officers, which they pretended mustcease with the loss of the ship. But of these arms, which we stood in greatneed of, they were soon bereaved upon coming ashore, by the resolution ofCaptain Cheap and Lieutenant Hamilton of the marines. Among these mutineerswho had been left on board, as I observed before, was the boatswain, who, instead of exerting the authority he had over the rest, to keep them withinbounds as much as possible, was himself a ringleader in their riot; him, without respect to the figure he then made, for he was in laced clothes, Captain Cheap, by a blow well laid on with his cane, felled to the ground. It was scarce possible to refrain from laughter at the whimsical appearancethese fellows made, who, having rifled the chests of the officers bestsuits, had put them on over their greasy trowsers and dirty checked shirts. They were soon stripped of their finery, as they had before been obliged toresign their arms. The incessant rains and exceeding cold weather in this climate, rendered itimpossible for us to subsist long without shelter; and the hut being muchtoo little to receive us all, it was necessary to fall upon some expedient, without delay, which might serve our purpose: accordingly the gunner, carpenter, and some more, turning the cutter keel upwards, and fixing itupon props, made no despicable habitation. Having thus established somesort of settlement, we had the more leisure to look about us, and to makeour researches with greater accuracy than we had before, after suchsupplies as the most desolate coasts are seldom unfurnished with. Accordingly we soon provided ourselves with some sea-fowl, and foundlimpets, mussels, and other shellfish in tolerable abundance; but thisrummaging of the shore was now becoming extremely irksome to those who hadany feeling, by the bodies of our drowned people thrown among the rocks, some of which were hideous spectacles, from the mangled condition they werein by the violent surf that drove in upon the coast. These horrors wereovercome by the distresses of our people, who were even glad of theoccasion of killing the gallinazo (the carrion crow of that country) whilepreying on these carcases, in order to make a meal of them. But a provisionby no means proportionable to the number of mouths to be fed, could, by ourutmost industry, be acquired from that part of the island we had hithertotraversed; therefore, till we were in a capacity of making more distantexcursions, the wreck was to be applied to, as often as possible, for suchsupplies as could be got out of her. But as this was a very precarious fundin its present situation, and at best could not last us long; consideringtoo that it was very uncertain how long we might be detained upon thisisland; the stores and provisions we were so fortunate as to retrieve, werenot only to be dealt out with the most frugal economy, but a sufficientquantity, if possible, laid by, to fit us out, whenever we could agree uponany method of transporting ourselves from this dreary spot. Thedifficulties we had to encounter in these visits to the wreck, cannot beeasily described; for no part of it being above water except the quarter-deck and part of the fore-castle, we were usually obliged to purchase suchthings as were within reach, by means of large hooks fastened to poles, inwhich business we were much incommoded by the dead bodies floating betweendecks. In order to secure what we thus got in a manner to answer the ends andpurposes above-mentioned, Captain Cheap ordered a store-tent to be erectednear his hut, as a repository, from which nothing was to be dealt out butin the measure and proportion agreed upon by the officers; and though itwas very hard upon us petty officers, who were fatigued with hunting allday in quest of food, to defend this tent from invasion by night, no othermeans could be devised for this purpose so effectual as the committing thischarge to our care; and we were accordingly ordered to divide the taskequally between us. Yet, notwithstanding our utmost vigilance and care, frequent robberies were committed upon our trust, the tent being accessiblein more than one place. And one night when I had the watch, hearing a stirwithin, I came unawares upon the thief and presenting a pistol to hisbreast, obliged him to submit to be tied up to a post till I had anopportunity of securing him more effectually. Depredations continued to bemade on our reserved stock, notwithstanding the great hazard attending suchattempts; for our common safety made it necessary to punish them with theutmost rigour. This will not be wondered at, when it is known how littlethe allowance which might consistently be dispensed from thence wasproportionable to our common exigencies, so that our daily and nightly taskof roving after food was not in the least relaxed thereby; and all puttogether was so far from answering our necessities, that many at this timeperished with hunger. A boy, when no other eatables could be found, havingpicked up the liver of one of the drowned men, (whose carcase had been tornto pieces by the force with which the sea drove it among the rocks) waswith difficulty withheld from making a meal of it. The men were soassiduous in their research after the few things which drove from thewreck, that in order to have no sharers of their good fortune, theyexamined the shore no less by night than by day; so that many of them whowere less alert, or not so fortunate as their neighbours, perished withhunger, or were driven to the last extremity. It must be observed, that onthe 14th of May we were cast away, and it was not till the twenty-fifth ofthis month that provision was served regularly from the store-tent. The land we were now settled upon was about 90 leagues to the northward ofthe western mouth of the Straits of Magellan, in the latitude of between 47and 48° south, from whence we could plainly see the Cordilleras; and by twolagoons on the north and south of us, stretching towards those mountains, we conjectured it was an island. But as yet we had no means of informingourselves perfectly whether it was an island or the main; for besides thatthe inland parts at little distance from us seemed impracticable, from theexceeding great thickness of the wood, we had hitherto been in suchconfusion and want, (each finding full employment for his time, in scrapingtogether a wretched subsistence, and providing shelter against the cold andrain) that no party could be formed to go upon discoveries. The climate andseason too were utterly unfavourable to adventurers; and the coast, as faras our eye could stretch seaward, a scene of such dismal breakers as woulddiscourage the most daring from making attempts in small boats. Nor were weassisted in our enquiries by any observation that could be made from thateminence we called Mount Misery, toward land, our prospect that way beingintercepted by still higher hills and lofty woods: we had therefore noother expedient by means of which to come at this knowledge, but by fittingout one of our ship's boats upon some discovery, to inform us of oursituation. Our long-boat was still on board the wreck; therefore a numberof hands were now dispatched to cut the gunwale of the ship in order to gether out. Whilst we were employed in this business, there appeared threecanoes of Indians paddling towards us: they had come round the point fromthe southern lagoons. It was some time before we could prevail upon them tolay aside their fears and approach us, which at length they were induced todo by the signs of friendship we made them, and by shewing some bale-goods, which they accepted, and suffered themselves to be conducted to thecaptain, who made them likewise some presents. They were strangely affectedwith the novelty thereof, but chiefly when shewn the looking-glass, inwhich the beholder could not conceive it to be his own face that wasrepresented, but that of some other behind it, which he therefore wentround to the back of the glass to find out. These people were of a small stature, very swarthy, having long blackcoarse hair hanging over their faces. It was evident, from their greatsurprise and every part of their behaviour, as well as their not having onething in their possession which could be derived from white people, thatthey had never seen such. Their clothing was nothing but a bit of somebeast's skin about their waists, and something woven from feathers overtheir shoulders; and as they uttered no word of any language we had everheard, nor had any method of making themselves understood, we presumed theycould have had no intercourse with Europeans. These savages, who upon theirdeparture left us a few mussels, returned in two days, and surprised us bybringing three sheep. From whence they could procure these animals in apart of the world so distant from any Spanish settlement, cut off from allcommunication with the Spaniards by an inaccessible coast and unprofitablecountry, is difficult to conceive. Certain it is, that we saw no suchcreatures, nor ever heard of any such, from the Straits of Magellan till wegot into the neighbourhood of Chiloe; it must be by some strange accidentthat these creatures came into their possession, but what that was we nevercould learn from them. At this interview we bartered with them for a dog ortwo, which we roasted and eat. In a few days after they made us anothervisit, and, bringing their wives with them, took up their abode with us forsome days, then left us again. Whenever the weather permitted, which was now grown something drier, butexceeding cold, we employed ourselves about the wreck, from which we had, at sundry times, recovered several articles of provision and liquor: thesewere deposited in the store-tent. Ill humour and discontent, from thedifficulties we laboured under in procuring subsistence, and the littleprospect there was of any amendment in our condition, was now breaking outapace. In some it shewed itself by a separation of settlement andhabitation; in others, by a resolution of leaving the captain entirely, andmaking a wild journey by themselves, without determining upon any planwhatever. For my own part, seeing it was the fashion, and liking none oftheir parties, I built a little hut just big enough for myself and a poorIndian dog I found in the woods, who could shift for himself along shore atlow water, by getting limpets. This creature grew so fond of me andfaithful, that he would suffer nobody to come near the hut without bitingthem. Besides those seceders I mentioned, some laid a scheme of desertingus entirely; these were in number ten, the greatest part of them a mostdesperate and abandoned crew, who, to strike a notable stroke before theywent off, placed half a barrel of gunpowder close to the captain's hut, laid a train to it, and were just preparing to perpetrate their wickeddesign of blowing up their commander, when they were with difficultydissuaded from it by one who had some bowels and remorse of conscience leftin him. These wretches, after rambling some time in the woods, and findingit impracticable to get off, for they were then convinced that we were notupon the main, as they had imagined when they first left us, but upon anisland within four or five leagues of it, returned and settled about aleague from us; however, they were still determined, as soon as they couldprocure craft fit for their purpose, to get to the main. But before theycould effect this, we found means to prevail upon the armourer and one ofthe carpenter's crew, two very useful men to us, who had imprudently joinedthem, to come over again to their duty. The rest, (one or two excepted)having built a punt, and converted the hull of one of the ship's masts intoa canoe, went away up one of the lagoons, and never were heard of more. CHAPTER III. Unfortunate Death of Mr Cozens. --Improper Conduct of Captain Cheap. --TheIndians join us in a friendly Manner, but depart presently on account ofthe Misconduct of our Men. --Our Number dreadfully reduced by Famine. --Description of the various Contrivances used for procuring Food. --FurtherTransactions. --Departure from the Island. These being a desperate and factious set, did not distress us much by theirdeparture, but rather added to our future security. One in particular, James Mitchell by name, we had all the reason in the world to think hadcommitted no less than two murders since the loss of our ship, one on theperson found strangled on board, another on the body of a man whom wediscovered among some bushes upon Mount Misery, stabbed in several places, and shockingly mangled. This diminution of our number was succeeded by anunfortunate accident much more affecting in its consequences, I mean thedeath of Mr Cozens, midshipman; in relating which with the necessaryimpartiality and exactness, I think myself obliged to be more than ordinaryparticular. Having one day among other things, got a cask of pease out ofthe wreck, about which I was almost constantly employed, I brought it toshore in the yawl, when having landed it, the captain came down upon thebeach, and bid me to go up to some of the tents and order hands to comedown and roll it up; but finding none except Mr Cozens, I delivered him theorders, who immediately came down to the captain, where I left them when Ireturned to the wreck. Upon my coming on shore again, I found that MrCozens was put under confinement by the captain for being drunk and givinghim abusive language; however, he was soon after released. A day or twoafter he had some dispute with the surgeon, and came to blows: all thesethings incensed the captain greatly against him. I believe this unfortunateman was kept warm with liquor, and set on by some ill-designing persons;for, when sober, I never knew a better-natured man, or one moreinoffensive. Some little time after, at the hour of serving provisions, MrCozens was at the store-tent; and having, it seems, lately had a quarrelwith the purser, and now some words arising between them, the latter toldhim he was come to mutiny; and without any further ceremony fired a pistolat his head, which narrowly missed him. The captain, hearing the report ofthe pistol, and perhaps the purser's words, that Cozens was come to mutiny, ran out of his hut with a cocked pistol in his hand, and, without askingany questions, immediately shot him through the head. I was at this time inmy hut, as the weather was extremely bad, but running out upon the alarm ofthis firing, the first thing I saw was Mr Cozens on the ground weltering inhis blood: he was sensible, and took me by the hand, as he did severalothers, shaking his head, as if he meant to take leave of us. If Mr Cozens'behaviour to his captain was indecent and provoking, the captain's, on theother hand, was rash and hasty. If the first was wanting in that respectand observance which is due from a petty officer to his commander, thelatter was still more unadvised in the method he took for the enforcementof his authority; of which, indeed, he was jealous to the last degree, andwhich he saw daily declining, and ready to be trampled upon. His mistakenapprehension of a mutinous design in Mr Cozens, the sole motive of thisrash action, was so far from answering the end he proposed by it, that themen, who before were much dissatisfied and uneasy, were by this unfortunatestep thrown almost into open sedition and revolt. It was evident that thepeople, who ran out of their tents, alarmed by the report of fire-arms, though they disguised their real sentiments for the present, were extremelyaffected at this catastrophe of Mr Cozens, for he was greatly beloved bythem: their minds were now exasperated, and it was to be apprehended, thattheir resentment, which was smothered for the present, would shortly shewitself in some desperate enterprize. The unhappy victim, who lay welteringin his blood on the ground before them, seemed to absorb their wholeattention; the eyes of all were fixed upon him; and visible marks of thedeepest concern appeared in the countenances of the spectators. Thepersuasion the captain was under, at the time he shot Mr Cozens, that hisintentions were mutinous, together with a jealousy of the diminution of hisauthority, occasioned also his behaving with less compassion and tendernesstowards him afterwards than was consistent with the unhappy condition ofthe poor sufferer: for when it was begged as a favour by his mess-mates, that Mr Cozens might be removed to their tent, though a necessary thing inhis dangerous situation, yet it was not permitted; but the poor wretch wassuffered to languish on the ground some days with no other covering than abit of canvas thrown over some bushes, where he died. But to return to ourstory: the captain, addressing himself to the people thus assembled, toldthem, that it was his resolution to maintain his command over them asusual, which still remained in as much force as ever; and then ordered themall to return to their respective tents, with which order they instantlycomplied. Now we had saved our long-boat from the wreck, and got it in ourpossession, there was nothing that seemed so necessary towards theadvancing our delivery from this desolate place as the new-modelling thisvessel, so as to have room for all those who were inclined to go off inher, and to put her in a condition to bear the stormy seas we must ofcourse encounter. We therefore hauled her up, and having placed her uponblocks, sawed her in two, in order to lengthen her about twelve feet by thekeel. For this purpose, all those who could be spared from the moreimmediate task of procuring subsistence, were employed in fitting andshaping timber as the carpenter directed them; I say, in procuringsubsistence, because the weather lately having been very tempestuous, andthe wreck working much, had disgorged a great part of her contents, whichwere every where dispersed about the shore. We now sent frequent parties up the lagoons, which sometimes succeeded ingetting some sea-fowl for us. The Indians appearing again in the offing, weput off our yawl in order to frustrate any design they might have of goingup the lagoon towards the deserters, who would have availed themselves ofsome of their canoes to have got upon the main. Having conducted them in, we found that their intention was to settle among us, for they had broughttheir wives and children with them, in all about fifty persons, whoimmediately set about building themselves wigwams, and seemed muchreconciled to our company; and, could we have entertained them as we ought, they would have been of great assistance to us, who were extremely put toit to subsist ourselves, being a hundred in number; but the men, nowsubject to little or no controul, endeavoured to seduce their wives, whichgave the Indians such offence, that in a short time they found means todepart, taking every thing along with them; and we, being sensible of thecause, never expected to see them return again. The carpenter having madesome progress in his work upon the long-boat, in which he was enabled toproceed tolerably, by the tools and other articles of his businessretrieved from the wreck, the men began to think of the course they shouldtake to get home; or rather, having borrowed Sir John Narborough's voyageof Captain Cheap, by the application of Mr Bulkely, which book he saw mereading one day in my tent, they immediately upon perusing it, concludedupon making their voyage home by the Straits of Magellan. This plan wasproposed to the captain, who by no means approved of it, his design beingto go northwards, with a view of seizing a ship of the enemy's, by whichmeans he might join the commodore: at-present, therefore, here it rested. But the men were in high spirits from the prospect they had of getting offin the long-boat, overlooking all the difficulties and hazards of a voyagealmost impracticable, and caressing the carpenter, who indeed was anexcellent workman, and deserved all the encouragement they could give him. The Indians having left us, and the weather continuing tempestuous andrainy, the distresses of the people for want of food became insupportable. Our number, which was at first 145, was now reduced to 100, and chiefly byfamine, which put the rest upon all shifts and devices to supportthemselves. One day, when I was at home in my hut with my Indian dog, a party came tomy door, and told me their necessities were such, that they must eat thecreature or starve. Though their plea was urgent, I could not help using some arguments toendeavour to dissuade them from killing him, as his faithful services andfondness deserved it at my hands; but, without weighing my arguments, theytook him away by force and killed him; upon which, thinking that I had atleast as good a right to a share as the rest, I sat down with them andpartook of their repast. Three weeks after that I was glad to make a mealof his paws and skin, which, upon recollecting the spot where they hadkilled him, I found thrown aside and rotten. The pressing calls of hungerdrove our men to their wit's end, and put them upon a variety of devices tosatisfy it. Among the ingenious this way, one Phipps, a boatswain's mate, having got a water puncheon, scuttled it; then lashing two logs, one oneach side, set out in quest of adventures in this extraordinary andoriginal piece of embarkation. By this means he would frequently, when allthe rest were starving, provide himself with wild-fowl; and it must havebeen very bad weather indeed which could deter him from putting out to seawhen his occasions required. Sometimes he would venture far out in theoffing, and be absent the whole day; at last, it was his misfortune, at agreat distance from shore, to be overset by a heavy sea, but being near arock, though no swimmer, he managed so as to scramble to it, and with greatdifficulty ascended it: There he remained two days with very little hopesof any relief, for he was too far off to be seen from shore; butfortunately a boat, having put off and gone in quest of wild-fowl that way, discovered him making such signals as he was able, and brought him back tothe island. But this accident did not discourage him, but that soon after, having procured an ox's hide, used on board for sifting powder, and calleda gunner's hide, by the assistance of some hoops he formed something like acanoe, in which he made several successful voyages. When the weather wouldpermit us, we seldom failed of getting some wild-fowl, though never in anyplenty, by putting off with our boats; but this most inhospitable climateis not only deprived of the sun for the most part by a thick, rainyatmosphere, but is also visited by almost incessant tempests. It must beconfessed we reaped some benefit from these hard gales and overgrown seas, which drove several things ashore; but there was no dependence on suchaccidental relief; and we were always alert to avail ourselves of everyinterval of fair weather, though so little to be depended on, that we wereoften unexpectedly and to our peril overtaken by a sudden change. In one ofour excursions, I, with two more, in a wretched punt of our own making, hadno sooner landed at our station upon a high rock, than the punt was drivenloose by a sudden squall; and had not one of the men, at the risk of hislife, jumped into the sea and swam on board her, we must in all probabilityhave perished, for we were more than three leagues from the island at thetime. Among the birds we generally shot, was the painted goose, whoseplumage is variegated with the most lively colours; and a bird much largerthan a goose, which we called the racehorse, from the velocity with whichit moved upon the surface of the water, in a sort of half-flying half-running motion. But we were not so successful in our endeavours by land;for though we sometimes got pretty far into the woods, we met with very fewbirds in our walks. We never saw but three woodcocks, two of which werekilled by Mr Hamilton, and one by myself. These, with some humming-birds, and a large kind of robin red-breast, were the only feathered inhabitantsof this island, excepting a small bird with two very long feathers in histail, which was generally seen amongst the rocks, and was so tame, that Ihave had them rest upon my shoulder whilst I have been gathering shellfish. Indeed, we were visited by many birds of prey, some very large, but theseonly occasionally, and, as we imagined, allured by some dead whale in theneighbourhood, which was once seen. However, if we were so fortunate as tokill one of them, we thought ourselves very well off. In one of my walks, seeing a bird of this latter kind upon an eminence, I endeavoured to comeupon it unperceived with my gun, by means of the woods which lay at theback of that eminence; but when I had proceeded so far in the wood as tothink I was in a line with it, I heard a growling close by me, which mademe think it advisable to retire as soon as possible: The woods were sogloomy I could see nothing; but as I retired, this noise followed me closetill I had got out of them. Some of our men did assure me that they hadseen a very large beast in the woods, but their description of it was tooimperfect to be relied upon. The wood here is chiefly of the aromatic kind;the iron wood, a wood of a very deep red hue, and another, of an exceedingbright yellow. All the low spots are very swampy; but, what we thoughtstrange, upon the summits of the highest hills were found beds of shells, afoot or two thick. The long-boat being nearly finished, some of our company were selected togo out in the barge in order to reconnoitre the coast to the southward, which might assist us in the navigation we were going upon. This partyconsisted of Mr Bulkely, Mr Jones, the purser, myself, and ten men. Thefirst night we put into a good harbour, a few leagues to the southward ofWager's Island, where finding a large bitch big with puppies, we regaledupon them. In this expedition we had our usual bad weather and breakingseas, which were grown to such a height the third day, that we wereobliged, through distress, to push in at the first inlet we saw at hand. This we had no sooner entered, than we were presented with a view of a finebay, in which having secured the barge, we went ashore; but the weatherbeing very rainy, and finding nothing to subsist upon, we pitched a bell-tent, which we had brought with us, in the wood, opposite to where thebarge lay. As this tent was not large enough to contain us all, I proposedto four of the people to go to the end of the bay, about two miles distantfrom the bell-tent, to occupy the skeleton of an old Indian wigwam, which Ihad discovered in a walk that way upon our first landing. This we coveredto windward with sea-weed; and lighting a fire, laid ourselves down, inhopes of finding a remedy for our hunger in sleep; but we had not longcomposed ourselves before one of our company was disturbed by the blowingof some animal at his face, and upon opening his eyes was not a littleastonished to see by the glimmering of the fire, a large beast standingover him. He had presence of mind enough to snatch a brand from the fire, which was now very low, and thrust it at the nose of the animal, whothereupon made off: This done, the man awoke us, and related, with horrorin his countenance, the narrow escape he had of being devoured. But thoughwe were under no small apprehensions of another visit from this animal, yetour fatigue and heaviness was greater than our fears, and we once morecomposed ourselves to rest, and slept the remainder of the night withoutany further disturbance. In the morning, we were not a little anxious toknow how our companions had fared; and this anxiety was increased upontracing the footsteps of the beast in the sand in a direction towards thebell-tent. The impression was deep and plain, of a large round foot wellfurnished with claws. Upon our acquainting the people in the tent with thecircumstances of our story, we found that they too had been visited by thesame unwelcome guest, which they had driven away by much the sameexpedient. We now returned from this cruise, with a strong gale, to Wager's Island, having found it impracticable to make farther discoveries in the barge onso dangerous a coast, and in such heavy seas. Here we soon discovered, bythe quarters of dogs hanging up, that the Indians had brought a freshsupply to our market. Upon enquiry, we found that there had been six canoesof them, who, among other methods of taking fish, had taught their dogs todrive the fish into a corner of some pond or lake, from whence they wereeasily taken out by the skill and address of these savages. The old cabal, during our absence, had been frequently revived; the debates of whichgenerally ended in riot and drunkenness. This cabal was chiefly held in alarge tent, which the people belonging to it had taken some pains to makesnug and convenient, and lined with bales of broad cloth driven from thewreck. Eighteen of the stoutest fellows of the ship's company hadpossession of this tent, from whence were dispatched committees to thecaptain, with the resolutions they had taken with regard to theirdeparture, but oftener for liquor. Their determination was to go in thelong-boat to the southward by the Straits of Magellan; and the point theywere labouring, was to prevail upon the captain to accompany them. Butthough he had fixed upon a quite different plan, which was to go to thenorthward, yet he thought it politic at present seemingly to acquiesce withthem, in order to keep them quiet. When they began to stipulate with him, that he should be under some restrictions in point of command, and shoulddo nothing without consulting his officers, he insisted upon the fullexercise of his authority as before. This broke all measures between them, and they were from this time determined he should go with them whether hewould or no. A better pretence they could not have for effecting thisdesign, than the unfortunate affair of Mr Cozens, which they therefore madeuse of for seizing his person, and putting him under confinement, in orderto bring him to his trial in England. The long-boat was now launched and ready for sailing, and all the menembarked, excepting Captain Pemberton with a party of marines, who drewthem up upon the beach with intent to conduct Captain Cheap on board; buthe was at length persuaded to desist from this resolution by Mr Bulkely. The men too, finding they were straitened for room, and that their stock ofprovision would not admit of their taking supernumeraries aboard, were nowno less strenuous for his enlargement, and being left to his option ofstaying behind. Therefore, after having distributed their share in thereserved stock of provision, which was very small, we departed, leavingCaptain Cheap, Mr Hamilton of the marines, and the surgeon, upon theisland. I had all along been in the dark as to the turn this affair wouldtake; and not in the least suspecting but that it was determined CaptainCheap should be taken with us, readily embarked under that persuasion; butwhen I found that this design, which was so seriously carried on to thelast, was suddenly dropped, I was determined, upon the first opportunity, to leave them, which was at this instant impossible for me to do, the long-boat lying at some distance off shore at anchor. We were in all eighty-one when we left the island, distributed into thelong-boat, cutter, and barge; fifty-nine on board the first, twelve in thesecond, in the last ten. It was our purpose to put into some harbour, ifpossible, every evening, as we were in no condition to keep those terribleseas long; for without other assistance, our stock of provisions was nomore than might have been consumed in a few days; our water was chieflycontained in a few powder-barrels; our flour was to be lengthened out by amixture of sea-weed; and our other supplies depended upon the success ofour guns and industry among the rocks. Captain Pemberton having brought onboard his men, we weighed, but by a sudden squall of wind having split ourforesail, we with difficulty cleared the rocks by means of our boats, boreaway for a sandy bay on the south side of the lagoon, and anchored in tenfathom. The next morning we got under weigh, but it blowing hard at W. ByN. With a great swell, put into a small bay again, well sheltered by aledge of rocks without us. At this time it was thought necessary to sendthe barge away back to Cheap's bay for some spare canvas, which wasimagined would be soon wanted. I thought this a good opportunity ofreturning, and therefore made one with those who went upon this business inthe barge. We were no sooner clear of the long-boat, than all of those inthe boat with me declared they had the same intention. When we arrived at the island, we were extremely welcome to Captain Cheap. The next day, I asked him leave to try if I could prevail upon those in thelong-boat to give us our share of provisions: this he granted; but said, ifwe went in the barge they would certainly take her from us. I told him mydesign was to walk it, and only desired the boat might land me upon themain, and wait for me till I came back. I had the most dreadful journey ofit imaginable, through thick woods and swamps all the way; but I might aswell have spared myself that trouble, as it was to no manner of purpose, for they would not give me, nor any one of us that left them, a singleounce of provisions of any kind, I therefore returned, and after that madea second attempt, but all in vain. They even threatened, if we did notreturn with the barge, they would fetch her by force. It is impossible toconceive the distressed situation we were now in at the time of the long-boat's departure. I don't mention this event as the occasion of it; bywhich, if we who were left on the island experienced any alteration at all, it was for the better, and which, in all probability, had it been deferred, might have been fatal to the greatest part of us; but at this time thesubsistence on which we had hitherto depended chiefly, which was the shell-fish, were every where along shore eat up; and as to stock saved from thewreck, it may be guessed what the amount of that might be, when the shareallotted to the captain, Lieutenant Hamilton, and the surgeon, was no morethan six pieces of beef, as many of pork, and ninety pounds of flour. As tomyself and those that left the long-boat, it was the least revenge theythought they could take of us to withhold our provision from us, though atthe same time it was hard and unjust. For a day or two after our returnthere was some little pittance dealt out to us, yet it was upon the foot offavour; and we were soon left to our usual industry for a farther supply. This was now exerted to very little purpose, for the reason beforeassigned; to which may be added, the wreck was now blown up, all her upperworks gone, and no hopes of any valuable driftage from her for the future. A weed called slaugh, fried in the tallow of some candles we had saved, andwild sellery, were our only fare, by which our strengths was so muchimpaired, that we could scarcely crawl. It was my misfortune too to labourunder a severe flux, by which, I was reduced to a very feeble state; sothat, in attempting to traverse the rocks in search of shell-fish, I fellfrom one into very deep water, and with difficulty saved my life byswimming. As the captain was now freed, by the departure of the long-boat, from theriotous applications, menaces, and disturbance of an unruly crew, and leftat liberty to follow the plan he had resolved upon, of going northward, hebegan to think seriously of putting it in execution, in order to which, amessage was sent to the deserters, who had seated themselves on the otherside of the neighbouring lagoon, to sound them, whether they were inclinedto join the captain in his undertaking, and if they were, to bring themover to him. For this set, the party gone off in the long-boat had left anhalf-allowance proportion of the common stock of provision. These men, uponthe proposal, readily agreed to join their commander; and being conductedto him, increased our number to twenty. The boats which remained in ourpossession to carry off all these people were only the barge and yawl, twovery crazy bottoms; the broadside of the last was entirely out, and thefirst had suffered much in a variety of bad weather she had gone through, and was much out of repair. And now our carpenter was gone from us, we hadno remedy for these misfortunes but the little skill we had gained fromhim. However, we made tolerable shift to patch up the boats for ourpurpose. In the height of our distresses, when hunger, which seems toinclude and absorb all others, was most prevailing, we were cheered withthe appearance once more of our friendly Indians, as we thought, from whomwe hoped for some relief; but as the consideration was wanting for whichalone they would part with their commodities, we were not at all benefitedby their stay, which was very short. The little reserve too of flour madeby the captain for our sea-stock when we should leave the island, was nowdiminished by theft: the thieves, who were three of our men, were howeversoon discovered, and two of them apprehended, but the third made his escapeto the woods. Considering the pressing state of our necessities, this theftwas looked upon as a most heinous crime, and therefore required anextraordinary punishment: accordingly, the captain ordered thesedelinquents to be severely whipped, and then to be banished to an island atsome distance from us; but before this latter part of the sentence could beput in execution, one of them fled, but the other was put alone upon abarren island, which afforded not the least shelter: however, we, incompassion, and contrary to order, patched him up a bit of a hut andkindled him a fire, and then left the poor wretch to shift for himself. Intwo or three days after, going to the island in our boat with some littlerefreshment, such as our miserable circumstances would admit of, and withan intent of bringing him back, we found him dead and stiff. I was nowreduced to the lowest condition by my illness, which was increased by thevile stuff I eat, when we were favoured by a fair day, a thing veryextraordinary in this climate. We instantly took the advantage of it, andonce more visited the last remains of the wreck, her bottom. Here our painswere repaid with the great good fortune of hooking up three casks of beef, which were brought safe to shore. This providential supply could not havehappened at a more seasonable time than now, when we were afflicted withthe greatest dearth we had ever experienced, and the little strength we hadremaining was to be exerted in our endeavours to leave the island. Accordingly we soon found a remedy for our sickness, which was nothing butthe effects of famine, and were greatly restored by food. The provision wasequally distributed among us all, and served us for the remainder of ourstay here. We began to grow extremely impatient to leave the island, as the days werenow nearly at their longest, and about Midsummer in these parts; but as tothe weather, there seems to be little difference in a difference ofseasons. Accordingly, on the 15th of December, the day being tolerable, wetold Captain Cheap we thought it a fine opportunity to run across the bay. But he first desired two or three of us to accompany him to our place ofobservation, the top of Mount Misery, when, looking through hisperspective, he observed to us that the sea ran very high without. However, this had no weight with the people, who were desirous, at all events, to begone. I should here observe, that Captain Cheap's plan was, if possible, toget to the island of Chiloe, and if we found any vessel there, to board herimmediately and cut her out. This he might certainly have done with ease, had it been his good fortune to get round with the boats. We now launched both boats, and got every thing on board of them as quickas possible. Captain Cheap, the surgeon, and myself, were in the barge withnine men, and, Lieutenant Hamilton and Mr Campbell in the yawl with six. Isteered the barge, and Mr Campbell the yawl; but we had not been two hoursat sea before the wind shifted more to the westward and began to blow veryhard, and the sea ran extremely high, so that we could no longer keep ourheads towards the cape or headland we had designed for. This cape we hadhad a view of, in one of the intervals of fair weather during our abode onthe island, from Mount Misery; and it seemed to be distant between twentyand thirty leagues from us. We were now obliged to bear away right beforethe wind. Though the yawl was not far from us, we could see nothing of her, except now and then upon the top of a mountainous sea. In both the boatsthe men were obliged to sit as close as possible, to receive the seas ontheir backs, to prevent their filling us, which was what we every momentexpected. We were obliged to throw every thing overboard to lighten theboats, all our beef, and even the grapnel, to prevent sinking. Night wascoming on, and we were running on a lee-shore fast, where the sea broke ina frightful manner. Not one amongst us imagined it possible for boats tolive in such a sea. In this situation, as we neared the shore, expecting tobe beat to pieces by the first breaker, we perceived a small openingbetween the rocks, which we stood for, and found a very narrow passagebetween them, which brought us into a harbour for the boats, as calm andsmooth as a mill-pond. The yawl had got in before us, and our joy was greatat meeting again after so unexpected a deliverance. Here we secured theboats, and ascended a rock. It rained excessively hard all the first part of the night, and wasextremely cold; and though we had not a dry thread about us, and no woodcould be found for firing, we were obliged to pass the night in thatuncomfortable situation, without any covering, shivering in our wetclothes. The frost coming on with the morning, it was impossible for any ofus to get a moment's sleep; and having flung overboard our provision theday before, there being no prospect of finding any thing to eat on thiscoast, in the morning we pulled out of the cove, but found so great a seawithout, that we could make but little of it. After tugging all day, towards night we put in among some small islands, landed upon one of them, and found it a mere swamp. As the weather was the same, we passed thisnight much as we had done the preceding; sea-tangle was all we could get toeat at first, but the next day we had better luck; the surgeon got a goose, and we found materials for a good fire. We were confined here three or four days, the weather all that time provingso bad that we could not put out. As soon as it grew moderate, we left thisplace and shaped our course to the northward; and perceiving a largeopening between very high land and a low point, we steered for it, and whengot that length, found a large bay, down which we rowed, flatteringourselves there might be a passage that way; but towards night we came tothe bottom of the bay, and finding no outlet, we were obliged to return thesame way we came, having found nothing the whole day to alleviate ourhunger. CHAPTER IV. Occurrences on our Voyage. --We encounter bad Weather and various Dangersand Distresses. --Leave a Part of our Crew behind on a desert Shore. --Astrange Cemetry discovered. --Narrow Escape from Wreck. --Return to MountMisery. --We are visited by a Chanos Indian Cacique, who talks Spanish, withwhom we again take our Departure from the Island. Next night we put into a little cove, which, from the great quantity of redwood found there, we called Red-wood Cove. Leaving this place in themorning, we had the wind southerly, blowing fresh, by which we made muchway that day to the northward. Towards evening we were in with a prettylarge island. Putting ashore on it, we found it clothed with the finesttrees we had ever seen, their stems running up to a prodigious height, without knot or branch, and as straight as cedars; the leaf of these treesresembles the myrtle leaf, only somewhat larger. I have seen trees largerthan these in circumference on the coast of Guinea, and there only; but fora length of stem, which gradually tapered, I have no where met with any tocompare to them. The wood was of a hard substance, and if not too heavy, would have made good masts; the dimensions of some of these trees beingequal to a main-mast of a first-rate man of war. The shore was covered withdrift wood of a very large size, most of it cedar, which makes a briskfire; but is so subject to snap and fly, that when we waked in the morning, after a sound sleep, we found our clothes singed in many places with thesparks, and covered with splinters. The next morning being calm, we rowed out, but as soon as clear of theisland, we found a great swell from the westward; we rowed to the bottom ofa very large bay which was to the northward of us, the land very low, andwe were in hopes of finding some inlet through, but did not, so kept alongshore to the westward. This part, which I take to be above fifty leaguesfrom Wager Island, is the very bottom of the large bay it lies in. Here wasthe only passage to be found, which, if we could by any means have gotinformation of it, would have saved us much fruitless labour. Of thispassage I shall have occasion to say more hereafter. Having at this time an off-shore wind, we kept the wind close on board tillwe came to a head-land: it was near night before we got abreast of thehead-land, and opening it discovered a very large bay to the northward, andanother head-land to the westward, at a great distance. We endeavoured tocut short our passage to it by crossing, which is very seldom to beeffected in these overgrown seas by boats; and this we experienced now, forthe wind springing up, and beginning to blow fresh, we were obliged to putback towards the first head-land, into a small cove, just big enough toshelter the two boats. Here an accident happened that alarmed us much. After securing our boats, we climbed up a rock scarcely large enough tocontain our numbers: having nothing to eat, we betook ourselves to ourusual receipt for hunger, which was going to sleep. We accordingly made afire, and stowed ourselves round it as well as we could, but two of our menbeing incommoded for want of room, went a little way from us into a smallnook, over which a great cliff hung, and served them for a canopy. In the middle of the night we were awakened with a terrible rambling, whichwe apprehended to be nothing less than the shock of an earthquake, which wehad before experienced in these parts; and this conjecture we had reason tothink not ill founded, upon hearing hollow groans and cries as of men halfswallowed up. We immediately got up, and ran to the place from whence thecries came, and then we were put out of all doubt as to the opinion we hadformed of this accident, for here we found the two men almost buried underloose stones and earth; but upon a little farther enquiry, we wereundeceived as to the cause we had imputed this noise to, which we found tobe occasioned by the sudden giving way of the impending cliff, which fell alittle beyond our people, carrying trees and rocks with it and loose earth, the latter of which fell in part on our men, whom we with some painsrescued from their uneasy situation, from which they escaped with somebruises. The next morning we got out early, and the wind being westerly, rowed thewhole day for the head-land we had seen the night before; but when we hadgot that length, could find no harbour, but were obliged to go into a sandybay, and lay the whole night upon our oars, and a most dreadful one itproved, blowing and raining very hard. Here we were so pinched with hunger, that we eat the shoes off our feet, which consisted of raw seal-skin. Inthe morning we got out of the bay, but the incessant foul weather hadovercome us, and we began to be indifferent as to what befel us; and theboats in the night making into a bay, we nearly lost the yawl, a breakerhaving filled her and driven her ashore upon the beach. This, by some ofour accounts, was Christmas-day; but our accounts had so often beeninterrupted by our distresses, that there was no depending upon them. Uponseeing the yawl in this imminent danger, the barge stood off and went intoanother bay to the northward of it, where it was smoother lying; but therewas no possibility of getting on shore. In the night the yawl joined usagain. The next day was so bad, that we despaired reaching the head-land, so roweddown the bay in hopes of getting some seal, as that animal had been seenthe day before, but met with no success; so returned to the same bay we hadbeen in the night before, where the surf having abated somewhat, we wentashore and picked up a few shell-fish. In the morning we got on boardearly, and ran along shore to the westward for about three leagues, inorder to get round a cape, which was the westernmost land we could see. Itblew very hard, and there ran such a sea, that we heartily wished ourselvesback again, and accordingly made the best of our way for that bay which wehad left in the morning; but before we could reach it night came on, and wepassed a most dismal one, lying upon our oars. The weather continuing very bad, we put in for the shore in the morning, where we found nothing but tangle and sea-weed. We now passed some daysroving about for provisions, as the weather was too bad to make anotherattempt to get round the cape as yet. We found some fine lagoons towardsthe head of the bay, and in them killed some seal, and got a good quantityof shell-fish, which was a great relief to us. We now made a second attemptto double the cape; but when we got the length of it, and passed the firsthead-land, for it consists of three of an equal height, we got into a seathat was horrid, for it ran all in heaps like the Race of Portland, butmuch worse. We were happy to put back to the old place, with little hopesof ever getting round this cape. Next day, the weather proving very bad, all hands went ashore to procuresome sustenance, except two in each boat, which were left as boat-keepers:this office we took by turns, and it was now my lot to be upon this dutywith another man. The yawl lay within us at a grapnel; in the night it blewvery hard, and a great sea tumbled in upon the shore; but being extremelyfatigued, we in the boats went to sleep: notwithstanding, however, I was atlast awakened by the uncommon motion of the boat, and the roaring of thebreakers every where about us. At the same time I heard a shrieking, liketo that of persons in distress; I looked out, and saw the yawl cantedbottom upwards by a sea, and soon afterwards disappeared. One of our men, whose name was William Rose, a quarter-master, was drowned; the other wasthrown ashore by the surf, with his head buried in the sand, but by theimmediate assistance of the people on shore, was saved. As for us in thebarge, we expected the same fate every moment, for the sea broke a long waywithout us. However, we got her head to it, and hove up our grapnel, orshould rather say kellick, which we had made to serve in the room of ourgrapnel, hove overboard some time before to lighten the boat. By this meanswe used our utmost efforts to pull her without the breakers some way, andthen let go our kellick again. Here we lay all the next day in a great sea, not knowing what would be our fate. To add to our mortification, we couldsee our companions in tolerable plight ashore, eating seal, while we werestarving with hunger and cold. For this month past we had not known what itwas to have a dry thread about us. The next day being something more moderate, we ventured in with the bargeas near as we could to the shore, and our companions threw us some sealsliver, which having eat greedily, we were seized with excessive sickness, which affected us so much that our skin peeled off from, head to foot. Whilst the people were on shore here, Mr Hamilton met with a large seal orsea-lion, and fired a brace of balls into him, upon which the animal turnedupon him open-mouthed; but presently fixing his bayonet, he thrust it downits throat, with, a good part of the barrel of the gun, which the creaturebit in two seemingly with as much ease as if it had been a twig. Notwithstanding the wounds it received, it eluded all farther efforts tokill it, and got clear off. I call this animal a large seal or sea-lion, because it resembles a seal inmany particulars; but then it exceeds it so much in size, as to besufficiently determined, by that distinction only, to be of anotherspecies. Mr Walter, in Lord Anson's voyage, has given a particulardescription of those which are seen about Juan Fernandes; but they have inother climates different appearances as well as different qualities, as wehad occasion to observe in this and a late voyage I made. However, as somuch already has been said of the sea-lion, I shall only mention twopeculiarities, one relative to its appearance, and the other to itsproperties of action, which distinguish it from those described by him. Those I saw were without that snout or trunk hanging below the end of theupper jaw; but then the males were furnished with a large shaggy mane, which gave them a most formidable appearance. And, whereas, he says thosehe saw were unwieldy and easily destroyed, we found some, on the contrary, that lay at a mile's distance from the water, which came down upon us whendisturbed with such impetuosity, that it was as much as we could do to getout of their way; and, when attacked, would turn upon us with, greatagility. Having lost the yawl, and being too many for the barge to carry off, wewere compelled to leave four of our men behind. They were all marines, whoseemed to have no great objection to the determination made with regard tothem, so exceedingly disheartened and worn out were they with thedistresses and dangers they had already gone through. And, indeed, Ibelieve it would have been a matter of indifference to the greatest part ofthe rest, whether they should embark or take their chance. The captaindistributed to these poor fellows arms and ammunition, and some othernecessaries. When we parted, they stood upon the beach, giving us threecheers, and called out, God bless the King! We saw them a little aftersetting out upon their forlorn hope, and helping one another over a hideoustract of rocks; but considering the difficulties attending this only way oftravelling left them, for the woods are impracticable, from their thicknessand the deep swamps every where to be met in them; considering too that thecoast here is rendered so inhospitable by the heavy seas that areconstantly tumbling upon it, as not to afford even a little shell-fish, itis probable that all met with a miserable end. We rowed along shore to the westward in order to make one more attempt todouble the cape; when abreast of the first head-land, there ran such a seathat we expected every moment the boat would go down. But as thepreservation of life had now in a great measure lost its actuatingprinciple upon us, we still kept pushing through it, till we opened a bayto the northward. In all my life I never saw so dreadful a sea as drove inhere; it began to break at more than half a mile from the shore. Perceivingnow that it was impossible for any boat to get round, the men lay upontheir oars till the boat was very near the breakers, the mountainous swellthat then ran heaving her in at a great rate. I thought it was theirintention to put an end to their lives and misery at once, but nobody spokefor some time. At last Captain Cheap told them they must either perishimmediately, or pull stoutly for it to get off the shore, but they might doas they pleased. They chose, however, to exert themselves a little, andafter infinite difficulty got round the head-land again, giving up allthoughts of making any further attempt to double the cape. It was nightbefore we could get back to the bay, where we were compelled to leave fourof our men, in order to save, if possible, the remainder; for we must allhave certainly perished, if more than sixteen had been crowded into sosmall a boat: this bay we named Marine Bay. When we had returned to thisbay, we found the surf ran so high, that we were obliged to lay upon ouroars all night; and it was now resolved to go back to Wager's island, thereto linger out a miserable life, as we had not the least prospect ofreturning home. But before we set out, in consequence of this resolution, it was necessary, if possible, to get some little stock of seal to support us in a passage, upon which, whenever we might put in, we were not likely to meet with anysupply. Accordingly, it was determined to go up that lagoon, in which, wehad before got some seal, to provide ourselves with some more, but we didnot leave the bay till we had made some search after the unhappy marines wehad left on shore. Could we have found them, we had now agreed to take themon board again, though it would have been the certain destruction of usall. This, at another time, would have been mere madness; but we were nowresigned to our fate, which we none of us thought far off; however, therewas nothing to be seen of them, and no traces but a musket on the beach. Upon returning up the lagoon, we were so fortunate as to kill some seal, which we boiled and laid in the boat for sea-stock. While we were rangingalong shore in detached parties in quest of this and whatever other eatablemight come in our way, our surgeon, who was then by himself, discovered apretty large hole, which seemed to lead to some den or repository withinthe rocks. It was not so rude or natural, but that there were some signs ofits having been cleared and made more accessible by industry. The surgeonfor some time hesitated whether he should venture in, from his uncertaintyas to the reception he might meet with from any inhabitant; but hiscuriosity getting the better of his fears, he determined to go in, which hedid upon his hands and knees, as the passage was too low for him to enterotherwise. After having proceeded a considerable way thus, he arrived at a spaciouschamber, but whether hollowed out by hands, or natural, he could not bepositive. The light into this chamber was conveyed through a hole at thetop; in the midst was a kind of bier, made of sticks laid crossways, supported by props of about five feet in height. Upon this bier five or sixbodies were extended, which, in appearance, had been deposited there a longtime, but had suffered no decay or diminution. They were without covering, and the flesh of their bodies was become perfectly dry and hard, whichwhether done by any art or secret the savages may be possessed of, oroccasioned by any drying virtue in the air of the cave, could not beguessed. Indeed, the surgeon finding nothing there to eat, which was hischief inducement for his creeping into this hole, did not amuse himselfwith long disquisitions, or make that accurate examination which he wouldhave done at another time; but crawling out as he came in, he went and toldthe first he met of what he had seen. Some had the curiosity to go inlikewise. I had forgot to mention that there was another range of bodies deposited inthe same manner upon another platform under the bier. Probably this was theburial-place of their great men called Caciques; but from whence they couldbe brought we were utterly at a loss to conceive, there being no traces ofany Indian settlement hereabout. We had seen no savages since we left theisland, or observed any marks in the coves or bays to the northward wherewe had touched, such as of fire-places or old wig-wams, which they neverfail of leaving behind them; and it is very probable, from the violent seasthat are always beating upon this coast, its deformed aspect, and the veryswampy soil that every where borders upon it, that it is little frequented. We now crossed the first bay for the head-land we left on Christmas-day, much dejected; for under our former sufferings we were in some measuresupported with the hopes, that as we advanced, however little, they were somuch the nearer their termination; but now our prospect was dismal anddispiriting indeed, as we had the same difficulties and dangers toencounter, not only without any flattering views to lessen them, but underthe aggravating circumstance of their leading to an inevitable andmiserable death; for we could not possibly conceive that the fate ofstarving could be avoided by any human means, upon, that desolate island wewere returning to. The shell-fish, which was the only subsistence thatisland had hitherto afforded in any measure, was exhausted; and the Indianshad shewn themselves so little affected by the common incitements ofcompassion, that we had no hopes to build upon any impressions of that sortin them. They had already refused to barter their dogs with us, for want ofa valuable commodity on our side; so that it is wonderful we did not giveourselves up to despondency, and lay aside all farther attempts; but wewere supported by that invisible Power, who can make the most untowardcircumstances subservient to his gracious purposes. At this time our usual bad weather attended us; the night too set in longbefore we could reach the cove we before had taken shelter in, so that wewere obliged to keep the boat's head to the sea all night, the sea everywhere astern of us running over hideous breakers. In the morning, wedesigned standing over for that island in which we had observed thosestrait and lofty trees before-mentioned, and which Captain Cheap namedMontrose Island; but as soon as we opened the head-land to the westward ofus, a sudden squall took the boat, and very near overset her. We wereinstantly full of water; but by baling with our hats and hands, and anything that would hold water, we with difficulty freed her. Under thisalarming circumstance, we found it advisable to return back and put in tothe cove which the night before we were prevented getting into. We weredetained here two or three days by exceeding bad weather, so that had wenot fortunately provided ourselves with some seal, we must have starved, for this place afforded us nothing. At length we reached Montrose Island. This is by much the best andpleasantest spot we had seen in this part of the world, though it hasnothing on it eatable but some berries, which resemble goose-berries inflavour: they are of a black hue, and grow in swampy ground; and the bushor tree that bears them, is much taller than that of our goose berries. Weremained here some time, living upon these berries and the remainder of ourseal, which was now grown quite rotten. Our two or three first attempts toput out from this island were without success, the tempestuous weatherobliging us to put back again. One of our people was much inclined toremain here, thinking it at least as good a place as Wager's Island to endhis days upon; but he was obliged by the rest to go off with them. We hadnot been long out before it began to blow a storm of wind; and the mistcame on so thick, that we could not see the land, and were at a loss whichway to steer; but we heard the sea, which ran exceedingly high, breakingnear us, upon which we immediately hauled aft the sheet, and hardlyweathered the breakers by a boat's length. At the same time we shipped asea that nearly filled us; it struck us with that violence as to throw meand one or two more down into the bottom of the boat, where we were halfdrowned before we could get up again. This was one of the mostextraordinary escapes we had in the course of this expedition; for CaptainCheap and every one else had entirely given themselves up for lost. However, it pleased God that we got that evening into Red-wood Cove, wherethe weather continued so bad all night we could keep no fire in to dryourselves with; but there being no other alternative for us but to stayhere and starve, or put to sea again, we chose the latter, and put out inthe morning again, though the weather was very little mended. In three or four days after, we arrived at our old station, Wager's Island, but in such a miserable plight, that though we thought our condition uponsetting out would not admit of any additional circumstance of misery, yetit was to be envied in comparison of what we now suffered, so worn andreduced were we by fatigue and hunger, having eat nothing for some days butsea-weed and tangle. Upon this expedition, we had been out, by our account, just two months; in which we had rounded, backwards and forwards, the greatbay formed to the northward by that high land we had observed from MountMisery. The first thing we did upon our arrival was to secure the barge, as thiswas our sole dependence for any relief that might offer by sea; which done, we repaired to our huts, which formed a kind of village or street, consisting of several irregular habitations, some of which being covered bya kind of brush-wood thatch, afforded tolerable shelter against theinclemency of the weather. Among these, there was one which we observedwith some surprise to be nailed up. We broke it open, and found some iron-work, picked out with much pains from those pieces of the wreck which, weredriven ashore. We concluded from hence, that the Indians who had been herein our absence were not of that tribe with which we had some commercebefore, who seemed to set no value upon iron, but from some other quarter;and must have had communication with the Spaniards, from whom they hadlearned the value and use of that commodity. Thieving from strangers is a commendable talent among savages in general, and bespeaks an address which they much admire; though the strictesthonesty with regard to the property of each other is observed among them. There is no doubt but they ransacked all our houses, but the men had takencare before they went off in the long-boat to strip them of their mostvaluable furniture, that is, the bales of cloth used for lining, andconverted them into trowsers and watch-coats. Upon farther search, wefound, thrown aside in the bushes at the back of one of the huts, somepieces of seal in a very putrid condition, which, however, our stomachswere far from loathing. The next business which the people set about veryseriously, was to proceed to Mount Misery, and bury the corpse of themurdered person mentioned to have been discovered there some little timeafter our being cast away; for to the neglect of this necessary tribute tothat unfortunate person the men assigned all their ill success upon thelate expedition. That common people in general are addicted to superstitious conceits, is anobservation founded on experience, and the reason is evident; but I cannotallow that common seamen are more so than others of the lower class. In themost enlightened ages of antiquity, we find it to have been the popularopinion, that the spirits of the dead were not at rest till their bodieswere interred; and that they did not cease to haunt and trouble those whohad neglected this duty to the departed. This is still believed by thevulgar in most countries; and in our men this persuasion was muchheightened by the melancholy condition they were reduced to, and wasfarther confirmed by an occurrence which happened some little time beforewe went upon our last expedition. One night we were alarmed with a strangecry, which resembled that of a man drowning. Many of us ran out of our hutstowards the place from whence the noise proceeded, which was not far offshore, where we could perceive, but not distinctly, (for it was thenmoonlight) an appearance like that of a man swimming half out of water. Thenoise that this creature uttered was so unlike that of any animal they hadheard before, that it made a great impression upon the men; and theyfrequently recalled this apparition at the time of their distresses, withreflections on the neglect of the office they were now fulfilling. We were soon driven again to the greatest straits for want of something tosubsist upon, by the extreme bad weather that now set in upon us. Wildsellery was all we could procure, which raked our stomachs instead ofassuaging our hunger. That dreadful and last resource of men, in not muchworse circumstances than ours, of consigning one man to death for thesupport of the rest, began to be mentioned in whispers; and indeed therewere some among as who, by eating what they found raw, were become littlebetter than cannibals. But fortunately for us, and opportunely to preventthis horrid proceeding, Mr Hamilton at this time found some rotten piecesof beef cast up by the sea at some miles distance from the huts, which he, though a temptation which few would have resisted in parallelcircumstances, scorned to conceal from the rest, but generously distributedamong us. A few days after, the mystery of the nailing up of the hut, and what hadbeen doing by the Indians upon the island in our absence, was partlyexplained to us; for about the 15th day after our return, there came aparty of Indians to the island in two canoes, who were not a littlesurprised to find us here again. Among these, was an Indian of the tribe ofthe Chonos, who live in the neighbourhood of Chiloe. [117] He talked theSpanish language, but with that savage accent which renders it almostunintelligible to any but those who are adepts in that language. He waslikewise a cacique, or leading man of his tribe, which authority wasconfirmed to him by the Spaniards; for he carried the usual badge and markof distinction by which the Spaniards and their dependants hold theirmilitary and civil employments, which is a stick with a silver head. Thesebadges, of which the Indians are very vain, at once serve to retain thecacique in the strongest attachment to the Spanish government, and give himgreater weight with his own dependants: yet, withal, he is the merestslave, and has not one thing he can call his own. This report of our shipwreck (as we supposed) having reached the Chonos, bymeans of the intermediate tribes, which handed it to one another from thoseIndians who first visited us, this cacique was either sent to learn thetruth of the rumour, or, having first got the intelligence, set out with aview of making some advantage of the wreck, and appropriating such iron-work as he could gather from it to his own use; for that metal is becomevery valuable to those savages, since their commerce with the Spaniards hastaught them to apply it to several purposes. But as the secreting any thingfrom a rapacious Spanish rey or governor (even an old rusty nail) by any oftheir Indian dependants, is a very dangerous offence, he was careful toconceal the little prize he had made till he could conveniently carry itaway; for in order to make friends of these savages, we had left theirhoard untouched. Our surgeon, Mr Elliot, being master of a few Spanish words, made himselfso far understood by the cacique, as to let him know that our intention wasto reach some of the Spanish settlements if we could; that we wereunacquainted with the best and safest way, and what track was most likelyto afford us subsistence in our journey; promising, if he would undertaketo conduct us in the barge, he should have it and every thing in it for histrouble as soon as it had served our present occasions. To these conditionsthe cacique, after much persuasion, at length agreed. Accordingly, havingmade the best preparation we could, we embarked on board the barge to thenumber of fifteen, including the cacique, whose name was Martin, and hisservant Emanuel. We were, indeed, sixteen when we returned from our lastfruitless attempt to get off the island, but we had buried two since that, who perished with hunger; and a marine, having committed theft, ran away toavoid the punishment his crime deserved, and hid himself in the woods, since which he was never heard of. We now put off, accompanied with the twoIndian canoes, in one of which was a savage with his two wives, who had anair of dignity superior to the rest, and was handsome in his person. He hadhis hut, during his stay with us, separate from the other Indians, whoseemed to pay him extraordinary respect; but in two or three nights, theseIndians, being independent of the Spaniards, and living somewhere to thesouthward of our Chonos guide, left us to proceed on our journey byourselves. The first night we lay at an island destitute of all refreshment, wherehaving found some shelter for our boat and made ourselves a fire, we sleptby it. The next night we were more unfortunate, though our wants wereincreasing, for, having run to the westward of Montrose Island, we found noshelter for the barge, but were under the necessity of lying upon our oars, suffering the most extreme pangs of hunger. The next day brought us to thebottom of a great bay, where the Indian guide had left his family, a wifeand two children, in a hut. Here we staid two or three days, during whichwe were constantly employed in ranging along shore in quest of shell-fish. [117] Chiloe is an island on the western coast of America, situated in 42° 40 of S. Latitude, and the southernmost settlement under the Spanish jurisdiction on that coast. CHAPTER V. Navigation of the River. --One of our Men dies from Fatigue. --Inhumanity ofthe Captain. --Description of our Passage through a horrible and desolateCountry. --Our Conductor leaves us, and a Party of our Men desert with theBoat. --Dreadful Situation of the Remainder. --The Cacique returns. --Accountof our Journey Overland. --Kindness of two Indian Women. --Description of theIndian Mode of Fishing. --Cruel Treatment of my Indian Benefactress by herHusband. We now again proceeded on our voyage, having received on board the familyof our guide, who conducted us to a river, the stream of which was sorapid, that, after our almost efforts from morning to evening, we gainedlittle upon the current, and at last were obliged to desist from ourattempt, and return. I had hitherto steered the boat, but one of our mensinking under the fatigue, expired soon after, which obliged me to take theoar in his room, and row against this heart-breaking stream. Whilst I wasthus employed, one of our men, whose name was John Bosman, though hithertothe stoutest man among us, fell from his seat under the thwarts, complaining that his strength was quite exhausted for want of food, andthat he should die very shortly. As he lay in this condition, he wouldevery now and then break out in the most pathetic wishes for some littlesustenance, that two or three monthfuls might be the means of saving hislife. The captain at this time had a large piece of boiled seal by him, andwas the only one that was provided with any thing like a meal; but we werebecome so hardened against the impressions of others sufferings by our own, so familiarized to scenes of this and every other kind of misery, that thepoor man's dying entreaties were vain. I sat next to him when he dropped, and having a few dried shell-fish (about five or six) in my pocket, fromtime to time put one in his mouth, which served only to prolong his pains;from which, however, soon after my little supply failed, he was released bydeath. For this, and another man I mentioned a little before to haveexpired under the like circumstances, when we returned from thisunsuccessful enterprize, we made a grave in the sands. It would have redounded greatly to the tenderness and humanity of CaptainCheap, if at this time he had remitted somewhat of that attention he shewedto self-preservation, which is hardly allowable but where the consequenceof relieving others must be immediately and manifestly fatal to ourselves;but I would venture to affirm, that in these last affecting exigencies, aswell as some others, a sparing perhaps adequate to the emergency, mighthave been admitted consistently with a due regard to his own necessities. The captain had better opportunities of recruiting his stock than any ofus; for his rank was considered by the Indians a reason for supplying himwhen he would not find a bit for us. Upon the evening of the day in whichthese disasters happened, the captain producing a large piece of boiledseal, suffered no one to partake with him but the surgeon, who was the onlyman in favour at this time. We did not expect, indeed, any relief from himin our present condition, for we had a few small mussels and herbs to eat;but the men could not help expressing the greatest indignation at hisneglect of the deceased, saying, that he deserved to be deserted by therest for his savage behaviour. The endeavouring to pass up this river was for us, who had so longstruggled with hunger, a most unseasonable attempt, by which we wereharassed to a degree that threatened to be fatal to more of us; but ourguide, without any respect to the condition our hardships had reduced usto, was very solicitous for us to go that way, which possibly he had gonebefore in light canoes, but for such a boat as ours, was impracticable. Weconceived, therefore, at that time, that this was some short cut, which wasto bring us forward in our voyage; but we had reason to think afterwards, that the greater probability there was of his getting the barge, which wasthe wages of his undertaking, safe to his settlement by this, rather thananother course, was his motive for preferring it to the way we tookafterwards, where there was a carrying place of considerable length, overwhich it would have been impossible to have carried our boat. The country hereabouts wears the most uncouth, desolate, and rugged aspectimaginable; it is so circumstanced as to discourage the most sanguineadventurers from attempts to settle in it: Were it for no other reason thanthe constant heavy rains, or rather torrents, which pour down here, and thevast sea and surf which the prevailing westerly winds impel upon thiscoast, it must be rendered inhospitable. All entrance into the woods is notonly extremely difficult, but hazardous, not from any assaults you arelikely to meet with from wild beasts, for even these could hardly findconvenient harbour here, but from the deep swamp, which is the reigningsoil of this country, and in which the woods may be said rather to floatthan grow; so that, except upon a range of deformed broken rocks which formthe sea-coast, the traveller cannot find sound footing any where. With thisunpromising scene before us we were now setting out in search of food, which nothing but the most pressing instances of hunger could induce us todo: We had, indeed, the young Indian servant to our cacique for ourconductor, who was left by him to show us where the shell-fish was mostplenty. The cacique was gone with the rest of his family in the canoe, witha view of getting some seal, upon a trip which would detain him from usthree or four days. After searching the coast some time with very little success, we began tothink of returning to the barge; but six of the men, with the Indian, having advanced some few paces before the officers, got into the boatfirst, which they had no sooner done than they put off and left us, toreturn no more. And now all the difficulties we had hitherto endured seemedlight in comparison of what we expected to suffer from this treachery ofour men, who, with the boat, had taken away every thing that might be themeans of preserving our lives. The little clothes we had saved from thewreck, our muskets and ammunition, were gone, except a little powder, whichmust be preserved for kindling fires, and one gun which I had, and was nowbecome useless for want of ammunition; and all these wants were now comeupon us at a time when we could not be worse situated for supplying them. Yet under these dismal and forlorn appearances was our delivery nowpreparing; and from these hopeless circumstances were we to draw hereafteran instance scarce to be paralleled, of the unsearchable ways ofProvidence. It was at that time little suspected by us, that the barge, in which wefounded all our hopes of escaping from this savage coast, would certainlyhave proved the fatal cause of detaining us till we were consumed by thelabour and hardships requisite to row her round the capes and greatheadlands; for it was impossible to carry her by land as we did the boatsof the Indians. At present, no condition could be worse than we thoughtours to be: There ran at this time a very high sea, which breaking withgreat fury upon this coast, made it very improbable that sustenance in anyproportion to our wants could be found upon it; yet unpromising as thisprospect was, and though little succour could be expected from thisquarter, I could not help, as I strolled along shore from the rest, castingmy eyes towards the sea. Continuing thus to look out, I thought I sawsomething now and then upon the top of a sea that looked black, which, uponobserving still more intently, I imagined at last to be a canoe; butreflecting afterwards how unusual it was for Indians to venture out in somountainous a sea, and at such a distance from the land, I concluded myselfto be deceived. However, its nearer approach convinced me, beyond alldoubt, of its being a canoe; but that it could not put in any wherehereabouts, but intended for some other part of the coast. I ran back asfast as I could to my companions, and acquainted them with what I had seen. The despondency they were in would not allow them to give credit to it atfirst; but afterwards, being convinced that it was as I reported it, wewere all in the greatest hurry to strip off some of our rags to make asignal withal, which we fixed upon a long pole. This had the desiredeffect: The people in the canoe seeing the signal, made towards the land atabout two miles distance from us, for no boat could approach the land wherewe were. There they put into a small cove, sheltered by a large ledge ofrocks without, which broke the violence of the sea. Captain Cheap and Iwalked along shore, and got to the cove about the time they landed. Here wefound the persons arrived in this canoe to be our Indian guide and hiswife, who had left us some days before. He would have asked us manyquestions, but neither Captain Cheap nor I understanding Spanish at thattime, we took him along with us to the surgeon, whom we had left so illthat he could hardly raise himself from the ground. When the Indian began to confer with the surgeon, the first question was, What was become of the barge and his companions? and as he could give himno satisfactory answer to this question, the Indian took it for grantedthat Emanuel was murdered by us, and that he and his family ran the samerisk; upon which he was preparing to provide for his security, by leavingus directly. The surgeon seeing this, did all in his power to pacify him, and convince him of the unreasonableness of his apprehensions, which he atlength found means to do, by assuring him that the Indian would come to noharm, but that he would soon see him return safe: which providentially, andbeyond our expectation, happened accordingly, for in a few days after, Emanuel, having contrived to make his escape from the people in the barge, returned by ways that were impassable to any creature but an Indian. Allthat we could learn from Emanuel relative to his escape was, that he tookthe first opportunity of leaving them, which was upon their putting into abay somewhere to the westward. We had but one gun among us, and that was a small fowling-piece of mine; noammunition but a few charges of powder I had about me; and as the Indianwas very desirous of returning to the place where he had left his wife andcanoe, Captain Cheap desired I would go with him and watch over him allnight, to prevent his getting away. Accordingly I set out with him, andwhen he and his family betook themselves to rest in the little wigwam theyhad made for that purpose, I kept my station as centinel over them allnight. The next morning Captain Cheap, Mr Hamilton, and the surgeon joined us; thelatter, by illness, being reduced to the most feeble condition, wassupported by Mr Hamilton and Mr Campbell. After holding some littleconsultation together, as to the best manner of proceeding in our journey, it was agreed, that the Indian should haul his canoe, with our assistance, over land, quite across the island we were then upon, and put her into abay on the other side, from whence he was to go in quest of some otherIndians by whom he expected to be joined; but as his canoe was too small tocarry more than three or four persons, he thought it advisable to take onlyCaptain Cheap and myself with him, and to leave his wife and children aspledges with our companions till his return. As it was matter of uncertainty whether we should ever recover the barge ornot, which was stipulated, on our side, to become the property of thecacique upon his fulfilling his engagements with us; the inducements we nowmade use of to prevail upon him to proceed with us in our journey were, that he should have my fowling-piece, some little matters in the possessionof Captain Cheap, and that we would use our interest to procure him somesmall pecuniary reward. We were now to set off in the canoe, in which I was to assist him inrowing. Accordingly, putting from this island, we rowed hard all this dayand the next, without any thing to eat but a scrap of seal, a very smallportion of which fell to my share. About two hours after the close of theday, we put ashore, where we discovered six or seven wigwams. For my part, my strength was so exhausted with fatigue and hunger, that it would havebeen impossible for me to have held out another day at this toilsome work. As soon as we landed, the Indian conducted Captain Cheap with him into awigwam, but I was left to shift for myself. Thus left, I was for some time at a loss what I had best do, for knowingthat in the variety of dispositions observable among the Indians, the surlyand savage temper is the most prevalent, I had good reason to conclude, that if I obtruded myself upon them, my reception would be but indifferent. Necessity, however, put me upon the risk; I accordingly pushed into thenext wigwam upon my hands and knees, for the entrance into these kind ofbuildings is too low to admit of any other manner of getting into them. Togive a short description of these temporary houses called wigwams, may notbe improper here, for the satisfaction of those who never saw any, especially as they differ somewhat from those of North America, which aremore generally known from the numerous accounts of that country. When the Indians of this part of the world have occasion to stop any wherein their rambles, if it be only for a night or two, the men, who take thisbusiness upon them, while the women are employed in much more laboriousoffices, such as diving in the sea for sea-eggs, and searching the rocksfor shell-fish, getting fuel, &c. , repair to the woods, and cutting asufficient number of tall strait branches, fix them in an irregular kind ofcircle of uncertain dimensions; which having done, they bend theextremities of these branches so as to meet in a centre at top, where theybind them by a kind of woodbine called supple-jack, which they split byholding it in their teeth. This frame, or skeleton of a hut, is made tightagainst the weather with a covering of boughs and bark; but as the bark isnot got without some trouble, they generally take it with them when theyremove, putting it at the bottom of their canoes: The rest of the wigwamthey leave standing. The fire is made in the middle of the wigwam, roundwhich they sit upon boughs; and as there is no vent for the smoke besidesthe door-way, which is very low, except through some crevices which cannoteasily be stopped, they are not a little incommoded on that account, andthe eyes of some of them are much affected by it. But to return. In this wigwam, into which I took the liberty to introducemyself, I found only two women, who, upon first seeing a figure they werenot accustomed to, and such a figure too as I then made, were struck withastonishment. They were sitting by a fire, to which I approached withoutany apology. However inclined I might have been to make one, my ignoranceof their language made it impossible to attempt it. One of these womenappeared to be young, and very handsome for an Indian; the other old, andas frightful as it is possible to conceive any thing in human shape to be. Having stared at me some little time, they both went out; and I, withoutfarther ceremony, sat me down by the fire to warm myself and dry the rags Iwore. Yet I cannot say my situation was very easy, as I expected everyinstant to see two or three men come in and thrust me out, if they did notdeal with me in a rougher manner. Soon after, the two women came in again, having, as I supposed, conferredwith the Indian our conductor; and, appearing to be in great good humour, began to chatter and laugh immoderately. Perceiving the wet and coldcondition I was in, they seemed to have compassion on me, and the old womanwent out and brought some wood, with which she made a good fire; but myhunger being impatient, I could not forbear expressing my desire that theywould extend their hospitality a little farther, and bring me something soeat. They soon comprehended my meaning, and the younger beginning torummage under some pieces of bark that lay in the corner of the wigwam, produced a fine large fish; this they presently put upon the fire to broil, and when it was just warm through, they made a sign for me to eat. They hadno need to repeat the invitation; I fell to, and dispatched it in so shorta time, that I was in hopes they would comprehend, without further tokens, that I was ready for another; but it was of no consequence, for their stockof eatables was entirely exhausted. After sitting some time in conference together, in which conversation Icould bear no part, the women made some signs to me to lay down and go tosleep, first having strewed some dry boughs upon the ground. I laid myselfdown, and soon fell fast asleep; and about three or four hours afterawaking, I found myself covered with a bit of blanket, made of the down ofbirds, which the women usually wear about their waist. The young woman, whohad carefully covered me, whilst sleeping, with her own blanket, was lyingclose by me; the old woman lay on the other side of her. The fire was lowand almost burnt out; but as soon as they found me awake they renewed it, by putting on more fuel. What I had hitherto eat served only to sharpen myappetite; I could not help, therefore, being earnest with them to get mesome more victuals. Having understood my necessities, they talked togethersome little time; after which getting up, they both went out, taking withthem a couple of dogs, which they train to assist them in fishing. After anhour's absence they came in trembling with cold, and their hair streamingwith water, and brought two fish, which having broiled, they gave me thelargest share, and then we all lay down as before to rest. In the morning, my curiosity led me to visit the neighbouring wigwams, inwhich were only one or two men, the rest of the inhabitants were all womenand children. I then proceeded to enquire after Captain Cheap and ourIndian guide, whom I found in the wigwam they at first occupied: Theauthority of the cacique had procured the captain no despicableentertainment. We could not learn what business the men, whose wives andchildren were here left behind, were gone out upon; but as they seldom ornever go upon fishing parties (for they have no hunting here) without theirwives, who take the most laborious part of this pursuit upon themselves, itis probable they were gone upon some warlike expedition, in which they usebows and arrows sometimes, but always the lance. This weapon they throwwith great dexterity and force, and never stir abroad without it. About this time their return was looked for, a hearing by no means pleasantto me; I was therefore determined to enjoy myself as long as they wereabsent, and make the most of the good fare I was possessed of, to thepleasure of which I thought a little cleanliness might in some measurecontribute; I therefore went to a brook, and taking off my shirt, whichmight be said to be alive with vermin, set myself about to wash it; whichhaving done as well as I could, and hung on a bush to dry, I heard a bustleabout the wigwams, and soon perceived that the women were preparing todepart, having stripped their wigwams of their bark covering, and carriedit into their canoes. Putting on, therefore, my shirt just as it was, Ihastened to join them, having a great desire of being present at one oftheir fishing parties. It was my lot to be put into the canoe with my two patronesses and someothers who assisted in rowing; we were in all four canoes. After rowingsome time, they gained such an offing as they required, where the waterhere was about eight or ten fathoms deep, and there lay upon their oars. And now the youngest of the two women, taking a basket in her mouth, jumpedoverboard, and diving to the bottom, continued under water an amazing time;when she had filled the basket with sea-eggs, she came up to the boat-side, and delivering it so filled to the other women in the boat, they took outthe contents and returned it to her. The diver then, after having taken ashort time to breathe, went down and up again with the same success, and soseveral times for the space of half an hour. It seems as if Providence hadendued this people with a kind of amphibious nature, as the sea is the onlysource from whence almost all their subsistence is derived. This elementtoo, being here very boisterous, and falling with a most heavy surf upon arugged coast, very little, except some seal, is to be got any where but inthe quiet bosom of the deep. What occasions this reflection, is the earlypropensity I had so frequently observed in the children of these savages tothis occupation, who, even at the age of three years, might be seencrawling upon their hands and knees among the rocks and breakers, fromwhich they would tumble themselves into the sea without regard to the cold, which is here often intense, and shewing no fear of the noise and roaringof the surf. This sea-egg is a shell-fish, from which several prickles project in alldirections, by means whereof it removes itself from place to place. In itare found four or five yolks, resembling the inner divisions of an orange, which are of a very nutritive quality and excellent flavour. The water was at this time extremely cold, and when the divers got into theboats, they seemed greatly benumbed; and it is usual with them after thisexercise, if they are near enough their wigwams, to run to the fire, towhich presenting one side, they rub and chafe it for some time; thenturning the other, use it in the same manner till the circulation of theblood is restored. This practice, if it has no worse effect, must occasiontheir being more susceptible of the impressions of cold than if they waitedthe gradual advances of their natural warmth in the open air. I leave it tothe decision of the gentlemen of the faculty, whether this too hastyapproach to the fire may not subject them to a disorder I have observedamong them, called the elephantiasis, or swelling of the legs. [118] The divers having returned to their boats, we continued to row till towardsevening, when we landed upon a low point. As soon as the canoes were hauledup, they employed themselves in erecting their wigwams, which they dispatchwith great address and quickness. I still enjoyed the protection of my twogood Indian women, who made me their guest here as before; they firstregaled me with sea-eggs, and then went out upon another kind of fishery bythe means of dogs and nets. These dogs are a cur-like looking animal, butvery sagacious, and easily trained to this business. Though in appearancean uncomfortable sort of sport, yet they engage in it readily, seem toenjoy it much, and express their eagerness by barking every time they raisetheir heads above the water to breathe. The net is held by two Indians, whoget into the water; then the dogs, taking a large compass, dive after thefish, and drive them into the net; but it is only in particular places thatthe fish are taken in this manner. At the close of the evening, the womenbrought in two fish, which served us for supper, and then we reposedourselves as before. Here we remained all the next day, and the morningafter embarked again, and rowed till noon; then landing, we descried thecanoes of the Indian men, who had been some time expected from anexpedition they had been upon. This was soon to make a great alteration inthe situation of my affairs, a presage of which I could read in themelancholy countenance of my young hostess. She endeavoured to expressherself in very earnest terms to me, but I had not yet acquired a competentknowledge of the Indian language to understand her. As soon as the men were landed, she and the old Indian woman went up, notwithout some marks of dread upon them, to an elderly Indian man, whoseremarkably surly and stern countenance was well calculated to raise suchsensations in his dependants. He seemed to be a cacique or chief man amongthem, by the airs of importance he assumed to himself, and the deferencepaid him by the rest. After some little conference passed between theseIndians and our cacique conductor, of which, most probably, thecircumstances of our history and the occasion of our coming here might bethe chief subject, for they fixed their eyes constantly upon us, theyapplied themselves to building their wigwams. I now understood that the two Indian women with whom I had sojourned werewives to this chieftain, though one was young enough to be his daughter;and as far as I could learn, did really stand in the different relations tohim both of daughter and wife. It was easy to be perceived that all did notgo well between them at this time, either that he was not satisfied withthe answers that they returned him to his questions, or that he suspectedsome misconduct on their side; for presently after breaking out into savagefury, he took the young one up in his arms, and threw her with violenceagainst the stones; but his brutal resentment did not stop here, he beather afterwards in a cruel manner. I could not see this treatment of mybenefactress without the highest concern for her, and rage against theauthor of it; especially as the natural jealousy of these people gaveoccasion to think that it was on my account she suffered. I could hardlysuppress the first emotions of my resentment, which prompted me to returnhim his barbarity in his own kind; but besides that this might have drawnupon her fresh marks of his severity, it was neither politic, nor indeed inmy power to have done it to any good purpose at this time. [118] There are two very different disorders incident to the human body, which bear the same name, derived from some resemblance they hold with different parts of the animal so well known in the countries to which these disorders are peculiar. That which was first so named is the leprosy, which brings a scurf on the skin not unlike the hide of an elephant. The other affects the patient with such enormous swelling of the legs and feet, that they give the idea of those shapeless pillars which support that creature; and therefore this disease has also been called elephantiasis by the Arabian physicians; who, together with the Malabrians, among whom it is endemial, attribute it to the drinking bad waters, and the too sudden transitions from heat to cold. CHAPTER VI. The Cacique's Conduct changes. --Description of the Indian Mode ofBird-fowling. --Their Religion. --Mr Elliot, our Surgeon, dies. --Transactionson our Journey. --Miserable Situation to which we are reduced. Our cacique now made us understand that we must embark directly in the samecanoe which brought us, and return to our companions; and that the Indianswe were about to leave would join us in a few days, when we should all setout in a body, in order to proceed to the northward. In our way backnothing very material happened; but upon our arrival, which was the nextday, we found Mr Elliot, the surgeon, in a very bad way; his illness hadbeen continually increasing since we left him. Mr Hamilton and Mr Campbellwere almost starved, having fared very ill since we left them; a few sea-eggs were all the subsistence they had lived upon, and these procured bythe cacique's wife in the manner I mentioned before. This woman was thevery reverse of my hostess; and as she found her husband was of so muchconsequence to us, took upon her with much haughtiness, and treated us asdependants and slaves. He was not more engaging in his carriage towards us;he would give no part of what he had to spare to any but Captain Cheap, whom his interest led him to prefer to the rest, though our wants wereoften greater. The captain, on his part, contributed to keep us in thisabject situation, by approving this distinction the cacique shewed to him. Had he treated us with not quite so much distance, the cacique might havebeen more regardful of our wants. The little regard and attention which ournecessitous condition drew from Captain Cheap, may be imputed likewise, insome measure, to the effects of a mind soured by a series of crosses anddisappointments; which, indeed, had operated on us all to a great neglectof each other, and sometimes of ourselves. We were not suffered to be in the same wigwam with the cacique and hiswife, which, if we had had any countenance from Captain Cheap, would nothave been refused. What we had made for ourselves was in such a bunglingmanner, that it scarce deserved the name even of this wretched sort ofhabitation. But our untoward circumstances now found some relief in thearrival of the Indians we waited for, who brought with them some seal, asmall portion of which fell to our share. A night or two after, they sentout some of their young men, who procured us a quantity of a very delicatekind of birds, called shags and cormorants. Their manner of taking thesebirds resembles something a sport called bat-fowling. They find out theirhaunts among the rocks and cliffs in the night, when, taking with themtorches made of the bark of the birch tree, which is common here, and growsto a very large size, (this bark has a very unctuous qaality, and emits abright and clear light, and in the northern parts of America is usedfrequently instead of a candle) they bring the boat's side as near aspossible to the rocks, under the roosting-places of these birds, thenwaving their lights backwards and forwards, the birds are dazzled andconfounded so as to fall into the canoe, where they are instantly knockedon the head with a short stick the Indians take with them for that purpose. Seal are taken in some less-frequented parts of these coasts with greatease; but when their haunts have been two or three times disturbed, theysoon learn to provide for their safety, by repairing to the water upon thefirst alarm. This is the case with them hereabouts; but as they frequentlyraise their heads above water, either to breathe or look about them, I haveseen an Indian at this interval throw his lance with such dexterity, as tostrike the animal through both its eyes at a great distance; and it is veryseldom that they miss their aim. As we were wholly unacquainted with these methods of providing food forourselves, and were without arms and ammunition, we were drove to theutmost straits, and found ourselves rather in worse condition than we hadbeen at any time before; for the Indians, having now nothing to fear fromus, we found we had nothing to expect from them upon any other motive. Accordingly, if they ever did relieve us, it was through caprice; for atmost times, they would shew themselves unconcerned at our greatestdistresses. But the good Indian women, whose friendship I had experiencedbefore, continued, from time to time, their good offices to me. Though Iwas not suffered to enter their wigwams, they would find opportunities ofthrowing in my way such scraps as they could secrete from their husbands. The obligation I was under to them on this account is great, as the hazardthey ran in conferring these favours was little less than death. The men, unrestrained by any laws or ties of conscience in the management of theirown families, exercise a most despotic authority over their wives, whomthey consider in the same view they do any other part of their property, and dispose of them accordingly: Even their common treatment of them iscruel; for though the toil and hazard of procuring food lies entirely uponthe women, yet they are not suffered to touch any part of it till thehusband is satisfied, and then he assigns them their portion, which isgenerally very scanty, and such as he has not a stomach for himself. Thisarbitrary proceeding, with respect to their own families, is not peculiarto this people only. I have had occasion to observe it in more instancesthan this I have mentioned, among many other nations of savages I havesince seen. These Indians are of a middling stature, well set, and very active, andmake their way among the rocks with an amazing agility. Their feet, by thiskind of exercise, contract a callosity which renders the use of shoes quiteunnecessary to them. But before I conclude the few observations I have tomake on a people so confined in all their notions and practice, it may beexpected I should say something of their religion; but as their grossignorance is in nothing more conspicuous, and as we found it advisable tokeep out of their way when the fits of devotion came upon them, which israther frantic than religious, the reader can expect very littlesatisfaction on this head. Accident has sometimes made me unavoidably aspectator of scenes I should have chosen to have withdrawn myself from; andso far I am instructed. As there are no fixed seasons for their religiousexercises, the younger people wait till the elders find themselves devoutlydisposed, who begin the ceremony by several deep and dismal groans, whichrise gradually to a hideous kind of singing, from which they proceed toenthusiasm, and work themselves into a disposition that borders on madness;for, suddenly jumping up, they snatch fire-brands from the fire, put themin their mouths, and run about burning every body they come near; at othertimes it is a custom with them to wound one another with sharp mussel-shells till they are besmeared with blood. These orgies continue till thesewho preside in them foam at the mouth, grow faint, are exhausted withfatigue, and dissolve in a profusion of sweat. When the men drop their partin this frenzy, the women take it up, acting over again much the same kindof wild scene, except that they rather outdo the men in shrieks and noise. Our cacique, who had been reclaimed from these abominations by theSpaniards, and just knew the exterior form of crossing himself, pretendedto be much offended at these profane ceremonies, and that he would havedied sooner than have partaken of them. Among other expressions of hisdisapprobation, he declared, that whilst the savages solemnized thesehorrid rites, he never failed to hear strange and uncommon noises in thewoods, and to see frightful visions, and assured us that the devil was thechief actor among them upon these occasions. It might be about the middle of March that we embarked with these Indians. They separated our little company entirely, not putting any two of ustogether in the same canoe. The oar was my lot, as usual, as also MrCampbell's; Mr Hamilton could not row, and Captain Cheap was out of thequestion; our surgeon was more dead than alive at the time, and lay at thebottom of the canoe he was in. The weather coming on too bad for theircanoes to keep the sea, we landed again, without making any great progressthat day. Here Mr Elliot, our surgeon, died. At our first setting out, hepromised the fairest for holding out, being a very strong active young man:He had gone through an infinite deal of fatigue, as Mr Hamilton and he werethe best shots amongst us, and whilst our ammunition lasted never sparedthemselves, and in a great measure provided for the rest; but he died thedeath many others had done before him, being quite starved. We scraped ahole for him in the sand, and buried him in the best manner we could. Here I must relate a little anecdote of our Christian cacique. He and hiswife had gone off at some distance from the shore in their canoe, when shedived for sea-eggs; but not meeting with great success, they returned agood deal out of humour. A little boy of theirs, about three years old, whom they appeared to be doatingly fond of, watching for his father andmother's return, ran into the surf to meet them: The father handed a basketof sea-eggs to the child, which being too heavy for him to carry, he let itfall; upon which the father jumped out of the canoe, and catching the boyup in his arms, dashed him with the utmost violence against the stones. Thepoor little creature lay motionless and bleeding, and in that condition wastaken up by the mother, but died soon after. She appeared inconsolable forsome time, but the brute his father shewed little concern about it. A day or two after we put to sea again, and crossed the great bay Imentioned we had been to the bottom of, when we first hauled away to thewestward. The land here was very low and sandy, with something like themouth of a river, which discharged itself into the sea, and which had beentaken no notice of by us before, as it was so shallow that the Indians wereobliged to take every thing out of their canoes, and carry it over the neckof land, and then, haul the boats over into a river which at this part ofit was very broad, more resembling a lake than a river. We rowed up it forfour or five leagues, and then took into a branch of it, that ran first tothe eastward, and then to the northward: Here it became much narrower, andthe stream excessively rapid, so that we made but little way, though weworked very hard. At night we landed upon its banks, and had a mostuncomfortable lodging, it being a perfect swamp; and we had nothing tocover us, though it rained very hard. The Indians were little better offthan we, as there was no wood here to make their wigwams; so that all theycould do was to prop up the bark they carry in the bottom of their canoeswith their oars, and shelter themselves as well as they could to leeward ofit. They, knowing the difficulties that were to be encountered here, hadprovided themselves with some seal; but we had not the least morsel to eat, after the heavy fatigues of the day, excepting a sort of root we saw someof the Indians make use of, which was very disagreeable to the taste. Welaboured all the next day against the stream, and fared as we had done theday before. The next day brought us to the carrying-place. Here was plentyof wood, but nothing to be got for sustenance. The first thing the Indians did was to take every thing out of theircanoes, and after hauling them ashore, they made their wigwams. We passedthis night, as generally we had done, under a tree; but what we suffered atthis time is not easily to be expressed. I had been three days at the oarwithout any kind of nourishment but the wretched root I mentioned before. Ihad no shirt, as mine was rotted off by bits, and we were devoured byvermin. All my clothes consisted of an old short grieko, which is somethinglike a bearskin with a piece of a waistcoat under it, which once had beenof red cloth, both which I had on when I was cast away; I had a ragged pairof trowsers, without either shoe or stocking. The first thing the Indians did in the morning was to take their canoes topieces; and here, for the information of the reader, it will be necessaryto describe the structure of these boats, which are extremely wellcalculated for the use of these Indians, as they are frequently obliged tocarry them over land a long way together, through thick woods, to avoiddoubling capes and head-lands, in seas where no open boats could live. Theygenerally consist of five pieces or planks, one for the bottom, and two foreach side; and as these people have no iron tools, the labour must be greatin hacking a single plank out of a large tree with shells and flints, though with the help of fire. Along the edges of the plank, they make smallholes, at about an inch from one to the other, and sew them together withthe supplejack or woodbine; but as these holes are not filled up by thesubstance of the woodbine, their boats would be immediately full of waterif they had not a method of preventing it. They do this very effectually bythe bark of a tree, which they first steep in water for some time, and thenbeat it between two stones till it answers the use of oakum, and thenchinse each hole so well, that they do not admit of the least water comingthrough, and are easily taken asunder and put together again. When theyhave occasion to go over land, as at this time, each man or woman carries aplank, whereas it would be impossible for them to drag a heavy boat entire. Every body had something to carry except Captain Cheap, and he was obligedto be assisted, or never would have got over this march; for a worse thanthis I believe never was made. He, with the others, set out some timebefore me. I waited for two Indians who belonged to the canoe I came in, and who remained to carry over the last of the things from the side we wereon. I had a piece of wet heavy canvas which belonged to Captain Cheap, witha bit of stinking seal wrapped in it, (which had been given him thatmorning by some of the Indians) to carry upon my head, which was asufficient weight for a strong man in health through such roads, and agrievous burthen to one in my condition. Our way was through a thick wood, the bottom of which was a mere quagmire, most part of it up to our knees, and often to our middle, and every now andthen we had a large tree to get over, for they often lay directly in ourroad. Besides this, we were continually treading upon the stumps of trees, which were not to be avoided, as they were covered with water; and havingneither shoe nor stocking, my feet and legs were frequently torn andwounded. Before I had got half a mile the two Indians had left me, andmaking the best of my way lest they should be all gone before I got to theother side, I fell off a tree that crossed the road into a very deep swamp, where I very narrowly escaped drowning, by the weight of the burthen I hadon my head. It was a long while before I could extricate myself from thisdifficulty, and when I did, my strength was quite exhausted. I sat downunder a tree, and there gave way to melancholy reflections. However, as Iwas sensible these reflections would answer no end, they did not last long. I got up, and marking a great tree, I then deposited my load, not beingable to carry it any farther, and set out to join my company. It was some hours before I reached my companions. I found them sittingunder a tree, and sat myself down by them without speaking a word; nor didthey speak to me, as I remember, for some time, when Captain Cheap breakingsilence, began to ask after the seal and piece of canvas. I told him thedisaster I had met with, which he might have easily guessed by thecondition the rags I had on were in, as well as having my feet and anclescut to pieces; but, instead of compassion for my sufferings, I heardnothing but grumbling from every one for the irreparable loss they hadsustained by me. I made no answer, but after resting myself a little, I gotup and struck into the wood, and walked back at least five miles to thetree I had marked, and returned just time enough to deliver it before mycompanions embarked, with the Indians, upon a great lake, the opposite partof which seemed to wash the foot of the Cordilleras. I wanted to embarkwith them, but was given to understand I was to wait for some other Indiansthat were to follow them. I knew not where these Indians were to come from:I was left alone upon the beach, and night was at hand. They left me noteven a morsel of the stinking seal that I had suffered so much about. I kept my eyes upon the boats as long as I could distinguish them, and thenreturned into the wood, and sat myself down upon the root of a tree, havingeat nothing the whole day but the stem of a plant which resembles that ofan artichoke, which is of a juicy consistence and acid taste. Quite wornout with fatigue, I soon fell asleep; and awaking before day, I thought Iheard some voices at no great distance from me. As the day appeared, looking further into the wood, I perceived a wigwam, and immediately madetowards it; but the reception I met with was not at all agreeable, forstooping to get into it, I presently received two or three hearty kicks inmy face, and at the same time heard the sound of voices, seemingly inanger, which made me retire, and wait at the foot of a tree, where Iremained till an old woman peeped out and made signs to me to draw near. Iobeyed very readily, and went into the wigwam. In it were three men and twowomen; one young man seemed to have great respect shewn to him by the rest, though he was the most miserable object I ever saw. He was a perfectskeleton, and covered with sores from head to foot. I was happy to sit amoment by their fire, as I was quite benumbed with cold. The old woman tookout a piece of seal, holding one part of it between her feet, and the otherend in her teeth, and then cut off some thin slices with a sharp shell, anddistributed them about to the other Indians. She then put a bit on thefire, taking a piece of fat in her mouth, which she kept chewing, every nowand then spirting some of it on the piece that was warming upon the fire;for they never do more with it than warm it through. When it was ready, shegave me a little bit, which I swallowed whole, being almost starved. As these Indians were all strangers to me, I did not know which way theywere going; and indeed it was now become quite indifferent to me which wayI went, whether to the northward or southward, so that they would but takeme with them and give me something to eat. However, to make them comprehendme, I pointed first to the southward, and after to the lake, and I soonunderstood they were going to the northward. They all went out together, excepting the sick Indian, and took up the planks of the canoes, which laynear the wigwam, and carried them upon the beach, and presently put ittogether, and getting every thing into it, they put me to the oar. We rowedacross the lake to the mouth of a very rapid river, where we put ashore forthat night, not daring to get any way down in the dark, as it required thegreatest skill, even in the day, to avoid running foul of the stumps androots of trees, of which this river was full. I passed a melancholy night, as they would not suffer me to come near the wigwam they had made; nor hadthey given me the least bit of any one thing to eat since we embarked. In the morning we set off again. The weather proved extremely bad the wholeday. We went down the river at an amazing rate, and just before night theyput ashore upon a stony beach. They hauled the canoe up, and alldisappeared in a moment, and I was left quite alone; it rained violently, and was very dark. I thought it was as well to lay down upon the beach, half side in water, as to get into a swamp under a dropping tree. In thisdismal situation I fell asleep, and awaked three or four hours after insuch agonies with the cramp, that I thought I must die upon the spot. Iattempted several times to raise myself upon my legs, but could not. Atlast I made shift to get upon my knees, and looking towards the wood, I sawa great fire at some distance from me. I was a long time crawling to it, and when I reached it, I threw myself almost into it, in hopes of findingsome relief from the pain I suffered. This intrusion gave great offence tothe Indians, who immediately got up, kicking and beating me till they droveme to some distance from it; however, I contrived a little after to placemyself so as to receive some warmth from it, by which I got rid of thecramp. In the morning we left this place, and were soon after out of the river. Being now at sea again, the Indians intended putting ashore at the firstconvenient place to look for shell-fish, their stock of provisions havingbeen quite exhausted for some time. At low water we landed upon a spot thatseemed to promise well, and here we found plenty of limpets. Though at thistime starving, I did not attempt to eat one, lest I should lose a moment ingathering them, not knowing how soon the Indians might be going again. Ihad almost filled my hat when I saw them returning to the canoe. I madewhat haste I could to her, for I believe they would have made no conscienceof leaving me behind. I sat down to my oar again, placing my hat close tome, every now and then eating a limpet. The Indians were employed the sameway, when one of them seeing me throw the shells overboard, spoke to therest in a violent passion, and getting up, fell upon me, and seizing me byan old ragged handkerchief I had about my neck, almost throttled me; whilstanother took me by the legs, and was going to throw me overboard if the oldwoman had not prevented, them. I was all this time entirely ignorant by what means I had given offence, till I observed that the Indians, after eating the limpets, carefully putthe shells in a heap at the bottom, of the canoe. I then concluded therewas some superstition about throwing these shells into the sea, myignorance of which had very nearly cost me my life. I was resolved to eatno more limpets till we landed, which we did some time after upon anisland. I then took notice that the Indians brought all their shellsashore, and laid them above high-water mark. Here, as I was going to eat alarge bunch of berries I had gathered from a tree, for they looked verytempting, one of the Indians snatched them out of my hand and threw themaway, making me to understand that they were poisonous. Thus, in allprobability, did these people now save my life, who, a few hours before, were going to take it from me for throwing away a shell. In two days after I joined my companions again, but don't remember thatthere was the least joy shewn on either side at meeting. At this place wasa very large canoe belonging to our guide, which would have required atleast six men to the oar to have made any kind of expedition; instead ofthat, there was only Campbell and myself, besides the Indian, his companionor servant, to row, the cacique himself never touching an oar, but sitting, with his wife all the time much at his ease. Mr Hamilton continued in thesame canoe he had been in all along, and which still was to keep us companysome way further, though many of the others had left us. This was dreadfulhard work to such poor starved wretches as we were, to be slaving at theoar all day long in such a heavy boat; and this inhuman fellow would nevergive us a scrap to eat, excepting when he took so much seal that he couldnot contrive to carry it all away with him, which happened very seldom. After working like galley slaves all day, towards night, when we landed, instead of taking any rest, Mr Campbell and I were sometimes obliged to gomiles along shore to get a few shell-fish; and just as we have made alittle fire in order to dress them, he has commanded us into the boatagain, and kept us rowing the whole night without ever landing. It isimpossible for me to describe the miserable state we were reduced to: Ourbodies were so emaciated, that we hardly appeared the figures of men. It has often happened to me in the coldest night, both in hail and snow, where we had nothing but an open beach to lay down upon, in order toprocure a little rest, that I have been obliged to pull off the few rags Ihad on, as it was impossible to get a moment's sleep with them on for thevermin that swarmed about them, though I used as often as I had time, totake my clothes off, and putting them upon a large stone, beat them withanother, in hopes of killing hundreds at once, for it was endless work topick them off. What we suffered from this was ten times worse even thanhunger. But we were clean in comparison to Captain Cheap, for I couldcompare his body to nothing but an ant-hill, with thousands of thoseinsects crawling over it; for he was now past attempting to rid himself inthe least from this torment, as he had quite lost himself, not recollectingour names that were about him, or even his own. His beard was as long as ahermit's; that and his face being covered with train-oil and dirt, fromhaving long accustomed himself to sleep upon a bag, by the way of pillow, in which he kept the pieces of stinking seal. This prudent method he tookto prevent our getting at it whilst he slept. His legs were as big asmillposts, though his body appeared to be nothing but skin and bone. One day we fell in with about forty Indians, who came down to the beach welanded on, curiously painted. Our cacique seemed to understand but littleof their language, and it sounded to us very different from what we hadheard before. However, they made us comprehend that a ship had been uponthe coast not far from where we then were, and that she had a red flag:This we understood some time after to have been the Anne pink, whoseadventures are particularly related in Lord Anson's Voyage; and we passedthrough the very harbour she had lain in. As there was but one small canoe that intended to accompany us any longer, and that in which Mr Hamilton had been to this time intended to proceed nofurther to the northward, our cacique proposed to him to come into ourcanoe, which he refused, as the insolence of this fellow was to himinsupportable; he therefore rather chose to remain where he was, tillchance should throw in his way some other means of getting forward; so herewe left him, and it was some months before we saw him again. CHAPTER VII. We land on the Island of Chiloe. --To our great Joy we at length discoverSomething having the Appearance of a House. --Kindness of the Natives. --Weare delivered to the Custody of a Spanish Guard. --Transactions with theSpanish Residents. --Arrival at Chaco. --Manners of the Inhabitants. We now got on, by very slow degrees, to the northward; and as thedifficulties and hardships we daily went through would only be a repetitionof those already mentioned, I shall say no more, but that at last wereached an island about thirty leagues to the southward of Chiloe. Here weremained two days for a favourable opportunity to cross the bay, the verythoughts of which seemed to frighten our cacique out of his senses; andindeed there was great reason for his apprehensions, for there ran a mostdreadful hollow sea, dangerous indeed for any open boat whatever, but athousand times more for such a crazy vessel as we were in. He at lengthmustered up resolution enough to attempt it, first having crossed himselffor an hour together, and made a kind of lug-sail out of the bits ofblankets they wore about them, sewed together with split supple-jacks. Wethen put off, and a terrible passage we had. The bottom plank of the canoewas split, which opened upon every sea; and the water continually rushingover the gunnel, I may say that we were in a manner full the whole wayover, though all hands were employed in bailing, without ceasing a moment. As we drew near the shore, the cacique was eager to land, having beenterrified to that degree with this run, that if it had not been for us, every soul must have perished; for he had very near got in amongst thebreakers, where the sea drove with such violence upon the rocks, that noteven an Indian could have escaped, especially as it was in the night. Wekept off till we got into smooth water, and landed upon the island ofChiloe, though in a part of it that was not inhabited. Here we staid allthe next day, in a very heavy snow, to recover ourselves a little after ourfatigue; but the cold was so excessive, having neither shoe nor stocking, we thought we should have lost our feet; and Captain Cheap was so ill, thatif he had had but a few leagues further to have gone without relief, hecould not have held out. It pleased God now that our sufferings, in a greatmeasure, were drawing to an end. What things our cacique had brought with him from the wreck, he here buriedunder ground, in order to conceal them from the Spaniards, who would nothave left him a rusty nail if they had known of it. Towards evening we setoff again; and about nine the same night, to our great joy, we observedsomething that had the appearance of a house, It belonged to anacquaintance of our cacique; and as he was possessed of my fowling-piece, and we had preserved about one charge of powder, he made us load it forhim, and desired we would shew him how to discharge it; upon which, standing up, and holding his head from it as far as possible, he fired, andfell back into the bottom of the canoe. The Indians belonging to the house, not in the least used to fire-arms, ran out and hid themselves in thewoods. But after some time, one of them bolder than the rest, got upon ahill and hollowed to us, asking who and what we were. Our cacique now madehimself known, and they presently came down to the boat, bringing with themsome fish and plenty of potatoes. This was the most comfortable meal we hadmade for many long months; and as soon as this was over, we rowed about twomiles farther to a little village, where we landed. Here our caciquepresently awaked all the inhabitants by the noise he made, and obliged oneof them to open his door to us, and immediately to make a large fire, forthe weather was very severe, this being the month of June, the depth ofwinter in this part of the world. The Indians now flocked thick about us, and seemed to have great compassion for us, as our cacique related to themwhat part be knew of our history. They knew not what countrymen we were, nor could our guide inform them; for he had often asked us if we wereFrench, Dutch, or English, the only nations he had ever heard of besidesthe Spaniards. We always answered we were from Grande Bretagne, which hecould make nothing of; for we were afraid, if he knew us to be English, ashe had heard that nation was at war with the Spaniards, he never would haveconducted us to Chiloe. These good-natured compassionate creatures seemed to vie with each otherwho should take the most care of us. They made a bed of sheep-skins closeto the fire for Captain Cheap, and laid him upon it; and indeed, had it notbeen for the kind assistance he now met with, he could not have survivedthree days longer. Though it was now about midnight, they went out andkilled a sheep, of which they made broth, and baked a large cake of barley-meal. Any body may imagine what a treat this was to wretches who had nottasted a bit of bread, or any wholesome diet, for such a length of time. After we could eat no longer, we went to sleep about the fire, which theIndians took care to keep up. In the morning, the women came from far andnear, each bringing with her something. Almost every one had a pipkin inher hand, containing either fowls or mutton made into broth, potatoes, eggs, or other eatables. We fell to work as if we had eat nothing in thenight, and employed ourselves so for the best part of the day. In the evening, the men filled our house, bringing with them some jars of aliquor they called chica, made of barley-meal, and not very unlike our oat-ale in taste, which will intoxicate those who drink a sufficient quantityof it, for a little has no effect. As soon as the drink was out, a freshsupply of victuals was brought in; and in this manner we passed the wholetime we remained with these hospitable Indians. They are a strong well-madepeople, extremely well-featured, both men and women, and vastly neat intheir persons. The men's dress is called by them a puncho, which is asquare piece of cloth, generally in stripes of different colours, with aslit in the middle of it, wide enough to let their heads through, so thatit hangs on their shoulders, half of it falling before and the other behindthem: Under this they wear a short kind of flannel shirt without sleeves orneck. They have wide-knee'd breeches, something like the Dutch seamen, andon their legs a sort of knit buskins without any feet to them, but neverany shoes. Their hair is always combed very smooth, and tied very tight upin a great bunch close to the neck; some wear a very neat hat of their ownmaking, and others go without. The women wear a shift like the men'sshirts, without sleeves, and over it a square piece of cloth, which theyfasten before with a large silver pin, and a petticoat of differentstripes. They take as much care of their hair as the men; and both havealways a kind of fillet bound very tight about the fore-head, and made fastbehind. In short, these people are as cleanly as the several savage nationswe had met with before were beastly. Upon our first coming here, they had dispatched a messenger to the Spanishcorregidore at Castro, a town a considerable distance from hence, to informhim of our arrival. At the end of three days, this man returned with anorder to the chief caciques of these Indians we were amongst, to carry usdirectly to a certain place, where there would be a party of soldiers toreceive us. These poor people now seemed to be under great concern for us, hearing by the messenger the preparations that were making to receive us;for they stand in vast dread of the Spanish soldiery. They were verydesirous of knowing what countrymen we were. We told them we were English, and at that time at war with the Spaniards, upon which they appeared fonderof us than ever; and I verily believe, if they durst, would have concealedus amongst them, lest we should come to any harm. They are so far frombeing in the Spanish interest, that they detest the very name of aSpaniard. And, indeed, I am not surprised at it, for they are kept undersuch subjection, and such a laborious slavery, by mere dint of hard usageand punishments, that it appears to me the most absurd thing in the worldthat the Spaniards should rely upon these people for assistance upon anyemergency. We embarked in the evening, and it was night before we got to the placewhere we were to be delivered up to the Spanish guard. We were met by threeor four officers and a number of soldiers, all with their spados drawn, whosurrounded us as if they had the most formidable enemy to take charge of, instead of three poor helpless wretches, who, notwithstanding the goodliving we had met with amongst these kind Indians, could hardly supportourselves. They carried us to the top of a hill, and there put us under ashed, for it consisted of a thatched roof without any sides or walls, beingquite open; and here we were to lie upon the cold ground. All sorts ofpeople now came to stare at us as a sight; but the Indian women never cameempty-handed; they always brought with them either fowls, mutton, or somekind of provision to us, so that we lived well enough. However, we found avery sensible difference between the treatment we had met with from theIndians and what we now experienced from the Spaniards. With the former, wewere quite at liberty to do as we pleased; but here, if we only went tenyards to attempt at getting rid of some of the vermin that devoured us, wehad two soldiers with drawn spados to attend us. About the third day, a Jesuit from Castro came to see us, not from a motiveof compassion, but from a report spread by our Indian cacique, that we hadsome things of great value about us. Having by chance seen Captain Cheappull out a gold repeating watch, the first thing the good father did was tolug out of his pocket a bottle of brandy and give us a dram, in order toopen our hearts. He then came roundly to the point, asking us if we hadsaved no watches or rings. Captain Cheap declared he had nothing, neversuspecting that the Indian had seen his watch, having, as he thought, always taken great care to conceal it from him; but knowing that Campbellhad a silver watch, which had been the property of our surgeon, he desiredhim to make it a present to the Jesuit, telling him at the same time, thatas these people had great power and authority, it might be of service to ushereafter. This Campbell very unwillingly did, and received from thefather, not long after, a pitiful present, not a quarter part of the valueof the rim of the watch. We understood afterwards that this had come to thegovernor's ears, who was highly offended at it, as thinking that if anything of that sort had been to be had, it was his due, and did not sparethe Jesuits in the least upon the occasion. Soon after this, the officer of the guard informed us there was an ordercome to carry us to Castro. In the evening, we were conducted to the water-side, and put into a large periago, and there were several more to attendus, full of soldiers. About eight o'clock at night we were off the town. Their boats all laid upon their oars, and there was a great deal ofceremony used in hailing and asking for the keys, as if it had been aregular fortification. After some time, we landed, but could see neithergates nor walk, nor any thing that had the appearance of a garrison. As wewalked up a steep hill into the town, the way was lined with men, who hadbroomsticks upon their shoulders instead of muskets, and a lighted match intheir hands. When we came to the corregidore's house, we found it full ofpeople. He was an old man, very tall, with a long cloak on, a tye-wigwithout any curl, and a spado of immense length by his aide. He received usin great state and form; but as we had no interpreter, we understood littleor nothing of the questions he asked us. He ordered a table to be spreadfor us with cold ham and fowls, which we three only sat down to, and in ashort time dispatched more than ten men with common appetites would havedone. It is amazing, that our eating to that excess we had done, from thetime we first got among these kind Indians, had not killed us; we werenever satisfied, and used to take all opportunities for some months after, of filling our pockets when we were not seen, that we might get up two orthree times in the night to cram ourselves. Captain Cheap used to declare, that he was quite ashamed of himself. After supper, the corregidore carried us to the Jesuits college, attendedby the soldiers and all the rabble of the town. This was intended atpresent for our prison, till orders were received from the governor, whoresided at Chaco, above thirty leagues from this place. When we got to thecollege, the corregidore desired the father provincial, as they stiled him, or head of the Jesuits here, to find out what religion we were of, orwhether we had any or not. He then retired, the gates were shut, and wewere conducted to a cell. We found in it something like beds spread on thefloor, and an old ragged shirt apiece, but clean, which was of infiniteservice to us; nor did eating at first give me half the satisfaction thistreasure of an old shirt did. Though this college was large, there were butfour Jesuits in it, nor were there any more of that order upon the island. In the morning, Captain Cheap was sent for by the father provincial: Theirconversation was carried on in Latin, perhaps not the best on either side;however, they made shift to understand one another. When he returned, hetold us the good fathers were still harping upon what things of value wemight have saved and concealed about us; and that if we had any thing ofthat sort, we could not do better than let them have it. Religion seemed tobe quite out of the question at present; but a day or two after, thecorregidore being informed that we were heretics, he desired these Jesuitswould convert us; but one of them told him it was a mere joke to attemptit, as we could have no inducement upon that island to change our religion;but that when we got to Chili, in such a delightful country as that was, where there was nothing but diversions and amusements, we should beconverted fast enough. We kept close to our cell till the bell rang fordinner, when we were conducted into a hall, where there was one table forthe fathers, and another for us. After a very long Latin prayer, we satdown and eat what was put before us, without a single word passing ateither table. As soon as we had finished, there was another long prayer, which, however, did not appear so tedious as the first, and then we retiredto our cell again. In this manner we passed eight days without everstirring out, all which time one might have imagined one's self out of theworld; for excepting the bell for dinner, a silence reigned throughout thewhole, as if the place had been uninhabited. A little before dark, on the eighth evening, we heard a violent knocking atthe gate, which was no sooner opened than there entered a young officerbooted and spurred, who acquainted the fathers that he was sent by thegovernor to conduct us to Chaco. This young man was the governor's son, bywhich means he obtained a command next in authority, upon this island, tohis father. He ought to have been kept at school, for he was a vain emptycoxcomb, much disliked by the people upon the island. After taking leave ofthe Jesuits, who, I imagine, were not sorry to be rid of us, after findingtheir expectations baulked, we set out, having about thirty soldiers onhorseback to attend us. We rode about eight miles that night, when we cameto an Estancia, or farm-house, belonging to an old lady, who had twohandsome daughters. Here we were very well entertained, and the good oldlady seemed to have great compassion on us. She asked the governor's son ifhe thought his father would have any objection to my passing a month withher at her farm. As she was a person of rank in this island, he said hewould acquaint his father with her request, and made no doubt but he wouldgrant it. I observed our soldiers, when they came into the house, had noneof them any shoes on, but wore buskins, like the Indians, without any feetto them. They all had monstrous great spurs, some of silver and others ofcopper, which made a rattling when they walked, like chains. They were allstout strong-looking men, as the Spaniards, natives of the island, ingeneral are. After a good supper, we had sheep-skins laid near the fire forus to sleep on. Early in the morning we mounted again, and after riding some miles acrossthe country, we came to the water-side, where we found several periagoeswaiting for us, with some officers in them. Most of the soldiers dismountedand embarked with us, few only being sent round with the horses. It wasthree days before we arrived at Chaco, as the tides between this island andthe main are so rapid that no boat can stem them. The same precaution wastaken here as at Castro; we passed through a whole lane of soldiers, armedas I mentioned those to have been before, excepting a few who really hadmatch-locks, the only fire-arms they have here. The soldiers, upon ourjourney, had given a pompous account of el Palacio del Rey, or the king'spalace, as they stiled the governor's house, and therefore we expected tosee something very magnificent; but it was nothing better than a largethatched barn, partitioned off into several rooms. The governor was sittingat a large table covered with a piece of red serge, having all theprincipal officers about him. After some time, he made us sit down, attempting to converse with us by his linguist, who was a stupid oldfellow, that could neither talk English nor Spanish, but said he was bornin England, had resided above forty years in that country, and havingformerly been a buccaneer, was taken by the Spaniards near Panama. Thegovernor kept us to supper, and then we were conducted across the court toour apartment, which was a place that had served to keep the fire-wood forthe governor's kitchen; however, as it was dry over head, we thoughtourselves extremely well lodged. There was a soldier placed at the doorwith a drawn spado in his hand, to prevent our stirring out, which wasquite unnecessary, as we knew not where to go if we had been at liberty. One of these soldiers took a fancy to my ragged grieko, which had stillsome thousands about it, and in exchange gave me an old poncho, the sort ofgarment with a hole in the middle to put one's head through, as aboverelated to be worn by the Indians; and for the little bit of my waistcoatthat remained, he gave me a pair of breeches. I now should have thoughtmyself very handsomely equipped, if I had had but another shirt. The next day, about noon, the governor sent for us, and we dined at histable, after which we returned to our lodging, where we were never alone, for every body was curious to see us. We passed about a week in thismanner, when the centinel was taken off, and we were allowed to look aboutus a little, though not to go out of the palace, as they were pleased tocall it. We dined every day with the governor, but were not very fond ofhis fast days, which succeeded each other too quickly. I contrived to makefriends with his steward and cook, by which means I always carried mypockets full to my apartment, where I passed my time very agreeably. Soonafter, we had leave to walk about the town, or go wherever we pleased. Every house was open to us; and though it was but an hour after we haddined, they always spread a table, thinking we never could eat enough afterwhat we had suffered; and we were much of the same opinion. They are, ingeneral, a charitable, good sort of people, but very ignorant, and governedby their priests, who make them believe just what they please. The Indian language is chiefly spoken here, even by the Spaniards oneamongst another; and they say they think it a finer language than theirown. The women have fine complexions, and many of them are very handsome;they have good voices, and can strum a little upon the guitar; but theyhave an ugly custom of smoking tobacco, which is a very scarce commodityhere, and therefore is looked upon as a great treat when they meet at oneanother's houses. The lady of the house comes in with a large wooden pipecrammed with tobacco, and after taking two or three hearty whiffs, sheholds her head under her cloak lest any of the smoke should escape, andthen swallows it; some time after, you see it coming out of her nose andears. She then hands the pipe to the next lady, who does the same, till ithas gone through the whole company. Their houses are but very mean, as willbe easily imagined by what I have said of the governor's. They make theirfire in the middle of their rooms, but have no chimneys; there is a smallhole at each end of the roof to let the smoke out. It is only the better sort of people that eat bread made of wheat, as theygrow but very little here, and they have no mills to grind it; but thenthey have great plenty of the finest potatoes in the world: These arealways roasted in the ashes, then scraped, and served up at meals insteadof bread. They breed abundance of swine, as they supply both Chili and Peruwith hams. They are in no want of sheep, but are not overstocked with cows, owing, in a great measure, to their own indolence in not clearing away thewoods, which if they would be at the pains to do, they might havesufficient pasture. Their trade consists in hams, hogs-lard, which is usedthroughout all South America instead of butter; cedar-plank, which theIndians are continually employed in cutting quite to the foot of theCordilleras, little carved boxes, which the Spanish ladies use to put theirwork in, carpets, quilts, and punchos neatly embroidered all round; forthese, both in Chili and Peru, are used by the people of the first fashion, as well as the inferior sort, by way of riding-dress, and are esteemed tobe much more convenient for a horseman than any kind of coat whatever. They have what they call an annual ship from Lima, as they never expectmore than one in the year; though sometimes it happens that two have come, and at other times they have been two or three years without any. When thishappens, they are greatly distressed, as this ship brings them baize, cloth, linens, hats, ribbons, tobacco, sugar, brandy, and wine, but thislatter article is chiefly for the use of the churches: Matte, an herb fromParaguay, used over all South America instead of tea, is also a necessaryarticle. This ship's cargo is chiefly consigned to the Jesuits, who havemore Indians employed for them than all the rest of the inhabitantstogether, and of course engross almost the whole trade. There is no moneycurrent in this island. If any person wants a few yards of linen, a littlesugar, tobacco, or any other thing brought from Peru, he gives so manycedar-planks, hams, or punchos, in exchange. Some time after we had beenhere, a snow arrived in the harbour from Lima, which occasioned great joyamongst the inhabitants, as they had no ship the year before, from thealarm Lord Anson had given upon the coast. This was not the annual vessel, but one of those that I mentioned beforewhich come unexpectedly. The captain of her was an old man, well known uponthe island, who had traded here once in two or three years for more thanthirty years past. He had a remarkably large head, and therefore wascommonly known by a nick-name they had given him of Cabuco de Toro, orBull's-head. He had not been here a week, before he came to the governor, and told him, with a most melancholy countenance, that he had not slept awink since he came into the harbour, as the governor was pleased to allowthree English prisoners liberty to walk about instead of confining them, and that he expected every moment they would board his vessel and carry heraway: This he said when he had above thirty hands aboard. The governorassured him he would be answerable for us, and that he might sleep inquiet; though at the same time he could not help laughing at the man, asall the people in the town did. These assurances did not satisfy thecaptain; he used the utmost dispatch in disposing of his cargo, and put tosea again, not thinking himself safe till he had lost sight of the island. It was about three months after this that Mr Hamilton was brought in by aparty that the governor had sent to the southward on purpose to fetch him. He was in a wretched condition upon his first arrival, but soon recoveredwith the good living he found here. It is usual for the governor to make a tour every year through the severaldistricts belonging to his government: On this occasion he took us withhim. The first place he visited was Carelmapo, on the main, and from thenceto Castro. At these places he holds a kind of court, all the chief caciquesmeeting him, and informing him of what has passed since his last visit, andreceiving fresh orders for the year to come. At Castro we had the sameliberty we enjoyed at Chaco, and visited every body. It seemed they hadforgot all the ceremony used upon our first landing here, which was with anintent to make us believe it was strongly fortified; for now they let ussee plainly that they had neither fort nor gun. At Chaco they had a littleearthen fort, with a small ditch palisadoed round it, and a few oldhoneycombed guns without carriages, and which do not defend the harbour inthe least. Whilst we were at Castro, the old lady (at whose house we laythe first night upon leaving the Jesuits college) sent to the governor, andbegged I might be allowed to come to her for a few weeks; this was granted, and accordingly I went and passed about three weeks with her very happily, as she seemed to be as fond of me as if I had been her own son. She wasvery unwilling to part with me again, but as the governor was soon toreturn to Chaca, he sent for me, and I left my benefactress with regret. CHAPTER VIII. Adventure with the Niece of an old Priest at Castro. --Superstition of thePeople. --The Lima Ship arrives, in which we depart for Valparaiso, January1743. --Arrival at and Treatment there. --Journey to Chili. --Arrival at StJago. --Generous Conduct of a Scotch Physician. --Description of the City andof the People. Amongst the houses we visited at Castro, there was one belonging to an oldpriest, who was esteemed one of the richest persons upon the island. He hada niece, of whom he was extremely fond, and who was to inherit all hepossessed. He had taken a great deal of pains with her education, and shewas reckoned one of the most accomplished young ladies of Chiloe. Herperson was good, though she could not be called a regular beauty. Thisyoung lady did me the honour to take more notice of me than I deserved, andproposed to her uncle to convert me, and afterwards begged his consent tomarry me. As the old man doated upon her, he readily agreed to it; andaccordingly, on the next visit I made him, acquainted me with the younglady's proposal, and his approbation of it, taking me at the same time intoa room where there were several chests and boxes, which he unlocked, firstshewing me what a number of fine clothes his niece had, and then his ownwardrobe, which he said should be mine at his death. Amongst other things, he produced a piece of linen, which he said should immediately be made upinto shirts for me. I own this last article was a great temptation to me;however, I had the resolution to withstand it, and made the best excuses Icould for not accepting of the honour they intended me; for by this time Icould speak Spanish well enough to make myself understood. Amongst other Indians who had come to meet the governor here, there weresome caciques of those Indians who had treated us so kindly at our firstlanding upon Chiloe. One of these, a young man, had been guilty of someoffence, and was put in irons, and threatened to be more severely punished. We could not learn his crime, or whether the governor did not do it in agreat measure to shew us his power over these Indian chiefs; however, wewere under great concern for this young man, who had been extremely kind tous, and begged Captain Cheap to intercede with the governor for him. Thishe did, and the cacique was released; the governor acquainted him at thesame time, with great warmth, that it was to us only he owed it, orotherwise he would have made a severe example of him. The young man seemedto have been in no dread of farther punishment, as I believe he felt all aman could do from the indignity of being put in irons in the public square, before all his brother caciques and many hundreds of other Indians. Ithought this was not a very politic step of the governor, as the caciquecame after to Captain Cheap to thank him for his goodness, and in allprobability would remember the English for some time after; and not onlyhe, but all the other caciques who had been witnesses of it, and who seemedto feel, if possible, even more than the young man himself did. We now returned to Chaco, and the governor told us, when the annual shipcame, which they expected in December, we should be sent in her to Chili. We felt several earthquakes while we were here. One day, as I happened tobe upon a visit at a house where I was very well acquainted, an Indian camein, who lived at many leagues distance from this town, and who had madethis journey in order to purchase some little trifles he wanted; amongstother things, he had bought some prints of saints. Very proud of these, heproduced them, and put them into the hands of the women, who very devoutlyfirst crossed themselves with them, and afterwards kissed them; then gavethem to me, saying at the same time, they supposed such a heretic as I waswould refuse to kiss them. They were right in their conjectures; I returnedthem to the Indian without going through that ceremony. At that veryinstant there happened a violent shock of an earthquake, which they imputedentirely to the anger of the saints; and all quitted the house as fast asthey could, lest it should fall upon their heads. For my part, I made thebest of my way home for fear of being knocked on the head when out of thehouse by the rabble, who looked on me as the cause of all this mischief, and did not return to that house again till I thought this affair wasforgotten. Here is a very good harbour; but the entrance is very dangerous for thosewho are unacquainted with it, as the tides are so extremely rapid, andthere are sunken rocks in the midchannel. The island is above seventyleagues round, and the body of it lies in about 40 deg. 20 min. South, andis the most southern settlement the Spaniards have in these seas. Theirsummer is of no long duration, and most of the year round they have hardgales of wind and much rain. Opposite the island, upon the Cordilleras, there is a volcano, which at times burns with great fury, and is subject toviolent eruptions. One of these alarmed the whole island whilst we werethere; it sounded in the night like great guns. In the morning, thegovernor mounted his horse, and rode backwards and forwards from his houseto the earthen fort, saying it was the English coming in, but that he wouldgive them a warm reception; meaning, I suppose, that he would have leftthem a good fire in his house, for I am certain he would soon have been inthe woods if he had seen any thing like an English ship coming in. Women of the first fashion here seldom wear shoes or stockings in thehouse, but only keep them to wear upon particular occasions. I have oftenseen them coming to the church, which stood opposite to the governor'shouse, bare-legged, walking through mud and water, and at the church-doorput on their shoes and stockings, and pull them off again when they cameout. Though they are in general handsome, and have good complexions, yetmany of them paint in so ridiculous a manner, that it is impossible to helplaughing in their faces when you see them. The governor we found here was a native of Chili. The government, which isappointed by that presidency, is for three years, which appears to be along banishment to them, as their appointments are but small, though theymake the most of it. The towns of Castro and Chaco consist only ofscattered houses, without a regular street, though both have their placesor squares, as almost all Spanish towns have. Chaco is very thinlyinhabited, excepting at the time the Lima ship arrives; then they flockthither from all parts of the island to purchase what little matters theywant, and as soon as that is done, retire to their estancias or farms. It was about the middle of December this ship came in, and the second ofJanuary, 1742-3, we embarked on board of her. She was bound to Valparaiso. We got out to sea with some difficulty, having been driven by the strengthof the tide very near those sunken rocks mentioned before. We found a greatsea without; and as the ship was as deep as any laden collier, her deckswere continually well washed. She was a fine vessel, of about two hundredand fifty-tons. The timber the ships of this country are built of isexcellent, as they last a prodigious time; for they assured us that thevessel we were then in had been built above forty years. The captain was aSpaniard, and knew not the least of sea affairs; the second captain, ormaster, the boatswain, and his mate, were all three Frenchmen, and verygood seamen; the pilot was a Mulatto, and all the rest of the crew wereIndians and negroes. The latter were all slaves and stout fellows, butnever suffered to go aloft, lest they should fall overboard, and the ownerslose so much money by it. The Indians were active, brisk men, and very goodseamen for that climate. We had on board the head of the Jesuits aspassenger. He and Captain Cheap were admitted into the great cabin, andmessed with the captain and his chaplain. As for us, we were obliged torough it the whole passage, that is, when we were tired we lay down uponthe quarter-deck in the open air, and slept as well as we could; but thatwas nothing to us, who had been used to fare so much worse. We lived well, eating with the master and boatswain, who always had their meals upon thequarter-deck, and drank brandy at them as we do small-beer, and all therest of the day were smoking segars. The fifth day we made the land four or five leagues to the southward ofValparaiso, and soon after falling calm, a great western swell hurried usin very fast towards the shore. We dropped the lead several times, but hadsuch deep water we could not anchor. They were all much alarmed when theJesuit came out of the cabin for the first time, having been sea-sick thewhole passage. As soon as he was informed of the danger, he went back intothe cabin and brought out the image of some saint, which he desired mightbe hung up in the mizen-shrouds; which being done, he kept threatening it, that if we had not a breeze of wind soon, he would certainly throw itoverboard. Soon after, we had a little wind from off the land, when theJesuit carried the image back with an air of great triumph, saying he wascertain that we should not be without wind long, though he had givenhimself over for lost some time before it came. Next morning we anchored inthe port of Valparaiso. In that part which is opposite to the fort, shipslay so near the land, that they have generally three anchors ashore, asthere is eight or ten fathom close to it; and the flaws come off the hillswith such violence, that if it was not for this method of securing themthey would be blown out. This is only in summer-time, for in the wintermonths no ships ever attempt to come in here; the northerly winds thenprevail, and drive in such a sea that they must soon be ashore. The Spanish captain waited upon the governor of the fort, and informed himthat he had four English prisoners on board. We were ordered ashore in theafternoon, and were received as we got upon the beach by a file of soldierswith their bayonets fixed, who surrounded us, and then marched up to thefort, attended by a numerous mob. We were carried before the governor, whose house was full of officers. He was blind, asked a few questions, andthen spoke of nothing but the strength of the garrison he commanded, anddesired to know if we had observed that all the lower battery was brassguns. We were immediately after, by his order, put into the condemned hole. There was nothing but four bare walls, excepting a heap of lime that filledone third of it, and made the place swarm with fleas in such a manner thatwe were presently covered with them. Some of Admiral Pizarro's soldierswere here in garrison that had been landed from his ships at Buenos Ayres, as he could not get round Cape Horn. A centinel's box was placed at ourdoor, and we had always a soldier with his bayonet fixed to prevent ourstirring out. The curiosity of the people was such, that our prison wascontinually full from morning till night, by which the soldiers made apretty penny, as they took money from every person for the sight. In a few days, Captain Cheap and Mr Hamilton were ordered up to St Jago, asthey were known to be officers by having saved their commissions; but MrCampbell and I were to continue in prison. Captain Cheap expressed greatconcern when he left us; he told me it was what he had all along dreaded, that they would separate us when we got into this country; but he assuredme, if he was permitted to speak to the president, that he would neverleave soliciting him till he obtained a grant for me to be sent up to him. No sooner were they gone than we fared very badly. A common soldier, whowas ordered to provide for us by the governor, brought us each, once a day, a few potatoes mixed with hot water. The other soldiers of the garrison, aswell as the people who flocked to see us, took notice of it, and told thesoldier it was cruel to treat us in that manner. His answer was, "Thegovernor allows me but half a real a day for each of these men; what can Ido? It is he that is to blame; I am shocked every time I bring them thisscanty pittance, though even that could not be provided for the money hegives them. " We from this time lived much better, and the soldier brought us even wineand fruit. We took it for granted that our case had been represented to thegovernor, and that he had increased our pay. As to the first, we were rightin our conjectures; it had been mentioned to him, that it was impossible wecould subsist on what he allowed; and his answer to it was, that we mightstarve, for we should have no more from him, and that he believed he shouldnever be repaid even that. This charitable speech of the governor was madeknown everywhere, and now almost every one who came to see us gave ussomething; even the mule-drivers would take out their tobacco-pouch, inwhich they kept their money, and give us half a real. All this we wouldhave given to our soldier, but he never would receive a farthing from us, telling us we might still want it; and the whole time we were there, whichwas some weeks, he laid aside half his daily pay to supply us, though hehad a wife and six children, and never could have the least hope orexpectation of any recompence. However, two years after this I had thesingular pleasure of making him some return, when my circumstances weremuch better than his. One night, when we were locked up, there happened a dreadful shock of anearthquake. We expected every moment the roof and walls of our prison tofall in upon us and crush us to pieces; and what added to the horror of itwas, the noise of chains and imprecations in the next prison which joinedto ours, where there were near seventy felons heavily loaded with irons, who are kept here to work upon the fortifications, as in other countriesthey are condemned to the gallies. A few days after this, we were told anorder was come from the president to the governor to send us up to St Jago, which is ninety miles from Valparaiso, and is the capital of Chili. Therewere at this time several ships in the port from Lima delivering theircargoes, so that almost every day there were large droves of mules going upto St Jago with the goods. The governor sent for one of the mastercarriers, and ordered him to take us up with him. The man asked him how hewas to be paid our expences, as he should be five days upon the road. Thegovernor told him he might get that as he could, for he would not advancehim a single farthing. After taking leave of our friendly soldier, who even now brought us somelittle matters to carry with us, we set out, and travelled about fourteenmiles the first day, and lay at night in the open field, which is alwaysthe custom of these people, stopping where there is plenty of pasture andgood water for the mules. The next morning we passed over a high mountaincalled Zapata; and then crossing a large plain, we passed another mountain, very difficult for the mules, who each carried two heavy bales: There wereabove an hundred in this drove. The mules of Chili are the finest in theworld; and though they are continually upon the road, and have nothing butwhat they pick up at night, they are as fat and sleek as high-fed horses inEngland. The fourth night we lay upon a plain in sight of St Jago, and notabove four leagues from it. The next day, as we moved towards the city, our master-carrier, who wasnaturally well-disposed, and had been very kind to us all the way upon theroad, advised me, very seriously, not to think of remaining in St Jago, where he said there was nothing but extravagance, vice, and folly, but toproceed on with them as mule-driver, which, he said, I should soon be veryexpert at; and that they led an innocent and happy life, far preferable toany enjoyment such a great city as that before us could afford. I thankedhim, and told him I was very much obliged to him, but that I would try thecity first, and if I did not like it, I would accept of the offer he was sogood as to make me. The thing that gave him this high opinion of me was, that as he had been so civil to us, I was very officious in assisting todrive in those mules that strayed from the rest upon those large plains wepassed over; and this I thought was the least I could do towards makingsome returns for the obligations we were under to him. When we got into St Jago, the carrier delivered us to the captain of theguard at the palace gate, and he soon after introduced us to the president, Don Joseph Manso, who received us very civilly, and then sent us to thehouse where Captain Cheap and Mr Hamilton were. We found them extremelywell lodged at the house of a Scotch physician, whose name was Don PatricioGedd. This gentleman had been a long time in this city, and was greatlyesteemed by the Spaniards, as well for his abilities in his profession ashis humane disposition. He no sooner heard that there were four Englishprisoners arrived in that country, than he waited upon the president, andbegged they might be lodged at his house. This was granted, and had we beenhis own brothers we could not have met with a more friendly reception; andduring two years that we were with him, his constant study was to makeevery thing as agreeable to us as possible. We were greatly distressed tothink of the expence he was at upon our account, but it was in vain for usto argue with him about it. In short, to sum up his character in a fewwords, there never was a man of more extensive humanity. Two or three days after our arrival, the president sent Mr Campbell and mean invitation to dine with him, where we were to meet Admiral Pizarro andall his officers. This was a cruel stroke upon us, as we had not anyclothes fit to appear in, and dared not refuse the invitation. The nextday, a Spanish officer belonging to Admiral Pizarro's squadron, whose namewas Don Manuel de Guiror, came and made us an offer of two thousanddollars. This generous Spaniard made this offer without any view of everbeing repaid, but purely out of a compassionate motive of relieving us inour present distress. We returned him all the acknowledgments his uncommongenerous behaviour merited, and accepted of six hundred dollars only, uponhis receiving our draught for that sum upon the English consul at Lisbon. We now got ourselves decently clothed after the Spanish fashion, and as wewere upon our parole, we went out where we pleased to divert ourselves. This city is situated in about 33 degrees and 30 minutes south latitude, atthe west foot of the immense chain of mountains called the Cordilleras. Itstands on a most beautiful plain of above thirty leagues extent. It wasfounded by Don Pedro de Baldivia, the conqueror of Chili. The plan of itwas marked out by him, in squares, like Lima; and almost every housebelonging to people of any fashion has a large court before it, with greatgates, and a garden behind. There is a little rivulet, neatly faced withstone, runs through every street, by which they can cool the streets orwater their gardens when they please. The whole town is extremely wellpaved. Their gardens are full of noble orange-trees and floripondies, withall sort of flowers, which perfume the houses and even the whole city. Muchabout the middle of it is the great square, called the Placa Real, or theRoyal Square; there are eight avenues leading into it. The west sidecontains the cathedral and the bishop's palace; the north side is thepresident's palace, the royal court, the council house, and the prison; thesouth side is a row of piazzas, the whole length of which are shops, andover it a gallery to see the bull-fights; the east side has some largehouses belonging to people of distinction, and in the middle is a largefountain with a brass bason. The houses have, in general, only a groundfloor, upon account of the frequent earthquakes; but they make a handsomeappearance. The churches are rich in gilding as well as in plate: That ofthe Jesuits is reckoned an exceeding good piece of architecture, but it ismuch too high built for a country so subject to earthquakes, and where ithas frequently happened that thousands of people have been swallowed up atonce. There is a hill, or rather high rock, at the east end of the city, calledSt Lucia, from the top of which you have a view of all the city and thecountry about for many leagues, affording a very delightful landscape. Their estancias, or country houses, are very pleasant, having generally afine grove of olive trees, with large vineyards to them. The Chili wine, inmy opinion, is full as good as Madeira, and made in such quantities that itis sold extremely cheap. The soil of this country is so fertile, that thehusbandmen have very little trouble, for they do but in a manner scratch upthe ground, and without any kind of manure it yields an hundred fold. Without doubt the wheat of Chili is the finest in the world, and the fruitsare all excellent in their kinds. Beef and mutton are so cheap, that youmay have a good cow for three dollars, and a fat sheep for two shillings. Their horses are extraordinary good; and though some of them go at a greatprice, you may have a very good one for four dollars, or about eighteenshillings of our money. It must be a very poor Indian who has not his four or five horses; andthere are no better horsemen in the world than the Chileans, and that isnot surprising, for they never chuse to go a hundred yards on foot. Theyhave always their laco fixed to their saddle: the laco is a long thong ofleather, at the end of which they make a sliding noose. It is of moregeneral use to them than any weapon whatever, for with this they are sureof catching either horse or wild bull, upon full gallop, by any foot theyplease. Their horses are all trained to this, and the moment they find thethong straitened, as the other end is always made fast to the saddle, thehorse immediately turns short, and throwing the beast thus caught, thehuntsman wounds or secures him in what manner he thinks proper. Thesepeople are so dexterous, that they will take from the ground a glove orhandkerchief while their horse is upon full stretch; and I have seen themjump upon the back of the wildest bull, and all the efforts of the beastcould not throw them. This country produces all sorts of metals; it isfamous for gold, silver, iron, tin, lead, and quicksilver; but some ofthese they do not understand working, especially quicksilver. With copperthey supply all Peru, and send likewise a great deal to Europe. The climate of Chili is, I believe, the finest in the world. What they calltheir winter does not last three months, and even that is very moderate, asmay be imagined by their manner of building, for they have no chimneys intheir houses. All the rest of the year is delightful, for though, from tenor eleven in the morning till five in the afternoon, it is very hot, yetthe evenings and mornings are very cool and pleasant; and in the hottesttime of the year, it is from six in the evening till two or three in themorning that the people of this country meet to divert themselves withmusic and other entertainments, at which there is plenty of coolingliquors, as they are well supplied with ice from the neighbouringCordilleras. At these assemblies many intrigues are carried on: for theythink of nothing else throughout the year. Their fandangoes are very agreeable; the women dance inimitably well, andvery gracefully. They are all born with an ear for music, and most of themhave delightful voices, and all play upon the guitar and harp. The latter, at first, appears a very awkward instrument for a woman, yet that prejudiceis soon got over, and they far excel any other nation upon it. They areextremely complaisant and polite; and when asked either to play, dance, orsing, they do it without a moment's hesitation, and that with an exceedinggood grace. They have many figure-dances, but what they take most delightin, are more like our hornpipes than any thing else I can compare them to;and upon these occasions they shew surprising activity. The women areremarkably handsome, and very extravagant in their dress. Their hair, whichis as thick as is possible to be conceived, they wear of a vast length, without any other ornament upon the head than a few flowers; they plait itbehind in four plaits, and twist them round a bodkin, at each end of whichis a diamond rose. Their shifts are all over lace, as is a little tightwaistcoat they wear over them. Their petticoats are open before, and lapover, and have commonly three rows of very rich lace of gold or silver. Inwinter, they have an upper waistcoat of cloth of gold or silver, and insummer, of the finest linen, covered all over with the finest Flanderslace. The sleeves of these are immensely wide. Over all this, when the airis cool, they have a mantle, which is only of bays, of the finest colours, round which there is abundance of lace. When they go abroad, they wear aveil, which is so contrived that one eye is only seen. Their feet are verysmall, and they value themselves as much upon it as the Chinese do. Theirshoes are pinked and cut; their stockings silk, with gold and silvercloaks; and they love to have the end of an embroidered garter hang alittle below the petticoat. Their breasts and shoulders are very naked;and, indeed, you may easily discern their whole shape by their manner ofdress. They have fine sparkling eyes, ready wit, a great deal of goodnature, and a strong disposition to gallantry. By the description of one house you have an idea of all the rest. You firstcome into a large court, on one side of which is the stable: you then entera hall; on one side of that is a large room, about twenty feet wide, andnear forty feet long: that side next the window is the estrado, which runsthe whole length of the room. The estrado is a platform, raised about fiveor six inches above the fioor, and is covered with carpets and velvetcushions for the women to sit on, which they do, after the Moorish fashion, cross-legged. The chairs for the men are covered with printed leather. Atthe end of the estrado, there is an alcove, where the bed stands; and thereis always a vast deal of the sheets hanging out, with a profusion of laceto them, and the same on the pillows. They have a false door to the alcove, which sometimes is very convenient. Besides, there are generally two otherrooms, one within another, and the kitchen and other offices are detachedfrom the house, either at one side, or at the end of the garden. The ladies are fond of having their Mulatto female slaves dressed almost aswell as themselves in every respect, excepting jewels, in which theyindulge themselves to the utmost extravagance. Paraguay tea, which theycall matte, as I mentioned before, is always drunk twice a day: this isbrought upon a large silver salver, with four legs raised upon it, toreceive a little cup made out of a small calabash or gourd, and tipped withsilver. They put the herb first into this, and add what sugar they please, and a little orange juice; and then pour hot water on them, and drink itimmediately through the conveyance of a long silver tube, at the end ofwhich there is a round strainer, to prevent the herb getting through. Andhere it is reckoned a piece of politeness for the lady to suck the tube twoor three times first, and then give it the stranger to drink without wipingit. They eat every thing so highly seasoned with red pepper, that those whoare not used to it, upon the first mouthful would imagine their throats onfire for an hour afterwards; and it is a common custom here, though youhave the greatest plenty at your own table, to have two or three Mulattogirls come in at the time you dine, bringing, in a little silver plate, some of these high-seasoned ragouts, with a compliment from Donna such-a-one, who desires you will eat a little bit of what she has sent you, whichmust be done before her Mulatto's face, or it would be deemed a greataffront. Had this been the fashion at Chiloe, we should never haveoffended; but sometimes here we could have wished this ceremony omitted. The president never asked any of us a second time to his table. He expectedus once a fortnight to be at his levee, which we never failed, and healways received us very politely. He was a man of a very amiable character, and much respected by every body in Chili, and some time after we left thatcountry was appointed viceroy of Peru. CHAPTER IX. Account of the Bull Feasts and other Amusements. --Occurrences during nearlytwo Years Residence. --In December, 1744, we embark for Europe in the LysFrench Frigate. --The Vessel leaky. --Dangerous Voyage. --Narrow Escape fromEnglish Cruizers. --Arrival in England. --Conclusion. We had leave, whenever we asked it, to make an excursion into the countryfor ten or twelve days at a time, which we did sometimes to a very pleasantspot belonging to Don Joseph Dunose, a French gentleman, and a verysensible well-bred man, who had married a very agreeable lady at St Jago, with a good fortune. We also sometimes had invitations from the Spaniardsto their country houses. We had a numerous acquaintance in the city, and ingeneral received many civilities from the inhabitants. There are a greatmany people of fashion, and very good families from Old Spain settled here. A lady lived next door to us, whose name was Donna Francisca Giron; and asmy name sounded something like it, she would have it that we wereparientes. She had a daughter, a very fine young woman, who both played andsung remarkably well: she was reckoned the finest voice in St Jago. Theysaw a great deal of company, and we were welcome to her house whenever wepleased. We were a long time in this country, but we passed it veryagreeably. The president alone goes with four horses to his coach; but thecommon vehicle here is a calash, or kind of vis-a-vis, drawn by one muleonly. Bull-feasts are a common diversion here, and surpass any thing of that kindI ever saw at Lisbon, or any where else. Indeed, it is amazing to see theactivity and dexterity of those who attack the bulls. It is always donehere by those only who follow it as a trade, for it is too dangerous to bepractised as a diversion; as a proof of which, it is found, that thoughsome may hold out longer than others, there are few who constantly practiseit that die a natural death. The bulls are always the wildest that can bebrought in from the mountains or forests, and have nothing on their hornsto prevent their piercing a man at the first stroke, as they have atLisbon. I have seen a man, when the bull came at him with the utmost fury, spring directly over the beast's head, and perform this feat several times, and at last jump on his back, and there sit a considerable time, the bullthe whole time attempting every means to throw him. But though thispractitioner was successful, several accidents happened while I was there. The ladies, at these feasts, are always dressed as fine as possible; and, Iimagine, go rather to be admired than to receive any amusement from a sightthat one should think would give them pain. Another amusement for the ladies here, are the nights of their greatprocessions, when they go out veiled; and in that dress, they amusethemselves in talking to people much in the manner that is done at ourmasquerades. One night in Lent, as I was standing close to the houses whilethe procession went by, and having nothing but a thin waistcoat on under mycloak, and happening to have my arm out, a lady came by, and gave me apinch with so good a will, that I thought she had taken the piece out; and, indeed, I carried the marks for a long time after. I durst not take theleast notice of this at the time, for had I made any disturbance, I shouldhave been knocked on the head. This kind lady immediately after mixed withthe crowd, and I never could find out who had done me that favour. I haveseen fifty or sixty penitents following these processions; they wear a longwhite garment with a long train to it, and high caps of the same, whichfall down before and cover all their faces, having only two small holes fortheir eyes, so that they are never known. Their backs are bare, and theylash themselves with a cat-o'-nine-tails till the long train behind iscovered all over with blood. Others follow them with great heavy crossesupon their backs, so that they groan under the weight as they walkbarefooted, and often faint away. The streets swarm with friars of all thedifferent orders. The president has always a guard at his palace regularlyclothed. The rest of their forces consists of militia, who are numerous. All European goods are very dear. English cloth of fourteen or fifteenshillings a yard, sells there for ten or eleven dollars, and every otherarticle in proportion. We found many Spaniards here that had been taken byCommodore Anson, and had been for some time prisoners on board theCenturion. . They all spoke in the highest terms of the kind treatment theyhad received; and it is natural to imagine, that it was chiefly owing tothat laudable example of humanity our reception here was so good. They hadnever had any thing but privateers and buccaneers amongst them before, whohandled their prisoners very roughly, so that the Spaniards in general, both of Peru and Chili, had the greatest dread of being taken by theEnglish; but some of them told us, that they were so happy on board theCenturion, that they should not have been sorry if the commodore had takenthem with him to England. After we had been here some time, Mr Campbell changed his religion, and ofcourse left us. At the end of two years, the president sent for us, andinformed us a French ship from Lima, bound to Spain, had put intoValparaiso, and that we should embark in her. After taking leave of ourgood friend Mr Gedd, and all our acquaintance at St Jago, we set out forValparaiso, mules and a guide being provided for us. I had forgot to saybefore, that Captain Cheap had been allowed by the president six reals aday, and we had four for our maintenance the whole time we were at St Jago, which money we took up as we wanted it. Our journey back was muchpleasanter than we found it when we were first brought hither, as we hadnow no mules to drive. The first person I met, upon our entrance intoValparaiso, was the poor soldier whom I mentioned to have been so kind tous when we were imprisoned in the fort. I now made him a little present, which, as it came quite unexpected, made him very happy. We took lodgingstill the ship was ready to sail, and diverted ourselves as we pleased, having the good fortune, at this time, to have nothing to do with thegovernor or his fort. The town is but a poor little place; there are, indeed, a good many storehouses built by the water-side for the receptionof goods from the shipping. About the 20th of December, 1744, we embarked on board the Lys frigate, belonging to St Malo. She was a ship of four hundred and twenty tons, sixteen guns, and sixty men. She had several passengers on board, andamongst the rest Don George Juan, a man of very superior abilities, (andsince that time well known in England) who, with Don Antonio Ulloa, hadbeen several years in Peru, upon a design of measuring some degrees of themeridian near the equator. We were now bound to Conception, in order tojoin three other French ships that were likewise bound home. As this was atime of the year when the southerly winds prevailed upon this coast, westood off a long way to the westward, making the island of Juan Fernandez. We did not get into the Bay of Conception till the 6th of January, 1745, where we anchored at Talcaguana, and there found the Louis Erasme, theMarquis d'Antin, and the Delivrance, the three French ships that we were toaccompany. It is but sixty leagues from Valparaiso to Conception, though wehad been so long making this passage; but there is no beating up, near theshore, against the southerly wind, which is the trade at this season, asyou are sure to have a lee-current; so that the quickest way of making apassage is to stand off a hundred and twenty or thirty leagues from theland. The Bay of Conception is a large fine bay, but there are several shoals init, and only two good anchoring places, though a ship may anchor within aquarter of a league of the town, but this only in the very fine months, asyou lay much exposed. The best anchoring-place is Talcaguana, thesouthernmost neck of the bay, in five or six fathom water, good holdingground, and where you are sheltered from the northerly winds. The town hasno other defence but a low battery, which only commands the anchoring-placebefore it. The country is extremely pleasant, and affords the greatestplenty of provisions of all kinds. In some excursions we made daily fromTalcaguana, we saw great numbers of very large snakes, but we were toldthey were quite harmless. I have read some former accounts of Chili, by the Jesuits, wherein theytell you that no venomous creature is to be found in it, and that they evenmade the experiment of bringing bugs here, which died immediately, but Inever was in any place that swarmed with them so much as St Jago; and theyhave a large spider there, whose bite is so venomous, that I have seen fromit some of the most shocking sights I ever saw in my life; and it certainlyproves mortal, if proper remedies are not applied in time. I was once bitby one on the cheek whilst asleep, and presently after all that part of myface turned as black as ink. I was cured-by the application of a bluishkind of stone (the same, perhaps, they call the serpent-stone in the EastIndies, and which is a composition. ) The stone stuck for some time ofitself on my face, and dropping off, was put into milk till it had digestedthe poison it had extracted, and then applied again till the pain abated, and I was soon afterwards well. Whilst the ships remained at Conception, the people were employed inkilling of cattle and salting them for the voyage, and every ship took onboard as many bullocks and sheep as their decks could well hold, and havingcompleted their business here, they sailed the 27th of January; but abouteight days after our ship sprung a very dangerous leak forward, but so low, that there was no possibility of stopping it without returning into port, and lightening her till they could come at it. Accordingly we separatedfrom the other ships, and made the best of our way for Valparaiso, keepingall hands at the pump night and day, passengers and all. However, as ithappened, this proved a lucky circumstance for the Lys, as the three otherships were taken, and which certainly would have been her fate likewise hadshe kept company with the rest. As soon as we got into port, they lightenedthe ship forwards, and brought her by the stern till they came at the leak, which was soon, stopped. They made all the dispatch possible in completingthe water again. Whilst at Valparaiso, we had one of the most violentshocks of an earthquake that we had ever felt yet. On the first of March we put to sea again, the season being already faradvanced for passing Cape Horn. The next day we went to an allowance of aquart of water a day for each man, which continued the whole passage. Wewere obliged to stand a long way to the westward, and went to the northwardof Juan Fernandez above a degree, before we had a wind that we could makeany southing with. On the 25th, in the latitude of 46 degrees, we met witha violent hard gale at west, which obliged us to lie-to under a reefedmainsail for some days, and before we got round the cape, we had many veryhard gales, with a prodigious sea and constant thick snow; and after beingso long in so delightful a climate as Chili, the cold was almostinsupportable. After doubling the cape, we got but slowly to the northward;and indeed, at the best of times, the ship never went above six knots, forshe was a heavy-going thing. On the 27th of May we crossed the Line, whenfinding that our water was grown extremely short, and that it would bealmost impossible to reach Europe without a supply, it was resolved to bearaway for Martinico. On the 29th of June, in the morning, we made the islandof Tobago, and then shaped a course for Martinico, and on the first ofJuly, by our reckonings, expected to see it, but were disappointed. Thiswas imputed to the currents, which, whether they had set the ship to theeastward or westward, nobody could tell; but, upon looking over the charts, it was imagined, if the current had driven her to the westward, it musthave been among the Granadillos, which was thought impossible withoutseeing any of them, as they are so near together, and a most dangerousplace for rocks. It was then concluded we were to the eastward, andaccordingly we steered S. W. By W. ; but having run this course for abovethirty leagues, and no land appearing, it was resolved to stand to thenorthward till we should gain the latitude of Porto Rico, and on the 4th inthe evening we made that island, so that it was now certain the ship hadbeen hustled through the Granadillos in the night, which was, withoutdoubt, as extraordinary a passage as ever ship made. It was now resolved to go between the islands of Porto Rico and St. Domingofor Cape Francois, therefore we lay-to that night. In the morning, we madesail along shore; and about ten o'clock, as I was walking the quarter-deck, Captain Cheap came out of the cabin, and told me he had just seen a beef-barrel go by the ship, that he was sure it had but lately been thrownoverboard, and that he would venture any wager we saw an English cruizerbefore long. In about half an hour after, we saw two sail to leeward from, off the quarter-deck, for they kept no look-out from the mast-head, and wepresently observed they were in chace of us. The French and Spaniards onboard now began to grow a good deal alarmed, when it fell stark calm, butnot before the ships had neared us so much, that we plainly discerned themto be English men of war, the one a two-decker, the other a twenty-gunship. The French had now thoughts, when a breeze should spring up, ofrunning the ship on shore upon Porto Rico; but when they came to considerwhat a set of banditti inhabited that island, and that in all probabilitythey would have their throats cut for the sake of plundering the wreck, they were resolved to take their chance, and stand to the northward betweenthe two islands. In the evening, a fresh breeze sprung up, and we shaped a courseaccordingly. The two ships had it presently afterwards, and neared usamazingly fast. Now every body on board gave themselves up; the officerswere busy in their cabins filling their pockets with what was mostvaluable; the men put on their best clothes, and many of them came to mewith little lumps of gold, desiring I would take them, as they said theyhad much rather I should benefit by them, whom they were acquainted with, than those that chaced them. I told them there was time enough, though Ithought they were as surely taken as if the English had been already onboard. A fine moonlight night came on, and we expected every moment to seethe ships alongside of us; but we saw nothing of them in the night, and toour great astonishment in the morning no ships were to be seen even fromthe mast-head. Thus did these two cruizers lose one of the richest prizesby not chasing an hour or two longer. There were near two millions ofdollars on board, besides a valuable cargo. On the eighth, at six in the morning, we were off Cape La Grange; and, whatis very remarkable, the French at Cape Francois told us afterwards that wasthe only day they ever remembered since the war, that the cape had beenwithout one or two English privateers cruising off it; and but the eveningbefore two of them had taken two outward-bound St Domingo-men, and had gonewith them for Jamaica, so that this ship might be justly esteemed a mostlucky one. In the afternoon we came to an anchor in Cape Francois harbour. In this long run we had not buried a single man, nor do I remember thatthere was one sick the whole passage, but at this place many were takenill, and three or four died, for there is no part of the West Indies moreunhealthy than this; yet the country is beautiful, and extremely wellcultivated. After being here some time, the governor ordered us to waitupon him, which we did, when he took no more notice of us than if we hadbeen his slaves, never asking us even to sit down. Towards the end of August, a French squadron of five men of war came in, commanded by Monsieur L'Etanducre, who were to convoy the trade to France. Neither he nor his officers ever took any kind of notice of Captain Cheap, though we met them every day ashore. One evening, as we were going aboardwith the captain of our ship, a midshipman belonging to MonsieurL'Etanducre jumped into our boat, and ordered the people to carry him onboard the ship he belonged to, leaving us to wait upon the beach for twohours before the boat returned. On the sixth of September, we put to sea, in company with the five men ofwar and about fifty sail of merchantmen. On the eighth, we made the CaycoGrande; and the next day a Jamaica privateer, a large fine sloop, hove insight, keeping a little to windward of the convoy, resolving to pick up oneor two of them in the night if possible. This obliged Monsieur L'Etanducreto send a frigate to speak to all the convoy, and order them to keep closeto him in the night, which they did, and in such a manner, that sometimesseven or eight of them were on board one another together, by which theyreceived much damage; and to repair which, the whole squadron was obligedto lay-to sometimes for a whole day. The privateer kept her station, jogging on with the fleet. At last, the commodore ordered two of his bestgoing ships to chace her. She appeared to take no notice of them till theywere pretty near her, and then would make sail and be out of sightpresently. The chacing ships no sooner returned, than the privateer was incompany again. As by this every night some accident happened to some of the convoy bykeeping so close together, a fine ship of thirty guns belonging toMarseilles, hauled out a little to windward of the rest of the fleet, whichL'Etanducre perceiving in the morning, ordered the frigate to bring thecaptain of her on board of him; and then making a signal for all the convoyto close to him, he fired a gun, and hoisted a red flag at the ensignstaff, and immediately after the captain of the merchantman was run up tothe main-yard-arm, and from thence ducked three times. He was then sent onboard his ship again, with orders to keep his colours flying the whole day, in order to distinguish him from the rest. We were then told, that theperson who was treated in this cruel manner was a young man of an exceedinggood family in the south of France, and likewise a man of great spirit, andthat he would not fail to call Monsieur L'Etanducre to an account when anopportunity should offer; and the affair made much noise in Franceafterwards. One day, the ship we were in happened to be out of her station, by sailing so heavily, when the commodore made the signal to speak to ourcaptain, who seemed frightened out of his wits. When we came near him, hebegan with the grossest abuse, threatening our captain, that if ever he wasout of his station again, he would serve him as he had done the other. Thisrigid discipline, however, preserved the convoy; for though the privateerkept company a long time, she was not so fortunate as to meet with thereward of her perseverance. On the 27th of October, in the evening, we made Cape Ortegal, and on the31st came to an anchor in Brest road. The Lys, having so valuable a cargoon board, was towed into the harbour next morning, and lashed alongside oneof their men of war. The money was soon landed; and the officers and men, who had been so many years absent from their native country, were glad toget on shore. Nobody remained on board but a man or two to look after theship, and we three English prisoners, who had no leave to go ashore. Theweather was extremely cold, and felt particularly so to us, who had been solong used to hot climates; and what made it still worse, we were verythinly clad. We had neither fire nor candle, for they were allowed on boardof no ship in the harbour for fear of accidents, being close to theirmagazines in the dock-yard. Some of the officers belonging to the ship wereso kind as to send us off victuals every day, or we might have starved, forMonsieur L'Intendant never sent us even a message; and though there was avery large squadron of men of war fitting out at that time, not one officerbelonging to them ever came near Captain Cheap. From five in the evening wewere obliged to sit in the dark; and if we chose to have any supper, it wasnecessary to place it very near us before that time, or we never could havefound it. We had passed seven or eight days in this melancholy manner, when onemorning a kind of row-galley came alongside with a number of Englishprisoners belonging to two large privateers the French had taken. We wereordered into the same boat with them, and were carried four leagues up theriver to Landernaw. At this town we were upon our parole, so took the bestlodgings we could get, and lived very well for three months, when an ordercame from the court of Spain to allow us to return home by the first shipthat offered. Upon this, hearing there was a Dutch ship at Morlaix ready tosail, we took horses and travelled to that town, where we were obliged toremain six weeks before we had an opportunity of getting away. At last weagreed with the master of a Dutch dogger to land us at Dover, and paid himbeforehand. When we had got down the river into the road, a French privateer that wasalmost ready to sail upon a cruize, hailed the Dutchman, and told him tocome to an anchor, and that if he offered to sail before him he would sinkhim. This he was forced to comply with, and lay three days in the road, cursing the Frenchman, who at the end of that time put to sea, and then wewere at liberty to do the same. We had a long uncomfortable passage. Aboutthe ninth day, before sunset, we saw Dover, and reminded the Dutchman ofhis agreement to land us there. He said he would, but instead of that inthe morning we were off the coast of France. We complained loudly of thispiece of villainy, and insisted upon his returning to land us, when anEnglish man of war appeared to windward, and presently bore down, to us. She sent her boat on board with an officer, who informed us that the shiphe came from was the Squirrel, commanded by Captain Masterton. We went onboard of her, and Captain Masterton immediately sent one of the cutters hehad with him to land us at Dover, where we arrived that afternoon, anddirectly set out for Canterbury upon post-horses; but Captain Cheap was sotired by the time he got there, that he could proceed no farther thatnight. The next morning he still found himself so much fatigued, that he couldride no longer; therefore it was agreed that he and Mr Hamilton should takea post-chaise, and that I should ride: but here an unlucky difficulty wasstarted, for upon sharing the little money we had, it was found to be notsufficient to pay the charges to London; and my proportion fell so short, that it was, by calculation, barely enough to pay for horses, without afarthing for eating a bit upon the road, or even for the very turnpikes. Those I was obliged to defraud, by riding as hard as I could through themall, not paying the least regard to the men, who called out to stop me. Thewant of refreshment I bore as well as I could. When I got to the Borough, I took a coach and drove to Marlborough-street, where my friends had lived when I left England; but when I came there, Ifound the house shut up. Having been absent so many years, and in all thattime never having heard a word from home, I knew not who was dead or whowas living, or where to go next, or even how to pay the coachman. Irecollected a linen-draper's shop, not far from thence, which our familyhad used. I therefore drove there next, and making myself known, they paidthe coachman. I then enquired after our family, and was told my sister hadmarried Lord Carlisle, and was at that time in Soho-square. I immediatelywalked to the house, and knocked at the door; but the porter not liking myfigure, which was half French half Spanish, with the addition of a largepair of boots covered with dirt, he was going to shut the door in my face, but I prevailed with him to let me come in. I need not acquaint my readers with what surprise and joy my sisterreceived me. She immediately furnished me with money sufficient to appearlike the rest of my countrymen; and till that time I could not be properlysaid to have finished all the extraordinary scenes which a series ofunfortunate adventures had kept me in for the space of five years andupwards. A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH-SEAS, IN THE YEARS 1740, AND 1741: CONTAINING A faithful NARRATIVE of the Loss of his Majesty's Ship the WAGER, on adesolate Island in the Latitude 47 South, Longitude 81: 40 West: With theProceedings and Conduct of the Officers and Crew, and the Hardships theyendured in the said Island for the Space of five Months; their bold Attemptfor Liberty, in coasting the Southern Part of the vast Region of Patagonia;setting out with upwards of eighty Souls in their Boats; the Loss of theCutter; their Passage through the Streights of Magellan; an Account oftheir Manner of Living in the Voyage on Seals, Wild Horses, Dogs, &c. Andthe incredible Hardships they frequently underwent for want of Food of anyKind; a Description of the several Places where they touched in theStreights of Magellan, with an Account of the Inhabitants, &c. And theirsafe Arrival to the Brazil, after sailing one thousand Leagues in a Long-boat; their Reception from the Portuguese; an Account of the Disturbancesat Rio Grand; their Arrival at Rio Janeiro; their Passage and Usage onboard a Portuguese Ship to Lisbon; and their Return to England. Interspersed with many entertaining and curious Observations, not takenNotice of by Sir John Narborough, or any other Journalist: _The Whole compiled by Persons concerned in the Facts related_, viz. JOHN BULKELEY AND JOHN CUMMINS, Late Gunner and Carpenter of the WAGER. _Bold were the Men who on the Ocean firstSpread the new Sails, when Shipwreck was the worst;More Dangers now from Man alone we find, Than from the Rocks, the Billows, and the Wind_. WALLER. [119] BULKELEYS NARRATIVE. TO THE HONOURABLE EDWARD VERNON, ESQ. VICE-ADMIRAL OF THE BLUE, &c. Sir, We have presumed to put the following sheets under your protection, thoughwe have not the honour of being personally known to you, nor have appliedto you for the liberty of using your celebrated name on this occasion. As this book is a faithful extract from the journals of two British seamen, late officers in his majesty's navy, we thought we could not more properlydedicate it than to a British Admiral. We know your detestation of flattery; and you know, from long experience, that a British seaman hath a spirit too brave to stoop to so degenerate apractice. The following pages, we hope, will recommend themselves to you, becausethey are written in a plain maritime style, and void of partiality andprejudice. The distresses mentioned in this book have perhaps not been equalled in ourage; and we question whether any navigators living have, for so long acontinuance, suffered such variety of hardships, as the unfortunate peopleof the Wager. After surviving the loss of the ship, and combating with famine andinnumerable difficulties, a remnant of us are returned to our nativecountry; but even here we are still unfortunate, destitute of employment, almost without support, or any prospect of being restored to our stations, till some important questions are decided, which cannot be cleared up tillthe arrival of our late captain, or at least the commodore. We, sir, who present you with this book, have been several years in thenavy, and thought ourselves well acquainted with its laws and discipline, and have many certificates to produce, that we have always acted inobedience to command; but the proceedings of the officers and people, sincethe loss of the ship, are reckoned so dark and intricate, that we know notwhat to expect, nor what will be the result of our superiors determination. The only consolation we have in our present anxiety, is placed in aconfidence of the unbiassed integrity, justice, and humanity of the righthonourable persons who will one day determine for or against us. When you read our account of the affair, you'll find the facts impartiallyrelated, the whole narrative written without the least shadow of prejudiceor malice, and no more in favour of ourselves, than of the other officersconcerned: We stand or fall by the truth; if truth will not support us, nothing can. In our voyage from the Brazil to Lisbon, we were obliged to you for thegenerous treatment we met with from an enemy, a subject of Spain, a personof distinction, and a passenger in the same ship: your virtues haveprocured you the esteem even of your enemies. Your zeal for the national service deserves the love of every honestBriton: to leave an abundant fortune, your family, and your country, tohazard your life in the most perilous expeditions, with no other motivethan to retrieve the honour of the nation, shows the spirit of a trueBritish hero, and deserves the highest commendations. That you, sir, may never deviate from your integrity, but continue a terrorto the enemies of Britain, an honour to his majesty's service, and anornament to your country, are the sincere wishes of, Honourable Sir, Your most dutiful, And most obedientHumble Servants, John Bulkeley, John Cummins. BULKELEY'S NARRATIVE. PREFACE. As an Introduction, we think proper to acquaint the reader with our reasonsfor causing the following sheets to be made public to the world. The chiefmotive which induced us to this task, was to clear our characters, whichhave been exceedingly blemished by persons who, (next to Heaven) owe thepreservation of their lives to our skill and indefatigable care; and whohaving an opportunity of arriving before us in England, have endeavoured toraise their reputation on the ruin of ours. It will appear to the reader, on perusal of the following pages, that thisjournal was attempted to be taken from us by violence at Rio Janeiro; thatwe have preserved it at the hazard of our lives; that there was no journalkept after the loss of the ship, by any officers but ourselves; and if wehad not been careful in making remarks on each day's transactions, personsmust have continued in the dark, in relation to all the subsequentproceedings. It is a very usual thing to publish voyages, especially when the navigatorshave met with any extraordinary events. We believe our expedition, thoughit was not a secret, is allowed to be an extraordinary one, consequentlyattended with extraordinary events: Indeed, while the commodore was withus, every thing went well; but when the squadron separated, things began tohave a new face: After the loss of the Wager, there was a general disorderand confusion among the people, who were now no longer implicitly obedient. There were two seamen particularly, who propagated this confusion, theysaid they had suffered shipwreck in his majesty's ship the Biddeford, andreceived no wages from the day that the ship was lost; that when they wereout of pay, they looked upon themselves as their own masters, and no longersubjected to command. The people, however, were not altogether infected, but still continued to pay a dutiful respect to their commander; but whenthe captain had rashly shot Mr Cozens, (whose fate the reader will findparticularly related) they then grew very turbulent and unruly; the captaindaily lost the love of the men, who with their affection lost their duty. Our confining the captain is thought an audacious and unprecedented action, and our not bringing him home with us is reckoned worse; but the readerwill find that necessity absolutely compelled us to act as we did, and thatwe had sufficient reasons for leaving him behind. Our attempt for liberty, in sailing to the southward through the straits ofMagellan, with such a number of people stowed in a long-boat, has beencensured as a mad undertaking: Desperate diseases require desperateremedies; had we gone to the northward, there appeared no probability ofescaping the Spaniards, and when we had fallen into their hands, 'tis notunlikely but they might have employed us as drudges in their mines forlife; therefore we rather chose to encounter all difficulties than tobecome slaves to a merciless enemy. Some persons have objected against our capacity for keeping a journal ofthis nature; but several judges of maritime affairs allow this work to beexact and regular. We think persons with a common share of understanding, are capable of committing to paper daily remarks of matter worthy theirobservation, especially of facts in which they themselves had so large ashare. We only relate such things as could not possibly escape ourknowledge, and what we actually know to be true. We don't set up fornaturalists and men of great learning, therefore have avoided meddling withthings above our capacity. We are also condemned by many for being too busy and active for persons inour stations. There was a necessity for action, and a great deal of it too;and had we been as indolent and regardless for the preservation of thepeople as others who were superior in command, there would not have been asingle man who was shipwrecked in the Wager, now in England to give anyrelation of the matter. The gentleman who commanded in the long-boat, on his arrival before us atLisbon, represented us to the English merchants in a very vile light; wewere even advised by some of our friends there not to return to ourcountry, lest we would suffer death for mutiny. But when the gentlemen ofthe factory had perused our journal, they found, if there was any mutiny inthe case, the very person who accused us was the ringleader and chiefmutineer. We were confident of our own innocence, and determined to see ourcountry at all events, being positive that we have acted to the best of ourunderstandings, in all respects, for the preservation of our lives andliberties; and when our superiors shall think proper to call us to anaccount, which we expect will be at the commodore's arrival, we do notdoubt but we shall clear ourselves in spite of all invidious reflectionsand malicious imputations. It has been hinted to us, as if publishing this journal would give offenceto some persons of distinction. We can't conceive how any transactionsrelating to the Wager, although made ever so public, can give offence toany great man at home. Can it be any offence to tell the world that we wereshipwrecked in the Wager, when all people know it already? Don't they knowthat the Wager was one of his majesty's store-ships? That we had on boardnot only naval stores, but other kind of stores, of an immense value? Don'tthey also know that we went abroad with hopes of acquiring great riches, but are return'd home as poor as beggars? We are guilty of no indecentreproaches, or unmannerly reflections; though, it is certain, we cannot butlament our being engaged in so fatal an expedition. When persons havesurmounted great difficulties, it is a pleasure for them to relate theirstory; and if we give ourselves this satisfaction, who has any cause to beoffended? Are we, who have faced death in so many shapes, to beintimidated, lest we should give offence to the--Lord knows whom? We neversaw a satyrical journal in our lives, and we thought that kind of writingwas the most obnoxious to give offence. It has been a thing usual, in publishing of voyages, to introduce abundanceof fiction; and some authors have been esteemed merely for beingmarvellous. We have taken care to deviate from those, by having a strictregard to truth. There are undoubtedly in this book some things which willappear incredible. The account we give of the Patagonian Indians, and our own distresses, though ever so well attested, will not easily obtain credit; and peoplewill hardly believe that human nature could possibly support the miseriesthat we have endured. All the difficulties related we have actually endured, and perhaps mustendure more: Till the commodore's arrival we cannot know our fate; atpresent we are out of all employment, and have nothing to support ourselvesand families, but the profits arising from the sale of our journal; whichperhaps may be the sum total we shall ever receive for our voyage to theSouth Seas. A VOYAGE TO THE SOUTH SEAS. On Thursday the 18th of September, 1740, sailed from St Hellens hismajesty's ship Centurion, Commodore Anson, with the Gloucester, Pearl, Severn, Wager, and Tryal, and two store-ships; this squadron was designedround Cape-Horn into the South Seas, to distress the Spaniards in thoseparts. The ships were all in prime order, all lately rebuilt. The men wereelevated with hopes of growing immensely rich, and in a few years ofreturning to Old England loaden with the wealth of their enemies. Saturday, the 20th, the Ram-head bearing N. By W. , distant four leagues, the commodore hoisted his pendant, and was saluted by every ship in thesquadron, with thirteen guns each. This day joined company with us hismajesty's ships Dragon, Winchester, South-Sea-Castle, and Rye-Galley, witha large convoy of merchant ships. Thursday, the 25th, we parted company with the Winchester and the South-Sea-Castle, with their convoys, bound for America. On Monday, we parted company with the Streights and Turkey convoys. Friday, October the 3d, at eight in the morning, we saw two brigantines tothe south-east; the commodore gave a signal to chace, at nine fired twoshots to bring 'em to, at ten spoke with the chace, being two brigs fromLisbon, bound for New York. Sunday, the 26th, about five in the morning, the Severn shewed lights, andfired several guns a-head; soon after we saw the land bearing W. By S, andat noon the east end of Madeira bore north, distant five leagues. Wednesday, we moored in Fonchiale road, so called from a city of that name, which is the metropolis of the island of Madeira; here we employed most ofour time in getting aboard water, and stowing our dry provisions betweendecks. Tuesday, November the 4th, Captain Kidd our commander was removed on boardthe Pearl, and the Honourable Captain Murray succeeded him in the Wager. Captain Norris of the Gloucester having obtained leave to return toEngland, on account of his ill state of health, occasioned the aboveremovals. While we lay at Madeira, we were informed of ten sail of ships cruising offand on, to the westward, these ships were judged to be French, and had beenseen every day for a week before our arrival: The commodore sent out aprivateer sloop, but she returned the day following, without seeing 'em, sothat we can give no account of 'em. On Wednesday, the 5th, we sailed, from Madeira. On the 2Oth the Industrystore-ship parted company, and on Friday the 28th, by account, we crossedthe equinoctial. On the 17th of December, we saw the island of St Catharine, at noon, thenorthmost land in sight bore W. N. W. , and the southmost S. W. By W. Variationper amplitude 12; 57 easterly. On the 18th, the north end of the island of St Catharine bore N. W. By W. , distant seven leagues, and the island of Gaul bore N. W. , distant sixleagues. On the 19th we anchored in St Catharine's bay, in upward of twelve fathomwater, the island Gaul on the coast of Brazil, bearing N. By E. , distantfour leagues. On the 20th, we anchored in St Catharine's road, and the dayfollowing, we moored between the island of St Catharine and the main. On Monday, the 22d, the commodore ordered fresh beef for the sick people. On the 27th, came in a Portuguese brig from Rio Janeiro, for the Rio Grand:While we lay here, the people were generally employed in over-hauling therigging, and getting aboard water. On the 17th of January, 1741, we sailed from St Catharine's, the commodoresaluted the fort with eleven guns, the fort returned the same number. On Thursday, the 22d, we lost sight of the Pearl. On Tuesday, the 17th of February, the Pearl joined the squadron, and on the19th we came to anchor off the river of St Julian's, on the coast ofPatagonia; St Julian's hill bearing S. W. By W. , and the southmost land insight S. By E. , distant from the shore three leagues. This day our captain, the Honourable George Murray, took command on board the Pearl, Captain Kiddhaving died on the voyage since we left St Catharine's. Captain Kidd was heard to say, a few days before his death, that thisvoyage, which both officers and sailors had engaged in with so muchcheerfulness and alacrity, would prove in the end very far from theirexpectations, notwithstanding the vast treasure they imagined to gain byit; that it would end in poverty, vermin; famine, death, and destruction. How far the captain's words were prophetic will appear in the course of ourjournal. Captain C--p succeeded Captain Murray on board the Wager. On the 26th of February, we sent on board the Pearl twelve butts and twopuncheons of water, the Pearl having, while she was separated from us, beenchased by five large Spanish men of war, the commander in chief beingdistinguished by a red broad pendant with a swallow's tail at his main-top-mast head, and a red flag at his ensign-staff: During the chace, the Pearl, in order to clear ship, threw overboard and stove fourteen tons of water;she likewise stove the long-boat, and threw her overboard, with oars, sails, and booms, and made all clear for engaging, but night coming on atseven o'clock lost sight of the enemy, at five in the morning saw theSpanish ships from the mast-head, two points on the lee-quarter, stillgiving chace, and crowding all the sail they could, but at nine the Pearllost sight of 'em entirely. We judged this to be admiral Pizarro'ssquadron, sent out in pursuit of Commodore Anson. Had our ships unitedfallen in with 'em, 'tis probable we might have given a good account of'em. While we lay at St Julian's we saw the sea full of shrimps, and red asif they were boiled, the water appeared tinctured to that degree, that itlooked like blood. On the 27th, we sent on board the Pearl four puncheons of water more; atsix in the morning, the commodore made signal to weigh, at eight weighed, and came to sail; this day we lost sight of the Gloucester. The 28th, the Gloucester came into the squadron again. On the 7th of March we passed through the Streights of Le Mair; Cape Diego, on the island of Terra de Fuego, bore N. W. , three leagues, and the west endof the island, Staten Land, bore E. N. E. , distant four leagues, the squadronunder reeft courses. On the 10th, we lost sight of the Ann pink, on the 12th carried away therails and timbers of the head on both sides. On the 16th, the Ann pink joined the squadron again. On the 3Oth, the Gloucester broke her main-yard in the slings. April the 1st, the commodore ordered Mr Cummins, the carpenter, on boardthe Gloucester. On the 8th, carried away the mizen-mast, two feet above the awning; therewas no sail on the mast. Upon the rowl of a sea, all the chain-plates towindward broke, lat. 56, 31, long. 87. 4, west. At noon Cape St Bartholomewbore north, 84 deg. E. , distant 229 leagues. The 10th, lost sight of the Severn and Pearl, lat. 56, 29, long. 85 west. At ten last night fell in with two small islands; at eight in the morningthe islands bore N. N. W. , by the compass distant eight leagues, in thelatitude 54, 00 south; we took 'em for the islands which lay off Brewer'sStreights, lat. 54, 50 south, long. 84, 56 west. On the 12th, we had very hard gales at west, with the largest swell I eversaw; I was officer of the watch (though I was gunner of the ship, I had thecharge of a watch during the whole voyage); we had our larboard tacks onboard: Between six and seven in the morning, holding by the topsailhallyards to wind-ward, there broke a sea in the ship, which carried meover the wheel, bilged the cutter, and canted her over the sheet's bottomup athwart the barge; it likewise half filled the long-boat; the boatswainwas for heaving the cutter overboard, I order'd him to do nothing with hertill I had acquainted the captain, who was then very ill in his cabin: Thecaptain desired me to use all means to save the cutter; at the same time Iask'd leave to skuttle the long-boat, and get the sprit-sail yard and jibin, for fear of endangering the bowsprit; which he ordered to be done, andtold me, it was a very great misfortune that he should be ill at such atime. When I came from the captain, I found the lieutenant on the deck, gotthe cutter in her place, skuttled the long-boat, and got the sprit-sailyard and jib-boom in. The carpenter is still aboard the Gloucester. The 13th, under reeft courses, the larboard tacks; the commodore being onthe weather quarter, bore down under our lee, and spoke with us. He ask'dthe captain, if the carpenter was returned from the Gloucester? The captainanswer'd, No; and am surprised Captain M----d should detain him, when heknows I must want him about my mizen-mast. The commodore told him he wouldspeak with the Gloucester, and order him on board. He then ask'd thecaptain why he did not set the main-top-sail, and make more sail? CaptainC----p made answer, My rigging is all gone, and broke fore and aft, and mypeople almost all taken ill, and down; but I will set him as soon aspossible. The commodore desired he would, and make what sail he could afterhim. The 14th, the carpenter return'd from the Gloucester, it being the only daythis fortnight a boat could live in the sea. As soon as the carpenter cameon board, he waited on the captain, who order'd him to look on the chain-plates and chains, and give his opinion of the mast's going away. Thecarpenter look'd as order'd, and gave Captain C----p for answer, that thechain-plates were all broke. The captain shook his head, and said, Carpenter, that is not the reason of the mast's going away. The carpenter, not willing, as the mast was gone, to lay it to any one's mismanagement, orto occasion any uneasiness about what was now past prevention, fitted a capon the stump of the mizen-mast, got up a lower studding-sail boom of 40feet, and hoisted a sail to keep the ship to. To-day, being the 19th, and the finest day we had in these seas, we wereemploy'd in repairing the rigging; we bent a new main-sail and reeft him, as did the Anne pink, the Gloucester at the same time fix'd her main-yard, the commodore and Tryal keeping a-head, and at a considerable distance;between four and six at night saw the commodore's light. At six, beingrelieved by the master, he could not see the commodore's light, though itwas visible to every one else on the quarter-deck: The master stillpersisted he could not see it, on which I went and acquainted the captain, who came upon deck, and seeing the light, ask'd the master where his eyeswere? This was the last time I ever saw the commodore. The lieutenanthaving the first watch lost sight of him at nine o'clock, and at ten wasobliged to hand the foresail, in doing of which we lost a seaman over-board. We saw the Gloucester and Anne pink a-stern in the morning, but theywere soon gone ahead, and out of sight. The 21st, as I was in the steward's room, Joseph King, seaman, came for apound of bread. I heard him ask the steward, if he thought they would beserv'd with the same quantity of water as before? Without waiting for ananswer, No G--d d--n 'em, as the commodore was parted, they should find thedifference. Not knowing the conseqence of this, or by whom the fellow mightbe spirited up, I acquainted the captain with the affair, who order'd me todeliver a brace of pistols charg'd with a brace of balls to every officerin the ship who wanted 'em, and to take no farther notice of the matter. May the 1st. This day the officers were call'd, and their opinions ask'dconcerning the best bower-anchor, resolved to cut the anchor away, for fearof endangering the ship, there being no possibility of securing it withoutputting our fore-mast in extreme danger, the shrouds and chain-plates beingall broke. Fourteen days before the loss of the ship, the wind at S. And S. S. W. , steered N. W. By N. , and N. N. W. By the compass: Laid the ship to for thefirst four nights; the meaning of this I could not learn. I ask'd thelieutenant the reason of our bearing for the land on a lee shore, when wehad a fair wind for our rendezvous, which I had always thought was for theisland of Juan Ferdinandez. The lieutenant told me the rendezvous wasalter'd to an island in the latitude of 44 S. Upon this I said to thelieutenant, this was a very great misfortune to us, that we can do nothingwith the ship in the condition she is in upon a lee shore, and am surpriz'dthat we should be obliged to go there. The lieutenant told me, he had saidevery thing to dissuade the captain from it, but found him determined to gothere. The fifth night, and every night after, made sail; the wind to thewestward. I never relieved the lieutenant, but I ask'd him, what he thoughtof a lee shore with the ship in this condition? he always reply'd, he couldnot tell. We saw rock-weed in abundance pass by the ship. The HonourableJ---n B---n, midshipman, being on the quarter-deck, said, We can't be faroff the land by these weeds. The lieutenant and mate being by, I said, Gentlemen, what can we do with the ship in the miserable condition she isin on a lee shore? The lieutenant answer'd, Whenever I have been with thecaptain since our first lying-to, I always persuaded him to go for JuanFerdinandez; therefore I would have you go to him, he may be persuaded byyou tho' he will not by me. I said, If that was the case, my going to himis needless. In a quarter of an hour afterwards, the captain sent for me, and said, Gunner, what longitude have you made? I told him 82, 30. Whatdistance do you reckon yourself off the land? I answer'd, About 60 leagues;but if the two islands we saw are these which are laid down in your chartto lie off Brewer's Streights, and the same current continues with thewestern swell, we can't be above a third part of the distance off the land. The captain made answer, As for the currents, there is no account to begiven for 'em; sometimes they set one way, and sometime another. I said, Sir, very true, but as the ship has been always under reeft courses, andthe mizen-mast gone, she must wholly drive to leeward, and nigher the landthan expected. The captain then told me, I suppose you are not unacquaintedof my rendezvous for the island of Nostra Signora di Socora, in thelatitude of 44. I reply'd, Sir, the ship is in a very bad condition to comein with the lee shore, and if it is possible to bring the ship to ananchor, we shall never purchase him again. The captain answered, I don'tdesign to come to an anchor; for there are soundings until you come withinseven leagues of the land. I purpose to stand off and on twenty-four hours;and if I don't see the commodore, or any of the squadron in that time, wewill go for Juan Ferdinandez. To this I said, Sir, the ship is a perfectwreck; our mizen-mast gone, with our standing rigging afore and abaft, andall our people down; therefore I can't see what we can do in with the land. The captain's answer was, It does not signify, I am obliged and determin'dto go for the first rendezvous. On the 13th, at eight in the morning, the straps of the fore-jeer blocksbroke; reev'd the top ropes, and lower'd the yard; went to strapping theblocks. At nine, the carpenter going forward to inspect the chain-plates, saw the land from the fore-castle, on which he ask'd the boatswain's mate, who was by him, if he saw the land? he answer'd, No; the carpenter shew'dit him and he saw it plain. The carpenter then shew'd it to the lieutenant, but he would not believe it to be land, because it bore N. N. W. , and said itwas impossible; therefore he never inform'd the captain of the sight ofland, as the Honourable Mr B----n hath heard the captain say. At two in theafternoon lower'd the fore-yard, and hawl'd the fore-sail up;notwithstanding I was officer of the watch, I was oblig'd to go upon thefore-yard, where was Mr Campbell, midshipman, one boatswain's mate, fourseamen, and the master's servant, which were all the hands we could get outof the ship's company to assist. Whilst on the yard I saw the land veryplain, on the lardboard beam, bearing N. W. Half N. , nearest high land, withhillocks, and one remarkable hommocoe like a sugar loaf, very high. At thesight of land I came off the fore-yard and acquainted the captain. Heimmediately gave orders to sway the fore-yard up, and set the fore-sail;then we wore ship with her head to the southward. The captain comingforward unhappily received a fall, which dislocated his shoulder, so thathe was obliged to be put into the surgeon's cabin. Some time after he sentfor the lieutenant and myself, acquainting us of the necessity there wasfor making sail, as being on a lee shore, therefore desired we would useour utmost endeavours to crowd the ship off. You see, gentlemen, said he, my misfortune will not permit me to continue on the deck; as for themaster, he is not worthy of the charge of a watch, therefore I must desireyou, Mr Bulkeley, to be in the watch with him, and to make but two watches;keep a good look-out, and if possible, set the main-top sail. Mr B----s, Imust desire Mr Cummins to be with you, and beg you will take all the careyou can. I having the first watch, set the main fore and mizen stay sail, it blew so hard I found it impossible to set the maintop sail, of which, Iacquainted the captain: All the hands we cou'd muster in both watches, officers included, were but twelve, the rest of the ship's company were allsick below; I very often could get no more than three seamen in my watch. The ship for these three weeks hath been no better than a wreck, the mizen-mast gone, the standing rigging and chain-plates, afore and abaft, mostlybroke and ruin'd. The top sails now at the yards are so bad, that if weattempt to loose'em for making sail, we are in danger of splitting'em, andwe have not a spare sail in the ship that can be brought to the yardwithout being repair'd. This is the present deplorable situation of theship. All the first and middle watch it blow'd and rain'd, and withal sovery dark, that we could not see the length of the ship: For the greatestpart of the night she came up no nearer than S. By W. , and S. S. W. At fourin the morning she came up with her head west, so that her head was thenoff the shore. Thursday, May the 14th, 1741, at half an hour past four this morning, theship struck abaft on a sunken rock, sounded fourteen fathom; but it beingimpossible to let go the anchor time enough to bring her up, beingsurrounded on every side with rocks, (a very dismal prospect to behold!)the ship struck a second time, which broke the head of the tiller, so thatwe were obliged to steer her with the main and fore-sheets, by easing offone, and hawling aft the other, as she came to, or fell off. In a shorttime after, she struck, bilged, and grounded, between two small islands, where Providence directed us to such a place as we could save our lives. When the ship struck it was about break of day, and not above a musket-shotfrom the shore. Launched the barge, cutter, and yawl over the gunnel, cutmain and fore-mast by the board, and the sheet-anchor from the gunnel. Thecaptain sent the barge ashore, with Mr S----w, the mate, to see if theplace was inhabited, and to return aboard directly; but, without any regardto his duty, or the preservation of the lives of the people, he staidashore. The barge not returning as expected, the lieutenant was sent in theyawl, with orders to bring off the barge. The lieutenant tarried ashore, but sent off the boat. As soon as the boat came on board, the captain beingvery ill, was persuaded by the officers to go ashore: With the captain wentthe land-officers, mate, and midshipmen, the officers remaining on boardwere the master, boatswain, gunner, and carpenter: The boatswain, who waslaid up a month before the loss of the ship, became of a sudden veryvigorous and active. At night it blow'd very hard at north, with a greattumbling sea, we expected every moment that the ship would part, fetchingsuch jirks and twistings as shock'd every person aboard, who had the leastcare for the preservation of life; yet, in the dismal situation we were in, we had several in the ship so thoughtless of their danger, so stupid andinsensible of their misery, that upon the principal officers leaving her, they fell into the most violent outrage and disorder: They began withbroaching the wine in the lazaretto; then to breaking open cabins andchests, arming themselves with swords and pistols, threatening to murderthose who should oppose or question them: Being drunk and mad with liquor, they plunder'd chests and cabins for money and other things of value, cloathed themselves in the richest apparel they could find, and imaginedthemselves lords paramount. Friday the 15th, the ship was bilged in the mid-ship, on a great rock; wetook care to secure some powder, ball, and a little bread. In theafternoon, the carpenter and myself went ashore with several of thoseimaginary lords in the rich attire they had plunder'd yesterday; but uponthe purser, and Lieutenant Hamilton of marines, presenting pistols to someof their breasts, those grandees suffer'd themselves very quietly to bedisrob'd of all their greatness, and in a few minutes look'd like a parcelof transported fellons. On our coming ashore, we found the captain hadtaken his lodging in a little hut, supposed to be built by Indians; as forour parts, we were forced to take shelter under a great tree, where we madea large fire, but it rain'd so hard, that it had almost cost us our lives;an invalid died that very night on the spot. Before I left the ship I wentto my cabin for my journal, but could not find it; I believe it isdestroyed with the rest, for there is not one journal to be produced, wehave good reason to apprehend there was a person employ'd to destroy them;I afterwards found part of the master's journal along shore, tore topieces: Whatever is related in this book, preceding the loss of the Wager, is extracted from a journal belonging to a gentleman, lately an officer onboard the Pearl. After we lost sight of the Pearl, I was obliged to haverecourse to my memory, which I believe has been very faithful to me. Fromthe time we were ship-wreck'd, the carpenter and myself were exceedingcareful in writing each day's transactions: Had other persons taken thesame care, there would be no necessity of imposing upon the publick apartial and inconsistent narrative, instead of a faithful relation offacts. On the 16th, the weather very boisterous and a great sea, the boatswainwanted a boat, but finding no appearance of any coming aboard, brought aquarter-deck gun, a four pounder, to bear on the captain's hut, and fir'dtwo shot, which went just over the captain's tent. This day, being resolv'dto contrive something like a house, to secure us from the inclemency of therain, and severity of the weather, we hawl'd up the cutter, and proppingher up, we made a tolerable habitation. As for food, this island producesnone; nor is there any vegetable upon it but cellery, which grows here inabundance, and is of great use to us, the men being in general very muchtroubled with the scurvy. On the 17th of May, being Whitsunday, got several wild fowls, and plenty ofmuscles, limpets, and other shell-fish, which we find very refreshing, having subsisted a long time on nothing but salt provisions. The 18th, went on board the ship, to see if it was possible to come at anyprovisions; got out of the Lazaretto two casks of flour and some wine, which were very useful. On the 19th, went aboard again to scuttle the decks, in order to get somebeef and pork out of the hold; we also scuttled the carpenter's store-roomfor nails and other things of service. The 20th, cut away the gunnel to get the long-boat out, which was done. To-day we found several men dead, and some drowned, in the ship, suppos'd tohave drank till they were not able to get from the water, as it flowed intothe ship. While we were aboard working on the wreck, there came along-sidea canoe with several Indians, bowing and crossing themselves, giving us tounderstand they were inclinable to the Romish religion; we gave 'em out ofthe ship two bales of cloth and sent them ashore to the captain, he gavethem hats, and presented each of them with a soldier's coat. They hadabundance of the largest and best muscles I ever saw, or tasted. This daywas the first time of the boatswain's coming ashore; the captain called himrogue and villain, and felled him to the ground with his cane, so that hewas motionless, and to appearance dead; when he had recovered the blow, andsaw a cock'd pistol in the captain's hand, he offered his naked breast; thecaptain told him, he deserved to be shot, and said no more to him. Thecaptain, lieutenant H--n of marines, the surgeon, and purser, alwaysappear'd in arms on the beach, on the coming ashore of every boat, in orderto prevent the people bringing any thing from the ship in a clandestinemanner; they were so cautious of any thing being imbezzled, that they wouldnot suffer the boats to go off and work by night, notwithstanding the moon, tides, and fairness of weather were more favourable to us by night thanday; by this we omitted several opportunities of getting our provisions, and other useful things, which we shall shortly stand in great need of. The 21st, continue to scuttle between decks, in getting necessaries out ofthe ship, found several men dead. The 22d, the Indians brought us three sheep and some muscles. They are apeople of a small stature, well shaped, of an olive complection, with blackhair, in behaviour very civil, they have little clothes, except about theirwaists, notwithstanding the climate is very cold. They stay'd all night, itbeing very rainy weather, and has been ever since we have been here, thewind blowing from N. To N. W. Saturday the 23d, the wind from the E. N. E. To north, fell abundance ofsnow, insomuch that the mountains are cover'd with it. It freezes veryhard, and we find it extremely cold. The next day, the same weather, wewent aboard, and scuttled for flour in the forehold. The 25th, little wind at N. E. And frosty weather, went aboard again, andgot out of the forehold eight barrels of flour, one cask of pease, withsome brandy and wine. This day went to allowance, of half a pound of flourper man, and one piece of pork for three men, it being the first time ofserving since on shore. The 26th, we got out more casks of flour, one cask of oatmeal, with somebrandy and wine. In the evening the Indians came with their wives, we gavethe women hats, and the men breeches; they made signs as if they wouldbring more sheep. On the 27th, we scuttled over the captain's store-room, got out severalcasks of rum and wine, and brought them ashore. This was the first time ofthe lieutenant's being between decks since the loss of the ship. Thefollowing day we went aboard, cut down and tost overboard the ship'sawning, to make a deck for the long-boat. Since the 27th, we have been employ'd in getting up the long-boat, andrepairing the barge which had been stove ashore. Rainy weather. On Wednesday, the 3d of June, hard gales of wind at N. N. W. , with abundanceof rain; deserted this day James Mitchel, carpenter's mate, John Russel, armourer, William Oram, carpenter's crew, Joseph King, John Redwood, boatswain's yeomen, Dennis O'Lawry, John Davis, James Roach, James Stewart, and William Thompson, seamen. Took up, along shore, one hogshead of brandy, and several things that drove out of the ship, a bale of cloth, hats, shoes, and other necessaries. An information was given, this day, by DavidBuckley, to the captain, that there was a design to blow him up, with thesurgeon, and lieutenant H--n of marines. The train was actually found, laidby the deserters, to blow 'em up the night before they went off. Thursday the 4th, we finished the boats, and shot several wild geese. Finding murmurings and discontents among the people, we secured the oars, and hawled up the boats, being apprehensive they would go away with them bynight. The 5th, we went on board the ship, found several casks of wine and brandybetween decks, most part of the planks between decks gone, and some strakesto wind-ward started out, part of the upper deck blown up, the stumps ofthe masts and pumps risen five feet; brought ashore one cask of flour, withsome stuff for the use of the long-boat; and two quarter casks of wine; thewind at S. By E. Saturday the 6th, the wind at south and fair weather, we went aboard, gotout of the hold eight casks of flour, two casks of wine, and a quarter caskand three hogsheads of brandy. The lieutenant went to the Indians, butcould not find 'em, being inform'd by the deserters that they were gone. On Sunday the 7th, we went aboard the ship, got out a cask of pork, twobarrels of flour, started one pipe of wine, and brought it ashore, with aquarter cask of pease, some bales of cloth, and carpenter's stores. Thisday Mr Henry Cozens, midshipman, was confin'd by the captain; the faultalledg'd against him was drunkenness. We learn from Nicholas Griselham, seaman, who was present and near the captain all the time, that as MrCozens was rowling up a steep beach a cask of pease, he found it too heavyfor him, and left off rowling; the captain seeing this, told him he wasdrunk, Mr Cozens reply'd, With what should I get drunk, unless it be withwater? The captain then said, You scoundrel, get more hands, and rowl thecask up: Cozens called for more hands, but no people came; with that thecaptain struck him with his cane. Griselham likewise says, that Cozenstalked to the captain about one Captain Sh--lv--k; but the words he doesnot remember. But the same night I heard Mr Cozens use very unbecominglanguage to the captain, telling him, That he was come into those seas topay Sh--lv--k's debts, and also insolently added, Tho' Sh--lv--k was arogue, he was not a fool, and by G-d, you are both. When he spoke this, hewas a prisoner in the store-tent, and asked the captain, If he was to bekept there all night? On these provocations, the captain attempted tostrike him again, but the centinel said, he should strike no prisoner ofhis. But Cozens endeavouring to stave a cask of brandy, was soon afterreleased. This day got out of the ship several chests of wax candles of allsizes, bales of cloth, bales of stockings, shoes, with some clocks andmercantile wares, with which the ship was throng'd. The 8th, Mr Cummins and myself went to the deserters; we find they weredetermined to go off to the northward; the reason of their stay is the wantof craft to go off in. They now find themselves mistaken, they believed atfirst they were on the main, but are convinced they are four or fiveleagues from it, therefore they purpose to build a punt out of the wreck ofthe ship: They live on sea-weed and shell-fish, got up one cask of beef, which was brought on shore with a cask of brandy, found one cask of beef onthe rocks. On Tuesday the 9th, I went with the doctor's mate to the deserters, andspoke to William Oram, a carpenter, and a very useful man, desiring him toreturn, with a promise of pardon from the captain: In this affair I wasobliged to act very secretly. To-day, Mr Cozens, the midshipman, had adispute with the surgeon; the latter having some business in our tent, which, when he had done, on his going away, Mr Cozens followed him; theysoon fell to blows, but the surgeon had so much the advantage of themidshipman, that he tied his hands behind him and left him. In the eveningthe captain sent for me and the carpenter to his tent: We found thecaptain, lieutenant, purser, surgeon, and lieutenant H----n of marines. Here we had a consultation, which was chiefly concerning the disturbancesamong the people, as well in our tent as in the rest. Mr Cummins and Iassured the captain, that the people in our tent were generally very wellaffected to him, and that we never would engage in any mutiny against him, or any other officer that would act for the publick good, and his majesty'sservice: The captain said, he had no reason to suspect us, for we were theonly two in the ship that he put any trust or confidence in. Strict orderswere given the centinel to keep a good look-out, and have a watchful eye onthe provisions. Notwithstanding all this precaution and care, there wasone-third part of a barrel of flour and half a barrel of gunpowder takenaway that night. It is to be observed, that this day's consultation was thefirst that Captain C----p ever had with his officers; had he sometimesconsulted them aboard, we might probably have escaped our present unhappycondition. Wednesday the 10th, this day, serving the provisions, the boatswain'sservant, a Portuguese boy, talking bad English, and bringing in theallowance of wine, the boatswain, Mr Cozens, midshipman, and the cook hismess-mates, with some difficulty, understood by the boy's talk, that one ofthe men had his allowance stopped; Mr Cozens went to know the reason; thepurser and he having some dispute two or three days before, the purser toldhim, when he asked for his wine, that he was come to mutiny, and withoutany farther ceremony, discharged a pistol at his head, and would have shothim, had he not been prevented by the cooper's canting the pistol with hiselbow, at the instant of its going off; the captain and lieutenant H----n, hearing the discharge of a pistol, the latter ran out with a firelock, thencalled the captain out of his tent, telling him that Cozens was come tomutiny; the captain on this jumped out, asking where the villain was, clapped a cock'd pistol to Mr Cozen's cheek, and precipitately shot him, without asking any questions; the noise of the two pistols going offreached our tent; it was rainy weather, and not fit for gunning, so that wecould not imagine the meaning of it; soon after we heard Mr Cozens was shotby the captain: The lieutenant came to call all hands to the captain: Iasked if we must go armed, the lieutenant answered, Yes; but, onconsideration, I thought better to go without arms: When we came to thecaptain, he acquainted us with what he had done, and told us he was stillour commander. The captain, purser, surgeon, lieutenants H----n, E----rs, and F----ng of marines, being all armed, I said to the captain. Sir, yousee we are disarmed; on this the captain dropped his firelock to theground, saying, I see you are, and have only sent for you, to let you allknow I am still your commander, so let every man go to his tent;accordingly every man obeyed him. In our tent, we had eighteen of thestoutest fellows that belonged to the ship, and I believe the captain, andthe gentlemen above- mentioned, have some suspicion of Mr Cummins andmyself, believing we can sway most of the seamen on shore: But I think thisday we have given a proof of the sincerity of our intentions, and ourdetestation of mutiny, by not appearing in arms at the report of Mr Cozensbeing shot; we walked up with the captain, where we saw Mr Cozens with hiselbow on the ground resting his right cheek on the palm of his hand, alive, and to appearance sensible, but speechless; the captain ordered him to thesick-tent, the surgeon's mate dressed his left cheek where he was shot, andfelt a ball about three inches under his right eye; the surgeon refuseddressing him: This we may impute to his having lately a quarrel with MrCozens, which has been already mentioned. The shooting of Mr Cozens was avery unhappy affair; The person whose allowance was stopped made nocomplaint to him, he was too officious in the business, and his precedingbehaviour, and notorious disrespectful words to the captain, might probablymake the captain suspect his design was mutiny; tho' this we must aver, that Mr Cozens neither on this, or any other occasion, appeared in armssince the loss of the ship. However, his fate laid the foundation of agreat deal of mischief which afterwards followed. Thursday the 11th, moderate gales at W. N. W. The carpenter employed inlaying the blocks for the long-boat. Dr O----y, of the land forces, wasdesired to assist the surgeon's mate, to take the ball out of Mr Cozens'scheek, which he then was inclinable to do, but in the afternoon, finding itnot agreeable to the captain, refused to go, as we are informed by thesurgeon's mate, who desired some surgeon might be present, to be witness ofthe operation; the ball was taken out, and for some time supposed to belost, but was afterwards found. This day being the 12th, the carpenter finished the blocks for lengtheningthe long-boat: In the morning he went to the captain's tent for some boltsfor the use of the long-boat, where he saw the surgeon at the medicine-chest, who asked him how that unfortunate creature did, meaning Mr Cozens;the carpenter told him, he had not seen him to-day: The surgeon then saidhe would have visited him, but the captain would not give him leave. Thiswas looked on as an act of inhumanity in the captain, and contributed verymuch to his losing the affections of the people, whose opinion was, that asMr Cozens was very strong and healthy, with proper assistance he mightrecover; the people did not scruple to say, that the captain would act amore honourable part to discharge another pistol at him, and dispatch himat once, than to deny him relief, and suffer him to languish in a cold wetplace in pain and misery. On the 13th, Mr Cozens being, to all outward appearance, likely to recover, desired he might be removed to our tent, which was his place of residencebefore this unhappy accident. We being unwilling to disoblige the captain, the carpenter and myself waited on him; we told him, we were come to ask afavour, hoping that he would have so much mercy and compassion on theunhappy man who was in the sick tent, as to permit us to remove him to hisformer lodging, but the captain answer'd, No, I am so far from it, that ifhe lives, I will carry him a prisoner to the commodore, and hang him. On the 14th, went aboard the ship, but could do nothing, she working sovery much, we brought ashore the fore-top sail yard; the boat went up theriver, brought back abundance of geese and shaggs. Wind at west. Monday the 15th, hard gales of wind at west, with rain and hail; droveashore three barrels of flour and abundance of small stuff out of the ship;took up a-long shore several pieces of pork and beef: John Anderson, aseaman, walking round the rocks, and reaching after a piece of beef, slipping his footing, was drown'd, but taken up directly, and that nightbury'd: Turn'd the boatswain out of our tent for breeding quarrels; histurbulent temper was so well known to the captain, that he express'dhimself pleas'd at our turning him out, and said he was surprized we everadmitted him among us. On the 7th, the carpenter at work on the long-boat: The surgeon's mate, this day took out of Mr Cozens's cheek a ball much flatted, and a piece ofbone, supposed to be part of the upper jaw, which was desired by Mr Cozensto be deliver'd to me; I receiv'd it, with the first ball mention'd to havebeen lost. Thursday the 18th, the carpenter cut the long-boat in two, and lengthen'dher eleven feet ten inches and half by the keel. Sunday the 21st, went aboard the ship, but it being dangerous going aboutany thing, by reason of her working much, and a great sea tumbling in, theboats were employ'd in going about the rocks in search of subsistence. The 22d, the carpenter went with the boat up the bay to seek the Indians, but saw nothing of them; at night the boat returned, the people having shotabundance of wildfowl. The 23d, the lieutenant went with the boat, and found the Indians just comefrom the place where they catch seal; their canoes were loaded with seal, sheep, and oil. Wednesday the 24th, departed this life, Mr Henry Cozens, midshipman, afterlanguishing fourteen days with the wound he had received in his cheek: Webury'd him in as decent a manner as time, place, and circumstances wouldallow. There have died sundry ways since the ship first struck, forty-fivemen; seven have deserted from us, and still continue away; remain and nowvictual'd one hundred men. Thursday the 25th, the wind at W. N. W. And rainy weather; saw the Indianscoming towards us in their canoes, but the deserters settling where theytook their habitation, when first we saw 'em, by their rowing, we thoughtthey were design'd to go there; and knowing the deserters intended to takeone of their canoes to go over the main, we therefore launch'd the yawl andwent off to them; there were five canoes of 'em, laden with seal, shell-fish, and four sheep; they brought with 'em their wives and children, sothat in all they were about fifty in number; they hawl'd their canoes up, and built four wigg whims, which they cover'd with the bark of trees andseal-skins; we imagined by this they had an intention to settle with us;they are a very simple and inoffensive people, of a low stature, flat-nos'd, with their eyes sunk very deep in their heads; they live continuallyin smoak, and are never without a fire, even in their canoes; they havenothing to cover their nakedness, but a piece of an old blanket, which theythrow over their shoulders: We always see 'em in this manner, notwithstanding we cloath 'em whenever they come to us. By the crosses setup in many parts of the land, one would think they had some notion of theRomish religion: We can't make 'em understand us by any speech, nor by oursigns: We show'd 'em a looking-glass; when they saw the representation ofthemselves, they seem'd amaz'd, and shew'd a thousand antick gestures, andwhen once they beheld themselves in the looking-glass, they could hardly beprevail'd on to look off. On Sunday the 28th, in the afternoon, about twelve of the Indian women wentoff in their canoes: We thought they were gone to get muscles, but soon saw'em diving, which we imagin'd was for pieces of beef or pork that come outof the wreck; but, when they came ashore, we found they had been onlydiving for sea-eggs. The women among those people seem to take more painsfor the provisions of life than the men; the latter having little to do butto provide wood, and indulge themselves by the fire, while the women goevery tide a fishing. To-day we kill'd two Indian sheep. Monday the 29th, launch'd the yawl to go with the Indians to shew us wherethey get the muscles; but being too late for the tide, we came away withoutany: The captain sent to our tent two quarters of mutton; the carpenterdaily at work on the long-boat. Winds variable. On the 30th, the Indian women went again for sea-eggs, and brought a greatquantity, with abundance of white maggots, about three quarters of an inchin length, and in circumference the bigness of a wheat-straw. These womenkeep an incredible time under water, with a small basket in their hands, about the size of the women's work-baskets in England, into which they putwhatever they get in their diving. Among these people the order of natureseems inverted; the males are exempted from hardships and labour, and thewomen are meer slaves and drudges. This day one of our seamen died: Weobserve, the Indians are very watchful of the dead, sitting continuallynear the above-mention'd corpse, and carefully covering him, every momentlooking on the face of the deceas'd with abundance of gravity: At theburial their deportment was grave and solemn, seeing the people with theirhats off during the service, they were very attentive and observant, andcontinued so till the burial was over: They have nothing, as I have saidbefore, but a blanket to cover 'em, and the boys and girls are quite naked, notwithstanding we felt it as cold here, as in the hardest frosts inEngland, and almost always rainy. Wednesday, July the 1st, employ'd in cutting timbers in the woods for thelong-boat; rainy weather, the wind at S. W. The Indian women diving for foodas before. Thursday the 2d, last night the store-tent was broke open, and robb'd of agreat deal of flour. Monday the 6th, hard gales of wind, with showers of rain and hail, cameashore from the ship one cask of beef, with several of the lower-deckcarlings, and plank of the upper and lower-deck beams, and, what wasreckon'd very odd, the cabin-bell came ashore, without its being fasten'dto any wood, or any one thing of the ship near it. Tuesday the 7th, hard gales of wind, with hail, rain, and lightning: TheIndian women went out as usual in their canoes to dive for sea-eggs, andbrought ashore abundance of 'em; they jump overboard out of their canoeabout a mile from shore, they take the handle of their baskets, which Ihave already described, between their teeth, diving five or six fathomwater; their agility in diving, and their continuance under water for solong a time as they generally do, will be thought impossible by persons whohave not been eye-witnesses of it; they seem as amphibious to us as sealsand alligators, and rarely make use of any provisions but what they get outof the sea. Wednesday the 8th, launch'd the yawl and went on board, saw several casks, some of meat, and some of liquor, the decks and sides abaft drove out, andentirely gone, the larboard-side abaft drove on shore; about two miles anda half from the tent a cask of liquor was found, and broach'd by the personwho found it, which was allow'd to be a great fault; he likewise broach'd acask of meat, which should have been preserv'd to carry away with us. On Thursday the 9th, the Indians with their wives and children launch'dtheir canoes, and went away, 'tis believ'd they wanted provisions, such asseal, they are indeed never settled long in a place; it was said some ofour people wanted to have to do with their wives, which was the reason oftheir going away so soon. To-day we saw several things drive out of theship up the lagoon, as the stump of the main-mast, one of the pumps, withone of the gun-carriages. Wind at N. W. Friday the 10th, went aboard the ship, found her broke asunder just at thegang-way, saw the cables out to the windward, but could not see any casksof liquor or provisions, went to shorter allowance of flour, one pound forthree men per diem. Last night the tent was robbed of half a barrel offlour. Orders were given by the captain to watch the store-tent by night;all the officers, the marine included, with the mates and midshipmen, wereoblig'd to watch, the captain and carpenter alone excus'd, the carpenterbeing every day at work on the long-boat. Friday the 17th, for this week past hard gales of wind, with rain and hailas usual. Last Wednesday the ship parted her upper works from the lowerdeck: Launch'd the boat and went off to the wreck, but could do nothing, went up the bay, took a quarter cask, about three parts full of wine, sawthe Indian dogs ashore, but no people. Saturday the 18th, launched the boat, sent her to the wreck, and broughtashore one cask of beef, it is believed some guns were heard from the sea:The watch reported they have heard them two nights past. Great disturbancesamong the people. Wind at E. N. E. And frosty weather. Sunday the 19th, launch'd the boat, sent her to the wreck, hook'd a casksupposed to be beef, but when towed ashore, we found it contained nothingbut hatches; we took up along ashore, abundance of checque shirts indozens, also caps, bales of cloth, and pieces of beef and pork. Wednesday the 22d. This day began to build a house to dwell in, finding ourstay here will be much longer than we at first expected. The 23d, took up along shore several pieces of beef and pork, shirts, caps, frocks, trowsers, pieces of cloth, with other serviceable things, and waxcandles of all sizes. Saturday the 25th, hard showers of rain and hail, the wind at north. Shotseveral sea-gulls, geese, hawks, and other birds: The carpenter had thisday given him by one of the people, a fine large rock crab, it being thefirst of the kind we ever saw here. Sunday the 26th, moderate gales and variable winds, with rain and hail:Most part of our people eat a weed that grows on the rocks; it is a thinweed of a dark green colour, and called by the seamen, Slaugh. It issurprizing how the black currant trees, which are here in great plenty, have budded within these three days. Began thatching our new house withbushes: To-day we caught a fine rock-fish; this is the first fish we haveseen alive since our being here. Observing our new town, we find there areno less than 18 houses in it. Monday the 27th, launched the boat, went to the wreck, but found nothing;close weather, the wind still at north: Rose the sheets for erecting a tentover the long-boat to keep the men from being exposed to the continualrains. This day we finished the thatching of our new house. Wednesday the 29th, fresh gales at N. W. With rain; sure no men ever metwith such weather as we have in this climate: To-day we walked in the woodsto take some notice of the trees, which we find to be very much like ourbeech in England; but the trees and bushes are in general of a soft freenature, and with a spicy bark. Thursday the 30th, wind still at N. W. And rainy weather. This day departedthis life, Nathaniel Robinson, the last private man of the invalids; thereare now only two left, viz. The captain and surgeon. Being at thehonourable Mr B----n's tent, I found him looking in Sir John Narborough'svoyage to these seas: This book I desired the loan of, he told me it wasCaptain C----p's, and did not doubt but he would lend it me; this favour Irequested of the captain, and it was presently granted. Carefully perusingthis book, I conceived an opinion that our going through the Streights ofMagellan for the coast of Brasil, would be the only way to prevent ourthrowing ourselves into the hands of a cruel, barbarous, and insultingenemy: Our long-boat, when finished, can be fit for no enterprize, but thepreservation of life: As we cannot act offensively, we ought to have regardto our safety and liberty. This evening proposals were offered to theofficers concerning our going through the Streights of Magellan; which atthis time they seem to approve of. Friday the 31st, hard gales at N. W. With rain: This day was taken up alongshore, an otter just killed, but by what animal we could not tell; it wasbleeding fresh when taken up, and proved a dainty repast. Came ashore theship's beams, with several things of great value. Saturday, August the 1st, hard gales at N. W. With rain and hail. This dayput to an allowance of flour, one quarter of a pound a man per diem, andone pint of wine: Those who like brandy, to have half a pint in lieu ofwine. We have now in a manner nothing to live on but what we pick'd upalong the shore: The ship's company agree to go through the Streights ofMagellan. Sunday the 2d, this morning found the store-tent robbed of brandy, filledup all the ullage casks, picked up about the rocks abundance of clams, ashell-fish not unlike our cockles: These fish are at present the support ofour life. The people are now very quarrelsome and discontented. Monday the 3d, this day having fine weather (which is a prodigy in thisplace) launched the boat, and went about the rocks and islands ondiscovery. This day we also moved into our new house, it being a verycommodious habitation, exceedingly well thatched; in this dwelling thereare cabins for fourteen people, which are covered inside and out with broadcloth: This is a rich house, and, in some parts of the world, wouldpurchase a pretty estate; there are several hundred yards of cloth aboutit, besides the curtains and linings, which are shalloon and camblet; inshort, considering where we are, we cannot desire a better habitation. Thepeople fall into disputes concerning the boat, where we are to proceed withher, when she is built and ready for going off. It is the opinion of thenavigators, that going through the Streights of Magellan is the safest andonly way to preserve life and liberty: The artists, who have worked thebearings and distance, are very pressing that it should be moved to thecaptain, purposing to have their reasons drawn up, and signed by all whoare willing to go that way, and to be delivered to the captain for hisopinion; upon this there was a paper drawn up, and as soon as the peopleheard it, they came flocking to sign first, crying all aloud for theStreights, seeming overjoyed, as if they were going to England directly, without any affliction or trouble, but there must be a great deal ofhardships to be encountered before we arrive at our native country: Thispaper was signed by all the officers on the spot, except the captain, lieutenant, purser, and surgeon, and by all the seamen in general, exceptthe captain's steward. Tuesday the 4th, at the time of serving at the storehouse, about twelveo'clock, I went to the captain, with the master, carpenter, and boatswain, and read to him the paper; he answered he would consider of it, and givehis answer: Here follows a copy of the paper signed:-- "We whose names are under-mentioned, do, upon mature consideration, as wehave met with so happy a deliverance, think it the best, surest, and mostsafe way for the preservation of the body of people on the spot, to proceedthrough the Streights of Magellan for England. Dated at a desolate islandon the coast of Patagonia, in the latitude of 47 deg. 00 min. South, andwest longitude from the meridian of London 81 deg. 40 min. In the SouthSeas, this 2d day of August, 1741. John Bulkeley, gunner. John Cummins, carpenter. Thomas Clark, master. John King, boatswain. John Jones, master's mate. John Snow, ditto. Robt. Elliot, surgeon's mate. The Hon. John Byron, midshipman. Alexander Campbell, ditto. Isaac Morris, ditto. Thomas Maclean, cook. John Mooring, boatswain's mate. Henry Stevens, seaman. Benjamin Smith, seaman. John Montgomery, seaman. John Duck, seaman. John Hayes, seaman. James Butler, seaman. John Hart, seaman. James Roach, seaman. Job Barns, seaman. John Petman, seaman. William Callicutt, seaman. Richard Phipps, boatswain's mate. John Young, cooper. Richard Noble, quarter-master. William Rose, ditto. William Hervey, quarter-gunner. John Bosman, seaman. William Moore, ditto. Samuel Stook, ditto. Samuel Cooper, ditto. David Buckley, quarter-gunner. George Smith, seaman. Peter Deleroy, seaman. James M'Cawle, seaman. John George, seaman. John Shorclan, seaman. Richard East, seaman. William Lane, seaman. William Oram, seaman. Moses Lewis, seaman. Nicholas Griselham, seaman. "We whose names are under-mentioned, have had sufficient reasons, from theabove-mentioned people, to consent to go this way. Signed by Captain Robert Pemberton, commander of his majesty's land forces. William Fielding, lieutenantRobert Ewers, lieutenant Wednesday the 5th, this day I went with the master, carpenter, master'smates, and midshipmen, to the captain, to acquaint him with what was done, and resolved on, and farther told him, it was a duty incumbent on us topreserve life before any other interest. He answered, Gentlemen, I desiretime to consider of it, and will give you my final determination; on whichwe took our leave, and came away. Thursday the 6th, hard gales at W. S. W. And rainy weather. At noon we wentwith Mr Cummins to Captain P--mb--rt--n's tent, to have some fartherconference for our future deliverance: While we were there, the captainsent his service to Captain C----p for a pair of pocket-pistols, his ownproperty, which had been refused him on his request some time before. Theservant was answered, by the captain's favourite and prime minister thesteward, The captain is ill, and I can't let you have 'em. This answer notbeing satisfactory to Captain P--mb--rt--n, he sent a second time, andinsisted on the delivery of his pistols, but was answered, they could notbe come at before the captain was up; but a little time after it was judgedproper to send Captain P--mb--rt--n his pistols. From Captain P--mb--rt--n's we went to the L----t's tent; while there, the L----t was sent toCaptain C----p, about an hour after the carpenter and myself were sent for;when we came to him, he said, Gentlemen, I have maturely considered thecontents of your paper, so far as it regards the preservation of the peopleon the spot: This paper has given me a great deal of uneasiness, insomuchthat I have not closed my eyes till eight o'clock this morning, forthinking of it, but, I think, you have not weighed the thing rightly; doyou know we are above one hundred and sixty leagues distant S. W. From theStreights of Magellan, with the wind against us? Then think on the distanceto be run afterwards on the other side the Streights, with the wind alwaysagainst us, and where no water is to be had. I answered, Sir, you say it isabove one hundred and sixty leagues to the Streights, but let thenavigators work it, and they will find it not above ninety leagues;yourself and lieutenant are undoubtedly navigators and judges, thereforewill certainly find it as I say. Mr Cummins acquainted him, accordingly tohis calculation, the vessel would carry a month's water, at a quart a manper diem; and, sir, do you consider, after running along shore to thenorthward this side the land, that we have one hundred leagues to run rightout to sea to the island of Juan Ferdinandez, and five hundred chances toone if we meet the commodore there, or any of the squadron, nor do we knowbut the commodore may have shared the same fate with ourselves, or perhapsworse? The captain answered, It's a thousand to one if we see the commodoreat Juan Ferdinandez; for, gentlemen, to let you into a secret, which Inever discovered before, we shall meet him at Baldavia, his orders werefrom ---- to go there with the squadron, it being a place of little or noforce. Mr Cummins answered, Sir, 'tis agreed, the commodore is at Baldavia, but we make it in our bargain, when we go from hence, that we will putashore at every place when we want water, whenever the weather will permit, without any obstruction. The captain replied, There is no occasion forthat, we will water at the islands, and take a vessel going along. MrCummins said, Sir, what shall we do with a vessel, without provisions, forninety souls? The captain answered, We will take a vessel loaded with flourfrom Chili, there being a great many trading vessels that way, and then wewill proceed through the Streights of Magellan. Mr Cummins said, How shallwe take a vessel without guns, not having any but muskets, and our enemiesknow, as well as ourselves, that we have a squadron in these seas, therefore, undoubtedly are well armed, and keep a good look-out? Thecaptain's answer to this was, What are our small arms for, but to board'em? The carpenter said, Sir, if a shot should take the boat under water, it would not be in my power to stop a leak of that kind, where the plank isso thin, that in some places it is not above three quarters of an inchthick. The captain then said, Gentlemen; I am agreeable to any thing, andwilling to go any way, for the preservation of the people; but at the sametime would have you consider of it, the wind being always against us on theother side the land, and we have above seven hundred leagues to the riverPlate. I answered the captain, 'Tis not above five hundred and ninetyleagues from hence to Cape St Antonio's; and, as I have before said, letthe navigators work it, and reason take place, which is what we chieflydesire to be governed by: Another inducement we have to go the way proposedis, that we may be assured of water and provision. I allow that, says thecaptain, and we may save our own; but how do you know whether we may notmeet enemies in the Streights? I replied to the captain, We can have noenemies to encounter there, but Indians in their canoes, and those we canmaster at our pleasure. The captain then seemed to countenance our opinionagain, and said, When we come to St Julian's we shall be sure of salt inplenty for our provisions, without which our fowls will not keep above twoor three days: Besides, when we come to the river Plate, we may meet with aprize, they not being acquainted with any English vessel like ours, withschooner's sails, by which means we may run up the river and take a largervessel: If we fail here, we may go ashore, and get what cattle we please, but what business have we at the Rio Grand? We must go to the Rio Janeiro. I told him, we should be obliged to stop at every place along shore forsupplies; at St Catharine's the governor will give us a certificate, sothat we shall be known to be the people that were there in the squadron. The captain said, That's true, and I can get bills of credit in any part ofBrazil; besides, the people may be separated, some in the Flota, and somein other ships, with less hands we may go to Barbadoes. Mr Cummins toldhim, we might venture to England with, twelve hands. Yes, you may, says thecaptain, with thirty. It is to be observed, during all this debate, thelieutenant spoke not a word. The carpenter asking him the reason of hissilence in all the consultation, he answered, I'll give my opinionhereafter. The captain said, I knew nothing of his being acquainted withit, till Mr Bulkeley told me yesterday; but at the same time, Mr B----s, Iexpect, you will be the first that will sign the paper. I imagined thecaptain meant our paper, and immediately answered, with some warmth, As hehad refused signing at first, and at the same time agreed to the proposal, that I had signed so close, that there was no room left for his name, andnow it was too late for him to sign. The captain surprized me, by saying, Idon't mean your paper; I told him, Any other, which should be contrary toours, would never be signed by us. Mr Cummins said to the captain, Sir, 'tis all owing to you that we are here; if you had consulted your officers, we might have avoided this misfortune, considering the condition the shipwas in, she was not fit to come in with the land, all our men being sick, and not above three seamen in a watch; suppose the mast had gone by theboard, as was every moment expected. The captain made answer, Gentlemen, you do not know my orders; there never were any so strict given to acommander before, and had I but two men living besides myself, I must, andwas obliged to go to the first rendezvous, which was the island of NostraSenhora di Socora: I was obliged to go there at all events. I made answerto this, Sir, if that is the case, it seems plain the thing was designed weshould be here: But, sir, I am of opinion, notwithstanding the commodorehad his orders from ---- to go with the squadron to Baldavia, that at thesame time those orders were so far discretional, that if the squadron wasdisabled, care was to be taken not to endanger his majesty's ships. Yes, that (says the captain) was settled at St Julian's: Notwithstanding whathas been said, gentlemen, I am agreeable to take any chance with you, andto go any way; but would have you consider of it, and defer yourdetermination till all is ready to go off the spot. I then told thecaptain, You have known, sir, from the time you saw the proposal, that thepeople are uneasy, and the work is at a stand, and in this situation thingswill be until this affair is settled; therefore the sooner you resolve thebetter. The captain replied, I design to have a consultation among myofficers: Have you any more objections to make? I answered, Yes, sir, onemore; which is, when you go from hence, you are not to weigh, come to ananchor, or alter course, without consulting your officers. The captainsaid, Gentlemen, I was your commander till the ship parted, or as long asany stores or provisions were getting out of her. We told him, we hadalways taken care to obey his orders in the strictest manner, which heallowed us to have done; and he added, You were the officers that I placedmy whole dependence in. We answered, Sir, we will support you with ourlives, as long as you suffer reason to rule: And then we parted. After thisconsultation, the captain seldom came out of his tent, which occasioned. Great disturbances among the people. Friday the 7th, the wind at W. N. W. With rain. This day the navigatorsworked the bearings and distance along shore, from one place to another, toknow the true distance: Hereupon it was agreed to proceed through theStreights of Magellan, according to Sir John Narborough's directions, whichgive us great encouragement to go that way. Captain P----n drawed his menup, and dismissed 'em again. Great uneasiness among the people. Saturday the 8th, this morning went to the lieutenant, for him to acquaintthe captain all his officers were ready to give sufficient reasons forgoing through the Streights of Magellan, desiring a consultation might beheld in the afternoon. At three o'clock the captain sent for me and MrCummins; when we came, the master and boatswain were sent for, but theywere gone in search of subsistence, as limpetts, muscles, &c. The captainsaid, Gentlemen, I don't doubt but you have considered upon the businessyou are come about; therefore I am determined to take my fate with you, orwhere the spirit of the people leads, and shall use my best endeavours fortheir preservation; but I am afraid of meeting contrary winds, for afterthe sun has crossed the Line we must expect to meet 'em. I made answer, Byall accounts the wind hangs from N. W. To the S. W. Above three parts of theyear, which is in our favour. Mr Cummins told him, There was fresh water tobe got as well on one coast as the other, and if Sir John Narborough'streatment was so ill in a profound peace, what must we expect in a time ofopen war? The captain said, I am afraid, very bad. Then Mr Cummins spoke inthis manner to the captain: Sir, I always took you for an honourablegentleman, and I believe you to be such; on your honour, sir, I beg youwill give the true sentiments of your mind, whether through the Streightsis not the surest and safest way to preserve our lives, notwithstanding wehave a thousand difficulties to encounter with any way? The captainanswered, I really think going to the northward is the safest way; forsuppose we should be drove off to sea, when on the other side the land, what is to be done then? I said, Sir, it is our business to keep the shore, to prevent all accidents that may happen that way. Then Lieutenant B----smade an objection, Suppose you have the wind blowing right in, and atumbling sea, as to endanger the boat, what are we to do? I made answer, Sir, if you remember when we were riding at St Julian's, it blowed a veryhard gale of wind right in from the sea; yet, even then, the sea did notrun so high as to endanger a boat riding at anchor: Another instance Ibring you from St Catherine's, when we had such hard gales that the Triallost her masts, and the Pearl separated from the squadron; yet, at thattime, there was no sea comparable to what we have met with this side theland. The lieutenant allowed this to be fact. Then the captain said, I willallow you to have water at Port Desire; but do you consider the lengtheningyour distance, by keeping along shore, and rounding every bay, and some ofthose bays are very deep? I told him, that undoubtedly there was water allalong the coast, and that we had no business to round the bays, but tosteer from one head-land to the other. Then Lieutenant B----s made a secondobjection, Suppose we are forced into a bay, and shoal water? I answered, We should always have a boat a-head, and our draught of water will not beabove four or five feet at most; and if we should be so unfortunate as tolose our boat, we must keep the lead a-going. The l----t replied, That wastrue, and there could not be a great deal of difficulty in it. This was theonly time the l----t ever spoke in public on the affair; he always allowed, when absent from the captain, that going through the Streights was the bestway; but in the captain's presence he sided with him, and was for going tothe northward. Sunday the 9th, at three this afternoon, I went with Mr Cummins, themaster, and boatswain, as desired, to the captain, to give him ouropinions, believing going through the Streights the surest way to preservelife; it was therefore agreed, That if the wind did not set in against us, at the sun's crossing the Line, that the captain would go that way. Thecaptain asked every man's opinion, and found the people unanimous for theStreights of Magellan. To-day being fair weather, launched the yawl to go afowling, shot several geese, ducks, shaggs, and sea-pies. Heeled the long-boat for planking. Monday the 10th, wind at N. And N. N. W. Rainy weather. Eat slaugh and sea-weed fryed with tallow-candles, which we picked up along shore; this wereckon at present exceeding good eating, having nothing to live on but aquarter of a pound of flour a man per day, and what we can get off therocks: For many days the weather has been so bad that we have not been ableto stir abroad, though almost starved for want of food. Tuesday the 11th, hard gales at S. W. With heavy rains. This afternoon thepeople came in arms to acquaint us of the stores being robbed; theytherefore wanted our consent for moving the stores to our tent; on which wedesired they would desist from offering any violence: We told 'em of theill consequence of mutiny, which, as we always abhorred, we took allimaginable care to prevent: The people, on our persuasions, instantlyquitted their arms. The captain presently sent for me and Mr Cummins, toacquaint us with what had happened: He told us the purser, accidentallycoming by, saw the prisoner Rowland Crussett, marine, crawling from thebushes, and from under the store tent, and found on him upwards of a day'sflour for ninety souls, with one piece of beef under his coat, and threepieces more, which were concealed in the bushes, to carry off when anopportunity offered; and the sentry, Thomas Smith, his mess-mate, a marine, undoubtedly was privy to the robbery. The captain farther said, We havenothing to do with them; but I shall send to Captain P----n, to insist on acourt-martial: I really think that for robbing the store-tent (which, inour present circumstances, is starving the whole body of people) theprisoners deserve death. This was not only the captain's opinion, butindeed the sentiments of every person present. After we parted from thecaptain, we were sent for by Captain P----n: He acquainted us, he would goas far as the martial law would allow him, and in conjunction with the sea-officers: I look (said he) on the l----t as nothing, and the c----n in thesame light: As for you two, (meaning the gunner and carpenter) I confidein, and shall have regard to your opinions. When the articles of war wereread, we found their crime did not touch life, but they were to suffercorporal punishment. Whilst Mr Cummins was laying open the nature of theirguilt, and the ill consequence of lenity in the circumstances we were in, Iproposed a way next to death, which was, if judged proper by Captain P----nand Captain C----p, to carry 'em off to an island where the ship parted, there being muscles, limpetts, and clams in abundance, and no want ofwater, and there to be left till we should be ready for sailing; and, tostrike a terror in all for the future, that if any man should be guilty ofthe like offence, without any respect of person, he should share the samefate. This proposal was approved of by both the captains. At nightLieutenant B----n surprised us with a new kind of proposal we little dreamtof, which was, to have a proper place of devotion to perform divine servicein every sabbath-day: For this sacred office, our tent was judged the mostcommodious place. The duty of public prayer had been entirely neglected onboard, though every seaman pays fourpence per month towards the support ofa minister; yet devotion, in so solemn a manner, is so rarely performed, that I know but one instance of it during the many years I have belonged tothe navy. We believe religion to have the least share in this proposal ofthe lieutenant. If our tent should be turned into a house of prayer, andthis project takes, we may, perhaps, in the midst of our devotion, besurprised, and our arms taken, from us, in order to frustrate our designs, and prevent our return to England through the Streights of Magellan, or anyother way. Wednesday the 12th, hard gales from S. W. To W. With heavy showers of hailand rain. Served out provisions today, a piece of beef for four men; sometime past we have had but a quarter of a pound of flour per man per diem, and three pieces of beef: We live chiefly on muscles, limpitts, and clams, with saragraza and thromba; one is a green broad weed, common on the rocksin England; the other is a round sea-weed, so large, that a man can scarcegrasp it; it grows in the sea, with broad leaves; this last we boil, thesaragraza we fry in tallow; in this manner we support life: Even theseshell-fish and weeds we get with great difficulty; for the wind, the rain, and coldness of the climate in this season, are so extremely severe, that aman will pause some time whether he shall stay in his tent and starve, orgo out in quest of food. Friday the 14th, very hard gales at W. And N. W. , with showers of rain andhail, which beat with such violence against a man's face, that he canhardly withstand it; however, one of our mess-mates to-day shot three gullsand a hawk, which gave us a very elegant repast. This day was held a court-martial on the sentry who is believed confederate with the marine thatrobbed the store-tent: sentence was passed on them to receive six hundredlashes each: Captain C----p not thinking the punishment adequate to thecrime, cut 'em short of their allowance, so that they have now but half theprovisions they had before: The day following the offenders received twohundred lashes each, as part of their punishment. We hauled the long-boathigher up, for fear the sea should wash the blocks from under her. We havefound a new way of managing the slaugh; we fry it in thin batter withtallow, and use it as bread. Sunday the 16th, fresh gales of wind at S. W. With heavy showers of hail:The people generally complain of a malady in their eyes; they are in greatpain, and can scarce see to walk about. The last tide flowed nine feetperpendicular; to-day we picked up shell-fish in abundance, with, pieces ofbeef and pork. The prisoners received two hundred lashes more. Tuesday the 18th, this day the carpenter, who has all along beenindefatigable in working about the long-boat, saw one of the seamen cuttingup an anchor-stock for firewood, which had been designed for a particularuse for the long-boat; at sight of the fellow's folly he could not containhimself: This affair, added to the little concern and intolerableindifference that appeared in the generality of the people, for some timeimpaired his understanding, and made him delirious; all possible methodsare used to restore him, as he is the only man, who, through the assistanceof Providence, can compleat the means of our deliverance. Wednesday the 19th, the carpenter was so much recovered, that he went towork as usual; at night the lieutenant acquainted us, that the captaindesired to speak with the carpenter and me to-morrow at noon, to consultwhat should be done with the two prisoners, having received but fourhundred lashes out of the six, to which they were sentenced by a court-martial, the other two hundred being remitted by their own officers. Thursday the 20th, we waited on the captain, who acquainted us with whatthe lieutenant had mentioned last night relating to the prisoners: We toldhim the people were very uneasy about this mitigation of the punishmentindicted on them by a court-martial; therefore it was agreed they shouldprovide for themselves as well as they could, but to have no sort ofprovisions out of the store-tent for the future. Saturday, the 22d, we begun upon several contrivances to get provisions, such as building punts, cask-boats, leather-boats, and the like. On Sunday the 23d, the store-tent was again robbed, and, on examination, was found a deficiency of twelve days brandy for ninety men: Thelieutenant, myself, and carpenter, went to the captain to consult some waywhich might effectually prevent those villainous practices for the future:The captain desired us to make a nice inquiry into this robbery, beingdetermined to inflict the severest punishment on the offenders; though itwould give him the greatest concern if any innocent person should suffer. This day we confined one of the sentinels for being drunk on his post; theday following the boatswain gave us information of the persons who hadrobbed the tent; they were two sentinels, Smith and Butler; those verypersons were the first who insisted that the seamen, as well as themselves, should watch the store-tent; their own officers, as yet, have brought themto no examination: We have also information that the purser holds frequentconversation with the rebels, contrary to all the laws of the navy, supplying them with liquors in abundance, to the great distress of hismajesty's faithful subjects, who have but half a pint per day to subsiston. There are now great disturbances among the people concerning going tothe northward; they believe Captain C----p never intended to return toEngland by his proposing this way, in opposition to the opinion of all thenavigators, who have given reasons for going through the Streights ofMagellan. There is a sort of a party rage among the people, fomented by akind of bribery that has more influence on the seamen than money; there aresome daily bought off by rum, and other strong liquors. Unless a stop isput to these proceedings, we shall never go off the spot. Tuesday the 25th, this day felt four great earthquakes, three of which werevery terrible; notwithstanding the violent shocks and tremblings of theearth, we find no ground shifted. Hard gales of wind at north, with heavyshowers of rain. Thursday the 27th, the disturbances increase among the people; we plainlysee there is a party raised to go to the northward; we went to thelieutenant, and consulted with him what was to be done in the presentexigence; myself being reckoned the projector of the scheme for goingthrough the Streights, was threatened to be shot by Noble the quarter-master: After having some discourse with the lieutenant, he told me, If Iwould draw up a paper for the captain to sign, in order to satisfy thepeople, that he would go to the southward, and every officer to have a copyof it, to justify himself in England, it would be as proper a method as wecould take. The paper was immediately drawn up in these words, viz. "Whereas upon a general consultation, it has been agreed to go from thisplace through the Streights of Magellan, for the coast of Brazil, in ourway for England: We do, notwithstanding, find the people separating intoparties, which must consequently end in the destruction of the whole body;and as also there have been great robberies committed on the stores, andevery thing is now at a stand, therefore, to prevent all future frauds andanimosities, we are unanimously agreed to proceed as above-mentioned. " This paper was delivered to the lieutenant, who said that he was sure thecaptain would sign it, but in case of refusal he should be confined forshooting Mr Cozens, and he would take the command on himself: And, toprevent further disturbances, the purser, as he much conversed with therebels, it is agreed by the body of officers to send him off the island, for acting so contrary to his duty, in contempt of the articles of war, thelaws of his country, and the known rules of the navy. It was likewiseagreed, that any person who engaged himself in raising parties, should bedisarmed. By this day's proceedings, we thought the lieutenant a gentlemanof resolution, but the words and actions of people do not always concur. Friday the 28th, to-day the officers and people all appeared in arms. Themaster, boatswain, gunner, and carpenter, with Mr J----s, mate, and MrC----ll, midshipman, went into the captain's tent, the lieutenant beingwith him. As soon as the officers were seated, a consultation was heldconcerning Smith and Butler robbing the store-tent, they were sentenced tobe transported to the main, or some island. As soon as this affair wasover, we talk'd to the captain of the uneasiness among the people, thatthere had been a long time a visible inquietude among 'em, and that wecould not help seeing there were schemes form'd to obstruct our design ofgoing to the southward. The captain answer'd, Gentlemen, it is time enoughto think of this when we are ready to go off; have not I told you beforethat I do not care which way I go, southward or northward? I will take myfate with you. Everybody now expected the lieutenant to reply, especiallyafter the zeal he express'd himself with the day before; but he satspeechless, without any regard to the welfare of the people, or to his ownproposals. Finding he did not move in the affair, I took out the paperwhich was agreed to by the lieutenant and the rest of the officers, andread it to the captain, and ask'd him to sign it, which he strenuouslyoppos'd, and seem'd very much enrag'd that it should be propos'd to him. Upon this we dropt the matter, and began to discourse concerning theprovisions: We thought it necessary that ten weeks subsistence should besecur'd to carry with us, and that the liquor should be buried underground, but he gave us no answer. Finding no relief here, we went toCaptain P----n's tent to consult with him what we should do in the presentexigence. On our coming out from the captain we saw a flag hoisted onCaptain P----n's tent, the captain himself seated in a chair, surrounded bythe people. On seeing this, all the officers present at the consultation, except the lieutenant, went over to Captain P----n. Here it was agreed, incase the captain persisted to refuse signing the paper, to take the commandfrom him, and to give it the lieutenant, according to the lieutenant's ownproposal. At the same time Caplain P----n told the people he would stand by'em with his life, in going through the Streights of Magellan, the waypropos'd in the paper. The people gave three cheers, crying aloud forEngland. The captain hearing the noise, got out of bed to his tent door, and call'd the people, enquiring what they wanted, then sent for all theofficers: He was then told since he refused signing the paper, and had noregard to the safety of our provisions, the people unanimously agreed totake the command from him, and transfer it to the lieutenant. Hearing this, with an exalted voice, Captain C----p says, Who is he that will take thecommand from me? addressing himself to the lieutenant, Is it you, sir? Thelieutenant reply'd, No, sir. The terror of the captain's aspect intimidatedthe lieutenant to that degree, that he look'd like a ghost. We left himwith the captain, and return'd to Captain P----n's tent, to acquaint him ofthe lieutenant's refusing the command. We had not been long here beforeCaptain C----p sent for us. I was the first person call'd for; at myentering his tent, I saw him seated on a chest, with a cock'd pistol on hisright thigh; observing this, I desir'd Mr J----s, who was the mate healways rely'd on for navigation, to tell the captain I did not think properto come before a cock'd pistol: Notwithstanding I was arm'd I drew back, altho' I had my pistol-cock'd, and there were several men near me arm'dwith muskets. The captain's personal bravery no man doubted of, his couragewas excessive, and made him rash and desperate; his shooting Mr Cozens wasa fatal proof of it, he was grown more desperate by this unhappy action, and was observ'd since seldom to behave himself with any composure of mind. It is a piece of human prudence to retreat from a man in a phrenzy, becausehe who does not value his own life, has another man's in his power. I hadno desire of falling by the hand of Captain C----p, and should be greatlydisturb'd to be compelled, for my own preservation, to discharge a pistolat a gentleman against whom I never had any spleen, and who was mycommander. When Mr J----s acquainted him with what I desired him, thecaptain threw his pistol aside, and came out of his tent; he told thepeople he would go with them to the southward; he desired to know theirgrievances, and he would redress them: They all call'd out for their sea-store of provisions to be secur'd, and the rest equally divided. Here thecaptain shew'd all the conduct and courage imaginable; he was a single managainst a multitude, all of 'em dissatisfy'd with him, and all of 'em inarms: He told 'em the ill consequence of sharing the provisions, that itwas living to-day and starving to-morrow; but the people were not to besatisfy'd, the officers had now no authority over 'em, and they were sometime deaf to their persuasions; nay, it was with difficulty that they coulddissuade 'em from pulling down the store-tent, and taking away theprovisions by force; they remov'd the provisions out of the store-tent, then fell to digging a hole to bury the brandy; the sea-store to besecur'd, the remainder to be immediately shar'd. Had this been comply'dwith, the consequences might have been very terrible; however, to pacify'em in some shape, it was agreed, that every man should have a pint ofbrandy per day, which, by calculation, would last 'em three weeks. On thisthey seem'd very easy, and went to their respective tents. The captain toldhis officers that he would act nothing contrary to what was agreed on forthe welfare and safety of the community. Finding the captain in a temper ofmind to hearken to reason, I said to him, sir, I think it my duty to informyou that I am not the person whom you imagine to be the principal in thisaffair. The captain answer'd, how can I think otherwise? I reply'd, Sir, the paper I read to you was your lieutenant's projection: There sits thegentleman, let him disown it if he can. The captain turning himself to thelieutenant, says, Mr Bulkeley has honestly clear'd himself. We then drank aglass of wine, and took our leaves. At night the captain sent for MrCummins and me to sup with him; we were the only officers present with him:When I was seated, I said, Sir, I have my character at stake, from drawingback from your cock'd pistol; had I advanc'd, one of us must have dropt. The captain answer'd, Bulkeley, I do assure you the pistol was not design'dfor you, but for another; for I knew the whole before. We then talk'd ofindifferent things, and spent the evening in a very affable manner. Saturday the 29th, came here five Indian canoes, loaden with muscles; themen, women, and children, were about fifty: These Indians had never beenwith us before, they are not so generous and good-natur'd as our friends Ihave already mentioned; they were so mercenary, that they would not partwith a single muscle without something in exchange; their stay was butshort with us, for the next morning they launch'd their canoes, and wentoff. Tuesday, September the 1st, the carpenter was shot in the thigh withseveral large pewter slugs by the captain's cook, but he being at a greatdistance, the slugs did not enter his skin: Whether this was design'd, oraccidental, we don't know; however, we thought it proper to disarm him. Wednesday the 2d, wind at N. And N. By W. With rain. This day we wereinform'd that three of the deserters, viz. James Mitchel, carpenter's mate, Joseph King and Owen Thomson, seamen, were gone over to the main in a puntof their own building; the others were here yesterday, and I believe wouldbe gladly received again, but am of opinion there are few voices in theirfavour. Friday the 4th, some disorders among the people about watching theprovisions, some taking all opportunities to rob the stores. Our living nowis very hard, shell-fish are very scarce, and difficult to be had; the sea-weeds are our greatest support; we have found a sort of sea-weed which wecall dulse, it is a narrow weed, growing on rocks in the sea, which, whenboil'd about two hours, thickens the water like flour; this we esteem agood and wholsome food. Sunday the 6th, last night the store-tent was robbed of brandy and flour:The people on hearing this were greatly enrag'd, and insisted on searchingthe marines tents; on search they found four bottles of brandy, and foursmall parcels of flour. The captain sent for the lieutenant, master gunner, carpenter, and surgeon, with lieutenants H----n, E----s, and F----g, of thearmy, Captain Pemberton was also sent for, but was so ill that he could notbe present, but desir'd all might pass according to the judgment of theabove-mention'd officers. A consultation was held, five of the accusedmarines did not appear, dreading the punishment due to their crime, theymarch'd off to the deserters: Four more, who staid to be try'd, receiv'dsentence, on the first opportunity, to carry them off to the main, andthere to shift for themselves with the former deserters. The seameninsisted on a pint of brandy each man per diem, which was agreed on. Theprovisions being found were put into the store. Monday the 7th, I was invited to a dog-feast at Mr J----s's tent: Therewere present at this entertainment, the lieutenant, the Honourable JohnByron, Mr Cummins, Mr Campbell, Mr Young, Lieutenants Ewers and Fielding, and Dr Oakley of the army. It was exceeding good eating, we thought noEnglish mutton preferable to it. Tuesday the 8th, in the afternoon, William Harvey, quarter gunner, came toour tent with a paper sign'd by seven people; the contents as follows, viz. "These are to acquaint you, the gentlemen, officers, and seamen of the shipWager, that, for the easement of the boat now building, we do agree to goin the yawl, after she is fitted up, with allowing us our share ofprovisions, and other conveniences, to go in her to the southward, throughthe Streights of Magellan, for the coast of Brazil. David Buckley, quarter gunner. William Harvey, ditto. Rich. Noble, quarter-master. William Moor, captain's cook. William Rose, quarter-master. John Hayes, seaman. John Bosman, ditto. " The next day, the above-mention'd added one more to their number, viz. Peter Plastow, captain's steward: he came to acquaint us he was willing togo with them, and hoped we would give our consent; we told him we hadnothing to do with it, therefore he must apply to the captain. Thursday the 10th, hard gales at W. N. W. , with rain and hail. The captainsent for the lieutenant, master, myself, the carpenter, and boatswain; whenwe were all met, the captain ask'd us if Plastow had mention'd any thing tous about going off in the yawl. We told him he had. Plastow being sent for, the captain said, Peter, I hear you are for going in the boat? He answer'd, Yes, sir, I will take my chance, for I want to get to England. The captainbade him be gone for a villain, and said no more. This Plastow was a mightyfavourite with the captain, and had often been admitted to hisconversation: He above all men ought to have stood steadfast to him, because the captain regarded him above the whole body of people, and hathbeen heard to say as much. It was this day agreed that the sentence put offon the 6th should be executed the first opportunity, without any delay, andthat no boat should go off from hence before all was ready, believing somehave a design to go to the northward. Friday the 11th, wind at N. N. W. The people very uneasy, scarce any workdone for this week past; every thing at a stand, we have now among us nocommand, order, or discipline, add to our uneasiness the uncomfortablenessof the climate; we have been inhabitants of this island sixteen weeks, andhave not seen ten fair days; the murmurings of the people, the scarcity ofprovision, and the severity of the weather, would really make a man wearyof life. Monday the 14th, last night very hard gales at N. W. And W. N. W. , with largeshowers of hail, with thunder. The wind to-day is much abated. As to thearticle of provisions, nothing comes amiss, we eat dogs, rats, and, inshort, every thing we can come at. Friday the 18th, Dennis O'Lary, and John Redwood, seamen, with six marines, were put off to the main, according to their sentence, it being a finesummer's day. This day the lieutenant bringing a pair of pistols to thecarpenter, and complaining they were in bad order, did not imagine theywere loaded, snapping the first it miss'd fire, the second went off, butprovidentially did no harm, tho' the lieutenant had then a crowd of peopleabout him. Sunday the 20th, little wind, and clear weather. Launch'd the barge, andwent off to the wreck; we took up four casks of beef, with a cask of pease, which was stay'd, we serv'd out to each man five pieces of beef, and peaseto suck as would have 'em, but there were none to take 'em, having nowplenty of meat, our stomachs are become nice and dainty. Wednesday, the 23d, the people went to the captain with a two gallon cagg, and ask'd it full of wine. The captain refus'd 'em, but apprehending thatthey would make no ceremony of filling it without leave, and carrying itoff by force, he thought proper to order it to be fill'd. They brought itto the long-boat, and drank it in her hold. Stept the long-boat's mastforward. The people very much disorder'd in liquor, and very quarrelsome. Thursday the 24th, I was sent on a week's cruize in the barge, the officerswith me were Mr Jones, the mate, and the Honourable Mr B----n, midshipman, and Mr Harvey the purser, who was a good draughtsman; we went in order todiscover the coast to the southward, for the safety of the long-boat; wewere informed on our return, that the people in our absence went to thecaptain and got two gallons of wine which they mixed with their half pintsof brandy, they got all drunk and mad, but no great mischief ensued. SixIndian canoes likewise came in our absence loaden with men, women, andchildren, and brought with them clams out of the shells strung on lines. The Indian women dived for muscles, and brought them ashore in abundance, the men went to the fresh water river, and caught several fish like ourEnglish mullets. The people bought dogs of the Indians, which they kill'dand eat, esteeming the flesh very good food. The next day the Indians wentout and caught a vast quantity of fish out of a pond, where they sent theirdogs to hunt; the dogs dived, and drove the fish ashore in great numbers toone part of the pond, as if they had been drawn in a seyne; the Indianssold the fish to the people. This method of catching fish, is, I believe, unknown any where else, and was very surprising; and, what is also verystrange, after the Indians went away, we hauled the seyne over the pond, and could never get a fish. Monday the 28th, returned with the barge; the first evening we were out wehad a good harbour for the barge, which we put into; the first animal wesaw was a fine large bitch big with puppies, we kill'd her, we then roastedone side and boiled the other, were exceedingly well pleased with our fare, supped heartily, and slept well. The next morning we got up at day-break, and proceeded on our cruize, finding all along the coast to be verydangerous; at evening put into a place of very good shelter for the barge:Here we found the Indians had been very lately, the shore being coveredwith the offals of seal; in an hour's time we killed ten wild fawn, weroasted three geese and two ducks, the rest we put into a sea pye, so thatwe fared most elegantly; got up at day-light next morning, but seeing theweather hazy and dirty, thought it not proper to put out with the barge, fearing we should not get a harbour before night; we took a walk five milesin the country cross the land to the southward, but could not see anyshelter for the boat, being then twelve leagues from the place we camefrom, so we returned back in the evening, and got into a fine sandy bay; Ithink it as good a harbour for shipping as any I ever saw: Coming into thisbay, saw the southmost land, which we had seen before, bearing about S. S. W. Right over an inlet of land, above two miles. After landing, lived as wedid last night; in the morning we walked over, where we found a deep bay, it being eighteen leagues deep, and twelve leagues broad; here we had avery good prospect of the coast; we found here the green pease that SirJohn Narborough mentions in his book. Saturday, the 3d of October, after our return from the cruize, thelieutenant, the master, myself, the boatswain, and Mr J----s the mate, wentto the captain, to acquaint him how forward the boat was, and to consultsome measures to be observ'd on board the boat, to prevent mutiny; hedesir'd a day or two to consider of it. On Monday, the 5th, the carpenter sent his case bottle, as usual, to thecaptain, to be filled with wine, but it was sent back empty, with thisanswer, I will give him none. This sudden change of the captain's behaviourto the carpenter, proceeded from some words which the latter dropt, andwere carried to the captain; the words the carpenter spoke were to thispurport, that he was not to be led by favour or affection, nor to bebiassed by a bottle of brandy. To-day we heeled the long-boat, and caulkedthe star-board side, paid her bottom with wax, tallow, and soap that cameout of the ship. Tuesday the 6th, hard gales at N. W. And N. , with rain: This morning thelieutenant acquainted us of the captain's resolution, which was to becaptain as before, and to be governed by the rules of the navy, and tostand or fall by them; it was objected in the present situation, the rulesof the navy are not sufficient to direct us, several rules being requisitein our circumstances which are not mention'd there, that the whole body ofofficers and people are determin'd not to be govern'd by those rules atpresent. This objection was started, not from a disrespect to those rules, but we imagin'd, if Captain C----p was restor'd to the absolute command hehad before the loss of the Wager, that he would proceed again on the sameprinciples, never on any exigency consult his officers, but actarbitrarily, according to his humour and confidence of superior knowledge;while he acts with reason, we will support his command with our lives, butsome restriction is necessary for our own preservation. We think him agentleman worthy to have a limited command, but too dangerous a person tobe trusted with an absolute one. This afternoon the people insisted to beserv'd brandy out of the casks that were buried under ground, accordinglythey were serv'd half a pint each man. Got the long-boat upright. Thursday the 18th, this day the master went to the captain concerning tenhalf barrels of powder more than can be carried off, which will make goodwater casks for the boats; the captain told him not to start the powder, ordestroy any thing, without his orders, and said, he must have time, toconsider of it. In the afternoon Captain P--m-b--rt--n, of the land forces, came on the beach and desired the assistance of the seamen to take CaptainC----p a prisoner, for the death of Mr Cozens, the midshipman, telling us, he should be call'd to an account, if he did not. This evening thecarpenter went up to the hill-tent, so called from its situation; thepeople were shooting balls at marks, some of 'em were firing in vollies, without shot or sluggs; one of the men on the beach fir'd at the tent whilethe carpenter was in it, who was standing with a book in his hand; therewas a piece of beef hung close at his cheek, the ball went through the tentand the beef, but the carpenter receiv'd no damage. To-day I overhaul'd thepowder, and told the lieutenant that I had twenty-three half barrels instore, and that we could not carry off in the vessel above six halfbarrels, therefore proposed to start the overplus into the sea, and makewater casks of the half barrels, they being very proper for that purpose. Idesired him to acquaint the captain with my intention; that since he had noregard for the publick good, or any thing that tended to promoting it, thecarpenter and I had determin'd never to go near him again. The lieutenantdeclin'd going, fearing the captain would murther him, but he sent themaster to him, to let him know the necessity of starting the powder; thecaptain's answer to the master was, I desire you will not destroy any onething without my orders. We now are convinc'd the captain hath no intentionof going to the southward, notwithstanding he had lately given his word andhonour that he would; therefore Captain P--mb--r-t--n, in order to put anend to all future obstructions, demanded our assistance to make him aprisoner for the shooting Mr Cozens, intending to carry him as such toEngland; at the same time to confine Lieutenant H----n with him, which wasreadily agreed to by the whole body. It was reckon'd dangerous to sufferthe captain any longer to enjoy liberty, therefore the lieutenant, gunner, carpenter, and Mr J----s the mate, resolv'd next morning to surprize him inhis bed. Friday the 9th, this morning went in a body and surpriz'd the captain inbed, disarm'd him, and took every thing out of his tent. The captain saidto the seamen, What are you about? where are my officers? at which themaster, gunner, carpenter, and boatswain, went in. The captain said, Gentlemen, do you know what you have done, or are about? He was answer'd, Yes, sir; our assistance was demanded by Captain P----n, to secure you as aprisoner for the death of Mr Cozens; and as we are subjects of GreatBritain, we are oblig'd to take you as such to England. The captain said, Gentlemen, Captain P----n has nothing to do with me, I am your commanderstill, I will shew you my instructions, which he did to the people, on thiswe came out. He then call'd his officers a second time, and said, What isthis for? He was answer'd as before, that assistance was demanded byCaptain P----n to take him prisoner for the death of Mr Cozens. He stillinsisted, Captain P----n has no business with me, I could not think youwould serve me so. It was told him, Sir, it is your own fault, you havegiven yourself no manner of concern for the publick good, on our going fromhence, but have acted quite the reverse, or else been so careless andindifferent about it, as if we had no commander, and if other persons hadgiven themselves no more trouble and concern than you have, we should notbe ready to go from hence as long as provisions lasted. The captain said, Very well, gentlemen, you have caught me napping; I do not see any of youin liquor, you are a parcel of brave fellows, but my officers arescoundrels: Then turning himself to me, he said, Gunner, where's mylieutenant? did not he head you? I told him, No, sir, but was here to seeit executed, and is here now. One of you, says the captain, call Mr B----s. When Mr B----s came, he said, What is all this for, sir? Sir, it is CaptainP----n's order. Captain P----n hath no business with me, and you willanswer for it hereafter, if I do not live to see England, I hope some of myfriends will. On this the lieutenant left him. The captain then address'dhimself to the seamen, saying, My lads, I do not blame you, but it is thevillainy of my officers, which they will answer for hereafter. He thencall'd Mr B----s again, and said, Well, sir, what do you design to do byme? The lieutenant answer'd, Sir, your officers have design'd the purser'stent for you. Hum! I should be obliged to the gentlemen, if they would letme stay in my own tent. The lieutenant came to acquaint the officers of thecaptain's request, but they judg'd it inconvenient, as Mr H----n's tentjoin'd the purser's, one guard might serve 'em both; accordingly all histhings were mov'd to the purser's tent: As he was coming along, he said, Gentlemen, you must excuse my not pulling my hat off, my hands areconfin'd. Well, Captain B----s you will be call'd to an account for thishereafter. The boatswain, after the captain's confinement, most barbarouslyinsulted him, reproaching him with striking him, saying, Then it was yourtime, but now, G--d d--n you, it is mine; The captain made no reply butthis, You are a scoundrel for using a gentleman ill when he is a prisoner. When the captain was a prisoner, he declar'd, he never intended to go tothe southward, having more honour than to turn his back on his enemies; andfarther, he said, Gentlemen, I do not want to go off in any of your craft, for I never design'd to go for England, and would rather cause to be shotby you; there is not a single man on the beach dare engage me, but this iswhat I fear'd. It is very odd, that Captain C----p should now declare be never intended togo to the southward, when he publickly gave his word and honour he would gothat way, or any way where the spirit of the people led: But he afterwardstold his officers, he knew he had a severe trial to go through, if ever hecame to England; and as for those who liv'd to return to their country, theonly favour he requested from them, was to declare the truth, withoutfavour or prejudice, and this we promis'd faithfully to do: His words, inthis respect, were as much regarded by us as the words of a dying man, andhave been most punctually observ'd. Saturday the 10th, little wind at N. And N. W. Getting all ready for goingoff this afternoon, the captain sent for the lieutenant and me, desiring usboth to go to Captain P----n, to know what he intended to do with him. Weaccordingly came, and both promised to go directly, and bring him hisanswer. When we came out, went to the lieutenant's tent; from thence Iexpected, and made no doubt but he would go to Captain P----n's: But when Iask'd him he refused, which very much surprised me. I thought it veryungenerous to trifle with Captain C----p, or any gentleman in his unhappysituation; therefore went alone to Captain Pemberton. When I delivered himCaptain C----p's message the answer was, I design, and must carry himprisoner to England. I return'd, and acquainted Captain C----p with CaptainP----n's answer: He ask'd me then if the lieutenant was with me. I toldhim, no; and I believe did not design it. He said, Mr Bulkeley, I am verymuch obliged to you, and could not think the lieutenant would use me thus. In the evening the lieutenant and I were sent for again: The captain saidto the lieutenant, Sir, have you been with Captain P----n? He answer'd, No, sir. I thought, sir, you promised me you would: However, I have his answerfrom Mr Bulkeley; I am to be carried a prisoner to England. Gentlemen, Ishall never live to see England, but die by inches in the voyage; and it issurprising to me to think what you can expect by going to the southward, where there are ten thousand difficulties to be encounter'd with: I amsorry so many brave fellows should be led to go where they are notacquainted, when, by going to the northward, there is the island of Chili, not above ninety leagues, where we need not fear taking prizes, and mayhave a chance to see the commodore. I made answer, Sir, you have said thatwe shall be call'd to an account for this in England: I must tell you, formy part, had I been guilty of any crime, and was sure of being hang'd forit in England, I would make it my choice to go there, sooner than to thenorthward: Have not you given your word and honour to go to the southward?It is true there is a chance in going to the northward, by delivering usfrom this unhappy situation of life to a worse, viz. A Spanish prison. Thecaptain said no more but this, Gentlemen, I wish you well and safe toEngland. Sunday the 11th, this morning the captain sent for me, and told me he hadrather be shot than carried off a prisoner, and that he would not go offwith us; therefore desired me to ask the people to suffer him to remain onthe island: The people readily agreed to his request, and also consented toleave him all things needful for his support, as much as could be spared. Lieutenant H----n and the surgeon chose to stay with him. We offer'd himalso the barge and yawl, if he could procure men to go with him. Thequestion was proposed before the whole body, but they all cry'd aloud forEngland, and let him stay and be d----'d; does he want to carry us to aprison? There is not a man will go. The captain being deprived of hiscommand in the manner above mentioned, and for the reasons already given, it was resolved to draw some articles to be sign'd for the good of thecommunity, and to give the lieutenant a limited command. The paper wasdrawn up in this manner:-- "Whereas Captain David C----p, our commander in his majesty's ship theWager, never consulted any of his officers for the safety and preservationof the said ship, and his majesty's subjects thereto belonging, but severaltimes, since the unhappy loss of the said ship, he has been solicited inthe most dutiful manner, promising him at the same time to support hiscommand with our lives, desiring no more than to go off heart in hand fromthis place to the southward, which he gave his word and honour to do; andbeing almost ready for sailing, did apply to him some few days past, todraw up some proper articles, in order to suppress mutiny, and othermaterial things, which were thought necessary to be agreed to before wewent off; but he, in the most scornful manner, hath rejected every thingproposed for the public good, and as he is now a prisoner, and the commandgiven to the lieutenant, upon his approbation of the following articles: "First, As we have no conveniency for dressing provisions, on board thevessel, for a third part of the number to be carried off the spot, therefore this day served out to every man and boy twelve days' provision, for them to dress before we go off; and also it is agreed, that whoever isguilty of defrauding another of any part of his allowance, on sufficientproof thereof, the person found guilty (without any respect of person)shall be put on shore at the first convenient place, and left there. "Secondly, In regard to the boats going off with us, we think proper toallow one week's provision for each man appointed to go in them, in orderto prevent separation from each other, which would be of the worstconsequence of any thing that can happen to us: To prevent which, we doagree, that when under way they shall not separate, but always keep withinmusket-shot, and on no pretence or excuse whatsoever go beyond that reach. The officer, or any other person, that shall attempt a separation, orexceed the above-mention'd bounds, shall, on proof, be put on shore, andleft behind. "Thirdly, It is agreed, in order to suppress mutiny, and prevent broils andquarrels on board the vessel, that no man shall threaten the life ofanother, or offer violence in any shape, the offender, without any respectof station or quality, being found guilty, shall be put on shore, and leftbehind. "Fourthly, We do agree, whatever fowl, fish, or necessaries of life, weshall happen to meet with on our passage, the same shall be divided amongthe whole, and if Captain David C----p shall, be put on board a prisoner, it shall not be in the lieutenant's power to release him. "The aforesaid articles were agreed to, and sign'd by the undermention'd, Robert Beans, lieutenantThomas Clark, masterJohn King, boatswainJohn Bulkeley, gunnerJohn Cummins, carpenterThomas Harvey, purserRobert Elliot, surgeon's mateJohn Jones, master's mateJohn Snow, dittoThe Hon. John Byron, midshipmanAlexander Campbell, dittoIsaac Morris, dittoThomas Maclean, cookRichard Phipps, boatswain's mateJohn Mooring, dittoMatthew Langley, gunner's mateGuy Broadwater, coxswainSamuel Stook, seamanJoseph Clinch, dittoJohn Duck, dittoPeter Plastow, captain's stewardJohn Pitman, butcherDavid Buckley, quarter-gunnerRichard Noble, quarter-masterWilliam Moore, captain's cookGeorge Smith, seamanBenjamin Smith, dittoWilliam Oram, carpenter's mateJohn Hart, joinerJohn Bosman, seamanWilliam Harvey, quarter-gunnerRichard East, seamanSamuel Cooper, dittoJob Barns, dittoJoseph Butler, dittoWilliam Rose, quarter-masterJohn Shoreham, seamanJohn Hayes, dittoHenry Stephens, dittoWilliam Callicutt, dittoJohn Russel, armourerJames MacCawle, seamanWilliam Lane, dittoJames Roach, dittoJohn George, dittoJohn Young, cooperMoses Lewis, gunner's mateNicholas Griselham, seaman. " Monday the 12th, at day-light, launch'd the long-boat, and gave her thename of the Speedwell, (which God preserved to deliver us) we got all theprovision on board, and other necessaries. The captain sent for thelieutenant, myself, and the carpenter, desiring us to leave him what couldbe spared, and to send to the deserters to know if they will go in the yawlto the northward, we promised to grant him his request. To-day every bodygot on board. The captain, surgeon, and Mr H----n, had their share ofprovisions equal with us. Tuesday the 13th, we sent the barge to the deserters, with Mr S----w, themate, to know if they were willing to tarry, and go with the captain to thenorthward, to acquaint them what provision and necessaries should beallow'd 'em: They readily agreed to tarry. On the return of the boat, deliver'd to the captain the share of provision for the deserters, andsundry necessaries, as under-mentioned, viz. Six hand-grenadoes, five half barrels of powder, two caggs of musket-balls, Lieutenant H----n's pistols and gun, one pair of pistols for the captain, twelve musket-flints, six pistol-flints, sundry carpenter's tools, half apint of sweet oil, two swords of the captain's own, five muskets, twelvepistol balls, one bible, one azimuth compass, one quadrant, and oneGunter's scale. Provision deliver'd to the captain, surgeon, and Lieutenant K----n, witheight deserters, which last are to be at half allowance of the quantitymade out to the people, which make the whole number seven at wholeallowance. To the captain, surgeon, and Lieutenant H----n, six pieces of beef, sixpieces of pork, and ninety pound of flour; for the deserters, eight piecesof beef, eight pieces of pork, one hundred weight of flour. As soon as the above things were delivered, we got ready for sailing. Iwent and took my leave of the captain; he repeated his injunction, that atmy return to England I would impartially relate all proceedings: He spoketo me in the most tender and affectionate manner, and, as a token of hisfriendship and regard for me, desired me to accept of a suit of his bestwearing apparel: At parting he gave me his hand with a great deal ofchearfulness, wishing me well and safe to England. This was the last time Iever saw the unfortunate Captain C----p. However, we hope to see him againin England, that Mr Cummins and myself may be freed from some heavyimputations to our prejudice, laid on us by the gentleman who succeeded himin command, and who, having an opportunity of arriving before us inEngland, not only in the places he touched at abroad, but at home, hasblackened us with the greatest calumnies, and by an imperfect narrative, has not only traduced us, but made the whole affair so dark and mystical, that till the captain's arrival the l----s of the a----y will not decidefor or against us. But if that unfortunate captain never returns to hiscountry, let us do so much justice to his character, to declare that he wasa gentleman possessed of many virtues: He was an excellent seaman himself, and loved a seaman; as for personal bravery, no man, had a larger share ofit; even when a prisoner he preserved the dignity of a commander, nomisfortune could dispirit or deject him, and fear was a weakness he wasentirely a stranger to; the loss of the ship was the loss of him; he knewhow to govern while he was a commander on board, but when things werebrought to confusion and disorder, he thought to establish his commandashore by his courage, and to suppress the least insult on his authority onthe first occasion; an instance of this was seen on the boatswain's firstappearing ashore--shooting Mr Cozens, and treating him in the manner he didafter his confinement, was highly resented by the people, who soon got thepower in their own hands; the officers only had the name, and they wereoften compelled, for the preservation of their lives, to comply sometimeswith their most unreasonable demands; and it is a miracle, amidst thewildness and distraction of the people, that there was no more bloodshed. At eleven in the forenoon, the whole body of people embarked, to the numberof eighty-one souls, fifty-nine on board the vessel, on board the cuttertwelve, and in the barge ten. At noon got under sail, the wind at N. W. ByW. The captain, surgeon, and Mr H----n, being on the shore side, we gavethem three cheers, which they returned. Coming out of Wager's Bay, splitthe foresail, and very narrowly escaped the rocks; with the assistance ofthe barge and our own oars, tow'd her clear, and bore away into a largesandy bay, on the south side of the lagoon, which we called by the name ofthe Speedwell Bay. At four in the afternoon, anchored in ten fathom finesand, the barge and cutter went ashore, there not being room on board theboat to lodge the people. Wednesday the 14th, fresh gales at S. W. And W. , with rain. At three thisafternoon, being fair weather, weigh'd, and came to sail to take a cruizeup the lagoon, to try the vessel, it being smooth water she work'd verywell; after three or four trips returned, and anchor'd where we came from. "These are to certify the right honourable the lords commissioners forexecuting the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, That we, whosenames are under-mentioned, do beg leave to acquaint your lordships thatCaptain David Cheap, our late commander in his majesty's ship Wager, havingpublicly declared, that he will never go off this spot, at his own requestdesires to be left behind; but Captain Pemberton, of his majesty's landforces, having confined him a prisoner for the death of Mr Henry Cozens, midshipman, with Lieutenant Hamilton, for breaking his confinement, didinsist on delivering them up on the beach to the charge of LieutenantBeans, but he, with his officers and people, consulting the illconsequences that might attend carrying two prisoners off in so small avessel, and for so long and tedious a passage as we are likely to have, andthat they might have opportunities of acting such things in secret as mayprove destructive to the whole body; and also in regard to the chiefarticle of life, as the greatest part of the people must be obliged atevery place we stop, to go on shore in search of provisions, and therebeing now no less than eighty-one souls in this small vessel, which we hopeto be delivered in, we therefore, to prevent any difficulties to be addedto the unforeseen we have to encounter with, think proper to agree, and inorder to prevent murder, to comply with Captain David Cheap's request: Thesurgeon also begs leave to be left with him. Dated on board the Speedwellschooner, in Cheap's Bay, this 14th day of October, 1741. Robert Beans, lieutenantThomas Clark, masterJohn King, boatswainJohn Bulkeley, gunnerJohn Cummins, masterRobert Elliot, surgeon's mateJohn Jones, master's mateJohn Snow, dittoCaptain Pemberton, of his majesty's land forcesVincent Oakley, surgeon of ditto. " Thursday the 15th, this morning it being calm, made a signal for the boatsto come off, by firing five muskets. At day-light came to sail, with thewind at W. By N. It blowing hard, and a great swell, the vessel would notwork, therefore we were obliged to put into a small bay, lying S. W. OfHarvey's Bay, where we had very good shelter, there being a large ledge ofrocks without us, which broke the sea off. At eleven we sent the barge toCheap's Bay, for what canvass could be found serviceable, having left asufficient quantity behind to supply us with sails, in case we wanted 'em. Went in the barge the Hon. John Byron, at his own request, AlexanderCampbell, midshipman; William Harvey, quarter-gunner; David Buckley, ditto;William Rose, quarter-master; Richard Noble, ditto; Peter Plastow, captain's steward; Joseph Clinch, seaman, and Rowland Crusset, marine. Thisafternoon the carpenter went ashore in the cutter, with several of thepeople, to look for provender. Shot several geese, and other sea-fowl. Rainy weather. Wind W. N. W. Friday the 16th, continual rain, and hard gales all night at S. W. Thismorning the carpenter came on board, and acquainted us that he saw ananchor of seven feet in the shank, the palm of each arm filed off justabove the crown: This anchor we suppose to have belonged to some smallvessel wreck'd on the coast. The cutter brought off abundance of shell-fishready dress'd for the people. Sunday, the 18th, at noon, the cutter came off, and brought aboard plentyof shell-fish and greens. The Hon. Mr B----n, Mr C----l, and three of thebarge's crew, came from where the barge lay. Mr B----n came aboard, andinform'd us of the barge being safe in the bay where we left her, and onlywaited the opportunity of weather to come round with her: At the same timehe desired to know if we would give him, and those who would stay withCaptain C----p, their share of provisions. This question of Mr B----n'svery much surprized us; and what surprized us more was, that he should beinfluenced by Mr C----l, a person whom he always held in contempt. As formy part, I believe Mr B----n left us because he could not get anaccommodation aboard the vessel that he liked, being obliged to lie forwardwith the men; as were also the carpenter and myself when below: It is verycertain, that we are so closely pent up for want of room, that the worstjail in England is a palace to our present situation. Tuesday the 20th, served out to the people eight days' flour, to be dress'dashore. I went in the cutter to command in my turn for a week. Wednesday the 21st, close weather; the wind from W. To N. W. , with rain andhail. Brought aboard shell-fish in abundance. At noon the Honourable MrB----n came with some of the crew over-land; he ask'd me whether the boat'screw were gone off, and if we had served the provision, for he wanted toreturn to the barge. I told him all the people were out a-fishing, and thatthe first who came in should carry him off. On which he said, I think wewill go and get some fish too, having nothing else to live on. This was thelast time I ever saw his honour. When the people return'd from fishing, they told me Mr B----n had lost his hat, the wind blowing it off his head. I said, rather than he should want a hat I would give him my own. One ofthe seamen forced a hat on his head; his name was John Duck: But Mr B----nwould by no means wear it, saying, John, I thank you, if I accept of yourkindness you must go bareheaded, and I think I can bear hardships as wellas the best of you, and must use myself to them. I took eight people andwent overland to the place where the barge lay, to get the canvass that westood so much in need of, but found that she was gone from thence. Thepeople in the barge told our men that they would return to us again, but itis plain they never intended it. Thursday the 22d, this day we saw sea-fowl in vast flocks, flying to thesouthward, where was a dead whale. Look'd out all this day for the barge, but to no purpose. The barge not returning was a very great misfortune, having no boat but the cutter; and if by an unlucky accident we lose her, we must be reduced to the greatest extremities to get provision. Thepersons in the barge, except the captain's steward, always approved ofgoing to the southward, but it seems Mr C----l, the poltron, prevail'd on'em to return to Captain C----p. Friday the 23d, saw thousands of sea-fowl; in the morning they fly to thenorthward, and in the evening come back to the south; they are birds of avery large size, but of what kind we do not know. Since we have been herewe saw several Indian graves; they are dug just within the surface of theearth, with a board on each side, and a cross stuck, up at the head. Theday following, a gun, a four-pounder, was seen near the anchor in Clam Bay;we call it by this name, because of the vast quantities of this sort ofshell-fish which are found there. Monday the 26th, it being very calm and fair weather, I went ashore tobring off the people; weigh'd the longboat, and took her in tow over a barwhere there was ten feet water, but a great swell; as soon as we got overthe bar there sprung up a breeze of wind at N. W. , steer'd away S. 1/2 E. For the southmost part of land, which bore S. By E. , distant fourteenleagues. The two points of land make a large and deep sandy bay, we soundedbut found no ground; it is a bold shore close to. I kept a-head in thecutter, in order to provide a harbour for the long-boat; Providencedirected us to a very good one: It blew so hard, with thick hazy weather, that we could not keep the sea. At eight at night we anchor'd in eightfathom water, a-breast of a fine sandy bay, and land-locked not above threeboats length from the shore: At the entrance of the harbour, which liesabout a league up the lagoon, I set the land, the northmost point bore bythe compass N. By E. , distant twelve leagues, and the southmost S. By W. , distant five leagues; the entrance lies E. Tuesday the 27th, fresh gales at west, and cloudy weather, with a greatswell without, insomuch that we could not put out to sea; we therefore sentthe people ashore to dress their provisions; each man is allow'd but aquarter of a pound of flour per day, without any other subsistence but whatProvidence brings in our way. Thursday, the 29th, early this morning it being calm and thick weather, with small rain, we rowed out of the lagoon; at five it cleared up, with afresh breeze at S. S. E. , steer'd S. W. And S. W. By W. , saw a small islandbearing S. By W. , the southmost end S. By E. This island we called the rockof Dundee, it being much like that island in the West-Indies, but not solarge; it lieth about four leagues distant from the southmost point of landout at sea. This day it blow'd so hard that we were obliged to take thecutter in tow. Friday the 30th, hard gales, and a great sea; saw some islands and somesunken rocks; at six saw the main in two points of land, with a largeopening; on each side the sunken rocks are innumerable; the entrance is sodangerous, that no mortal would attempt it unless his case was desperate asours, we have nothing but death before our eyes in keeping the sea, and thesame prospect in running in with the land: We ran in before the wind to theopening that appear'd between the two points, the northmost of which boreN. By E. , and the southmost S. By E. We steered in east, and found theopening to be a large lagoon on the southmost side, running into a verygood harbour; here our small vessel lay secure in a cove, which nature hadform'd like a dock; we had no occasion to let go our anchor, but ranalongside the land, and made fast our head and stern. The people wentashore in search of provision; here we found plenty of wood and water, andfine large muscles in great quantities. Served to each man half a piece ofbeef. Saturday the 31st, this morning cast loose and row'd towards the mouth ofthe lagoons, designing to put out to sea, but the wind blew so hard that wewere obliged to come to an anchor. This afternoon, in weighing the grapnelin order to go to the cove, we found it foul among some rocks, all handshaul'd, took a turn round the main-mast and went aft, which weighed thegrapnel, but straightened one of the flukes: Here the land is very high andsteep on each side, the carpenter and cooper were on the highest of thesehills, and found deep ponds of water on the top of them; these hills arevery rocky, and there are great falls of water all along the coast: Thewhole navy of England may lie with safety in many of those lagoons, but thecoast is too dangerous for any ship to fall in with the land. The peopletoday were very much afflicted with the gripes and pains in their side. Here are abundance of trees, not unlike our yew-trees, they are not aboveseven or eight inches in diameter, and the bark is like cedar. The land isto appearance very good, but on digging beneath the surface we find italmost an entire stone. We saw no people here, though it is plain therehave been some lately, by their wigwams or huts. We are so closely pent upfor want of room, that our lodging is very uncomfortable; the stench of themen's wet cloaths makes the air we breathe nauseous to that degree, thatone would think it impossible for a man to live below. We came to sail, andsteered out of the lagoon west; went into a sandy bay one league to thesouthward of the lagoon. Indian huts to be seen, but no natives. Monday November 2d, at five in the morning, came to sail with the wind atS. And S. By E. At noon the wind came to the W. And W. N. W. In smallbreezes. This day I had a very good observation, it being the first sincewe left Cheap's Island. We found ourselves in the latitude of 50° 0' S. After observing, bore away and ran into a fine smooth passage between theisland and the main. These islands I believe to be the same that are takennotice of in Cook's voyage. From the entrance to the northward, to thegoing out of the Cape of Good Hope (as we call it) the distance is aboutsix leagues, and the depth of the water is from two fathom to twelve; thenorthmost land before we came into the passage bore N. By W. , and thesouthmost, or Cape of Good Hope, bore S. By E. In the evening anchored in afine sandy bay; here we also saw Indian huts, but no people. To-day we shotwild geese in abundance, and got of shell-fish, as limpets and muscles. Tuesday the 3d, at four this morning weighed, and came to sail with thewind at W. , till we got about the Cape of Good Hope, then at W. N. W. , steering S. , and a tumbling sea from the W. The cutter steer'd S. By E. Into a deep bay; supposing them not to see the southmost land, we made thesignal for her, by hoisting an ensign at the topping-lift; as the cutterwas coming up to us her square sail splitted, we offer'd to take them intow, but they would not accept it; we lay with our sails down some timebefore they would show any signal of making sail; coming before the wind, and a large sea, we ordered them to steer away for the southmost point ofland after us, and to keep as near us as possible; but, instead ofobserving our directions, they steered away into the cod of a deep bay, supposed to be King's Bay: The cutter being much to leeward, and theweather being very thick, we were obliged to steer after her, but soon lostsight of her. The place being exceeding dangerous, we could not venture anyfarther after the cutter, therefore we hauled by the wind to the southward, it continued blowing hard, with thick weather, with sunken rocks andbreakers, so that we were obliged to bear away before the wind into a largebay, the tide running rampant, and in a great swell, every where surroundedwith sunken rocks, that we thought nothing but a miracle could saveus: at last we got safe into the bay, and came to in two fathom water, westeered in east. At four this morning rowed out between the islands, afterwe got out had a fresh breeze at N. W. , steered out S. S. W. Then S. And S. ByE. , the cutter a-head. At seven in the morning a-breast of Cape Good Hope, saw a large high rock bearing S. , steered S. By E. , going within it, andthe main a-breast of the rocks, saw a long point making into islandsbearing S. By E. , steer'd S. Until a-breast of them: The same day saw avery high land, with a low point running off in small hommacoes, bearingfrom the northmost point S. By E. About eighteen leagues; between those twopoints is a large deep bay, all within surrounded with rocks and smallislands, steered S. And S. By W. For the outermost point, the cutterkeeping within, and we considering the ill consequence of being embayed, toprevent which we hauled the mainsail and foresail down, and kept the vesselbefore the wind; at eleven the cutter came alongside, with her mainsailsplit; we called to them to take hold of a tow-rope, but they refused, telling us that the boat would not bear towing, by reason of the swell ofthe sea, therefore they would have us nearer the shore, where we shouldhave smooth water; we answered them that the water was smoother without, and nothing nigh the sea that runs within; besides, we shall be embay'd, therefore we desire you to come on board the vessel, and we'll take theboat in tow: They had no regard to what we said; we at the same time, forabove a quarter of an hour, lay in the trough of the sea, with a fair wind:The people in the cutter would neither make sail nor row, at last, findingthem obstinate, we hoisted a skirt of the mainsail, and edged farther off, S. By W. ; when they found we would not go into that bay, they hoisted theirmainsail, and went a-head; being some distance a-head, we made sail, thecutter still keeping a-head till one o'clock, then she bore away S. By E. And S. S. E. , the reason of which we could not tell, it blowing very hard, with a great sea, nothing before us but rocks and breakers, therefore ofconsequence the farther in the sea must be the greater. At half an hourpast two, the cutter being on the beam, and four miles within us, we boreaway after them, and in a very heavy squall of wind and rain we lost sightof her: After the squall was over it cleared up, but we saw nothing of thecutter, nor could we clear the shore to the northward, being not above twomiles off the breakers; therefore we were under a necessity of hauling tothe southward for self-preservation, and very narrowly escaped clearing therocks: After running about three leagues, saw an opening, where we hoped tofind a good harbour; Bore away for the opening, we were here againsurrounded with rocks and breakers, with a hard gale of wind and a greatsea, the oldest seaman on board never saw a more dismal prospect; we ran inbefore the wind for about two leagues; expecting every rise and fall of thesea to be a wreck, but Providence at length conducted us to an indifferentplace of shelter: We were now in a most wretched condition, having no boatto go ashore in, to seek for provender, and the greatest part of the peopleon board are so regardless of life, that they really appear quiteindifferent whether they shall live or die, and it is with much intreatythat any of them can be prevailed on to come upon deck, to assist for theirpreservation. The people's names in the cutter are as follow, viz. Names. Quality. Age. Where born. Thomas Harvey, purser, 23 Westminster. John Mooring, boatswain's mate, 34 Gosport. William Oram, carpenter's crew, 28 Philadelphia. Richard Phipps, boatswain's mate, 30 Bristol. Matthew Lively, gunner's mate, 34 Exeter. John George, seaman, 22 Wandsworth. Nicholas Griselham, ditto, 31 Ipswich. James Stewart, ditto, 35 Aberdeen. James Roach, ditto, 21 Cork. James Butler, ditto, 32 Dublin. John Allen, ditto, 18 Gosport. Wednesday the 4th, hard gales at W. N. W. , and a great sea without; servedout flour and a piece of beef to two men for a week's subsistence; theweather is so bad that there is no other food to be got. Thursday the 5th, little wind at S. W. , with heavy rains; at six thismorning went under sail, but could make no hand of it, therefore wereobliged to put back again: As soon as we came to an anchor, the boatswainemployed himself in making a raft to get ashore with; this raft was madewith oars and water barrels; when it was made, and over the side, it wouldcarry three men, but it was no sooner put off from the vessel's side but itcanted, and obliged the people to swim for their lives; the boatswain gothold of the raft, and with some difficulty reach'd the shore; when he cameoff in the evening, he informed us he had seen a beef puncheon, which gaveus some reason to apprehend some other ship of the squadron had sufferedour fate. Friday the 6th, this morning went under sail, the wind at W. N. W. , withfresh gales and heavy rain, the wind came to the westward, and a great sea, so that we could not turn out over the bar: In our putting back we saw thecutter, a very agreeable sight, which gave us new life; in the eveninganchored at the place sailed from, the carpenter and others went ashore toget shell-fish, which we stood in great need of; at night the proper boat'screw would not go ashore with the boat as usual, but made her fast a-sternof the vessel, with only two men in her, she never being left without fourbefore; at eleven at night one of the men came out of her into the vessel, it blowing very hard at N. N. E. , in half an hour shifted to N. W. , and rainyweather, that we could not see a boat's length: At two the next morning thecutter broke loose from the stern of the vessel; we called from on board toJames Stewart, the man that was in her, but he could not hear us: In ashort time we lost sight of her, believing she must be stove among therocks. The loss of the cutter gives the few thinking people aboard a greatdeal of uneasiness; we have seventy-two men in the vessel, and not abovesix of that number that gives themselves the least concern for thepreservation of their lives, but are rather the reverse, being ripe formutiny and destruction; this is a great affliction to the lieutenant, myself, and the carpenter, we know not what to do to bring them under anycommand, they have troubled us to that degree, that we are weary of ourlives; therefore, this day we have told the people, that unless they altertheir conduct, and subject themselves to command, that we will leave themto themselves, and take our chance in this desolate part of the globe, rather than give ourselves any farther concern about so many thoughtlesswretches. Divided the people into four watches, to make more room below. The people have promised to be under government, and seem much easier. Sunday the 8th, this morning the people requested provisions to be served;it being four days before the usual time, we think the request veryunreasonable. We laid the inconveniences before them of breaking in uponour stores, considering the badness of the weather, and the length of ourpassage, that if we are not exceedingly provident in regard to serving outprovisions, we must all inevitably starve. They will not hearken to reason, therefore we are obliged to comply with their demands, and serve outprovisions accordingly. Several of the people have desired to be put onshore, desiring us to allow them some few necessaries: We wanted to knowwhat could induce them to request our putting them ashore in this remoteand desolate part of the world: They answered, they did not fear doingwell, and doubted not but to find the cutter, which, if they did, theywould go back to the northward, otherwise they would make a canoe;therefore insisted on going ashore. On their earnest intreaties the body ofpeople agreed to their request: We haul'd the boat close in shore; thepeople who chose to stay behind were eleven in number, we supply'd themwith proper necessaries, and they signed a certificate, to inform the L----s of the A----y, that they were not compelled to stay, but made it theirown choice, and that they did it for the preservation of themselves and us. _A Copy of their Certificate_. "These are to certify, the right honourable the lords commissioners forexecuting the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, &c. That we, whose names are undermentioned, since the misfortune of losing the cutter, have consider'd the ill conveniences and difficulties to be attended, whereso great a number of people are to be carried off, therefore we haverequested and desired the officers and company remaining of the same vesselto put us on shore, with such necessaries of life as can be convenientlyspared out of the vessel. We, of our own free will and choice, do indemnifyall persons from ever being call'd to an account for putting us on shore, or leaving us behind, contrary to our inclinations. Witness our hands, onboard the Speedwell schooner, in the latitude 50° 40' S. This 8th day ofNovember, 1741. Which was signed by the following people, viz. Mat. Langley, gunner's mateJohn Russel, armourerGeorge Smith, cook's mateWilliam Callicutt, washermanJohn Williamson, marineJohn McLeod, boatswain's servantJohn Hart, joinerJoseph Turner, captain's servantLuke Lyon, gunner's servantRich. Phipps, boatswain's mateHenry Mortimer, marine. Witness, John Cummins, carpenter, John Snow, master's mate, Vincent Oakley, surgeon of the army. " Monday the 9th, at ten at night, we weigh'd and rowed out of the bay, atday-light got about four leagues right out, every way surrounded with rocksand breakers, with a great western swell: We found it a very difficultmatter to get clear of these rocks and breakers; they reach along shoreeighteen leagues, and without us at sea eight leagues; I take it, that fromthe land they are fourteen leagues in the offing, those sunken rocks appearlike a low level land. This coast is too dangerous for shipping, the windbeing three parts of the year to the westward, which blows right on theshore, with a large western swell, that seldom or never ceases; it alwaysblows and rains, it is worse here than in the rainy season on the coast ofGuinea, nor can we as yet distinguish summer from winter, only by thelength of the days. Steered out of the bay W. By N. , then S. By W. , then S. At noon I had a good observation in the latitude of 50° 50' S. , thenorthmost point of the bay bore N. E. By E. Seven leagues, the southmostpoint of land S. S. E. Twelve leagues. This coast, as far as we have come, lies N. By E. And S. By W. By the compass. Tuesday the 10th, at four this morning made all the sail we could; steeringS. E. In order to make the land, at six steer'd in E. S. E. At seven made theland; at eight saw a point of land bearing S. E. Distant six leagues, which, when a-breast, seeing no land to the S. I take the point for Cape Victory, and the four islands we see I believe to be the islands of Direction, whichSir John Narborough gives an account of, excepting the distance, theyexactly answer his description; therefore, by the latitude, in yesterday'sobservation, and by the distance we have run since, we are now at theopening of the Streights of Magellan. At ten in the morning, hard gales atN. W. Steer'd S. E. The cape bearing E. Distant four leagues; at noon bore E. By N. Distant six leagues; haul'd the main-sail down, and went under afore-sail. I never in my life, in any part of the world, have seen such asea as runs here, we expected every wave to swallow us, and the boat tofounder. This shore is full of small islands, rocks, and breakers, so thatwe can't haul further to the southward, for fear of endangering the boat, we are obliged to keep her right before the sea. At five broach'd to, atwhich we all believ'd she would never rise again. We were surrounded withrocks, and so near that a man might toss a biscuit on 'em: We had nothingbut death before our eyes, and every moment expected our fate. It blew ahurricane of wind, with thick rainy weather, that we could not see twicethe boat's length; we pray'd earnestly for its clearing up, for nothingelse could save us from perishing; we no sooner ask'd for light, but it wasgranted us from above. At the weather's clearing up, we saw the land on thenorth shore, with islands, rocks and breakers all around us; we wereoblig'd to put in among 'em for shelter, finding it impossible to keep thesea, we were in with the land amongst them, and compell'd to push thro', looking death in the face, and expecting every sea to bury us; the boldestmen amongst us were dismay'd, nor can we possibly give an account in whatmanner we have been this day deliver'd. After sailing amidst islands, rocks, and breakers, for above a league, we got safe into a good harbour, surrounded with small islands, which kept the sea off; here the water wasas smooth as in a mill-pond. We call this harbour the Port of God's Mercy, esteeming our preservation this day to be a miracle. The most abandon'damong us no longer doubt of an Almighty Being, and have promis'd to reformtheir lives. Wednesday the 11th, the wind much abated, with rain. This morning weigh'd, and ran farther in. In the evening we saw two Indians lying on theirbellies on the top of a steep rock, just over the vessel, peeping withtheir heads over the hill. As soon as we discover'd them, we made motionsto them to come down; they then rose up, and put on their heads whitefeather'd caps; we then hoisted a white sheet for an ensign: At this theymade a noise, pronouncing Orza, Orza, which we took for a signal to comeashore. We would not suffer above two men to go ashore, and those disarm'd, lest we should put them in fear. The Indians had nothing in their hands buta club, like our cricket-batts, with which they kill their seal. As soon asthey saw the two men come ashore they walk'd away, and when they perceiv'dour men follow'd them, and gain'd ground of them, they took to their heels, frequently looking back, crying Orza, Orza, beckoning the people to follow, which they did for a mile or two along-shore, out of sight of the vessel:Then the Indians fled to the woods, still wanting our people to followthem; but being disarm'd, they were apprehensive the Indians would bush-fight them, so they thought proper to give over the pursuit, and to returnto the boat. Thursday the 12th, hard gales at W. N. W. , with rain. At six this morning weagain saw the two Indians, they made the same noise and motions to comeashore: At which I went with four of the people; the Indians walk'd and ranas before, looking back, and making signs to follow, which we did till wegot to the place where the canoe lay with the four Indians in her. The twoIndians got into the canoe, and put her off the shore before we could getnigh them: As soon as we got abreast of the canoe, they made signs as ifthey wanted clothing; we endeavour'd to make them understand we wantedfish, and would truck with them; they had none, but signified to us theywould go and get some: They had a mangey dog, which they parted with to oneof the people for a pair of cloth trowsers; this dog was soon kill'd, dress'd, and devour'd. Here we found plenty of muscles, which gave us greatrelief, having scarce any thing to subsist on for this week past. Friday the 13th, very uncertain weather, and squally, the wind variablefrom W. N. W. To S. S. W. This morning all hands ashore a-fishing. LieutenantE----rs of the marines kill'd a large seal or sea-dog, it is exceeding goodfood, and we judg'd it to have weigh'd seventeen score. Saturday the 14th, little wind at W. N. W. And close weather, with rain. Atfive this morning cast loose, and steer'd south out between the islands, the weather clearing up, we saw the south shore: It first appear'd like alarge island, stretching away to the westward, and at the west end twohammacoes like sugar-loaves, and to the southward of them a large point ofrocks, steer'd S. E. Until the point bore W. Then steer'd S. E. By E. I tookthe point for Cape Pillar, and was fully assur'd of our being in theStreights. Sunday the 15th, at three this morning cast loose, and row'd, but could notget out, so were oblig'd to put back, and make fast, it blowing hard, withthick weather all day, in the evening it clear'd up. This day severalpeople drove a trade with their allowance, giving silver buckles for flour, valued at twelve shillings per pound, and before night it reach'd to aguinea, the people crying aloud for provisions, which are now so scarce, that several on board are actually starving thro' want. Monday the 16th, at three this morning cast loose, being little wind, andsteer'd up the Streights S. E. By E. The wind at N. W. At eight o'clock gota-breast of Cape Munday, at nine the cape bore W. Distant four leagues, atnoon running along shore, made two openings, which put the rest of theofficers to a stand, not knowing which to take for their right passage. Asking my opinion, I gave it for keeping on the E. S. E. Passage, the otherlying S. E. By S. On which they said, Sir John Narborough bids us keep thesouth shore on board. I answer'd, that Sir John tells us E. S. E. Is thedirect course from Cape Pillar: I'll venture my life that we are now in theright passage; so we kept on E. By S. Half S. After running a league or twoup, and not seeing Cape Quod, nor any outlet, the wind blowing hard, wewere for running no farther, whereas one league more would have convinc'devery body, but they all gave against me, that we were not in the rightpassage: The wind being at W. N. W. We could not turn back again; so that wewere oblig'd to put into a cove lying on the north shore, where we foundgood anchoring in four fathom water: No provisions to be got here, being abarren rocky place, producing not any thing for the preservation of life. This afternoon died George Bateman, a boy, aged sixteen years: This poorcreature starv'd, perish'd, and died a skeleton, for want of food. Thereare several more in the same miserable condition, and who, without a speedyrelief, must undergo the same fate. Tuesday the 17th, at five this morning, weigh'd, and row'd out, it beingcalm; at seven a fresh breeze right up the sound, we could not turn towindward not above a mile from where we last lay, we made fast along-sidethe rocks; all hands ashore a-fishing for muscles, limpets, and clams; herewe found those shell-fish in abundance, which prov'd a very seasonablerelief. Just before we got in, one of the men gave a guinea for a pound offlour, being all the money he had. Wednesday the 18th, the wind at W. N. W. In hard squalls, with hail and snow. This morning cast loose, and stood over to the southward, believing thetide to run stronger and more true than on the north-shore, hoping shortlyto get out of the sound, which is not above a league in the wind's eye. Attwo o'clock got into a cove on the south side, made fast along side of therocks; all hands on shore getting muscles and other fish. Thursday the 19th, fresh gales W. N. W. With hail and snow. This morning castloose, and sail'd out, but could make no hand of it, our boat will not workto windward; put back from whence we came, and sent the people ashore toget muscles. This night departed this life Mr Thomas Caple, son of the lateLieutenant Caple, aged twelve years, who perish'd for want of food. Therewas a person on board who had some of the youth's money, upwards of twentyguineas, with a watch and silver cup. Those last the boy was willing tosell for flour; but his guardian told him, he would buy cloaths for him inthe Brazil. The miserable youth cry'd, Sir, I shall never live to see theBrazil, I am starving now, almost starv'd to death, therefore, for God'ssake, give me my silver cup to get me some victuals or buy some for meyourself. All his prayers and intreaties to him were vain, but heaven sentdeath to his relief, and put a period to his miseries in an instant. Persons who have not experienc'd the hardships we have met with, willwonder how people can be so inhuman to see their fellow-creatures starvingbefore their faces, and afford 'em no relief: But hunger is void of allcompassion; every person was so intent on the preservation of his own life, that he was regardless of another's, and the bowels of commiseration wereshut up. We slip no opportunity, day or night, to enter into the suppos'dright Streights, but can get no ground. This day we serv'd flour and apiece of beef between two men for a week. Captain P----n, of his majesty'sland forces, gave two guineas for two pounds of flour; this flour was soldhim by the seamen, who live on muscles. Many of the people eat their flourraw as soon as they are serv'd it. The wind and weather not permitting usto go out, the men were employ'd in getting wood and water. Tuesday the 24th, this morning it being calm, row'd out, at eight o'clockhad the supposed right Streights open, having a breeze at W. N. W. S. E. By E. Through the first reach, and S. S. E. Through the second, then saw threeislands, the largest of which lies on the north-shore, and there is apassage about two miles broad between that and the islands to thesouthward; there is also another passage between that island and the north-shore, of a mile and a half broad. Before you come to those islands thereis a sound lying on the south-shore: You can see no passage until you comeclose up with the island, and then the imaginary Streights are not abovetwo miles broad. Steer'd away for the island S. E. About two leagues, thencame into a narrow passage, not above a cable's length over, which put usall to a stand, doubting of any farther passage. The wind took us a-head, and the tide being spent we put into a small cove, and made fast. At sevenin the evening, being calm, cast loose, being willing to see if there wasany opening, but to our great misfortune, found none, which very muchsurpriz'd us. The lieutenant is of opinion, that we are in a lagoon to thenorthward of the Streights. This I cannot believe, and am positive, if everthere was such a place in the world as the Streights of Magellan, we arenow in them, and above thirty leagues up. If he or any of the officers hadgiven themselves the trouble of coming upon deck, to have made properremarks, we had been free from all this perplexity, and by this time out ofthe Streights to the northward. There is not an officer aboard, except thecarpenter and myself, will keep the deck a moment longer than his watch, orhas any regard to a reckoning, or any thing else. It is agreed to go backagain. Wednesday the 25th, little wind with rain. At eight this morning row'd out, and got about a league down; here we could get no ground, and were obligedto put back again. Thursday the 26th, little wind; row'd out, got about five leagues down. This day we were in such want of provisions, that we were forced to cut upthe seal skin and broil it, notwithstanding it has lain about the deck forthis fortnight. Friday the 27th, little wind and close weather. This morning cast loose androw'd down, had a fresh breeze at north, steer'd W. S. W. Into anotheropening on the south-shore, hoping to find a passage out of the lagoon, asthe lieutenant calls it, into the right Streights. After going two leaguesup saw there was no opening, put back and made fast where we came from, being determined to go back and make Cape Pillar a second time, which isthe south entrance of the Streights. Got abundance of large muscles, fiveor six inches long, a very great relief to us at present. Sunday the 29th, hard gales from N. W. To S. W. With heavy rains. Greatuneasiness among the people, many of them despairing of a deliverance, andcrying aloud to serve provisions four days before the time. Finding no wayto pacify them, we were obliged to serve them. We endeavoured to encourageand comfort them as much as lay in our power, and at length they seemedtolerably easy. Monday the 30th, fresh gales at W. With continual rain. This day died threeof our people, viz. Peter Delroy, barber, Thomas Thorpe and ThomasWoodhead, marines, they all perish'd for want of food: Several more are inthe same way, being not able to go ashore for provisions, and those who arewell cannot get sufficient for themselves, therefore the sick are leftdestitute of all relief. There is one thing to be taken notice of in thedeath of those people, that some hours before they die they are takenlightheaded, and fall a joking and laughing, and in this humour theyexpire. Tuesday, December the 1st, 1741, little wind, and fair weather, which is akind of prodigy in those parts. In the morning put out of the cove, and gotfour leagues down; then the wind took us a-head, and we put into anothercove where we got muscles and limpets. At four this afternoon saw an Indiancanoe coming over from the north-shore; they landed two of their men to theleeward of the cove, they came opposite to us, and viewed us, then wentback, and came with the canoe within a cable's length of our boat, but nonearer, so that we had no opportunity to truck with them. Wednesday the 2d, little wind, with rain. At nine this morning row'd outand got about a league farther down; the wind beginning to blow fresh, weput into another cove, and found plenty of shell-fish, which kept up ourspirits greatly, for it is enough to deject any thinking man, to see thatthe boat will not turn to windward, being of such length, and swimming sobuoyant upon the water, that the wind, when close haul'd, throws her toleeward: We have been seventeen days going seven or eight leagues towindward, which must make our passage very long and uncomfortable. Friday the 4th, little wind at S. And fair. This morning rowed out, at tengot down, where we saw a smoke, but no people; we saw a dog running alongshore, and keeping company with the boat for above a mile; we then put in, with a design, to shoot him, but he soon disappointed us, by taking intothe woods. We put off again with a fine breeze, steering N. W. By W. Downthe Streights. The carpenter gave a guinea this day for a pound of flour, which he made into cakes, and eat instantly. At six in the evening abreastof Cape Munday; at eight abreast of Cape Upright, being fair weather. Intend to keep under sail all night. Saturday the 5th, little wind and fair: At four this morning I saw CapePillar, bearing W. By N. Distant eight leagues; saw a smoke on the southshore, and at noon we saw a smoke on the north shore, but we did not careto lose time: At three o'clock saw Cape Desseada, bearing from Cape PillarS. W. Distant four leagues, at four o'clock wore the boat, and steeredE. S. E. The lieutenant was now fully convinced we have been all along in theright Streights, and had we run but one league further, on Monday, Nov. 17, we had escaped all this trouble and anxiety: As for my own part, I was verywell assured, from the first entrance, that we were right, but thelieutenant would not believe that it was Cape Pillar on the S. Shore cominginto the Streights, but thought we were in a lagoon to the northward; sothat we have been above a fortnight coming back to rectify mistakes, and tolook at Cape Pillar a second time: At eight o'clock came abreast of thesmoke seen in the morning. The people being well assured that we areactually in the Streights of Magellan, are all alive. Wind at W. S. W. Sunday, little wind at W. With rain; at three this morning abreast of CapeMunday; at six abreast of Cape de Quod, opposite to which, on the southshore, saw a smoke, on which we went ashore to the Indians, who came out ona point of land, at the entrance of a cove, hollowing and crying, _Bona!Bona!_ endeavouring to make us understand they were our friends; whenashore, we traded with them for two dogs, three brant geese, and some seal, which supply was very acceptable to us; we supped on the dogs, and thoughtthem equal in goodness to the best mutton in England. We took from theIndians a canoe, made of the bark of trees, but soon towed her under water, and were obliged to cut her loose; steered N. E. By E. At eight o'clockabreast of St Jerom's Sound; at twelve abreast of Royal Island. The Indians we saw in the Streights of Magellan are people of a middlestature, and well shaped, their complexion of a tawny olive colour, theirhair exceeding black, but not very long, they have round faces and smallnoses, their eyes little and black, their teeth are smooth and even, andclose set, of an incomparable whiteness, they are very active in body, andrun with a surprising agility, they wear on their heads white featheredcaps, their bodies are covered with the skins of seals and guinacoes. Thewomen, as soon as they saw us, fled into the woods, so that we can give nodescription of them. Monday the 7th, fresh gales at W. N. W. And fine weather; at six this morningabreast of Cape Forward, steered N. By E. At nine abreast of Port Famine, at twelve at noon put in at Freshwater bay, and filled one cask of water, having none aboard; at one o'clock put out again, steered N. By E. Expecting plenty of wood and water at Elizabeth's Island; at nine at nightpassed by Sandy Point, it bore S. S. E. And the island St George E. N. E. Distant three leagues. Tuesday the 8th, at four this morning, being calm, weighed, and rowedtowards Elizabeth's Island, it bearing W. N. W. At four in the afternoonanchored off the northmost in eight fathom water, fine sand, about half acable's length from the shore put the vessel in, and landed some people tosee for wood and water. In the evening the people came aboard, having beenall over the island in search of wood and water, but found none; hereindeed we found shaggs and sea-gulls in great numbers, it being breedingtime, we got a vast quantity of their eggs, most of them having young onesin the shell: However, we beat them up all together, with a little flour, and made a very rich pudding. Elizabeth's Island is a beautiful spot ofground to appearance, with very good pasture, but it is entirely barren ofany thing for the support of man. This day John Turner, marine, perishedfor want of food. Wednesday the 9th, at four this morning weighed, and steered E. N. E. For theNarrows, with the wind at S. S. W. , when abreast ef the Sweepstakes Foreland, steered S. S. E. On purpose to look for water; after going along shore aboutsix leagues into a deep bay, we saw a fine delightful country: Here we sawthe guianacoes in great numbers, ten or twelve in a drove; they are to beseen in such droves all along the shore for several leagues. The guianacoe is as large as any English deer, with a long neck, his head, mouth, and ears resembling a sheep; he has very long slender legs, and iscloven-footed like a deer, with a short bushy tail of a reddish colour; hisback is covered with red wool, pretty long; but down his sides, and all thebelly part, is white wool: Those guianacoes, though at a distance very muchresembling the female deer, are probably the sheep of this country; theyare exceeding nimble, of an exquisite quick sight, very shy, and difficultto be shot: At noon, finding neither wood nor water, wore to the northward, at three got abreast of the Foreland, hauled in for Fish Cove, which liethjust round the eastern point; here we expected to land and shoot some ofthe guianacoes, but when abreast of the Cove, the wind blew so hard rightout, that we were obliged to bear away for the first Narrow, it beingimpossible to get in. At eight this evening entered the first Narrow, meeting the flood, which runs here very strong; at twelve came to an anchorin five fathom, about a mile off shore. The tide floweth on the westernshore seven hours, and ebbs five. This day Robert Vicars, marine, perishedwith want. Thursday the 10th, at four this morning weighed, and came to sail; at sixgot out of the first Narrow, hauled in for a deep bay on the north shore toseek for water: The boatswain swam ashore, and in half an hour afterwardscame down on the beach, and brought us the news of finding fresh water. Itbeing rocky ground and ebbing water, the vessel struck; we were obliged inthis exigence to slip the cable, time not permitting us to haul up theanchor, we stood off, and on the shore till half flood, then went in andtook the cable on board: After landing some people with casks to fill, hauled the anchor up, and went about two miles farther out. Friday the 11th, at three this morning the boat struck upon the tide ofebb, it ebbing so fast we could not get her off, in a quarter of an hour'stime the boat was dry; we were favoured with little wind and smooth water, otherwise she must have stove to pieces, the ground being very foul; itebbs dry above a league off, and there is shoal water a great deal furtherout, so that it is dangerous for a ship to haul into this bay. While theboat was dry got all the water casks out of the hold, and put them ashoreto be filled. At six hauled the boat off, having received no damage; ateight, it being four feet flood, run the boat close in shore and took offour water, the whole quantity being four tons, out of which we were obligedto leave two puncheons, one quarter-cask, with three muskets, a funnel, andsome other necessaries, and were very much concerned lest we should alsoleave some of the people ashore. The wind blowing hard, and the seatumbling in, we were under a necessity of hauling off and putting to sea, for fear of losing the boat. Since we left the island where the Wager waslost, we have several times very narrowly escaped being made a wreck, andsometimes have been preserved when we have seen our fate before our eyes, and every moment expected it, and when all the conduct and ability of mencould have availed nothing. Any one who has been a witness of thoseprovidential deliverances, and doubts the being of a Supreme Power, disqualifies himself from any title to all future mercy, and justlydeserves the wrath of an incensed Deity. This day, at noon, being well outof the bay, and nigh mid-channel over, steered E. N. E. For Cape Virgin Mary, with a fine gale at S. W. At one we saw the cape bearing N. E, by E. Distantnine leagues; at seven in the evening saw a low point of flat land, stretching away from the cape S. S. E. Two leagues; at eight little or nowind, steered E. By S. At twelve at night doubled the point, the wind at W. Right in the middle of the bay, where we filled the water; in land lie twopeaks, exactly like ass's ears. We would advise all vessels from haulinginto this bay, it being shoal water and foul ground. As for every otherpart of the Straights of Magellan, from Cape Victory to Cape Virgin Mary, we recommend Sir John Narborough, who in his account is so just and exact, that we think it is impossible for any man living to mend his works. Wehave been a month in those Streights, from our first sight of Cape Pillarto Cape Virgin Mary. The whole length of the Streights, the reaches andturnings included, is reckoned one hundred and sixteen leagues. Saturday the 12th, little wind, and fair weather. At one this morningsteered N. By W. At four the wind came to N. W. Tacked and stood to thewestward; the two points stretching off from the cape bore N. W. By W. Distant two leagues. At noon, the wind being at N. E. Steering along shorefrom the cape, saw on the shore three men, on mules or horses, ridingtowards us; when they came abreast of us, they stopped and made signals, waving their hats, as though they wanted to speak with us; at which weedged close to the shore, where we saw to the number of twenty; five ofthem rode abreast, the others were on foot, having a large store of cattlewith them. On sight of this, we anchored within a mile of the shore. Thecape bore W. S. W. Distant seven leagues, the swell tumbling in from the sea, would not permit us to speak with'em, by their motions, actions, cloathing, and by their whole behaviour, we took them for Christians: It being a plainlevel land, they rode backwards and forwards like racers, waving whitehandkerchiefs, and making signs for us going into a bay, which lay about aleague to the northward, which we designed to do on the tide of ebb. Theflood being very strong against us, they waited on the shore till the tidewas spent; we weighed and stood to northward, the wind blowing right infrom sea, and a great swell, we could not clear the land, so that we woreand stood to the southward, and very narrowly escaped clearing the breakersoff the pitch of the cape, which lay about two leagues out at sea to thesouthward. At nine at night the cape bore W. Distant six leagues; stood outto sea till eleven o'clock, then wore and stood in, the wind shifting toN. N. E. The next morning we steered in for the bay, and saw those peopleagain; but the wind soon afterwards veering to the westward, and blowingstrong, we were obliged to bear away: We could not by any means come to theknowledge of these people; whether they are unfortunate creatures that havebeen cast away, or whether they are inhabitants about the river Gallegoes, we can't tell. Tuesday the 15th, fresh gales and fair weather. This morning saw the land;the southmost point bore W. S. W. , the northmost point N. N. E. At eight sawtwo ledges of rocks, running two leagues out from a point of land whichmakes like an old castle. At noon the extremes of the land bore W. By N. Distant three leagues, had a good observation, latitude 49: 10 S. Coursemade this twenty-four hours is N. By E. Half E. Distant 104 miles, longitude in 74: 05 W. Wednesday, the 16th, at noon abreast of Penguin island, not above half amile from shore. We saw on this island seals and penguins without number, the shore being entirely covered with them. We find the penguin exactly toanswer Sir John Narborough's description; therefore we beg leave to give itthe reader in that excellent navigator's own words: "The penguin is a fowlthat lives by catching and eating fish, which he dives for, and is verynimble in the water; he is as big as a brant goose, and weighs near abouteight pounds; they have no wings, but flat stumps like fins; their coat isa downy stumped feather; they are blackish grey on the backs and heads, andwhite about their necks and down their bellies; they are short-legged likea goose, and stand upright like little children in white aprons, incompanies together; they are full-necked, and headed and beaked like acrow, only the point of their bill turns down a little; they will bitehard, but they are very tame, and will drive in herds to your boat-sidelike sheep, and there you may knock'em on the head, all one after another;they will not make any great haste away. " We steered N. W. By N. For theharbour of Port Desire: The going into this harbour is very remarkable; onthe south side lies, one mile in the land, an high peaked-tip rock, muchlike a tower, looking as though it was a work of art set up for a land-markto steer into this harbour; this rock is forty feet high. At five o'clockgot into the harbour, run up to Seal Island, which lieth about a league up;here we killed more seal in half an hour than we could carry off, beingobliged to leave the greatest part of what we killed behind. The peopleeating greedily of the seal, were seized with violent fevers and pains intheir heads. While we were at Port Desire we had seal and fowl inabundance. The carpenter found here a parcel of bricks, some of'em withletters cut in them, on one of those bricks these words were very plain andlegible, viz. _Capt. Straiton, 16 Cannons, 1687_. Those we imagine havebeen laid here from a wreck. The carpenter with six men went in search ofwater, a mile up the water's side; they found Peckett's well, mention'd inSir John Narborough's book; the spring is so small, that it doth not giveabove thirty gallons per day, but the well being full, supplied us. Thepeople grow very turbulent and uneasy, requiring flour to be served out;which, in our present circumstance, is a most unreasonable request; we havebut one cask of flour on board, and a great distance to run into theBrazil, and no other provision in the boat but the seal we have killedhere: Nay, they carry their demands much higher, insisting that the marineofficers, and such people as cannot be assisting in working the boat, shallhave but half the allowance of the rest; accordingly they have pitched upontwenty to be served half a pound of flour each man, and themselves a pound. This distinction the half-pounders complain of, and that twenty areselected to be starved. While we were at Port Desire, one day dressing ourvictuals, we set fire to the grass; instantly the flames spread, andimmediately we saw the whole country in a conflagration, and the next day, from the watering-place, we saw the smoke at a distance, so that then thefire was not extinguished. Friday the 25th, little wind, and fair weather; went up to our slaughter-house in Seal island, and took on board our sea-store, which we completedin half an hour's time; turned down the harbour with the tide of ebb, inthe evening, the wind at N. E. Could make no hand of it, so bore away forthe harbour again, and came to an anchor. Saturday the 26th, at three in the morning, sailed out of Port Desireharbour; steered out E. N. E. At six Penguin island bore S. By E. Distant sixleagues, and Cape Blanco N. W. By N. Four leagues. This day I took mydeparture from Cape Blanco; I judge the cape to lie in the longitude of 71:00 W. From the meridian of London. Monday the 28th, moderate gales, and fair. This day served out all theflour in the boat, at three pound and a half to each man. We have nownothing to live on but seal, and what Providence throws in our way. Friday, January the 1st, 1741-2, fresh gales and fair weather, with a greatsea. At ten last night shifting the man at the helm, brought her by thelee, broke the boom; and lost a seaman overboard. The greatest part of ourseal taken in at Port Desire, for want of salt to cure it there, now stinksvery much; but having nothing else we are obliged to eat it. We are nowmiserable beyond description, having nothing to feed on ourselves, and atthe same time almost eaten up with vermin. Wednesday the 6th, departed this life Mr Thomas Harvey, the purser; he dieda skeleton for want of food: This gentleman probably was the first purserbelonging to his majesty's service that ever perished with hunger. We seedaily a great number of whales. Sunday the 10th, this day at noon, in working the bearings, and distant toCape St Andrew, do find myself not above thirteen leagues distant from theland, therefore hauled in N. W. To make it before night. We saw to-dayabundance of insects, particularly butterflies and horse-stingers. We havenothing to eat but some stinking seal, and not above twenty out of theforty-three which are now alive have even that, and such hath been ourcondition for this week past; nor are we better off in regard to water, there not being above eighty gallons on board: Never were beheld a parcelof more miserable objects, there are not above fifteen of us healthy, (ifpeople may be called healthy that are scarce able to crawl). I am reckonedat present one of the strongest men in the boat, yet can hardly stand on mylegs ten minutes together, nor even that short space of time withoutholding: Every man of us hath had a new coat of skin from head to foot: Wethat are in the best state of health do all we can to encourage the rest. At four this afternoon, we were almost transported with joy at the sight ofland, (having seen no land for fourteen days before) the extremes of whichbore N. W. About seven leagues; we ran in with it, and at eight anchored ineight fathom; fine sand about a league from the shore; the northmost pointbore about N. E. , the southmost point about S. W. By S. This day perished forwant of food, serjeant Ringall. Monday the 11th, at four this morning weighed, and came to sail, steeringalong shore N. E. By E. This is a pleasant and delightful country to sailby: We kept within a mile of the shore; we saw horses and large dogs ingreat numbers, the shore being perfectly covered with them. At noon I had agood observation in the latitude of 38: 40 S. At the same time a-head land, which I took for Cape St Andrew's; it is a long sandy point, very low, where a shoal runs off S. E. About three leagues. Sounded, and had but twofathom and half at high-water. When we got clear of this, we steered N. E. Into a sandy bay, and anchored there in three fathom and half, fine sand;the north point bore N. N. W. , the south point S. E. By E. Here is a greatswell, and shoal water. This bay we call Shoalwater Bay. Tuesday the 12th, lying in Shoalwater Bay, the wind at S. E. And fairweather. Having nothing on board the vessel to eat, and but one cask ofwater to drink, we put her in as nigh as we could venture; so that anyperson who had the least skill in swimming, might get ashore: Here runs apretty large surf, which may endanger our vessel; this puts us to a stand:To go from hence without meat or drink is certain death. A few of thehealthiest were resolved to swim on shore, to get water and provisions; theofficers, viz. The boatswain, carpenter, and Lieutenant E----rs, to animatethe rest, first leaped into the water; eleven of the people followed them;in this attempt one of the marines was unfortunately drowned: We tossedoverboard four quarter-casks to fill with water; lashing to the cask twofire-locks on each side, with ammunition for shooting. When the officersand people got on shore, they saw thousands of horses and dogs; the dogsare of a mongril breed, and very large. They also saw abundance of parrotsand seals on the rocks, but not a bush growing on the place; they made afire with horse dung, and shot a great many seal, which they cut up inquarters to bring aboard. One of the water-casks being leaky, they cut itup, and converted it into fuel to dress the seal. They caught fourarmadilloes, they are much larger than our hedge-hogs, and very like them;their bodies are cased all over with shells, shutting under one anotherlike shells of armour. In this country thirteen of his majesty's Britishsubjects put to flight a thousand Spanish horse. Horses are more numeroushere, than sheep are on the plains in Dorset and Wiltshire. We on board seeabundance of seal lying on the shore cut in pieces, but the wind blows sohard we can by no means get at it. We think ourselves now worse off thanever, for we are actually starving in the sight of plenty. We have but twopeople on board that can swim; to give them all the assistance we can, thelieutenant and myself, with the rest of the people, proposed to haul thevessel nearer in, and make a raft for one of the two to swim ashore on, andto carry a line to haul some of the seal aboard: With much entreaty thesetwo swimmers were prevailed on to cast lots; the lot falling on the weakestof 'em, who was a young lad about fifteen years of age, and scarce able tostand, we would not suffer him to go. While our brethren were regaling inthe fulness of plenty ashore, we aboard were obliged to strip the hatchesof a seal-skin, which has been for some time nailed on, and made use of fora tarpawlin; we burnt the hair off the skin, and for want of any thing elsefell to chewing the seal-skin. Wednesday the 13th, fine weather and calm. At six this morning theboatswain shot a horse, and the people a wild dog. The horse was branded onthe left buttock with these letters A. R. By this we conjecture there areinhabitants not far off. At nine veered the boat in, lashed the oars to thehatches, and made a stage to haul up the seal. The people swam off threecasks of water, sent on shore one quarter-cask more, and two breakers. Cameaboard the boatswain, carpenter, and Lieutenant E----rs, and four men moreare getting the seal and the horse on board, which was no sooner in thevessel than a sea-breeze came in, and blowed so hard, that we were obligedto weigh, leaving ashore one quarter-cask, two breakers, and eight of thepeople. The wind at E. S. E. And a tumbling sea, came to an anchor about aleague off the shore; we shared all the provisions among the company; westill see the people ashore, but can't get them off. Thursday the 14th, hard gales at E. S. E. And fair weather. Last night thesea was so great, that it broke the rudder-head off; we were doubtful everymoment of the vessel's parting, which if she had, we must have been all ofus inevitably lost. We were obliged to put to sea, not being able to getthe people off. We sent ashore in a scuttled puncheon some wearing apparel, four muskets, with balls, powder, flints, candles, and several necessaries, and also a letter to acquaint them of the danger we were in, and of theimpossibility of our riding it out till they could get off. In Freshwater Bay, dated on board the Speedwell schooner, on the coast ofSouth America, in the latitude of 37: 25 S. Longitude from the meridian ofLondon, 65: 00 W. This 14th day of January, 1741-2. "These are to certify the right honourable the lords commissioners forexecuting the office of lord high admiral of Great Britain, &tc. That we, whose names are undermentioned, having nothing left on board the vessel butone quarter-cask of water, were obliged to put into the first place wecould for subsistence, which, was in Freshwater-Bay; where we came to ananchor, as near the shore as we could, without endangering the vessel, having no boat aboard, and a large surf on the shore, therefore Mr King theboatswain, Mr Cummins the carpenter, and Lieutenant Ewers, with eleven ofthe people, jumped overboard, in order to swim ashore, with three casks ofwater, in which attempt James Greenham was drowned in the surf off theshore: The sea-breeze coming on, prevented the people getting on board thesame night; therefore, on Wednesday morning, it being then calm, theybrought to the beach the casks filled with water, with seal and otherprovisions in great quantities, which we hauled on board. The boatswain, carpenter, Lieutenant Ewers, and three of the people, swam off, but thesea-breeze coming in, and the surf rising, the rest were discouraged fromcoming off; we hauled a good birth off the shore, where we lay theremainder of the day, and all the night. The greatness of the sea broke offour rudder-head, and we expected every minute the vessel would founder ather anchor. Thursday morning we saw no probability of the people comingaboard, and the wind coming out of the sea, and not one stick of fire-woodin the vessel to dress our victuals, and it being every man's opinion thatwe must put to sea or perish, we got up a scuttled cask, and put into itall manner of necessaries, with four small arms lashed to the cask, and aletter to acquaint them of our danger, which cask we saw them receive, asalso the letter that was in it; they then fell on their knees, and madesignals wishing us well, at which we got under sail, and left our brethren, whose names are under-mentioned, Sign'd byRobert Beans, lieutenantJohn King, boatswainJohn Bulkeley, gunnerThomas Clark, masterJohn Cummins, carpenterRobert Elliot, surgeon's mateJohn Jones, master's mateJohn Snow, ditto. The names of the people left on shore in the latitude of 35' 25 S. Longitude 65: 00 W. Names. Where born. Guy Broadwater, Blackwall. John Duck, London. Samuel Cooper, Ipswich. Benjamin Smith, Southwark. Joseph Clinch, Ditto. John Allen, Gosport. John Andrews, Manchester. Isaac Morris, Topsham. " Those people had a good prospect of getting provisions, and we believeinhabitants are not far off; they have all necessaries for shooting; wehope to see them again, but at present we leave them to the care ofProvidence and the wide world. At noon sailed hence, at four in theafternoon could not clear the land, and were obliged to anchor in fivefathom, two leagues from the shore, the northmost point of land bore N. E. By N. And the southmost point S. By W. Hard gales at E. N. E. And a greatsea. At noon in latitude 38: 00. Friday the 15th, fresh gales at N. N. W. And a great sea tumbling into thebay. We are not able to ride it out, therefore, at four in the afternoon, got under sail, and stood off to sea; the southmost land bore S. W. By S. Distant five leagues. Monday the 18th, in the latitude of 36: 29 S. The north point ofFreshwater-Bay bearing S. W. Distant forty-four leagues, we went to anallowance of water, at a pint a man per day, having on board not abovetwenty gallons for thirty-three souls. Tuesday the 19th, little wind at S. And clear weather. At four this morningsaw breakers right a-head; sounded, and found five fathom; saw the landmaking like an island, bearing N. E. By E. Distant twelve leagues; steeredN. For about a mile or two, shoaled the water from two fathom to nine feet, then steer'd N. N. E. And deepen'd the water to five fathom. By theappearance of the land, we are well up the river of Plate, and do take thebreakers for the English bank. Steer'd and sail'd all day E. N. E. Alongshore, in the evening anchor'd in a fine sandy bay; saw two men coming downon horseback, the boatswain swam ashore, and got up behind one of them, androde away to their caravans. When we made the land, we had not one drop ofwater on board: Several people swam ashore to fill water, one of 'em, whenashore, drank very plentifully of water; in attempting to come off, was soweak, that he could not reach the vessel, but was unfortunately drown'd. Got one cask of water aboard, which reviv'd us exceedingly. Wednesday the 20th, Mr Cummins and myself went ashore, four of theinhabitants came down to us on horseback. As I could talk Portugueze, Ifell into discourse with them. They told me the English were still at warwith the Spaniards, that they had two fifty-gun ships up the river ofPlate, and one sixty gun ship cruizing off Cape St Mary's; and not abovesix weeks ago a seventy gun ship lying at anchor, parted from her anchorsand drove on shore; that the ship was lost, and every man perish'd. Theyalso told me they were Spaniards, Castilians, and fishermen, that they camehere a fishing, the fish they took they salted and dried, then sold them atBuenos Aires. The town they belong'd to they called Mount de Vidia, twodays journey from hence. I ask'd 'em how they came to live in the king ofPortugal's land. They said there were a great many Spanish settlements onthis side, and gave us an invitation to their caravan; we got up behindthem, and rode about a mile to it, where they entertained us with good junkbeef, roasted and boyl'd, with good white bread. We sought to buy someprovisions of 'em, but they had none but twenty-six loaves, about as big astwo-penny loaves in England, which they would not part with under fourguineas. We being in a weak condition, scarce able to stand on our legs, and without bread for a long time, gave them their price. Their patron toldus at the same time, if it should be known that they had supplied us, theyshould be all hang'd. He promis'd, if we would give him a fire-lock, hewould get us some wild fowl, and as many ducks in an hour or two as wouldserve all the people on board. Mr Cummins sent for his fire-lock, and gaveit him, with some powder and sluggs. On our coming away, finding one oftheir company missing with a horse, we were apprehensive of his being goneto betray us; therefore immediately went on board, got our water in, andmade all ready for sailing to Rio Grand. Thursday the 21st, little wind at N. W. And fair weather. At four thismorning got under sail, steered E. N. E. At twelve saw low land stretch offto the eastward, which bore E. By S. At four the tide of flood flowingstrong in obliged us to come to an anchor in a large bay, in eight fathomwater; the south point bore S. S. W. The east point E. S. E. ; at eight at nightgot under sail, steering E. S. E. Friday the 22d, little wind at N. And fair weather. At eight this morningsaw Cape St Mary's, bearing N. W. Distant ten leagues; at noon it boreW. S. W. And the north land S. E. By E. Sunday 23d, little wind, and calm. In the morning, not seeing the land, steer'd in N. ; at noon saw Cape St Mary's, bearing N. W. Distant tenleagues; latitude per observation 34: 53 S. At seven in the evening, beingin shore and calm, anchored in fourteen fathom water, sandy ground, thecape bearing W. By N. And the northmost land N. By E. This day departedthis life Mr Thomas Clark the master, as did also his son the dayfollowing. Sunday the 24th, the wind at S. And hazy weather. At two in the morningweighed and came to sail, steering N. E. Within a league of the shore. Atthree in the afternoon saw three islands, the northmost of which is themost remarkable one I ever beheld, appearing like a church with a loftytower; at four we saw three islands more, steer'd N. Quarter W. Betweenthose islands, until we saw the main land. The most remarkable of theseislands is about four miles from the main; they are all steep. At eightanchored in fourteen fathom, fine sand. Monday the 25th, a fresh gale at E. N. E. And cloudy weather. At nine thismorning got under sail, in order to go back to those islands to get someseal, there being great numbers on the rocks, and we in great want ofprovision, with the wind against us. We took the opportunity of the windback to the islands, but were disappointed; being not able to get ashorefor provisions, came to an anchor in fourteen fathom, sandy ground. Hardgales at N. N. E. With thunder, lightning and rain, all night. Tuesday the 26th, this morning moderate gales at N. W. And fair weather, gotunder sail; after clear of the islands, steer'd N. E. By N. Keeping alongshore: It is a fine level land, and regular soundings fifteen fathom, fiveleagues off the land. We have no seal, nor any other kind of food on board. We have a fair wind, and not far from our desired port; so that we are inpretty good spirits. This day died the oldest man belonging to us, ThomasMaclean, cook, aged 82 years. Wednesday the 27th, moderate gales at W. Steered N. And sail'd all daywithin a cable's length of the shore in three fathom water. We have nownothing but a little water to support nature. At noon had an observation, latitude in 32: 40 south: I reckon myself 18 leagues from the Rio Grand, and hope to see it in the morning. Thursday the 28th, kept the shore close aboard, and sounded every halfhour, not caring to go within three fathom, nor keep without five, sailingalong by the lead all night. At six in the morning saw the opening of theriver Grand; kept within the breakers of the bar, having at some times notabove seven feet water at half flood; steer'd N. E. By E. Until the river'smouth was fairly open; then steer'd N. And N. N. W. Until abreast of thetown; anchored on the east shore in two fathom water. There presently camea boat from the shore, with a serjeant of the army, and one soldier. Thelieutenant, myself, and Mr Cummins, with Captain P----n of the land forces, went on shore with them. The commandant, the officers, and people of theplace, receiv'd us in a most tender and friendly manner. They instantlysent on board to the people four quarters of beef, and two bags of Farinebread. We were conducted to the surgeon's house, the handsomest habitationin the place, where we were most hospitably entertain'd. At four in theafternoon the governor came to town; After a strict enquiry into ourmisfortunes, and the reasons of our coming into this port, being somewhatdoubtful that we might be inspectors of their coast, he began to examineme, the lieutenant having reported me to him as pilot. He ask'd me if therewas a chart of the coast on board; and, if not, how it was possible wecould hit the bar, and venture into so hazardous a place as this is? I toldhim, as for a chart, we had none of any kind, but I had a good observationthe day before, that our vessel drew but a small draught of water, that wekept a lead always going, and in the necessity we were in, we were oblig'd, at all events, to venture, and if we had not seen the opening of the riverbefore night, we must have been compell'd to run the vessel ashore. Heexamin'd me also concerning the places we stopt at, from Cape Virgin Maryto this port, and more particularly relating to the river Plate. He wasvery nice in his enquiry of our putting in at Cape St Mary's, and of thebearings and distance along shore from thence to this port. When hethoroughly satisfy'd himself, he embraced us and blest himself to think ofour deliverance, which he term'd a miracle. He offer'd every thing thecountry could afford to our relief; the sick were order'd to be taken careof in the hospital: He took the lieutenant and the land officers home withhim, and desired the commandant to see that the rest of the officers andpeople wanted for nothing. Before he went he inform'd us, that hismajesty's ships the Severn and Pearl were at Rio Janeiro, in greatdistress; that they had sent to England for men, and could not sail fromthence until the arrival of the Flota, which would be in May or June. Healso told us, that we should be dispatch'd in the first vessel whicharriv'd in this port, for he did not think we could with safety go anyfarther in our own, and that there could not be found twelve seamen in theBrazils that would venture over the bar in her to sail to Rio Janeiro;therefore he order'd our little Speedwell ashore: This wonder the peopleare continually flocking to see; and it is now about nine months since wewere cast away in the Wager; in which time, I believe, no mortals haveexperienc'd more difficulties and miseries than we have. This day may bejustly stiled the day of our deliverance, and ought to be remember'daccordingly. Sunday the 31st, little or nothing remarkable since the day we came in, only a wonderful change in our diet, live on the best the country canproduce, and have plenty of every thing. This afternoon the governor, commandant, and commissary, came on board, to see our little Speedwell;they were surpriz'd that thirty souls, the number of people now living, could be stowed in so small a vessel; but that she could contain the numberwhich first embark'd with us was to them amazing, and beyond all belief:They could not conceive how the man at the helm could steer without fallingoverboard, there not being above four inches rise from the deck. I toldthem he sat down, and clapp'd his feet against the rise, and show'd them inwhat manner we secured ourselves. The governor, after viewing the vesselover, told us, we were more welcome to him in the miserable condition wearriv'd than if we had brought all the wealth in the world with us. At thesame time he fully assur'd us, we should be supply'd with every thing thatthe country could afford; that he would dispatch us the first opportunityto Rio Janeiro, and whenever we stood in need of any thing, he order'd usto acquaint the commandant, and our wants should be instantly supply'd. Hethen took leave of us, and wished us well. All the deference and dutifulrespect we could shew him, to express a grateful sense of his favour, wasby manning the vessel, and giving him three cheers. The next day arriv'd atthis place the brigadier-governor of the island St Catharine; he came closeby our vessel, we mann'd her, and gave him three cheers. The soldiers ofthe garrison, having twenty months arrears due to them, expected thebrigadier was coming to pay them, but when they found themselvesdisappointed, they made a great disturbance among themselves. I apply'd tothe commandant for a house, the vessel, in rainy weather, not being fit tolive in; he order'd me one joining to his own, and gave me the key. I tookwith me Mr Cummins, Mr Jones, Mr Snow, Mr Oakley, and the cooper; webrought our trifling necessaries on shore, and remov'd to our newhabitation: Here we were dry and warm, and though we had no bedding, welodg'd very comfortably. Since the loss of the Wager, we have been used tolie hard; at present we think ourselves very happily fix'd, and heartilywish that all the persons who surviv'd the loss of the ship were in so gooda situation as ourselves. Tuesday, February the 2d, 1741-2, great murmurings among the soldiers; theydetain'd the brigadier from going back, as he intended, this morning, tillhe promis'd to dispatch the money, cloaths, and provisions, and to seetheir grievances adjusted. On those terms they have agreed he shall go; andthis evening he return'd for St Catharine's. We apprehended, till now, thatthe right officers were in place; but we find ourselves mistaken. Some timebefore we arrived here, there was an insurrection among the soldiers: Theirdesign was against the governor; but by his address, and fair promises ofseeing them righted, he diverted the storm from himself, and got himselfcontinued in his station, as were also the major and commissary. Thesoldiers dismiss'd the rest of the officers, and supply'd their places withtheir own people; though they were lately private men, they appear'd verygrand, and were not distinguish'd in dress from proper officers. Thedisturbance at Rio Grand is of no service to us, for we feel the effects ofit, our allowance is now so small that it will hardly support nature, thepeople have been without Farina, which is their bread, for some days past. We apply'd to the governor, who promis'd to supply us the next day;accordingly we went for a supply, which created fresh murmurings among thesoldiers; however we got a small quantity of bread to supply us for tendays. The store-keeper shew'd me all the provisions, which, consideringthere were a thousand to draw their subsistence from it, was a small stockindeed, and not above six weeks at the present allowance. He told me wewere serv'd equally with the soldiers, and when more stores came, whichthey shortly expected, our allowance should be encreas'd. I think, inreason, this is as much as we can expect. The lieutenant not coming nigh ussince our first landing, I went with the people up to him at thegovernor's, about two miles from this port, to endeavour to prevail withhim to get us dispatch'd, acquainting him of the call and necessity therewas for our assistance on board the two distress'd ships at Rio Janeiro. Hesaid he had spoke to the governor, and could not get us dispatch'd tillanother vessel came in. I told him, as the garrison were in want ofprovisions, what we were living on here would carry us off, and if anymisfortune should attend the vessel expected in with the provisions, weshould be put very hard to it for a subsistence. He promis'd to acquaintthe governor; on which I took my leave. February the 17th, this evening came into this garrison three seamen, giving an account of their belonging to a vessel with provisions and storesfor this place, from Rio Janeiro, that they had been from thence threemonths, and had been off the bar waiting an opportunity to come in; thatnot having any fresh water aboard, they were oblig'd to come to an anchorten leagues to the southward of this port, that a canoe was sent with thosethree men to fill the water, but the wind coming in from the sea, andblowing hard, oblig'd the vessel to put to sea, and leave them ashore, fromwhence they travelled here, and believ'd the vessel was gone to StCatharine's. The governor, not satisfy'd with this report, took them forspies, and kept them as such. However, in a day or two afterwards, hedispatch'd a pilot and two seamen for the island St Catharine, to bring thevessel round, in case she should be there. I took this opportunity of sending a letter by them to the HonourableCaptain Murray, commander of his majesty's ship the Pearl, at Rio Janeiro;desiring them to order it to be dispatch'd by the first ship from StCatharine's to the Rio Janeiro. "Honourable Sir, "I take it as a duty incumbent on me to acquaint you that his majesty'sship the Wager was wrecked on a desolate island on the coast of Patagonia, in the latitude of 47 00 S. And W. Longitude from the meridian of London 8130, on the 14th of May, 1741. After lengthening the longboat, and fittingher in the best manner we could, launched her on the 13th of October, andembarked and sailed, on the 14th, with the barge and cutter, to the numberof eighty-one souls in all. Captain Cheap, --at his own request, tarriedbehind, with Lieutenant Hamilton, and Mr Elliot, the surgeon. After a longand fatiguing passage, coming through the Streights of Magellan, we arrivedhere the 28th of January, 1741-2, bringing into this port alive to thenumber of thirty, viz. Robert Beans, lieutenantJohn Bulkeley, gunnerJohn Cummins, carpenterRobert Elliot, surgeon's mateJohn Jones, master's mateJohn Snow, dittoJohn Mooring, boatswain's mateJohn Young, cooperWilliam Oram, carpenter's crewJohn King, boatswainsNicholas Griselham, seamanSamuel Stook, dittoJames Mac Cawlo, dittoWilliam Lane, dittoJohn Montgomery, dittoJohn George, dittoRichard East, dittoJames Butler, dittoJohn Pitman, dittoJob Barns, seamanJohn Shoreham, dittoThomas Edmunds, dittoRichard Powell, dittoDiego Findall, (the Portugueze boy). Captain Robert Pemberton, of his majesty's land forcesLieutenants Ewers and Fielding, dittoVincent Oakley, surgeon of dittoAnd two marines. All which are living at present, and waiting an opportunity of a passage ina Portugueze vessel, our own not being in a condition to proceed anyfarther, having no sails, and being so bad in all other respects, that thegovernor will not suffer us to hazard our lives in her, but hath promisedto dispatch us in the very first vessel that arrives in this port, wherewe, with impatience, are obliged to tarry. We humbly pay our duty toCaptain Leg, praying the representation of this to him. From, Mosthonourable Sir, Yours, &c. " Saturday the 20th, last night the three seamen which came here, asmention'd before, with five more of this place, attempted to run away withone of the large boats; but they were pursu'd and taken: Their design wasfor the river Plate, the wind then favouring them. This was evident, thatthe governor was right in his conjecture, and did not suspect themwrongfully; they are now prisoners in the guard-house. The next morning Iwent to the lieutenant, desiring him to apply to the governor for a passand horses for myself, Mr Cummins, and John Young, to go by land to StCatharine's and St Francisco, where we need not doubt of a passage to hismajesty's distress'd ships at Rio Janeiro: That it was our duty to hastento their assistance: That he, the lieutenant, ought, the very day after ourarrival into this port, without any regard to expence and charges, to havedispatch'd a special messenger by land, and then we might have been assur'dof a vessel before now. The lieutenant answer'd, he had a thought ofenquiring at first coming about what I had mention'd, and of going himself, tho' it cost him fifty pounds; but he was inform'd it was impossible to goby land. I ask'd him, If so how came the brigadier from St Catharine'shere? As for fatigue or trouble, whoever undertook to go, he must expectthat; but there was no hardship to be encounter'd comparable to what we hadalready undergone. We lay here on expence to the king, without doing anyservice, and run the hazard of not only losing the opportunity of gettingon board our own ships, but perhaps of missing the Flota, and of winteringhere, therefore I begg'd he would entreat the governor to let us havehorses and guides; which he promis'd to mention to the governor at dinner, and send me his answer in the afternoon without fail. I waited withimpatience for this answer; but the lieutenant failing in his promise, wasthe occasion of my sending him this letter. "Sir, "I am sorry you should give me the liberty of telling you, you have notdischarg'd your promise, by letting us know the governor's answer to whatwe requested: Which was, at our expence and charge, to go to the assistanceof his majesty's ships at Rio Janeiro; since which time I am to inform youthat we are in want of provision, having none of any kind allow'd usyesterday, and but one small fish per man for two days before. The meaningof which, I believe, is owing to you, by the endeavouring, through thepersuasions of the persons you confide in, to blacken us, and in so vile amanner, that you seem unacquainted with the ill consequence, which mayattend the touching a man's character. We know, and are fully convinced, from what has been done already, that nothing will be allow'd or granted usbut by your means: Mr Cummins and myself ask no favour from you, but to useyour endeavours to get us dispatches to the ships at Rio Janeiro, whereevery man must give account of his actions, and justice take place. If I amnot mistaken, you told me that what we were supply'd with here was a bountyflowing from the generous spirit of the governor, and the gentlemen of theplace. If this be the case, we ought to be very thankful indeed. I amsurprized, sir, you don't see the grievances of the inhabitants here, andhear the soldiers murmurings for want of their arrears. If they shouldrevolt at this juncture, we shall stand a very bad chance. I must acquaintyou, sir, the vessel we came in is not so much out of repair, but that, ifyou can get canvas out of the store for sails, we can make 'em, and getready for sailing in ten days time. And if the vessel expected here withsupplies comes in a shorter time, our vessel will be ready fix'd for theuse of the governor; and if one vessel should not be large enough to carryus all off, we can go in company. I imagine you know of the stores beingrobbed, and the disturbance among the soldiers, which must occasionuneasiness enough, without repeating grievances, where relief is not to behad. I beg, sir, you'll get us dispatch'd with all expedition to hismajesty's service, that we may not lose the opportunity of joining the twoships and the Flota. Sir, yours. " The next morning the lieutenant came down on horseback, being the firsttime of his appearing among us since we have been here, which is abovethree weeks; we went with him to the commandant, who promised we should notwant fresh beef and fish, but as for bread there is none to be got. WilliamOram, one of the carpenter's crew, died this day in the hospital. March the 6th, for several days the people very uneasy at the vessel's notarriving, the wind having been fair for above three weeks past, and littleor no provisions in store, which makes them doubtful of any to bedispatch'd to their relief. This day we are resolv'd to go by land, if thegovernor will only allow us a guide; we acquainted the lieutenant with ourresolution; he went with me and Mr Jones to the governor, we obtain'd leaveto go, with the promise of a guide. Captain Pemberton, being at thegovernor's, desired to go with us; the governor told him the journey was sodifficult and tedious, it would be impossible for him to encounter with it. The captain answer'd, that he had a company on board his majesty's ship theSevern, where his duty call'd him, and was determin'd, with the governor'sleave, to share his fate with us by land, which was granted. The governortold us, notwithstanding the present scarcity of provisions in the place, that he had so great a regard for an Englishman, that whilst he had anything for himself, we should not want, for which we thank'd him heartily. This governor is certainly a gentleman of a noble generous spirit, ofexceeding humanity and goodness, and I believe him to have a sincere regardfor an Englishman. March the 9th, this morning Mr Jones went over with me to the north side, to make an agreement for six people to go to St Catharine's; while we werehere, the governor received letters from St Catharine's, which gave anaccount of four vessels on their passage for this port; on the news of thiswe put by our journey: It was very lucky we had not set out on this journeybefore we heard the news; for on the nineteenth, the vessels for RioJaneiro arrived, and brought an account that the Severn and Pearl weresail'd from thence for the island of Barbadoes. Those vessels not onlybrought the soldiers provisions, but also a pardon. On the 20th, the brigadier arriv'd, and had all the soldiers drawn up, where their pardon was read to them: He acquainted them with what money wascome, which was not above a third part of their arrears, but the remainderwas on the passage. The money he had for them should be paid directly, asfar as it would go, if they would take it; but they cry'd out with onevoice, The whole or none, and a great disturbance there was, some was forrevolting to the king of Spain, some began to change their notes, and werefor taking part of the money, and the rest insisted upon the whole. Toquell this disturbance, the commandant, whom they look'd upon more than thebrigadier, or the governor, used his utmost endeavours. They told thecommandant they were no longer soldiers than while they were in the king'spay, and let those who are for the king, draw off one way by themselves;you are our commander, we trust in you to answer for us, what you do wewill stand by with our lives: On which the commandant deliver'd his commandup, shouldering his firelock, and took the place of a common soldier, telling them, since the king was so good as to pardon them, he thought ithis duty to accept it. The brigadier was so well pleased with the behaviourof the commandant, that he ran to him, took him in his arms, and embracedhim: The rest of the soldiers follow'd the example of their latecommandant, delivering their respective commands up to their properofficers. This day put an end to the disturbance and confusion which hadbeen some time among them, and restor'd them to tranquillity, gooddiscipline, and order. March the 22d, this morning went to the lieutenant for leave to go in thefirst vessel, which was expected to sail in four days time: He told me heexpected to go in her himself, and that we could not go off all in onevessel, there might be room for the officers, but the people must waitanother opportunity. I told him that it was a duty incumbent on theofficers that were in pay particularly to take care of the people; You, sir, have been sure of half-pay ever since the ship was lost; we are not, but I will tarry myself behind with the people, and be answerable for them, if you'll give me a note under your hand to secure me the value of my pay, from the loss of the ship, otherwise I don't know any business I have butto endeavour to get to England as soon as I can, and will put it out ofyour power to prevent my going off in the first vessel. I left thelieutenant, and went with Mr Cummins, Mr Jones, Mr Snow, M. King, and DrOakley to the governor, to obtain leave for our going, the lieutenantfollow'd us, and said, but one half could go at a time. The governor toldus it was order'd that the land-officers, myself and the rest that apply'dto go by land, should be the first dispatch'd, and might go on board whenwe would, but as the vessel did not belong to the king, we must buyprovisions, and pay for our passage. I said, Sir, we have not money toanswer the expence: He then ask'd me whether I had not several timesapply'd to him for leave to go by land at my own charges? I answer'd, Wewere obliged to dispose of our watches to raise that money, which willbarely be sufficient to carry us six off that intended to go by land, therefore what must become of the rest who have not a single penny? And Ihope, sir, that you are not unacquainted that the king of Great-Britainallows to all his subjects, distress'd in this manner, five vintins per dayto each man for subsistence. On my saying this, the governor call'd thecommissary and major: He walk'd and talk'd with them aside; then came backagain, and told us the account was so small, that it was not worth chargingthe king of England with it; therefore we must buy our own provisions, andpay our passage, and as to what we had received from them, we were welcome;upon which we thank'd them and came away. We then consulted with thelieutenant, to know what could be done with the people, and that as thevessel we came in was not fit to proceed any farther, it was to no purposeto leave her there; therefore we desired his consent to sell her, believingthe money she would bring would be sufficient to carry us all off. To thisproposal the lieutenant consented. We then apply'd to the master of thevessel, to know what he would have for our passage; his demand was fortyshillings per man, of which we acquainted the lieutenant, who told us hecould not see what we could do, and, on second consideration, would notgive his consent to sell the boat, for when sold, he did not think shewould fetch the money. Those words of the lieutenant put us all to a stand, especially after he had but now given his consent to sell her, and in soshort time to declare the reverse was very odd; tho' indeed it did not muchsurprise us, because this gentleman was never known to be over stedfast tohis word. Seeing no possibility of carrying the people off without sellingthe boat, I told the lieutenant, if he left them behind, I could not thinkbut so many of his majesty's subjects were sold, and believ'd he had made apresent of the vessel to the governor. At this the lieutenant paus'd for awhile, and then said, he had not money to carry himself off without sellinghis coat. I reply'd, There was no occasion for that, when he had a goldwatch. The next morning went to the lieutenant again about our going off;he acquainted us, that the brigadier had order'd things in another manner;that myself, and nine more, being the persons desirous of going, should bedispatch'd in the first vessel, and every thing found us; that he, thelieutenant, was to tarry behind with the rest of the people, and to come inthe next vessel, an estimate of the charges being made out; and he alsotold us, he had a severe check for requesting to go first himself, andoffering to leave the people behind. Sunday, March 28th, I embark'd on board the St Catharine's brigantine, withthe carpenter, boatswain, the two mates, the surgeon of marines, thecooper, and six of the people, the provisions laid in for us were two casksof salt beef and ten alcadoes of farina. Wednesday the 31st, we sail'd for Rio Janeiro, with the wind at W. , steer'dS. E. And S. E. By E. , until over the bar; then E. By N. , and E. N. E. , with afine gale, and clear weather; there is not above two fathom and half wateron the bar at high-water; when you are in, it is a fine commodious harbourfor small vessels; it is a low land, of a sandy soil: Here is abundance offine cattle, with fresh-water fish, melons exceeding good, plenty of water, and the best milk I ever tasted. Thursday, April the 8th, little wind at S. W. , and fair weather. At ten thismorning anchor'd before the town of St Sebastians. The Portugueze pilots, who have been in England, call the land here the Isle of Wight; and indeedit is very like it, tho' not so large, being only eight miles in length. This is a very secure harbour for shipping; a stranger may go in or outwithout any difficulty. At this place I was ashore, and think it asdelightful and pleasant a place as ever I saw in America, abounding withfruit, as oranges, lemons, bonanoes; also with yams, potatoes, fish, andfowl. Saturday the 10th, sail'd from St Sebastians, little wind at S. W. , steer'dout S. E. Between the island and the main; at eight in the morning, on theMonday following, we anchor'd before the city of Rio Janeiro. Tuesday the 13th, this morning we were all order'd before the governor. ADutch surgeon was sent for, who spoke very good English. After enquiringinto our misfortunes, the governor order'd him to be our consul, tellingus, that we should have a convenient house, with firing, and eight vintinsa man per day subsistence-money: He also desir'd we might make nodisturbance among ourselves, which we promis'd to avoid. A nobleman wentwith the consul to look out for our habitation; they fix'd on a largemagnificent house, fit for a person of quality. This being the first day ofour coming ashore, they were pleas'd to order a dinner and supper out ofdoors, and sent us where we were to eat all together. This was the firsttime of the boatswain's eating with the rest of the officers since we leftCheap island. The consul was so kind as to send us a table, benches, andwater-pots, and several useful things, from his own house; we thoughtourselves very happily seated. Wednesday the 14th, this morning the consul went with the officers andpeople to the treasury for our money. Mr Oakely, surgeon of his majesty'sland-forces, was desired by the consul to sign for it. The boatswain, whonow look'd upon himself as our captain, was not a little displeas'd atthis. When the money was receiv'd, the consul would have given it to thesurgeon to pay us, but he excus'd himself, telling the consul the boatswainwas a troublesome man, and it might occasion a disturbance, on which theconsul was so good as to come and pay it himself. Being all together, hetold us the governor had order'd us eight vintins a man per day; but at thesame time had made a distinction between the officers and seamen, that themoney received was to be paid in the manner following, viz. To the seamensix vintins per man, and the officers ten. The reason of this distinctionwas, that the seamen could go to work, when the officers could not, butmust be oblig'd to live entirely on their allowance. This distinctioncaused great uneasiness, the boatswain insisting that the people had aright to an equal share with us. The officers, willing to make all thingseasy, desir'd the consul it might be so. The consul reply'd, The moneyshould be dispos'd of according to the governor's direction, or not at all. The boatswain then objected against the cooper, because he was no officer. The consul said, Master! I believe the cooper to be a very good quiet man, and I dare say will take it as the men do, but sooner than this be anobjection, I will pay the money out of my own pocket. The boatswain thenbegan at me, abusing me in a very scandalous and abominable manner, saying, among other things, that the cooper was got among the rest of the pirates, for so he term'd me and the rest of the officers. When the money was paid, we acquainted the consul, that we had, till now, been separated from theboatswain, that he was of so perverse and turbulent a temper, and soabusive in speech, that we could not bear with him. The boatswain thenchose to be with the people, and gave us the preference of the fore-room, where we desir'd to be by ourselves. There were two doors to our room, welock'd both of them, and went to take a walk in the country: At our return, in the evening, we found the doors broke open, and a small sword belongingto me was broke an inch off the point, and the scabbard all in pieces. Theboatswain had in his room an Irishman, whom he sent in on purpose toquarrel with us. This Irishman and Richard East, one of our own people, fell upon the cooper and me: East chose to engage with me, he struck meseveral times, he compelled me to stand in my own defence, and I soonmaster'd him. During this quarrel the carpenter call'd the guards, at thesight of whom the Irishman made his escape. I desir'd the guards to secureEast a prisoner, but the officer told me he could not, unless I would go toprison with him. I told him it was my desire, and accordingly I went. Theprison was in the governor's house. I had not been there but a few minutesbefore the governor sent for me; he enquir'd of the officer concerning thedisturbance, and order'd me to my habitation, but detain'd East a prisoner. When I came home I found the boatswain and two renegadoes with him, allabout the cooper. On seeing me, he repeated his former abusive words. Hemade us so uneasy in our lodging, that, to prevent murder, we were obligedto lie out of the house. Next morning Mr Oakley and Mr Cummins went to theconsul; he came with them to the house, where we were all sent for; he toldus it was very strange that people who had undergone so many hardships anddifficulties could not agree lovingly together. We answer'd, we never usedto mess together, and sooner than we would be with the boatswain, we wouldmake it our choice to take a house in the country at our own expence. Theboatswain, on hearing this, fell again into his usual strain of slander andabusive language, calling us rogues, villains, and pirates. It was thegovernor's first request that we might have no disturbance among us, yetthe boatswain hath not suffer'd us to have a quiet minute since we havebeen here. The consul went with us two miles out of the city, at a fishingvillage, where we took a house at our own expence, to pay at the rate often shillings per month, there being seven of us in all, viz. Myself, thecarpenter, surgeon, the two mates, the cooper, and a seaman. Here wethought ourselves safe and secure. The next day, in the afternoon, two ofthe boatswain's friends, which had lately deserted from his majesty'sservice, and an Irish clerk with them, came to pay us a visit. They were soimpertinent, as not only to enquire into the reasons of the disturbanceamong ourselves, but they also instructed us in our duty, telling us, theycame from our commander the boatswain, with orders to see my journal. Itold them the journal shou'd not be a secret to any person who cou'd read;but, at the same time, I wou'd never part with it to be copied out: Theythen drank a glass of punch with us, and left us. This is a place that aman is oblig'd sometimes to suffer himself to be used ill; if he resentsall affronts, he runs a great hazard of losing his life, for here ruffiansare to be hir'd at a small expence, and there is no place in the worldwhere people will commit murder at so cheap a rate. Between nine and ten atnight three people came to our door, one of which knock'd, telling us, thathe was the person that was with me and the cooper in the afternoon. Beingapprehensive that they came with no good intent, we refus'd opening thedoor, telling them, that it was an improper season of the night, and thatwe did not know they had any business with us, if they had, we told them tocome in the morning: But they still insisted upon the door being open'd, saying, it would be better to do so than to be taken away in three hours'time. When they had said this, they went away. We did not know the meaningof their words, but imagin'd they were gone to bring some associates tobeset the house; having nothing to defend ourselves with, we got over theback wall of the house, and took to the country for safety: In the morningapply'd to the consul, who remov'd us to a house in the midst of thevillage; he gave an account to the inhabitants of the design the boatswainhad formed against us, either to compel us to deliver up the journal, or totake our lives; and therefore desir'd that the journal and papers might bedeposited in the hands of a neighbour there, till the time of our goingoff. The people of the place offer'd to stand by us with their lives, inopposition to any persons who should attempt to do us an injury. Sunday the 18th, early this morning we were sent for to the consul. He saidto us, Gentlemen, as the lives of three of you are in danger, and I do notknow what villainy your boatswain may be capable of acting, in regard toyour peace and safety, I'll endeavour to get you three on board a shipbound for Bahia and Lisbon; accordingly he went to the captain of the ship, who consented that we should go with him, on these conditions, that thegovernor should give us a pass, and that we would work for our passage;this we agreed to. After this we requested the governor for a pass, whichhe was so good as to grant, and is as follows: Nas Fortalesas sedeixem passar. _A 30 Abril_, 1742. Podem passar par Portugal em qualquer Nao que selle ofreser semque cheponha Impedimento algum Bahia, 19 Mayo, 1742. "Dizem Joan Bocli, e Joan Cummins, e Joan Menino, Inglezes de Nasao, eCazados em Inglaterra, em quetem suas Mulleres e Fillios, que suedoOfficais de Calafate, e Condestavel, & Joneiro, de imadas FragatasInglezas, dado a Costa de Patagonia, die fesivel a portarem, a Oporto deRio Grande, donde selhedeo faculdade para passarem aesta Cidade. E comoNaferma do Regimendo de son soberano Nao vensem soldo, algum desde otempo, que Nao Pagau detta Fragata, selhes las presis a passarem a Inglaterra, para poderem tratar de sua vida em Compania de suas familias; para oghepretendem na Naude Lisensia passar a Citade da Bahia, para da hi Opoderemfarer para Lisboa, na primera ocasio, que che for posivell, e sim desda Naopodem intentar dito transporte. Quaime sedigne dar che Lisensia que nas Fortalesas selhe nas ponhaImpedimento a sua Passagein, Come e Costume aos Nacionaes decte Reyne. A. Rove. " The foregoing in English thus. _Rio Janeiro Grand. _ From all the Forts let them pass. _April_ 30, 1742. That they may pass to Portugal in any vessel that offers itself, withoutany hindrance whatever, to Bahia, May 19, 1742. "John Bocli, [Bulkeley] John Cummins, and John Young, of the Englishnation, and married in England, where they have wives and children, the onebeing an officer, the other a carpenter, and the third cooper of the ship, being an English frigate, arrived on the coast of Patagonia; and at theirarrival in the great river, i. E. Rio Grand, leave was granted them to cometo this city; and as in the service of his majesty, they do not advance anymoney, from the time that they paid off the said ship, they are obliged topass to England, that they may be enabled there to seek their livelihoodfor their respective families: Therefore they desire that they may pass inthe license ship to the city of Bahia, that they may from thence go toLisbon, by the first opportunity that shall offer; and that without thesaid ship they will not be able to perform their intended design. Leave is hereby granted them to pass by the said ship for Bahia; and wecommand all the forts to let them pass, and not hinder their passage, as isthe custom of the nation of this kingdom. A. ROVE. " The following is a copy of the solicitor's certificate. "ISTO he para que todos sabem que os Senhores Abaixo Nomeados y bem malafortunados, nesta Cidade de Rio Janeiro se comporlarao com toda Dereysaonao dando escandalo Apesoa Alguma e Sao Dignos deque Joda pessoa posa osfavoreser emoque for de Ajudo para Sigimento de sua Viagem omais brevepossivel para Huropa. JOHN BULKELEY. JOHN CUMMINS. JOHN YOUNG. Hoje 1 de Mayo de 1742. A sim que Assiney este Papel Como Procu rador Sosil da Nasao Britanica. PEDRO HENRIQUES DELAED. " In English thus. "These Presents. "Be it known to all persons, that the under-signed are in a deplorablecondition in this city of Rio Janeiro; who have behaved themselves withdecency and good decorum, not giving any scandal to any person whatsoever, and are worthy that all people may have compassion, and succour them inforwarding their voyage with all expedition to Europe. JOHN BULKELEY. JOHN CUMMINS. JOHN YOUNG. _The 1st of May_, 1742. I have sign'd this paper as a sollicitor of the British nation. PEDRO HENRIQ; DELAED. " Tuesday, May the 20th, this evening myself, the carpenter, and cooper, wenton board the St Tubes, one of the Brazil ships, carrying twenty-eight guns, Theophilus Orego Ferrara, commander, bound for Bahia and Lisbon. The peopleleft on shore were, John Jones, Master's mate. John Snow, ditto. Vincent Oakley, surgeon. John King, boatswain. Samuel Stook, seaman. John Shoreham, ditto. John Pitman, ditto. Job Barns, ditto. Richard East, ditto. Richard Powell, ditto. Wednesday the 21st, early this morning the captain came on board, on seeingus, he ask'd us, how we came on board without his leave? Notwithstanding hegave leave to the consul for our passage, we ought to have waited on himashore. There was on board the ship a Spanish don, a passenger, who toldthe captain, no Englishman should go in the same ship with him, thereforedesir'd we might be turn'd ashore; but the captain insisted upon doing whathe pleas'd on board his own ship, and would not comply with his request. The Spanish don, when we came to converse with him, was very much mov'dwith the relation of our misfortunes, and said to us, though our royalmasters, the king's of England and Spain, are at war, it was not our fault;that we were now on board a neutral ship; belonging to a king who was afriend to both nations; that he would not look upon us as enemies, but dous all the service he could. He extoll'd the conduct and bravery of AdmiralVernon at Porto Bello; but, above all, applauded him for his humanity andgenerous treatment of his enemies. He made great encomiums on themagnificence of the British fleet, and the boldness and intrepidity of thesailors, styling the English the soldiers of the sea. He supplied us in ourpassage not only with provisions from his table, but also with wine andbrandy; and during the whole voyage appear'd so different from an enemy, that he took all opportunities of giving us proofs of his generosity andgoodness. Friday, the 7th of May, 1742, this morning anchored before the city ofBahia, went on shore to the vice-roy, shew'd him the pass we had from thegovernor of Rio Janeiro: He told us the pass was to dispatch us to Lisbon, and that the first ship which sail'd from hence would be the ship we camein; we petition'd him for provisions, acquainting him of our reception atRio Grand and Rio Janeiro, that we had hitherto been supply'd at the rateof eight vintins each man per day. He refused supplying us with any thing, upon which I told him, we had better been prisoners to the king of Spain, who would allow us bread and water, than in a friend's country to bestarv'd. The captain of the ship we came in, hearing the vice-roy would notsupply us, was so kind as to go with us to him, acquainting him how we wereprovided for at Rio Janeiro, and that he would supply us himself, if hewould sign an account to satisfy the consul general at Lisbon, so that hemight be reimburs'd. The vice-roy answer'd, he had no orders concerning theEnglish; that he had letters from the king of Portugal his master to supplythe French, but had no orders about any other nation, and if he gave us anything it must be out of his own pocket, therefore he would not supply us. The captain then told him, that we were officers and subjects to the kingof England, and in distress; that we did not want great matters, and onlybarely enough to support life, and begg'd that he would allow but fourvintins per day, being but half the sum hitherto allow'd us. The captain'sentreaties avail'd nothing, the vice-roy continuing as fix'd in hisresolution of giving us no relief. I do not believe there ever was a worserepresentative of royalty upon the face of the earth than this vice-roy;his royal master, the king of Portugal, is very well known to have agrateful affection for the British nation (nor can we believe he is soFrenchify'd as this vice-roy makes him) his deputy differs greatly fromhim, he has given a proof of his aversion to the English. We think personsin the distress we were represented in to him, could in no part of theworld, nay, in an enemy's country, be treated with more barbarity than wewere here: We work'd here for our victuals, and then could get but one mealper day, which was farina and caravances. At this place we must havestarv'd, if I had not by me some money and a silver watch of my own, whichI was obliged to turn into money to support us. I had in money fourteenguineas, which I exchanged with the captain who brought us here forPortugueze money; he at the same time told me, it would be hard upon me tobe so much out of pocket, and said, if I would draw a bill on the consulgeneral at Lisbon for the sum, as if supplied from him, upon the payment ofthat bill, he would return me my fourteen guineas; accordingly a bill wasdrawn up by an English merchant at Bahia and sign'd by us, being asfollows: "Nos abaixo asignados Joam Bulkeley, Joam Cummins, & Joam Young, Vassalosde sua Magg de Brittanica El Rey Jorge Segundo, declaramos que temosrecebido da mam do Snor' Cappam de Mar e Guerra Theodorio Rodrigues deFaria a coanthia de Corenta eloatra Mil e Oito Centos reis em dinheirodecontado comque por varias vezes nos Secorreo para o Nosso Sustento des odia 17 de Mayo proximo passado athe odia Prezente, por cuja caridaderogamos a Deos conceda mera saud Born succesto e por este pedimos humildemete ao Snor' Consul Geral da Mesma Nacao que Aprezentado que este Seja nao'duvide em Mandar Sattis fazer as sobredito Snor' Cappam de Mar e Guerra arefferida coanthia visto ser expendida em Obra pia e que o Estado da nossaMizeria epobreza tre nao' pode pagar e por passar na Verdade o Refferido enao' sabermos Escrever pedimos a Gabriel Prynn homem de Negocio nestaCidade e Interprete de Ambas as Lingoas ou Idosmas que este por Nos fizesee Como Testemunha Asignase. Sao 44 800 re. Bahia, 14 Setembro, 1742. JOHN BULKELEY. JOHN CUMMINS. JOHN YOUNG. Como Testsmunha que fix a rogo dos Sobreditos, GABRIEL PRYNN. " The foregoing in English thus. "We, the undersign'd John Bulkeley, John Cummins, and John Young, subjectsof his majesty King George the Second, King of Great Britain, do declare tohave received from the honourable captain of sea and land, TheodoreRodriques of Faria, the sum of fourty-four thousand and eight hundred rees, in ready and lawful money, by different times, for our support and succourfrom the 17th of May instant, to this present date: And, for the saidcharily, we implore the Almighty to grant him health and prosperity. And onthis account, we humbly desire the consul of the same nation, that, bythese presents, he may not omit giving full satisfaction to the above-mention'd captain of sea and land, for the said sum, it being employed on avery charitable account, being in a deplorable condition, and not able torepay the same; and we not knowing in what manner to write, to acknowledgethe above favours, have desired Mr Gabriel Prynn, a merchant in this city, and interpreter of both languages, that he may act for us; and we leave itto him to do in this affair as it shall seem meet unto him; and as awitness to this matter he hath sign'd his name. Say 44 100. Bahia, the 14th September, 1742. JOHN BULKELEY. JOHN CUMMINS. JOHN YOUNG. To the veracity of the above assertion I have sign'd my name, GABRIEL PRYNN. " Since our being here, we have been inform'd of one of his majesty's shipswith three store-ships being arriv'd at Rio Janeiro, supply'd with storesand men for the relief and assistance of the Severn and Pearl, (which weresail'd before in January last for Barbadoes) and that our people were goneon board of them, and bound for the West Indies. Here is a very good bay for ships to ride in, with the wind from E. S. E. , tothe northward and westward back to the S. W. , and wind to the southward, which blows in and makes a very great sea. At the east side coming in, standeth Point de Gloria, where is a very large fortification with a towerin the midst: From this point the land rises gradually; about a league fromhence is the city of Bahia; it is surrounded with fortifications, andequally capable of defending it against any attempts from the sea or land. Provisions here of all kinds are excessive dear, especially fish; this weimpute to the great number of whales that come into this bay, even wherethe ships lye at anchor; the whale-boats go off and kill sometimes seven oreight whales in a day, the flesh of which is cut up in small pieces, thenbrought to the market-place, and sold at the rate of a vintin per pound; itlooks very much like coarse beef, but inferior to it in taste. The whaleshere are not at all equal in size to the whales in Greenland, being notlarger than the grampus. After living here above four months without anyrelief from the governor or the inhabitants, who behaved to us as if theywere under a combination to starve us, we embark'd on board the St Tubeswith our good friend the captain who brought us from Rio Janeiro: We sail'dfrom Bahia the 11th of September for Lisbon, in company with one of theking of Portugal's ships of war, and two East India ships, but the St Tubesnot being able to sail so well as the other ships, lost sight of them thefirst night. About 70 leagues from the westward of Madeira we bent a newforesail; within two or three days afterwards, we had a very hard gale ofwind, scudding under the foresail, and no danger happening to the shipduring this gale. When the wind had ceas'd, and we had fair weather, thecaptain, after the evening mass, made an oration to the people, tellingthem that their deliverance from danger in the last gale of wind, and theship though leaky, making no more water than before, was owing to theirprayers to Nuestra Senhora Boa Mortua and her intercession: That ingratitude they ought to make an acknowledgement to that saint for standingtheir friend in time of need: That he himself would shew an example bygiving the new fore-sail, which was bent to the yard, to the saint theirdeliverer: Accordingly one of the seamen went forward and mark'd out thesewords on the sail, _Deal esta Trinchado pour nostra Senhora Boa Mortua_, which is as much as to say, _I give this foresail to our saint, thedeliverer from death_. The sail and money collected on this occasionamounted to upwards of twenty moydores. On Monday, the 23d of November, in the latitude 39: 17 north, and longitude6:00 W. , that day at noon the rock of Lisbon bearing S. By W. , distantsixteen leagues; we steer'd E. S. E. , to make the rock before night. At fouro'clock it blew a very hard gale, and right on the shore: The ship lay-tounder a foresail, with her head to the southward; at six it blew a storm;the foresail splitting, oblig'd us to keep her before the wind, which wasrunning her right ashore. The ship was now given over for lost, the peopleall fell to prayers, and cry'd out to their saints for deliverance, offering all they had in the world for their lives, and yet at the sametime neglecting all means to save themselves; they left off pumping theship, though she was exceeding leaky. This sort of proceeding in time ofextremity is a thing unknown to our English seamen; in those emergenciesall hands are employ'd for the preservation of the ship and people, and ifany of them fall upon their knees, 'tis after the danger is over. Thecarpenter and myself could by no means relish this behaviour; we begg'd thepeople for God's sake to go to the pumps, telling them we had a chance tosave our lives, while we kept the ship above water, that we ought not tosuffer the ship to sink, while we could keep her free. The captain andofficers hearing us pressing them so earnestly, left off prayers, andentreated the men to keep the pumps going, accordingly we went to pumping, and preserv'd ourselves and the ship: In half an hour afterwards the windshifted to the W. N. W. , then the ship lay south, which would clear thecourse along shore; had the wind not shifted, we must in an hour's timehave run the ship ashore. This deliverance, as well as the former, wasowing to the intercession of Nuestra Senhora Boa Mortua: On this occasionthey collected fifty moydores more, and made this pious resolution, thatwhen the ship arrived safe at Lisbon, the foresail, which was split in thelast gale of wind, should be carried in procession to the church of thisgrand saint, and the captain should there make an offering equal in valueto the foresail, which was reckon'd worth eighteen moydores. On Saturday, the 28th of November, we arrived at Lisbon, and on the nextmorning every person who came in the ship, (excepting the carpenter, myself, and the cooper) officers, passengers, the Spanish don himself, andall the people, men and boys, walk'd bare-footed, with the foresail, inprocession, to the church of Nuestra Senhora Boa Mortua; the weather atthat time being very cold, and the church a good mile distant from thelanding-place. We Englishmen, when we came ashore, went immediately on theChange. I was pretty well known to some gentlemen of the English factory. When I inform'd them that we were three of the unfortunate people that werecast away in the Wager, and that we came here in one of the Brazil ships, and wanted to embrace the first opportunity of going for England, they toldme, that the lieutenant had been before us, that he was gone home in thepacket-boat, and left us a very indifferent character. I answer'd, Ibeliev'd the lieutenant you'd give but a very bad account of himself, having kept no journal, nor made any remarks since the loss of the ship, nor perhaps before; that we doubted not but to acquit ourselves of anyfalse accusations, having with us a journal, which gave an impartialrelation of all our proceedings. The journal was read by several gentlemenof the factory, who treated us, during our stay at Lisbon, with exceedingkindness and benevolence. On the 20th of December, we embark'd on board his majesty's ship theStirling Castle for England: Here we had again the happiness ofexperiencing the difference between a British and a foreign ship, particularly in regard to cleanliness, accommodation, diet, and discipline. We met with nothing material in our passage, and arrived at Spithead on the1st of January, 1742-3. Here we thought of nothing but going ashoreimmediately to our families, but were told by the captain, we must not stirout of the ship till he knew the pleasure of the l----ds of the A----y, having already wrote to them concerning us. This was a very greataffliction to us, and the more so, because we thought our troubles at anend. The carpenter and myself were in view of our habitations; our familieshad long given us over for lost, and on the news of our safety, ourrelatives look'd upon us as sons, husbands, and fathers, restor'd to themin a miraculous manner. Our being detain'd on board gave them greatanxiety; we endeavour'd to console 'em as well as we could, being assured, that we had done nothing to offend their l----s; that if things were notcarried on with that order and regularity which is strictly observ'd in thenavy, necessity drove us out of the common road. Our case was singular;since the loss of the ship, our chiefest concern was for the preservationof our lives and liberties, to accomplish which, we acted according to thedictates of nature, and the best of our understanding. In a fortnight'stime, their l----ps order'd us at liberty, and we instantly went ashore toour respective habitations, having been absent from thence about two yearsand six months. After we had staid a few days with our families, we came to London, to payour duties to the l----ds of the A----y. We sent in our journal for, theirl----ps' inspection: They had before received a narrative from the l----t, which narrative he confesses to be a relation of such things as occur'dto his memory; therefore of consequence could not be so satisfactory as ajournal regularly kept. This journal lay for some time in the a----yo----e, when we were order'd to make an abstract, by way of narrative, thatit might not be too tedious for their l----ps' perusal. After the narrativewas examined into, their l----ps, upon our petition, were pleased to fix aday for examining all the officers lately belonging to the Wager. Thegentlemen appointed to make enquiry into the whole affair were threecommanders of ships, persons of distinguish'd merit and honour. However, itwas afterwards thought proper not to admit us to any examination, till thearrival of the commodore, or else Captain Cheap. And it was also resolv'd, that not a person of us should receive any wages, or be employed in hismajesty's service, till every thing relating to the Wager was more plainand conspicuous. There was no favour shewn in this case to one more thananother, so that every body seem'd easy with their l----ps' resolution. Allthat we have to wish for now is the safe arrival of the commodore andCaptain Cheap: We are in expectation of soon seeing the former, but of thecaptain we have as yet no account. However, we hope, when the commodoreshall arrive, that the character he will give of us will be of service tous: He was very well acquainted with the behaviour of every officer in hissquadron, and will certainly give an account of them accordingly. [119] In reprinting this very curious and scarce Narrative, we have thought it proper to adhere to the orthography and contractions of the original throughout. The former are little different from the present standard, and the latter cannot give any trouble to the reader. Altogether, this is a composition not without merit sufficient to warrant its being preserved. --E. END OF VOLUME SEVENTEENTH.